Page 1

1
2
3 Pauline Hanson, PHON 12-10-2024
4 Email [email protected]
5
6 NOT RESTRICTED FOR PUBLICATION
7 FEEDBACK
8 Pauline,
9
10 in “Brisbane Declaration - free speech” it refers to “Professor David Flint” regarding
11 FREEDOM OF SPEECH derived from “common law”.
12
13 When the Framers of the Constitution had their conventions in 1891, 1897 and 1898 they very
14 much pursued to retain Australian’s sovereignty (as being personal rights) in various manner. In
15 the lead up to the failed Voice referendum (itself an absurdity considering it would have clashed
16 with Sections 25 and 51(xvi) of the constitution) that Aboriginals never did hand over their
17 “sovereign rights, reality is not a single Australian did so with federation! This, as only the
18 sovereign people of Australia can amend the constitution!
19
20 https://www.onenation.org.au/foreign-interests-
21 eligibility?utm_campaign=newsletter_11_10_24_iii&utm_medium=email&utm_source=onenation
22 QUOTE
23 It’s a historic fact these requirements have not always been met. The citizenship status of
24 Australia’s third Prime Minister (and the first ever Labor MP to hold the office), Chris
25 Watson, has always been dubious. It’s never been satisfactorily determined where the man
26 was born, but it’s possible it was on a ship off the coast of Chile or in Chile itself way back
27 in 1867. He had a German-Chilean father. His mother, who wasn’t Australian but Irish,
28 raised him in New Zealand. He wouldn’t meet the requirements of Section 44 today but in
29 1904, when he became Prime Minister, detailed birth and citizenship records weren’t
30 universal or simple to check.
31 END QUOTE
32
33 If “Chris Watson” was stateless at the time and naturalised to become an Australian then it
34 would not have jeopardized his right to be a Member of the Commonwealth Parliament and
35 neither being a (prime) Minister! Also, if he had a different nationality but naturalized and by
36 this relinquished his original nationality then again Section 44 didn’t apply. It should be
37 understood that “Australian citizenship” has absolutely nothing to do with “NATIONALITY”
38 and I successfully challenge the High Court of Australia Sue v Hill ruling in AEC v Schorel-
39 Hlavka on 19 July 2006 that “Australian citizenship” merely indicates a person place of living
40 (residence) nothing to do with the issue of “nationality!
41
42 The statement “representatives in this democracy would be completely loyal and solely
43 dedicated to the service of Australia. They could only be citizens of Australia—no dual
44 citizenships.” Is clearly incorrect.

