Tribal Development Report

This book sheds light on the status of tribal communities in Central India with
respect to governance, human development, gender, health, education, arts,
and culture. Written by noted academics, thematic experts, and activists, this
first-of-its-kind report by the Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation brings
together case studies, archival research, and exhaustive data on key facets of
the lives of Adivasis, the various programmes meant for their development,
and the policy and systems challenges, to build a better understanding of the
Adivasi predicament.
This volume

• Discusses the human development challenges faced by the Adivasis in

India, covering the dismal state of health, education, and nutrition in
Adivasi regions;
• Explores key issues related to gender and development in an Adivasi
context, the impact of the loss of common lands and forests on their
traditional economic roles;
• Presents the progress made thus far in implementing PESA and FRA;
• Examines the current state of ‘Denotified Tribes’ in India, the policy
response of the state post-independence, and the abrogation of the
act, and discusses the immediate need for recognition of their political
rights;
• Highlights the importance of recognising, developing, and preserving
Adivasi arts, music, dance, crafts, language and literature, and
knowledge systems.

Companion to Tribal Development Report: Livelihoods, this book will be of

great interest to scholars and researchers of indigenous studies, development
studies, and South Asian studies.

Mihir Shah has co-founded the Samaj Pragati Sahayog in 1990 and has
spent the past three decades living and working in remote, central tribal
India, forging a new paradigm of inclusive and sustainable development.
From 2009 to 2014, he was Member, Planning Commission, Government of
India, chiefly responsible for drafting the paradigm shift in water enunciated
in the 12th Five-Year Plan, as also a makeover of MGNREGA, with a
renewed emphasis on rural livelihoods, based on construction of productive
assets. In 2019, the Government of India invited him to chair a Committee
to draft the new National Water Policy.

P.S. Vijayshankar is co-founder of Samaj Pragati Sahayog, one of the largest

civil society initiatives in water and agriculture based in Central India. He
has lived and worked among the tribal communities for over 30 years. He
was a Visiting Scholar at the Centre for Advanced Study of India (CASI),
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA (2011) and is currently
Adjunct Faculty at Centre for Public Affairs and Critical Theory (C-PACT),
Shiv Nadar University, Delhi. He is the Founding Director of Nature Positive
Farming and Wholesome Foods Foundation (N+3F), a company engaged in
the promotion of sustainable agriculture.

Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation (BRLF: http://brlf.in) was set up by

the Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India, as an independent
society with the aim of upscaling civil society action in partnership with
government, with a focus on the Central Indian tribal region. Together with its
civil society partners and several state governments, BRLF is working with
hundreds of thousands of, mostly tribal, households, to eliminate poverty
and deprivation, develop climate resilient sustainable livelihoods, create
empowered community institutions led by women, and build capacities
and tribal leadership at the grassroots. This Tribal Development Report has
been anchored by BRLF’s research vertical.
Tribal Development Report
Human Development and Governance

Edited by Mihir Shah and

P.S. Vijayshankar
Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation
First published 2023
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
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business
© 2023 Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation
The right of Mihir Shah and P.S. Vijayshankar to be identified as
the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their
individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77
and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
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or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
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ISBN: 978-0-367-72473-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-00129-6 (pbk)
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DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864
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Contents

List of Figuresvii
List of Tablesviii
List of Contributorsxi
Acknowledgementsxv

Introduction 1
MIHIR SHAH AND P.S. VIJAYSHANKAR

PART I
Human Development and Governance9

1 Gender Issues, Including Gender-based Violence, among

Scheduled Tribes 11
MADHU SARIN AND SHANKAR GOPALAKRISHNAN

2 Forests, People, and Their Hopes: PESA and FRA and Overview 56
AJAY DANDEKAR AND SAYANTANI SATPATHI

3 Health of Tribal People in Central India 85

HANUMAPPA SUDARSHAN AND TANYA SESHADRI

4 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 158

DIPA SINHA

5 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes in India: With a

Focus on Schedule V Areas and West Bengal 193
VIMALA RAMACHANDRAN
vi Contents
6 The Children of Lesser Gods: The Tragedy of Denotified
Tribes Today 232
AJAY DANDEKAR

PART II
Arts, Crafts, and Languages273

7 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts within the Central

Indian Tribal Belt 275
SUDESHNA GUHA

8 Adivasi Knowledge, Language, and Literature 339

G.N. DEVY

Index352
Figures

4.1 Stunting and underweight among children under 5 years, by

caste/tribe160
4.2 Low birthweight (<2.5 kg) 162
4.3 Adolescent girls (% with low BMI) 163
4.4 Protein and calorie adequacy status (Adivasi children) 169
4.5 Protein adequacy of adults 170
4.6 Median household intake of nutrients 170
4.7 Average household intake of foodstuffs 171
4.8 Expenditure state share for implementation of ICDS scheme 186
Tables

0.1 Distribution of Adivasi districts by ecological zones, 2011 2

2.1 Status of PESA implementation by states 64
2.2 National Committees set up to evaluate forest rights and
land tenures 75
2.3 Status of Community Rights claims received 78
2.4 Status of Community Rights titles 79
2.5 Extent of forest land for titles distributed (acres) 80
2.6 Status on FRA claims approval: Central Indian Tribal Belt
as on March 31, 2019 82
3.1 Full antenatal check-up coverage in women who had live
births 35 months prior to survey in 2013–2014 (percentage) 88
3.2 Proportion of women with live birth in 35 months prior to
survey based on the number of antenatal check-ups received 89
3.3 Institutional delivery in women with live birth 35 months
prior to survey (percentage) 90
3.4 Point of care for delivery and birth attendance across
various social groups 91
3.5 Proportion of currently married women in tribal
communities aged 15–49 years currently using any modern
contraceptive method 93
3.6 Newborns who received care within 24 hours of birth based
on social category (percentage) 96
3.7 Percentage of children aged 0–5 months who received
exclusive breastfeeding (percentage) 97
3.8 Percentage of children aged 12–23 months are fully
immunised by state and social category (percentage) 97
3.9 Mortality rates for ST children when compared to other
children (per 1,000 live births) 98
3.10 Status of undernutrition of children based on social
category (percentage) 101
3.11 Nutritional anaemia prevalence among children under
5 years and women in reproductive age group for ST and
other communities 102
 Tables ix
3.12 Prevalence of alcohol consumption among tribal and non-
tribal men aged 15–54 years (percent) 109
3.13 Prevalence of tobacco consumption among tribal and non-
tribal men aged 15–49 years (percent) 110
3.14 Financing access to healthcare 120
3.15 Doctors at primary health centres in tribal areas (as on
March 31, 2017) 121
3.16 Specialists at community health centres in tribal areas (as
on March 31, 2017) 121
3.17 Problems faced in accessing health services compared
between SC, ST, and national average (percentage) 124
3.18 State-wise sex ratio as per Census 2011 130
3.19 Literacy rates of ST and total population across the states
as per Census 2011 136
3.20 Income slabs of ST households across the states 137
3.21 Main sources of household income for ST households 137
3.22 Households with latrine facility within premises and
practising open defecation 139
3.23 Main source of lighting in ST and other households 140
4.1 Stunting, underweight, and wasting among STs – state-wise 161
4.2 Percentage of adolescent girls with a low BMI – states 164
4.3 Proportion of underweight adults 165
4.4 Anaemia prevalence 166
4.5 Infant and young child feeding 168
4.6 Population norms under Integrated Child Development
Services (ICDS) scheme 174
4.7 Access to ICDS services 176
4.8 Vitamin A, IFA, deworming, and salt iodisation 177
4.9 Vitamin A, IFA, and deworming – state-wise 178
4.10 Budgets for ICDS (₹ crores) 185
5.1 All India literacy rate of general, SC, and ST population
(1961–2011) (figures in percentage) 193
5.2 Out-of-school children (6–13 years) in Schedule
V states in 2014 199
5.3 Gap in literacy rate of ST compared to total population 201
5.4 Gap in literacy between total and ST population 202
5.5 Percentage distribution of out-of-school children
(6–13 years), by social-religious groups 205
5.6 Proportion of ST teachers: female in Schedule V Area 206
5.7 Enrolment of ST students by streams, 2014–2015 207
5.8 Enrolment of ST students by stream, higher secondary
grades, 2014–2015 207
5.9 Caste category–wise percentage of students, teachers, and
non-teaching staff 211
5.10 Access to schooling by social categories, 2007–2008 215
x Tables
5.11 GER of STs in higher education 2012–2013 216
5.12 KGBV status in Scheduled Tribes districts
(SFD, 25% and above) 223
7.1 Funds allocated/sanctioned to tribal research
institutes (in lakhs) 297
7.2 Sum allocated to TRIFED in 2012–2017, under
institutional support for marketing and development of
tribal products/produce (in crores) 298
7.3 Skill development and capacity-building in handicrafts:
state-wise account of training programmes, number of
tribal beneficiaries, and funds utilised (in lakhs) 299
7.4 State-wise list of tribal beneficiaries in the scheme
‘Marketing and Promotion of Tribal Products’ and funds
utilised, 2014–2017 300
7.5 Data on budgetary allocation, sanctioned amount, and
number of beneficiaries of NSTFDC, 2013–2016 301
7.6 Data on the amount spent by TRIFED for procuring tribal
products, and amount disbursed by TRIFED to tribal
artisans/producers, 2012–2015 302
Contributors

Ajay Dandekar is one of India’s leading social scientists. He completed

his PhD from Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru Univer-
sity. He has been Senior Research Fellow at the Social Science Centre,
Mumbai, and a Trustee of Gunter Sonteimer Foundation, Pune. He has
vast experience of working with Denotified and nomadic tribal Com-
munities and Pastoral Nomadic groups. Some of his well-known work
revolves around various causes of agrarian crisis and how it has resulted
in increasing rates of farmer suicides across the country. Dr Dandekar
has co-authored four books and has to his credit over 40 research articles
and academic writings. In the recent past, his interest has spread across
resources and conflicts in the tribal heartland and has contributed policy
papers and research writings on the same. Some of his well-known books
include Mythos and the Logos of the Warlis: A Tribal Worldview (1988),
Bharatiya Itihaas ke Strota (2000), and Ecology Economy: Quest for a
Socially Informed Connection (2013).
G.N. Devy is Honorary Professor, Centre for Multidisciplinary Develop-
ment Research, Dharwad, India, and Chairman, People’s Linguistic Sur-
vey of India. An award-winning writer and cultural activist, he is known
for his 50-volume language survey. He is Founder Director of the Adivasi
Academy at Tejgadh in Gujarat, India, and was formerly Professor of
English at M.S. University of Baroda. He is the recipient of the Sahitya
Akademi Award, Linguapax Prize, Prince Claus Award, and Padma Shri.
With several books in English, Marathi, and Gujarati, he has co-edited
(with Geoffrey V. Davis and K.K. Chakravarty) Narrating Nomadism:
Tales of Recovery and Resistance (2012), Knowing Differently: The
Challenge of the Indigenous (2013), Performing Identities: Celebrating
Indigeneity in the Arts (2014), and The Language Loss of the Indig-
enous (2016), published by Routledge.
Shankar Gopalakrishnan is a writer and organiser based out of Dehradun.
He is affiliated with the Campaign for Survival and Dignity, a national
platform of Adivasi and forest dwellers’ organisations, and Chetna
Andolan, a people’s organisation of the state of Uttarakhand. He is also
xii Contributors
an activist of the Uttarakhand Nav Nirman Mazdoor Sangh, a new union
of unorganised sector workers in Uttarakhand, India. He has written
about political economy, control over natural resources, hate politics,
migration, workers’ issues, and other issues relating to social change.
His notable publications include Political Economy of Migration (2009),
The Conflict in India’s Forests: Will State-driven Expropriation Con-
tinue? (2019), Large Projects, “Development” and Riding Roughshod
over People’s Rights (2019), and The Art of Converting Workers ‘Rights’
into ‘Benefits’ (2019).
Sudeshna Guha is trained in the field of archaeology and apart from teach-
ing South Asian history and archaeology, she has a long professional
background in curatorship, through management of historical photo-
graphic archives and archaeological collections. Her research focuses on
shifts and transformations of notions of evidence and issues of histori-
ography – until now through enquiries into the histories of archaeology,
photography, museums, collections, and archives. Her book Artefacts
of History (2015) engages with aspects of the historiography of Indian
archaeology, and the edited volume The Marshall Albums: Photography
and Archaeology (Mapin/Alkazi Collection of Photography, 2010) is on
select histories of the photographic practices of the colonial Archaeologi-
cal Survey of India. Sudeshna holds a PhD in Archaeology and is cur-
rently faculty at Shiv Nadar University.
Vimala Ramachandran is Professor and National Fellow, NUEPA, New
Delhi, and was until recently the Managing Director, Educational
Resource Unit – a group of researchers and practitioners working on edu-
cation and empowerment. She was among the founders and was the first
National Project Director of Mahila Samakhya (1988–1993) – a Govern-
ment of India programme on women’s education based in the Depart-
ment of Education, Ministry of Human Resources Development (HRD).
She was Founder and Managing Trustee of Health Watch – a women’s
health network, from 1994 to 2004. She has published extensively on
education, health, gender issues, and women’s empowerment. She has
been engaged in advocacy for universal quality education and girls’ edu-
cation. Some of her noted publications include Hierarchies of Access:
Gender and Equity in Primary Education (2004), Getting Children Back
to School: Case Studies in Primary Education (2003), and Bridging the
Gap between Intention and Action – Girls’ and Women’s Education in
South Asia (1998).
Madhu Sarin has over 30 years of experience in community-based natu-
ral resource management. She has been a part of Campaign for Survival
and Dignity (CSD), which is an informal collaboration of grassroots-led
movements to fight for the right of marginalised and impoverished forest
 Contributors xiii
dwellers. Madhu Sarin is Honorary Fellow of the Rights and Resources
Initiative (RRI), Washington, DC. She was an integral part of the Techni-
cal Support Group constituted by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, which
was responsible for drafting the Forest Rights Act, 2006. Since the Act
got passed in 2006, she has been majorly involved in proper and effec-
tive implementation of the law across the country. She has extensively
written on Forest Rights Act: Undoing Historical Injustice – Reclaim-
ing Citizenship Rights and Democratic Forest Governance through the
Forest Rights Act (2014), Laws, Lore and Logjams: Critical Issues in
Indian Forest Conservation (2005) are some of her articles on the afore-
said issues.

Sayantani Satpathi is a mixed methods researcher, who works on a wide

range of policy issues. Sayantani was a doctoral student in public policy
in the University of Oklahoma, United States. During her graduate studies
in University of Oklahoma and Kent State University, United States, she
worked as a researcher in projects funded by US federal and state agen-
cies. Since then, Sayantani has served as the Impact Assessment Director
for Going to School and Senior Research Associate for Janaagraha Cen-
tre for Citizenship and Democracy. Currently, she is the Research Lead
at Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation. She has written several articles,
book chapters, and policy white papers. She has contributed to a number
of technical reports, including The Impact of the Electronic Media on
the Modern Indian Voter: A Study of the Post-Liberalization Era (2011);
Movies, Masculinity, and the Nationalist Discourse: A Study of Mascu-
linity in Indian Violence Movies (2012); Addressing the nutrition crisis:
Reflections from Odisha Millets Mission (2021).

Tanya Seshadri is a medical doctor and community health consultant. She

has worked with NGOs and community health centres in southern and
northeast India helping in setting up and managing of community health
programmes. She has also led public health research projects on social
exclusion in health and on maternal health. In BR Hills in southern India,
she has helped initiate a participatory action research programme to
facilitate health-related engagement by the local community. She teaches
within community health and public health courses at various universi-
ties and facilitates field-based immersions in public health for researchers
and students at a field station in BR Hills. She is an independent con-
sultant with the Achutha Menon Centre for Health Sciences Research,
the public health division of Shree Chitra Tirunal Institute of Medical
Sciences & Technology, and Adjunct Faculty at the Institute of Public
Health, Bengaluru. Some of her relatively well-known research articles
include A Health Equity Research Agenda for India: Results of a Consul-
tative Exercise (2018) and Empowering Mothers (2016).
xiv Contributors
Dipa Sinha is Assistant Professor at the School of Liberal Studies, Ambed-
kar University, Delhi. Before joining AUD, she worked with the Office
of Commissioners to the Supreme Court, Centre for Equity Studies and
Public Health Research Network, and is actively involved with the Right
to Food Campaign. She holds an MA in Economics from JNU, an MSc in
Development Studies from School of Oriental and African Studies, Lon-
don, and a PhD from JNU. She has contributed through her articles on
ways to extend maternity benefits to informal workers and has drafted a
report briefly discussing the challenges in the public sector and what can
be some of the possible ways to mitigate them. Her notable work include
Women, Health and Public Services in India – Why Are States Different?
She has also published a number of articles on financial inclusion and
food security.
Hanumappa Sudarshan is a medical doctor, renowned philanthropist, and
revolutionist, who has spent his life for the upliftment of tribal communi-
ties across India. His social service honoured him with Right Livelihood
Award and the Padma Shri. After graduation, he joined the charitable
health institutions of Ramakrishna Mission which took him to the Hima-
layas of Uttar Pradesh, Belur Math in West Bengal, and Ponnampet in
Karnataka as part of the job. Instead of pursuing a medical practice in the
cities, he decided to work with tribal communities and in 1980, he started
the Vivekananda Girijana Kalyana Kendra for the integrated develop-
ment of the tribals in the Chamarajanagar district of Karnataka. He is
also Founder and Honorary Secretary of the Karuna Trust, which is ded-
icated to rural development in the states of Karnataka and Arunachal
Pradesh. He claims inspiration from the man-making and nation-building
ideals of Swami Vivekananda and advocates Gandhian ideals and princi-
ples for rural development. Dr Sudarshan has held many positions in his
career, prominent among them being the chairmanship of the Task Force
on Health and Family Welfare, organised by the Government of Karna-
taka, and the Task Force on Public Private Partnership, organised by the
National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) of Government of India and
Institute of Health Management & Research (IHMR), Bangalore. Good
Governance in Health Care: The Karnataka Experience (2011) is one of
his notable work on status of healthcare in India He was also associated
as a member of Working Group 6 on Macro-Economics & Health organ-
ised by the World Health Organization and was also a Steering Group
member of the Planning Commission on the Empowerment of Scheduled
Tribes in India’s 11th Five-Year Plan.
Acknowledgements

Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation (BRLF) would like to gratefully

acknowledge the inputs received from independent experts which have
played a crucial role in shaping the report. In particular, thanks are due
to Sanchita Bakshi, Abhay Bang, Amita Baviskar, Kaveri Gill, Himan-
shu, Sushma Iyengar, R. Srinivasan Iyer, Surinder Jodhka, Madan Meena,
Apoorva Oza, Rashmi Paliwal, Usha Ramanathan, Arvind Sardana, Pankaj
Shah, T. Sundararaman, A.R. Vasavi, and Virginius Xaxa. Thanks are due
to Pritha Banerjee and Subhodeep Basu for their editorial support. Vini-
tha Bachina, Kanika Garg, Kush Mehndiratta and Kumar Rajesh for their
research assistance they provided for the report. BRLF would also like to
express its gratitude to the Ministry of Rural Development, Ministry of
Tribal Affairs, Ministry of Panchayati Raj, all under Government of India,
and the state governments of Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Madhya
Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Jharkhand,
and West Bengal for their support in our work.
Introduction
Mihir Shah and P.S. Vijayshankar

This is the second volume of a Report (in two volumes) about the invisible
people of India. A testament to how truly invisible they are is the fact that
this is almost the first report of its kind about the Adivasis of India, in more
than seven decades since Independence.1
In the development paradigms of our time, there are those who do not find
a place. Their interests are not merely ignored, they are deeply wounded.
Among them is the ecosystem that nurtures life on earth, as also the abo-
riginal inhabitants of this planet, the Adivasis. The relentless juggernaut of
rapacious consumption destroys forests, mines groundwater, pollutes rivers,
as also the air we breathe. The well-being of communities who are weak
and without a voice gets trampled over in the process. The Adivasis of India
have suffered great historical injustice.
This Report seeks to document these injustices, but also attempts to
explain how we can redress them. It chronicles the various ways in which
policy has impacted the Adivasis, policies that ignored them and others that
tried to benefit them. In each case, the aim is to discover the way forward so
that we can learn from the mistakes of the past, as also from those attempts
that show glimmers of insight that we can build upon. The Report is inspired
by efforts to support Adivasis to find their sense of agency in the massive
task of national reconstruction and an attempt to learn from the Adivasis
what they can and need to teach us, about sustainable development, of a
way of life that both understands and respects Nature.
Adivasis are the aboriginal inhabitants of India, driven over centuries
further and further away from alluvial plains and fertile river basins into
‘refuge zones’ – hills, forests, and drylands. Whatever be the exact histori-
cal process that led the Adivasis there (and this has indeed been a matter of
debate and disagreement among scholars), the undeniable fact is that they
do inhabit some of the harshest ecological regions of the country today:

• Forests (where >15% of district area is under forest);

• Hilly areas (1–3, 7, 8, and 11 of the 14 physiographic zones classified
by the Forest Survey of India’s State of the Forests Report, 2009); and
• Drylands (as defined in Shah et al. [1998])2

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-1
2 Mihir Shah and P.S. Vijayshankar
Table 0.1 Distribution of Adivasi districts by ecological zones, 2011

Ecological region Districts % Districts

Forests 193 75
Dry 98 38
Hilly 77 30
Hilly and forests 72 28
Dry or hilly or forests 230 90
All India 257 100

This analysis includes only those districts where the Adivasi population is at
least as high as the national average. We call these the ‘Adivasi districts’ of
India. In 2011, there were 257 such Adivasi districts (Table 0.1).
We can see that of the 257 Adivasi districts, 230 districts (90%) are either
forested or hilly or dry. Together, these 230 districts account for 80% of
the total Adivasi population of the country. We must also recognise that
Adivasi areas typically transcend static administrative borders of districts
and states. Indeed, Adivasi concentration mirrors the ecological continu-
ity of these areas, in terms of their being hilly, forested, or dry. Adivasi
sub-districts belong to a larger contiguous backward region or Adivasi belt,
which goes beyond the frozen administrative categories of state, district,
and sub-district. In fact, mapping of predominantly Adivasi-concentrated
sub-districts suggests a continuum of pockets of underdevelopment that are
connected to one another and to the larger development processes around
them. A brief illustration of this can be provided with reference to the dis-
tricts of Gwalior, Visakhapatnam, and Thane. In Gwalior, the backward
sub-district of Bhitarwar is adjoining Shivpuri district in the south. This
larger area is part of the contiguous Sahariya Adivasi (Particularly Vulner-
able Tribal Group – PVTG) belt that moves from Baran in Rajasthan in
the west towards the east to Sheopur, Shivpuri, Gwalior, and Bhind across
Madhya Pradesh. Similarly, in Visakhapatnam, we find the backward sub-
districts of Peda Bayalu, G. Madugula, and Chintapalle all concentrated
in the north, adjoining the Adivasi-dominated KBK region of Odisha. In
Thane too, we find wide variations in the levels of development between
the prosperous south and the neglected Adivasi regions in the north. The
majority of the Adivasi population is concentrated towards the north in sub-
districts of Palghar, Dahanu, Vikramgadh, Talasari, Mokhada, and Wada.
This area is part of a contiguous Adivasi stretch covering districts of Dadra
and Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu, and parts of Gujarat and Rajasthan.
Over time, in their refuge zones, the Adivasis came to develop a rela-
tionship of symbiosis with their immediate environment. They revered and
protected the forest, which provided their basic needs. This relationship was
canonised in the form of customary rights over the forest produce. With
the advent of colonial rule, especially over the last century, this bond was
 Introduction 3
ruptured. After the 1980 Forest Conservation Act, the conflict came to be
seen as between environmental protection and needs of local Adivasi com-
munities. The Adivasi response was illegal felling of trees and grazing of
forest grasslands. A wedge was driven between people and forests.
The National Forest Policy of 1988 did for the first time explicitly rec-
ognise that domestic requirements of local people should be the first charge
on forest resources. It also emphasised safeguarding their customary rights
and closely associating Adivasis in the protection of forests. But movement
towards a people-oriented perspective has not been matched by reality on
the ground. Even after the much-touted Joint Forest Management, it is the
writ of the Forest Guards that continued to rule the forest. Corruption was
institutionalised and destruction of the forest by all parties proceeded apace.
Deforestation ruined original Adivasi habitats and forced them to move out.
Having first been driven over centuries to retreat into refuge zones, the Adi-
vasis were forcibly pushed out of an ambience with which they had gradu-
ally developed a close relationship.
Following the breakdown of their relationship with the forest, Adivasis
in most areas made a hesitant and faltering entry into agriculture. Census
figures show that over 93% of Adivasis are employed in agriculture. The
stereotype of Adivasis living in isolated, self-contained, ‘hunter-gatherer’
communities is no longer accurate. These Adivasi farmers are subject to
myriad forms of exploitation by the highly interlocked non-Adivasi axis of
power that dominates the land, land-lease, labour, credit, and input mar-
kets. Often Adivasis lose control over their land because they cannot repay
their debts. Thousands of hectares of land have been lost in this manner.
The Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA) and
the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition
of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 (FRA) were landmark legislations to correct
the historical injustices done to Adivasis, to strengthen democratic decen-
tralisation in these areas and protect the rights of the Adivasis. However, as
elaborated in this Report, their implementation has left a lot to be desired.
As a result, measured on any reasonable metric, among all communi-
ties, the Adivasis of India find themselves at the bottom of the develop-
ment pyramid. In all kinds of physical and social infrastructure and human
development, including health, nutrition, education, irrigation, roads, and
governance, they have suffered the maximum neglect. On top of that, they
have also borne the brunt of the ravages of development:

Independent estimates place the number of people displaced following

development projects in India over the last sixty years at 60 million, and
only a third of these are estimated to have been resettled in a planned
manner. This is the highest number of people uprooted for development
projects in the world. Most of these people are the asset-less rural poor,
marginal farmers, poor fisher-folk and quarry workers. Around 40 per
cent of those displaced belonged to Adivasis and 20 per cent to Dalits.
4 Mihir Shah and P.S. Vijayshankar
Given that 90 per cent of our coal, more than 50 per cent of most
minerals and most prospective dam sites are in Adivasi regions, there
is likely to be continuing contention over issues of land acquisition in
these areas, inhabited by some of our most deprived people.
(Planning Commission, 2013, Vol. I, p. 196)3

Indeed, contrary to what mainstream economic theory postulates, we

find that many ‘developed’ districts paradoxically include pockets of intense
‘backwardness’ (Bakshi, Chawla, and Shah, 2015).4 As per the 12th Five-
Year Plan, many districts include the most backward and most developed
sub-districts within them: 92 districts have sub-districts that figure in the list
of both the top 20% and bottom 20% of India’s sub-districts. Because the
demography of Adivasis in Central India displays a striking ­singularity –
high density coupled with minority status – Adivasi pockets (clusters of
hamlets) are surrounded by large masses of non-Adivasis. In a large number
of polarised districts, where the majority of the population in the district is
non-tribal, we not just find a high concentration of tribals in the backward
sub-districts, we also discover evidence of this enclavement around centres
of growth and development. In Korba and Raigarh districts of Chattisgarh,
Valsad of Gujarat, Paschmi Singhbhum and Purbi Singhbhum of Jharkhand,
and Kendujhar, Koraput, and Mayurbhunj of Odisha, we find that the most
advanced sub-districts are flanked by the most underdeveloped tribal sub-
districts. Thus, far from the ideal pattern of development expanding in
concentric circles around growth poles, we find a growing divergence of
development leading to a high degree of polarisation within different, even
adjacent, parts of the same district. In fact, in spatial terms, the extent of
divide in these districts manifests itself as a core–periphery contrast. It could
even be suggested that in many instances, the development of the larger
region of which the tribals are a part itself becomes a source of underde-
velopment of the tribals. Typically, tribal areas are mineral- and forest-rich
and the extraction of these resources tends to be a one-way street with little
benefit flowing to the tribal people.
This spatial dimension of uneven development in these ‘polarised’ dis-
tricts calls for a re-examination of some of the conventional theories of
development planning. The mainstream regional economic planning entails
a growth pole strategy designed with the expectation of favourable spin-
off impacts for the larger region. Advocates for the strategy argue that all
regions do not possess equal capacity to grow, and deliberate focusing of
investment on a limited number of centres would satisfy a necessary con-
dition for development. Typically, the strategy involves concentration of
investment at a limited number of locations, in an attempt to encourage eco-
nomic activity and thereby improve the standards of living within a broader
region. A growth pole is viewed as a ‘set of expanding industries located
in an urban area and inducing further development of economic activity
throughout its zone of influence’ (Boudeville, 1966 as quoted in Parr 1999).5
 Introduction 5
It is generally assumed that early development within a region would ini-
tially generate increasingly large differentials in income and development,
but gradually as the core prospers, interregional income inequality after
reaching a maximum level would subsequently decline, in the manner of an
inverted U, the so-called Kuznets Curve.6 According to Williamson (1965):

Somewhere during the course of development, some or all of the dis-

equilibrating tendencies diminish, causing a reversal in the pattern of
interregional inequality. Instead of divergence in interregional levels of
development, convergence becomes the rule, with the backward regions
closing the gap between themselves and the already industrialised areas.
The expected result is that a statistic describing regional inequality will
trace out an inverted ‘U’ over the national growth path.7

Adivasi experience in India directly contradicts this sanguine view that

dominates mainstream development economics literature. It is clear that
while the growth pole could be regarded as a necessary condition for growth
of the region, it is by no means sufficient for the purpose. Contrary to this
perception of a distributive core, we find that increasingly the deprivation
of the Adivasis happens around the growth pole. What is more, given the
abysmal levels of human development of the Adivasi people, thanks to the
complete absence of requisite health and education facilities in their areas,
they are deeply disadvantaged in being able to benefit from the possibilities
of growth in these regions. This not only points to the infirmities and inad-
equacies of the prevailing regional development strategies, but also raises
pertinent questions about the nature of development taking place around
the so-called growth poles. Clearly, development coexists with underdevel-
opment in a large number of districts in India. It may even be that the devel-
opment and underdevelopment of sub-regions within the same region could
be of one piece. As Hirschman and Rothschild presciently warned nearly
half a century ago,

In the early stages of rapid economic development, when inequalities in

the distribution of income among different classes, sectors and regions
are apt to increase sharply, it can happen that society’s tolerance for
such disparities will be substantial. To the extent that such tolerance
comes into being, it accommodates, as it were, the increasing inequali-
ties in an almost providential fashion. But this tolerance is like a credit
that falls due at a certain date. It is extended in the expectation that
eventually the disparities will narrow again. If this does not occur, there
is bound to be trouble and, perhaps, disaster.
(Hirschman and Rothschild, 1973, p. 545)8

The ‘initial gratification’ caused by the hope-inducing ‘tunnel effect’ that

Hirschman and Rothschild drew attention to has long since run its course
6 Mihir Shah and P.S. Vijayshankar
in Adivasi India, which is increasingly gripped by a sense of alienation and
disenchantment with the national mainstream.9 Because they generally form
such a small proportion of the district or state population, they are also
often unable to influence the mainstream political agenda. The political
leadership that arises, for the most part, projects them only symbolically
and strategically. It has a limited voice in effecting power sharing between
the state and tribal areas, which for many is a critical step to improve the
lives of tribals in India.10
There is, therefore, an urgent need to rethink strategies of development
for these regions with a greater focus on sustainable and equitable natural
resource management, within a framework of greater devolution of powers
and participatory development planning. A focus on the sub-district would
be a natural starting point for a new strategy for these regions.
The Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation (BRLF) was constituted by the
Government of India with precisely this aim in view. The focus of BRLF
work is the Central Indian Adivasi belt, centred on sub-districts with more
than 20% Adivasi population in around 1,000 sub-districts across about 190
districts in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand,
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan, Telangana, and West
Bengal. The aim is to help build a new paradigm of sustainable and equi-
table development, anchored in the principles of subsidiarity and people’s
empowerment. Exemplifying this new paradigm through the work of care-
fully selected civil society partners, mandatorily working in close partner-
ship with gram sabhas, gram panchayats, and state governments would
enable an improvement in the implementation of the various programmes
of the central and state governments, which have suffered historically from
a growing gap between outlays and impactful outcomes on the ground. The
goal is to rebuild the confidence of the Adivasi people in Indian democracy
and India’s development process, by establishing their agency as the pivot
upon which the entire development momentum is built.
This Report is a logical culmination of the work BRLF has been doing in
this direction over the past eight years. The idea was to get the best schol-
ars and practitioners to come together to review different key facets of the
lives of Adivasis, as also the various programmes meant for Adivasi devel-
opment, in order to build a better understanding of the Adivasi predica-
ment and come up with suggestions for improving the design and quality of
implementation of development programmes.
The first volume of the Report (being brought out as a separate book,
simultaneously with this volume) focuses on multiple dimensions of Adi-
vasi livelihoods, providing a broad overview of the macro-economic situa-
tion of Adivasi communities, including land, agriculture, water, energy, and
infrastructure.
This second volume of the Report is divided into two parts. Part I focuses
on human development and governance, covering the dismal state of health,
education, and nutrition in Adivasi regions and the strategic direction and
 Introduction 7
steps needed to make progress here. Special attention is also paid to the key
issues related to gender in an Adivasi context, aspects that continue to suffer
neglect in policymaking. This volume presents an updated account of the
progress made thus far in implementing PESA and FRA and the reforms
needed to convert them into more effective instruments of Adivasi empow-
erment. A separate chapter is devoted to highlighting the utter tragedy of
the so-called denotified tribes of India, their wretched predicament, and the
possible ways of redressing the enormous violence they have suffered.
Part II is devoted to Adivasi arts, crafts, knowledge, and language and
literature to highlight the enormous wealth India stands to lose, in cultural
and intellectual terms, if we continue to neglect this bountiful heritage. At a
time when the world faces an unprecedented challenge to its ways of think-
ing about development and our relationship to Nature, it is this legacy that
could teach us so much about respecting and preserving diversity, about a
way of life based on virtues of simplicity and humility that the post-­industrial
civilisation has all but forgotten. It may not be still too late to learn from our
aboriginal teachers. The question is: do we have the requisite humility and
sagacity to be students again?

Notes
1 While a large number of propositions in the Report are applicable to the whole
of India’s Adivasi population, its primary focus is on the Central Indian Adivasi
Belt, inhabited by 75% of India’s Adivasis.
2 The data here is an update of the original exercise carried out in Mihir Shah et al.
(1998): India’s Drylands: Tribal Societies and Development through Environ-
mental Regeneration, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
3 Planning Commission (2013): Twelfth Five-Year Plan, New Delhi: Planning
Commission, GoI.
4 Sanchita Bakshi, Arunish Chawla and Mihir Shah (2015), ‘Regional Disparities
in India: A Moving Frontier’, Economic and Political Weekly, January 3.
5 J-R Boudenville (1966): Problems of Regional Economic Planning, Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press.
JB Parr (1999), ‘Growth Pole Strategies in Regional Economic Planning: A Ret-
rospective View’, Urban Studies, 36.
6 Simon Kuznets (1955), ‘Economic Growth and Income Inequality’, American
Economic Review, Vol. 45, No. 1. It is, of course, yet another matter that the
literature has widely misrepresented what Kuznets actually says in this landmark
paper.
7 J Williamson (1965), ‘Regional Inequality and the Process of National Devel-
opment: A Description of the Patterns’, Economic Development and Cultural
Change, 13.
8 Albert Hirschman and Michael Rothschild (1973), ‘The Changing Tolerance
for Income Inequality in the Course of Economic Development’, The Quarterly
Journal of Economics, Vol. 87, No. 4, pp. 544–566.
9 As Hirschman and Rothschild remark: ‘For the tunnel effect to be strong (or
even to exist), the group that does not advance must be able to empathise, at
least for a while, with the group that does. In other words, the two groups
must not be divided by barriers that are or are felt as impassable. . . . If, in
8 Mihir Shah and P.S. Vijayshankar
segmented societies, economic advance becomes identified with one particular
language or ethnic group or with members of one particular religion or region,
then those who are left out and behind are unlikely to experience the tunnel
effect’ (pp. 553–554).
10 For more on lack of tribal leadership, see Roy Burman (1989): Tribes in Perspec-
tive, New Delhi, Mittal Publications.
Part I

Human Development and

Governance
1 Gender Issues, Including
Gender-based Violence,
among Scheduled Tribes1
Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan

Introduction
Gender relations among India’s Scheduled Tribes (ST) population of 104 mil-
lion (Census, 2011) are riddled with complex diversity and are in a process
of dynamic change. ST women suffer not only from normal gender-based
disadvantages, but also those inherent in customary laws and practices while
also due to belonging to the most marginalised and vulnerable section of
Indian society. Gender relations among tribal communities differ in impor-
tant aspects from those among other communities due to the constitutional
protection provided to customary laws and the importance of communal
land and forests not only in their livelihood systems but also in defining their
cultural identities. This chapter attempts to examine the emerging gender
issues, including gender-based violence, among the ST communities of the
Central Indian Tribal Belt (CITB).
India’s 705 Scheduled Tribes constituting 8.6% of the total population
(Census, 2011) are not a homogeneous category but rather represent a very
wide diversity of histories, ethnicity, religious beliefs, cultural traits, and
livelihood systems, often shaped by the ecological landscapes they inhabit.
The spectrum of tribal groups varies between hunter-gatherers, nomadic or
settled pastoralists, artisanal groups, shifting cultivators, and those who have
adopted settled cultivation with many variations between these categories.
The majority of Adivasi communities have been characterised by commu-
nitarian cultures, a non-acquisitive value system, absence of taboos in food
and social practices, and a relatively better status of women in many com-
munities, although all of these features are now under rapid transformation.
The considerably higher sex ratio among STs of 990 females per 1,000
male population compared to the national sex ratio of 943 points to a social
fabric in which women still enjoy a somewhat better status than women in
mainstream Indian society, although this is no longer true among all tribes
in view of the growing heterogeneity and differentiation among them.
An important factor differentiating ST women from the rest is that the
customary laws and practices of different tribes, most of which remain
uncodified, enjoy constitutional protection. The cultural practices of their

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-3
12 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
communities governing their land and inheritance rights typically deny
women ownership in agricultural land (Sircar and Paul, 2016:6). These have
significant impact on ST women’s land and other resource rights which in
turn are reshaping gender relations in a rapidly changing macro-context
(Sircar and Paul, 2016; Bahadur, 2016). While the women’s movement has
successfully pushed for progressive amendments to the Hindu Succession
Amendment Act, 2005 giving women equal inheritance rights as men, there
has been relatively limited attention given to the changing and declining
rights of tribal women, in part due to the constitutional protection granted
to Scheduled Tribes.
Although tribal communities are increasingly heterogeneous and getting
integrated into the market economy, they remain overwhelmingly concen-
trated in rural, often remote, forested areas with continuing high dependence
on forests. Over 93 million STs reside in rural areas, with only 10 million
living in urban areas Their greater proximity and interaction with the main-
stream population and its values is often an important factor reshaping gen-
der relations among them.
Scheduled Tribes can be found from the high Himalayas to the hills of
Southern India, but the main tribal territories are concentrated in the for-
ested belt of Central India and the North-Eastern states. More than half of
the ST population is found in Central India (Madhya Pradesh 14.7%, Maha-
rashtra 10.1%, Odisha 9.2%, Rajasthan 8.9%, Gujarat 8.6%, Jharkhand
8.3%, Chhattisgarh 7.5%, and Andhra Pradesh 5.7%). In this region, there
are three tribes as per Census 2011(MoTA, 2013).
This chapter is primarily focused on the STs in the Central Indian Tribal
Belt. Some tribes are quite small with populations numbering only a few
hundreds or thousands, while others, namely Bhil, Gond, and Santhal,
have much larger populations in millions. It needs to be noted, however,
that the definition of ‘tribe’ remains vague, and the scheduling of tribes has
been uneven, with some Adivasis scheduled in one state but not in others,
and many tribal communities having escaped scheduling altogether or los-
ing scheduled status due to migration to areas other than where they were
scheduled. Thus, although the terms Adivasi and ST are used interchange-
ably in this chapter, it needs to be recognised that not all Adivasis in the
country are recognised as STs.
Given the centrality of land and forests in defining their cultural and
social identity, many tribes have histories of rebellion against being deprived
of access to their forested habitats through forest reservation during colo-
nial rule: a policy which independent India has continued with even greater
vigour. Non-recognition of their customary land and forest rights during the
appropriation of their communitarian resources as state forests has forced
most foraging tribes to switch to settled cultivation or wage labour and
left many labelled as ‘encroachers’ on their ancestral lands. All these inter-
ventions, including the large-scale displacement by development projects,
the pace of which has accelerated with neoliberal economic reforms dur-
ing the past two to three decades, have led to ST impoverishment through
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 13
dispossession and displacement and reshaped their social structures and
survival strategies, including gender relations and women’s status in tribal
societies. The diversity of cultures, histories, and contexts makes it difficult
to comprehensively deal with the emerging gender issues among the STs as
these vary with both the tribe and its context. This chapter attempts to cap-
ture the major emerging trends. The first section provides a brief overview
of gender-based social and development indicators among STs. The second
section delves deeper into the dynamics of ongoing socio-economic change
and changes in gender relations being shaped by macro-level changes trig-
gered by neoliberal market-based development. This section examines the
differentiated impacts on different categories of STs. The third and conclud-
ing section summarises the emerging trends with recommendations for the
way ahead.

