CHAPTER 7

Psychological Well-Being
in Midlife
Corey Lee M. Keyes
Department of Sociology, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia; and Department of Behavioral Sciences and Health
Education, The Rollins School of Public Health, Atlanta, Georgia

Carol D. Ryff
Department of Psychology, The Institute on Aging and Adult Life, University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

INTRODUCTION

Psychological well-being at midlife has not been an explicit target of prior scientific
inquiry. There are, rather, domains of study in which psychological functioning in
middle adulthood is addressed via other endeavors. Three areas of research illustrate
this indirect expression of interest in well-being at midlife. First, studies of successful
aging (e.g., Bakes & Bakes, 1990; IKyff, 1982) frequently include midlife in theo-
retical and empirical formulations as a prelude or precursor to old age. These for-
mulations draw attention to developmental aspects of psychological well-being,
such as how different life periods might involve distinct psychological challenges
and gains (or losses). A second literature on subjective well-being, involving large
survey studies, has frequently questioned the relationship between age (one of sev-
eral sociodemographic factors of interest) and reports of happiness and life satisfac-
tion (e.g., Diener, 1984; Herzog, 1Kodgers, & Woodworth, 1982). This work
typically treats age in continuous, linear fashion, which means specific periods of

Life in the Middle

Copyright 9 1999 by Academic Press. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. 161
162 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. Ryff

adult life are not fully illuminated. Finally, another category of literature, guided by
a diverse array of substantive questions, provides knowledge of midlife well-being
vis-fi-vis particular life domains, such as work (e.g., Baruch, 1984; Coleman &
Antonucci, 1983), parenthood (e.g., McLanahan & Adams, 1987), or multiple roles
across domains (e.g., Thoits, 1983). Thus, the focus in this realm is specific areas of
life experience and their effects on psychological functioning.
Across these domains of inquiry, the task of articulating the essential meaning of
psychological well-being has never been center stage. Thus, dependent measures
are typically selected from among well used standaMs, with the greater conceptual
effort going to formulate independent variables or intervening variables (see P, yff
& Essex, 1992a). We argue that this approach has perpetuated impoverished con-
ceptions and measures of well-being. Our chapter begins therefore with an exami-
nation of theory relevant to defining positive psychological functioning. We
propose a multidimensional formulation of well-being derived from the synthesis
of prior theories. We then review empirical studies that have addressed how men
and women of different ages (typically young, middle-aged, and old-aged adults)
evaluate themselves on different dimensions of well-being, the extent to which they
see progress or decline in their own well-being over time, and whether individual
self-evaluations of well-being vary across cultures. We then discuss an explanatory
framework that emphasizes adults' life experiences as factors influencing well-being.
A key feature of the guiding framework is the focus on how experience is inter-
preted via social psychological processes (e.g., social comparisons). We illustrate this
approach with findings on the experience of parenting in middle adulthood. Finally,
we conclude with suggestions for new directions in the study of social well-being
in midlife.

A THEORY-DRIVEN PERSPECTIVE
ON PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING

Our approach t o the conceptualization of well-being is theoretical and holistic

(Ryff, 1985, 1989a, 1989b). Not only do we start with theory, but we try to capture
a wide range of meanings. We attempt to cover positive and negative, as well as
psychological and social aspects of functioning. Theorists from various domains
examined psychological functioning and crafted exemplars of health and well-
being. From personality and clinical psychology, we draw upon Maslow's (1968)
conception of self actualization, Roger's (1961) description of the fully functioning
person; Jung's (1933; Von Franz, 1964) formulation ofindividuation, and Allport's
(1961) depiction of maturity (see 1Kyff, 1985, for a detailed review). A theme in
psychological portrayals of healthy functioning is eudaimonia. To Aristotle, a life
characterized as full and healthy entails recognizing and working to realize inner
talents and potential (Waterman, 1984). Theorists of adult development, too, delin-
eate the challenges people encounter, and the fruits of surmounting each task,
throughout life. Notably, there is Erikson's (1959) psychosocial stages and tasks,
 Psychological W e l l - B e i n g in Midlife 163

B u h l e r ' s (1935; B u h l e r & M a s s a r i k , 1968) basic life t e n d e n c i e s , m o v i n g t o w a r d life

f u l f i l l m e n t , a n d N e u g a r t e n ' s (1968, 1973) d e p i c t i o n o f p e r s o n a l i t y c h a n g e s in a d u l t -
h o o d a n d o l d age (see R y f f , 1982, 1984, for d e t a i l e d r e v i e w s ) . I n t h e area o f m e n t a l
h e a l t h , J a h o d a (1958) e n u m e r a t e s several c r i t e r i a o f p o s i t i v e m e n t a l h e a l t h , c o u n t e r -
a c t i n g t h e t e n d e n c y to e q u a t e w e l l - b e i n g w i t h t h e a b s e n c e o f illness.
T h e v a r i o u s c o n c e p t i o n s o f p o s i t i v e f u n c t i o n i n g c o n v e r g e o n several t h e m e s .
These points of convergence in early c o n c e p t u a l w r i t i n g s (1Lyff, 1 9 8 5 , 1 9 8 9 a ,
1 9 8 9 b ) p r o v i d e d c o r e d e f i n i t i o n s for d i f f e r e n t aspects o f w e l l - b e i n g . W h a t f o l l o w s
is a b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n o f e a c h d i m e n s i o n (see R y f f , 1 9 8 9 a , for d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n s ) .
Table I c o n t a i n s c o r e d e f i n i t i o n s for e a c h e n d o f t h e c o n t i n u u m for e a c h d i m e n s i o n .