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1 However, I understand you rely upon Sue v Hill High Court of Australia judgment, even so I
2 successfully challenged this, as set out below also
3
4 Hansard 2-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates (Official Record of the Debates of the National Australasian
5 Convention)
6 QUOTE
7 Mr. SYMON.-Very likely not. What I want to know is, if there is anybody who will
8 come under the operation of the law, so as to be a citizen of the Commonwealth, who
9 would not also be entitled to be a citizen of the state? There ought to be no opportunity for
10 such discrimination as would allow a section of a state to remain outside the pale of the
11 Commonwealth, except with regard to legislation as to aliens. Dual citizenship exists, but it
12 is not dual citizenship of persons, it is dual citizenship in each person. There may be two
13 men-Jones and Smith-in one state, both of whom are citizens of the state, but one only
14 is a citizen of the Commonwealth. That would not be the dual citizenship meant.
15 What is meant is a dual citizenship in Mr. Trenwith and myself. That is to say, I am a
16 citizen of the state and I am also a citizen of the Commonwealth; that is the dual
17 citizenship. That does not affect the operation of this clause at all. But if we introduce this
18 clause, it is open to the whole of the powerful criticism of Mr. O'Connor and those who say
19 that it is putting on the face of the Constitution an unnecessary provision, and one which
20 we do not expect will be exercised adversely or improperly, and, therefore, it is much
21 better to be left out. Let us, in dealing with this question, be as careful as we possibly, can
22 that we do not qualify the citizenship of this Commonwealth in any way or exclude
23 anybody [start page 1764] from it, and let us do that with precision and clearness. As a
24 citizen of a state I claim the right to be a citizen of the Commonwealth. I do not want
25 to place in the hands of the Commonwealth Parliament, however much I may be
26 prepared to trust it, the right of depriving me of citizenship. I put this only as an
27 argument, because no one would anticipate such a thing, but the Commonwealth
28 Parliament might say that nobody possessed of less than £1,000 a year should be a citizen
29 of the Federation. You are putting that power in the hands of Parliament.
30 Mr. HIGGINS.-Why not?
31 Mr. SYMON.-I would not put such a power in the hands of any Parliament. We must
32 rest this Constitution on a foundation that we understand, and we mean that every
33 citizen of a state shall be a citizen of the Commonwealth, and that the Commonwealth
34 shall have no right to withdraw, qualify, or restrict those rights of citizenship, except
35 with regard to one particular set of people who are subject to disabilities, as aliens, and so
36 on.
37 END QUOTE
38
39 Hansard 2-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
40 QUOTE
41 Mr. SYMON.-The honorable and learned member is now dealing with another matter.
42 Would not the provision which is now before us confer upon the Federal Parliament the
43 power to take away a portion of this dual citizenship, with which the honorable and
44 learned member (Dr. Quick) has so eloquently dealt? If that is the case, what this
45 Convention is asked to do is to hand over to the Federal Parliament the power, whether
46 exercised or not, of taking away from us that citizenship in the Commonwealth which we
47 acquire by joining the Union. I am not going to put that in the power of any one, and if it is
48 put in the power of the Federal Parliament, then I should feel that it was a very serious blot
49 on the Constitution, and a very strong reason why it should not be accepted. It is not a
50 lawyers' question; it is a question of whether any one of British blood who is entitled to
51 become a citizen of the Commonwealth is to run the risk-it may be a small risk-of
52 having that taken away or diminished by the Federal Parliament! When we declare-
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1 "Trust the Parliament," I am willing to do it in everything which concerns the working out
2 of this Constitution, but I am not prepared to trust the Federal Parliament or anybody to
3 take away that which is a leading inducement for joining the Union.
4 END QUOTE
5 .
6 Hansard 8-2-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
7 QUOTE
8 Mr. SYMON (South Australia).-I think the honorable member (Mr. Wise) has expanded
9 the spirit of federation far beyond anything any of us has hitherto contemplated. He has
10 enlarged, with great emphasis, on the necessity of establishing and securing one
11 citizenship. Now, the whole purpose of this Constitution is to secure a dual
12 citizenship. That is the very essence of a federal system. We have debated that matter
13 again and again. We are not here for unification, but for federation, and the dual
14 citizenship must be recognised as lying at the very basis of this Constitution.
15 END QUOTE
16
17 Hansard 2-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
18 QUOTE Mr. BARTON.
19 If we are going to give the Federal Parliament power to legislate as it pleases with
20 regard to Commonwealth citizenship, not having defined it, we may be enabling the
21 Parliament to pass legislation that would really defeat all the principles inserted
22 elsewhere in the Constitution, and, in fact, to play ducks and drakes with it. That is
23 not what is meant by the term "Trust the Federal Parliament."
24 END QUOTE
25
26 If the Commonwealth were to be permitted to legislate as to “citizenship” then the
27 Commonwealth could technically prevent any State elector to vote for its local government,
28 (meaning State Government as the Federal Government is the Central Government), and this
29 would then result in to abolish the States!
30
31 HANSARD 17-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
32 QUOTE
33 Mr. BARTON.- We can have every faith in the constitution of that tribunal. It is appointed
34 as the arbiter of the Constitution. . It is appointed not to be above the Constitution, for
35 no citizen is above it, but under it; but it is appointed for the purpose of saying that
36 those who are the instruments of the Constitution-the Government and the
37 Parliament of the day-shall not become the masters of those whom, as to the
38 Constitution, they are bound to serve. What I mean is this: That if you, after making
39 a Constitution of this kind, enable any Government or any Parliament to twist or
40 infringe its provisions, then by slow degrees you may have that Constitution-if not
41 altered in terms-so whittled away in operation that the guarantees of freedom which
42 it gives your people will not be maintained; and so, in the highest sense, the court you
43 are creating here, which is to be the final interpreter of that Constitution, will be such a
44 tribunal as will preserve the popular liberty in all these regards, and will prevent,
45 under any pretext of constitutional action, the Commonwealth from dominating the
46 states, or the states from usurping the sphere of the Commonwealth.
47 END QUOTE
48
49 I on 19 July 2006 successfully challenged Sue v Hill and neither the Commonwealth DPP or any
50 of the 9 Attorney-Generals objected to my written submissions and NOTICE OF
51 CONSTITUTIONAL MATTER served upon all of them!
52
53 Hansard 21-9-1897 Constitution Convention Debates
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 Page 4