An Overview of Gender-based Social and Developmental

Indicators among Scheduled Tribes

Literacy Rates
Literacy is an important indicator of women’s status and their ability to
develop socially, culturally, and economically. There has been significant
improvement in women’s literacy rates over the past few decades. In 1961,
the literacy rate for women across all social groups was 15%, when it was
only 3% among ST women. By 2011, 64% women of all social groups
had become literate, while the literacy rate among ST women had increased
to 49%.
As per the Census figures, literacy rate for STs in India improved from
47.1% in 2001 to 59% in 2011. Among ST males, the literacy rate increased
from 59.2% to 68.5% and among ST females it increased from 34.8% to
49.4% during the same period. Literacy rate for the total population has
increased from 64.8% in 2001 to 73% in 2011. There is a gap of about 14
percentage points in the literacy rate of STs as compared to all India literacy
rate (MoTA, AR, 2018:26). If the North-East areas are excluded, the gap
in the literacy rate between the tribal and overall population is much higher
(Xaxa et al., 2014:182). The literacy rate for ST women is the highest in
some north-eastern states, with literacy rates for ST women being much
closer to those of men in many of them (Census, 2011).
However, there is wide variation in the literacy rates of ST women between
different states. Among the CITB states, Rajasthan (37.3%), Andhra Pradesh
(40.1%), and Madhya Pradesh (41.5%) had the lowest literacy rates among
Adivasi women with Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar, and Odisha not far ahead.
The ST women of only Maharashtra (57%) and Gujarat (53.2%) had lit-
eracy rates above the national literacy rate for ST women.
All Central Indian states also show markedly higher literacy rates for
ST men than ST women – ranging from 30 percentage points higher for
Rajasthan to 18 points higher for MP and Gujarat.
14 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
The Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA) supports various interventions
for promoting different levels of education among ST girls/women. These
include providing 100% funding for construction of residential Ashram
schools and hostels for ST girls; setting up Eklavya Model Residential
Schools (EMRSs) to provide quality middle and higher education to ST stu-
dents through grant-in-aid under Article 275(1) of the Constitution2 and
Pre-Matric/Post-Matric/National Overseas Scholarships and fellowships for
providing top class education for ST students.3
However, as Xaxa et al. (2014:183) pointed out, contemporary concerns
on tribal education are more complex than mere literacy. Absenteeism of
teachers in schools in remote areas has increased. Left-wing extremism and
inter-ethnic violence have resulted in further absenteeism and there is a need
to adopt different strategies for addressing these issues. Security of children,
particularly girls, has become a concern in many locations. Aspiration for
higher education has led the government to institute scholarships for tribal
students, but the uptake has been low due to weak education at primary and
secondary levels that create disadvantages for higher education.
Also, what the statistics do not reveal is that the content of education and
the values imparted in tribal schools tend to be totally insensitive to Adivasi
cultures. The teachers are often non-tribal who look down upon the Adiva-
sis with schooling seldom being in the local language of the community. The
standard curriculum is used without any sensitivity to the unique culture of
the local tribal communities.

When some researchers visited a girls ashramshala (residential school)

for Juang (PVTG) in Keonjhar district of Odisha in 2011, on a cue from
the teacher, all the girls fell on the floor to touch the feet of the visitors.
The girls were being taught in what was the hostel with bunker beds
because of which the girls had to sit with bent heads and backs as the
school building had yet to be built. The teacher expressed contempt for
the tribals and reported that many of the girls run away from the school
as they clearly don’t find the school environment conducive.
(Vasundhara, 2011)

On the CG-Net Swara, a mobile phone–based service, there were numerous

reports from tribal villages of Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh,
Odisha, and Rajasthan of incomplete or absent school buildings, inadequate
teachers for the number of students, teachers not coming to teach or coming
drunk, lack of mid-day meals, absent or non-functional dispensaries, and wom-
en’s SHGs not getting paid for providing meals in anganwadis and schools.

Sex Ratios
The 2011 Census data shows an overall improvement in sex ratio (adults and
children combined) in all categories between 2001 and 2011, with higher
improvement in urban areas. The ST sex ratio improved to 990 from 978
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 15
per 1,000 males, whereas the national average increased to 943 from 933.
The decadal growth rate (2001–2011) of ST female population of 25% was
higher than ST male population growth rate of 23% (MoTA, AR, 2018:25).
The ST sex ratio is higher than the national sex ratio in all states, except
Jammu and Kashmir and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. With the
exception of Kerala and Tamil Nadu, the sex ratio in most major states was
significantly higher among STs than among the general population. Odi-
sha and Chhattisgarh, two of Central India’s poorest states and both with
a sizeable tribal population, are the best performing states when it comes
to improved sex ratio of STs, particularly when compared to states like
Rajasthan (948), Uttar Pradesh (952), Jammu and Kashmir (924), and Bihar
(958). STs in Goa have the highest sex ratio of 1,046 in the country fol-
lowed by Kerala (1,035), Arunachal Pradesh (1,032), Odisha (1,029), and
Chhattisgarh (1,020). Meghalaya, Mizoram, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, and
Lakshadweep are other states/UTs with a sex ratio greater than 1.
The child sex ratio (number of girls per 1,000 boys in the 0–6 age group)
among Scheduled Tribes in the country, however, declined faster than in
other categories of the population between 2001 and 2011. The national
average dipped to 919 in 2011 from 927 in 2001. The child sex ratio of
STs declined at a higher rate from 973 to 957, although the number of girls
born per 1,000 boys is still higher in the ST category than in the general
population. The child sex ratio of STs was the best in Chhattisgarh at 993
and Odisha at 980 (Jitendra, 2013).
There was a drastic decline in the ST child sex ratio even in some North-
Eastern states, with the ratio being as low as 920 in Manipur.
Except Odisha, which witnessed a marginal increase in the child sex ratio
among STs, all other CITB states witnessed a decline in the same. Andhra
Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat witnessed a rapidly
declining child sex ratio. This indicates that the lack of preference for the
male child among Adivasis may be changing rapidly. In fact, ST children
have a 19% higher risk of dying in the neonatal period, and 45% higher risk
of dying in the postnatal period compared to other social categories (NIMS
and UNICEF, 2012). Additionally, child mortality rates for tribal children
(aged 1–4 years) were disproportionately higher than non-tribal children
(Das et al., 2010 as cited in Sahu et al., 2015).

Health Indicators
Although maternal mortality is showing a decreasing trend across the coun-
try, maternal mortality ratio for the Central Indian states indicates that
Rajasthan has the third highest ratio for the country (312 maternal deaths
per 100,000 live births) with Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh,
and Odisha also reporting relatively high ratios (258–269 maternal deaths
per 100,000 live births) (MoTA, 2013). A similar if not worse pattern can
be expected among ST populations in these states as well. However, disag-
gregated maternal mortality data for tribal mothers is yet not available.
16 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
As per National Family Health Survey (NFHS)-4, conducted by Ministry
of Health & Family Welfare during 2015–2016, the Infant Mortality Rate
(IMR) among STs was 44.4 compared to 40.7 for all categories, ST Under
Five Mortality Rate (U5MR) was 57.2 compared to 49.7 for all, and anaemia
among ST women was 59.8 compared to 53 for all categories indicating the
poorer health status among ST women and children (MoTA, AR, 2018:30).
A comparison between NFHS-3 and NFHS-4 indicates that Infant Mortality
Rate and Under Five Mortality Rate for All categories and Scheduled Tribes
have significantly improved from 2005–2006 to 2015–2016. Similarly, the
Nutritional Status of Children under 5 years improved between NFHS-3
and NFHS-4 in terms of a decline in the percentage of children classified
as malnourished according to nutritional status: Stunted (height-for-age),
Wasted (weight-for-height), and Underweight (weight-for-age). although
significant gaps remain compared to all categories (Ibid, p. 31)
The Bhuria Commission identified the dearth of research on health status,
nutritional problems faced by different tribal communities, especially mater-
nal malnutrition, lack of food security due to large-scale deforestation and
alienation of forest-dwellers’ rights over traditional land and resources as
major issues related to health among tribal communities (Bhuria Commis-
sion, 2004:463). Recommendations of the Commission included introduc-
ing nutrition awareness among the Adivasis by co-opting Adivasi women’s
participation in planning and delivery of such services. Acknowledging the
lack of physical health infrastructure, the Commission emphasised provid-
ing basic health training to local youth and setting up of mobile clinics com-
bined with better coordination and monitoring of the ICDS. One of the key
recommendations of this Commission was encouraging the use of tradi-
tional/herbal medicines (Ibid, pp. 464–465).
A problem in examining gender issues in the health status and health-
care available to tribal women is that disaggregated data even for the tribal
population is not easily available. They are subsumed in the general popula-
tion. The most recent data are often ten years old (Xaxa et al., 2014:192).
Various studies, however, point towards inadequate coverage and quality of
reproductive and child health services in tribal areas. Rural health statistics
(2012) provided by the Health Intelligence Bureau, Ministry of Health and
Family Welfare, Government of India, reported a huge shortfall of physi-
cians, paediatricians, or any other specialists at community health centres
(CHCs) and doctors at primary health centres (PHCs) in tribal areas (Xaxa
et al., 2014:225).
As pointed out by the paper on health issues in tribal areas, in some cases,
the proportion of deliveries unattended by health workers could be as high
as 90% (S. Basu, 2000; S. K. Basu, 1993; Kshatriya, 2014). In spite of the
incentives in the form of schemes like Janani Suraksha Yojana, there are
difficulties in promotion of institutional deliveries in tribal areas. It is often
assumed that if a delivery occurs in a health facility, then the chances of
responding quickly to delivery-related maternal or childhood complications
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 17
are higher due to the availability of skilled birth attendants. This may not
be true in many tribal areas due to large infrastructure inadequacies (both
equipment and human resources).
On the one hand is the cultural barrier of persuading tribal mothers to
deliver in healthcare institutions, and on the other hand is the health services
ability to make available competent and skilled birth attendants in remote
areas to ensure skilled birth attendance. Both operationally and ethically,
it is extremely important to ensure that bringing tribal women to facilities
translates to higher quality of care in the field. If the healthcare facility is
unable to provide health workers in tribal areas, who are available and com-
petent, then there is no purpose in incentivising tribal women to come and
deliver in such facilities through cash transfer schemes.
The occasional reports of starvation deaths of tribal children, sterilisation
camps for tribal women in horrific conditions leading to the death of several
young women in Chhattisgarh, and the general gap in the health and nutri-
tion indicators between the tribal and the general population indicate the
dismal condition of health facilities and the health status of tribal women.
There is a clear need to expand innovative interventions like the Mitanin
programme in Chhattisgarh and the approach developed by the Bhangs in
Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra tailored to the specific challenges and
constraints of effective reproductive health services in tribal areas.

Employment
According to the 2011 Census, the work participation rate (WPR), that is,
the percentage of workers to total population, of ST women is the highest
among all categories of women in the country. Between 2001 and 2011,
the WPR for all male categories increased from 51.7% (2001) to 68.9%
(2011). The WPR for females across all categories increased from 25.6%
(2001) to 31.1% (2011) (Census, 2011). The WPR for ST males increased
from 53.2% (2001) to 55.6% (2011), while the WPR for the Adivasi
women dropped marginally from 44.8% (2001) to 44.4% (2011) (MoTA,
2013:57–58).
The extent of the difference between ST men and ST women’s work par-
ticipation rates varies from state to state. For instance, in Rajasthan the
difference is only 4.5 points, in MP 6.67 points, and in Maharashtra 9.27
points. Some other states show much higher differences – West Bengal 16
percentage points, UP 19 points, Goa 25 points, and so on.
Out of those who are workers, however, a higher proportion of ST women
than ST men are marginal workers (i.e. those who worked for less than six
months in the year). Here differences range from 2.9 percentage points in
Maharashtra (that is, the share of ST women marginal workers out of total
ST workers is 2.9 points higher than that of ST men in Maharashtra) up to
12.48 and 12.78 in the case of Gujarat and Rajasthan, respectively. Between
the 2001 and 2011 Census, the percentage of ST women marginal workers
18 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
increased from 20.9% to 59.8% compared to the change from 11% to
50.1% during the same period for women of all categories. This indicates
ST women having the highest percentage of marginal workers. Although the
percentage of male ST marginal workers also increased from 9.7% in 2001
to 40.2% in 2011 compared to an increase from 6.6% to 49.2% for males
of all categories, ST male marginal workers are much more likely to be in
‘other work’, while a higher proportion of ST women marginal workers
than men work in cultivation, agricultural labour, or household industry.
Considering that marginal work is even more likely to be casual, intermit-
tent, and insecure in nature, this indicates the greater and increasing vulner-
ability of ST women.
As noted by Prasad:

Within this broad context, it is also clear that fairly major occupational
changes have taken place between both patriarchal and matrilineal
Adivasi groups. The first trend to be noticed concerns most patriar-
chal Adivasi social groups, for which the degree of proletarianization
amongst women is much greater, as is seen in the enormous increases in
the percentage of Adivasi women agricultural labourers. In the period
2001–2011, agricultural labour amongst the Bhil and Gond women of
Chhattisgarh has increased by about 22 and 12.86 per cent, respec-
tively. It should be noted that these decadal changes are much higher
than the overall average of the state and, therefore, reflect greater rural
proletarianization of Adivasi women in these communities. A similar
trend is seen for the Santhal of Jharkhand and the Khond of Odisha,
amongst whom agriculture labour has increased between 7 and 8 per
cent in 2001–2011.
(Prasad, 2016:44)

Among the main workers, more women than men are in agricultural
labour, and more men than women (on average, with some outliers like HP)
are in cultivation and ‘other work’. Considering that agricultural labour is
among the most vulnerable and marginalised forms of work in the coun-
try, this statistic confirms the overall picture of higher vulnerability for
ST women.
Overall, the 2011 Census indicates that marginalisation of workers in
general is increasing. The share of marginal workers is increasing more rap-
idly among STs combined with a faster decline of main workers than among
the general population.
Prasad has linked tribal women’s marginalisation and adverse integration
in the labour market to agrarian distress, increased dispossession, and dis-
placement in tribal areas due to state-led diversion of forestlands for mining
and other large development projects, a patrilineal division of labour, envi-
ronmental degradation, and urbanisation (Prasad, 2016:24–26).
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 19
Overview of Gender Relations among Adivasi Communities
The statistical indicators provided earlier present only one part of the pic-
ture. To understand the dynamics of change in gender relations among Adi-
vasi communities, this section looks at some of the unique socio-economic
and cultural features differentiating them from mainstream society, the laws
and Constitutional protections governing them, and the impact of neolib-
eral development being thrust on them, leading to increased displacement
and dispossession from their natural resource base.
A unique feature of tribal communities, despite their tremendous diver-
sity, has been that of their inhabiting forested landscapes largely based on
communal tenures. Both their livelihoods and cultures, including gender
relations and the gender division of labour, have been closely intertwined
with forests and other communal lands. Tribal women have been major
actors in household economies collecting diverse non-timber forest products
(NTFPs), including uncultivated forest foods, medicinal plants, firewood,
fodder, fibres, and other produce for household consumption as well as
sale. Women’s higher status within their communities has been intrinsically
linked to their important economic role as gatherers of forest produce as
well as cultivators of a rich diversity of food crops, particularly under rota-
tional cultivation. Their enjoying the freedom of mobility, unlike their coun-
terparts in mainstream Indian society, has also been concomitant to their
economic role. Access to common lands and forests has been essential for
this system to continue – something which has been changing since colonial
times and post-independence and has gathered further pace with the adop-
tion of neoliberal economic reforms during the last two to three decades.

Constitutional Protection for Scheduled Tribes

Under Article 244, the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Indian Constitution
provide special protection to tribal majority Scheduled Areas. Any govern-
ment interventions in the Scheduled Areas need to be in harmony with the
constitutional provisions and other policy directives for safeguarding the
culture, resource rights, and livelihoods of tribal communities. The Fifth
Schedule applicable in the CITB empowers the state governor to with-
hold the application of any laws considered detrimental to tribal interests
from Scheduled Areas. Article 338(9) of the Constitution requires that the
National Commission for Scheduled Tribes must be consulted by the Union
and state governments on all major policy matters affecting SCs and STs.
Yet massive legal expansion of the national forest (and revenue ‘waste-
land’) estate in Fifth Schedule Areas after independence has violated all the
aforementioned constitutional provisions. Due to the poor recording of trib-
als’ customary rights and tenures, Fifth Schedule Areas bore the brunt of the
post-independence spree of state takeover of non-private communal lands.
20 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
The state has thus been the biggest violator of the spirit of the Constitution
by ‘vesting’ huge areas of customary tribal land (50–85% of Fifth Schedule
Areas in most states) in itself as state ‘forests’, Protected Areas (PAs) for
wildlife conservation, or ‘wasteland’, without recognising their ancestral
rights and extending all its coercive laws to them. At best, rights only over
land under settled cultivation were recognised, largely leaving out shifting
cultivators and nomadic and extremely vulnerable pre-agricultural hunting-
gathering communities.
The poor recognition of communal tenures in Indian statutory law has
decimated their economies and cultures. Instead of withholding or adapt-
ing the Land Acquisition Act (LAA); Indian Forest Act (IFA), 1927; Forest
Conservation Act (FCA), 1980; and Wildlife Protection Act (WPA), 1972,
to accommodate the tribals’ customary tenures and governance systems in
Fifth Schedule Areas, their indiscriminate extension even in Fifth Schedule
Areas contrary to the objectives of scheduling, has progressively negated
even the hard fought-for rights tribals gained during the colonial rule.
Indeed, contrary to its objectives, scheduling of areas has failed to prevent
large-scale appropriation of the tribals’ customary communal lands, central
to their livelihoods and cultural identity, both by the state and more recently
for private interests. Deprivation of their customary resource rights, holis-
tic and multifunctional land-use systems without rigid forest-non-forest
boundaries, and a rich diversity of resource management institutions has
been accompanied by tribals being labelled ‘encroachers’ on their ancestral
lands. Millions have been displaced without any compensation or rehabili-
tation due to not having legally recorded rights (Sarin, 2014:118).
Tribal women have been the worst sufferers of this progressive and con-
tinuing loss of common lands and forests as they are unable to continue
playing their important economic role in their communities’ traditional
economies. This has increased women’s vulnerability and weakened the
rights and status they enjoyed under customary arrangements.
There has been no specific intervention for protecting or increasing gen-
der equality among ST communities living in Fifth Schedule Areas. Govern-
ment schemes such as Indira Awas Yojana requiring joint titles, or titles
exclusively in women’s names, and financial support for a number of eco-
nomic activities through women’s self-help groups are common to all areas.
In fact, tribal women’s land and resource rights and participation in tradi-
tional governance institutions are defined by customary laws and practices,
the majority of which deprive women of any property or inheritance rights
and exclude them from community decision-making fora.
The major benefits enjoyed by tribals in Fifth Schedule Areas are the
application of PESA for self-governance, preventing transfer of tribal land
to non-tribals, restrictions on opening liquor shops, etc., and the budget-
ary allocations for Tribal Sub-Plans (TSPs) to be proportionate to their
population.
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 21
However, Tribal Sub-Plan allocations have rarely met the required norms
and their benefits often do not reach the Adivasis. The High-Level Com-
mittee chaired by Professor Virginius Xaxa found that the TSP strategy
had not yielded the desired results combined with the chronic failure of the
central government to allocate proportionate funds for tribal development
(Xaxa et al., 2014:376). Dungdung (2015) has noted that allocation for
TSPs was only 1.4% of the central budget for the last five Five-Year Plans
against the Adivasi population being 8.6% of the total population in Census
2011. Further, some of the already inadequate TSP funds were diverted for
infrastructure projects such as the construction of a circuit house, a court,
and government houses in Jharkhand using TSP funds during 2014–2015.
Finally, the TSP funds were mostly under-utilised with no departmental
accountability to ensure correct use of the funds (Dungdung, 2015:4–5).
In any case TSP planning and allocations continue being gender neutral.

PESA
The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 or PESA is one
of the most important laws applicable to Fifth Schedule Areas providing for
self-governance by traditional gram sabhas. PESA empowers gram sabhas
to safeguard and preserve their traditions and customs, cultural identity,
community resources, and customary modes of dispute resolution.
However, the essence of self-governance provided for by PESA remains
more or less unimplemented. Rules framed by most state governments vio-
late provisions of the central act and state laws in conflict with PESA with
regard to moneylending, forest and minor forest produce, mining of minor
minerals, land alienation, and excise have not been amended. In any case,
PESA has no provision for ensuring that women are enabled to participate
in gram sabha deliberations when they do take place as, in fact, this would
be in conflict with its mandate to protect tribal traditions and customs.

The Forest Rights Act, 2005

The second law of particular importance to Adivasi communities is the
Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of
Forest Rights) Act, 2005 (FRA for short). Acknowledging the historical
injustice done to forest-dwelling communities due to the non-recognition of
their pre-existing rights during the consolidation of state forests, the FRA
recognises a wide range of rights on forest land. These include individual
rights to land under occupation and to community forest resources as well
as the customary habitats (territories) of PVTGs. Gram sabhas are statuto-
rily empowered to protect, conserve, and manage their customary forests
and prevent destructive practices in them to protect their cultural and natu-
ral heritage.
22 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
The FRA provides for equal rights of women in all titles as well as repre-
sentation in all decision-making authorities responsible for implementation.
Thus, titles for occupied land must be in the joint names of both spouses or
in the name of the individual household head, whether woman or man. At
least one-third of the members of Forest Rights committees responsible for
receiving and processing claims must be women and at least one-third of the
50% quorum for legitimate gram sabha meetings must be women. There
is similar one-third representation of elected representatives in higher level
committees at the sub-division, district, and state levels.
Although implementation of the FRA has been better than that of PESA,
it has been uneven across states and districts with the forest departments
obstructing implementation in most states. As discussed subsequently,
gross violation of the FRA continues in many areas although in pockets,
many gram sabhas have been empowered to govern their community forest
resources with substantial ecological and financial benefits.

Constitutional Protection to Customary Laws and Practices of

ST Communities
Customary law defines gender relations among the different tribes, and
most of the emerging gender issues in the region are rooted in the conflicts
being generated by the interaction between these laws and socio-economic
changes at the macro-level. Customary law regulates social and personal
relations among members of each tribe, as well as their traditional institu-
tions such as the village councils, through which the leaders manage the
internal affairs of the village. It governs a person’s marriage, divorce, inher-
itance, child custody, etc. as well as community relations such as tenurial
rights over forests, lands, water bodies, and other natural resources (Singh,
1993:17 quoted in Fernandes and Bharali, 2008:1).
Customary law contains its own complex regulations on gender relations.
For instance, Krishna states:

The rich spectrum of cultures in the region has within it considerable

variation with regard to kinship, class and gender relations among dif-
ferent socio-cultural groups. Inter- and intra-group relations are affected
both by traditional hierarchies (ruler-commoner, patron-client) and the
social stratifications that have emerged in modem times [Chowdhury,
1976; Krishna, 2004; Sinha, 1998; Fernandes and Barbora, 2002;
Zehol, 2003]. Yet, gender discrimination is common to all, regardless
of the belief system or religion a community follows – animist, Doini-
polo, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu or Muslim. Women’s low status is
maintained by traditional practices governing descent, property and
inheritance, and by systematic exclusion from participation in religious
ceremonies and community decisions.
(S. Krishna, 2005:2558)
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 23
The following sections examine the gendered implications of customary/
traditional laws and governance.

The Diversity of ST Communities in India

Tribal women today display considerable heterogeneity in terms of their role
and status within the tribal population. The same tribe in different regions
may show significant differences in their fertility patterns, educational
attainment, labour force participation, and other important variables. This
may occur due to displacement, migration patterns, different environmental
and ecological circumstances that force tribal women to change their modes
of behaviour and social customs or due to the process of Sanskritisation
(Mitra, 2007:15). However, from the viewpoint of gender division of labour
and gender relations, it is useful to look at two major groupings of tribal
communities: (i) foragers/particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTGs) and
(ii) settled cultivators.

Gender Relations among Foraging/Hunting Tribes

and Shifting Cultivators
The Government of India has identified 75 PVTGs which include many
of the STs still engaged in foraging/hunting and shifting (rotational) cul-
tivation. The PVTGs are characterised by higher levels of socio-economic
vulnerabilities and low population, which has led them to be treated as
endangered and on the verge of extinction (Xaxa et al., 2014:15).
Shifting cultivation, locally called podu in Odisha, combined with some
wet rice cultivation in the valleys and along river banks, had been the pre-
dominant agricultural system in the upland tribal areas even in the CITB.
Women have been major economic actors in this system, which has also
been referred to as a female farming system in Nagaland. However, unlike in
North-Eastern states, where rotational cultivation still survives on consid-
erable scale due to stronger protection of customary resource rights, it has
been almost wiped out in the CITB due to the communal tribal lands being
declared state forests.
The semi-nomadic STs among them still maintain customary communal
usage of their territories to a greater extent. Due to neither their customary
tenures nor their forest use being recognised by formal law, today most of
the hunter-gatherers and shifting cultivators among them are facing acute
problems in continuing their traditional lifestyles and livelihood systems.
PVTGs like the Mankadiyas in Odisha, the Pahari Korwas in Chhattisgarh,
and the Irulas in Tamil Nadu have already largely been forced to settle down
outside the forest with all hunting banned under the Wildlife Protection Act,
although none of them have completely given up their traditional practices.
This leaves them constantly vulnerable to penal action by forest authori-
ties. Similarly, after declaring their customary lands as state forests through
24 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
blanket notifications without following the due process of law of settling
their pre-existing rights, in the few surviving areas of shifting cultivation,
the Kutia Kondhs, Juangs, and Paudi Bhuiyans in Odisha, the Konda Red-
dys in Telengana, and the Baigas in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh con-
tinue being hounded by the forest department by forcibly undertaking tree
plantations in their shifting cultivation lands combined with severe penalties
for violating forest laws. Threats of such forcible plantations have increased
manifold after enactment of the Compensatory Afforestation Fund Act,
2016, under which more than ₹ 50,000 crores are to be transferred to state
forest departments for compensatory afforestation.
The Kondh tribe residents of Madhikhol village in Kandhamal district
of Odisha also used to practice podu but have been forced to stop due to
repeated penal action by the forest department. During an interaction with
the women and men of the village in 2016, the author enquired about the
impact giving up podu had had on them. Their response was telling. They
said that they had been converted from being self-sufficient producers of
diverse food crops ensuring nutritional and food security throughout the
year to wage labour under MNREGA. Now they use the wage money to
buy stale grains under PDS. The paddy grown on their small fields is barely
adequate for three or four months in the year.
Gender relations among non-settled communities are quite different from
those among settled communities. In their study of the STs of Jharkhand,
Kelkar and Nathan observed that gender relations among the foraging tribes
have been more equal than among the settled tribes as there is no ownership
of individual property.

Access to productive resources (the forest), is that of the whole band.

Membership of a band, which may be temporary, determines access
to such resources. Income, however, is that of the individual family.
Within the family, there is no notion of the income of the (male) head
of the household. In fact, as seen in the Birhor, since the women do the
major marketing, they basically control the use of income. There is no
accumulation of any substance. While patrilocality is the norm, matri-
locality does not carry any disadvantages. There is little notion of male
control of female sexuality, infertility itself is not such a problem and
there is no notion of perpetuating the lineage.
(Kelkar and Nathan, 1991:18–19)

Lenin (2012) has noted similar traits among the Irulas in Tamil Nadu.
Sections of the Korwa and Birhor STs in Jharkhand are not agriculturists
of any kind, but remain foragers (Kelkar and Nathan, 1991). The same is
the case with the Mankidiyas and the Kharias of Odisha. However, the more
equal status traditionally enjoyed by their women has been losing meaning
with the forest department hounding such tribes out of the forests due to
non-recognition of their hunting and foraging rights, or due to their habitats
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 25
being notified as Tiger Reserves or National Parks. The Pahari Korwas in
Chhattisgarh, for example, have been removed from the forests and in one
case the present author found them resettled on unproductive and rocky
land. Even during the daytime, both women and men were found drunk,
asking government officials to allocate more doles for their ‘development’.
Several villages of the Baigas (a PVTG originally involved in shifting culti-
vation with rich knowledge about medicinal plants and agro-biodiversity,
but who have now been forced to switch to settled agriculture) were evicted
from the Kanha Tiger Reserve in 1975 without any rehabilitation. During
the more recent involuntary relocation in 2009 of six Baiga villages from
the Achanakmaar Tiger Reserve in Chhattisgarh, they have been settled on
cleared forest land undeveloped for agriculture, deprived of access to for-
ests providing diverse food and other products, and provided contractor
built tiny, poor quality houses in rows. The author, during a visit in 2016,
found cracks in the walls with plaster falling off and ditches in room floors.
Unable to make a living, many Baiga men have migrated to towns in search
of wage work, something which Baigas traditionally never did. Deprived
of both productive land and access to forests, the women have lost control
over household food security and have lost their status as key household
providers.
As if this was not enough, relocation of more Baiga villages from the
Achanakmaar Tiger Reserve is now under process by the National Tiger
Conservation Authority (NTCA). Not only is the constitutional protection
provided to STs, particularly PVTGs, being violated blatantly by such exer-
cises, but they are also in serious violation of basic human rights. The For-
est Rights Act permits relocation from protected areas only if it has been
proved that coexistence will lead to irreparable damage to species and their
habitat, and even then only after recognition of all their forest rights and
obtaining the informed consent of the concerned gram sabhas. During the
2009 relocation, however, according to several reports, the villagers were
threatened that elephants would be let lose to destroy their houses and crops
unless they agreed to move out and they were relocated without recognition
of their rights. It was only after public protests that land titles were issued
under the FRA in the new location. Other coercive measures frequently used
include stopping all health, education, and other welfare facilities in the
villages to make life difficult for the residents to compel them to agree to
relocation. The most common threat used is that of labelling the resisting
villagers as ‘Maoists’ and putting them behind bars unless they agree to relo-
cate. Navrachna, a Bilaspur-based NGO working with Adivasis, is finding
its access to the new villages slated for relocation within the Achanakmaar
Tiger Reserve being restricted as it attempts to make the villagers aware of
their legal rights.
Loss of access to the forest for uncultivated foods, fibre, and medicinal
plants for household provisioning and to saleable NTFPs for income nega-
tively impacts women’s status within their communities, pushing them into
26 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
adverse inclusion in the labour market. In the process, there is also progres-
sive loss of the women’s biodiversity knowledge. Although due to land titles
being issued under the joint names of both spouses under the FRA at the
2009 relocation site, women at least enjoy equal property rights to the allo-
cated land and houses, in the majority of such relocation cases, the titles are
in men’s names, leaving women without any rights over the allocated assets
(if provided at all).
In Odisha (as in other states), ignoring their customary communal tenures,
most PVTGs like the Bondas, Juangs, and Paudi Bhuiyans have been given
individual titles for small pieces of land (in violation of the Forest Rights
Act which requires recognition of community tenures over their larger cus-
tomary habitat). The Bonda treat men and women as more or less equal. In
fact, the women enjoy a higher status, as there is a tradition of older women
marrying younger men with the wife effectively bringing up her younger
husband. Rapes are virtually unknown in these allegedly ‘primitive’ com-
munities (Mukerjee, 2014:5). Such insensitive privatisation of communal
land is likely to have an adverse impact on the more equal gender relations
among them in the longer term. As it is, due to degradation of their custom-
ary forests failing to meet their livelihood needs, recent reports suggest that
even the reclusive Bondas are beginning to resort to seasonal migration to
earn wages, something they never did before.
In an effort to facilitate recognition of the habitat rights of the Mankadiya
PVTG in Simlipal Tiger Reserve in Mayurbhanj district of Odisha, meet-
ings with the traditional leaders were held in all the villages of the com-
munity in which government officials as well as facilitators from NGO
Vasundhara participated. Based on this, their customary habitat (territory)
from which they collect the fibre of a climber was mapped and approved
by the District Level Committee. Despite this, the director of the Simli-
pal Tiger Reserve objected asserting that such rights cannot be recognised
within the core area of a tiger reserve, although the FRA clearly provides
for the same.
As pointed out by Xaxa et al., rather than granting PVTGs their auton-
omy and recognising their rights, the perception of their being on the verge
of extinction due to their low populations has led to disastrous state gov-
ernment interventions in the name of their preservation. Tribes such as the
Paharias, Baigas, Kamars, and Pahari Korvas of Central India have been
denied access to sterilisation facilities in government hospitals in an attempt
by the state to encourage population growth in the face of their apparently
dwindling numbers. Such a policy denies members of PVTGs the autonomy
to make free and informed reproductive choices, and particularly denies any
agency and bodily autonomy to women of these communities, who have
to bear the burden of the denial of access to sterilisation facilities. Moreo-
ver, it sidesteps the real factors contributing to high mortality rates such
as chronic malnutrition, starvation, and lack of access to adequate health
facilities Xaxa et al., 2014).
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 27
Scheduled Tribes Practising Settled Agriculture
The majority of tribes in India have switched to settled agriculture from
being nomadic earlier and other tribes are in the process of doing so, both
voluntarily and involuntarily (due to pressure from the forest department
and other government policies). Such a switch, however, results in major
changes in women’s status and role within their communities.
As summarised by Sumi Krishna: ‘As is well recognised now, tribal women
tend to lose status with the livelihood changes involved in the transforma-
tion from foraging/shifting cultivation to settled agriculture, communal
to private ownership, and local to wider market interventions’ (Krishna,
2004:379). All of these processes, as well as other related ones, are well-
advanced in all tribal areas of Central India and are gathering pace in north-
eastern India.
Besides gender relations among the majority of tribes in this category
being intrinsically linked to access to common lands and forests, they are
also shaped by customary laws, traditional institutions, and property rights.
Kelkar and Nathan have noted:

There are two crucial areas of inequality (among settled tribes) – prop-
erty rights and political participation. In all the Jharkhand tribes prop-
erty, particularly land, passes through the male line. The society is both
patrilineal and patrilocal. . . . The other important inequality is that of
political participation. The traditional village assembly (panchayat) is
virtually an all-male institution. Membership is of the male head of the
household or someone else in his stead. It is only in the rare circum-
stance that there is no suitable male in the household that a woman may
be a member of the panchayat.
(Kelkar and Nathan, 1991:22–23)

Deprivation of Forest Rights

As already pointed out earlier, customary forests of most tribes have largely
been taken over as state forests under the exclusive jurisdiction of the for-
est department for ‘scientific management’ for commercial exploitation or
conservation of wildlife and biodiversity, often without recognising their
pre-existing rights (or have been diverted for development projects). This
has put tribal communities, particularly women – who are responsible for
gathering a large number of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) – in per-
petual conflict with the forest department and other state agencies due to
denial of access to a critical livelihood resource. An analysis of environ-
mental crimes, reported by the National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB),
revealed that while very few environmental crimes are recorded against
major environmental polluters, the maximum crimes are recorded under
28 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
the Indian Forest Act and the Wildlife Protection Act against the poorest
forest dwellers, often women, for collecting firewood and other NTFPs
from forests. In other cases, forest dwellers were booked in criminal cases
for carrying out agricultural activities or practising shifting cultivation on
forest land, despite being legally allowed to do so if they had occupied the
land prior to December 13, 2005. From 2014 to 2016, as per the Bureau,
12,584 cases of violation of the Indian Forest Act were registered in the
country, the most under any environmental law. In the same period, 2,458
cases of violation of the Wildlife Protection Act were registered (Samriddhi
and Sahu, 2018).
The higher status of tribal women has been intrinsically linked to their
access to the forests, both for gathering diverse NTFPs for subsistence as
well as sale and due to their central role in rotational cultivation. This
makes them valuable contributors to the household economy. ST women
are also responsible for key agricultural activities, including seed selection
and storage. There is extensive documentation of the rich indigenous bio-
diversity knowledge of ST women.4 It is because of this that most tribal
communities practice bride price instead of dowry at the time of marriage.
Loss of or reduced access to customary forests thus deprives women not
only of their considerable control over household food security and income,
but also of their autonomy; in many tribes, women control the income they
earn from gathered forest produce. Further, several studies have highlighted
the link between deprivation of access to diverse uncultivated forest foods
and increasing malnutrition of Adivasi children.5 State policies on forest
management have hence had a direct impact on the status of tribal women,
as well as on Adivasi food and nutritional security.
Officially perceived as a threat to ‘forests’ and the environment, podu cul-
tivation is integrally linked to tribal social organisation and communitarian
values which have traditionally kept these communities free from landless-
ness and outright destitution, particularly among women.

Marginalisation of Women’s Agrobiodiversity Knowledge through

Loss of Communal Lands
Under shifting cultivation, also known as a ‘female farming system’, a rich
diversity of several local food crops are grown by women which provide
households with different foods for eight to nine months in the year. As
already mentioned, this farming system is under attack by forest depart-
ments and has been almost wiped out in most areas of the CITB barring
small pockets in Odisha, undivided Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and
Madhya Pradesh.
Several studies indicate the richness of tribal women’s agro-biodiversity
knowledge due to their primary role in traditional systems of agricultural
production. Yet, due to the blindness of government policies to the com-
plexity and diversity of local farming systems and the agro-biodiversity
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 29
knowledge of women, not only are they losing access to customary com-
munity lands, this wealth of knowledge is also being lost.
Commenting on the situation in the North-East, which is equally relevant
to the CITB, Krishna has observed:

[A]dministrators are insensitive to the ecological linkages between

forests, water courses and cultivated areas, and consider jhum lands
unproductive and of little economic value. Given the gendered division
of roles, women who lose access to land will still have to feed their
families. They might have no options other than hiring themselves out
as agricultural labour or doing coolie work on the roads and construc-
tions around the dam sites. Their knowledge of farming and their skills
would be lost, along with the heritage of rice diversity in the region and
the nutritious mix of cereals, millets and leafy vegetables grown on the
jhum plots.
(Krishna, 2005:2561)

Exclusion of Women from Community Decision-Making and

Public Participation
Despite tribal women’s major role in household economies, with the excep-
tion of foraging tribes, women are almost uniformly excluded from tra-
ditional village councils and decision-making related to social affairs by
most other tribal communities. These councils decide on inter- and intra-­
community matters and coordinate with the councils of other villages of the
same tribe on issues affecting the tribe as a whole. These traditional institu-
tions base their decisions on the community’s customs and traditions which
have been evolving over time, irrespective of whether these are recognised
by formal law or not. While the management of the family and all the activi-
ties connected with it, including food security, are considered to be the sole
responsibility of women, men are considered responsible for the administra-
tion and management of the affairs of the community. Effectively, this has
resulted in women being excluded from political participation in the tradi-
tional institutions of practically all tribes in the region.
ST traditional institutions also deal with issues related to marriage and
divorce. Among the Bhils of Rajasthan, for example, if a woman decides to
leave her husband to marry another man, it is an all-male institution which
decides on the amount to be returned as bride price to the first husband and
the amount, often including a fine, to be paid by the second husband to the
woman’s family. In the reverse case of a man deciding to leave his wife to
marry another woman he has fallen in love with, he also has to return the
bride price he paid for his first wife to her parents and has to pay one to
the parents of his second wife. During the author’s work with a Dungarpur-
based NGO in Rajasthan, she came across such a case which highlighted
30 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
the fact that this practice can prove burdensome for the bride as it is not she
who receives the bride price but her parents. In this case, an Adivasi woman
staff member of the NGO got married to a man who left his first wife for
her. As he didn’t have the money to pay her parents the demanded bride
price, it is she who had to work extra hard to earn the money her husband
had to pay her parents for her! Even in cases of other marital disputes or
violations of customary law by women, the men decide how to resolve the
matter, often by announcing a fine to be paid by the guilty party. This fine in
turn may be used for a feast by the men. All of this decision-making happens
without the woman involved having any say in the matter.
Similarly, despite women being major users of community lands and
forests, decisions about management and protection of these resources are
taken exclusively by the male council. In the case of self-initiated ST com-
munity forest protection groups in the Panchmahals district of Gujarat, it
was found that men had totally banned collection of fuelwood and fodder
(essentially women’s work in the area), without consulting the women. This
compelled some women to steal firewood from the forest of other neigh-
bouring villages who complained against them to the village men. Other
women attempted to continue fetching firewood from the protected forests
and used the tactic of accusing the village watchmen of attempting to molest
them when they tried stopping them. This led to serious gender-based con-
flicts threatening community forest protection (Sarin et al., 1998).
ST women are also often excluded from celebrations of festivals or ritu-
als related to forests or sacred groves. In Andhra Pradesh, ST women are
excluded from rituals and customs related to worship of natural resources,
particularly during the Adavirajula festival (forest kings festival) (Rao,
2014). In Odisha’s Jeypur tract, there are restrictions on women’s access to
the sacred groves in many cases.