TABLE I Definitions o f T h e o r y - G u i d e d Dimensions o f Well-Being

Self-Acceptance
High scorer: possesses a positive attitude toward the self~ acknowledges and accepts multiple aspects
of self including good and bad qualities; feels positive about past life.
L o w scorer: feels dissatisfied with self; is disappointed with what has occurred in past life; is troubled
about certain personal qualities; wishes to be different than what he or she is.
Positive Relations with Others
High scorer: has warm, satisfying, trusting relationships with others; is concerned about the welfare
of others; capable of strong empathy, affection, and intimacy; understands give and take of human
relationships.
L o w scorer: has few close, trusting relationships with others; finds it difficult to be warm, open, and
concerned about others; is isolated and frustrated in interpersonal relationships; not willing to
make compromises to sustain important ties with others.
Autonomy
High scorer: is self-determining and independent; able to resist social pressures to think and act in
certain ways; regulates behavior from within; evaluates self by personal standards.
L o w scorer: is concerned about the expectations and evaluations of others; relies on judgments of
others to make important decisions; conforms to social pressures to think and act in certain ways.
Environmental Mastery
High scorer: has a sense of mastery and competence in managing the environment; controls
complex array of external activities; makes effective use of surrounding opportunities; able to
choose or create contexts suitable to personal needs and values.
L o w scorer: has difficulty managing everyday affairs; feels unable to change or improve surrounding
context; is unaware of surrounding opportunities; lacks sense of control over external world.
Purpose in Life
High scorer: has goals in life and a sense of directedness; feels there is meaning to present and past
life; holds beliefs that give life purpose; has aims and objectives for living.
L o w scorer: lacks a sense of meaning in life; has few goals or aims, lacks sense of direction; does not
see purpose in past life; has no outlooks or beliefs that give life meaning.
Personal Growth
High scorer: has a feeling of continued development; sees self as growing and expanding; is open to
new experiences; has sense of realizing his or her potential; sees improvement in self and behavior
over time; is changing in ways that reflect more self-knowledge and effectiveness.
L o w scorer: has a sense of personal stagnation; lacks sense of improvement or expansion over time;
feels bored and uninterested with life; feels unable to develop new attitudes or behaviors.
164 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. Ryff

Self-Acceptance is a ubiquitous criterion of wellness. Healthy people hold

positive attitudes toward themselves. In addition to being the embodiment of men-
tal health (Jahoda), accepting oneself is in the thoughts and actions ofself-actualizers
(Maslow), optimally functioning people (Rogers), and the mature person (Allport).
Throughout life, too, positive regard for oneself is integral to adapting to life's
challenges and enabling oneself to accomplish goals (Erikson).
Positive Relation with Others is the interpersonal counterpart to self-
acceptance. Positive regard for others, as well as oneself, earmarks the healthy indi-
vidual. Developing and maintaining warm and trusting interpersonal relationships
pervades depictions of positive functioning. The ability to love 0ahoda), to feel
empathy and affection for all human beings (Maslow), to develop warm relations
with others (Rogers, Erikson) characterizes a healthy individual. Others note the
challenge to feel and act on a sense of responsibility to others (Erikson). In all,
interpersonal warmth delineates a happy and healthy person.
Two related though distinct dimensions emphasize the ability to engage the
social milieu. A u t o n o m y is the counterpart to submissiveness and blind obedience
to other people and society. Healthy people are capable of, and comfortable with,
making decisions independently and regulating their behavior from internal stan-
dards. In the case of Environmental Mastery, people engage and shape their
milieus to reflect their needs and personality. That is, healthy people can choose or
create environments compatible with their physical and psychological needs.
Autonomy and mastery imply that one is cognizant of personal standards and
needs. Paraphrasing an old religious supplication, a healthy person has the courage to
change what can and should be changed, the serenity to accept what cannot be changed, and
the wisdom to know the difference. Theoretically, self actualizing (Maslow), optimally
functioning (Rogers), and individuated (lung) people gain approval from internal
standards rather than other people and society. Throughout life, people experience
a burgeoning sense of psychological freedom, turning inward and reflecting on
themselves, their lives, and what they live for each day (Erikson, Jung, Neugarten).
Beyond the internal reflection, healthy and mature (Allport) people participate in
important social activities, thereby engaging their surroundings. Moreover, during
midlife, people orchestrate complex environments (Buhler, Neugarten) and shape
society by nurturing youth and young adults (Erikson).
Purpose in Life incorporates the criterion that healthy people possess goals,
intentions, and a sense of direction, from which they feel that their lives are mean-
ingful. Mature persons (Allport) feel a purpose to their lives, and they believe they
can live out their plan. Generically, life-span theories (Buhler, Erikson, Jung) depict
the stages and trajectories of life as goals or tasks such as industriousness (youth),
intimacy (young adulthood), socially active (middle adulthood), and psychologically
integrated (later adulthood).
Personal Growth, the final criterion of psychological well-being, entails feel-
ings of, and striving toward, exploration and development. The desire and attempt
to grow characterize self-actualizers (Maslow). Openness to new experiences and
 Psychological Well-Being in Midlife 165