1 QUOTE
2 [start page 1012]
3 Mr. GLYNN (South Australia)[8.33]: Before the Committee proceeds to consider the
4 amendment which has been suggested by the Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, I
5 would suggest that we make an alteration in the first portion of the clause by adding words
6 to the effect that these disqualifications shall operate until the federal parliament
7 otherwise provides.
8 The Hon. E. BARTON: Does the hon. member contemplate the federal parliament
9 making provision exempting a man who has taken the oath of allegiance to a foreign
10 power?
11 Mr. GLYNN: This provision is really temporary. It is to cover the gap between the
12 adoption of the constitution and the passing of special legislation by the federal parliament.
13 I would ask hon. members also to consider the effect of sub-clauses II and III. For instance,
14 the meaning of the term "bankrupt" itself may change. It may be very different twenty
15 years hence from what it now is. Then there is the word "felony." As Sir Samuel Griffith
16 has pointed out, the meaning of the word "felony" is changing considerably. In some
17 colonies felony is comparatively a light offence; in other colonies it is a heavy offence. In
18 New Zealand felony is practically unknown to the federal law. Changes similar to that
19 which have taken place in New Zealand in regard to the meaning of the word may take
20 place in other colonies, and if you leave the clause as it stands you will put it in the power
21 of the states parliaments to either extend or diminish the qualification by making a change
22 in the meaning of "felony." I say that this is a matter for the federal parliament, and that it
23 ought not to be fixed perpetually in the constitution. Again, as regards the construction of
24 the clause itself, I would draw the attention of the Drafting Committee to another matter.
25 The hon. member, Mr. Barton, has referred to the taking of an oath or declaration of
26 allegiance. The first part of the clause, it will be seen, does not read with the latter part of
27 it. For instance, it says, "Any person who has taken an oath or made a declaration or
28 acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power." The
29 clause then goes on to say that the person shall be incapable of being chosen or sitting as a
30 member of the senate or of the house of representatives until the disability is removed.
31 But, once a man takes an oath of this kind, you cannot remove the disability because
32 a thing is done. The amendment required is purely a drafting amendment. The way in
33 which the matter should be put would be, until the removal of the disqualification caused
34 by the taking of the oath. That is the evident intent of the clause; but the wording of the
35 clause is altogether different. I think this is a matter that ought to be left to the federal
36 parliament, and I think that the words I suggest should be adopted.
37 The HON. E. BARTON (New South Wales)[8.36]: I am unable to see that it would be a
38 good thing to limit this clause in the way suggested by my hon. friend, Mr. Glynn, who has
39 said that this is a matter that should be left to the federal parliament. This happens to be
40 just one of those matters which are included in the constitution of every one of the
41 colonies. All the colonial constitutions provide for such matters as these, and it is perhaps
42 right that they should provide for them, for even in the first parliament it would be rather a
43 strange thing to find persons who had taken oaths of allegiance to foreign powers, who
44 were undischarged bankrupts or insolvents, or who had been recently attainted of crime, or
45 convicted of felony or infamous crime. Unless you have provisions of this kind, it is quite
46 possible that somebody might take a violent affection for a gaol-bird, and put him into
47 parliament. We do not want that sort of thing. It is one thing not to put limita- [start page
48 1013] tions on the ordinary freedom of the citizens of the commonwealth. It is another
49 thing to provide against the defilement of parliament; and this would be the case as regards