Women’s Rights over Resources and Property

Scheduled Tribes are accorded special constitutional protection for their
customary laws, which are mostly uncodified, with the purpose of preserv-
ing their unique cultural heritage (Bahadur, 2016:3).
In most tribes across the eastern, central, and southern parts of India,
although women do a large proportion of the work in agriculture, gather-
ing forest produce, daily wage labour, domestic chores, child-rearing, rear-
ing cattle/livestock, and selling produce in market, they have no rights over
land. Women’s right of access and use of common lands and forests remains
while such lands remain with the community (Bahadur, 2016:4).
In settled agriculture, community access to common land and forests is
combined with individual ownership of private land by the male head of
the household among the Santhal, Ho, and Munda tribes in Jharkhand as
well as among the Bhils (the largest tribal group in the country), Kondhs,
and most other STs practising settled agriculture in Central India. In this
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 31
form of partly communal property, women become non-owning workers
on individually owned land. Among the Dongria Kondh PVTG of Odisha,
a patrilineal system is followed and property passes from father to son.
Daughters are not entitled to any share (Bahadur, 2016:12). Depending on
the community, women’s rights on other resources tend to fall somewhere
on a continuum between enjoying life-interest rights in land while continu-
ing to control the income from gathering and having no property rights
whatsoever.
As Kelkar and Nathan point out:

[T]he final stage in the dissolution of communal property is that of the

individual ownership of land, with no mediation of and control by the
community. It is in this position (reached by some tribes like the Kher-
war in Jharkhand) that women are reduced to full non-owning work-
ers, with no usufructury rights (life interest) in land and with even the
income from gathering (by women) accruing to the male head of the
household.
(Kelkar and Nathan, 1991:19–20)

In most Central Indian tribes, however, women retain some rights in land.
These include the right to maintenance or a share of the produce from the
cultivated land during one’s lifetime in the case of unmarried daughters,
wives, widows, etc. The woman can then earn income from her share of
produce and use it for acquiring assets which belong to her.
At the request of Narmada Mahila Sangh (NMS), a strong association
of over 10,700 Gond and Korku Tribal women of Betul district of Madhya
Pradesh, a study undertaken on the land rights of tribal women came out
with interesting findings. It found that the modified MP Land Revenue Code
covers tribal people as well, and uniformly follows the Hindu Succession
Amendment Act, 2005 for recording inheritance instead of any customary
tribal convention. Although the names of all heirs, including women, are
entered in the land record and the village register, the land is seldom par-
titioned. Where partition becomes necessary, a token slice of land is allo-
cated to women; the rest is divided among the menfolk with the land almost
always remaining in the possession of the brothers/sons.
The study also

revealed specific social norms on women getting land in these tribal

communities. There are seven specific situations, in which, the women
get a land share. These are a) daughters only family, b) in case of Ghar-
Jamai (resident son-in-law), the daughter gets a land share, irrespective
of presence of sons, c) irrespective of the presence of sons in the family,
a daughter gets a land share if she decides to look after the parents in
their old age, d) A woman, widowed in her old age, gets a land share of
her late husband, e) A young widow with or without a child, gets a land
32 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
share, if she does not remarry, g) In certain cases, a daughter may get
a land share if she has a step brother, and h) In some cases, when land
is purchased in the name of a married daughter or daughter-in-law to
avoid land ceiling. The amount of land share is subject to some negotia-
tion. Further, in most of these cases, the women’s land shares are not
appropriately recorded in government’s books, and continue as a social
practice, built entirely on village consensus.
(Sircar and Paul, 2016:4)

The study found that a combination of formal law and customary prac-
tices are being followed in a manner which does not disturb the patriarchal
social order. While land may be ‘recorded’ in women’s names, they seldom
have possession of it and have poor awareness about the legal provisions.
Once organised and engaged in several economic activities, there is a desire
among the women to have a better understanding of their legal rights and
how to claim them (Ibid).
In Gujarat also, tribal women’s rights are being treated as falling under
the Hindu Succession Amendment Act, 2005, with probably a similar com-
bination of formal and customary law in practice.
In other areas as well, customs often provided different mechanisms for
ensuring care of unmarried daughters, widows, or divorced/abandoned
women. Among the Bodhs of Ladakh, the girl’s father-in-law used to allo-
cate some of his land to the girl, and leave the paper certifying such alloca-
tion with the girl’s father to ensure her upkeep and well-being in case of
widowhood or divorce. In other cases, the widow was expected to marry
her brother-in-law to continue having access to family resources (Bhasin,
2007).
Among the Santhals in Jharkhand, while a wife had no right in her
husband’s land, widows were considered substitute fathers for their sons
and became the head of the household. The widow inherited all the land
and moveable as if she were the father of minor sons. These rights were
recorded in the 1906 settlement in Santhal Parganas, but were diluted
in the 1922 revision settlement. Over subsequent years, there has been
a progressive degradation of widows’ land rights from being equal to
her late husband, to only covering land sufficient for her own main-
tenance, to being limited solely to maintenance provided by the male
heirs of her husband (Kelkar and Nathan, 1991:88–89; Rao and Kumar,
1997:1308).6
Thus, in some cases such as the Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act, 1949, a
negative interpretation of the custom of women’s life interest in land has
resulted in enshrining women’s lack of rights over property into formal law.
However, this progressive deterioration of women’s land rights has also led
to opposition, with some male Santhali leaders supporting women’s demand
for secure property rights (Rao, 2005).
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 33
Similarly, three stages of degradation in the status of Munda tribal women
in Odisha have been observed:

Among the Mundas, the dominant trend has been to provide food
and shelter to the widow as a dependent, without any rights to the
land. Three phases in the degradation of the widow’s land rights can
be observed: in the first the widow has equal rights to those of her late
husband; in the second, she has rights over a plot of land sufficient for
her own maintenance; in the third, any independent access to land is
neglected, and the widow merely lives on the maintenance provided by
the male heir of her husband.
(Kelkar and Nathan, 1991 quoted in Bahadur, 2016:18)

The same is the case in the scheduled tribal districts of Kinnaur and Lahaul
and Spiti in Himachal Pradesh, where customary law denies daughters and
wives the right to inherit property. According to the prevailing customary
law recorded almost a century back by the British, in revenue-related doc-
uments like Riwaj-i-Am (common tradition) or Wajib ul Arz, only males
are allowed to inherit ancestral property, with women being barred from
such rights. The Mahila Kalyan Parishad has been spearheading a move-
ment on securing women’s rights and doing away with this discriminatory
custom (Brara, 2013). In a recent judgment, the Himachal Pradesh High
Court held that daughters in the tribal areas in the state shall inherit the
property in accordance with the Hindu Succession Act, 1956 and not as per
customs and usages in order to prevent the women from social injustice and
prevention of all forms of exploitation (Sharma, 2015 quoted in Bahadur,
2016:30). Some Kinnauri tribal men, however, have obtained a stay on the
High Court judgment from the Supreme Court.

Non-tribal Men Seeking to Exploit Tribal Women

to Control Land
Ironically, despite their weak or negligible property rights under customary
law, there are reports of non-tribal men controlling tribal women as a means
to access tribal land. In the quarry belt of Birbhum district of West Bengal,
for example, almost all the quarries are owned by outsiders on land origi-
nally owned by the Santhals. As selling tribal land to non-tribals is illegal,
the dikus (local term used for non-tribals) have assumed ownership either
by using a false Santhal name, or by marrying/keeping a Santhal woman as
a mistress and acquiring land for quarrying in her name. As Virginius Xaxa
of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences notes, such alliances are also common
in Jharkhand, where the women involved ‘are not only seen as aligning with
the dikus but also as conduits of land transfer from tribes to non-tribes’
(Mukerjee, 2014).
34 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
A sense of a loss of control over women has resulted in a backlash among
tribal men in these areas. In recent years, gangs of Santhal youth from Birb-
hum have staged nude parades of three Santhal women: one who was found
with her Bengali diku lover, and the other two merely on suspicion of having
interacted with diku men (M. Mukerjee, 2014:9–10).
The fear of losing tribal land to non-tribals through marriages has rein-
forced male attitudes against women having any property rights, despite
demands of Adivasi women for the same. During the self-rule movements,
some tribal leaders were only willing to consider women having property
rights on the condition that they should not be allowed to marry outside
the tribe.

Erosion of Customary Institutions

In addition to the points around property rights already noted, there has
been a progressive erosion of tribal customary institutions for youth to
imbibe community values and skills.
For instance, a large number of Central Indian tribal communities (as well
as others) had a tradition of community centres called ‘ghotuls’. These often
served as youth dormitories. Young women and men often mixed in these
dormitories and were relatively free to form relationships with one another.
Verrier Elwin described the ghotul as a space carrying the message:

[Y]outh must be served, that freedom and happiness are more to be

treasured than any material gain, that friendliness and sympathy, hos-
pitality and unity are of the first importance, and above all that human
love – and its physical expression – is beautiful, clean, and precious.
(Elwin, 1992)

However, in most of India, ghotuls have ceased to exist.

They have been eradicated by a combination of two processes. First,
among STs themselves, increasing incorporation of mainstream cultural
norms and exposure to non-ST mores regarding gender relations have led to
ghotuls being seen as shameful anachronisms. On the other hand, non-STs
have typically seen these dormitories as places for free access to sex. In one
particularly striking example, film-maker Surya Shankar Dash recorded a
case in Koraput district, Odisha, where district officials demanded access to
a girls’ dormitory of the Paroja tribe threatening to withhold rations if they
were denied entry. The tribe closed the dormitory but was still forced to
provide sexual favours in order to receive their ration (Mukerjee, 2014:7–8).
Similarly, in the past, most Central Indian STs like the Santhals used to
painstakingly brew liquor out of flowers of the mahua tree, which both
women and men used to drink only on religious occasions. Now, cheap
commercial alcohol is available all the time in most states, despite licensing
of liquor shops not being permitted in Fifth Schedule Areas. ST men working
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 35
in mines and quarries or otherwise alienated from their lives get drunk at the
end of the day, with alcoholism becoming the cause of considerable domes-
tic abuse, of which women and children are the primary victims.
The specific effect of ‘Sanskritisation’ processes should also be noted.
Some recent studies show that many tribes, in an effort to conform to the
mainstream Hindu social customs, have been reversing earlier trends of gen-
der equality, such as relatively higher mean age at marriage for women, low
fertility, and higher level of work participation for women. As Berreman
remarked, the process of Sanskritisation has been ‘especially damaging to
females because it encourages and enforces patriliny, early marriage, and
widow celibacy, dowry marriage, preferences for male children, low priority
to female education . . . and total economic, political and social dependence
of females on males’ (Berreman, 1993:388).
Many scholars contend that there has been an increase in child marriage
among some tribes who have been in contact with the Hindu population
(Saxena, 1964). ‘The growing contact with Hindu ideas is generally modify-
ing the old principles and . . . the custom of marrying girls before they are
mature is steadily gaining ground’ (Von Furer-Haimendorf, 1968). There
has also been an increasing trend in early marriage practices among some
tribes, thus contributing to higher fertility and higher infant mortality as
many of the young mothers are susceptible to complications and infections
during childbirth (Chaudhuri, 1988). Roy (1987) contends that with San-
skritisation, many tribes are discouraging widow remarriage and divorce
among women. The sex-ratio pattern among the tribal population that has
generally been in stark contrast with the Hindu norm of favouring boys over
girls is also changing among certain tribes who are demonstrating increasing
preferences for boys. The faster decline in the child sex ratio among STs in
the 2011 Census noted earlier seems to confirm this regressive trend. Finally,
the work participation rate of women among certain tribes is decreasing as
many women look down upon outdoor or menial work with contempt and
show distinct preferences for white-collar jobs and jobs that entail high sta-
tus (Mitra, 2007:12–13).

Violence against Tribal Women

Domestic Violence
According to the NFHS-3, 46% of tribal women experience some form of
spousal violence. The incidence of such violence among tribal women is
higher than the national and rural figures (NFHS-3, 2007).
The aforementioned finding appears alarming as given their communitar-
ian cultures and the relatively better status of women among STs, such a
high incidence of domestic violence is not normally associated with them.
Anthropological accounts as well as the observations of people working
with tribal communities testify to the absence of much domestic and sexual
36 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
violence among STs, at least till recently. Absence of restrictions on free
interaction between young women and men, the freedom of choice in select-
ing their spouses, the relatively economically empowered status of tribal
women, and the tradition among many tribes of facilitating free interaction
between adolescents of both sexes were believed to minimise the conditions
leading to domestic violence.
However, the processes of change noted previously are resulting in increas-
ing disempowerment of women, as well as parallel processes of disposses-
sion and increases in alcoholism. These processes create the conditions for
an increase in domestic violence.
Further, the tribal custom prohibiting a tribal woman having a relation-
ship with a non-tribal from remarrying any tribal man has led to a high
incidence of single and abandoned women (Rao, 2014).
Rahul Banerjee, an activist working with Bhil tribes in Alirajpur district of
Madhya Pradesh, attributes an apparent increase in gender-related violence
in that community to the ingress of consumer culture. Adivasi men migrat-
ing to Gujarat and other wealthy states often return with large cash savings.
This has resulted in property values in Alirajpur shooting up, fuelling an
unexpected increase in witch-hunts – typically, a woman who owns assets
that her relatives covet is targeted and killed for being a ‘witch’. Banerjee
also reports other egregious crimes: for instance, he states that a few of these
newly wealthy Adivasi men have also raped women and gotten away with
the crime by paying the panchayat a fine. ‘Earlier, there used to be commu-
nity control over behaviour’ via the traditional tribal councils, says Baner-
jee. Now, with the elected and usually venal panchayat leaders taking all the
key decisions, ‘you can buy your way out’ (Mukerjee, 2014:5–6).

Sexual Abuse and Rape

Numerous academic commentators, Adivasi leaders, and social activists
in Adivasi areas have reported that rapes, particularly by tribal men, were
largely unknown in tribal areas. Adivasi women’s initial, and most common,
encounters with rape in remote forest areas have been either with money-
lenders or traders or with forest department staff, who are among the few
government officials posted in such areas. With forest laws making women’s
daily activities (particularly gathering non-timber forest produce) illegal or
an offense under forestry laws, the forest staff have enormous powers over
practically every aspect of their lives, leaving them vulnerable to all kinds of
abuses. The folk songs of many forest-dwelling communities revolve around
harassment by forest department staff. In forest villages in particular, cre-
ated on forest land for making labour available for forestry operations, the
forest department is responsible for providing all basic services to the villag-
ers; as a result, the control of forest staff on the villagers’ lives is near total.
Adivasi women have often been raped in their own homes in broad daylight
and made to provide free domestic labour to forestry staff (Diwan et al.,
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 37
2001). Violence and rape often also accompany forest department drives
for evicting ‘encroachers’ from forest land. Field-level revenue officials also
exploit their power over land records to rape tribal women.

Some Examples of Sexual Violence Accompanying

‘Development’ Interventions

Xavier Dias, editor of Khan Khaneej aur Adhikaar, a newsletter on

mining and human rights published in Jharkhand, has observed that
one doesn’t see sex without romance among Adivasis. When he first
arrived in Singbhum in 1974, the only rapes he had heard of were by
forest guards. Till about 1985, an Adivasi raping someone had not been
heard of in the area. With a vastly increased scale of mining and hith-
erto untouched areas being opened up, from 2005 onwards, some 2,000
trucks started plying daily in the Saranda forest with each truck coming
in with a driver, a cleaner, and others. This led to thousands of Munda,
Santhal, and Ho women in these tribal areas getting raped or forced
into prostitution. Each of the state’s major steel cities of Jamshedpur and
Noamundi now have an ‘Azaad Basti’, or Freedom Slum where officials
visit their Adivasi mistresses for virtually free sex (M. Mukerjee, 2014:7).
Surya Shankar Dash, a film-maker based in Odisha, similarly recalls
that in the Lanjigarh area, where many Kondh families lived, ‘sexual
violence was almost unheard of’ before the arrival of the UK-based
mining company Vedanta Resources in 2002. The only earlier rapes he
knows of were committed in the 1990s – one by a government anthro-
pologist in charge of the Dongria Kondh Development Agency, and
the other by an employee of an NGO operating in Lanjigarh. After
Vedanta started building an aluminium refinery, however, ‘I heard
many stories from villagers about the abduction and rape of local girls
and women by truckers, migrant workers and Vedanta’s contractors
and employees’, he says. Today, says the film-maker, Lanjigarh has
hundreds of sex workers: women who were dispossessed when their
villages were forcibly relocated for the refinery, or those who were
raped or seduced and then abandoned by the migrants.
Dash goes on to recite a relentless list: ‘More than a thousand Adi-
vasi prostitutes in Damanjodi, the township for the NALCO refinery in
Koraput. A captive Birhor community in Sukinda’s chromite mines where
all the women and even teenagers have been forced to prostitute them-
selves to truck drivers and contractors. Displaced girls in Kalinga Nagar’s
transit camps being sexually abused by Tata’s goons. A prostitute slum
emerging in front of Jindal’s factory in Kalinga Nagar’ (M. Mukerjee,
2014:7).
38 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
There are clear indications that even Adivasi men are beginning to per-
petrate such crimes. As Adivasi youth acquire and internalise patriarchal
attitudes of mainstream society, through the schooling they receive and
through their exposure to mainstream norms regarding the objectification
and sexual exploitation of women, sexual violence by them seems to be on
the increase. Reliable data on this is not readily available. However, specific
studies and anecdotal reports confirm such trends in many areas. Women’s
freedom to have ‘live-in’ relationships for lifelong companionship, highly
valued in tribal culture, is also under assault. While non-tribals use this
freedom to exploit tribal women, leaving unwed tribal mothers, members
of their own community have started stigmatising and excluding them on
grounds of acquired morality. Jose et al. (2012) found that unwed tribal
women who are mothers in Kerala face multiple forms of stigma, discrimi-
nation, and exclusion. Bansode (2018) found the same situation of ‘Kumari
Matas’ in Maharashtra. Part of this they attribute to changing attitudes
among tribal communities themselves, including as a result of attempting to
meet cultural norms imposed by more powerful communities.

Sexual Abuse in Ashramshalas and ST Hostels

Even tribal schoolgirls are not spared from sexual abuse. Several cases
of non-tribal male teachers and other staff of residential Ashramshalas
sexually molesting or raping tribal girls under their charge have sur-
faced from Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, and Odisha recently. For
instance, in January 2013, medical tests confirmed that 11 schoolgirls
had been sexually abused at the Jhaliamari Kanya Ashram school in
Chhattisgarh. In August 2012, a 12-year-old girl had died in the same
school after being sexually abused (IBN, 2013). In another school in
the same state of Chhattisgarh, it was reported that students in another
ashram – Amatola Ashram – had been forced into prostitution by their
hostel warden.
Tribal girl students in left-wing extremism (LWE)–affected areas face more
serious threats from the large number of camps of para military forces set
up in the areas. As recently as February 2018, a school principal in Maoist-
affected Kanker district of Bastar made a complaint to the police alleging
that the Border Security Force personnel posted in a neighbouring camp
have been molesting, passing indecent comments, and making gestures on
the schoolgirls. A higher risk looms on the girls residing at a government
hostel located in the vicinity considering past instances of sexual assault of
minor girls in residential hostels. In August 2017, CRPF men were accused
of assaulting minor school girls in Dantewada district during Raksha Band-
han (ToI, Raipur, 9.2.2018).
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 39
Trafficking of ST Women
India has been identified as one of the Asian countries where traffick-
ing for commercial sexual exploitation has reached alarming levels. . . .
This practice has been documented in Bihar, West Bengal, Chhattisgarh,
Orissa, Uttaranchal, and Hyderabad. Common destinations for women
and girls forced into ‘arranged’ marriages include Punjab, Haryana,
Uttar Pradesh, and the United Arab Emirates.
(Joffres et al., 2008)

The poor sex ratio in states like Punjab and Haryana has made them desti-
nations for many Adivasi girls needed as brides for poorer men who cannot
find wives locally.
Mukherjee notes:

In 2008 Mahammad Ashlam of KBK Samachar, a video collective in

Odisha, reported that young Adivasi men and women were singing and
dancing at a traditional gathering in Kalahandi district when traffickers
in jeeps invaded and dragged the women away. This is not an isolated
instance. Last year, Lily Kujur of Adivasi Mahila Suraksha Mandal in
Rourkela, Odisha, informed CGNet Swara, a mobile reporting service,
that more than 40,000 Adivasi women have been trafficked out of just
one Odisha district, Sundergarh, of whom 15,000 have vanished with-
out trace.
(Mukerjee, 2014)

As reported by the Times of India on July 18, 2014:

There’s the fear of Maoists in the villages along the forested border of
Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. There’s an even bigger fear for girls like
Nisha (false name of the Adivasi maid rescued from a posh area in
Delhi): the threat of ruthless human traffickers.
The girls here are very vulnerable – extreme poverty being its biggest
cause. Since 2009, Jharkhand has not been reporting figures of missing
children and persons to NCRB. Experts admit the available data don’t
reflect, therefore, the enormity of the problem.
For instance, Jharkhand CID statistics show a mere 282 registered
cases on human trafficking between 2001 and September 2013, while
a 2010 report by NGO Bharatiya Kisan Sangh put the number of girls
trafficked to metro cities at 42,000. Most victims are below 20 years
and the main destination is Delhi.
In Khunti alone, a dozen traffickers have been identified – those tak-
ing girls regularly out of villages for work to Delhi or Mumbai with
40 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
promises rarely kept. Search is on for the small-time traffickers operat-
ing as intermediaries.
(ToI, 2014)

Mukherjee further reports:

Delhi alone has an estimated half a million Adivasi girls and women,
mainly working as domestic servants in homes, but also as prostitutes.
Brokers from placement agencies roam tribal villages, especially those
where agricultural livelihoods have been damaged by mining, luring
women with false promises of jobs in the city. Many of the women are
sold to other brokers or directly to prospective employers. Many of
the trafficked women are sexually abused, some are killed, and others
return with a child in tow – only to be rejected by their home communi-
ties. Many vanish without a trace. Tehelka magazine recently reported
that although official figures say 9,000 Adivasi women have been traf-
ficked from Chhattisgarh in the past decade, activists believe the figure
to be 10 times that.
(M. Mukerjee, 2014:8–9)

Violence in LWE Areas

The central government refers to areas where the CPI (Maoist) and similar
organisations are active as ‘LWE’–affected areas. While figures appear to
frequently change, as of March 2015, 76 districts were described as such for
the purpose of various central government schemes.7
In these areas, there is a general atmosphere of terror as a result of the
widespread presence of paramilitary forces. Reports of activists working in
such areas and various fact-finding teams have recorded para military per-
sonnel breaking doors, barging into houses looking for young men, looting
belongings and money, and abusing and sexually molesting women. Many
Adivasi women along with men have been put behind bars on charges of
being Maoists or their supporters and remain under trial for years on end.
Women are now afraid to go to the forests for collecting NTFPs, severely
impacting their livelihoods, as there is fear of being accosted and picked up
by the security personnel as anyone can be labelled a Maoist and arrested.
The situation is the worst in Chhattisgarh, where the destructive impact
of mining and displacement has been compounded by the violent con-
flict between government forces and Maoist guerrillas. Adivasi women
in Dantewada district, visited by an all-India women’s fact-finding team,
were found facing multiple traumas of forcible dislocation from their vil-
lages into roadside camps and survival at the mercy of armed men. Only
here, the forces that have robbed them of their belongings, dislocated them,
and continue to threaten and sexually exploit them comprise many of their
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 41
own people recruited as special police officers for Salwa Judum (which the
Supreme Court has ruled to be unconstitutional). The official figures of
April/May 2006 acknowledged that 45,958 persons from 644 villages were
forced out of their villages to live in 22 roadside camps run by the state
government. Another 100,000 had fled into the forests or moved to Andhra
Pradesh, all leaving their lands, houses, cattle, and other assets behind.
Families had been split with women in the camps not knowing where other
family members were (Punwani, 2007).
Dr Nandini Sundar, one of the petitioners in a PIL against Salwa Judum,
has recorded the killing of many villagers, women being raped, and girls
from the camps being used as sex slaves. Twenty-two CRPF outposts now
ring the Raoghat mining area in north Bastar – in order to deter protests
against mining. In parts of Dantewada, such camps can be found every
5 km. The paramilitary forces were usually housed in school premises, and
with their men roaming unhindered, many girls are too terrified to attend
school anymore.
The state is yet to register a single FIR for 99 rapes allegedly conducted by
the Salwa Judum – despite a 2011 Supreme Court order directing the Chhat-
tisgarh government to act on detailed affidavits regarding them.
Both women and men also face the ire of Maoists when suspected to be
police informers and many have been killed. There have also been reports
of Maoists sexually abusing tribal women, although most such reports ema-
nate from the police and hence may not be reliable. It has been observed
that there was a near total absence of rape among Adivasis in Bastar prior
to the conflict.

Witch-Hunting
Gaining control over resources, personal enmity with powerful members of
the community, and the prevalence of superstitions are some of the factors
responsible for witch-hunting among some of the Central Indian tribes. It
has often been reported that at present the phenomenon is often related to
gaining access to widows’ lands. Various studies show that the victims of
witch-hunting are often old and unprotected. It has also been observed that
the witches are never from outside the concerned tribe but are also from
within the particular lineage of that tribe (Kelkarand Nathan, 1991:88–89).
Witch-hunting also tends to take place in remote areas with poor literacy
(Nath, 2014). Witch-hunting is also practised in some parts of Assam, and
has recently apparently been adopted by some Bodos as well. According to
the North-East Network for Women, ‘Women are branded as witches and
are accused of causing harm to communities. These women are physically
and mentally tortured. There is evidence of some being buried and even
burnt alive’ (NEN, 2004:33). Some states have passed laws against witch-
hunting while efforts are being made to mobilise members of the communi-
ties to build public opinion against such instances of violence against women.
42 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
Impact of Displacement and Migration on ST Women

Displacement Induced Loss of Status and Increased Vulnerability

of Women, Including through Loss of Access to Forests
ST communities in India have been the victims of involuntary displacement
on a much larger scale compared to the rest of the population. There have
been three major causes for this displacement – large development projects,
eviction and/or involuntary relocation from forests and wildlife conserva-
tion areas, and armed conflict. According to the report of the High Level
Committee on Tribals (Xaxa et al., 2014), at least 24 million tribals have
been displaced by development projects, and only 21.3% of those displaced
have received any rehabilitation (reflecting their lack of secure land titles).
Tribals account for 40% of those displaced, despite being only 8% of the
population. Threats of displacement are acquiring even more ominous por-
tents as still larger investments are now planned in the mining and power
sectors (coal-based as well as hydroelectric) in tribal forest areas.
Contrary to promises of ‘development’, more Adivasis lose their existing
livelihoods by mining and dams than the jobs generated. These jobs also
mostly go to better qualified outsiders while the Adivasis have to contend
with pollution of their land, air, and water sources or have to move else-
where, often becoming new ‘encroachers’ on forest land. As pointed out by
Xaxa (2012), displacement in the name of national development signifies
adverse inclusion in the process of development, in the framing of which
Adivasis have no say, while simultaneously indicating their exclusion from
the fruits of development. Tribal women are the worst sufferers in this as
much of their higher status in their communities is based on their economic
contribution to the household economy from access to common lands and
forests which they are increasingly losing for the benefit of others. Displace-
ment, including for wildlife conservation, is not only resulting in the loss of
communal resources but often even of land, rendering many Adivasis land-
less. In the case of households able to obtain some land, women’s status,
as discussed earlier, gets converted to that of non-owning unpaid labour in
patrilineal structures. The dramatic increase in landlessness among STs in
some CITB states and ST women increasingly getting pushed into the labour
market under adverse conditions have already been discussed earlier.

Migration
Migration is the common response to displacement, landlessness, or the
declining returns from agriculture and the forest-based economy. Large num-
bers of Adivasis from western Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra migrate to
the sugarcane fields of Gujarat; Adivasis from Jharkhand work in the fields
and brick kilns of Bengal; from Odisha they go to work in brick kilns in
Andhra Pradesh, and so on. Entire tribal migrant families from Odisha have
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 43
been held captive as bonded labour in the brick kilns in Andhra Pradesh
with reports of some of them being freed every now and then. Some Adiva-
sis are even being taken to Andaman and Nicobar Islands by contractors to
work as loaders and unloaders on ships, as road labour in Ladakh for the
Border Roads Organization, or as domestics in Delhi; Adivasis from Bastar
migrate seasonally to work on the chilli harvest in Andhra Pradesh. There
are also migrations further afield, as contractors put together work gangs to
work on construction projects or factories in the metropoles. While in some
cases entire nuclear families migrate together, in others, men migrate while
the women are left behind. When families migrate, women are paid less and
at times are not paid at all (as in sugarcane fields in southern Gujarat or
brick kilns in Punjab) (Gopalakrishnan and Sreenivasa, 2009)
In a Planning Commission survey of 3,000 migrant tribal women in ten
cities, 36% of women and 46% of migrant girl children reported that they
had migrated for employment. Displacement was also mentioned as a major
cause. The majority were from farming families or agricultural worker fami-
lies. A significant proportion – 11% in the case of tribal women and 15%
in the case of tribal girls – came from bonded labour families. About 12%
of the women’s families were traditional collectors of forest produce. Sig-
nificant proportions of the respondents reported facing difficulties in finding
accommodation (40%), very low wages (35%), and irregular employment
(30%). Although job opportunities for the migrant Adivasi women were
limited, a majority reported working as domestic workers (48%), followed
by construction labour (10%), industrial workers (8%), service sector (5%),
and government services (2%). They continued facing several challenges,
including language barriers, adjustments to the changed city environment,
challenges in finding accommodation, irregular employment, lack of job,
and wage security. Six percent of women respondents and 9% of the minor
respondents reported sexual exploitation, though the report acknowledges
that such exploitation is likely to be severely underreported (Tirpude Col-
lege of Social Work n.d.).
As such, migration impacts women more adversely. Women migrants face
threats of sexual abuse and have to live under harsh conditions and con-
stant insecurity while their children miss out on schooling. The women left
behind have to cope with managing the land, children, and livestock single-
handedly and become more vulnerable to sexual exploitation.
As observed by David Mosse et al.’s study of Adivasi seasonal migration
in western India:

The harsh conditions are amplified for women by their gender roles
and the simultaneous demands of work and childcare, by the need to
undertake heavy work and long hours when pregnant, and by sexual
exploitation by masons, contractors, the police and others which is
routine but silenced by fear and economic or marital insecurity (that
is, unreported for fear of loss of work or domestic violence). Migrant
44 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
women describe fear at night and fitful sleep in exposed places. For the
most part children at worksites have no care or shelter – ‘they spend
their days crying’. Older children either work or are needed to care for
younger siblings. Nutrition is poor, often limited to roti with chilli or
onion. Agencies working with seasonal migrant labourers document a
catalogue of work related health problems deriving from the toxicity
of materials or the lack of water or sanitation, and reproductive tract
infections, spontaneous abortions and pregnancy complications.
(Mosse et al., 2005:3027)

The lack of awareness among tribal women about the legal mechanisms
and facilities available for protection further compounded the problem.
While the Interstate Migrant Workers Act (1979) was enacted to protect the
interests of interstate migrant workers, few cases have been registered under
it to protect the interests of migrant workers, especially tribal women. In
Odisha, from 2000 to 2002, 148 cases were filed and only 20 were resolved
(Odisha Review, 2012:44).

Conclusion
The gender-based socio-economic indicators presented in the beginning
make it evident that – considering their economic contribution as workers
and the more favourable sex ratios among the STs of Central India – the
women of these communities enjoy a higher status than women of main-
stream Indian society. But at the same time these indicators also show clearly
that ST women are far from achieving equal status. Despite improvements
in literacy and health indicators, significant gaps remain between these indi-
cators for mainstream Indian society and those for STs, both women and
men. Despite their high WPR, ST women are getting pushed into more inse-
cure and marginal work compared to ST men. If anything, it appears that
the status of ST women is eroding with social change resulting in regres-
sive tendencies among Adivasis as well. Traditionally, Adivasis have not
preferred the male child, restrictions on the mobility of women, regressive
social norms such as pardah, the woman carrying the burden of the family’s
‘honour’ through curbs on her sexuality, taboos on widow remarriage, etc.
But many of these social traits are changing rapidly; increasing son prefer-
ence, for instance, would seem a likely cause of the falling child sex ratio
among these communities.
However, statistical gender indicators do not capture critical problems of
women’s lack of autonomy and subordination within the family and commu-
nity. Several studies elaborate gender-based structural inequalities suffered
by the region’s ST women, particularly as a result of exclusion from political
participation and property rights. Further, even the benefits enjoyed by them
under customary law are eroding rapidly with the socio-economic changes
taking place under the current ‘development’ model being imposed on them.
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 45
ST women’s higher status was based on community control over cus-
tomary resources. As long as forests, water resources, and land were
CPRs, women were major actors in the household economy and played an
important role in its management which vested them with a higher status
compared to the women of all the other social groups. Progressive and con-
tinuing loss of or reduced access to customary forests and land is depriving
Adivasi women of their considerable control over household food security
and income, and also of their autonomy. Several studies link the deprivation
of access to diverse uncultivated forest foods to increasing malnutrition of
tribal children and the poor health status of tribal women and men.
The central government’s interventions for increasing women’s welfare
and empowerment, for example, setting up the National Commission for
Women in 1990 and other steps to include women in the development
agenda, have ignored the specific problems and interests of tribal women.
Adoption of the Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP), an integrated strategy for ensuring
socio-economic development of the tribal population since the Fifth Five-
Year Plan, has lacked a gender focus on the assumption that tribal develop-
ment would positively impact women and men equally. As discussed earlier,
that is clearly not the case.
As pointed out by Prasad, ‘Anthropological and sociological approaches
have focused on the relatively egalitarian division of labour within Adivasi
societies since historical times’.
This division of labour is largely structured by the contingencies of house-
hold subsistence. Since Adivasi women take up a pivotal role in fulfilment of
these needs, they are seen as having greater freedom, especially with respect
to their sexual relations and their choice of partners.
However, a closer assessment of the customary laws governing commu-
nity institutions reveals a different picture and shows that Adivasi societies,
in most cases, follow the same traditional division of labour that structures
the position of women (in mainstream society) (Prasad, 2016:27).
In this context, it is difficult to find many examples of relevant initiatives
focused on empowering Adivasi women to overcome the multiple obstacles
they face by state governments as instances of progressive and sensitive poli-
cymaking are relatively rare. Here we highlight certain measures undertaken
by various organisations and state governments, with the recognition that
each comes with its own flaws as well.

Some Initiatives for Tribal Women’s Empowerment

Mahila Sabhas for Management and Governance of Forests

In Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, Bharat Jan Andolan – a grassroots
movement with tribal members in 70 villages – has set up separate ‘mahila
sabhas’ in each village. These mahila sabhas meet separately from the full
gram sabha meetings and are empowered to decide on forest management
46 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
questions. They are also allocated a separate budget out of the total earnings
of the gram sabhas (from bamboo harvesting from their community forest
resources); the mahila sabha decides how these earnings are to be spent.
In Kurachi block of the same district, another NGO Amhi Amchya Aro-
gyasathi working in 80 villages, is also organising separate mahila gram
sabhas and the women of 20 of these villages are demanding that their share
of royalty from the sale of tendu leaf be deposited in their separate accounts
instead of the joint accounts with their husbands. With extensive recogni-
tion of community forest resource rights in Gadchiroli and some adjoining
districts of Maharashtra, various other initiatives being taken by movements
and NGOs are also promoting the formation of federations of gram sabhas
for collective action on ecologically sustainable and equitable management
of their CFRs in the form of ‘Maha Gram Sabhas’. Two women and two
men representatives of each member gram sabha represent their villages in
the larger federation. This is beginning to give voice to women in these
emerging institutions.8
In Odisha, women’s NTFP cooperatives have been formed by NGO
Vasundhra in Deogarh and Nayagarh districts for collective marketing
of the NTFPs collected by them. Some of these cooperatives have started
earning substantially higher income through value addition and sale of leaf
plates to a foreign agency seeking eco-friendly products. These cooperatives
have also been able to obtain state support for building NTFP godowns and
availing the minimum support price for selected NTFPs announced by the
government. The development of leadership qualities and self-confidence
among women has been remarkable.

Integrating Mahila Gram Sabhas in the Functioning

of Gram Panchayats
Based on the positive outcomes of many gram panchayats in Himachal
Pradesh agreeing to informally call separate Mahila Gram Sabhas before
the main gram sabhas to enable women to articulate their concerns and
priorities, the HP Government has amended the state PRI Act to provide for
two Mahila Gram Sabhas each year. Maharashtra has already issued a GR
in 1998 requiring that at least two Mahila Gram Sabhas must be held each
year and that their recommendations must be accepted by the whole village/
panchayat gram sabha. Although this applies to all areas and to all women
in the state, it creates space for tribal women to gain a voice in community-
level decision-making when customary laws exclude them from participa-
tion in such forums.

NERCORMP Project in the North-East

Although not from the CITB, experiences from this project in the North-
East (NE) can be relevant for the CITB states as well. In an IFAD-supported
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 47
project in three NE states,9 Natural Resource Management Groups
(NaRMGs) were created in each project village together with forming wom-
en’s self-help groups nested within them and forming federations of both
NaRMGs and SHGs. Increasing the participation of women in traditional
local institutions and community decision-making from which women are
excluded, and where women do not benefit from one-third seats being
reserved for women in gram panchayats as Sixth Schedule states do not
have panchayats, was a specific objective of the project. Traditional leaders
were associated with these groups to solicit their support, while the general
bodies of the NaRMGs functioned akin to gram sabhas in other parts of
the country. Over time, women members of these groups not only started
earning income from economic activities but also gained self-confidence and
started having a say in village affairs while participating in the preparation
of village development plans.

Policy Recommendations

General Recommendations
• The Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA) needs to recognise the specific
gender-based disadvantages suffered by ST women under customary
laws and practices and integrate strategies for empowering ST women
to seek gender equality in coordination with other relevant ministries.
As most ministries have to spend 8.6% of their budgets on tribal devel-
opment, an interministerial coordination committee should be set up
to ensure that these funds are genuinely targeted at gender-sensitive
tribal development. It should specifically coordinate with the Ministry
of Women and Child Development to ensure that the National Policy
for Women being finalised by it has specific provisions for ST women’s
empowerment. It should also coordinate with the ministry responsible
for implementation of PESA to require that PESA Gram Sabhas must
have a minimum participation of 33% women for completing the quo-
rum as provided for in the FRA Rules. Coordination with the Ministry
of Environment, Forests and Climate Change for unhindered implemen-
tation of the FRA, including its gender-sensitive provisions, must receive
priority.
• MoTA must ensure that all its projects and programmes, including the
TSP, and those of institutions such as TRIFED under it, replace their
gender-neutral approach with a gendered one specifically focused on
addressing tribal women’s gender-based disadvantages, particularly
regarding their land and resource rights under customary laws and
practices.
• All states with large tribal populations should be asked to set up State
Tribal Women’s Commissions to address the specific problems faced
by tribal women as at present, no state agency is mandated to promote
48 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
Adivasi women’s resource rights and rights to political participation
denied to them under customary laws and practices.
• Ashram schools and other educational institutions for tribal girls need
to be extended, but provision of basic infrastructure such as toilets,
boundary walls, clean drinking water, and electricity in them must be
ensured. Security of the girl students must be ensured and camps of
para-military forces should not be located near Ashramshalas. Local
tribal languages should be used in them at least till the primary level
and the teaching content made sensitive to tribal culture. Their running
and monitoring should be brought under community control on the
lines of the communitisation law enacted in Nagaland. To address the
inadequacy of teachers and high levels of absenteeism of outside teach-
ers, the government needs to invest in setting up B.Ed. colleges in tribal
areas for training Adivasi youth, who could work as teachers in Ashram
schools.
• Adivasi women face extreme levels of deprivation of access to health
facilities due to the widespread deficiencies in health infrastructure
and vacancies in posts for medical personnel in remote tribal areas. To
address the challenges of malnutrition and poor health among tribal
women, state health departments should create a cadre of trained Adi-
vasi women to provide basic health services in local tribal languages
on the lines of the innovative Mitanin programme in the tribal areas of
Chhattisgarh while also recognising and propagating the positive local
health traditions and knowledge.
• Recognition of community forest resource (CFR) rights under the Forest
Rights Act should be completed in all villages with forests as required
under FRA Rules, while ensuring women’s participation in the gram
sabhas making and approving the claims and in the committees set up
for preparing the conservation and management plans for their CFRs.
Illegal diversion of forest land without the informed consent of the gram
sabha and only after completion of the recognition of all forest rights
required by MoEFCC’s own order should be halted and the officials
responsible prosecuted.
• The protections for collective property and decision-making under the
Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act should be respected in
Scheduled Areas, particularly as tribal women are major users of com-
munal lands and control the income they earn from NTFP gathering.
• As Adivasi women are primary actors in NTFP collection for subsist-
ence and trade, their ownership rights over NTFPs within gram sabhas
should be ensured as provided under PESA and the Forest Rights Act
(FRA).
• Issuance of joint titles with the woman’s name entered first, or titles
in the name of women alone, should be made mandatory in all land
tenure regimes to enable tribal women to gain property rights (often
denied by customary laws). Other states should adopt Maharashtra’s
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 49
GR requiring that the names of both spouses should be recorded in the
column for owner’s name of residential houses in the Panchayat’s regis-
ter for house tax purposes.
• State governments should undertake awareness campaigns and issue-
specific instructions to ensure strict implementation of the provisions of
the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act relating to sexual violence and
denial of land/forest rights.
• An environment must be created that will ease the process of tribal
women building their own organisations – without which significant
change is impossible. Such organisations can also ensure the necessary
dialogue within tribal communities around gender relations. However,
an environment to organise cannot be created purely by ‘social empow-
erment schemes’ or such steps. Rather, there must be efforts that rec-
ognise and specifically protect womens’ economic and political rights,
which then become a subject of organising. Some steps in this direction
can include:
• Schemes for registration of women migrant workers and dedicated
officials for protection of their rights. This can be done at both the
central and state levels.
• Support of and incentives for women’s cooperatives in minor forest
produce collection, value addition and sale, and federating these to
create a larger forum for taking up tribal women’s needs, rights, and
priorities. This could be linked to the recently introduced scheme
for provision of minimum support prices for minor forest produce.
• Targets for provision of employment under the MNREGA to tribal
women should be expanded and specific efforts made to ensure that
women are reached by the scheme, and equal wages paid to them
on time.
• As recommended by the Justice Verma Committee, atrocities against
women by security forces should be dealt with by separate and stringent
provisions in law. Similar provisions should be extended to other gov-
ernment officials.
• The guidelines for Tribal Sub-plans need to make it mandatory to ensure
approval and implementation of projects and plans through empowered
gram sabhas ensuring equal participation of women under PESA. The
present system of top-down planning and implementation is resulting
in massive TSP funds being siphoned off with tribal villages deprived
of working hand pumps, schools, health centres, ponds, roads, and the
like, which impact tribal women and children most adversely. They
must also include a gendered approach moving beyond standard wel-
fare schemes for women to mainstreaming gender concerns and engag-
ing women in the development process.
• The special projects for PVTGs should be urgently reviewed and
made more sensitive to their cultures, needs, and identities through
50 Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan
participatory planning with the equal involvement of women. Officials
incharge of PVTG development agencies must be selected carefully to
ensure that they are sensitive to the PVTGs’ unique cultures instead of
looking down upon them.
• Special attention should be given to ensuring recognition of the habitat
rights of PVTGs and provide their larger habitat territories the same
kind of protection as the tribal reserves in A & N Islands. This will be
the best means of protecting the more equal gender relations among
PVTGs, while also protecting their unique cultures and identities. Many
of these tribes are as vulnerable as the hunter-gatherer tribes of A & N
Islands. Privatising their community lands through issuing individual
titles to land for housing and other schemes must be stopped as it hits
women the hardest through loss of access to such lands in a context
where customary law largely denies them private property rights.
• Policies aimed at stopping podu (shifting) cultivation based on com-
munal land ownership and social organisation designed to ensure food
security to the poorest and women by forcibly undertaking tree planta-
tions on them due to the lands having been classified as ‘forest’ without
due legal process of recognising pre-existing community rights must be
ended. This applies to the surviving areas of podu cultivation by PVTGs
like the Kutia Kondhs, Paudi Bhuiyans, and the Juangs in Odisha and
the Konda Reddys in Telengana/Andhra Pradesh. At best, policies which
facilitate adaptation of podu to the changing context based on docu-
mentation and understanding of women’s indigenous agro-biodiversity
knowledge, while retaining its positive traits, should be adopted. This
will also result in empowerment and security for women. This must be
done in consultation with local communities ensuring equal participa-
tion of women.