opportunities, a predecessor to growth, exemplifies the fully functioning person

(Rogers). A central feature in life-span theories (Buhler, Erikson, Jung, Neugarten)
is the individual's drive to grow, building on past achievements and milestones.
In sum, prior theories point to the multifaceted nature of psychological well-
being. It includes fundamental aspects of self-evaluation (i.e., self-acceptance), the
quality of ties to others (i.e., positive relations with others), the capacity to be self-
determining (i.e., autonomy) and to manage one's surroundings (i.e., environmental
mastery), investment in living (i.e., purpose in life), and continued self-realization
(i.e., personal growth). The following section summarizes the translation of the
theoretical constructs to the empirical level.

EMPIRICAL STUDIES

The Measurement o f Well-Being

The preceding six dimensions of well-being were operationalized with structured,

self-report scales. Based on the theoretical definitions, items were written to
describe individuals who possessed or did not possess the various qualities of well-
being (as outlined in Table I). The items pools for all dimensions were subjected to
various refinement procedures (see 1Kyff, 1989b), such as the requirement that each
item had to correlate more highly with its own scale than with any other scale. The
20-item parent scales demonstrated high internal reliability (alpha coefficients
ranged from .86 to .93) and temporal reliability (test-retest coefficients ranged from
.81 to .88). The scales correlated modestly and positively with existing measures of
positive functioning (i.e., life satisfaction, affect balance, self-esteem, and internal
control) and correlated modestly and negatively with extant measures of negative
functioning (i.e., depression, powerful other control, chance control) (see 1Kyff,
1989b, for details).
Recently, data were obtained from a national probability sample of English-
speaking adults, aged 25 or older (1Kyff & Keyes, 1995). Respondents completed
telephone interviews that included a dramatically reduced version of the six well-
being scales. 1 We examined whether and how well the multidimensional structure
of well-being manifests in a representative cross-section of adults. Results of con-
firmatory factor analyses bolster the underlying theory and specification of the
multidimensional model of well-being. Confirmatory procedures require a priori
specification of factorial models to compare how well the data (i.e., correla-
tions or covariances) coincide with each model. We compared the fit of the

1The shortened scalesinclude 3 of the original 20 items. Items were selected to maximizerepresen-
tation of the conceptual diversity within each construct. Exploratory factor analysesrevealed that each
dimension as measured with the 20-item parent scales consisted of 3 facets that correspond to theory.
One item was selected from each of the 3 facetswithin each dimension.
166 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. 1Kyff

multidimensional (i.e., six-factor) model with a unidimensional, a superfactor, and

an artifact model. In the superfactor model, the six latent constructs are effects of a
higher order latent construct called "Psychological Well-Being." The unidimen-
sional model purports that the items measure a single dimension of wellness. Two
versions of an artifact model suggest that respondents answer items to portray a
positive image to the interviewer.
Compared with the unidimensional and the two artifact models, the multi-
dimensional model is the best fitting model. Theory suggests, and data confirm,
that well-being is a multifaceted phenomenon. Artifacts of measurement do not
appear to wield much, if any, influence on the manifestation of well-being. More
convincingly, the superfactor model fits the data better than the multidimensional
model, suggesting that the six factors belong to a single conceptual domain of
psychological well-being.
In sum, the six scales consisting of 20 items display internal consistency, stability
over time, and convergent and discriminant validity. Using reduced scales (i.e., three
items per scale) over the telephone with a representative sample of adults, the multi-
dimensional model provides the best explanation for the data. The six, though
smaller, scales fit into an even better, "superfactor," model. In short, six factors fit
the data and measure a single latent construct called psychological well-being. Par-
simony exists, but at a higher order. A hierarchical structure exists in which general
well-being manifests through six distinct domains of functioning specified a priori
by guiding psychological theory.

Well-Being in Midlife: Age-Difference Analyses

Next, we review several studies that take various "snapshots" of the functioning and
well-being ofmidlife adults. Emphasizing snapshots ofmidlife, the following studies
utilize cross-sectional data and involve discussion of age differences. We characterize
midlife by comparing the functioning of midlife with younger and older adults. O f
interest is how profiles of well-being in midlife compare with profiles of functioning
in younger and later periods. Such comparisons offer clues regarding possible life
course changes, as well as cohort differences.
Ironically, the rich array of theories guiding creation of the six new scales of
well-being generates few unambiguous hypotheses about the manifestation of well-
being over the life course. Moreover, each of the six scales of well-being and their
respective dimensions are amalgams of developmental and personality theories and
concepts. We therefore approach the life course patterning of well-being as a more
inductive than deductive (i.e., hypotheses testing) enterprise. The question of inter-
est is whether, in its contours of wellness, midlife looks noticeably different from
younger and older adulthood. Throughout, young adulthood encompasses ages
18-29, midlife includes ages 30-64, and older adulthood involves ages 65 years
and older.
 Psychological Well-Being in Midlife 167

105

100

95
o

o
m 90

85

80
Young Midlife Older

Dimensions of well-being
9 Self acceptance [] Positive relations 9 Personal growth
z~Purpose in life 9 Env. mastery o Autonomy
FIGURE 1 Age differenceson the six 20-item measures of well-being, Study 1.