50 the 3rd sub-clause, whilst in the case of the 2nd sub-clause it would be the admission into
51 parliament of persons who had not purged themselves of certain disabilities, while in the
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1 case of the first subclause it would be the entry of persons into parliament whose very
2 conditions would suggest that their interests were quite different from those of the citizens
3 of the country. Persons who have taken the oath of allegiance to a foreign power are
4 not to be classed in the same category as citizens of the country for the purpose of
5 joining in legislation.
6 An HON. MEMBER: And not to be trusted?
7 The Hon. E. BARTON: Not to be trusted, prima facie!
8 Mr. GLYNN: That is not one of my points!
9 The Hon. E. BARTON: If the definition of a point is a thing of no magnitude, it is not a
10 point because it is larger. These limitations having been put in all constitutions of the
11 Australian colonies, and having worked well, and prevented the entry of undesirable
12 persons into parliament, they may well be continued in the constitution we are now
13 framing. They are not limitations of the freedom of the electors. It is scarcely to be
14 supposed that, except by inadvertence or accident, the electors would vote for such a
15 person; but it is quite possible that the electors of the commonwealth, not knowing that
16 certain persons had taken the oath of allegiance to a foreign power or had become attainted
17 of some crime, or become bankrupt or insolvent-it is quite on the cards that such persons
18 would stand for election for the commonwealth parliament, and the electors might choose
19 them, not knowing who they were. That is not at all an improbable supposition. Such a
20 thing has happened, and it is a kind of thing which the electors are to be protected against,
21 because it is a state of things the electors themselves could not provide against. They might
22 be taken in warily; they might be caught in a trap. This is not merely a case of preserving
23 the freedom of the electors, but of preventing them from being imposed upon by persons
24 who otherwise might creep into parliament, perhaps, in some cases, persons who were
25 insidious enemies of the commonwealth, and in other cases persons who had been attainted
26 of crime, or who were under other conditions of which they should rid themselves before
27 they offered themselves for election to any legislative assembly. I submit that on the whole
28 it is very desirable to avoid making the alteration suggested by the hon. member, Mr.
29 Glynn; and while I am speaking, I think I might say that, although it is far less
30 objectionable, it would be desirable also not to accept the amendment that has been
31 suggested by the Legislative Assembly of this colony.
32 END QUOTE
33
34 HANSARD 17-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
35 What a charter of liberty is embraced within this Bill-of political liberty and religious
36 liberty-the liberty and the means to achieve all to which men in these days can reasonably
37 aspire. A charter of liberty is enshrined in this Constitution, which is also a
38 charter of peace-of peace, order, and good government for the
39 whole of the peoples whom it will embrace and unite.
40 END QUOTE
41 And
42 HANSARD 17-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
43 QUOTE
44 Mr. SYMON (South Australia).- We who are assembled in this Convention are about to
45 commit to the people of Australia a new charter of union and liberty; we are about to
46 commit this new Magna Charta for their acceptance and confirmation, and I can
47 conceive of nothing of greater magnitude in the whole history of the peoples of the
48 world than this question upon which we are about to invite the peoples of Australia to
49 vote. The Great Charter was wrung by the barons of England from a reluctant king. This
50 new charter is to be given by the people of Australia to themselves.
51 END QUOTE
52 And
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 Page 6