Space for women to start participating in community decision-making needs

to be created by designing institutional mechanisms for implementation
of development projects which require that at least 33–50% of the adults
attending gram sabha meetings are women with similar women’s represen-
tation in management committees constituted by gram sabhas. Within these
structures, women’s groups can be given control over separate budgets for
meeting their specific priorities.

Notes
1 This chapter is a revised and updated version by Madhu Sarin of the paper
jointly written by Madhu Sarin and Shankar Gopalakrishnan for UNDP. While
the original paper dealt with STs all over the country, this chapter is focused on
Scheduled Tribes in the Central Indian Tribal Belt (CITB). Some inputs received
from Sayantani Satpathi of BRLF for this chapter are gratefully acknowledged.
2 As per Ministry of Tribal Affairs’ Special Central Assistance to Tribal Sub-Plan
(SCA to TSP) Guidelines, and Guidelines for Article 275(1) of the Constitution,
 Gender Issues among Scheduled Tribes 51
40–50% of funds must be allocated for education in states/UTs. It has been stip-
ulated that at least 30% of the beneficiaries under the projects funded through
these programmes have to be women/girls.
3 Ministry of Tribal Affairs – Rajya Sabha Unstarred Question No. 3833 answered
on April 5, 2017.
4 See, for example, M.S. Swaminathan (ed), 1998, Gender Dimensions in Biodi-
versity Management. Konark Publ, New Delhi.
5 See, for example, M. Radhakrishna, 2009, Starvation among Primitive Tribal
Groups, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLIV, No. 18, May 2, Mumbai.
6 The Santhals perceive women as ‘objects’ or ‘property’, ‘jinisk anako’, to be
transferred from the father to the husband. Hence, women do not have any
claim over the property of either the father or the husband, whether movable
or immovable. This custom, codified during the British rule, by Gantzer in
his Settlement of 1922–1923, has been interpreted mechanically by the post-­
independence Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act of 1949. This act does not provide
any room for the woman to inherit land on the excuse that ‘Santhal tribal law is
quite definite in not allowing women to inherit’. (Rao & Kumar, 1997:1308)
7 See reply to question in Parliament by Minister of State for Home Affairs on March 4,
2015. Available at: http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=116427
8 Personal communication with Shubhada Deshmukh of Amhi Amchya Arogya-
sathi and Neema Pathak of Kalpavriksh.
9 North Eastern Region Community Resource Management Project for Upland
Areas (NERCORMP) from 1999 to 2008 that overlapped with the Meghalaya
Livelihoods Improvement Project for the Himalayas (MLIPH), which became
operational in 2004 for a period of eight years. NERCORMP was a joint initia-
tive of the Government of India (through the North Eastern Council [NEC], the
Ministry of Department of North Eastern Region [DONER], and IFAD).

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2 Forests, People, and Their
Hopes
PESA and FRA and Overview
Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi

Introduction
The forests have always been a contentious issue in the Indian context. As
we take a peek in history, we do find some interesting references, especially
those that refer to the forest people and their experiences with the imperial
ambitions. In one of the most ironic statements, Emperor Ashoka wrote in
the 13th Rock Edict that that even in remorse he had the might to crush the
forest dwellers, if they did not obey his commands. The irony of this Edict
should not be lost, as it was the same edict that expressed remorse at the
senseless killings in the Kalinga War. Remorse was one thing, to manage the
vast resources of the empire and the forest was quite the other. However,
the inscription also implied that the polity did not have decisive control on
the forests as well as the people that lived in them.
The situation does not seem as chaotic from the perspective of governance
as the Ashokan edict may sound. In fact, there were norms and traditions
that governed the vana (the forest) and as in the ksetra, the vana also had
its definitive structures of norms that governed the access to it as well as its
control. The state in pre-colonial India did not claim monopoly over the
forest resources. The control of the forest was always with the community.
Also, in the Indian context as scholars such as Shereen Ratnagar (2010) and
others have argued, individual rights were part of community rights when
they were discussed in the context of access to forests and its resources. The
pre-modern state, be it the Mauryan or the Mughal, had implicitly under-
stood this relationship and worked with the forest communities rather than
questioning this basic fundamental premise. This does not mean that the
forest and the communities were not in conflict with others or with them-
selves. However, the cornerstone of the relationship, the community rights
principle, remained the basis of the interaction between the various players.
Following the emergence of colonialism under the British, the forest
became the state’s property. That was the first watershed moment in the
forests in Indian context. The British Empire by asserting its right over the
forests as a matter of rule of law sought to overturn the fundamentals that

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-4
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 57
had nurtured and governed our forests. For the colonial administration,
forests served as a means of wealth accumulation at the expense of all those
communities who depended on forests for their lives and livelihoods. It also
decisively changed the nature of Indian forestry by changing the species
composition to suit the needs of the predatory empire and thus negatively
impacted on the ecosystem. In the process, the forest communities faced
hardships, their voice was crushed, and their rights sought to be silenced. It
should not be forgotten that the tracks on which the major rail trunk routes,
as planned by the colonial state, were built by trampling the rights of the
forest communities.

Background
What is a tribe? This question has drawn a multiplicity of responses which
suggests that there is a scope to improve upon the definitional aspects of the
category. However, some terms that have been proposed to amplify the cat-
egory, such as indigenous, underdeveloped, forest people, aboriginals and
marginalised, do capture some aspects of this category. We can cull out
some common elements about the category tribe, that its members share the
natural resources such as land, water and other commons based on their
kin ranking, that all the kin members have a right over them depending on
where they stand in the kin group. There is an innate understanding about
not commodifying the resources by bringing in the market forces. Such then
is the tribe.
The term ‘Adivasi’ that meant the ‘original inhabitants’ was first used in
the Chotanagpur region of Bihar in the 1930s and was extended to other
regions in the 1940s by A.V. Thakkar, who worked among the tribals. The
Gandhians popularised other polite equivalents such as ranipaja, vanyajati,
and girijan. In the historical Indian context, now ‘Adivasi’ refers to a wide
variety of communities that before had remained relatively free from the
controls of outside states, but were eventually subjugated during the colo-
nial period and brought under the control of the state. Today, the Indian
Constitution classifies them as ‘Scheduled Tribes’.
Though the term Adivasi was coined as a translation to the colonial cat-
egory of aboriginal, tribe and the aboriginal are not synonymous catego-
ries. They are in fact quite different to each other in the manner in which
they connote what they say. As has been argued, the tribal society preceded
the early state societies and later coexisted with the state societies. Even in
the first millennium, we do come across evidence that all the subsistence
practices existed among the same people. Therefore, gathering and hunting,
pastoralism and agriculture were being practised by the same people, and
hence we should not equate ‘tribes’ with gatherers and hunters alone. These
subsistence patterns were a response that were determined by the eco-niches
58 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
of a particular terrain as well as the evolving social and political relation-
ships The marker of a tribal society was the way in which production was
organised. It was not market-driven, and was not produced for the market.
The society was egalitarian to an extent the peasant society was not, and in
that context the hierarchy was understated through respect and seniority in
the lineages. The essential feature of the tribal society lay in its foundational
kinship network and joint holding in common resources, land, water, forest,
and forest produce amongst other things. In that sense, it has been argued
that the tribal society was the original affluent society.
The state has had an uneasy relationship with the people who lived in the
forests which ranged from being accommodative to combative as per the
needs of the polity at that particular moment. The settled and the unsettled
are defined usually from the perspective of the sedentary and statist contexts.
Thus, we get terms that are sometimes posited as binary opposites, ‘vana’
and ‘ksetra’, where the ‘vana’ is the dark, unknown, and, therefore, untrust-
worthy, whereas the ‘ksetra’ is the settled, civilized, and governed. These
two binaries resided side by side with each other and the ashrams often are
located on the edge of the ksetra with a mission to humanise the ‘vana’. The
state for obvious reasons saw the ashrams as outposts from which some
kind of a contact could get established with the ‘unsettled’. This was so as
trade routes had to be protected, forest produce was of great importance
to the state and its revenues, and the issue of control had to be dealt with
delicately. The essential feature of this relationship gets expressed as early
as in the third century BCE. Emperor Ashoka 13th Rock Edict expresses
remorse due to the killings and destruction that happened due to the Kalinga
War. There is enough evidence to suggest that norms and traditions were in
place that governed the forest and its resources by the people who inhabited
it. As in the settled, the so-called unsettled too had its definitive structures
of norms that governed the manner in which resources were utilised as well
as nurtured. The state in pre-colonial India did not claim monopoly over the
forest resources. The control of the forest was usually vested with the people
who lived in the forest and these were not necessarily those who formed the
structure of the larger state. The pre-modern state implicitly understood the
rather opaque relationship that was in existence and did not assert any direct
control over the forest resources nor did it pursue any structural change in
the control over land and resources. The cornerstone of the relationship, the
community rights principle, remained the basis of the interaction between
the various stakeholders that had varying claims over the resources.
It is this relationship that underwent a change with the advent of the
colonial rule. The colonial state brought under its rule all the resources that
it required to enable maximum extraction and in order to do so, it also
changed the governance context in the areas inhabited by the tribal popula-
tions. The fundamental premise of the community rights over resources as
a principle underwent a drastic change with the coming in of the colonial
state. The colonial state decisively changed the very basis of the relationship
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 59
between the communities and the state structure by declaring in its forest
policy that the forests belonged to the state. The forest policy of the Raj was
an assertion of an imperial ambition that wanted only to exploit the forest
wealth of the colony to sustain its accumulation process. In the process,
the forest communities faced hardships, their voice was crushed, and their
rights sought to be silenced. It should not be forgotten that the tracks on
which the major rail trunk routes, as planned by the colonial state, were
built by trampling the rights of the forest communities. The major assertions
of the Raj were enshrined in the 1927 Forest Act that legitimised the pro-
cesses and thus tilted the balance decisively in favour of the colonial state.
The dawn of independence was supposed to bring hope and freedom to
the forest dwellers. The intermittent years of the Raj were like a bad dream.
There were legitimate hopes that the democratic state would uphold the
rights of the people and restore the community rights back to community.
These hopes were belied as the Forest Act of 1927 was allowed to exist and
the basic premise of existence of the forests and the communities in harmony
was vivisected by the independent Indian State. The existence of the 1927
Forest Act and the enforcer of the same, the Forest Department, has shaped
much of the contours of the people and forests in the post-independence
context. It does not help that the forests are where the dwellers are, and the
forests are where the mineral resources are. This coterminous convergence
has whetted the appetite of the predatory international finance capital and
the mining companies, especially after India embarked on the globalisation
regime and kowtowed to the masters of the capital.
Today most of the Central Indian tribal heartland, where our forests as
well as the mineral wealth are, is aflame with insurgency. It was to redress
this situation and restore democratic rights that the government took one
decisive step in 2006. The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest
Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 is landmark legislation
as well as recognition of the injustice done to the forest dwellers. This act
decisively restores one key pre-colonial relationship, the community right
over the forest by the dwellers in some measure. There are legitimate hopes
from this legislation as a major gesture from the governance.
However, the experience of the implementation of the key element of that
relationship, the issue of community rights leaves everything to be desired.
It is indeed amazing that though the act is passed in all earnestness, the
issue of community rights remains as a stalemate on ground. The inability
of the state to enforce the 2006 legislation in letter and spirit bring into
question the nature of our democracy and governance. The road ahead is
uncertain as the state balances its act between rights of people and claims
of the capital. On February 13, 2008, the Supreme Court upheld a writ
petition(s) (Civil No(s). 109/2008, the Bench led by Justice Arun Mishra
stayed its own order but stated, ‘the mighty and the underserving, who have
encroached on forest lands would be shown no mercy’.1 This order was in
response to an older case filed eleven years back by conservationists and
60 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
wildlife advocates opposing the illegal encroachment by 11,91,327 forest-
dwellers. Subsequent, to the passing of the court order, over a million Adi-
vasis and the other traditional forest-dwelling (OTFD) communities faced
threats of potential eviction while igniting the long-standing debate between
state-led forest governance and the rights of the Adivasis and other com-
munities. Their lives and livelihoods have always depended on forests and
their resources.2, 3
Post-independence, India’s policymakers, starting most notably with the
then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, have been continually seized by the
issue of formulating public policies sensitive towards the vulnerable tribal
communities. India’s first Prime Minister outlined the philosophy of govern-
ance in tribal areas by setting out the ‘Panchasheel’ or the five principles
(Nehru, 1955).4
Due to lack of understanding and long years of exploitation by the colo-
nial state, the tribal areas required a just policy framework which was not
forthcoming. This situation was supposed to have changed in 1960 when
the first Scheduled Areas and the Scheduled Tribes Commission (Chairman:
Shri U.N. Dhebar) under Article 339(1) of the Constitution was constituted.
The Dhebar Commission came to the conclusion that the approach of Tribal
Development Blocs was not adequate to address the issues of land alienation
and backwardness in the Scheduled Areas. The Dhebar Commission’s find-
ings, shared by the Shilu Ao Committee in 1969, advocated a more focused
attention to address the issues of education, alienation, and backwardness.
Thus, in the 1970s, the Tribal Sub-plan was introduced and along with the
Fifth Schedule, it was supposed to be the twin pillar on which governance
and development were supposed to go hand in hand. However, as has been
argued, the Fifth Schedule was not adequate to protect the tribal lands and
in fact the alienation of land in a clear violation of the provisions of the
Fifth Schedule became the norm in the Scheduled Areas. The displacement,
poverty, lack of governance, and governance deficit coupled with alienation
from land also resulted in a violent protest concentrated in the states of
Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Jharkhand with echoes of that being felt in some
parts of Maharashtra, Telangana, and spilling into West Bengal as well.
It is against such a background that we need to contextualise the develop-
ments in Schedule V areas that led to the constitution of the PESA act and
the report that the Bhuria Committee submitted to the government. The
committee’s main recommendations touched upon the issues of fragmenta-
tion of existing tribal areas and the way to overcome that fragmentation,
democratisation of governance up to the village level and reorganisation
of the administrative mechanism to that end. The primary concern of the
committee was something that was, of course, articulated powerfully in the
Constituent Assembly by Mr Jaipal Singh Munda at the dawn of our inde-
pendence, namely that it was the bounden duty of the Indian State to deepen
the democratic practices, to learn from the wisdom of tribal communities
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 61
and stop the exploitation of resources and people. The Bhuria Committee
echoed these sentiments when it observed that “as a nation, we need to
introspect how, during the past few decades, our changing legislations and
policies have disrupted the lives of voiceless and helpless tribal people. Life-
support systems constituted of elements like air, water and production assets
like land, and forest, used and inherited through aeons, have been infringed
upon and even wrested from them. Generations of tribal families have been
ousted, from time to time, from their homes and habitat. Claims that seek
credit for massive tribal development and promotion of ecology do not
carry enough credence.

Panchayati Raj (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996

Panchayati Raj (extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA) extends
Part IX (Panchayats) of the Constitution to the Fifth Schedule Areas. It con-
sists of nine states: (i) Andhra Pradesh, (ii) Gujarat, (iii) Maharashtra, (iv)
Madhya Pradesh, (v) Orissa, (vi) Rajasthan, (vii) Himachal Pradesh, (viii)
Jharkhand, and (ix) Chhattisgarh. The PESA delegated executive function
to the gram sabha and enjoined the governance structure to seek consulta-
tion and at times consent to undertake any developmental activity in the
Schedule V areas. The enactment of PESA followed the submission of the
Bhuria Committee Report in 1996. The chairperson of the committee in his
letter to the Prime Minister stated:

[T]he most important fact of the proposed law is that it will remove
the dissonance between tribal tradition of self-governance and modern
formal institutions, which has been at the root of simmering discontent
and occasional confrontations. We are confident that this will mark the
beginning of a new era in the history of tribal people. After the new
institutional frames become operational, the people will be able to per-
ceive the state apparatus as an extension of their own system in the
service of the community, that too, in a crucial phase of modernization
firmly rooted in tradition.

Thus, the PESA Act as passed in 1996 when the world slept stated thus:
PESA extended the idea of self-governance in tribal regions of India. The
act was introduced because the provisions of the Panchayat Raj (73rd and
74th Amendments) legislations did not automatically apply to the Fifth and
Sixth Schedule states. In the PESA Act, the gram sabha is/was envisaged as
pre-eminent. It was deemed competent to carry out the functions entrusted
to it by the PESA act, and its members constituted the entire settlement.
PESA created the structure of tribal governance at the level of gram sabha
in non-negotiable categories. It affirmed the fact that the tribal commu-
nities were self-governing in themselves (Section 4(b)) and not mundane
62 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
inorganic revenue villages and thus the gram sabha in the PESA Act is at
the centre of the decision-making process. Thus, PESA constituted a radical
departure from the previous practice of mere administrative governance of
tribal areas.
PESA also logically therefore recognised that a habitation became a nat-
ural unit of the community, whose adult members constituted the gram
sabha. As per Section 4(d) and 4(m) (ii) of the Act, the community was
declared as competent to safeguard and preserve their culture and tradition.
It was also deemed competent to exercise command over natural resources
and as per the Act, empowered and invested with the ownership of minor
forest produce. The gram sabha has been given rights of adjudication in
the local disputes. The gram sabha is also deemed competent to monitor all
the organs of the state that operate at the level of its geographical domain
such as the school, the health centre, and the markets as well as the work-
ers of Integrated Children Development Scheme and the Public Distribution
System.
The governance model as envisaged in PESA was nothing short of rev-
olutionary in its conceptualisation. PESA envisaged of self-governance
around certain features that were made explicit in the Act. Thus, as per
Section 4(b), it was accepted that a self-governing community, that is,
the gram sabha as its expression would be the basic unit of governance
at that level and not the gram panchayat. This is a crucial departure and
it thus makes the autonomy of the people supreme. The crucial differ-
ence that the PESA act made was envisaging the powers entrusted to the
gram sabha rather than the gram panchayat, as in the non-PESA areas. It
thus accepted the existing realities on the ground about the tribal com-
munities and evolved the act accordingly. The PESA act also recognised
the fact that it was crucial that the devolution of authority and power
to govern the crucial resources germane to the tribal people at the level
of settlement should be clearly spelt out, and it does so in no uncertain
terms. Therefore, the minor forest produce, minor minerals, small water
bodies and the local weekly markets and their management as per the
act was handed over to the settlements, a ladder even below the village
with each settlement constituting a gram sabha. The act, by recognis-
ing the fact that the actual governance happens at the sub-village level,
devolved most of the authority to the gram sabha of the settlement; thus,
the consent of the gram sabha was required to pass the accounts, and the
administration was supposed to present the development plan to it for its
approval. The act also was clear as to who constituted the gram sabha
was eligible to participate in its proceedings, namely the adult settlement
members. The gram sabha was thus supposed to assume responsibility
for planning oversight, adjudicate local disputes, and govern the local
resources, water, forests and minerals as per the PESA act. This was sup-
posed to do as per the customs and traditions of the community. The act
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 63
is also categorical on three crucial issues that have a direct bearing on the
resources and their ownership:

• Restoration of alienated land to the people as non-negotiable as non-

tribal cannot possess lands in Schedule V Areas.
• The power to control local plans and resources for such plans, including
Tribal Sub-plans.
• The power to issue utilisation certificates for government works under-
taken in their village.

Sections 4 (i), (j), (k), and (l) are arguments in favour of the communities
when it admits that they as an “organic unit that constitutes the habita-
tion have right to be consulted on the acquisition of or access to land and
land- based resources.” This provision however should also now be read
with the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisi-
tion, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act (2013),5 which gives the right to
consent to the people, not fully but substantially. It also affirms that the
community is deemed competent to adjudicate on and act in its wisdom to
put an end to exploitative relations regarding land alienation, moneylend-
ing, market relations, and alcohol. The supremacy of gram sabha under the
PESA Act is cast in stone, whose power cannot be usurped by a superior
body (Table 2.1).
While states have adopted some PESA provisions in their state pan-
chayat acts, this was only the first of a series of tasks necessary to make
PESA effectual. The act therefore, perhaps ambiguous on certain counts
due to the absence of rules that were not drafted, has faced hurdles that
are administrative as well as more fundamental in nature. The critical fea-
ture of PESA Act lies in the proper constitution of gram sabha as envisaged
in the Act. This is so as otherwise the authority vested in the gram sabha
cannot be exercised. It has been observed in Schedule V Areas in most of
PESA states that gram sabhas have not been constituted or functioning as
per the PESA Act. The Expert Group aptly recognised this constituted by
the Planning Commission (2008). The PESA Act envisaged the ‘village’ at
the settlement level where a habitation or a cluster of habitations ‘‘com-
prising a community and managing its area in accordance with customs
and traditions’ constituted a village. This went against the existing admin-
istrative articulation of the ‘village’ in Schedule V areas. The reconstitu-
tion of the administrative framework of the villages as envisaged in the act
is still a work in progress in most of the states. This effectively precludes
the functioning of a ‘face-to-face’ community as envisaged in PESA and
eliminates the likelihood of a functioning gram sabha, which could shoul-
der the responsibilities of a unit of self-governance. Thus, while the consti-
tutional position is clear, the deficit stems from the non-implementation of
the same (Trivedi et al., 2017).
Table 2.1 Status of PESA implementation by states

64 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi

The Central PESA Andhra Pradesh Chhattisgarh Jharkhand Gujarat Madhya Pradesh Orissa
Act’s provisions

Section 4 (i): The AP Act has The Chhattisgarh The Jharkhand The Gujarat The MP Act has The Orissa Act said the
The Gram Sabha or made provisions Act has made Act has no Act provides made provisions district panchayat shall
the Panchayats at to consult the provisions provision in for the taluka that before be consulted before
the appropriate Mandal (Block) that before this regard panchayats to be acquiring land acquiring land. The
level shall be Parishad before acquiring land consulted before for development Revenue Department
consulted before acquiring land for development acquiring any projects, the has issued instructions
acquiring land in Scheduled projects, the under the Land gram sabha will to Collectors to obtain
in the Scheduled Areas. However, gram sabha will Acquisition Act, be consulted the gram sabha’s
Areas for planning and be consulted for develop- recommendation during
development implementing of mental projects, land acquisition. The law
projects and such projects will and before also ensures bureaucratic
before resettling be coordinated resettling or control over the gram
or rehabilitating at the level of the rehabilitating panchayat: ‘The
persons affected state government persons affected Collector or such other
by such projects in by such projects officer or person specially
Scheduled Areas authorised on the behalf
of the State Government
shall exercise general
powers of inspection,
supervision, and control
over the exercise of
powers, discharge of
duties, and performance
of functions by the gram
panchayat
Section 4 (j): The AP Act has The Chhattisgarh The Jharkhand The Gujarat Act The MP Act The Orissa Act has
Planning and assigned this Act has assigned Act has entrusts this has assigned assigned this power to
management power to either of powers to the assigned power to the functions to the the district panchayats
of minor water the three tiers of gram sabha. this power gram panchayat gram sabha to
bodies in the panchayats as the Intermediate to the gram plan, own, and
Scheduled Areas case may be and district panchayat manage bodies
shall be entrusted panchayats also situated within
to panchayats at have powers to its territorial
the appropriate plan, own, and jurisdiction
level manage minor
water bodies
Section 4 (k): Recommendations Prior The Jharkhand The Gujarat Prior The Orissa Act has
The recommendations of the gram recommendation Act has no Mines & recommendation assigned this power to
of the gram sabha panchayat shall of the gram sabha provision in Minerals of the gram sabha district panchayats
or the panchayats be considered is mandatory this regard (Regulation & is mandatory
at the appropriate prior to grant Development)

Forests, People, and Their Hopes 65

level shall be of prospecting Act provides
made mandatory licenses that prior to
prior to grant of granting the
prospecting license quarry lease and
or mining lease for quarry permit,
minor minerals by recommendations
auction of the gram
panchayat shall
be obtained

(Continued)
Table 2.1 (Continued)

66 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi

The Central PESA Andhra Pradesh Chhattisgarh Jharkhand Gujarat Madhya Pradesh Orissa
Act’s provisions

Section 4 (l): The AP Act The Chhattisgarh The Jharkhand The Gujarat Prior The Orissa Act has
The prior has provided Act has no Act has no Mines & recommendation assigned this power to
recommendation that prior provision in this provision in Minerals of the gram sabha the district panchayat
of the gram sabha recommendations regard this regard Act provides is mandatory.
or the panchayats of Gram that prior to Auctions are
at the appropriate Panchayats shall granting the done by the state
level shall be be considered quarry lease and government and
mandatory for quarry permit, royalties must
grant of concession recommendations be paid to the
for the exploitation of the gram gram sabhas/
of minor minerals panchayat shall panchayats
by auction be obtained
Section 4 (m)(i): The AP Act has The Chhattisgarh The Jharkhand The Gujarat Act The MP Act The Orissa Act has
The power to enforce assigned this Act has assigned Act has has no provision says the gram assigned powers to the
prohibition or to function either this power to the assigned as prohibition sabha has the gram panchayat to be
regulate or restrict to the gram gram sabha this power extends to the requisite powers exercised under the
the sale and panchayat or the to the gram whole state to brew liquor direct supervision of the
consumption of gram sabha panchayat under certain gram sabha
any intoxicant conditions
Section 4 (m)(ii): The AP Act says The Chhattisgarh The Jharkhand The Gujarat The ‘Madhya The Orissa Act has
The ownership of that gram State Federation Act has Act has given Pradesh Laghu assigned powers to the
Minor Forest panchayat or of Minor Forest assigned the right to Van Upaj gram panchayat to be
Produce gram sabha, as Produce is these ownership of (Gram Sabha exercised under the
the case may be, empowered powers to MFP to gram ko Swamitwa direct supervision of the
shall exercise to control three tiers of panchayat. Sale ka Sandan) gram sabha
powers in this trade, and panchayats proceeds shall Vidheyak 2000’
matter, as may be must distribute be paid into and submitted by
prescribed dividend and form part of the the Forest
bonus to the village fund Department of
shareholders MP is under
revision to
include issues
like ‘Ownership
of Minor Forest
Produce’,

Forests, People, and Their Hopes 67

‘Jurisdictional
Issues’, etc.
Section 4 (m)(iii): The AP Act says The Act says that The Jharkhand The Gujarat Act The Act says that The Orissa Act has
The power to prevent that the gram the gram sabha Act has has assigned this the gram sabha assigned powers to the
alienation of land panchayat or the is endowed with assigned power to the is endowed with gram panchayat to be
in the Scheduled gram sabha shall such powers this power district panchayat such powers exercised under the
Areas and to perform such to district direct supervision of the
take appropriate functions panchayats gram sabha
action to restore
any unlawfully
alienated land of a
Scheduled Tribe

(Continued)
Table 2.1 (Continued)

68 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi

The Central PESA Andhra Pradesh Chhattisgarh Jharkhand Gujarat Madhya Pradesh Orissa
Act’s provisions

Section 4 (m)(iv): The AP Act has The Chhattisgarh The The Gujarat Act The MP Act The Orissa Act has
The power to assigned powers Act provides that Jharkhand has assigned this provides that assigned powers to the
manage village to the gram the gram sabha Act has power to gram the Gram gram panchayat to be
markets by panchayat or the shall have powers assigned panchayats Sabha shall exercised under the
whatever name gram sabha as the to manage village this power have powers to direct supervision of the
called case may be markets and to all three manage village gram sabha
melas through tiers of markets and
the gram panchayats melas through
panchayat the gram
panchayat
Section 4 (m)(v): The AP Act states Chhattisgarh Act The The Gujarat Act The gram sabha is The Orissa Act has
The power to that either the has amended its Jharkhand has assigned this endowed with assigned powers to the
exercise control gram panchayat laws preventing Act has power to the such powers gram panchayat to be
over moneylending or the gram sabha moneylending assigned gram panchayat exercised under the
to the Scheduled shall perform in PESA areas this power direct supervision of the
Tribes such functions and has given to the gram sabha
preventive district
powers to the panchayat
gram sabha

Source: Rajya Sabha.

 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 69
The Ministry of Panchayati Raj in its proposed amendment to PESA pro-
visions argued that

the major causes of extremism in areas witnessing the Maoist move-

ment are indifference to the needs of the people in governance, distress
caused by land alienation and displacement (loss of land, livelihood,
collective identity, culture) and lack of control over local resources.
People-centric governance and people centric planning and implemen-
tation in these areas are essential for containing Left Wing Extremism,
and can be brought about through the implementation of PESA in let-
ter and spirit.
(Dandekar, 2016)

The National Advisory Council had a trenchant comment on the state of

affairs:

When passed in 1996, the central PESA envisaged that the nine states
with Schedule Five areas would enact their own legislations devolv-
ing power to their respective tribal communities, as well as amend
pre-existing laws to bring them in harmony with PESA within a year.
Very little has been accomplished along these lines. Indeed, the gram
sabhas have not been appropriately empowered; no serious effort has
been undertaken to build their capacity. Land alienation has contin-
ued apace. Important resources such as bamboo and tendu have been
kept out of the ambit of Minor Forest Produce over which gram sabhas
would have control.
(NAC note, 2010)1

As noted in the Sixth Report of the Administrative Reforms Commission,

the provisions of PESA stood severely diluted in all the Schedule V areas
regarding compliance with the PESA Act in its letter and spirit. This dilution
has been achieved in many a different ways; not enacting compliance legis-
lation for gram sabha; not amending the existing provisions that regulate
minor minerals, minor forest produce, water bodies and markets as per the
PESA act. In that context, the states needed to amend the laws that govern
the Mines and Minerals acts governing the wildlife sanctuaries, environ-
mental policies of the government and laws that regulate the developmental
activities in the Schedule V areas.

1 The National Advisory Council (NAC) of India was a body set up by the first United Pro-
gressive Alliance (UPA) government to advise the then Prime Minister of India Sonia Gan-
dhi served as its chairperson for much of the tenure of the UPA. It assisted the Institute in
achieving and monitoring its mission and goals.
70 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
As per the iconic Article 243 N of the Constitution:

Notwithstanding anything in this Part, any provision of any law relat-

ing to Panchayats in force in a State immediately before the commence-
ment of the Constitution (Seventy-third Amendment) Act, 1992, which
is inconsistent with the provisions of this Part, shall continue to be in
force until amended or repealed by a competent Legislature or other
competent authority or until the expiration of one year from such com-
mencement, whichever is earlier.

In the light of the above, the suggestion was for the government of India to
issue directions as per the Schedule V provisions to the states to take correc-
tive measures and to enforce the implementation of the act as was deemed in
the original act. The Expert Group of the Planning Commission also pointed
out the issues highlighted above. The PESA act envisaged governance in the
Schedule V areas on the lines of Schedule VI, where the Tribal Councils were
vested with proper authority to govern the areas. Even in the PESA act, the
Governor has been vested with the power to address many administrative
lapses and omissions. However, there has been a lack of initiative or interven-
tion (barring a few notable cases such as Maharashtra) from the governance
to address the issues of implementation of PESA. The concerns articulated by
the then Prime Minister are still equally valid as they bring out the neglect of
the areas in no uncertain terms.

We cannot have equitable growth without guaranteeing the legitimate

rights of these marginalized and isolated sections of our society. In a
broader sense we need to empower our tribal communities with the means
to determine their own destinies, their livelihood, their security and above
all their dignity and self-respect as equal citizens of our country, as equal
participants in the processes of social and economic development.6

There have been policy briefs on the manner in which PESA can be opera-
tionalised. There are two critical features around which an entire operation-
alisation strategy can be constructed. These two critical features centre on
the definition of a village and the effective functioning of gram sabha. A note
given to the National Advisory Council had the following suggestions for
both the features. It argued that since the definition of a village as referred to
in clause (b) of Section 4 of the PESA was not operationalised in most of the
states for a number of reasons, the functioning of PESA was hampered to a
considerable extent, has from the beginning hampered the effective working
of PESA. It suggested the operationalisation of the term village in consonance
with the spirit of the “Forest Rights Act” in the following manner:

1 ‘In all areas, a habitation or a group of habitations or a hamlet or a

group of hamlets comprising a natural or customary community shall
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 71
be taken to be the village for the purposes of this Act. Forest villages,
unrecorded settlements and settlements within municipal boundaries
should always be treated as villages for the purposes of this Act.
2 Any settlement being treated as a “village” shall normally be less than
100 families in size, except where the collector, for reasons to be recorded
in writing, is of the opinion that the village in question is larger.
3 Each gram panchayat should prepare a list of the hamlets/villages of
this nature within its boundaries, which should be passed as a resolu-
tion by the gram sabha of that panchayat with a quorum of no less than
50%. They may seek data from the electoral rolls that are geographically
prepared.
4 In addition, public notice should be given that any settlement that
wishes to declare itself as a village may do so through passing a resolu-
tion to that effect within a time period (with a 66% quorum of all adult
residents of the settlement) and communicating the same to the district
collector and the concerned gram panchayat.
5 A draft list of hamlets within a sub-division shall be prepared by the dis-
trict collector assembling the lists received from each gram panchayat
and any declarations received from individual settlements (which shall
override the panchayat list where the two are inconsistent).
6 This draft list will be made public for objections and comments for a
period of two months. It will be prominently displayed and widely pub-
licised through audio and visual and print media.
7 On the basis of comments and objections received, and physical veri-
fication in consultation with the concerned settlement if necessary, list
shall be modified.
8 In case any village has not been identified through the above process, any
resident of that such a village may approach the District collector, who
should fix a date for and announce a meeting of the said settlement to
discuss and decide (through passage of a resolution accepting or reject-
ing the proposal) whether the same should be treated as a village. This
process should be done within a month of receiving such an application.
9 Where the Act has already been implemented prior to the division into
separate villages, the process should be reinitiated, but rights already
recognized may remain undisturbed except where the new village seeks
their cancellation.
10 The entire process should be completed in a time bound manner of not
more than three months.
11 Punitive sanctions may be in place on the officers for noncompliance.
12 An independent Social audit be carried out in a time bound manner to
verify the process and rectify mistakes if any in the above process’.
13 Similar suggestions have been made on the issue of gram sabha. Those
are embedded in the B.D. Sharma Committee (Sharma, 2008) to start
with and have been reiterated in other reports that have appeared on the
issue of PESA and its implementation.
72 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
Forest Rights Act (2006)
The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition
of Forest Rights) (FRA) Act (2006) was a landmark legislation passed by
the Indian Parliament following an intensely contested drafting process due
to the presence of multiple stakeholders with conflicting agendas (Bose,
2010; Samarthan Report July, 2011). The main impetus leading to the pas-
sage of the bill came from tribal activists and the Campaign for Survival
and Dignity (CSD), a federation and national platform of tribal and for-
est dwellers’ organisations, which drew attention to the plight of Adivasis
(46% of the tribal population lived below the poverty line as opposed to
the national average of 27%, 200,000 tribal households living across 5,000
villages did not have access to the land that they cultivated for genera-
tions, and 72% of the tribal population experienced seasonal food insecu-
rity) (Saxena, 2006). The act aimed at reversing the ‘historical injustice’ by
restoring the rights of land-use (individual and community levels) among
the forest-dwelling Adivasis and other traditional forest-dwelling commu-
nities. while promising a more secure basis for control and management
of forest resources. The act came into force on January 1, 2008, and was
expected to secure the lives and livelihoods of 100 million of the poorest of
the poor. Today, the legislation applies to the entire country with the excep-
tion of Jammu and Kashmir.
The FRA (2006) rests on recognising the rights of the tribes, tribal pas-
toralist communities, and other traditional forest-dwelling (OTFD)7 com-
munities to hold and live in forest land8 guaranteeing them individual
tenure, community tenure, or both, and engage in cultivation for liveli-
hoods (MoTA, August 7, 2014). The FRA also ensures that the tradi-
tional forest-dwelling groups have certain rights that ensure control over
forest and forest resources, which include the right of ownership, access
to collect, use and dispose of MFPs, community rights such as Nistar,
habitat rights for the members of the Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs)
and pre-agricultural communities, other community rights,9 the right to
protect, manage, conserve, and regenerate community forests using tradi-
tional protection and conservation techniques for sustainable use (MoTA,
August 7, 2014).
The act provided for the restitution of traditional forest rights to forest
dwellers across India. The act vested Individual Forest Right (IFR) and
Community Forest Rights (CFR). Both the IFR and CFR recognised the
rights of the forest-dwelling community to live in the forested landscape
(maximum of 4 ha.) and engaged in self-cultivation for ensuring liveli-
hood and food security. In addition, the IFR and CFR provisions helped
individuals secure the right of ownership, access to collect minor forest
produce, which have been traditionally collected both within and outside
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 73
the village boundaries. Under the CFR, community tenure are extended
to the Adivasis and the OTFDs for using, managing, and governing for-
ests with traditional villages of boundaries of and empowering the right-
holders, and the gram or palli sabha, for the conservation and protection
of forests, wildlife, and biodiversity, and their natural and cultural heritage
(Section 5, FRA) (CFR-LA Report, 2016, p. 6). In fact, since the FRA was
being implemented, very few CFR claims have been filed. For the ones that
were filed, the community was not involved and the rejection rate by the
SDLC and DLC was high (Samarthan Report, 2011, p. 31). The Report
also found that the low filing of community claims could be attributed to
the persistent information asymmetry that prevented the community from
filing community claims.
The FRA stipulates that IFR and CFR claims can be filed with the gram
or palli sabha. In fact, Section 6(1) of the FRA empowers the gram or palli
sabha to initiate the process for ascertaining the nature and extent of IFR
and CFR, by receiving their claims, consolidating and verifying the claims,
and preparing map that would demarcate the area of each recommended
claims. The Forest Rights Committee (FRC) constituted by the gram sabha
is entrusted with the role of receiving and preparing the list of claimants and
verifying those claims (e.g. Community Forest Rights in FORM-B and rights
over community forest resources in FORM-C). After the FRC presents the
findings on the nature and extent of the claims to the gram sabha or palli
sabha, appropriate resolutions are passed and forwarded to Sub-Divisional
Level Committee (SDLC).
The SDLC is entrusted with the responsibilities of increasing awareness
about the various provisions of the FRA to the members of the gram sabha:
ensure transparency and fairness in the gram sabha meetings, ensure due
diligence and speedy processing of claims by making forest, revenue maps,
and electoral rolls available to the gram sabhas. The District Level Com-
mittee (DLC) serves as the final arbitrator on forest rights (especially those
of the PTGs, nomadic, and pastoral tribes), including approving the record
of forest rights prepared by the SDLC. The DLC also ensures that all the
information pertaining to the act reaches the gram or palli sabhas through
the SDLC. As per Section 6(7) of the FRA, the State Government constitutes
the State-Level Monitoring Committee to oversee the process of recognising
and vesting of forest rights, and submit it to the nodal agency (Ministry of
Tribal Affairs) such return and reports as may be required by the agency. In
case the IFR claims are rejected by the gram sabha, SDLC or DLC level, the
petitioners could appeal against the claim rejections.
An integral part of the discussion on the FRA is related to the ‘diver-
sion clause’, which allows for the diversion of forest land for develop-
ment projects or wildlife conservation. Under Section 3(2) of the FRA,
the Central Government (irrespective of the provisions of the Forest
74 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
Conservation Act [FCA], 1980) reserved the right to allow for diversion
of forest land (less than 1 ha.) for 13 categories of development-related
facilities such as schools, hospital, anganwadis, PDS shops, electric and
telecommunication lines, tanks and other minor water bodies, water or
rainwater harvesting structures, minor irrigation canals, skills or voca-
tional training centres, roads, community centres, and drinking water
supplies that are managed by the government, which involve felling of
trees not exceeding 75 trees per hectare (MoTA, August 7, 2014). How-
ever, any government decision pertaining to diversion of forest land for
development projects should consider the conditions recommended by
the gram or palli sabha.
However, political and economic pressures have prompted the gov-
ernment to circumvent this provision (decisions pertaining to diversion
of forest lands for development projects rests with the gram sabha) to
implement development projects in forest lands in Central India, over the
years. (As the state continued to grant mining leases and transfer land
in favour of non-tribals or leasing land at Scheduled Areas, they risk
undermining the legal and constitutional rights of the Adivasis to protect
forests and forest lands for their subsistence and livelihoods.) In 2018,
India Spend reported that as many as 26 cases across 11 states show that
forest land was acquired by the government for development projects,
including mining and dam construction by flouting the FRA provisions,
forging consensus, or ignoring the Adivasis and the OTFDs (India Spend,
March 22, 2018).
The other key legislations aimed at protecting the Indian forests include
the Biodiversity Act (2002). The federal legislation was enacted for the
preservation of biological diversity, and provide a mechanism for equita-
ble sharing of benefits arising out of use of traditional biological resources
and knowledge (PIB, May 22, 2014). In the following year, the National
Biodiversity Authority (NBA) (2003) was set up as Statutory and Autono-
mous Body to implement the Biological Diversity Act, including issues of
conservation, sustainable use of biological resources, and fair and equitable
sharing of benefits arising out of the biological resources. The other key
legislation being the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land
Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (RFCTLARR) Act (2013).
The provisions of the act relate to land acquisitions, compensation, reha-
bilitation, and resettlement, and also applies to the government if it acquires
land for its own use, hold, and control, including for Public Sector Under-
takings and public purposes.
Beyond legislative provisions, several committees were set up over the
years for evaluating the dual challenges of forest rights and securing land
tenures for some of the most disadvantaged constituencies of India, namely
the tribals from the Central Indian Tribal Belt (Table 2.2).
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 75
Table 2.2 National Committees set up to evaluate forest rights and land tenures

Joint Committee of Ministry of This committee was headed by

Environment and Forests and Dr N.C. Saxena for reviewing the
Ministry of Tribal Affairs (2010) implementation of the FRA across
the country. The committee members
were selected from a diverse range
of stakeholders, including retired
bureaucrats, forest officials, tribal
department, and representatives of
the CSOs and NGOs. The committee
identified critical flaws for the
implementation of the FRA (e.g.
flawed constitution of the GS, lack
of strategy for processing the FRA
at various levels, illegal exclusion of
the OTFDs, lack of national data on
status of the FRA implementation
for the PTGs, failure to grant CFRs,
failure to constitute FRCs, and other
implementation challenges)
Report National Committee on This committee was set up with the goal
Forest Rights Act (2011) of identifying factors that aid and
impede the implantation of the act.
This includes ‘identification of the
roles of various agencies in facilitating
conservation and management of
forests by the forest dwellers; defining
a new role for the Forest Department
vis-à-vis the Gram Sabha for forest
conservation and regeneration; and
identify opportunities and recommend
measures to ensure convergence of
various beneficiary oriented programs
for the forest right holders taken up by
various line departments in the states’.
This committee also proposed some key
steps, including the ‘setting up of the
National Forest Rights Council to ensure
the regular and systematic monitoring
of the FRA implementation. Conduct
a second phase implementation of the
FRA for States with primary focus on
CFR Rights. Empower the GS would be
responsible for ensuring sustainable use,
conservation and protection, for which
Gram Sabha would be empowered.
Finally, amend the Wildlife Protection
Act 1972 to ensure better compliance
with the FRA’

(Continued)
76 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
Table 2.2 (Continued)
Report of the High Level Committee This committee, chaired by Prof
on Socio-Economic, Health and Virginius Xaxa, noted that the FRA
Educational Status of Tribal implementation was weak. According
Communities of India (2014) to the HLC chaired by Professor
Xaxa, many of the findings and
recommendations of the Joint Committee
were relevant on the following issues:
the prejudice against OTFDs in the FRA
become evident following the under-
recognition of the IFR due to absence
of ST community certificate,2 or their
participation in the recognition phases
of CFR Rights. In areas where JFM
was in practice, there were complaints
that the FRA was sought to kept out.3
Further, attempts were made to convert
the village forest committees to forest
rights committees under FRA, which
was incompatible with the law (Ibid,
p. 315). The Report also noted that
the PVTGs derive their nutrition from
the forest and habitat they live in, but
implementation of FRA4 has been the
poorest for PVTGs, since there is a lack
of clarity over the habitat rights that are
not clearly defined or understood by the
Forest Department (Ibid, p. 317). As
malnutrition rates continue to escalate for
the geographically and socially excluded
PVTGs, the Report calls for reorienting
the programmes or projects to address
the depletion of resources, denial of
access to the resources, and threatens
the descent from poverty to vulnerability
(Ibid, p. 318)
Source: Ministry of Tribal Affairs as cited in Satpathi et al (2019).