Mean-level comparisons between young, middle-aged, and older adults in Study

1 (1Kyff, 1989b) reveal differential age profiles on most of the 20-item scales (see
Figure 1). Subjects are a nonrandom sample of adults from Wisconsin. The young
adults' (n = 133) ages averaged around 20 (SD = 1.6), midlife adults' (n = 108)
ages averaged close to 50 (SD = 9.4), and the older adults' (n = 80) ages averaged
around 75 (SD = 7.1). We find incremental age profiles for environmental mastery
and autonomy. Midlife and older adults possess more environmental mastery, and
midlife adults feel more autonomy than younger adults. Midlife adults also report
higher levels of purpose in life and personal growth compared to older adults. O n
the other hand, adults in each age group report nearly identical levels of self-
acceptance and positive relationships with others. We observe a statistically signifi-
cant main effect of gender for only one criterion of wellness, and none of the
psychological well-being age profiles depends on the gender of the adults. In partic-
ular, w o m e n at all stages of life say they have more positive and warm interpersonal
relationships than men.
Using the same 20-item scales, we find many of the same age profiles in Study 2
(1Zyff, 1991a) (see Figure 2). As in Study 1, subjects are a nonrandom sample of
adults from Wisconsin. The young adults' (n = 123) ages averaged around 19
(SD = 1.5), midlife adults' (n = 95) ages averaged close to 46 (SD = 8.3), and older
adults' (n = 90) ages averaged around 73 (SD = 5.6). Once again, current ratings
of environmental mastery and autonomy increase, while personal growth decreases,
with age. Midlife adults feel more autonomy and environmental mastery than
168 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. Ryff

105 -

100

(1)
95
o

o
m 90

85

80
Young Midlife Older

Dimensions of well-being
9 Self acceptance [] Positive relations 9 Personal growth
zx Purpose in life 9 Env. mastery o Autonomy
FIGURE 2 Age differenceson the six 20-item measures of well-being, Study 2.

younger adults, and they report more personal growth than older adults. Adults at
each life stage exhibit nearly identical levels of positive relationships with others.
However, compared with Study 1, self acceptance shows increments with age,
whereas purpose in life does not vary with age. Again, gender has a main effect only
on well-being. Women say they have more positive relations than men.
Using the dramatically smaller scales, analyses of age differences in the nationally
representative sample replicates many of the previous findings (R.yff & Keyes, 1998)
(see Figure 3). In this study, the young adults' (n = 133) ages averaged around 27
(SD = 1.5), midlife adults' (n = 805) ages averaged close to 44 (SD = 9.9), and the
older adults' (n = 160) ages averaged around 72 (SD = 5.3). Compared with the
adults in Study 1 and Study 2, the young adults in the national study are slightly
older, while the midlife and older adults are about the same ages on average across
the three studies. Purpose in life and personal growth continue to show decremental
age profiles. Environmental mastery continues to show age increments. As in Study
1, self-acceptance shows no age differences. Unlike in Study 1 and Study 2, we do
not observe age differences in autonomy, and we find a statistically significant incre-
ment in positive relations with others. Older adults, in particular, express more
positive interpersonal relations than younger adults. Gender continues to display
main effects only on well-being and only for the criterion of positive relations with
others. Regardless of their stage in life, w o m e n have more positive and warm inter-
personal relationships than men.
 Psychological Well-Being in Midlife 169

In sum, across three sets of data having wide variation in depth of measurement
(i.e., from 20 to 3 item scales), using different modes of administration (i.e., self-
administered and telephone interviews), and with different sampling techniques
(i.e., purposive and random national samples), we observe replicable age profiles. In
all three studies, feelings of personal growth and purpose in life decline, while a
sense of environmental mastery increases, with age. In two of the three studies, self-
acceptance and positive relationships with others tend to be the same among the
various age groups. Moreover, in two of the three studies, feelings of autonomy
tend to increase with age, especially from younger to midlife adulthood.
Taken together, these findings suggest that midlife is a time when people func-
tion particularly well relative to those who are younger or older. The capacity to be
self-determining (i.e., autonomy) and to manage one's surroundings (i.e., environ-
mental mastery) show marked improvement in midlife, compared with young
adulthood. Investment in living (i.e., purpose in life), and the desire for continued
self-realization (i.e., personal growth) remains consistently high from young adult-
hood into midlife, but they drop sharply during older adulthood. Interestingly,
self-evaluation (i.e., self-acceptance), on one hand, and other-evaluation (i.e., pos-
itive relations with others), on the other hand, display similar profiles over the life
course. Perhaps aspects of wellness that involve assessments of oneself or the rela-
tionship of the "self" and other people remain salient throughout life.
Assuming that the observed mean-level difference reflects, in part, true devel-
opmental changes, we might conjecture that well-being is not a unitary phenome-
non that is completely stable over time. Well-being manifests over the life course in

18-

17

16
O
o
15

(/)
14

13

12
Young Midlife Older

Dimensions of well-being
9 Self acceptance [] Positive relations 9 Personal growth
z~Purpose in life 9 Env. mastery o Autonomy
FIGURE 3 Age differenceson the six 3-item measures of well-being, Study 3.
170 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. 1Kyff

many ways, suggesting a multidirectionality to profiles of positive functioning.