1 Hansard 5-3-1891 Constitution convention Debates

2 QUOTE Mr. DEAKIN:
3 The people of this continent were not landed upon its shore to-day ignorant of the
4 responsibilities of self-government. They have amply proved in the past that they are
5 entitled to be trusted with all the powers appertaining to a free people. They have believed
6 that they enjoyed freedom [start page 86] under their present constitution second to
7 none in the world.
8 END QUOTE
9
10 Hansard 11-3-1891 Constitution Convention Debates
11 QUOTE Mr. GILLIES:
12 Surely we are not to be told that, because that is in contemplation, there is at the same time
13 some secret purpose or object of depriving the people of their right on any particular
14 occasion when possibly there may be some great difference of opinion on a great public
15 question. There have been no peoples in these colonies who have not enjoyed the most
16 perfect freedom to express their opinions in public, and through their representatives in
17 parliament, on any public question of importance. There has never been any occasion when
18 such an opportunity has not been given to every man in this country, and so free and liberal
19 are our laws and public institutions that it has never been suggested by any mortal upon
20 this continent that that right should be in any way restricted. On the contrary, we all feel
21 proud of the freedom which every one in this country enjoys. It is a freedom not
22 surpassed in any state in the world, not even in the boasted republic of America.
23 END QUOTE
24
25 Again:
26 “It is a freedom not surpassed in any state in the world, not even in the boasted
27 republic of America.”
28
29 By then the USA constitution had already 15 Amendments! As such, it can be understood that
30 the freedoms of the Americans, including FREEDOM OF SPEECH was as a legal principle
31 embedded in our constitution.
32
33 https://www.onenation.org.au/brisbane-
34 declaration?utm_campaign=newsletter_11_10_24_iii&utm_medium=email&utm_source=onenat
35 ion
36 QUOTE
37 CONCERNING especially by the draconian terms of the proposed Communications
38 Legislation Amendment (combatting Misinformation and Disinformation) Bill, 2023,
39 END QUOTE
40
41 In my view any legislation to deny a person, even of a minor age to use the Internet would be
42 unconstitutional if it doesn’t relate to specific criminal barred websites. Various states have
43 children from Age 16 or 17 to vote in state elections (as I understand it to be) and it would be
44 absurd if those children at age 16 or 17 were entitled to vote in State elections (albeit under
45 Commonwealth legislation the age is whatever the Commonwealth deems to be an “adult”) but
46 is barred to research the internet as to political matters, etc. It would amount to a misuse and
47 abuse of powers. The Commonwealth could by this influence a state election, etc.
48
49 We all remember the issue of “safe and effective” in the “covid scam” where politicians were all
50 singing from the same songbook. Now any underaged person would now be robbed to check the
51 internet to the true FACTS (such as I published ongoing on my blog
52 https://www.scribd.com/inspectorrikati) and then by the lying politicians be placed in harms
53 way.
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1
2 The Framers of the constitution referring to “political liberty” and “religious liberty” didn’t
3 stipulate this has to be regarding a certain age suitable to the lying politicians. If they had
4 intended to do so the could as like Section 41 put in the legislation that children must be of
5 “adult” age to have certain “political liberty” and “religious liberty”, however the Framers of the
6 constitution themselves also referring to “baby suffrage” were well aware that children included
7 this!
8
9 Hansard 20-4-1897 Constitution convention Debates
10 QUOTE
11 Mr. DEAKIN: I do not think it is fair. I can conceive circumstances in which it would not
12 be. But the hon. member's proposal is not fair unless he couples with it a provision that it is
13 only to apply after a uniform franchise has been established.
14 Dr. COCKBURN: The proposal will undoubtedly be an advantage to the women of
15 South Australia, as it will class them as electors instead of as infants. Otherwise it is a
16 baby franchise. It will be some year or two before Federation is accomplished, and it will
17 be some time after that before the Constitution is amended, and there will be plenty of time
18 for the franchise to become uniform. I do not suppose there will be any amendments in the
19 Constitution for ten years
20 END QUOTE
21
22 Hansard 3-3-1898 Constitution convention Debates
23 QUOTE
24 Mr. GLYNN (South Australia).-There are two difficulties in connexion with this matter
25 which we must recognise. There is the difficulty suggested by the leader of the
26 Convention, that you ought not to place it in the power of a state to fix a maximum of
27 uniformity, and the difficulty suggested by a representative of Victoria, [start page 1849]
28 that the women of Victoria, so far as the federal suffrage is concerned, should not be
29 placed in a worse position than the women of South Australia. We are not going to argue
30 the policy of this clause again, because it was settled in Adelaide, but I should like to
31 suggest a way out of both these difficulties. It would lie this way, to provide for the