The implementation of the FRA is among the key challenges for high rejec-
tion rates of claims. On October 31, 2011, as per the information received
by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA), claims for the recognition of forest

2 Joint Committee Report, at page 75; Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2012 Regional Consulta-
tions on Implementation of the Forest Rights Act: Amendments in the Rules and the Way
Forward, at page 11.
3 SCSTRTI, National Research Study of Implementation of FRA in Neighbouring States of
Odisha, 2013 (Draft Report at page 199); see also Madhu Sarin, Presentation on Issues in
State Action Plans (regional consultations) dated 16th March 2013; CFR LA Kalpavrikra –
Vasundhara, A National Report on Community Forest Rights under Forest Rights Act: Status
& Issues, 2012 at page 46.
4 FRA made a special provision of PVTGs “for rights including community tenures of habitat
and habitation” under Section 3(1) (e) (Ibid, p. 317).
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 77
rights under the act were received by the gram sabhas in 13 states. By the next
year, the MoTA informed that it had met its mandate of distributing 0.13
crore titles to the eligible claimants, although it acknowledged that claims
filed for securing CFR under the FRA remain low and the rate of claim rejec-
tions is more than 50% (MoTA, June 27, 2018). In the HLC Report (2014),
it was reported that as late as 2012, the CFR were almost entirely ignored
(HLC Report, 2014, p. 312). There were other instances, when the Forest
Department actively impeded the process of recognising the CFR – in Sarguja
district of Madhya Pradesh (now Chhattisgarh), 27 CFR titles were claimed
and conferred to the community, but the Forest Department did not rec-
ognise them. Previously, the Joint Committee Report (2010) had cautioned
that ‘the current status of community claims is not indicative of the potential
of such claims. If the various shortcomings in implementation are removed,
the claims could spread to several million hectares in the next few years’
(Tables 2.3–2.5) (Joint Committee Report, 2010, p. 86).
In fact, the MoTA continued to receive several complaints over a period of
time concerning rejection of claims and eviction of tribals. In a letter dated
May 24, 2012, by the Minister in charge of MoTA to all the Chief Ministers
of Schedule V and VI states, he drew attention to the poor implementation
of the FRA. The ‘procedural lacunae’ identified by the MoTA, which con-
tributed to the poor implementation of the FRA, include the following:

The failure on the part of the state governments to raise awareness about
the campaigns that prevented eligible forest-dwelling groups from fil-
ing claims for rights.
The act emphasises on the role of the gram or palli sabhas as the author-
ity for initiating the process for determining the nature and extent of
the IFRs and CFRs to be given to the traditional forest-dwelling Adi-
vasis and the OTFDs within the limits of its jurisdictions. However,
the gram or palli sabhas for this act have mostly been called at the
panchayat level. Consequently, such gram sabhas that constitute many
villages are too large; they cannot claim for the exercise of village com-
munity rights and it is difficult to meet the quorum requirements.
Claims were rejected for incorrect reasons, especially on the basis of the
‘encroacher lists’ prepared by the Forest Department, which went
against the spirit of the act.
The SLDC and the DLCs that were constituted for deliberating over the
claims often modified or rejected the claims without hearing or even
informing the claimants.
For the purposes of increasing transparency and accountability, gram
sabha meetings (especially when critical decisions were being made)
needed to be videotaped and made publicly accessible.
In many areas, forest dwellers faced constant threats of eviction, forced
relocation, or displacement that appears to be a direct violation of the
FRA. It is critical that the provisions and relevant laws (particularly
the Ministry of Environment order [July 30, 2009] on diversion of
Table 2.3 Status of Community Rights claims received

78 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi

States May-15 Aug-15 Sept-15 Oct-15 Dec-15 Jan-16 Mar-16 Apr-16 Jun-16 Aug-16 Oct-16 Dec-16 Jan-17

Andhra 10,959 10,959 10,959 10,959 10,959 10,959 10,959 10,959 4,493 4,493 4,493 4,711 4,711
Pradesh
Assam 5,913 5,913 5,913 5,913 5,913 5,913 5,913 5,913 5,913 5,913 6,046 6,046 6,046
Bihar
Chhattisgarh 23,949
Goa 361 361 361
Gujarat 7,228 7,228 7,228 7,228 7,228 7,228 7,228 7,228 7,228 7,229 7,229 6,998 6,998
Himachal 283 283 283 283 283 283 283 283 283 283 283 68 68
Pradesh
Jharkhand 864 864 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734 2,734
Karnataka 6,135 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208 6,208
Kerala 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395 1,395
Madhya 40,669 40,615 40,913 40,913 40,913 40,913 40,872 40,872 41,235 42,516 42,516 39,802 39,816
Pradesh
Maharashtra 7,062 7,152 7,152 7,152 7,152 7,152 7,152 8,953 8,953 8,953 8,953 11,408 11,408
Odisha 12,502 (7,688 12,560 (7,717 7,727 12,651 (7,754 12,866 12,872 13,150 13,150 13,233 13,403 13,433 13,433 13,433
Community Community Community Community
and 4,814 and 4,843 and 4,892 and 4,897
CFR CFR CFR CFR
Claims) Claims) Claims) Claims)
Rajasthan 650 654 654 654 654 654 654 685 685 685 685 755 755
Tamil Nadu 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361 3,361
Telangana 4,814 3,672 3,672 3,672 3,672 3,672 3,769 3,769 3,769 3,769 3,427 3,427 3,427
Tripura 277 277 277 277 277 277 277 277 277 277 277 277 277
Uttar Pradesh 1,115 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124 1,124
West Bengal 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119 10,119
All India-Total 108,999 109,026 114,138 114,138 116,310 110,482 110,482 112,051 113,295 112,429 136,275

Source: Community Forest Rights at a Glance: 2017–2020.

Table 2.4 Status of Community Rights titles

States May-15 Aug-15 Sept-15 Oct-15 Dec-15 Jan-16 Mar-16 Apr-16 Jun-16 Aug-16 Oct-16 Dec-16 Jan-17

Andhra 2,107 2,107 2,107 2,107 2,107 2,107 2,107 2,107 1,319 1,319 1,319 1,415 1,415
Pradesh
Assam 860 860 860 860 860 860 860 860 860 860 860 1,477 1,477
Bihar
Chhattisgarh 12,337
Goa 3 3 3
Gujarat 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,875 3,484 3,484
Himachal 108 108 108 108 108 108 108 108 108 108 108 7 7
Pradesh
Jharkhand 494 494 1,434 1,434 1,434 1,434 1,434 1,434 1,434 1,546 1,850 1,850 1,850
Karnataka 144 144 144 144 144 144 144 144 144 144 144 628 628
Kerala
Madhya 19,491 21,285 21,727 21,830 21,909 21,909 22,915 23,139 24,694 27,252 27,252 27,422 27,422
Pradesh (ready for distri­­­­

Forests, People, and Their Hopes 79

bution is 20,747)
Maharashtra 3,277 3,436 3,436 3,436 3,436 3,436 3,436 4,187 4,187 4,187 4,187 5,748 5,748
Odisha 5,000 (2,910 – 5,000 (2,910 – 5,000 (2,910 – 5,000 (2,910 – 5,004 5,036 5,151 5,159 5,205 5,384 5,513 5,891 5,891
 Community  Community  Community  Community
and 2,090 and 2,090 CFR and 2,090 CFR and 2,090 CFR
CFR Titles) Titles) Titles) Titles)
Rajasthan 65 69 69 69 69 69 69 69 69
Tamil Nadu
Telangana 744 744 744 744 744 744 744 761 761 761 761 721 721
Tripura 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 55 16 16
Uttar 834 843 843 843 843 843 843 843 843 843 843 843 843
Pradesh
West Bengal 404 (346- 431 (373- 431 (373- 616 (568- 741 747 747 747 785 805 805 805 805
 Community and  Community and  Community and  Community and
58- CFR titles) 58- CFR titles) 58- CFR titles) 58- CFR titles)
All India- 38,685 38,973 41,329 41,367 42,488 43,488 44,451 47,443 48,192 50,310 62,520
Total

Source: Community Forest Rights at a Glance: 2017–2020.

Table 2.5 Extent of forest land for titles distributed (acres)

80 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi

States May-15 Aug-15 Sept-15 Oct-15 Dec-15 Jan-16 Mar-16 Apr-16 Jun-16 Aug-16 Oct-16 Dec-16 Jan-17

Andhra 434,355 434,355 434,355 441,063 441,063

Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
Chhattisgarh 1,286,669.21
Goa 435,000 435,000 435,000
Gujarat 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 1,081,583 11,42,191.96 11,42,191.96
Himachal 4670.28 4670.28
Pradesh
Jharkhand 85,615.57 85,615.57 85,615.57 45,503.71

Karnataka 26,246.57 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,274.79 26,465.31 26,465.31
Kerala
Madhya 1,302,165.93 1,302,165.93
Pradesh
Maharashtra 815,810.70 863,478.72 863,478.72 863,478.72 863,478.72 863,478.72 863,478.72 1,392,644.78 1,392,644.78 1,392,644.78 1,392,644.78 4,435,944.77 4,435,944.77
Odisha 109,391.46 109,391.46 109391.46 109391.46 179,663.50 185,902.98 191,131.15 191,612.09 335,354.27 335,599.07 2,83,884.97 284,109.67 284,109.67
for Acres. for Acres. Acres Acres
Comm. & Comm. &
70772.04 70772.04
Acres for Acres for
CFR CFR
Rajasthan 479.73 482.58 482.58 482.58 482.58 482.58 482.58 482.58 482.58 482.58 657.53 660.79 660.79
Tamil Nadu
Telangana 503,082 503,082 503,082 503,082 503,082 503,082 503,082 1,274,327.90 1,274,327.90 1,274,327.90 12,74,327.90 454,055 454,055
Tripura 56.79 56.79 91.17 91.17 91.17 91.17 91.17 91.17 91.17 91.16 91.16 27.07 27.07
Uttar Pradesh 120,802.06 120,802.06 120,802.06 120,802.06
West Bengal 1,004.26 1,004.26 1,052.84 1,052.84

All India-Total

Note: The numbers remaining unchanged indicate no new titles were issued for the month.
Source: Community Forest Rights at a Glance: 2017–2020.
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 81
forest land should be followed. In addition, the relocation of the Adi-
vasis and the OTFDs from tiger reserves and protected areas under
Section 4(2) of the Act, should be strictly followed.
Right to collect MFPs, sell and dispose by the forest-dwelling Adivasis,
and the OTFDs have not been recognised by the Forest Department,
as forest dwellers continue to face incorrect restrictions in many areas.
Other community rights such as use of and access to grazing areas by set-
tled and nomadic communities, access to water bodies, or habitats of
PTGs have not been recognized.
It is imperative for the respective state governments to ensure that the
FRA is not misinterpreted, and the forest officials respect the decisions
of the communities on forest protection.

The figures released by the MoTA reveal that the dream of correcting the
historical injustice done to the traditional forest dwellers remain largely
unfulfilled. From 2014 and 2018, the proportion of successful claims filed
was between 38% and 45%. While the act was an attempt to break the
cycle of evictions from forestlands and rebellion by the traditional forest
dwellers, it failed to do so because it ran into entrenched opposition from
the governmental and non-governmental stakeholders comprising Forest
and Revenue Department, Wildlife Conservationists, Mining Industries,
and land-grabbing by non-tribals.
The Citizen’s Report (2016) by CFR-LA confirms the disparity in title distri-
bution and the extent of forest land for which titles were distributed between
IFR and CFR. As per the latest figure released by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs,
the distribution of CFR titles was less than 1% in Rajasthan and Telangana,
while Madhya Pradesh (11%), Chhattisgarh (5.2%), Maharashtra (4.1%)
distributed the maximum CFR titles. In addition, irrespective of whether the
community filed for IFR or CFR, West Bengal accepted 68.24% of all claims,
followed by Maharashtra (59.31%) and Gujarat (54.11%). Andhra Pradesh
had the highest claims rejection – 17.26% titles were distributed – followed by
Odisha with 30.86% titles being distributed. All India figures revealed 53.65%
of the titles were distributed against the claims received (Table 2.6).

Conclusion
A violent insurgency that does not believe in the raison d'être of the republic
has gained such a ground in the heartland of the country that now it has
become an issue of trust deficit and governance vacuum in those areas. Today,
the status of PESA and FRA implementation is based on an understanding
of competing interests with regard to forest governance among government
and non-government stakeholders. Theoretically, both the legislations have
the potential to benefit the ‘poorest of the poor’, and help in the sustain-
able management of the forests. The side-lining of the seminal rights of the
people over their resources in the tribal areas has also resulted in the state
completely ignoring at times violating the very act it is supposed to respect
 82 Ajay Dandekar and Sayantani Satpathi
Table 2.6 Status on FRA claims approval: Central Indian Tribal Belt as on March 31, 2019

States No. of claims received No. of titles distributed Extent of forest land for which titles are
distributed

Individual Community Total Individual Community Total Individual Community Total

Andhra 97.8 2.2 118,508 98.6 1.4 98,049 239,554 453,384 692,938
Pradesh
Chhattisgarh 96.5 3.5 890,240 94.8 5.2 423,218 843,100.69 2,038,146.15 2,881,246.84
Gujarat 96.2 3.8 190,056 96 4 87,215 129,571.16 1,161,351.49 1,290,923.10
Jharkhand 96.6 3.4 110,756 96.6 3.4 61,970 153,395.86 103,758.97 257,154.83
Madhya 93.3 6.7 624,975 89 11 254,275 812,345.19 1,465,013.16 2,277,358.35
Pradesh
Maharashtra 96.8 3.2 374,716 95.9 4.1 172,116 392,928.73 2,736,660.68 3,129,589.41
Odisha 97.8 2.2 631,761 98.5 1.5 436,776 642,542.12 235,205.91 877,748.02
Rajasthan 98.1 1.9 75,855 99.7 0.3 38,110 57,730.26 2993.64 60,723.90
Telangana 98.2 1.8 186,679 99.2 0.8 94,360 300,284 454,055 754,339
West Bengal 92.9 7.1 142,081 98.5 1.5 45,130 21,014.27 572.03 21,586.29
All India 96.5 3.5 4,237,853 96.1 3.9 1,964,048 4,133,891.33 8,804,870.81 12,938,762.14
Source: Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2019.
 Forests, People, and Their Hopes 83
and abide by. This shifting of a slippery balance of power and the see-saw
on display between an insurgent movement and the resultant response from
the state has created a volatile situation in the tribal areas. What will be the
choice now? Will the mining, the massive extractive economies built on it, the
exploitation of groundwater continue towards a developmental design that
in essence is unsustainable or as has been so movingly put that ultimately we
will have real development, where bauxite will remain in the mountains and
water in the rivers and the community at peace and prosperous? Will unpol-
luted water, clean breathable air, and uncontaminated food will be left along
with the rich inheritance from earth for the next generation?

Notes
1 Rajagopal, K. (2019, February 28) SC Stays Feb 13 Order for Eviction for Trib-
als, Forest Dwellers. The Hindu. Retrieved on March 13, 2019 from https://
www.thehindu.com/news/national/sc-stays-feb-13-order-for-eviction-of-tribals-
forest-dwellers/article26396154.ece/amp/
2 Supreme Court of Record of Proceedings. Writ Petition(s) (Civil) No (s). 109or2008.
Retrieved on March 13, 2019 from https://indiankanoon.org/doc/58553838/
3 Kohli, K. and Menon, M. (2019, March 6). Why Adversarial Court Action
Won’t Solve Dispute over Forest Governance. The Wire. Retrieved March 8,
2019 from https://thewire.in/rights/supreme-court-adivasis-forest-rights-act
4 ‘(a) People should develop along the line of their own genius and we should
avoid imposing anything on them. We should try to encourage in every way their
own traditional arts and culture. (b) Tribal rights to land and forest should be
respected. (c) We should try to train and build up a team of their own people to
do the work of administration and development. Some technical personnel from
outside will no doubt, be needed, especially in the beginning. But we should
avoid introducing too many outsiders into tribal territory. (d) We should not
over administer these areas or overwhelm them with a multiplicity of schemes.
We should rather work through, and not in rivalry to, their own social and cul-
tural institutions. (e) We should judge results, not by statistics or the amount of
money spent, but by the quality of human character that is evolved’.
5 Retrieved on December 15, 2020 from http://legislative.gov.in/sites/default/files/
A2013-30.pdf
6 Retrieved on December 15, 2020 from https://archivepmo.nic.in/drmanmo-
hansingh/speech-details.php?nodeid=813
7 ‘Other traditional forest dweller’ referring to any members or community who
has for at least three generation prior to December 13, 2005, depended on the
forests or forests land for their lives and livelihoods.
8 ‘Forest land’ means land within any forest area, which includes unclassified for-
ests, undemarcated forests, existing or deemed forests, protected forests, reserved
forests, including National Parks and Sanctuaries.
9 ‘Forest land’ means land within any forest area, which includes unclassified for-
ests, undemarcated forests, existing or deemed forests, protected forests, reserved
forests, including National Parks and Sanctuaries.

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3 Health of Tribal People in
Central India
Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

Introduction
The term Scheduled Tribes (ST) is a catch-all category including several
tribal people across the country; it is a heterogeneous group with wide dif-
ferences in genetic, ethnic, cultural, and social differences between them.
The category ST, although useful for identifying the group for affirmative
action, does no justice to understanding their heterogeneity, and hence the
need to understand the differences in approaches needed to reach individ-
ual tribal communities. However, despite several differences between them,
tribal communities overall still lag behind other communities with respect
to several health and development indicators. The persistent poor health
outcomes of tribal people, their socio-economic and political scenario, and
decades of marginalisation from the social, economic, political, and cul-
tural mainstream necessitate a special approach towards our tribal people,
especially their health. Such a focus needs to emerge from below upwards,
meaning districts and local bodies at block levels ought to be sensitised to
the need for inclusive processes with respect to tribal health (or for that
matter in education, governance, or any other public policy–making initia-
tives). Around 75% of India’s tribal people live in the Central Indian belt
with distinct characteristics from the North-Eastern region. Hence, there is
a need for special focus on the tribal people in this region.
A discussion on health of tribal people is incomplete without acknowl-
edging the elephant in the room, the various social determinants of health
which are extremely crucial determinants of health status among tribal
people. A tribal family that does not yet have legitimate ownership over
ancestrally cultivated and owned lands lives in a state of perpetual food and
livelihood insecurity possibly prioritises child health and education lesser
than more pressing daily living needs. These stark living conditions and
chronic lifelong stress hardly reflect in conventional measures of morbidity
and mortality; they affect the family’s utilisation and the way they engage
with health services, even if services are available and geographically acces-
sible. The historical behaviour of these communities and their close rela-
tionship with the environment in addition allowed for a few distinct health

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-5
86 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
problems to appear in these communities that need special attention. From
genetic diseases like haemoglobinopathies to insect/animal-related bites or
injuries, many of these communities need screening and care beyond what
the local public services are equipped to provide.
In India, little information is available to comprehensively assess the
health status of tribal people. The classical sources of health data avail-
able are the demographic health surveys conducted periodically by the
government. In the case of tribal communities, the current methodology
of these demographic surveys (National Family Health Survey [NFHS]
or the District-Level Household Survey [DLHS]) does not allow for reli-
able estimates of tribal health to be made even at the state or district
level. On the other hand, routine data through the digitised health man-
agement information systems (HMIS) put in place by the National Rural
Health Mission (NRHM) captures information on service utilisation and
programme outcomes among all but does not allow for vertical disag-
gregation of this data based on tribal status, thereby not allowing any
research of health outcomes or other relevant parameters among the
tribal communities, or comparison between tribal and non-tribal com-
munities. At present, putting together information on tribal health seems
to be largely a civil society enterprise at the micro-level or through spe-
cial government reports or initiatives that focus on their health at a given
point of time. Currently, efforts by local administration at state, district,
or block levels are grossly lacking. To some extent, the neglect of tribal
health could be attributed to poor availability and quality of information
to act on. Although state apathy and responsiveness of health services to
tribal-specific health problems requires much more than periodic infor-
mation on health programmes, the availability of such information is the
first step.1
In this chapter, the health status of tribal people of Central India is
provided by utilising different available indicators of tribal health, but
with significant gaps in data, this picture is fragmented and limited in its
interpretation. Currently, tribal health research outputs focus on disease
prevalence, health-seeking behaviour, and issues of geographical, finan-
cial, or cultural barriers to seeking healthcare; there are very few studies
that attempt to answer the why or how questions related to health of
tribal people. While epidemiological studies focusing on morbidity and
mortality abound, very few studies investigate reasons for the poor health
services in such areas. For example, several studies investigate prevalence
of falciparum malaria among tribal people in Odisha and discuss improve-
ment and strengthening of health services in their results, but few have
begun with the question of why the availability, accessibility, or quality
of general health services is poorer in tribal areas of Odisha, the realm of
health policy and systems research.2 However, as will be seen through-
out the chapter, the challenges faced in accessing health services by the
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 87
community and in providing services to the community move far beyond
disease conditions and their treatment. There is a need to delve into under-
lying reasons for social determinants of health in this region and analyse
gaps in the local health systems while exploring their linkages with other
sectors of development like education, livelihood, and forest rights, to
name but a few.

Health Status of Tribal People in Central India

The number of constitutionally recognised Scheduled Tribes increased from
664 to 705 during the last decade. The ST population as per the recent
census constitutes 8.6% of the population, that is, 104 million, of which
most tribal households (90%) are in rural areas. The two main geographical
regions in the country with significant ST proportion are the Central India
belt and the North-Eastern states. More than half of the ST population is
found in Central India (Madhya Pradesh 14.7%, Maharashtra 10.1%, Odi-
sha 9.2%, Rajasthan 8.9%, Gujarat 8.6%, Jharkhand 8.3%, Chhattisgarh
7.5%, and Andhra Pradesh 5.7%). In this region, three tribes report more
than 5 lakh population as per Census 2011, namely Bhil, Gond, and Santhal
(Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2013).
The main health problems in tribal communities are presented in the fol-
lowing categories:

1 Reproductive and child health: maternal morbidity and mortality, low

birthweight, higher infant and child mortalities, lower immunisation
coverage, sexual harassment
2 Nutrition: significant rates of malnutrition especially among children,
anaemia, specific micronutrient deficiencies
3 Communicable diseases: malaria and other vector-borne diseases,
tuberculosis, diarrhoeal diseases, respiratory infections, skin infections,
reproductive and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV/AIDS
4 Non-Communicable diseases (NCD): hypertension and diabetes, can-
cers, mental health issues, including substance abuse, conflict
5 Environmental and occupational health: insect and animal bites/inju-
ries, accidents and injuries from other trauma, forced relocation from
traditional habitat
6 Genetic diseases: haemoglobinopathies and glucose-6-phosphate dehy-
drogenase deficiency.

1 Reproductive and Child Health

Various studies point towards inadequate coverage and quality of reproduc-
tive and child health services in tribal areas (Sridharan and Anil, 2010; Xaxa
et al., 2014). A study across five states in 2009 revealed that early (first
88 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
trimester) registration for antenatal care (ANC) by health workers happens
only in 36% of cases. The important aspect of delivery preparedness and
information on where to go if there were complications were most often not
discussed with the tribal women. While 32% of the women were told where
to go if they experienced pregnancy-related complications, only 11–15% of
the women were given any information on specific complications (Sridharan
and Anil, 2010).
Provisions of full antenatal care and safe delivery are key to reduce mater-
nal mortality. A minimum of three antenatal care check-ups (now four), two
doses of tetanus toxoid injection(s), and iron and folic acid supplementa-
tion are the basic constituents of a full antenatal care service. Full antena-
tal check-up coverage is generally poor among the Central Indian states,
the coverage in the ST population is significantly lower than other popula-
tion in many of these states reflected by the disaggregated data (Table 3.1).
While nearly 90% or more of the women receive at least one check-up
(three-fourths in Jharkhand, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh) during their
pregnancy, the loss to follow-up is evident with the significantly lower pro-
portion receiving the recommended number of check-ups (Table 3.2) (Min-
istry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014). This shows
that the women do most often come in contact with the health system, with
nearly half of them as early as the first trimester; however, the services are
not able to ensure that complete care is provided as required due to loss to
follow-up for some reason.
Only in a few tribal groups, there is a severe neglect of maternal and child
health services, particularly among tribal groups in Bastar, Kutia Kondhs

Table 3.1 Full antenatal check-up coverage in women who had live births 35 months
prior to survey in 2013–2014 (percentage)

States Total ST Scheduled Other Backward Other

Castes (SC) Castes (OBC)

Andhra Pradesh* 38.2 28.1 41.9 39.5 35.8

Chhattisgarh 18.8 17.6 9.2 22.7 28.6
Gujarat 25.7 23.7 32.7 27.7 22.6
Jharkhand 6.9 6.6 3.6 7.9 7.2
Madhya Pradesh 12.1 5.5 10.8 14.9 19.5
Maharashtra 24.4 21.3 17.7 24.9 27.0
Odisha 24.6 14.7 26.8 24.9 34.2
Rajasthan 8.6 5.4 6.1 7.9 15.9
West Bengal 21.2 17.4 19.4 25.0 22.7
Full ANC: receipt of 3 ANC, 1 dose of TT, and consumption of 100 IFA tablets/3 bottles of
IFA syrup.
*Before the year 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate
data is presented.
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 89
Table 3.2 Proportion of women with live birth in 35 months prior to survey based
on the number of antenatal check-ups received

States Received at Received first Received three Received four

least one ANC ANC in first or more ANCs or more ANCs
trimester

SC ST Tot SC ST Tot SC ST Tot SC ST Tot

Andhra 97 94.4 94 64.2 79.1 69.9 78.1 77.1 76.9 51.4 55.1 56.6
Pradesh*
Chhattisgarh 95.5 94.4 95.7 69.1 63.8 68.8 71 75.5 79.6 43.8 47.7 52.4
Gujarat 91 86.1 88.2 79.2 63.5 68.7 77.5 61.8 72.3 63.3 44.7 57.2
Jharkhand 82.8 79.4 80.7 46.7 44.7 49 40.2 44.8 47.3 18.3 23.1 21.3
Madhya 74.7 61.9 75.4 52 36.9 51.9 40.8 24 41.7 23.3 7.7 22.4
Pradesh
Maharashtra 93.8 92.6 92.4 70.8 63.1 70.2 64.1 67 73.2 42.9 48.8 51.9
Odisha 92.6 83.9 92 54.3 48.9 59.6 74.4 61.7 75.3 40.4 36.4 50.3
Rajasthan 82.1 78.4 82.2 54.7 49.7 58.7 46.8 41.3 51.2 26.7 26.3 30.8
West Bengal 99.4 99.3 98.3 61.5 69.8 60.1 90.1 90.1 89.7 76.7 67.7 70.4
*Before 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate data is
presented.
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.

of Odisha, Santhals, Jaunsaris, and Kharias in Schedule V Areas (S. Basu,

2000; S. K. Basu, 1993; Kshatriya, 2014). In many of these groups, expect-
ant mothers do not even receive a single dose of tetanus toxoid vaccination,
putting both mother and child at risk. Food intake by tribal mothers is
inadequate in terms of both protein and calories, as well as in iron, cal-
cium, and vitamins, leading to undernourished mothers and children and
risk-prone pregnancies (explained in nutrition) (Laxmaiah, n.d.). This is
further complicated in few communities by the practice of reducing food
intake during pregnancy (Dudh Kharias and Santhals, for example) due to
the fear of recurrent vomiting, and trying to limit the size of the baby so
that the delivery is easier (S. Basu, 2000; S. K. Basu, 1993; Kshatriya, 2014).
In many areas, high prevalence of communicable diseases like malaria and
other significant conditions like sickle cell anaemia further complicate the
pregnancy in many cases.
Data reveals clearly that in nearly all states, the proportion of ST moth-
ers delivering in institutions is lower than other population. In some states
like Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, and Rajasthan, the rates are comparable to
mothers belonging to Scheduled Castes (SC). However, in nearly all states,
the difference when compared to mothers belonging to general category
is stark (see Table 3.3) (Ministry of Women and Child Development, and
UNICEF, 2014).
In some cases, the proportion of deliveries unattended by health work-
ers could be as high as 90% (S. Basu, 2000; S. K. Basu, 1993; Kshatriya,
90 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Table 3.3 Institutional delivery in women with live birth 35 months prior to survey
(percentage)

States Total ST SC OBC Other

Andhra Pradesh* 91.1 79.2 88.4 93.0 94.6

Chhattisgarh 56.1 51.0 47.9 58.8 86.6
Gujarat 87.9 88.5 85.4 85.7 90.7
Jharkhand 56.6 46.7 50.8 61.2 69.2
Madhya Pradesh 78.1 63.1 75.9 85.6 89.1
Maharashtra 90.3 76.7 88.6 90.8 93.8
Odisha 81.3 60.1 85.8 87.3 95.9
Rajasthan 82.7 81.6 77.4 84.1 85.8
West Bengal 76.3 77.4 86.7 73.0 75.3
*
Before 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate data is
presented.
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.

2014). Despite the incentives in the form of schemes like Janani Suraksha
Yojana, there are difficulties in promotion of institutional deliveries in
tribal areas. It is often assumed that if a delivery occurs in a health facil-
ity, then the chances of responding quickly to delivery-related maternal or
childhood complications are higher due to the availability of skilled birth
attendants. This may not be true in many tribal areas due to large infra-
structure inadequacies (both equipment and human resources – explained in
later sections).
On the one hand is the cultural barrier of persuading tribal mothers to
deliver in healthcare institutions, but on the other hand is the health ser-
vices’ ability to make available competent and skilled birth attendants in
remote areas to ensure skilled birth attendance (see Table 3.4). Both oper-
ationally and ethically, it is extremely important to ensure that bringing
tribal women to facilities translates to higher quality of care in the field. If
the healthcare facility is unable to provide health workers in tribal areas,
who are available and competent, then there is no purpose in incentivising
tribal women to come and deliver in such facilities through cash transfer
schemes.
In tribal areas, only one in four woman gets postnatal care (PNC) within
48 hours of delivery according to the NFHS survey. There are also impor-
tant gaps in the way data is collected in the HMIS. Because reporting of
actual numbers is not always in the interest of the health worker, inconsist-
encies are often seen between routine health department data and reality
(Sridharan and Anil, 2010). For example, in the tribal districts of Koraput
and Mayurbanj in Odisha, the DLHS 3 (2007–2008) report states that the
PNC within 48 hours of delivery is 100% and 95.7%, respectively, though
the percentage of institutional deliveries is only 11.6% and 40.3%. It is
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 91
Table 3.4 Point of care for delivery and birth attendance across various social groups

Social Place of delivery Person providing assistance during delivery

groups (health institution/facility)

Public Private Own Delivered Doctor Midwife, Relatives/ Dai/ Delivered

sector sector home through ANM/ friends TBA by a
health nurse/ skilled
facility LHV provider
ST 55.9 1.7 27.9 68.0 4.8 25.7 9.3 7.4 71.5
SC 59.9 8.1 18.5 78.3 2.2 27.8 6.8 1.2 80.7
OBC 50.4 8.9 17.1 79.8 4.9 26.4 6.1 0.6 82.1
Others 46.1 6.1 14.1 82.9 6.8 18.0 5.3 0.4 85.3
*Source: NFHS-4 2015–2016 (IIPS and ICF, 2017).

difficult to hence accept the claim of high PNC coverage given the context
of poor access to services in these areas.
Maternal mortality is showing a decreasing trend across the country per-
haps due to a mix of improvement in services availability and other soci-
etal factors. Overall maternal mortality ratio for the Central Indian states
indicate that Rajasthan has the third highest ratio for the country (312
maternal deaths per 100,000 live births) with Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand,
Madhya Pradesh, and Odisha also reporting relatively high ratios (258–
269 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births) (Ministry of Tribal Affairs,
2013). A similar if not worse pattern can be expected among ST popula-
tions in these states as well. However, disaggregated maternal mortality
data for tribal mothers is yet not available. Sepsis, postpartum haemor-
rhage, and anaemia continue to be the most common delivery-related
complications in tribal areas. However, there is no special investment in
upgrading facilities in such areas. In the last few years, few clusters of
maternal deaths in tribal areas were followed by investigative reports by
both the government and civil society that revealed the influence of vari-
ous social determinants on health outcomes and the poor health system
response at all levels (see Box 1) (Sri and Khanna, 2014; SAMA, JSA and
NAMHHR, 2014).
The data on uptake of contraceptive services by tribal people indicates
comparable access to contraceptive services in most of these states bar-
ring Odisha, Jharkhand, and Rajasthan where the coverage is nearly half
of the remaining state (see Table 3.5). Among temporary methods avail-
able at government health services, one study found that the oral pill was
the most popular modern temporary method among tribal women (76%),
followed by condom (60%) and intrauterine devices (56%). In the same
study, they found that women in Jharkhand had relatively low knowledge
92 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

Box 1: Extract from ‘Dead Women Talking’ – A Civil

Society Report on Maternal Deaths in 2014 (Sri and
Khanna, 2014)

The death of Heena (S No 58) – Heena was a 22-year-old tribal

woman who lived in Kedhujhar district of Odisha. Both she and her
husband were illiterate. They did not own any land, were certified to
be below the poverty line, and according to her husband, often did not
have enough to eat. They lived in a remote hamlet where the nearest
motorable road was 10 km away, and the nearest ambulance pick up
point was 40 km away. This was Heena’s second pregnancy. Her first
child died at the age of 6 months due to an infected abscess. The near-
est sub-centre was 6 km away and though the ANM did visit once a
month, the hamlet could not be reached in inclement weather. Heena
did not seek or receive any care during this pregnancy. While Heena’s
labour pains started, her husband tried to arrange for some form of
transport to take her to a health facility. It took him about 8 hours to
do so – they did not have the number of Janani express, nor did they
receive any help form the ASHA or ANM. They set out to the nearest
CHC that was 50 km away, but Heena delivered on the way and died
soon after, probably due to excessive bleeding.
These stories of deaths of these women show how multiple social
determinants interacted to produce adverse health outcomes – the
relationship between rural residence, migration, food security, tuber-
culosis, pregnancy outcome, neonatal outcome are all starkly visible in
these narratives. The health system could have responded in multiple
ways in mitigating some of the problems these women were facing.
Instead we find that it miserably failed in doing so. . . . Similarly, in
Heena or Dhani’s cases, systemic neglect of their hamlets over several
decades is obvious from the lack of roads and connectivity – these
definitely do need to be corrected – however, in the short term, the
health system could have made special arrangements that would have
ensured that they received timely emergency care.

of most contraceptive methods than the women of Madhya Pradesh and

Chhattisgarh. Additionally, the level of knowledge about all contracep-
tive methods was very poor among tribes than the non-tribes in Jharkhand
(Prusty, 2014).
In 2014, a cluster of deaths and morbidities following a female sterilisa-
tion camp in Chhattisgarh brought back the focus on the persistent push
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 93
Table 3.5 
Proportion of currently married women in tribal communities aged
15–49 years currently using any modern contraceptive method

States ST SC OBC Other

Andhra Pradesh* 61.8 68.3 72.1 72.7

Chhattisgarh 40.7 45.9 53.2 58
Gujarat 53.3 56 56.3 57.7
Jharkhand 14.7 29.2 36.5 41.6
Madhya Pradesh 45.4 49.6 55.9 36.9
Maharashtra 64.1 66.2 67 64.5
Odisha 30 46.2 46.6 52.2
Rajasthan 36.2 41.9 43.6 53.4
West Bengal 57.4 64.8 54.9 56.4
*
Before 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate data is
presented.
Source: NFHS-3 and DLHS-4.

of the government on achieving family planning goals despite the presence

of inadequate and poor quality health services in tribal areas (see Box 2).
The tragedy revealed systemic issues in the local health system, with poor
accountability of the government in view of violation of its own policies and
norms, and failure of the public health system to provide care as reported in
a civil society report on the deaths. The camp approach was also strongly
criticised by civil society and the need to shift the family planning policy
from population control towards informed safe family welfare services was
emphasised (SAMA, JSA and NAMHHR, 2014). In the rest of the country,
the target-based family planning approach is now replaced with a more
comprehensive need-based family welfare approach. This is particularly
needed for tribal communities as well, locally customised based on the
demands of the families. Until the public health services can guarantee pri-
mary healthcare services to these families to ensure that two children born
to each family will not succumb to mortality under the age of 5 due to pneu-
monia or diarrhoea, the family planning strategies need to be put on the
back burner.
The government also has in place a policy that disallows permanent
family planning methods to be accessed by Particularly Vulnerable Tribal
Groups (PVTGs). The high-level committee in its recent report on tribal
communities reviewed this policy and termed it as a denial of reproductive
rights of the community (see Box 3).