Compared with youth, midlife is a time of gains in all areas of wellness. From midlife
through older adulthood, some aspects of well-being remain constant, while others
tend to decline.
Theoretically, the results suggest that the subjective organization of the life
course (see Ryff, 1984) might play a part in how people assess their functioning.
Whereas everyone has an outlook situated in the present, the amount of past or
future one has depends, in part, on age (see also Carstensen, 1995). Young adult-
hood is temporally prospective, that is, a time when people have more of a future
than a past. Older adulthood, in contrast, is retrospective, a time when people have
more of a past than a future. Midlife is temporally balanced between the past and
future.
There is also an implicit temporality to the actual dimensions of well-being. Posi-
tive relations with others, autonomy, and environmental mastery are, for example,
anchored predominantly in the present, emphasizing how people see themselves
functioning at the current time. How people construe their futures is, however, salient
in the dimensions of personal growth and purpose in life. Both scales emphasize
personal goals, aspirations, a sense of direction, and the belief in continual develop-
ment, all of which consist of some projection of the self into the future. In contrast,
self-acceptance contains some reference to functioning in the past--accepting oneself
involves evaluafon of accomplishments and one's "lived" life.
Putting these temporal observations together, it appears that there is some degree
of fit between one's placement in the life course with the past versus present versus
future orientation of particular dimensions of well-being. For example, older adults,
whose outlooks are largely retrospective, consistently exhibited lower levels of pur-
pose in life and personal growth (dimensions rooted partly in one's future) than
younger and midlife adults. Younger adults, whose outlooks are largely prospective,
showed trends of scores lower on self-acceptance (a dimension rooted partly in one's
past) than midlife and older adults, but none of the differences were statistically
significant. Consistent with the temporal balancing of past and future, midlife adults
tended to exhibit the highest overall profiles of well-being.

Temporal Assessments: Perceptions of Progress

and Decline in Well-Being

Continuing the theme of time and functioning, Study 2 reported earlier (Ryff,
1991a) included examination of temporal aspects of functioning via the correspon-
dence of past, current, future, and ideal well-being over the life course. To assess
ideal well-being, subjects responded to items of well-being with regard to how they
would most like to function. To assess past well-being, subjects answered items in
terms of how they functioned in the past. For young adults, the past refers to their
adolescence. The past for middle-aged adults is young adulthood (20-25 years of
 Psychological Well-Being in Midlife 171

age). For older adults, the past involves their midlife (40-50 years of age). To obtain
future ratings, subjects answered items in terms of how they believe they might
function during their subsequent stage in life. Young adults projected themselves
into their midlife (40-50 years of age). The middle-aged adults predicted their well-
being during old age (65-70 years of age). The older adults projected their well-
being into the 10 to 15 years from their current age.
Figure 4 depicts the profile of functioning on the four temporal dimensions for
each group of adults. Because the configuration of the temporal profiles are nearly
identical for the six dimensions of well-being, Figure 4 contains the average well-
being (i.e., over the six scales) for ideal, future, present, and past well-being for each
group of adults (see Ryff, 1991a, for more detailed analyses).
Ideal ratings of all aspects of well-being decline over the span of life. With age,
people appear to lower their standards of functioning, perhaps adapting to expected
decrements during later life. Older adults envision markedly lower ideal levels of
well-being than midlife and younger adults. Interestingly, the discrepancy between
how people would like to be and how they currently function diminishes with age.
Younger adults expect to function better in the future than they do now. Midlife
adults believe they will function about the same in the future as now. Older adults
predict a decrement in well-being in the future. Past assessments of well-being
indicate less of a discrepancy between past and present functioning for older, unlike
midlife and younger, adults.
In short, midlife appears to be the temporal bench-mark for well-being through-
out the life course. Younger and older adults construe midlife as the time in their
lives when they function best. Focusing on midlife, younger adults expect to do

110

ID
I_
o
(o 100

o
90

< 80

70
Young Midlife Older

Temporal dimensions of well-being

9 Current [] Past 9 z~ Ideal
FIGUttfE 4 Age differenceson ideal, future, present, and past well-being.
172 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. 1Kyff

better in the future, and older adults believe they did better in the past. As we
discussed earlier, midlife adults tend to function better in the present than older
adults (and sometimes younger adults) on most facets of well-being. From all angles,
midlife is thus the peak of well-being. It is instructive to note, however, that all
adults reveal that they never expect in the future to function at, or beyond, their
ideal. Such a finding suggests, on one hand, that adults at all periods of life view
their future somewhat pessimistically. People never live up to their ideal levels of
functioning. O n the other hand, the discrepancy of ideal and future functioning
could indicate that all adults view their future motivationally. That is, adults con-
strue life as a process during which there is continual room for growth and chal-
lenge, regardless of their predominant temporal outlook (i.e., prospective, balanced,
or retrospective).