32 insertion of words after "right" in the second line of clause 44A, to this effect, "similar to
33 that enjoyed by the electors of any other state at the time of the establishment of the
34 Commonwealth." The clause would then read:-
35 Any elector who has at the time of the establishment of the Commonwealth, or who
36 afterwards acquires, a right similar to that enjoyed by the electors of any other state at the
37 time of the establishment of the Commonwealth to vote at elections for the more numerous
38 House of Parliament of the state, &c.
39 The position would then be this: If Victoria adopted adult suffrage, that is, the South
40 Australian suffrage, which is the maximum suffrage at present as to the right to vote, the
41 women of Victoria would have the right to vote not only in the state elections, but also for
42 representatives in the Federal Parliament because the right would be fixed by the similar or
43 adult suffrage which obtains in South Australia. I think honorable members will recognise
44 the expediency of adopting that course. As long as the change is made, subsequent to the
45 establishment of the Commonwealth, to a suffrage in existence in any other state at the
46 time of the establishment of the Commonwealth, then that extension of suffrage should
47 apply to the federal as well as to the state Parliaments. That would conserve every right
48 that Victoria asks for, and at the same time it would recognise the difficulty pointed out by
49 Mr. Barton, that if you make a still further state change, for instance, by fixing sixteen
50 years as the limit, that must not be the test of uniformity with regard to the Federal
51 Parliament. It may be made by the Federal Parliament the universal suffrage, but it is not to
52 be made the test of uniformity by the Constitution. Unless you make an amendment from
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1 the point of view of Mr. Barton, you will certainly put it in the power of the states to
2 interfere with the breadth of uniformity of the suffrage. Then you will bring about this
3 result: That any state may, after the establishment of the Commonwealth, bring about the
4 change of suffrage to the extent enjoyed by any other state. If the committee wishes it,
5 perhaps I had better propose that addition. Any state can establish the South Australian
6 suffrage, and why should it not do so? There will be no diminution of the powers of the
7 Federal Parliament, and, if Victoria wishes to extend its suffrage to the same extent as
8 South Australia has done, why should it not be able to do so?
9 Mr. HIGGINS.-It would exclude baby suffrage.
10 Mr. GLYNN.-Undoubtedly it would. Mr. Kingston has pointed out that my amendment
11 would make it apply to the same rights as are in existence at the time of the
12 Commonwealth. That is quite fair. After the establishment of the Commonwealth, if there
13 is to be uniformity on a broader basis, it must be the federal policy, because it is the
14 Federal Parliament that would be affected by the change. I recommend the insertion of the
15 words I propose in the old clause, instead of putting in Mr. Barton's amendment. If Mr.
16 Barton's amendment is put in, I would ask for a change in the grammar, because at the
17 present it is not correct. The word "has" only governs the last part of the disjunctive
18 proposition, whereas it ought to govern both parts, and it should be put after the word
19 "Commonwealth."
20 END QUOTE
21
22 Hansard 3-3-1898 Constitution convention Debates
23 QUOTE
24 Sir JOHN DOWNER.-What I said was that I do not believe anybody here wants the
25 franchise to be given to persons under 21 years of age. I was not referring to anybody
26 outside. Now, what are we discussing? You certainly have provided in the clause with
27 regard to the amendment of the Constitution to the effect that the South Australian vote,
28 being an adult vote, shall be allowed to continue. You want to carry that out logically, and
29 therefore you provide that any other colony shall be allowed to adopt franchise laws
30 similar to the franchise law of South Australia. I do not suppose that anybody wants to
31 provide more than that; but you want to make the provision of this particular clause broad
32 enough to allow any other colony to extend its franchise to the same extent as the franchise
33 has been enlarged in South Australia. The amendment of Mr. Glynn would certainly
34 allow the colonies to make any laws they like-baby suffrage, I think, was one of the
35 interjections I heard.
36 Mr. GLYNN.-None of the states could do that. They could not go beyond the South
37 Australian suffrage, and have baby voters.
38 Sir JOHN DOWNER.-But I think the honorable member will admit that this does not
39 relate to the present time, but to the time when this Bill is passed by the Imperial
40 Parliament.
41 Mr. MCMILLAN.-We are on very dangerous ground.
42 END QUOTE
43
44 HANSARD 8-2-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
45 QUOTE
46 Mr. HIGGINS.-I did not say that it took place under this clause, and the honorable
47 member is quite right in saying that it took place under the next clause; but I am trying to
48 point out that laws would be valid if they had one motive, while they would be invalid
49 if they had another motive.
50 END QUOTE
51