Health of Children under 5

The states can be clearly divided into two categories when considering new-
born care received within 24 hours of birth. In states like Andhra Pradesh,
94 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

Box 2: Extract from ‘Camp of Wrongs: The Mourning

Afterwards’ (SAMA, JSA and NAMHHR, 2014)

One of the gravest facts about this camp was the conduct of 83 steri-
lisation surgeries within a few hours. By some accounts, the surgeries
were conducted in merely 2 1/2 hours. This has serious implications
for the maintenance and use of sterile equipment, instruments like the
laparoscope and other reusable items. Given the limited duration in
which all 83 sterilisations were conducted, the time for each procedure
and the time between procedures was evidently minimal, suggesting
serious compromises with regard to the safety and the quality of the
procedures. Furthermore, the use of a single laparoscope for 83 women
in the limited time as was done in this camp is undeniably appalling
and a gross violation of standards of asepsis. (The OT remained sealed
at the time of the visit and hence could not be observed.)
Following the surgeries, the women, some with their children as young
as 3 1/2 months were made to lie down on durries that were placed in the
corridors, immediately outside the operation theatre. Following surgery,
the post-operative area must be necessarily restricted to prevent post-
operative infections, which was entirely overlooked here. There were no
designated post-operative recovery rooms where the women could be
shifted. The corridor was also unclean filled with cobwebs. The pro-
cesses in the camp thus caused tremendous risks to the health of all the
women who underwent the sterilisation procedures in the camp.
The discharge of the women within an hour or two of the surgeries,
which is the routine practice in such camps, is responsible for many of
them losing their lives. The quick discharge does not take into account
that the villages from where the women may have come do not have
proper transport facilities, except emergency ambulances (108/102).
Discharging women within a few hours of the surgeries took them far
away from healthcare services, reducing the chances of the adverse
symptoms being picked up early and delaying the emergency response.
Their early discharge delayed their access to critical healthcare; women
could not access transportation on time when they started having
complications, and experienced delay in reaching healthcare facilities,
where they either died within a short while after reaching or required
prolonged and intensive care.

Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, and Maharashtra, one in three to one in two tribal

children received care, though this was largely for institutional births. In
the remaining states, the proportion was less than 10–20%, again more for
institutional births when compared to home births (Table 3.6) (Ministry of
Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014).
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 95

Box 3: Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups and

Their ‘Preservation’ (Xaxa et al., 2014)

‘Their (particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTG)) socio-economic

vulnerability and low population levels has led them to be treated as
endangered and “on the verge of extinction” – terminology which
denies them their full humanity. Rather than granting them their
autonomy and rights to address historical injustices, this perception
has led to disastrous state Government interventions in the name
of their preservation. One such scheme has been the State policy-­
disallowing members of PVTGs from availing of sterilisation schemes
in government hospitals. Tribes such as the Paharias, Baigas, Kamars
and Pahari Korvas of Central India have been denied permanent meth-
ods of contraception in an attempt by the State to encourage popula-
tion growth in the face of their apparently dwindling numbers. This
policy originated in an order passed by the Madhya Pradesh govern-
ment in 1979 to exclude vulnerable tribal communities from the wave
of sterilisation drives taking place across north India. However, even
decades later, this order continues to be followed.
Such a policy denies members of PVTGs the autonomy to make
free and informed reproductive choices, and particularly denies any
agency and bodily autonomy to women of these communities, who
have to bear the burden of the denial of access to sterilisation facilities.
Moreover, it sidesteps the real factors contributing to high mortality
rates such as chronic malnutrition, starvation and lack of access to
adequate health facilities. On the other hand, in the Wayanad district
of Kerala, Kattunayakan tribal communities are sometimes coerced or
intimidated into undergoing sterilisation in order for health workers
to meet necessary sterilisation targets. Both practices need to be con-
demned and it is necessary that the reproductive rights and autonomy
of PVTGs be respected by the State. The real issue for PVTGs is the
non-provision of health facilities as well as denial of their right to suf-
ficient, nutritious food.

Within a tribal setting in eastern Maharashtra with relatively poor access

to neonatal care, the Society for Education, Action, and Research in Com-
munity (SEARCH, an NGO in Gadchiroli) conducted a trial on effective
home-based neonatal care. They demonstrated a near two-third reduction
in neonatal mortality in the intervention area, thereby sparking a series of
research. This approach was adapted to the existing government health
structure and programmes and was subsequently adopted by the National
Rural Health Mission (Bang et al., 1999).
Possibly due to various sociocultural factors, exclusive breastfeeding
practices are comparable if not better off among tribal communities in all
96 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Table 3.6 Newborns who received care within 24 hours of birth based on social
category (percentage)

States Indicators Social category

ST SC OBC Others

Andhra All 63.1 78.0 81.0 77.2

Pradesh Home birth 13.9 25.5 30.7 -
Institutional birth 75.9 84.3 84.8 81.1
(after discharge)
Chhattisgarh All 43.5 44.6 45.6 56.2
Home birth 34.5 31.2 31.5 -
Institutional birth 52.6 58.5 55.5 59.3
(after discharge)
Gujarat All 54.7 45.5 45.7 51.1
Home birth 4.0 2.5 2.5 0.0
Institutional birth 61.3 53.0 52.9 56.3
(after discharge)
Jharkhand All 19.2 12.3 11.0 6.3
Home birth 12.5 12.0 9.9 1.1
Institutional birth 26.8 12.7 11.8 8.7
(after discharge)
Madhya All 38.3 54.6 64.0 51.1
Pradesh Home birth 4.2 5.4 14.7 5.1
Institutional birth 58.3 70.2 72.1 57.0
(after discharge)
Maharashtra All 60.4 63.6 64.9 67.0
Home birth 18.8 10.5 17.8 25.9
Institutional birth 73.0 70.3 69.7 69.7
(after discharge)
Odisha All 6.2 14.6 18.5 11.6
Home birth 4.5 11.8 3.3 -
Institutional birth 7.4 15.2 16.4 11.6
(after discharge)
Rajasthan All 8.3 13.6 10.3 5.4
Home birth 3.2 27 17.7 18
Institutional birth 9.2 9.8 8.7 3.5
(after discharge)
Telangana All NA NA NA NA
Home birth NA NA NA NA
Institutional birth NA NA NA NA
(after discharge)
West Bengal All 12.4 10.1 5.8 10.4
Home birth 7.5 8.7 3.2 8.6
Institutional birth 13.9 10.3 7.7 11.0
(after discharge)
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.

states. However, across states significant variation in prevalence is seen, like

85.9% in Chhattisgarh to 47.8% in Rajasthan, indicating perhaps larger
societal influences on this practice beyond the community (see Table 3.7).
Only a few tribal communities appear to have cultural practices that are
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 97
Table 3.7 Percentage of children aged 0–5 months who received exclusive breast-
feeding (percentage)

States Social category

ST SC OBC Other

Andhra Pradesh* 61.3 73.7 68.3 71.0

Chhattisgarh 85.9 81.8 79.7 76.9
Gujarat 72.2 72.1 72.1 76.4
Jharkhand 58.8 66.7 64.1 55.6
Madhya Pradesh 73.1 84.9 73.1 67.9
Maharashtra 85.4 66.8 68.9 76.8
Odisha 76.0 68.9 71.2 57.2
Rajasthan 47.8 41.1 57.2 42.3
West Bengal 72.0 49.3 60.5 60.2
*
Before 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate data is
presented.
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.

harmful to either the mother or the child, such as discarding of colostrum,

giving pre-lacteal feeds, delayed introduction of breastfeeding, and delayed
introduction of complementary feeds (S. Basu, 2000; S. K. Basu, 1993;
Kshatriya, 2014).
Immunisation coverage of tribal children is significantly poorer than
other children (except for children belonging to SC communities in few
states), and this in turn contributes to increased burden of infectious dis-
eases as well as stunting and wasting among these children (see Table 3.8).
Inadequate immunisation coverage of tribal children could be related to

Table 3.8 Percentage of children aged 12–23 months are fully immunised by state
and social category (percentage)

States Social category

ST SC OBC Other

Andhra Pradesh* 65.3 71.9 74.3 79

Chhattisgarh 63.6 55.2 74.7 76.7
Gujarat 44.3 54.1 59.7 60.6
Jharkhand 59.1 56.8 66.7 76.7
Madhya Pradesh 44.3 47.6 56.9 68.3
Maharashtra 66.2 71.7 78.7 80.7
Odisha 61.9 55.2 61.6 70
Rajasthan 49 56.6 63 68.6
West Bengal 73.5 80.1 64.9 74.5
*
Before 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate data is
presented.
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.
98 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
difficulties in availability, procurement, storage, maintenance of cold chain
of vaccines, and accessibility of the target population, but it could also be
because of poor management, agenda-setting, and prioritisation of tribal
health problems within district and state administration. Coverage of Vita-
min A supplementation too was poor; only 15% of the tribal children
received Vitamin A in the 6 months in one (Sridharan and Anil, 2010). It is
imperative therefore that the routine immunisation of existing vaccines be
focused on, while introduction of newer vaccines be put on the backburner
in such areas.
In India, the percentage of children who receive appropriate treatment
for important childhood illnesses is low across the country, and worse-off in
tribal areas (Das et al., 2011). Among tribal people, only one in eight children
gets appropriate treatment for acute respiratory infections and malaria and
one in three for diarrhoea. Only 60% of ST women were aware of the impor-
tance of oral rehydration solutions in diarrhoea (Sridharan and Anil, 2010).
The high-level committee report reveals that the mortality rates increase
with age among tribal children with the under-5 mortality being three times
that of neonatal mortality, and is nearly double that among non-tribal chil-
dren in the nation (Xaxa et al., 2014). A similar situation is seen in the Cen-
tral Indian belt with mortality rates being significantly higher than among
children from general social category with the gap only increasing from neo-
natal period to 5 years of age, indicating accumulation of other social deter-
minants along the way (see Table 3.9). A study on infant deaths in Andhra

Table 3.9 Mortality rates for ST children when compared to other children* (per
1,000 live births)

States Neonatal Infant mortality Under-5 mortality

mortality rate rate rate

ST Others ST Others ST Others

Andhra Pradesh** 63.4 46.3 94.1 54 112 63.2

Chhattisgarh 67 63.3 90.6 83.1 128.5 109.3
Gujarat 53 35.9 86 47.3 115.8 55.7
Jharkhand 64.3 60.7 93 75.5 138.5 92.7
Madhya Pradesh 56.5 39.6 95.6 66.8 140.7 79.9
Maharashtra 32.5 34.3 51.4 40.5 69.8 47.4
Odisha 54 31.7 78.7 53.1 136.3 64.2
Rajasthan 38.4 44.7 73.2 58.1 113.8 69.9
West Bengal NA 42.9 NA 56.4 NA 70.4
*
Others excludes SC and OBC communities.
Before 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate data is
**

presented.
Source: NFHS-3.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 99
Pradesh revealed an infant mortality rate in tribal areas that was ten times
more than that reported for the district as a whole – a third of deaths occur-
ring on the first day and two-thirds within the first week (Garikipati et al.,
2013). This reveals both the importance and urgency of close monitoring
using disaggregated data that must be made available for decision-makers.
Health workers, including doctors, were lacking in awareness of the extent
of the mortality among tribal people and were unable to identify a need for
specific interventions to decrease these deaths.

2 Nutrition
Nutrition is an important issue in several tribal areas in the Central Indian
belt. Adequate nutrition is inseparable from health but is closely related to
food availability and food security. The nutrition problems of tribal com-
munities is variable from one region to another and there is a lack of com-
prehensive information on the dietary habits and nutritional status of tribal
communities, save for a few studies (Kshatriya, 2014). However, most mal-
nutrition among tribal groups implies undernutrition; only 7% malnutrition
among tribal women is contributed by overweight or obesity as opposed
to 38% for non-tribal women. The nutritional status of pregnant women
is also crucial for the infant’s chances of survival and subsequent growth
and development. It directly influences the reproductive performance of the
women and the birthweight of their children. Nutrition also affects lactation
and breastfeeding which are key elements in the health of infants and young
children and a contributory factor in birth spacing. Malnutrition lowers the
ability of new-borns and infants to resist infection, leads to infections and
chronic illnesses, and in the post-weaning period it could lead to long-stand-
ing or permanent cognitive and intellectual impairment (Kshatriya, 2014).
Even among adults, severe malnutrition has persisted in several areas. Four
tribal communities in Odisha, namely Bondo, Didayi, Juang, and Kutia
Kondh, showed severe malnutrition. In Odisha, chronic energy deficiency in
adult women was nearly 50% (Balgir, 2006).
Childhood under-nutrition is higher among tribal children at the national
and the rural figures: 57% of tribal children are underweight (rural 50%,
national 39%), 55% stunted (rural 50%, national 45%), 29% wasted (rural
25%, national 19%), and 78% anaemic (rural 71%, national 67%) (Srid-
haran and Anil, 2010). The causes for the poor nutritional status are related
to lack of access to appropriate quantity and quality of food due to poverty,
lack of livelihood security and secure land tenure for agriculture, or harvest-
ing non-timber forest products, as the case may be locally. The reasons go
beyond the purview of health services delivery but a systematic coordina-
tion and convergence across various schemes and departments at the district
level is crucial to achieving good healthy children. The anganwadi centres
established under the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) have a
100 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
significant limitation; they do not cater to the nutritional needs of children
between 6 months and 2 years of age. The tribal children of this age group
are particularly vulnerable due to lack of food, income, and livelihood secu-
rity for their households.
The National Institute of Nutrition (NIN), National Nutrition Monitor-
ing Bureau (NNMB), and previous Planning Commissions have looked into
the composition of diets of various tribal communities (NNMB, 2009; Xaxa
et al., 2014). The latest available report based on data from the NNMB
2007–2008 survey in several tribal areas also provides a lot of information
on food and nutrient intake, blood pressure, waist and hip circumference,
and knowledge and practices about diabetes and hypertension.3 The NNMB
data shows an across-the-board reduced intake of food compared to the
recommended daily allowance. Cereals and millets formed the bulk of the
diets in all the states. The intake of protective/income-elastic foods such as
green leafy vegetables, milk and milk products, fats and oils were well below
the recommended levels. The inadequacy was greater among younger age
groups. Moreover, the NNMB data shows a reduction in the intake of most
nutrients in tribal areas even in otherwise nutritionally better off states such
as Tamil Nadu. The trend was also similar in tribal communities in other
states (Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, and West Bengal) (NNMB,
2009; Xaxa et al., 2014). There is generally a suboptimal protein and calo-
rie intake among the rice-eating belts (NNMB, 2009; Kshatriya, 2014).
Among tribal children, malnutrition continues to be a problem. Stunting
and underweight children are more among tribal communities with little
gender variation (Das and Mehta, 2012). While proportion of underweight
children has declined over the last two NFHS rounds, wasting and stunt-
ing among tribal children have shown an increase (Rustagi et al., 2011).
Undernutrition and its severe forms in these states are slightly higher than
those of Scheduled Castes communities; however, the difference is signifi-
cant when compared to children of the general social category, especially in
states like Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, and Rajasthan where under-
weight and wasting are nearly double the prevalence among ST children
(Table 3.10).
The NNMB survey data however shows a marginal improvement in the
weight and height of individuals of different age groups and both the gen-
ders over the last few decades, but it continued to be lower than the stand-
ards required (NNMB, 2009; Xaxa et al., 2014). The report has attributed
the marginal improvement in nutritional status, despite a decline in food
and nutrient intake to improvements in access to safe drinking water, rela-
tively better access to health services, and possible improvements in socio-
economic conditions (Xaxa et al., 2014). However, under-nutrition is a
serious problem in tribal children and an overall strengthening of nutri-
tion interventions and food security in tribal areas is an urgent need on the
one hand, while improving the immediate response to malnutrition through
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 101
Table 3.10 Status of undernutrition of children based on social category (percentage)

States Underweight Wasting Stunting

ST SC OBC Others ST SC OBC Others ST SC OBC Others

Andhra 22.7 21.4 24.7 17.1 16.9 18.1 20.4 18.0 34.5 37.8 34.7 34.5
Pradesh*
Chhattisgarh 38.0 30.5 34.4 17.8 15.5 9.1 13.3 7.9 44.4 46.5 41.8 31.7
Gujarat 39.4 31.9 31.9 31.6 21.5 18.2 16.7 19.2 42.2 42.7 44.3 38.0
Jharkhand 51.1 43.8 39.1 30.0 19.9 15.2 14.9 8.6 53.4 48.4 45.4 38.6
Madhya 46.0 38.6 32.4 25.0 19.5 17.6 18.1 11.9 49.7 44.5 36.8 36.6
Pradesh
Maharashtra 32.4 29.0 26.1 21.2 22.0 18.5 20.3 16.9 38.7 35.9 35.3 34.5
Odisha 46.8 34.4 33.9 21.2 22.0 20.1 15.7 15.5 46.1 39.8 41.3 25.3
Rajasthan 44.5 35.0 27.3 27.7 22.8 15.3 12.0 11.1 45.9 44.3 32.2 31.0
West Bengal 39.8 30.7 23.0 28.5 18.8 14.9 15.4 15.0 40.6 36.9 27.9 32.5
*
Before the year 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate
data is presented.
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.

better health promotion, primary healthcare services, and effective nutri-

tional rehabilitation services located within communities on the other hand.
Another aspect of dietary pattern that is seldom explored is the changing
lifestyles of many of these communities, those influenced by the forest policy
like relocation outside forest reserves, banning of wildlife hunting, migra-
tion for work to unfamiliar environments. Given the intimate relationship
of these communities with forests/environment also for food, the influence
of alienation from their traditional habitats and its influence on their dietary
patterns, with an emerging reliance on public distribution systems, theoreti-
cally will lead to significant change in their dietary patterns. Questions of
nutritional differences between communities still relying on forests for their
subsistence and on markets/ration systems must be thereby explored.
Anaemia is a major problem in women and children in India, and is more
pronounced among tribal women and children across the country (Balgir,
2006; S. Basu, 2000; Xaxa et al., 2014). As per NFHS-3, the prevalence
of anaemia is significantly higher among women in ST communities when
compared to women from general social category. Anaemia is a significant
problem across all age groups, and based on the many studies in tribal
communities, the most common type appears to be nutritional anaemia
(Table 3.11). In many surveys, nearly all of the tribal women examined
were anaemic; other studies in Odisha, Rajasthan, and elsewhere report
very high anaemia prevalence in several tribal communities (S. Basu, 2000;
Chakma, 2014; Xaxa et al., 2014). Anaemia not only diminishes the capac-
ity for physical activity, but also increases susceptibility to infections, and
is a risk factor for complications during pregnancy and childbirth. While
diet and nutritional intake play a major role in iron deficiency, prevalence
102 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Table 3.11 
Nutritional anaemia prevalence among children under 5 years and
women in reproductive age group for ST and other communities*

States Children under 5 years Women (15–49 years)

ST Others ST Others

Andhra Pradesh* 76.3 68.3 69.1 58.5

Chhattisgarh 78 53.5 74 42.4
Gujarat 82.9 63.5 74.2 50.1
Jharkhand 79.5 55.7 85 57.6
Madhya Pradesh 82.5 68.5 73.9 46.3
Maharashtra 67.6 62.3 58.9 45.7
Odisha 80.1 58.2 73.8 53.4
Rajasthan 73.7 67.6 65 46.4
West Bengal 86.3 57.4 78 60.8
Data: NFHS-3, Others excludes SC, OBC.
*
Before the year 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate
data is presented.
Source: Ministry of Women and Child Development, and UNICEF, 2014.

of long-term hookworm infestation also contributes substantially to the

anaemia (Balgir, 2006). Maternal malnutrition is a serious health prob-
lem among the tribal women, especially for those who have closely spaced
multiple pregnancies. With the prevalence of haemoglobinopathies in these
communities to varying extent (explained later) along with the nutritional
anaemia, a mixed picture of anaemia is seen making it a challenge to over-
come. However, there is no comprehensive work exploring and managing
the profile of anaemias in tribal areas despite known prevalence of haemo-
globinopathies, and a relatively higher prevalence of anaemia.
Surveys on the nutritional deficiencies among tribal people show a high inci-
dence of goitre among several tribal communities (Baigas and Bharias of Madhya
Pradesh, for example) and Vitamin A deficiency among the Onges (Kshatriya,
2014). There are several micronutrient deficiencies in tribal children. Diets in
tribal communities is deficient in calcium, iron, vitamins, (A, C, B1) and proteins,
thus affecting the mother and the child (S. Basu, 2000; Xaxa et al., 2014).
In many tribal areas, the implementation of social welfare and other
schemes is lagging. In view of relatively smaller numbers and fragmentation
across various districts, tribal people seldom constitute a significant politi-
cal group that can push their priorities within district administration. Their
issues do not emerge into the national or sub-national media discourse until
they are of very serious nature. For instance, it takes starvation deaths, mal-
nutrition deaths, and extreme violence for tribal health and nutrition issues
to attain the importance for discussion in print and electronic media or in
district or state administration (Das and Mehta, 2012). For instance, because
of higher degree of protection given to the forests where the Chenchu people
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 103
live, the confrontations with the forest department, poor implementation of
the ration card schemes, and the resulting poor realisation of various entitle-
ments are somewhat typical of the situation of several forest-dwelling tribal
communities in the country (Starvation deaths in Chenchu Adivasi of Nal-
lamala forest, Andhra Pradesh, 2009). The inimical effects on tribal health
due to lobbying against their presence inside forests by relatively more pow-
erful and better organised conservation groups have been acknowledged as
being a part of the problem (Xaxa et al., 2014). The restrictions imposed
on access to roads and transport facilities due to the rules governing con-
servation of protected areas are sometimes adversely affecting tribal health
through limiting access to anganwadis, primary health centres, and other
services.
The lack of secure livelihoods and reliance on collection of non-timber for-
est produce or daily wages in nearby villages further adds to the problem of
food security. Child deaths usually cluster around periods of seasonal stress
like drought when household food supplies are low and employment dries
up, or during the monsoon when remote communities are rendered incom-
municado (Das and Mehta, 2012). Public interest litigations have been filed
on behalf of families that lost their children, and state governments have
been repeatedly directed by the courts to take remedial action (Das and
Mehta, 2012). Governments have undoubtedly become more vigilant on
this issue than they were before, but serious problems in service delivery
continue to exist and instances of starvation and malnutrition deaths may
continue to come unless the core issue of food and livelihood security in
tribal areas is solved.
In the interim, the lack of adequately staffed and resourced nutrition
rehabilitation centres to identify and treat malnourished children is also a
big challenge; very few tribal areas have functional nutritional rehabilita-
tion centres that can respond effectively to the severe malnutrition in tribal
children. The anganwadi centres under ICDS do not cater effectively to the
crucial age group, 6 months to 2 years; an assessment of their performance
showed that only 13% of children received services in compliance with
three recommendations of the Infant and Young Child Feeding Practice rec-
ommended by WHO (Sridharan and Anil, 2010).
Anganwadi centres (AWC) are crucial to mitigating the effects of food
shortage and calorie gap in tribal areas. Among tribal children, only 50%
children are registered in AWCs and 38% of them are weighed regularly for
monitoring their nutritional status. Only 48% of mothers whose children
are weighed receive some form of nutrition-related counselling. Thus, the
benefit of growth monitoring goes only to a very small fraction of tribal
children. In a study in five states, the overall hygiene and level of function-
ality of the AWCs visited and the health status of the children was very
poor (Sridharan and Anil, 2010). In some states, there were no buildings
for the centre and the worker managed by cooking in her home. None
104 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
of the AWCs that they visited had a toilet. The quality of the food grains
that were stocked was poor. Many of the centres had no weighing scale.
In conflict-prone areas such as Jharkhand, the study authors’ report that
they were told that one-third of the budget is siphoned away under duress.
Anganwadi workers (AWW) face various barriers to their work: they are
overburdened with documentation, people not having faith in AWC ser-
vices, poor infrastructure, irregular supply of provisions, and difficulty
in transporting the provision to the AWC. The long-standing problem of
retaining the AWW as a part-time honorary worker has led to a lot of
frustration among them, and is a hindrance to their full involvement with
the programme. Their honorarium is poor and its disbursements are irregu-
lar and erratic (Sridharan and Anil, 2010). Moreover, the AWC role of a
preschool is reduced to being an inadequately resourced supplementary
nutrition centre; the component of preschool education for tribal children
is absent.
Revival of utilisation of locally available resources from forest areas is
another key strategy to help improve nutrition of these communities. Using
traditional knowledge and focused studies on nutritional content on locally
available green leafy vegetables, fruits and other vegetables is recommended
to bridge the gaps in access to markets and nutritious diet. This strategy will
also help overcome various nutrition-related disorders apart from under
nutrition rather than reliance on iron tablets and biscuits. Some tribal com-
munities like in the North-East rely on local pig rearing to overcome the
protein gaps in their diet.

3 Communicable Diseases
Good quality epidemiological data on the national prevalence and incidence
of various diseases among ST population is almost non-existent (Xaxa
et al., 2014). The Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), through
its various national institutes and centres, collects data on some diseases
in certain states and among some tribes. Along with these data, qualitative
impressions of the stakeholders, experts, and the doctors/NGOs working in
tribal areas are some of the other sources utilised to make conclusions by
ICMR and the various government task forces and committees (Xaxa et al.,
2014). Among the communicable diseases of importance in tribal areas are
many of the well-known global diseases also identified as being infectious
diseases of poverty and the so-called neglected tropical diseases because of
their close association with poverty and other social determinants of health
and neglect in terms of disease control strategies and drug development.
The major ones in tribal areas, especially for the Central Indian belt, include
malaria, filaria, tuberculosis, leprosy, skin infections, sexually transmitted
diseases, HIV/AIDS, typhoid, cholera, diarrhoeal diseases, hepatitis, and
viral fevers.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 105
Malaria is a particular problem among tribal people taking a toll on sev-
eral young people. It is an important cause of preventable deaths among
tribal people, especially because of its strong association with thick and
inaccessible forest areas, where many tribal people live. The analysis car-
ried out on district-level malaria incidence shows that districts with 30% or
more tribal population (comprising about 8% country’s population) con-
tribute to 46% of total malaria cases and 47% malaria deaths in the country
(Sinha, 2014). Distribution of the incidence of malaria across the country
shows clustering in the Central Indian belt.
There is some evidence to show that the prevalence of malaria may be
increasing in some areas in Central India. In Madhya Pradesh, nearly half
of the malaria incidence is among tribal people, while over 60% of the Plas-
modium falciparum incidence is among tribal people. In Chhattisgarh, over
90% of malaria occurs in tribal people. The particular links between local
temperature and rainfall variation and malaria burden in and around for-
est areas make tribal people particularly vulnerable to the micro-effects of
global climate change. Malaria has also been shown to hinder achievements
in providing healthcare services by affecting frontline health, education, and
conservation workers and thus hindering all development outcomes (Sachs
and Malaney, 2002; Velho et al., 2011).
In many tribal areas in Central India where malaria is most severe, the P.
falciparum proportion is 30–90%; in the rest of the country, it is between
10% and 30%. Most of the severe malaria and malaria-related deaths
occur in Odisha. Here it is important to remember that it is falciparum
malaria that leads to severe complications like cerebral malaria, leading to
deaths especially in childhood. Although Odisha has only 3.5% of Indian
population, it contributes to nearly one-fourth of the total of 1.5–2 million
reported annual malaria cases according to the national programme figures
(Dhariwal, 2013).
Sunderajan and others have identified barriers to malaria control in tribal
areas based on an analysis of primary qualitative data. They have categorised
these barriers into six broad categories: (1) tribal knowledge about malaria,
(2) reliance on traditional healers and informal providers for management
of fevers, (3) surveillance, diagnosis, and treatment of malaria, (4) adher-
ence to anti-malarial medications, (5) and malaria prevention with insecti-
cide-treated nets and residual spraying. They identified cultural, social, and
geographic factors that create barriers to malaria control among tribal com-
munities in Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra (Sundararajan et al., 2013).
Such context-specific studies that address local barriers to achieving malaria
control are few and are helpful in designing locally relevant malaria con-
trol programmes. However, such studies also require a responsive district
health team that is able to incorporate such practitioner-relevant research
evidence into their programme implementation. Their study shows that cul-
turally appropriate delivery of health information could improve people’s
106 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
understanding about malaria as well as the understanding among tradi-
tional healers and informal providers of care (Sundararajan et al., 2013).
The lack of effective surveillance and reporting systems means that we
will miss the early opportunities to respond early on. This also indicates that
a rigorous referral mechanism is needed for malaria-related complications
as primary level of health services will not suffice. Need for surveillance for
not only case detection and treatment but also interstate coordinated inter-
ventions, targeting high-risk foci of transmission and additional research
into parasite resilience, drug resistance, and large community-scale interven-
tions is imperative for malaria control in such difficult terrains (Sharma and
Dev, 2009).
The other vector-borne diseases include dengue, chikungunya, lymphatic
filariasis (mainly Andhra Pradesh), kala-azar (restricted mainly to Bihar,
Jharkhand, and West Bengal), Japanese encephalitis (Assam, Uttar Pradesh,
West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar, and Tamil Nadu), and scrub typhus. Among
these, dengue is widely prevalent in several tribal areas in Madhya Pradesh,
Chhattisgarh, and Odisha. Some recent outbreaks of dengue have had infec-
tion rates as high as 46% while in Odisha, 20 districts are endemic for fila-
riasis (Chakma, 2014).
A comprehensive monitoring of outbreaks and rapid response system is
still lacking, although these diseases are tracked under the Integrated Dis-
ease Surveillance Project as well as the National Vector-borne Diseases Con-
trol programme. Some of these deficiencies are because of poorly resourced
district response teams and laboratories. In addition to this, while formulat-
ing strategies for malaria control, biological and environmental methods of
control must be preferred, studied, and encouraged in comparison to use of
chemical insecticides as possible.
Most states do not make available disaggregate data for the prevalence of
tuberculosis among their tribal population. The percentage of tribal people
aware of the Directly Observed Treatment Short course (DOTS) treatment
for tuberculosis is 60%. The Revised National Tuberculosis Control Pro-
gramme maintains data on several programme indicators for tuberculosis
in tribal districts across the country. Although the targets are mostly met,
field visits conducted in one study found several barriers to achieving these
indicators in tribal areas. A thorough re-look at the tuberculosis programme
coverage data for tribal areas may be needed (Sridharan and Anil, 2010). In
a few tribal groups like the Saharia tribe, a PVTG of Madhya Pradesh, sig-
nificantly high prevalence of tuberculosis is reported with possible risk fac-
tors of smoking and high alcohol intake (Rao et al., 2012). A hospital-based
study in Central India similarly revealed a significantly higher proportion of
all tuberculosis, including sputum-positive cases, among their tribal patients
when compared to non-tribal ones (Jain et al., 2015). Hence, there is a need
for more focused studies on these tribal communities along with focused
interventions under the larger national programme. In contrast to TB pro-
gramme, disaggregate data for most other neglected infectious diseases that
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 107
are relatively higher among tribal people are unavailable through routine
data.
The overall prevalence of human immune deficiency virus (HIV) infec-
tion among tribal people is not available. Although most tribal communities
have probably relatively lesser proportion of HIV infection because of their
relative geographical isolation, this is not generalisable to all tribal people
as is seen by the epidemic of HIV infection in few North-Eastern states.
That said the prevalence of HIV infection might not be comparable with
other sexually transmitted infections. Disaggregated data on RTI/STI preva-
lence among tribal people is lacking, especially for the Central Indian states.
Awareness indicators for the ST show that only 8% of women and 20%
of men have comprehensive knowledge about HIV. Specific measures to
address this problem have not been implemented at the state level except in
Maharashtra. Though HIV screening in pregnant women is recommended
in the country, there are no facilities for screening in all secondary care facil-
ities in most of these states (Sridharan and Anil, 2010). Integrated Counsel-
ling and Treatment Centre (ICTC) facilities are not easily available in the
PHCs or FRUs and people need to go the district hospitals for these services.

4 Non-communicable Diseases
Increasing reports by several NGOs, civil society organisations, and research
studies undertaken by the National Institute for Research in Tribal Health
(NIRTH, an ICMR centre) indicate a high prevalence of various lifestyle-
induced and non-communicable diseases among tribal communities as
well. A hospital-based study in Central India revealed significantly higher
proportion of severe hypertension and cancers among their tribal patients
than non-tribal ones (Jain et al., 2015). Various historical studies have sug-
gested a lesser prevalence of these conditions among tribal people, possibly
due to the general perception that forest-dwelling tribal people have better
access to healthy food, lead stress-free lives, and are less prone to occupa-
tional health and environmental health conditions. However, these are not
universally true. Several tribal areas today are in the midst of areas fac-
ing drought, deforestation, mining, large dams, and infrastructure-building
projects and also face income poverty, malnutrition, food insecurity, and
migration in search of jobs. These factors along with widespread under-
nutrition are known to influence diseases like tuberculosis; however, their
influence on NCDs like diabetes and hypertension need to be studied fur-
ther (Jain et al., 2015). Even globally, the increased prevalence of diabetes
among tribal people has been highlighted by the United Nations forum for
indigenous peoples (UN forum for IP). However, there is very little research
or secondary data on NCDs and mental health problems in India and much
less on these conditions in tribal areas apart from occasional cross-sectional
surveys conducted in tribal areas and primary research by the NIRTH,
Jabalpur.
108 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Elevated levels of blood pressure have been recognised as a public health
problem among tribal people (Chakma, 2014). Surveys have reported higher
proportions of hypertension among the urban area exposed and migratory
tribal communities than the more remote and non-migratory tribal commu-
nities. In some of the ST communities in Madhya Pradesh, the prevalence of
hypertension was similar to the prevalence in non-ST population. Over half
of those surveyed reported unhealthy diets with inadequate consumption of
fruits and/or vegetables. One in four adults in this survey had hypertension
with the blood pressure being in control in less than 3%.
Mental health problems, including substance abuse among tribal commu-
nities, are an important issue. On the one hand, there is the challenge of pro-
viding trained mental health workers in remote areas. On the other hand,
the sociocultural and political factors behind the manifestations of mental
health problems in tribal people are closely related to the social determi-
nants of their health. In India, tribal communities living in conflict zones (as
in most Central Indian states), tribal communities in famine/drought-prone
areas, forest-dwelling tribal communities, and others are exposed to a vari-
ety of extraordinary life stresses (large-scale migrations and displacement
due to large development or conservation projects and natural disasters)
that necessitate access to primary healthcare level mental health services,
including counselling, identification and treatment of mental health prob-
lems, and rehabilitation service (Expert Committee on Tribal Health, 2018).
All of these are a challenge even in urban areas due to the lack of trained
mental healthcare workers (including, but not limited to, psychiatrists, but
also psychologists, occupational therapists, nurses trained in mental health
etc.). In remote regions where tribal communities live, this is a far greater
challenge. Very few tribal communities in India have access to any formal
mental healthcare service today.
At the biomedical level, mental health problems of tribal people are not
well-understood. Epidemiological studies on tribal mental health problems,
including estimates of disease burden, are not available. Also, the diagnosis
and treatment of mental health disorders is a challenge given the sociocul-
tural barriers that influence mental health diagnoses. From the first author’s
experience in South Indian tribal communities, the stigma of mental illness
appears to be significantly lower in tribal communities when compared
to non-tribal communities, thereby offering better social support for the
ill. Cross-cultural psychiatry is a larger problem wherein there is a need
to evolve locally valid diagnostic categories so that the mental healthcare
provided is also locally relevant. Research work that explores the particular
social and cultural contexts of Indian tribal communities and their implica-
tions for the manifestations of mental health problems such as depression in
Indian tribal communities is lacking.
Some of the NCDs are related to the relatively high use of alcohol and
tobacco (both inhaled and other forms) among tribal men and women. High
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 109
prevalence of alcohol intake and tobacco use is reported among several tribal
communities and consumption is significantly higher among men than for
women according to NNMB surveys (Mohindra and Labonté, 2010; Expert
Committee on Tribal Health, 2018). Alcohol-related liver damage leading
eventually to cirrhosis, oropharyngeal or lung cancers, chronic respiratory
diseases complicate the already poor levels of nutrition among tribal commu-
nities. Substance abuse and its manifestations in Indian tribal people are also
very poorly studied. Very few tribal area–specific programmes exist, save
for the opium de-addiction programmes in the North-East. Alcohol depend-
ence is rampant in many tribal communities and barring Himachal Pradesh
and Maharashtra, the prevalence of consumption among tribal adult men
is nearly double that of other communities (see Table 3.12). This is further
complicated by the micro-economic situation in which tribal communities
live. Annual income is often obtained episodically once or twice a year in
several tribal communities that depend on harvesting and sale of non-­timber
forest produce. Poor access to banking and other savings instruments fur-
ther adds to the problem. In many such communities, a large proportion of
the income is often spent on alcohol or tobacco, which leads to disruptions
within the family and community, reduce productivity, and at times to law
and order problems too (Expert Committee on Tribal Health, 2018).
In some communities, tobacco and cannabis use is part of the cultural
practices and present a challenge for engaging with these communities on
substance abuse–related issues with nearly two-third or more adult men
reporting consumption (see Table 3.13). Chronic tobacco use in the form
of chewing or smoking is also known to be associated with peripheral arte-
rial disease like Buerger’s disease and certain forms of cancer, the former

Table 3.12 Prevalence of alcohol consumption among tribal and non-tribal men

aged 15–54 years (percent)

States ST Non-ST

Andhra Pradesh* 65.9 46.2

Chhattisgarh 66.8 46.6
Gujarat 31.3 14.1
Himachal Pradesh 30 31.1
Jharkhand 66.9 29.3
Madhya Pradesh 48.6 26.7
Maharashtra 30.1 23.7
Odisha 69.1 29.7
Rajasthan 30.6 17.7
West Bengal 69.7 31.6
*
Before the year 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate
data is presented.
Source: International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS). National Family Health Survey
(NFHS-3), 2005–2006: India.
110 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Table 3.13 Prevalence of tobacco consumption among tribal and non-tribal men
aged 15–49 years (percent)

States ST Non-ST

Andhra Pradesh* 63.4 42.6

Chhattisgarh 76.3 65.8
Gujarat 64.6 59.5
Himachal Pradesh 28.6 41.5
Jharkhand 74 58.1
Madhya Pradesh 74.1 67.7
Maharashtra 63.4 47.5
Odisha 80.4 65.7
Rajasthan 75.2 59.4
West Bengal 87.8 70.1
*
Before the year 2014, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana were one state. Hence, this aggregate
data is presented.
Source: International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS). National Family Health Survey
(NFHS-3), 2005–2006: India.

reported in South Indian tribes and the latter mainly in North-Eastern tribal
communities. Data specific to Central Indian tribes is lacking in this area but
much needed. In addition, the relative incidence of these conditions needs
to be studied further given their chronic tobacco use in many of these com-
munities from teenage itself. Cannabis use is also noted among some tribal
communities as a part of their sociocultural practices, thereby few cases of
cannabis abuse are also documented. Prevalence and impact of cannabis use
on their socio-economic situation is yet to be determined, but its ill effects
and abuse potential appear to be relatively lower than alcohol.