Cultural Analyses: East/West Differences in Well-Being

Cultures consist of predominant values and practices that reflect either individual-
istic and independent or collectivistic and interdependent orientations (Markus &
Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1989). Individualistic societies like that in the United
States emphasize individual achievement and personal identity over the achieve-
ment and identity of groups. Collectivistic societies promote group achievement
and identification with social groups. Insofar as cultures emphasize and support
development and functioning consistent with their ideals, we hypothesize cultural
differences for criteria of well-being that coincide with broad cultural ideals. The
theme of individualism in the United States suggests that aspects of well-being that
focus on the self over others (e.g., autonomy and self-acceptance) are encouraged
and supported. The theme of collectivism suggests that aspects of well-being that
focus on other people over oneself (viz., positive relations with others) are encour-
aged and supported.
Data from probability samples of midlife adults in South Korea and the United
States were compared (1Kyff, Lee, & Na, 1993). Both samples come from capital
cities that are centers of higher education and political administration, surrounded
by rural and agricultural areas. The Korean sample includes 220 adults whose ages
average around 54.5 (SD = 4.7). The U.S. sample consists of 215 adults whose ages
average around 53.7 years (SD = 6.8). The response rate was exceptionally high
(i.e., 92 percent) in South Korea, while the rate of response was typical (i.e., 70%)
in the United States. The gender composition (divided about equally between men
and women) and educational attainment in each sample are comparable. In addition
to the six scales of well-being, open-ended questions inquired into cultural con-
struals of well-being. Through open questions, respondents indicate what aspects of
life are important, what facets of life make them unhappy, and what qualities com-
prise a mature and fulfilled person.
 Psychological Well-Being in Midlife 173

On all six measures, Korean adults display vastly lower levels of well-being, and
they exhibit less variation in their responses to each item, compared to the adults
from the United States. The vast differences in functioning reflect what appear to
be marked cultural differences in the use of six-point response scales. Koreans, for
example, are much less likely to give a strongly affirmative answer to a positively
phrased item. That is, Korean adults, unlike U.S. adults, do not strongly endorse
honorific statements about themselves. The tendency to be self-effacing among
Koreans likely reflects different socialization practices and sanctions against self-
aggrandizement (see Markus & Kitayama, 1991). On the other hand, for the di-
mensions of well-being that may be uniquely Western and individualistic (e.g.,
personal growth, self-acceptance, autonomy), the scores of Korean and U.S. adults
could also reflect meaningful differences in which Eastern adults rate themselves
lower on aspects of functioning not endorsed by their own culture.
Examination of mean-levels within cultures and comparison of responses to the
open-ended questions provide support for the cultural hypothesis. Korean adults
display the highest level of well-being for positive relations with others and the
lowest level on self-acceptance. Adults in the United States exhibit the highest level
of well-being on personal growth, followed closely, however, by positive relations
with others. It is also interesting to note similarities in the well-being for men and
women in both cultures. Women in Korea and the United States have more positive
relations with others and perceive more personal growth than men in Korea and
the United States.
The open-ended responses indicate that Korean adults conceive of well-being,
maturity, and personal fulfillment through their family rather than through their
personal accomplishments and qualities. Midlife Koreans view well-being, for ex-
ample, as a reflection of the success of their children. Moreover, Koreans define a
mature person as one with interdependent qualities like being honest and consci-
entious, modest and respectful of others, and faithful and responsible, tkyff et al.
(1993) asked the same set of open-ended questions ofmidlife adults in the United
States. Surprisingly, the data reveal a prominent theme of interdependence among
adults. As in Korea, the U.S. adults conceive of well-being and fulfillment through
their family, as well as their marital relationship. Moreover, adults in the United
States describe a well-adjusted and mature person as a caring person who is con-
nected with other people. But, harkening to a theme of independence, the U.S.
midlife adults, unlike those in Korea, depict a healthy, happy, and fulfilled person as
confident, assertive, continually growing, and enjoying life. Moreover, U.S. adults
see personal fulfillment as personal accomplishments, rather than children's accom-
plishments. Still, the theme of interdependence is evident among U.S. midlife
adults. Where does this supposed cultural discrepancy originate?
One explanation, originating in a comparison of the homogeneity of cultures,
suggests that the stereotype of U.S. adults as individualistic might be overstated.
Culture appears to be more diverse in the United States than in South Korea
(cf. Triandis, 1989). The ethnic and racial makeup, for instance, of the United States
174 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. Ryff