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1 As I outlined the Federal Government is purportedly supporting Ukraine with its

2 “DEMOCRACY” which I understand is including the raping, torture and killing of children for
3 their blood!
4
5 https://rumble.com/v5dh9gt-adrenochrome-taskforce-rescues-hundreds-of-kids-trafficked-by-marina-abramo.html
6 Adrenochrome Taskforce Rescues Hundreds of Kids Trafficked by Marina
7 Abramovic
8 QUOTE
9 The People's Voice
10 From:[email protected]
11 To:[email protected]
12 Wed, 4 Sept at 6:07 am

13
14 Today’s Top Video
15 Adrenochrome Taskforce Rescues Hundreds of Kids Trafficked by Marina Abramovic

16
17
18 Russian special forces have rescued hundreds of enslaved children from a factory farm
19 in the Ukrainian Carpathian mountains, as President Putin’s campaign against the global
20 adrenochrome industry intensifies…
21
22 https://childrenshealthdefense.org/defender/death-infants-clinical-trials-beyfortus-rsv-
23 shot/?utm_source=luminate&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=defender&utm_id=20241010
24 ‘Should Not Be Used in Any Infants’: Higher Death Risk in Beyfortus RSV Shot
25 Clinical Trials
26
27 Hansard 25-3-1897 Constitution Convention Debates
28 QUOTE Mr. WISE:
29 They forget that this commonwealth can only deal with those matters that are
30 expressly remitted to its jurisdiction; and excluded from its jurisdiction are all
31 matters that affect civil rights, all matters that affect property, all matters, in a word,
32 affecting the two great objects which stir the passions and affect the interests of
33 mankind.
34 END QUOTE
35
36 It must be very clear that while the Commonwealth can legislate as to telecommunication it
37 however cannot interfere with the “civil rights” of any Australian regardless of the age of the
38 person concerned.
39
12-10-2024 Page 9 © Mr G. H. Schorel-Hlavka O.W.B.
INSPECTOR-RIKATI® about the BLACK HOLE in the CONSTITUTION-DVD
A 1st edition limited special numbered book on Data DVD ISBN 978-0-9803712-6-0
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 Page 10

1 Hansard 1-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates

2 QUOTE Sir JOHN DOWNER.-
3 I think we might, on the attempt to found this great Commonwealth, just advance one step,
4 not beyond the substance of the legislation, but beyond the form of the legislation, of the
5 different colonies, and say that there shall be embedded in the Constitution the righteous
6 principle that the Ministers of the Crown and their officials shall be liable for any
7 arbitrary act or wrong they may do, in the same way as any private person would be.
8 END QUOTE
9
10 Hansard 1-3-1898 Constitution Convention Debates
11 QUOTE
12 Mr. GORDON.-Well, I think not. I am sure that if the honorable member applies his
13 mind to the subject he will see it is not abstruse. If a statute of either the Federal or the
14 states Parliament be taken into court the court is bound to give an interpretation according
15 to the strict hyper-refinements of the law. It may be a good law passed by "the sovereign
16 will of the people," although that latter phrase is a common one which I do not care much
17 about. The court may say-"It is a good law, but as it technically infringes on the
18 Constitution we will have to wipe it out." As I have said, the proposal I support retains
19 some remnant of parliamentary sovereignty, leaving it to the will of Parliament on either
20 side to attack each other's laws.
21 END QUOTE
22
23 Neither can the Commonwealth use Big Tech to somehow erode Australians their constitutional
24 rights. What it is prohibited to do itself it cannot do via backdoor manner. Big Tech companies
25 as well as the media are to operate within the provisions of the constitution and cannot therefore
26 act in violation of any Australians rights as they would be legally accountable for interfering
27 with the constitutional rights of Australians. This means the constitution doesn’t allow politicians
28 and their officials/proxies to be outside the rule of law! They must be equally accountable. As
29 such, any legislation that purports to exclude politicians and their officials would be ULTRA
30 VIRES! Legislating for “peace, order and good government” is not to seek to interfere with
31 the right of any person (regardless of age) as to seek to research the truth of what governments
32 are claiming! Neither to place the very once pursuing lies, deception, mass murders, crimes
33 against humanity, etc, to be the judge as to what is the TRUTH and are FACTS! In particular
34 where it are as I understand it mainly children who become the victim of the “adrenochrome”
35 rage I view it essential they can research it so it may one day save their lives , but I realise that
36 might be a hidden agenda why those serving the criminal elements like W.E.F. want to prevent
37 children to be aware of the dangers!
38
39 There is however a good solution:
40 From now on Politicians and their officials, enablers, those acting in collusion, all be required to
41 be truthful and failing this they be charged and held legally accountable! Now we might even
42 improve our electoral system with this and we may actually have less people becoming the
43 victim of the governments lies and deception such as “safe and effective”!
44
45 We need to return to the organics and legal principles embed in of our federal constitution!
46
47 This correspondence is not intended and neither must be perceived to state all issues/details.
48 Awaiting your response, G. H. Schorel-Hlavka O.W.B. (Gerrit)

49 MAY JUSTICE ALWAYS PREVAIL®

50 (Our name is our motto!)
12-10-2024 Page 10 © Mr G. H. Schorel-Hlavka O.W.B.
INSPECTOR-RIKATI® about the BLACK HOLE in the CONSTITUTION-DVD
A 1st edition limited special numbered book on Data DVD ISBN 978-0-9803712-6-0
PLEASE NOTE: You may order books in the INSPECTOR-RIKATI® series by making a reservation, or E-mail
[email protected] See also www.scribd.com/inspectorrikati