5 Environmental and Occupational Health

Apart from the non-communicable diseases, various other health problems
such as animal bites and injuries are specific to tribal areas. For example,
snake, scorpion, and insect bites are much more prevalent in tribal areas,
but little has been done in terms of ensuring timely and widespread avail-
ability of anti-venom serum. Health workers posted in these areas are also
not specifically trained in identification and treatment protocols that are
well-adapted for local implementation. In fact, very few locally adapted
protocols (in terms of both language and relevance in local setting) are avail-
able among health workers in tribal areas.
Tribal communities bear the brunt of wildlife protection and conser-
vation laws; their living in and around forest areas predisposes them to
man–­animal conflict (elephant raids, tiger/leopard encounters, bear maul-
ing, etc.). While there is a larger issue on pursuing conflict mitigation strat-
egies ranging from barriers between tribal settlements and forests, early
warning systems, and compensation for wage or crop loss, the more direct
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 111
problem of dealing with first-aid and referral for poly-trauma in cases of
animal-inflicted injuries needs to be dealt with. Referral to hospitals with
trauma care facilities, blood storage units, intensive care, and life sup-
port facilities are lacking within a reasonable distance from many tribal
areas. A comprehensive mapping of distance and time taken to reach such
facilities from tribal areas reporting such injuries is needed. Such a com-
prehensive effort is also needed to respond to incidents of violence and
armed conflict in some tribal areas. The situation for instance of pesticide
poisoning and burns is similar to those of animal injuries; burns wards
and emergency medical care at large hospitals in tribal areas need to be
strengthened.
The weakening of environmental and land alienation laws over time
affects tribal health much more than others. Many tribal areas are in
environmentally sensitive areas with rich natural resources and forests.
While the forests and forest protection laws often disadvantage tribal peo-
ple in terms of access to services, the rich natural resources on the other
hand make them vulnerable to rapid land conversion and industrialisa-
tion leading to sudden alienation from their customs, traditions, food,
and agricultural practices. Large-scale mining and the related deforesta-
tion predispose many tribal communities to various environmental health
hazards, including pollution of soil, air, and water (see Box 4). Shifting
agricultural practices from traditional methods to adopting modern agri-
cultural methods, including use of insecticides, must be carefully stud-
ied, and monitored to limit its possible impact on their health. In Fifth
Schedule Areas of late, there has been much discussion about the industri-
alisation of these areas, particularly mining and its influence on the liveli-
hood, at times even displacement of tribal households, witnessing many
protests from communities and civil society. Such tribal migrants face a
twice as vulnerable as compared to others as they also lose access to any
special health or welfare programme in their home district/state (Expert
Committee on Tribal Health, 2018). While few civil society reports have
attempted looking at the influence of these factors on the health of these
communities, they are often limited to short term or immediate conse-
quences only. There is an urgent need for a comprehensive and system-
atic effort to monitor, document, and address both short- and long-term
impacts on the health of the local communities, majority of whom are
tribal people.
Due to lack of long-term environmental monitoring and poor under-
standing of the provisions of environmental laws among tribal communi-
ties, there are unforeseen and unknown effects of people, often requiring
research and documentation by independent civil society. The recent calls
globally for pursuing health in all policies is urgent for tribal areas as a vari-
ety of policies related to land, environment, health, agriculture, industry,
labour, and social welfare have implications for tribal health (WHO and
Government of South Australia, 2010).
112 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

Box 4: Edited Extract from ‘Equitable Sharing

of Benefits Arising from Coal Mining and Power
Generation among Resource Rich States’ (The Energy
and Resources Institute, 2013)

Certain statements related to health of tribal people affected by min-

ing and power plants are shared herein.
Displacement – Displacement is a very serious issue both for coal
mining and thermal power plants (TPPs). Between 1950 and 2000,
according to conservative estimates, the coal mining sector is reported
to have displaced between two and two and a half million people.
As per the MoC (2005), a minimum of 1,70,000 families involving
over 8,50,000 people are likely to be affected by future coal projects.
Discussions with different experts and state officials highlighted the
fact that managing displacement is one of the biggest challenges in the
case of coal mining. The displaced people not only lose their natural
livelihood options and safety nets, but they also suffer from significant
health diseases due to air and water pollution.
Health impacts – Health impacts seem to be high and rising. During
stakeholder consultations in Odisha and Jharkhand, adverse health
impacts on the people living in the vicinity of mines were pointed out
as a serious cause of concern. Studies do agree that there are many
adverse health impacts of mining. However, there is insufficient empir-
ical evidence of the number of people who have worked in coal mines
and are affected by coal dust, and even less of those impacted who live
in the neighbourhood or in transportation corridors. Thermal power
plants are associated with adverse health impacts including premature
deaths from lung cancer, respiratory illnesses, and heart diseases. The
increased emissions of particulate matter and other pollutants have
led to increased health problems. A study by Cropper et al. (2012)
estimated premature deaths per tonne of particulate matter, SO2 and
NOx for 89 thermal power plants in India for the year 2008. Their
estimates suggest that SO2 causes an average of 500 deaths per plant,
NOx roughly 120 and PM2.5 around 30.
Fund utilisation – A special concern in all coal mining areas which
is often not sufficiently addressed is the health of communities (other
than coal mine workers) living in the region. While clearly improved
oversight and enforcement of environmental laws and rules is nec-
essary, there should be mechanisms in place to ensure that mining
communities have access to medical insurance and well-functioning
facilities for treatment in case they are affected. Companies and the
state government can jointly support the medical care.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 113

Recommendation 7: Improving Health in Coal Mining

Regions
• Improve surveillance and monitoring of diseases and disorders in
the mining regions in the states
• Get coal mining and power industry to partner with Panchayats
and primary health centres to provide both diagnostics and treat-
ments that are industry linked
• Reduce air pollution in road and freight corridors. Greater con-
trol of sulphur dioxide as a pollutant is required.
• More careful assessment of health risks of arsenic and radioactiv-
ity in fly ash is required to ensure more informed decisions on fly
ash utilization.
• Set up hospitals with speciality facilities on coal related diseases
and mechanisms in place to ensure that local communities have
access to medical insurance and well- functioning facilities for
treatment in case of ill health due to degraded environment

6 Genetic Conditions
Tribal people are prone to few rare health problems, many of them being
genetic and hereditary in origin. Some of them like sickle cell anaemia, thalas-
semia, and G6PD deficiency add to the already prevailing nutritional and
hookworm infestation–related anaemia among them. The incidence of sickle
cell mutation among tribal people varies from one tribe to another from 1%
to 40%, with the highest proportion based on screening in Madhya Pradesh
(Colah et al., 2015). Beta-thalassemia is also identified in some tribal popula-
tions with prevalence as high as 6–14%. Other haemoglobinopathies like HbE
have been reported at relatively high frequency among North-Eastern states
and high frequency of HbE variant is reported among certain tribes from the
area like the Rabhas (Assam and West Bengal) (Bhattacharyya et al., 2015).
Many of the epidemiological studies done on reporting haemoglobinopa-
thies across the country vary widely in their study area, targeted tribal com-
munity, study designs, and even methodology, making it difficult to provide
accurate numbers in terms of prevalence of these conditions among different
tribal communities. A wide variability is noted in the reported prevalence
of these conditions across tribal communities in India, as seen in figures
presented.
A common reported theory is that these haemoglobinopathies are selected
in areas due to malarial endemicity in certain regions. However, our under-
standing of the implications of these conditions on prevalence and/or treat-
ment of common conditions is still inadequate (Balgir, 2005, 2006; Colah
114 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
et al., 2015; Kaur et al., 2013; Mukherjee et al., 2015). For example, a
high incidence of a particular variant of G6PD deficiency in Odisha requires
caution in the prescription and use of anti-malarial drugs like primaquine
and many other compounds such as sulphonamides and acetyl salicylic acid
(aspirin), which may have harmful or even fatal consequences for individu-
als carrying the mutation (Balgir et al., 2004).

Box 5: Sickle Cell Disease and Experience in Gujarat

In Gujarat, a sickle cell anaemia control programme was launched

in 2006 and was extended to all tribal districts by 2008. This pro-
gramme is implemented using public–private partnership approach
with a comprehensive strategy of screening (including antenatal, pre-
natal, newborn screening), counselling, and treatment as per a stand-
ard treatment guideline proposed.

Medical colleges and hospitals near tribal areas are often unaware of the
specific laboratory and diagnostic requirements for identification of these
conditions (Colah et al., 2015; Ghosh et al., 2015; Mukherjee et al., 2015).
Two main weaknesses in studies on haemoglobinopathies are absence of a
haemoglobinopathy registry and of integrated diagnostic and management
facilities for these conditions in areas where tribal communities reside (see
Box 6) (Ghosh et al., 2015).

Box 6: Haemoglobinopathies in India (Ghosh et al., 2015)

Several centres in India are engaged in haemoglobinopathy research in

tribal areas. Certain key areas are being looked at or need to be looked
at in future with a view to better understand the disease in the Indian
context. These areas are as follows:

a. Newborn screening for haemoglobinopathies in tribal areas;

b. Follow up of newborn cohorts in a multicentre fashion for at least
five years to understand the nature of early mortality and morbid-
ity in these populations;
c. Developing a registry on haemoglobinopathies for tribal populations;
d. Study the interaction of gastrointestinal parasitism, iron defi-
ciency, nutritional intake with haemoglobinopathies, and finally
deciding whether these components should be routinely assessed
and what remedial measures should be undertaken;
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 115

e. Evaluation of various ethno-pharmacological products for man-

agement of the condition;
f. Prevalence and cause of hypersplenism in sickle cell anaemia
patients in tribal people;
g. Interaction of various genetic factors for epistatic interaction in
modulation of the disease;
h. Interaction of malarial infection with haemoglobinopathy;
i. Prenatal diagnosis for severe haemoglobinopathies.

While some states – Gujarat, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Odisha,

and Madhya Pradesh – or districts within have implemented specific
programmes for identification and counselling for people affected by
these genetic diseases like newborn screening programmes, most other
states do not have any systematic planned mechanism for identification
of people with these conditions let alone their management. The Min-
istry of Tribal Affairs has initiated systematic screening for sickle cell
anaemia in the last two years. Overall, 30% of the estimated popula-
tion has been screened so far with 9% (8.75 lakh cases) cases of sickle
cell trait and disease being identified so far across the country. The
exercise was completed in Gujarat with 8.8% of cases with sickle cell
trait/disease identified so far as reported by the Ministry. The screening
process is ongoing in another ten states while soon to begin in another
three soon. While more information on the process and next steps are
yet to be made available, this is an opportunity for intersectoral con-
vergence of different ministries to tackle the challenges of haemoglobi-
nopathies and setup a systematic screening, diagnosis, and management
programme.

Health Systems for Tribal People in Central India

A health system is much more than health services and includes the various
societal and state structures that contribute to and strive for improvements
in people’s health. In a broad sense, the health system includes the various
traditional and home-based health practices, formal and informal health-
care pathways chosen by people, and operated by public or private agen-
cies, as well as the various resources, and goal-setting of these organisations
as well as the values that underlie the planning and management of these
structures. Tracing the journey of community health projects in most NGOs
in tribal areas, a lesson learnt is that only an integrated approach that takes
into consideration the various social determinants will be accepted, imple-
mentable, and effective in strengthening the local health system, and not a
vertical programme approach.
116 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
1 Governance
According to the WHO, governance in the health sector refers to a wide
range of steering and rule-making–related functions carried out by govern-
ments or decisions-makers as they seek to achieve national or state health
policy objectives that are conducive to provide quality health services for all.
However, the technical definitions of governance espoused by the global and
national health authorities is often not broad enough to capture the different
ways in which tribal communities relate to governance of public services.
The United Nation’s State of the World’s Indigenous Peoples report of 2010
summarises a more holistic understanding of health often held by tribal
communities as the ‘harmonious coexistence of human beings with nature,
with themselves, and with others, aimed at integral well-being, in spiritual,
individual, and social wholeness and tranquillity’ (United Nations, 2009).
Some of the problems can be easily approached like a language barrier, but
understanding and integrating tribal cultural norms and world views in
regional governance mechanisms is a big challenge and there are hardly
any examples of government departments at district and sub-district levels
recognising these problems and making allowances for integrating tribal
communities’ world views, cultural norms and languages in their day-to-day
management (Xaxa et al., 2014). For instance, health awareness materials
prepared for health services and other government schemes adopt the state’s
language, whereas local tribal languages (or dialects) often differ.
The traditional approach of affirmative action towards tribal communi-
ties has been insufficient in ensuring equitable distribution of health and
development services in tribal areas. Health services and schemes suffer
from poor implementation in many of the tribal areas, indicating the con-
tribution of poor prioritisation and governance in these areas, in addition
to various societal exclusionary drivers that operate in creating barriers to
utilisation of these services and schemes by the most needy among tribal
communities. Affirmative action has remained at the level of prioritising the
implementation of particular schemes among tribal people or in ensuring
Central financing for particular opportunities for tribal people. However,
the policies of affirmative action have not focused on improving the par-
ticipation of tribal people within local agenda-setting and administrative
agencies at the district level. For example, the National Health Mission
mandated the creation of village-level committees for health and sanitation
as well as committees at the level of PHCs, CHCs/taluka hospitals, and
district hospitals. Little effort is made at ensuring representation of tribal
communities within these bodies as the representation is taken up by the
panchayat (local elected government) representatives who may not neces-
sarily be from tribal areas. Even where such representation is mandated, it
becomes symbolic without ensuring that tribal representation within the
bodies is enabled with the ability to highlight and advocate against dis-
criminations that they may face in the implementation of the programmes
and schemes.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 117
At present, efforts at collectivising tribal people for demanding their health
and development rights is the exclusive domain of civil society groups, many of
them often non-tribal in their roots. There are very few examples of civil soci-
ety groups originating and being managed by tribal communities themselves.
Even where such collectivisation exists, health is often a much lower priority
when compared to more pressing needs related to employment, livelihoods,
access to forests, and grazing rights. Another consequence of the common ter-
minology ‘tribal’ is the view of tribal communities as somewhat homogeneous
with similar approaches being applied to all tribal people, without paying close
attention to the particular contextual and historical factors pertaining to tribal
communities, often varying from one to another (Ram et al., n.d.). Thus, simi-
lar to other domains, the larger governance challenges also arise and influence
the overall access to health services for these tribal communities.
Although health is a state subject according to the Indian Constitution
(Fifth Schedule), the Centre has been given the authority of giving directions
to the state governments, which could be used to direct the state govern-
ments to ensure provision of separate tribal sub-plans based on the percent-
age of tribal population in the states as recommended by the Ministry of
Tribal Affairs of the Government of India. The National Health Policy of
2002 also provides for the state governments to tailor implementation strat-
egies according to the need in tribal areas (Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2006).
However, state-level interventions that are adapted to tribal settings are few
and are insufficiently adapted to the particular requirements of tribal areas.
The degree of interest and creativity in improving situation in tribal areas is
further diminished at the lower levels (district and sub-district levels), espe-
cially in districts with very small proportion of tribal population.
The problem of poor implementation of health schemes and services in
tribal areas is a sub-set of a larger governance and public services failure in
these areas and is not specific to health alone (see earlier discussion on govern-
ment schemes). One of the major problems in improving the prioritisation of
problems with tribal health is the lack of good quality information. This has
been highlighted by several committees recently that have examined the situa-
tion of tribal communities (Xaxa et al., 2014). Very little systemic efforts exist
at generating disaggregated tribal data outside of NGOs working in tribal
areas or for tribal-specific schemes. This is not sufficient, as the key govern-
ance challenge is to ensure that all services (and not only schemes targeting
tribal people) are being utilised and made accessible to tribal communities.
Some of the fundamental differences between the history and current
principles underlying ‘development’ in tribal areas is discussed in a recent
report (Xaxa et al., 2014). A few models for improving governance in tribal
areas are implemented in different parts of the country, one mentioned often
for its good governance is the ITDA model in Andhra Pradesh (see Box 7).
While a few have shown positive results in certain contexts, the lack of
research on their functioning and overall impact limit their generalisabil-
ity. However, the lack of information should not deter other states from
attempting to adapt or innovate local accountable models of governance.
118 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

Box 7: A Governance Model – Integrated Tribal

Development Agency Model of Andhra Pradesh

Extract from government order of Ministry of Tribal Affairs which

called out the ITDA setup in Andhra Pradesh for its outstanding work,
and shared its detailed model guidelines to all state governments for
considering restructuring of their ITDAs based on it to ensure effective
delivery of tribal development programmes. The integrated tribal devel-
opment agencies (ITDA) in the districts of Srikakilam, Vizianagaram,
Vishakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Warangal and Adil-
abad were established with the primary objective of ensuring an inte-
grated approach towards implementation of development programmes
for the tribal people in the sub-plan areas. In order to facilitate better
coordination among all the functionaries operating in the sib-plan areas
and to meet the needs of the tribal people, who can look to a single
agency for redressing their grievances in developmental as well as regu-
latory matters, and to gear up the rapid socio-economic development of
tribal people and tribal areas in an integrated manner, the departments
working in the sub-plan areas independent of the ITDAs and project
officers, ITDAs were brought under the administrative control of the
project officer, ITDA. Accordingly, the government have introduced the
single line administration system vide G.O.3rd read above and the sys-
tem has been functioning since then.

In rural India, the construct of Village Health, Sanitation and Nutrition

Committees by NRHM is recognised as a bridge to improve community
participation and monitoring of local health services. Across the states,
the implementation and performance of these committees show mixed
results but in tribal areas, these committees also bypass the traditional
village councils. In these areas, we recommend for decentralised locally
customised village health committees or responsibilities taken up by exist-
ing councils/community-based organisations. We recognise that these
committees will also have limitations resulting in mixed performances,
and few top-down structures like the ITDA model appear to be working
in Andhra Pradesh. Nevertheless, such models need to be studied and
strengthened in keeping with existing local community structures and
processes.
In the lack of sufficient availability of government health services, various
voluntary organisations, including the missionary or religious or other non-
government organisations (NGOs), have made laudable attempts to provide
healthcare to tribal people (Xaxa et al., 2014). Lot of such efforts have received
local, national, and international recognition in terms of using innovative
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 119
approaches and the community-based nature of their services, albeit focusing
predominantly on curative services and some preventive care. These structures
have varying degrees of accountability to the tribal population they serve, in
view of the diversity in their origins, financing, and value orientation. The level
of participation and ownership of these structures by tribal communities is also
variable, ranging from being passive recipients of charitable hospitals to being
involved in the governance and management of some of these NGOs.

2 Health Financing
The main problems of financing of tribal health can be grouped into two:
(1) under-financing, including poor allocation and utilisation at various lev-
els, and (2) poor planning and management of existing resources at various
levels. Thus, social health protection, an important goal of a health system,
is compromised to a much greater extent for India’s tribal population than
for the others. While under-financing is an issue for the general health sector,
there is a need for greater financing overall towards social health protection
of the citizens along with additional innovative schemes for tribal communi-
ties and/or in tribal areas given its unique challenges and chronic exclusion.
Further, the lack of mechanisms to address the rising out-of-pocket
expenditure for relatively minor outpatient procedures and hospitalisations
results in various tribal communities facing catastrophic health expenditure
for even a few days of hospitalisation. Often many of them just refuse treat-
ment for lack of money, which is usually needed at the point of service deliv-
ery, even in government health services. Given the difficulties in physical
access in many of these areas, the non-medical and indirect costs incurred by
a tribal family is often much higher than the actual medical cost, and acts as
a deterrent to even considering approaching a health service. Unfortunately,
to this end, there is very little to nil data available at the state or district or
even tribe level to allow for further analysis and interpretation.
In the interest of equity and considering the geographical, social, and cul-
tural isolation and uniqueness of various tribal communities, financial allo-
cations for health and development in tribal areas ought to be much more
than being proportional to the tribal population. However, there is a com-
mon perception and complaints that ‘funds for health care in tribal areas
are underutilised, diverted to other areas, or utilized inefficiently, and worst,
siphoned off by way of corruption’. This is partially a problem of governance
and oversight, as well as improved allocation and efficient expenditure on
tribal health (Xaxa et al., 2014). Even in the NRHM, there is no separate or
additional allocation for reaching out to tribal communities, be it for health
promotion or to overcome the challenges of accessing health services.
The poor planning and management of existing resources at various levels
as a contributing cause for poor financing of tribal health is discussed ear-
lier. One of the important means of financing that many state governments
have chosen in the last decade has been the insurance mechanism along with
strategic purchasing of healthcare, often from private hospitals. However,
120 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
tribal communities are likely to have benefited least from these large and
popular insurance schemes. For example, coverage under the Rashtriya
Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY), a nationwide insurance scheme targeting
people below poverty line remains extremely low in the tribal areas; less
than 3% of tribal population has any type of health-related insurance (see
Table 3.14) (Sridharan and Anil, 2010; Xaxa et al., 2014).
There was some experience with piloting community health insurance among
tribal communities, largely led by NGOs; 3 of 12 community health insurance
schemes in 2004 specifically focused on tribal populations. Although having
demonstrated benefits in terms of reducing out-of-pocket expenditure at the
time of service delivery and improving health services utilisation, they remain
very local in their implementation and in some cases temporary (Michielsen
et al., 2011). Moreover, community health insurance as a vehicle of social
protection without the involvement and ownership of the state has not proven
to be a sustainable solution for social protection in health globally; although
promising and inspiring in its vision, it has not been able to achieve the larger
goal of social protection of tribal communities (Soors and Devadasan, 2010).

3 Human Resources for Health

There are large gaps in public health infrastructure such as PHCs, sub-centres,
and higher hospitals in tribal areas. As per the 2017 rural health statistics, the
Central Indian states present two pictures; states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat,
Rajasthan, Telangana, and West Bengal sanctioned twice the number of required
posts and report some vacancies, while states like Chhattisgarh and Madhya
Pradesh report half the number of required posts to be vacant (see Table 3.15).
In the former states, the overall numerical adequacy of doctors and the
still poor status of health services reflect that the distribution of human
resources needs to be looked into. Often most of them are concentrated in
urban areas, district headquarters, and in hospitals with far fewer in remote
areas, more so in tribal districts within these states. Specialist availability

Table 3.14 Financing access to healthcare

Social groups Households Problem in accessing medical advice or treatment

covered by a
health scheme Distance to Concern that no At least one
or health health facility drugs available problem in
insurance accessing
healthcare
ST 2.6 44.0 35.8 67.0
SC 3.3 27.3 24.2 50.4
OBC 3.8 26.0 22.8 47.4
Others 7.8 18.5 18.7 38.2
Total 4.9 25.2 22.9 46.6
*
Source: NFHS-3 (2005–2006).
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 121
Table 3.15 Doctors at primary health centres in tribal areas (as on March 31, 2017)

States PHC medical officer posts

Required Sanctioned In position Vacant Shortfall
(R) (S) (P) (S − P) (R − P)

Andhra Pradesh 155 280 259 21 **

Chhattisgarh 392 409 157 252 235

Gujarat 406 782 347 435 59
Jharkhand 165 290 177 113 **

Madhya Pradesh 332 332 208 124 124

Maharashtra 315 370 354 16 **

Odisha 425 425 335 90 90

Rajasthan 209 438 376 62 **

Telangana 93 211 196 15 **

West Bengal 300 909 765 144 **

Source: Rural Health Statistics 2017, Ministry of Health & Family Welfare.

Table 3.16 Specialists at community health centres in tribal areas (as on March 31,
2017)

States Community health centre specialist posts

Required Sanctioned In position Vacant Shortfall
(R) (S) (P) (S − P) (R − P)

Andhra Pradesh 76 43 20 23 56
Chhattisgarh 320 328 24 304 296
Gujarat 368 340 38 302 330
Jharkhand 416 234 25 209 391
Madhya Pradesh 416 420 65 355 351
Maharashtra 268 79 126 NA 142
Odisha 528 359 55 304 473
Rajasthan 260 166 50 116 210
Telangana 92 14 12 1 80
West Bengal 416 392 187 205 229
Source: Rural Health Statistics 2017, Ministry of Health & Family Welfare.

reflects a worse trend with most reporting 70–90% shortfall, indicating a

grave crisis (see Table 3.16). A systematic effort at building greater represen-
tation of tribal people within the health workforce is lacking in most states.
The other major difficulty in delivering public healthcare to tribal popu-
lation is the lack of health workers who are willing, trained, and equipped
to work in these areas. There is a shortage due to vacancy, absenteeism,
or half-heartedness of doctors, nurses, technicians, and managers in public
health to work in these areas. The reasons range from more difficult reasons
related to social isolation to lack of amenities and financial and non-financial
incentives for health workers in these areas. The latter could be tackled in
122 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
the short term, while the former requires a sustained approach at improving
the accessibility and amenities in these areas. The poor overall development
of various other infrastructure (schools, banking, finance, etc.) also impedes
the availability of health workforce in such areas (Balgir, 2006). An emerg-
ing thinking in this line is to support building of local health workforce,
relaxing norms in these areas to allow this, and even develop innovative
bridge cadres to fill the gaps in human resource (see Box 8). These however
are still at a local scale, and it is imperative that various health and allied
health councils wake up to these challenges.

Box 8: Chhattisgarh Experience with HR Innovations

(Sundararaman et al., 2008)

The three-year course (rural medicine assistants’ course) was a

response to a major crisis in human resources for health that the newly
formed state of Chhattisgarh faced. The state responded to this crisis
in multiple ways and it is interesting to look back now on what was
tried and what was not tried and why this was so and what were the
outcomes of different efforts.

• One effort was to open up new medical colleges. Two colleges

have been successfully opened and two more, including a centrally
sponsored one, are planned.
• The other was nursing schools and ANMs schools. These two
have opened up and though less in numbers and slower to start off
than could be asked for, they are progressing well.
• A third was the Mitanin programme, a community health volun-
teer programme of a woman health activist in every hamlet that is
doing relatively well. It has survived and grown and it is exploring
new directions of growth.
• A fourth, very little discussed and even less documented is a major
effort to train village RMPs, or quacks in less polite usage, to pro-
vide rural care. These informal medical practitioners had only to
be nominated by the panchayat and sent to the district hospital,
where they would then get a six-month training and a certificate
and then be sent back. About 1,100 persons were so trained and
state considered providing two of them with government employ-
ment in each panchayat and then gave it up, preferring them to be
market-driven. This by all reports failed to make any impact and
has disappeared from public consciousness, but is worth digging
up, if not for anything, at least to not repeat it.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 123

• The fifth bold experiment and the most curious of the lot is this
three-year course. It ran three years and then stopped by the gov-
ernment, but in a final spin seems to have come up as a winner
with fresh possibilities.

4 Access to Essential Medicine

Little information is available on access to essential medicines in tribal areas,
including emergency medicines. Similarly, tribal populations are most disad-
vantaged with respect to access to various other health technologies. Given
the access to health services is fragmented and across different types of service
providers with little regulation, irrational use of drugs and emerging drug-
resistance in these communities is a concern. In the North-East, the emergence
of drug-resistant malaria and tuberculosis has been reported. While irrational
drug use is a concern across the country, in tribal communities especially the
PVTGs, the term ‘rational’ will have to be re-looked at. Given tribal commu-
nities have only been recently exposed to modern medicine or allopathy, the
sensitivity of these drugs for common illnesses, and possible adverse reactions
must be explored. This particularly takes priority when dealing with PVTGs
where the vulnerability is in terms of both biology and numbers.
On the other hand, access to emergency medicines like anti-snake venom
is crucial given the tribal communities’ exposure to insects/animals and must
be studied and planned for. The relative difficulty in accessing health services
further necessitates that the local health workers are frequently trained in
basic trauma and life support and are also supported with necessary equip-
ment/infrastructure to ensure stable referral to the nearest higher centre.
Drug-related out-of-pocket expenditure is another area of concern, espe-
cially in higher hospitals where tribal patients receive prescription to outside
pharmacies. It is recommended that additional budgets should be provided
for taluka (or block) and district hospitals to ensure that drugs for tribal
and similar vulnerable communities are available at the hospitals, thereby
eliminating such expenditure.

5 Health Service Delivery

Various factors related to health services access and quality as well as com-
munity-level factors influence the utilisation of health services in tribal pop-
ulations. From the health services side, some of the important gaps are as
follows (see Table 3.17):

• Poor geographical accessibility to health facilities in view of poor road

and transportation facilities, especially in and around forest areas, but
also in part due to restrictive conservation policies in some cases;
124 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Table 3.17 Problems faced in accessing health services compared between SC, ST,
and national average (percentage)

Problems listed SC ST Total

Distance to health facility 27.3 44 25.2

Having to take transport 25.3 42 22.9
Not wanting to go alone 12.8 20.1 11.7
Concern that no drugs available 24.2 35.8 22.9
Concern that no provider available 23.9 35.2 22.7
*Source: NFHS-3 (2005–2006).

• Poor availability of health staff, partly due to sociocultural factors that

affect health worker preferring to work in tribal areas, but also related
to lack of rigorous monitoring and prioritisation of tribal health at the
district levels;
• Poor quality of services offered, both technical quality (related to effec-
tiveness of care, safety, and adherence to quality standards) and also
subjective quality (related to acceptability of care, open-heartedness,
and culturally accessible); also, due to gaps in infrastructure, equip-
ment, and human resources; waiting time at the health centre and tim-
ings of the facilities;
• Lack of transport and communication facilities; limited use of tradi-
tional practices and health-seeking behaviour (local beliefs, customs,
and practices);
• Poverty and financial constraints (the majority of healthcare services
are theoretically free of cost, but indirect and informal payments, such
as travel cost to and from the government facility, leaving work to seek
care, and paying for prescribed medicines, exist);
• Supply-chain gaps affecting access to medicines, vaccines, and various
other health technologies.

Even though access and utilisation of health services by tribal popula-

tion is generally low, a larger proportion (as high as three-fourths of tribal
population, whereas this is less than half in the case of non-tribal commu-
nities) of tribal communities utilise government health services than other
communities. Most areas with tribal people has very little presence of the
for-profit private sector (Thind et al., 2008). However, in some states, there
is a disturbing under-utilisation of government health services by tribal peo-
ple, when compared to most other states. In Madhya Pradesh, for exam-
ple, the levels of the utilisation of maternal health services were low in the
districts with high percentage of tribal population (Jat et al., 2011). States
like Jharkhand (35%) show comparatively lesser utilisation of government
health services than other states. These could be a variety of reasons rang-
ing from supply-related factors such as poor acceptability of care and poor
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 125
availability of health workers to demand-based factors related to social and
cultural factors and health-seeking behaviour among tribal communities
in these states. Very little systematic efforts are being made in these states
to understand and respond to this under-utilisation of health services by
tribal population (Xaxa et al., 2014). However, while outpatient services
utilisation is relatively better off, hospital utilisation by tribal communities
is generally poor (Xaxa et al., 2014). Improving government health services
in tribal areas is the only way of strengthening access to health for tribal
populations and very little opportunities exist for partnering with the for-
profit private sector. However, NGOs, CBOs, and missionary organisations
run a variety of curative and preventive health services in remote tribal
areas which can still be potential partners in the short term to reach remote
areas.
In most tribal areas, the health services are organised very similar to
any other rural areas. Very little customisation to the local sociocultural
reality is attempted. At the district and sub-district levels, there is very
little systematic effort at adapting the programmes and services to better
serve tribal populations. For example, delivery in sitting posture, a tra-
ditional practice among several tribal women, is completely neglected
in the rigid implementation of the safe motherhood activities of the
reproductive and child health programmes. Similarly, the difficulties in
building rapport with adolescent tribal children are hardly attempted
within the community; instead, tribal adolescents are expected to walk
into adolescent health clinic days held at PHCs, which is unlikely to
happen in the case of most tribal youth in view of various sociocul-
tural barriers. Various social, cultural, economic, and political factors
in society contribute to tribal people falling out of various schemes and
prevent them from obtaining the benefit from and participating in vari-
ous services.
As mentioned earlier, there is very little effort at involving tribal peo-
ple within the health workforce either formally as ASHAs, ANMs, nurses,
or doctors, or through informal involvement as peer educators or counsel-
lors. The lack of tribal people within the health workforce also hampers
acceptability of healthcare offered. Very little monitoring of the technical or
perceived quality of care provided to tribal people exists. Some reports men-
tion unfriendly behaviour and very little consultation time in many PHCs
in tribal areas. Apart from anecdotal reports, there is no systematic or a
third-party/independent effort at monitoring of the quality of health services
provided to tribal population.
One of the contributing reasons for the poor acceptability and utilisation of
care could be the near absence of participation by tribal communities or their
representatives in shaping policies, plans, or implementation of services in tribal
areas, right from the local (village or hamlet level) to national levels. Very few
expert committees, task forces, policymaking bodies, or advocacy groups are
themselves tribal in representation at the national or state level. Similarly, tribal
126 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
district level bodies also do not use the opportunity to invite and empower tribal
people or their leaders in local implementation of programmes. Even though
the Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) gives gram sabhas the right
and the role of influencing social sector schemes, which include health, there are
no mechanisms in place to ensure such participation or oversight at the village
level (Xaxa et al., 2014). Similar situation is observed at the ITDP, district, and
state levels. At the Central level, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare has
no separate body to shape policies or monitor programmes in tribal areas (Xaxa
et al., 2014).

6 Health Information: Data and Research

There are large gaps in terms of data availability or research on issues
related to tribal health in India. On the one hand, the routine data gen-
erated through disease control programmes and general health services
is poor in quality; on the other hand, there is also a lack of disaggre-
gated data for tribal areas/communities. Primary research work is scarce,
save for some systematic surveys conducted by the NIRTH, Jabalpur, a
tribal-specific expert centre of ICMR. Unfortunately, not adequate efforts
have been invested in sharing this data with researchers and practitioners
outside the ICMR circuits in a context where data is insufficient. Within
states, there is little effort at nurturing similar research centres for advanc-
ing locally relevant research on tribal health issues. The several medical
and paramedical college community medicine departments, for example,
could be a vital resource in this regard, but very few colleges prioritise this.
A comprehensive coverage of all tribal communities is also lacking. On
the one hand, even epidemiological studies (on disease burden and dynam-
ics) is lacking; on the other hand, deeper social science enquiry is also scarce.
The few research studies on tribal health are disease-specific, especially on
malaria and tuberculosis, while the so-called neglected tropical diseases are
poorly studied. A lot of published studies are also in the form of commen-
taries and essays, with very few data-driven studies. In the case of PVTGs,
even these are absent. A lot of material hence need to be drawn from techni-
cal reports, blogs, and case studies in the grey literature and very local and
poorly disseminated journals. Given these challenges, it is imperative that
a systematic comprehensive effort should be made to collect and provide
tribe-level disaggregated data on basic dimensions outlined in this report,
including health. One such initiative was the people’s assessment of health,
education, and livelihoods, that is, PAHELI household survey supported by
the UN Planning Commission Convergence Programme which attempted to
explore the rural community’s status on key human development indicators
and engage communities to understand the status of human development
(see Box 9). A similar exercise among tribal communities across the differ-
ent regions is recommended on the premise that it will be both empowering
and enlightening.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 127

Box 9: PAHELI 2011 Summary (ASER Centre, 2011)

PAHELI stands for people’s assessment of health, education, and

livelihoods. The PAHELI framework is built around four key human
development domains: Life and Livelihoods, Water and Sanitation,
Education and Literacy, Mother and Infant Health and Care. Based
on the Millennium Development Goals and on national priorities,
PAHELI is a household survey which looks at the provision of basic
services at the village level through key Central government social
schemes and the links of these services to households.
PAHELI aimed to create measures, methods, and mechanisms
to engage citizens and communities in understanding the status of
human development in their locality and gauging the effectiveness
of ­government-run programmes. By building capacities in communi-
ties, this approach may lead to a better identification of actions that
households can take to improve their situation as well as demands
that communities can make for better delivery of services at the local
level.
PAHELI also opens up the possibility of widespread participa-
tion of local people in collecting data that can be an integral part
of planning and implementation. The lessons learned in the pro-
cess of designing and executing PAHELI will be used to review and
refine the framework, design, tools methods, and analysis for future
rounds.

Some of the poorly researched themes include the various social determi-
nants of health, the role and way in which social determinants work against
tribal health and development, implementation research of reasons for fail-
ure of policies and programmes in tribal areas, research related to substance
abuse, mental health, adolescent, reproductive and sexual health, gender,
displacement, migration, and health-seeking behaviour among PVTGs.
Evaluation research and policy research are also scarce, particularly evalua-
tions that ask how or why a given policy/programme worked as opposed to
did it work (or not). Tribal health programmes and policies rarely invest in
systematic and scientific evaluation approaches to learn and improve their
implementation.
Ethical issues related to research on tribal health and within tribal commu-
nities is an important problem, along with the research methods employed
when working with such vulnerable communities (see Box 10). On the one
hand, there is the need to review research on tribal health carefully for the
application of high ethical standards; on the other hand, there is limited
128 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
training on this topic among researchers and a paucity of competent ethics
review committees that can oversee such research. Cultural and sociopoliti-
cal factors also are significant barriers to research on tribal health. In this
respect, a greater use of emancipatory research approaches that are finding
a place within the health policy and systems research community, such as
participatory action research, could be an important way of using research
as a tool for greater involvement, participation, and engagement of tribal
people.

Box 10: Indigenous Peoples and Participatory Health

Research (WHO, 2003)

WHO recognizes that special attention needs to be given to the ethical

aspects of research in a developing country context and that ethical
issues need to be addressed within the relevant national and social
context. The context will differ between developed and developing
countries, as well as among developing countries. The populations of
very poor developing countries are especially vulnerable to economic
exploitation by developed countries or outside organisations and cor-
porations, whose primary mission is not related to the health of the
people.
This is a particular concern in relation to genetic research.
A meaningful informed consent process is one way of protecting
against such exploitation (WHO, 2002). However, low educational
levels, or cultural or language barriers, may mean that special
care has to be taken to ensure that consent is truly informed, and
that individuals and groups thoroughly understand what is being
proposed and why. Field-testing of the informed consent process
may in some situations be indicated, and funding allocated for the
purpose.
This situation is further complicated by the lack, in many develop-
ing countries, of strong regulatory mechanisms, such as ethics review
boards or committees. An important priority for all developing coun-
tries is to develop the necessary regulatory structures to address both
the scientific and the ethical dimensions of research.