is more heterogeneous than the makeup of Korean society. Korean culture, unlike
the culture of the United States, is more uniform, a reflection of which might be
found in the consistent theme of interdependence of well-being. There is likely to
be much more variation in how people in the United States construe themselves,
some seeing the world more interdependently, while others see themselves and their
milieu more independently (see also Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
Another explanation implicates the frame of reference people use to answer
questions. When defining functioning as the "ideal person," Korean midlife adults
suggest most frequently that someone who does "one's best" is the ideal. Describing
the ideal person as "an achiever" is somewhat discrepant with the otherwise inter-
dependent construal of well-being among Koreans. On the other hand, the U.S.
midlife adults define the ideal person as caring and having deep friendships. Each in
their own way, Korean and U.S. adults define the ideal person with adjectives that
are somewhat discrepant with their cultural modes and values. Such an irony sug-
gests that people might define their ideal mode of functioning with traits that reflect
the obverse of their cultural values and practices. The ideal person in an indepen-
dent culture is caring rather than someone who does "one's best." In an interde-
pendent culture, the ideal person is an achiever, rather than a "caring and friendly"
person. The ideal person, in each culture, blends disparate aspects of life, being at
once part of his or her culture and beyond his or her culture.

TOWARD EXPLANATIONS OF WELL-BEING

Life Experience as Antecedent

Our efforts to understand human variation in psychological well-being have looked

to the experiential substance of people's lives for explanatory influences. Among
the kinds of experiences studied are the having and raising of children (Ryff, Lee,
Essex, & Schmutte, 1994; Schmutte & Ryff, 1994), growing up with an alcoholic
parent (Tweed & P, yff, 1991), educational and occupational achievements in midlife
(Hauser et al., 1992), health problems in later life (Heidrich & R.yff, 1993a, 1993b),
community relocation among aging women (R.yff & Essex, 1992b), and the social
stratification of well-being as adults age (Keyes & Ryff, 1998). Across these experi-
ences and events, the objective has been to link what people are actually dealing
with in daily life to evaluations of their own well-being. We emphasize, however,
that it is how people construe their experiences, not just experience per se, that
matters (see, e.g., Keyes & Ryff, 1998).

Interpretive Mechanisms

We draw on diverse aspects of social psychological theory to elaborate how people

give meaning to their life experiences. Rosenberg's (1979) self-concept theory, which
 Psychological Well-Being in Midlife 175

incorporates numerous social-psychological perspectives to explicate the mechanisms

whereby people derive meaning from their experiences, provided initial conceptual
guidance. The theory articulates four mechanisms of self-assessment reflecting distinct
ways that people construe events. For each mechanism, the motive for self-esteem
often drives how people assess themselves and their experiences. That is, the meaning
people attach to some events reflects a concern for maintaining a favorable image.
People who maintain favorable self-images should exhibit better adjustment and func-
tioning throughout life (cf. Markus & Herzog, 1991).
The first mechanism, social comparison, states that people understand expe-
riences and evaluate themselves by comparing themselves with others. Depending
on the people to which someone compares him- or herself, events and experiences
lead to negative, neutral, or positive self-assessments. H o w people compare them-
selves to others undergoing similar experiences determines how events throughout
life affect individuals. The second mechanism, reflected appraisals, indicates that
people understand themselves by imagining how they look to others. We view our-
selves and evaluate aspects of our self-image from what we presume are other peoples'
attitudes and evaluations of us. In short, over one's span of life, significant interper-
sonal relationships (e.g., marriage, parenting) and social networks and contexts
(e.g., occupational, religious) affect the social construction of our self-assessments
and outlooks.
The self-perception mechanism indicates that proposes that, under some con-
ditions, people attribute to themselves attitudes and beliefs from observing their
overt behavior. When, in particular, people are uncertain about how they feel
toward an issue or about somebody, they observe what they have done to make
conclusions about their current attitudes and feelings. Thus, changes in behavior
and conditions that can create uncertainty about oneself over the life course can
accompany variation in self-observation and ascription of personal attributes. The
fourth mechanism, psychological centrality, suggests that only certain aspects of
our self-image and attributes influence how we feel. A self-image consists of nu-
merous traits and pieces. The components are arranged hierarchically, with some
pieces being more important than others. Central components of the self are pieces
that are more important for how we define ourselves. Over the life course, what
people define as central aspects of their self-images might vary. Moreover, life course
events are more likely to affect people when the event challenges a central part of
the self-image.

The Sample Case of Midlife Parenting

A study about midlife parenting (Ryff et al., 1994; Schmutte & Ryff, 1994) was
conceived within the above interpretive framework. We targeted that period of
parental experience when one's children are becoming adults in their own right,
and parents are gaining a sense of how their children have "turned out." Grown
176 Corey Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. 1kyff

children thus provide parents with a kind offait accompli, which, in turn, may have
important implications for how parents evaluate themselves and their own lives in
middle adulthood. We hypothesized that parents' assessments of their grown chil-
dren's adjustment and attainment would be strongly linked with diverse aspects of
their own well-being (e.g., self-acceptance, environmental mastery, purpose in life).
Moreover, consistent with our interpretive framework, we expected that the link
between children's lives and parental well-being could be explained, in part, by
social comparison processes, reflected appraisals, behavioral self-evaluations, and
even attributional processes (the extent to which parents take credit or responsibility
for how children have turned out). The summary provided below will address only
one of these mechanisms, social comparison processes.
The study involved 114 midlife mothers and 101 midlife fathers from separate
families who were interviewed regarding their children's accomplishments and ad-
justment, the interpretive processes, and their own well-being. Each parent judged
each of his or her children's level of personal adjustment (e.g., confidence, happi-
ness), social adjustment (e.g., liked by other people), and educational and occupa-
tional attainment. Each parent also completed the multidimensional scale of
psychological well-being. Two types of social comparisons were obtained. First,
parents compared each aspect of their child's functioningmthat is, adjustment (so-
cial and personal) and attainment (educational and occupational)mwith similar
aspects of functioning among the children of their siblings and friends. Second,
thinking about how they functioned when they were young, the parents compared
themselves with their children.
Using regression models and controlling for differences in parental and familial
backgrounds, the perception of better adjusted (socially and personally) and suc-
cessful (educationally and occupationally) children positively predicted all aspects
of parental well-being, except for feelings of autonomy. The amount of variance
for ratings of children's adjustment was higher than that for children's attainment.
Results were the same for mothers and fathers. Adding the social comparison
variables into the regression model produced mixed results. Parents' comparisons
of their children's adjustment and attainment with other people's children did not
explain additional variance in any index of well-being. However, parents' com-
parisons of themselves with their children, particularly in the domain of adjust-
ment, explained additional variation in parental well-being. The direction of these
effects was n e g a t i v e i m o t h e r s and fathers who perceived themselves as less ad-
justed in early adulthood compared with their own young adult children had
lower levels of well-being. 2

2Further analyses showed complex interactions. The impact of social comparisons of one's child and
other children's attainment on some aspects of well-being depends on the parent's role/gender (i.e.,
mothers vs. fathers). Moreover, for mothers, the impact of social comparisons of one's child and other
children's attainment on sonle aspects of well-being depends on the mother's level of educational attain-
ment. The interested reader is referred to Ryffet al. (1994).
 Psychological Well-Being in Midlife 177

Parenthood in midlife tends to be equated with the syndrome of the "empty

nest." Undoubtedly, the migration of children out of the home and into the com-
munity disrupts parental lifestyles and stimulates many feelings. But, for as many
parents who feel depressed, as many others feel a sense of accomplishment and
relief. Rather than focus on the physical absence of children, our research on midlife
parenting focuses on the psychological presence of children. Midlife is a time when
parents assess the quality of their parenting. Parents who believe their children are
adjusted and successful feel healthier vis-a-vis nearly all aspects of well-being. In
turn, some features of parents' assessment of their parenting also appear to influence
their well-being through social comparison processes. Interestingly, parental com-
parison of themselves with their children suggests complex dynamics. Parents' views
of themselves might be threatened as well as enhanced by the accomplishments and
adjustment of their offspring.

FUTURE DIRECTIONS: THE STUDY

OF SOCIAL WELL-BEING

Our current work involves scrutiny of the extant multidimensional model of well-
being, which we have come to see as possibly lacking in more sociological aspects
of well-being. Human wellness may include a social side, which psychological
theories may not fully articulate. For instance, Ryff's six dimensions, like many
assessments of well-being, capture individuals' assessments of their lives via their
accomplishments, ability to formulate and strive toward her goals, or to manipulate
the world to satisfy their needs. Abstractly, well-being entails examination of one-
self in relation to oneself. Absent from current assessments of functioning are
aspects of well-being linked explicitly to other people, community, society, and
the world? We have proposed and collected data to evaluate a social model of well-
being (Keyes, 1998). Grounded in classical sociological theory (e.g., Durkheim's
"Anomie" and Marx's "Alienation" and "Class Consciousness"), the dimensions
include (1) Social Coherence, (2) Social Integration, (3) Social Actualization,
(4) Social Contribution, and (5) Social Acceptance. In general, socially healthy people
find the world around them coherent and interesting; they feel they belong to their
community and have something they can contribute to the world; and they think
society and other people can improve.
The fundamental nature of the self-concept justifies the exploration of the social
dimensions of well-being. Theorists from psychology (James, 1890; Markus &
Wurf, 1987) and sociology (Cooley, 1902; Mead, 1934) proffer formulations of the
self as both private and social. The self-concept plays an integral part in the feeling,

3Exceptions are global life satisfaction with one's neighbors or city, and Ryff's (1989b) "positive
relations with others." Still, relationships to other people and society are portrayed as unidirectional (i.e.,
what one gets therefrom) or as filial (i.e., immediate, interpersonal relations).
178 C o r e y Lee M. Keyes and Carol D. R y f f

perception, and articulation of how individuals function and how they think about
their functioning (see also Markus & Herzog, 1991). Recognizing the multidimen-
sional and social nature of well-being provides a more comprehensive and realistic
account of the fact that people live out their lives as social creatures.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We greatly appreciate and acknowledge the support and the intellectual stimulation provided by our
colleagues in the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Research Network on Successful Midlife Devel-
opment (Dr. Orville Gilbert Brim, Director). Portions of work reported in this chapter are also supported
by a grant from the National Institute on Aging (1R01AG08979). Special thanks to Marilyn Essex, Sue
Heidrich, Young Hyun Lee, Pamela Schmutte, and Marsha Seltzer for their contributions to the work
reviewed here.

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