The controversy over the HPV vaccine trials in two states among tribal
communities in 2010 revealed the need for stronger regulatory mechanisms
especially when concerning research among vulnerable communities (see
Box 11).
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 129

Box 11: Rights Violation Found in HPV Vaccine

Studies (D.C. Sharma, 2013)

The Indian parliament’s Standing Committee on Health, which, in

April, 2010, began probing the use of HPV vaccines in two states after
the reported deaths of seven girls, has concluded that ‘safety and rights
of children were highly compromised and violated’. In view of the
report’s finding of violation of human rights and clinical trial rules, the
committee has recommended legal action against non-profit organi-
sation Programme for Appropriate Technology in Health (PATH),
which initiated the HPV project with the Indian Council of Medi-
cal Research (ICMR) in 2007, a year before marketing approval for
HPV vaccines was given in India. PATH and the ICMR, the committee
notes, did a full-scale clinical trial in vulnerable population groups,
such as tribal girls, without mandatory permission from the Drug
Controller General of India or the Indian National Technical Advisory
Group on Immunization (NTAGI). The trial’s purpose was to prepare
ground for inclusion of the HPV vaccine in the Universal Immuniza-
tion Programme (UIP). The report noted that ‘PATH resorted to an
element of subterfuge by calling the clinical trial as “observational
studies” or “demonstration project” ’. PATH, the committee reported,
was not even a registered legal entity when it began working with
the ICMR.
‘Not all studies of health topics (even when they involve humans and
licensed pharmaceuticals) are clinical trials. Yet we took all approved
steps to ensure that participants knew what the study was about and
that participation was voluntary’, said Vivien Davis Tsu, of PATH,
Seattle. Chandra M. Gulhati, editor of the Monthly Index of Medical
Specialties, New Delhi, said: ‘The fact that four out of five outcome
measures pertained to determination of adverse reactions makes it a
Phase IV clinical trial. In all such projects existing regulatory steps
including payment of compensation in case of injury or death must
be observed’. Amar Jesani, editor of the Indian Journal of Medical
Ethics, Mumbai, said: ‘For a vaccine claiming to be a candidate for
the UIP, the ICMR should have insisted on preliminary assessment
by NTAGI to see if it was immediately needed, affordable, and sus-
tainable for use in UIP’. Slamming state agencies, including the Drug
Controller General of India for dereliction of duty, the committee rec-
ommended further investigation into the PATH trial and marketing
approvals given for HPV vaccines.
130 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Cross-cutting Themes

1 Gender
The sex ratio in tribal communities is predominantly favourable across all
the Central Indian states, averaging 993 females per 1,000 males (956 in
total population) (see Table 3.18).
Tribal communities vary across the country in their general attitude
towards women. The relative position of women with respect to men is bet-
ter off in some tribal communities. However, a wide range of gender-related
practices ranging from extreme inequality to egalitarian practices may be
seen. In any case, progressive exposure and mainstreaming of previously
isolated tribal groups also brings with it disadvantages such as male pref-
erence among children. In some tribal groups, the social position of tribal
women is no different from the neighbouring non-tribal rural communi-
ties. In Rajasthan, which has the largest population of ST in the country
(over 12% of the state’s population), tribal people are concentrated in the
southern and western desert regions. The poor maternal health outcomes
among tribal women here is further adversely affected by the relatively poor
social position of women in their communities, thus often affecting their
health-seeking behaviour, decreasing ideal number of healthcare consul-
tations by these women, and requiring a localised and culturally adapted
implementation of health programmes in these areas. This situation of
tribal girls and women is generalisable to several other tribal communities
in other states, save for some of the island or forest-dwelling tribal com-
munities in North-East India, where the social position of women may be
better off.
The current focus on gender among tribal communities is very poor, out-
side of the discussion on positive sex ratio or reproductive and child health

Table 3.18 State-wise sex ratio as per Census 2011

States ST population Total population

Andhra Pradesh 1009 993

Chhattisgarh 1020 991
Gujarat 981 NA
Jharkhand 1003 948
Madhya Pradesh 984 931
Maharashtra 977 929
Odisha 1029 979
Rajasthan 948 928
Telangana 980 NA
West Bengal 999 950
Source: Annual Report 2016–2017, Ministry of Tribal Affairs.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 131
programmes. Gender-specific health initiatives focus mainly on pregnant
women, on motherhood (postnatal visits, promotion of breastfeeding), and
promotion of family planning services to eligible couples. The focus on gen-
der outside of pregnancy and fertility is narrow. The impact of social issues
like increasing alcoholism, migration for work, sexual harassment, and even
cultural practices like witchcraft are seldom studied in relation to women’s
health. Young tribal girls enter the reproductive age as victims of under-
nourishment and anaemia, and face greater health risks because of early
marriage, frequent pregnancies, unsafe deliveries, and sexually transmitted
diseases. Women’s low social status makes them more likely to seek treat-
ment only when the ailment is well-advanced. Societal attitudes towards
pregnancy, which is generally not considered a condition that requires
medical treatment, nourishment, or care, hinder efforts to deliver antenatal
services.
Sexual and gender-based violence among tribal communities is a signifi-
cant problem in this region yet least studied or dealt with. This includes
physical violence within households due to gender-related power imbal-
ances within families, as well as other societal conflicts, migration, and
marginalisation of entire communities resulting in physical (including sex-
ual), mental, and emotional trauma inflicted on tribal people. The physical
violence on married women within families is related to gender position
of women in tribal communities and varies from one region to another.
For reasons including economic deprivation, poor livelihood security, or
lack of ownership of their lands, tribal women are vulnerable to trafficking
to large cities for daily wages work. The women are particularly vulner-
able to these situations in view of their lack of exposure and poor nego-
tiation skills. It is estimated that thousands of minor tribal girls could be
subject to illegal trafficking from Jharkhand, West Bengal, Bihar, Chhat-
tisgarh, and Odisha according to various newspaper and media reports.
They end up in large cities like Delhi, Mumbai, or other metros, leading
lives of deprivation and under the mercy of large contractors. A significant
number eventually end up in commercial sex trade and are vulnerable to
a variety of physical and mental health problems, often due to a complex
web of reasons related to poor safeguards in their home states and lack of
healthcare, education, and judicial services to the unorganised sector and
the poor in large metros. Urban health services, especially in large cities,
are very poorly equipped to deal with women subject to sexual violence.
Very few large hospitals have procedures and protocols to cater to victims
of sexual violence. There are several instances in lay press of victims of
sexual violence being made to wait for hours on end without any concern
for their privacy, safety, and lack of competent counsellors who could help
these women grapple and cope with their physical, sexual, and psychologi-
cal trauma (Himabindu et al., 2014). At present, only a few states employ
special staff in large hospitals to help the poor and vulnerable to navigate
132 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
the often busy and impersonal style of operations in these hospitals. Urban
primary care services have very little outreach staff who could identify
and bring into the system the victims of sexual violence, especially tribal
women, and others from far-away areas with nobody to trust and seek
help from.
The problem of sexual violence is not only an issue of access to judicial
services but includes the building of a system where our health services are
able to respond quickly to the victims as well as help with their rehabilitation
over time. In conflict-prone areas which include large tribal belts in Central
India, there is a trust deficit between ‘services’ (any service including health
and education) in view of the constant exchange of allegations between
the community and the services. This makes it a particularly challenging
environment to operationalise community-based interventions and involve
tribal communities and offer grievance redressal. Several instances of sexual
violence are reported from conflict zones in the media. Apart from judicial
and legal mechanisms to investigate the human rights violations in these
areas, the health and social services need to put in place a more responsive
system to cater to the victims, as well as provide psychosocial rehabilitation.
At present, health services in tribal areas are not equipped with such skills;
neither is there the necessary knowledge on sociocultural situation of the
tribal people, nor the financial or human resources to offer these services.
For example, schools, hostels, and other educational institutions established
to provide education in tribal areas need to invest in building up a system
to allow local health workers to help deal with various adolescent health
problems as well as identify any early instances of sexual violence or exploi-
tation, if any. Another pattern is the exploitation of women when they try
to access a service; we came across newspaper reports of sexual exploitation
of tribal women by officials in course of availing schemes. There could be
several social and cultural barriers to reporting these to the police, but the
health workers and services ought to be able to respond to the immediate
physical and mental health needs of such women. Several instances of such
violence and sex ‘rackets’ in schools, hostels, and offices (including govern-
ment offices) are testimony to the need for tribal health services to invest
in counsellors, tribal ASHAs, and other health workers trained in being
sensitive to this problem (Chhattisgarh: Tribal girls reveal tales of violence,
sexual abuse, 2013; 11 minor tribal girls in AP hostel allege sexual abuse
by tutor, 2014).
Tribal women also face domestic violence in some regions (Bhasin, 2007).
Adverse gender relationships within tribal homes have several implications
for decision-making, sexual health, and reproductive rights of tribal women.
Some tribal societies are not comfortable with the idea of managing fertil-
ity by women. In some tribal communities, women’s reproductive health
consequences are contingent upon gender inequality and lack of power and
resources (Bhasin, 2007). This applies to the use of several reproductive
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 133
health services, including treatment for reproductive tract infections or sex-
ually transmitted illnesses that require male participation in the consulta-
tion, HIV/AIDS screening and consent procedures, choice of contraceptive
method (e.g. insisting on condom use by male partner), seeking timely abor-
tion services, etc. (Bhasin, 2007).

2 Traditional Health Practices

A recent report on the state of the world’s indigenous peoples notes the
contribution of tribal people to humanity’s cultural diversity, enriching it
with more than two-thirds of its languages and an extraordinary amount
of its traditional knowledge. A large part of tribal traditional knowledge
deals with the promotion of health and local systems of medicine and
healing. Tribal societies have nurtured a system of healing practices using
medicinal herbs and other locally available natural ingredients and ritu-
als, addressing both mind and body. These traditional beliefs and methods
are different from the modern scientific world view and emerge from their
living in forests with higher biodiversity than rural or urban areas. This
belief and healing system has a strong influence on the health practices and
health-seeking behaviour and choices of tribal people (Xaxa et al., 2014).
Studying traditional health practices and herbal remedies within tribal com-
munities worldwide has indeed isolated several pharmacologically active
chemicals.
Traditional health systems provide a way of understanding and explain-
ing the nature of health, the cause of illness, and the remedies, various
curing techniques. They also reflect how tribal societies deal with sickness
and maintenance of health. Various beneficial practices have been reported
in literature. Household remedies, practices, and herbal formulations for
fever, common headache, dental caries, and hepatitis are a few examples.
Traditional health practices are also described for antenatal and postnatal
care, infertility, menstrual problems, and sexual health problems. Most of
these practices could work for most of these conditions wherein there are no
complications. However, their application in more severe conditions such
as respiratory and gastrointestinal infections among children and elderly,
abortion, prolapse, diabetes, hypertension, and severe mental health prob-
lems pose problems. Others are clearly harmful for any condition; witch-
craft and casting out demons/spirits are some examples. The traditional
healer in some settings is a major health worker for the treatment of all
types of ailments. He is consulted first for any kind of health issue in the
community. Their local credibility, social status, availability and personal
interactions with people, acceptance of payments in kind, and a deeper
engagement into tribal families and histories contribute to their popularity
and their care being perceived as being more people-centred than that of the
modern health services.
134 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

Box 12: Aadi Aushadhi, a Unique Social Enterprise

(Kujur, 2013)

In Gujarat, detailed studies of the Vasava ethno-medicinal wisdom led

to the documentation of over 250 plant species of ethno-­medicinal
significance belonging to over 75 families. This resulted in several
additions to the current knowledge of the flora of Gujarat. Unwilling
to stop with a mere academic exercise . . . a subsequent project titled
People-forest-laboratory linkages for conservation of ethno-medicinal
biodiversity leveraged on the above academic contribution seeking to
open up local economic opportunities. This led to Aadi Aushadhi, a
social enterprise that evolved through a sustained process of empow-
erment, education, and entrepreneurship.
The Aadi Aushadhi members have graduated to organise themselves
as a group of producers and marketers and engaged in mass culti-
vation of medicinal plants, on individual farms. By enhancing agro-
nomical techniques for sustainable agriculture of medicinal plants and
by putting in place community-level systems for soil and water con-
servation, switching from single- to multi-cropping, they registered
an increase in yield, which served to reduce migration and provide
educational and health benefits for the family. The Adivasis currently
function through three self-help groups, whose members have begun
medicinal plant cultivation in their individual lands. They run an office
and a processing unit at Dediapada. With capacity-building training
for innovation in product-making, in communication, and in market-
ing, Aadi Aushadhi has been able to create a visibility of their brand.
The direct beneficiaries: 52 members, 450 people. The indirect benefi-
ciaries: 22 villages.

Notwithstanding the rich traditional health practices in several communi-

ties, there are also some dangerous and deep-rooted cultural practices that
adversely affect health and well-being of tribal people. Some of these, like
witchcraft, are remnants of ancient rituals that specifically target women.
The exact incidence and distribution of such practices is not well-studied.
Women are branded as witches and ‘hunted down’ and physically or men-
tally abused/tortured or in some instances, even killed according to various
newspaper and media reports; the practice survives largely outside of the
legal framework. It could be prevalent among several tribal communities,
but only a few states (Jharkhand and Bihar) have implemented legislation to
ban witch-hunting. Often, the practice of hunting down ‘witches’ is of inter-
est within health because, several health problems such as chronic illnesses,
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 135
catastrophic life events like sudden deaths, or more often mental health
problems related to stress, depression, or psychotic episodes are often attrib-
uted to being caused by a ‘witch’, who is then targeted or abused. However,
it must be noted that these adverse cultural practices are not limited to tribal
communities and are most often a feature of non-tribal communities in the
same region signalling a wider cultural concern to be tackled.

3 Other Social Determinants of Health

As discussed in the introductory section and in various other topics, social
determinants of health contribute to the comparatively poorer health and
development indicators in several tribal communities in India. Social deter-
minants of tribal health cut across and explain the observed gaps in access,
utilization, and implementation of routine health policies and programmes,
as well as the failure of various special and affirmative action-oriented poli-
cies. Social determinants of tribal health include various social-political,
economic, and cultural factors that contribute to the continuing exclusion
of tribal people from participating effectively within the wider health and
development efforts (including but not limited to government policies and
programmes).
Geographical isolation and living far away from cities and towns is an
important reason for the delay and suboptimal implementation of services.
However, tribal communities are also victims of (often) well-­intentioned
‘development’ or wildlife conservation efforts and projects (Ministry
of Tribal Affairs, 2006) Such projects, be they in relation to developing
national infrastructure in the form of dams, highways, mining, and indus-
try, or setting aside biodiversity-rich habitats for the protection of flora and
fauna, the relative poor political organisation across tribal communities lim-
its their ability to negotiate with the administration in their own interest.
While there is the larger issue of rights and entitlements in the process of
building national infrastructure or wildlife conservation, tribal health and
development concerns often get sidestepped either by accident or because
of poor claiming of the available negotiation spaces by tribal communities.
This also significantly impacts their health status and health-seeking behav-
iour and enhances their isolation (Sachdev, 2012; Sri and Khanna, 2014;
Subramanian et al., 2006).
Among the various socio-political factors that affect tribal health are
migration, displacement, and armed conflict. Deforestation, large-scale
development projects, and sudden implementation of legal instruments
regulating or restricting access to forests or forest produce have contrib-
uted to migration and displacement, disrupting traditional and social pro-
cesses that held tribal communities together (The Energy and Resources
Institute, 2013; Sridharan and Anil, 2010). Closely related to the problem
of displacement and migration is the issue of trafficking, which affects the
136 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Table 3.19 Literacy rates of ST and total population across the states as per Census
2011

States Persons Female Male

All ST All ST All ST

Andhra Pradesh 67.4 48.8 60 40.9 74.8 56.9

Chhattisgarh 70.3 59.1 60.2 48.8 80.3 69.7
Gujarat 78 62.5 69.7 53.2 85.8 71.7
Jharkhand 66.4 57.1 55.4 46.2 76.8 68.2
Madhya Pradesh 69.3 50.6 59.2 41.5 78.7 59.6
Maharashtra 82.3 65.7 75.9 57 88.4 74.3
Odisha 72.9 52.2 64 41.2 81.6 63.7
Rajasthan 66.1 52.8 52.1 37.3 79.2 67.6
Telangana 66.5 49.5 57.9 39.4 75 59.5
West Bengal 76.3 57.9 70.5 47.7 81.7 68.2
Source: Census, 2011

most vulnerable among tribal people, young girls, and children. Beyond
the issue of the violation of their rights and entitlements, it also contributes
to poor coverage in health programmes, such as vaccination and disease
control, and disrupts the setting up of disease surveillance structures. The
high-level committee on socio-economic, health, and educational status
of tribal communities of India identified three important constraints that
perpetuate poverty among migrants in the Indian situation, namely poor
education, discrimination, and a hostile policy environment. These are all
central to the achievement of better health too. In addition, migration and
displacement contribute to family and social disorganisation, erosion of
traditional knowledge systems, harsh and unhygienic living conditions at
work sites, and physical and sexual violence in the case of female domestic
workers.
Even in 2011, tribal literacy rates of tribal people are the lowest among the
various population groups within these states. While the gap is reducing over
the decades, it remains significant and when viewed between genders, the female
literacy rate is still below 50% in most states in this decade (see Table 3.19).
Nearly 80–90% of households report a monthly income less than ₹ 5,000
(see Table 3.20).
Moving to livelihood, cultivation and manual labour appear to be the
main sources of household income across the states for nearly 90% of the
households, with manual labour accounting for the main source in half to
two-third households (see Table 3.21). Uptake of household industries con-
tinues to be the lowest among tribal people at 2% or less. Only 3–9% of
households across the states have a salaried job mainly in public sector or
government.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 137
Table 3.20 Income slabs of ST households across the states

States Total Households with monthly income of highest

ST households earning member (%)
<₹ 5,000 ₹ 5,000–10,000 >₹ 10,000

Andhra Pradesh 5,62,239 86.8 10.2 2.8

Chhattisgarh 16,72,400 93.3 4.2 2.4
Gujarat 14,84,326 83.2 12.5 4.3
Jharkhand 14,68,637 80.7 14.1 5.1
Madhya Pradesh 28,54,944 92.7 5.4 1.9
Maharashtra 18,61,647 87.3 8.4 4.2
Odisha 20,73,079 95.7 2.7 1.6
Rajasthan 17,99,449 87.4 7.3 5.2
Telangana 6,50,414 81.0 14.6 4.3
West Bengal 11,35,907 93.1 3.6 3.3
Source: SECC, Ministry of Rural Development, 2011.

Table 3.21 Main sources of household income for ST households

States Total % of Households with income source (%)

ST households
included

Cultivation Manual Part- or Non- Others

casual full-time agricultural
labour domestic own
service enterprise

Andhra 5,62,239 29.9 59.5 1.3 0.5 8.6

Pradesh
Chhattisgarh 16,72,400 52.0 42.6 1.2 0.1 4.1
Gujarat 14,84,326 45.7 46.2 1.1 1.3 5.7
Jharkhand 14,68,637 42.6 44.7 4.1 0.7 7.9
Madhya 28,54,944 31.9 63.6 1.0 0.1 3.3
Pradesh
Maharashtra 18,61,647 26.2 64.6 1.1 0.5 7.5
Odisha 20,73,079 29.2 63.0 1.6 0.5 5.7
Rajasthan 17,99,449 47.1 44.8 2.3 0.3 5.4
Telangana 6,50,414 36.2 48.2 1.4 2.2 11.8
West Bengal 11,35,907 16.0 71.7 1.5 0.5 10.2
Source: SECC, Ministry of Rural Development, 2011.

Literacy rate, employment, and livelihood security (secure land tenure

and rights over land) have a significant effect on the ability to access and
utilise health services, especially in the Indian health system setting where
rural Indians face significant out-of-pocket expenditure even for outpatient
services and drugs (see Box 13).
138 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

Box 13: Extract from the Godda Report on Maternal

Health and Nutrition in Tribal Areas of Jharkhand
(NAMHHR and Torang Trust, 2014)

NAMHHR carried out this Fact-finding mission after a paper was

published in Economic and Political Weekly (EPW) (Stairway to
Death: Maternal Mortality beyond numbers, Banerjee et al, Aug 3, Vol
XLVIII no. 31, 2013) that examined 23 maternal deaths occurring in
one year among young, poor women mostly from tribal communities
(including PVTG) in two blocks of Godda District (Jharkhand). The
objective was to develop an understanding of the situation of maternal
health and related determinants such as nutrition, explore issues of
service provisioning and suggest alternate strategies to improve health
and nutrition services in the area.
The secondary data already indicates that the ‘one-size fits all’ tem-
plate approach to maternal health will not work in this area: in Godda
district, it is clear that childbirth at home is 75.2 percent which is
three times the rate of institutional delivery (24.4 percent). Yet the
government has ignored the safety of these women, and put their lives
at jeopardy by not putting in place a plan for safe home births with
effective referral linkages in case of complications. Moreover, within
the Sundarpahari Block with 79 percent tribal population, there is a
high proportion of primitive tribes like the Pahariyas, and the situa-
tion is exacerbated by low literacy (27 percent) and poor communica-
tions. There is poor convergence between departments towards saving
the lives of the women of these PVTGs, leading to avoidable maternal
deaths. Their traditional food patterns linked to the forests and the
robust practice of mixed organic farming has been disturbed by the
introduction of PDS grains, and the reluctance of the forest and agri-
culture departments. Iron-rich foods growing in the area have been
ignored and women have been asked to take tablets during pregnancy
which is alien to tribal culture.
Their local knowledge of herbal medicines and traditional birth-
ing practices have been ignored and eroded by the intrusion of an
exclusively allopathic health system that wants them to come to hospi-
tals where no one speaks their language. Most of them have not been
through school, and wide communication gaps persist. While roads
lead up to the new factory being set up by a large industrial group,
there are no roads for the villages of the PVTGs who prefer to live
amidst the forests and hills.
Different tribal areas and their health problems need to be seri-
ously studied both within Jharkhand and other areas of Tribal com-
munities. The PVTGs or particularly vulnerable tribal groups require
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 139

anthropological studies to understand the underlying reasons: what

are acceptable health practices for different tribal groups from the
government system and what good health practices exist within their
own tribal health systems, which they would like to retain. In addi-
tion, there should be investigation into their nutritional status, as well
as study of local food and agriculture practices. Given the geographi-
cal situation of Godda district, it is difficult for health services to reach
communities located deep in the forests. As a result, we observed
tribal villages where women have never received antenatal care, have
no information about JSY or JSSK, and all of them have had home
birth with some near-miss and maternal deaths; in PVTG villages the
ANM has never come, and none of the children were immunized.

As per the recent census, other important social determinants include

access to drinking water, sanitation, and fuel. Largely due to government
relocation and housing schemes, 90% and more ST households own their
houses (Ministry of Rural Development, 2011). However, very few tribal
households have access to improved source of drinking water and sanita-
tion. Taking the example of sanitation alone, access to sanitary latrines is
dismally poor among ST households when compared to other households
especially in states like Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan. High
rates of open defecation are found across the states, again much higher
among ST households (see Table 3.22).

Table 3.22 Households with latrine facility within premises and practising open
defecation

States Number of households Latrine within Open defecation

premises (percentage)
(percentage)
ST Non-ST ST Non-ST ST Non-ST
Andhra 7,19,312 1,18,84,560 19.1 49.4 78.1 47.2
Pradesh
Chhattisgarh 17,47,575 38,75,275 14.8 29.0 84.6 69.2
Gujarat 18,37,844 1,03,43,874 24.3 63.2 73.5 34.5
Jharkhand 17,18,359 44,63,248 8.3 27.3 90.8 71.7
Madhya 32,13,683 1,17,53,914 8.5 34.4 90.9 64.3
Pradesh
Maharashtra 24,45,645 2,13,84,935 30.1 55.7 59.7 31.1
Odisha 22,40,142 74,20,943 7.1 26.5 91.6 72.1
Rajasthan 18,36,014 1,07,45,289 7.9 39.6 91.7 59.6
Telangana 8,40,723 75,79,939 19.9 56.0 78.0 42.9
West Bengal 12,73,423 1,87,93,876 24.4 61.1 73.2 36.3
Source: Census, 2011.
140 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Table 3.23 Main source of lighting in ST and other households

States Number of households Electricity Kerosene Solar energy

(percentage) (percentage) (percentage)
ST Non-ST ST Non-ST ST Non-ST ST Non-ST
Andhra 7,19,312 1,18,84,560 73.1 93.2 25.3 6.0 0.4 0.2
Pradesh
Chhattisgarh 17,47,575 38,75,275 56.8 83.6 40.1 15.6 2.2 0.3
Gujarat 18,37,844 1,03,43,874 80.0 92.2 17.6 6.4 0.4 0.0
Jharkhand 17,18,359 44,63,248 29.3 52.2 68.9 47.0 1.4 0.4
Madhya 32,13,683 1,17,53,914 54.0 70.7 44.6 28.7 0.6 0.2
Pradesh
Maharashtra 24,45,645 2,13,84,935 59.8 86.7 36.2 12.0 1.2 0.1
Odisha 22,40,142 74,20,943 15.6 51.3 82.3 47.1 0.6 0.3
Rajasthan 18,36,014 1,07,45,289 39.7 71.7 57.7 26.3 0.9 0.5
Telangana 8,40,723 75,79,939 86.0 93.0 12.1 6.0 0.4 0.3
West Bengal 12,73,423 1,87,93,876 31.7 56.0 66.2 42.0 1.1 1.2
Source: Census, 2011.

Access to electricity is nearly half for ST households when compared to

others barring in states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, and Telangana, while
in many states a third or less households have access. Kerosene is a sig-
nificant source of lighting, while solar energy is yet to come in as a key
source (see Table 3.23). In the case of fuel, there is a double burden on tribal
women, who bear the brunt of several cross-cutting social determinants.

4 Role of NGOs
Nearly every tribal specific report or study states the role of one or many
NGOs in working towards health of local tribal communities. In many of
the Central states, there are numerous examples of NGOs taking up a par-
ticular domain of work like health and targeting a particular tribal com-
munity to work with. These NGOs often select a service-based model or
community-based model approach to target improvement in health and
development in the local communities with varying results.
Given their local area or community of focus, the NGOs often dis-
play significant understanding of local sociocultural beliefs and practices,
thereby innovatively adapting existing services to ensure better utilisation
of services. Given the customised adaptation of health services/schemes,
these models are not easily scaled up with similar impact. Numerous good
practices can be found from micro- to macro-levels of the work of such
NGOs offering outsourcing of various services to them as a valid option.
The home-based neonatal care model of SEARCH (mentioned earlier) is a
clear example of this. The key factors that this approach highlighted was
the need to understand the local context and the community, to think out-
of-the-box for locally available, acceptable, and yet cost-effective solutions,
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 141
and the need for long-term research to study how and why interventions
work in a given community.
While modest government grants are available more often from the centre
than the state to support part of the work at these institutions, most of the
funding is derived from private donors both local and international to sup-
port the development work. Some projects initiated by such organisations
have received acclaim, while few have gone on to be scaled up by the state
in all tribal areas. There is a simultaneous need for strong monitoring and
evaluation systems to ensure continuous and consistent delivery of appro-
priate services to the tribal community.

Recommendations: Strengthening Tribal Health

in Central India
In this section, recommendations are presented, organised according to
the building blocks of the health system and the cross-cutting themes that
emerged from the analysis of the previous section.

Governance
1 Shift from national to local tribal health focus: Health indicators of
tribal communities are lagging. There needs to be an explicit commit-
ment by state health departments as well as district governments to focus
on tribal health, either like national programme where guided by centre
and adapted by state or each state to carve out its plan and include in
NHM and other national initiatives. The initial NHM framework did
not mention any focus on tribal communities, but the recent framework
(2012–2017) does call for some focus on tribal communities and areas
affected by left-wing extremists. Most recommendations though club
tribal communities with other ‘vulnerable’ communities and thereby do
not acknowledge the distinct sociocultural characteristics of these com-
munities. A more explicit focus is warranted in all policies.4
2 State-level tribal health cells/task forces to steer state-specific tribal
health programmes: States need to develop state-specific strategies to
improve implementation and evaluation of services and programmes
from health promotion to service delivery for tribal communities in the
state, and grievance redressal.
3 Strengthen tribal people’s representation and participation through
community planning and monitoring: This is crucial across departments
and includes strategies like ensuring tribal people’s representation in all
community health committees at all levels from village to district health
society, and participation in state and national tribal health cells/task
forces mentioned earlier. There is an urgent and important need for
accountability and trust-building measures between the community and
the formal health system.
142 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
4 District-level tribal health/development forum: At the district level, a
comprehensive multi-stakeholder forum with district health society
members, local NGOs, representatives of all tribal communities, social
welfare department, forest department, women and child department to
come together quarterly to review and deliberate over tribal area–spe-
cific issues.
5 Convergence and intersectoral coordination for tribal health: At state
level, different directorates need to come together to actively work
together, including the forest department. Given the influence of social
determinants on tribal health, it is crucial that different departments
recognise the need to come together in order to help improve tribal
health status.
6 Adapt or customise health programmes in tribal areas: As explained
earlier in this chapter, customisation of health programmes/schemes is
needed taking into consideration the local socio-political context and
the health status profile of the local tribal communities. In the recent
NHM framework, all districts affected by left-wing extremism are
identified as special focus districts and are allocated higher per capita
funding, focused monitoring and supervision, technical support, and
are encouraged to customise their programmes according to the local
context.
7 Scale-up positive lessons from governance models in tribal areas of
other states: Given different models of governance like ITDA model in
Andhra Pradesh, pilot these in other districts as well, and evaluate their
influence on improving governance in the district health system.
8 Improve routine data quality for disaggregated tribal health data for
better district and state tribal health monitoring: Disaggregated data can
help inform planning and decision-making at all levels from knowing the
situation on ground to implementing informed customised programmes.
9 Improve supervision and monitoring of scheme/programme implemen-
tation for tribal communities: This is needed at all levels to assess the
actual situation on ground and ensure that services reach tribal commu-
nities. Grievance redressal mechanisms need to be brought into place to
tackle challenges like corruption and poor quality of services.

Health Financing
1 Improve allocation to tribal health: A higher allocation for tribal health
is needed to tackle ongoing health inequities despite smaller numbers.
Current allocation and utilisation of schemes should be analysed in
district- and state-level reviews. Within the national health mission, a
separate allocation must be made for health centres catering to tribal
people, and health promotion for these communities. Even within a
state, higher allocation maybe needed for certain tribal communities
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 143
especially PVTGs, so an equitable financial plan is called for at the dif-
ferent levels.
2 Call for comprehensive studies on financial management of health
services in tribal areas, state-wise allocation, and utilisation of tribal
specific initiatives, including tribal subplans in relation to health, and
out-of-pocket expenditure.
3 Higher funding for research and service delivery in tribal areas should
be channelled by the government via its different ministries. This can
be done by directly putting out calls for the same or by partnering with
local NGOs and academic universities.

Human Resources for Health

1 Reform and strengthen guidelines and norms related to ASHAs, com-
munity health workers, and other health staff in tribal areas and encour-
age community involvement.5 Some strategies proposed are as follows:

• Relax ASHA and other health worker norms to resolve geo-

graphical access issues in tribal areas. For remote or difficult-
to-access villages, consider appointing an ASHA in each
village (hamlet/habitation) based on need and distance.
• Recruit a male counterpart of ASHA to help accompany
patients to health centres/hospitals – a challenge for a female
volunteer given the challenges in access in hilly and forested
areas.
• Build linkages between health workers and traditional dais to
bring in their cooperation; consider training traditional dais
as ASHAs.
• Appoint tribal counsellors at PHC and public hospitals
(block/district) to facilitate utilisation by tribal patients
at these health centres, and help navigate intra- and inter-­
hospital referrals (latter is already in place in Tamil Nadu).
• Strengthen community-based pharmacies with trained local
people (ASHA or male counterpart) to stock and dispense
essential medicines.
• In remote or difficult to access areas, upgrade sub-centres to
accommodate a team rather than a single health worker, and
thereby allow it to cater to more services than a regular sub-
centre (two ANMs recruited in such sub-centres, or convert
sub-centre to daughter PHCs with a lab technician, pharma-
cist, and AYUSH doctor as possible).
• Appoint local drivers from the tribal community for
ambulances.
144 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
2 Build capacity and sensitise health workers to challenges faced by local
tribal communities, sociocultural characteristics of local tribal commu-
nities, local environmental health and genetic disease management if
any, and traditional health practices like alternate birthing positions.
Sensitisation of health workers is crucial to ensure better understanding
of relevant health issues, better preparedness, and sensitive behaviour.
3 Prioritise human resource placement and retention in tribal areas in a
given district or state through counselling and incentivization.6
4 Explore flexible recruitment and contracting strategies for tribal areas –
consider better incentives, shorter duration of posting, and flexible
timings.
5 Build representation of tribal people within the health workforce. While
this is done to some extent with respect to the volunteers, efforts should
be put at the district levels to recruit female and male health workers from
within the tribal community itself. This will help overcome sociocultural
barriers and issues of low motivation and absenteeism, and help bridge
relationship between the tribal community and the local health centres.
The NHM has in its recent framework emphasised on establishing train-
ing centres for ANMs in tribal blocks to help form a district-level cadre
of ANMs and GNMs, with a district-level recruitment to ensure that the
ANM/GNM largely belong to the local tribal communities.
6 Explore flexible and bridge para-medical courses for tribal areas to help
fill large gaps. The recent NHM framework encourages development
of bridge courses to encourage ASHAs to become ANMs, ANMs to
become trained nurses, and nurses to become nurse practitioners. Some
strategies proposed are as follows:

• Flexible courses like bachelors in rural medicine, nurse practi-

tioners, and pharmacist educators.
• Involve professional associations and link these health work-
ers to existing professional education to allow for career
growth through bridge courses.
• Develop local traditional knowledge domain into structured
courses like traditional health studies, and encourage local
youth to take on this role.
• Encourage sponsorship or scholarship for studying medicine
or allied health sciences with a compulsory work period post
studies for three to five years. This will allow rotation of staff
in regular cycles and ensure that gaps do not exist.

Access to Essential Medicines

NHM calls for provision of free drugs, diagnostics, diet for in-patients,
cashless transport systems for patients to health services, free transport for
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 145
emergencies, and removal of user fees. It explains that these are the basic
requirements to reducing the financial barrier from accessing health services.

1 Minimise out-of-pocket expenditure for tribal patients by establishing

generic medicine stores with essential medicines outside government
hospitals.
2 Encourage pluralistic health systems in tribal areas; ensure medicines
availability in all systems of medicine.
3 Provide additional standard treatment guidelines for managing environ-
mental health and genetic diseases, and accordingly ensure that local
health centres are equipped for managing these conditions.
4 Develop focused drug policy for PVTGs on islands and specific tribes.
5 Monitor antimicrobial and other drug resistance and/or toxicity in
tribal areas, especially for malaria, tuberculosis, and HIV/AIDS in areas
with high prevalence.

Health Services Delivery

1 Strengthen and locally adapt health promotion strategies: Health pro-
motion should be a priority and health education material should be
developed in local dialects and be relevant to the local culture by involv-
ing social scientists and local NGOs.
2 Encourage a pluralistic health system by integrating traditional health
practices as possible: Traditional health practices should be documented
and integrated into health promotion strategies, and health services.
NHM even calls for strengthening existing Indian systems of medicine
and of including tribal medicinal practices in its programmes.
3 Flexible health service organisation: Different strategies proposed from
the multi-stakeholder consultations and the health system analysis are
shared herein.

• Upgrade sub-centres in difficult-to-access or remote areas to

daughter PHCs.
• Partner with local NGOs to fill gaps in health services as
needed from sub-centre level, capacity-building responsibil-
ity, and service delivery.
• Flexible norms for health centres not just based on popula-
tion size but also on distance and difficulty to access.
• Telemedicine to provide consultation in areas with HR
shortages.
• To overcome problems with access and transport, select
locally suitable vehicle type for ambulance in hilly and for-
ested areas. Innovative strategies like bike ambulances and
hiring local vehicles to be considered.
146 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

• Fully equipped 108 ambulances should be stationed at key

points identified based on access routes of a suitable vehicle
type to allow full reach of services.

4 Identify high-risk areas or groups in a district based on key health indi-

cators, and focus additional efforts in these areas.7
5 Consider district/state-level helpline where information about public
services and schemes is available and can be accessed, and minor queries
addressed.
6 Health problems–specific recommendations are shared herein:

a. Prioritise safe deliveries rather than institutional deliveries in tribal

areas: It is imperative to reinforce the message that safe deliveries
should be prioritised and not necessarily institutional deliveries.

• The district health office should develop phased plans to

gradually shift to institutional safe deliveries in the com-
ing decade.
• This will involve training of skilled birth attendants and
provisions of required delivery kits to ensure safe home
deliveries on the one hand and preparing to equip local
health centres and staff towards becoming safe delivery
points on the other.
• Include an additional module of training for SBA in
NHM for delivering in alternate birthing positions and
other relevant traditional practices.
• Delivery hut model to be considered in remote or diffi-
cult-to-access areas.
• For people living in remote areas, arrangements for liv-
ing near the PHC (and higher hospitals) around the time
of delivery (transit accommodation) need to be estab-
lished. This is best done by partnering with local NGOs
that work with these tribal communities.
• Identify high-risk areas based on poor maternal health
service coverage and focus additional efforts to reach ser-
vices there.
• Conduct maternal and infant death audits compulsorily
for all maternal and child deaths in tribal communities
while acknowledging the concerns of the community.
• In case of institutional delivery, allow a birth compan-
ion to accompany the mother as is the case in tradi-
tional practice and to make her feel more comfortable.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 147
b. Implement a comprehensive need-based family welfare programme
in tribal areas – moving away from camp-based approaches to
­family-centred need-based approach.
c. Implement a multipronged strategy to combat malnutrition and
nutrition-related disorders, and coordinate with different depart-
ments to implement it.

• Relook at the existing anganwadi model to cater to nutri-

tion requirements of tribal children. Consider expanding
services to children 6 months onwards itself, and also
include children or adults identified with malnutrition or
any nutrition-related disorder.
• Upgrade some anganwadis to nutrition rehabilitation
centres in areas with high prevalence of malnutrition/
anaemia, or in difficult-to-access areas.
• Build capacity of anganwadi worker to also provide
nutrition counselling for adults and parents of mal-
nourished children.
• Introduce nutrition in school curriculum from primary
school onwards. Given many of these schools are resi-
dential schools, consider introducing kitchen gardening,
poultry, and dairy keeping in school teaching.
• Strengthen care and support for severe acute malnour-
ished children with a network of functional nutritional
rehabilitation centres.
• Call for research on local diet practices – high-calorie/high-
protein meals by NIN or nearby dietary or medical
colleges to help prepare recipes with locally available
produce.
• Support kitchen gardens and favourable nutrition prac-
tices in the community through village councils and self-
help groups.
• Apart from existing subsidised cereals in ration shops,
include locally available millets, green leafy vegetables,
milk, and eggs to ensure adequate proteins and vitamin
supplements.
• Call for research on profiling anaemias and other nutri-
tion-related disorders in tribal communities, and based
on finding, organise for management of the same by local
health centres.

d. Strengthen communicable disease control in tribal areas, especially

malaria but also several other neglected diseases.
148 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

• Form multi-stakeholder teams to prepare for and combat

communicable disease outbreaks, including roads, forest,
panchayat, etc.
• Equip and prepare local secondary and tertiary health cen-
tres to manage complications and emergencies if any.
• Link government health centres in tribal areas to medi-
cal colleges to supplement monitoring of communicable
diseases and outbreak investigation.
• Strengthen disease surveillance for communicable dis-
eases in tribal areas and identify high-risk areas for each
communicable disease with close monitoring.
• Call for documentation and study of local innovations
in different tribal areas by different stakeholders and
develop a pool of innovations from which state players
can select and adapt strategies.
• Promote management of communicable diseases using
physical, biological, and environmental methods, and avoid
dependence on chemical methods to avoid resistance.

e. Improve understanding of chronic diseases’ profile, and epidemiol-

ogy in tribal communities. Call for studies on hypertension, cancer,
and substance abuse in tribal areas.
f. Monitor substance abuse and implement control programmes
in tribal communities with history of high burden. Promote
­community-based de-addiction strategies that examine regulatory
policies, health promotion, and improve network and access to de-
addiction services depending on local patterns of substance abuse.
g. Build local health system capacity to identify and manage animal
and accident-related injuries. Build local health centre capacity
and infrastructure to manage first-aid and triage of such cases, and
appropriate referral for the same. Health department will need to
prepare guidelines for first-aid and triage for such injuries.
h. Improve one-health integrated surveillance of human-wildlife-
domesticated animal transmission of zoonosis by setting up pilot
one-health surveillance sites in forest areas.
i. Plan and implement haemoglobinopathy control programme in
districts with tribal communities affected by a certain haemoglobi-
nopathy like sickle cell anaemia and thalassemia. Borrowing from
the Gujarat sickle cell control programme, plan and implement a
comprehensive strategy to control the condition. including screen-
ing, counselling, and management of the condition among the com-
munity, but also to build capacity of local health centres to prevent
and manage these conditions. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs has ini-
tiated a systematic screening programme for sickle cell anaemia, but
details are yet to be available to understand its full plan and scope.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 149
Health Information (Data and Research)
1 Need to capture disaggregated data for ST population – tribal focus in
all policies a must. In all health-related information systems and other
programmes related to tribal communities’ development, tribal and
PVTG status must be included as a key social characteristic. This is one
of the most important recommendations as it allows not only to get an
accurate picture of health status but also informs planning and monitor-
ing of services for the tribal communities.
2 Map tribal settlements and local health centres in each district (in a
state) based on key health indicators to help identify high-risk areas
based on different criteria from poor utilisation of specific services to
difficulties in physical access. This will help streamline efforts to plan
additional efforts to help facilitate reach of health services.
3 Notify or establish Central agency to collate and map out all existing
work on tribal health and development. Maintain a central repository
of tribal health data with systematic compilation and review of tribal-
focused schemes/programmes across states and at Central level. This
repository could be housed in Ministry of Tribal Affairs or Health and
Family Welfare and be maintained state-wise but also according to
tribal community.
4 Link tribal communities in each district/state with local medical and
allied health science universities to ensure systematic documentation
and study of socio-economic profile, health problems profile, and tradi-
tional health practices of the tribal community. These universities could
act as nodal institutions for research and action on tribal health in the
fields of medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, public health, social work, and
related fields.
5 Improve data collection from routine vital events registration, cancer
registries, and implement registries for haemoglobinopathies.
6 Develop a comprehensive list of important and relevant themes for
research, and systematically organise calls for research through different
institutions/departments. Few areas identified in this chapter are listed
herein:

• For malnutrition, study locally available nutritious foods and

high-protein or high-calorie meal preparations.
• For anaemia and specific nutritional deficiencies, study profile
of anaemia and other micronutrient deficiencies, and study
local preparations to help overcome these nutrient deficiencies.
• Documentation and study of local traditional health
practices.
• Gender-focused studies related to their access to health ser-
vices, intimate partner violence, sexual violence, and partici-
pation in health workforce.
150 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri

• Documentation and study of local innovations in different

tribal areas by government/NGOs/community across the dif-
ferent states, and thereby develop a pool of innovations from
which state players can select and adapt strategies.
• Mapping and analysis of tribal-focused schemes and their
evaluation on a whole.
• Health education of tribal communities – propose innova-
tive methods, appropriate method identification, and develop
locally relevant material.
• Monitoring of disease trends over time to better predict and
control outbreaks of communicable diseases.

7 Encourage research that is comprehensive, locally relevant, participa-

tory in nature, and guided by ethical frameworks. Few key points to
consider are listed herein:

• Long-term cohorts need to be set up to monitor trends among

tribal community in relation to changing lifestyle, diet and
nutrition, environment-related like relocation and mining, etc.
• Literature reveals that only few geographical areas, tribal
communities, and disease conditions are usually focused on
in detail. There are gaps in terms of themes, tribal communi-
ties, and areas. There is hence a need for systematic mapping
of research available to identify the gaps, and then govern-
ment needs to put out calls for focused research to help fill
the gaps.
• While the need for epidemiological studies exists for the
neglected areas, there is now a need to move beyond disease-
centred research into health policy and systems research.
• Strengthen the ethics oversight of research in tribal areas.
Standards and guidelines for ethics committees in tribal areas
with mandatory ethical approval by registered ethics commit-
tees for research in tribal areas should be put forth.
• Encourage a participatory research approach that allows
for community participation and locally relevant research.
Involve local community/community-based organisation as
well in the ethics approval process as well as possible.
• Encourage interdisciplinary research. Call for work across
domains like anthropology, epidemiology, health economics,
and conservation.
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 151
8 Partner with NGOs working with tribal communities as field stations
for facilitating research, training, and independent monitoring of ser-
vice utilisation and specific disease conditions, and in areas with poor
reach of services, even service delivery. The presence of NGOs working
with different tribal communities is an advantage for local governments
to utilise to help overcome various challenges in reaching out to these
tribal communities.

Cross-cutting Themes
1 Call for gender focus in all existing programmes and future work as
well. Apart from gender focus in studies and programmes, capacity-
building and sensitisation of local health workers and NGOs of gender-
specific issues especially in conflict zones, migrants in urban areas, and
areas with high migration rates is vital. To some extent, this thought is
echoed by NHM, though operationally this is lacking.
2 Create a special cell at state and national levels under the National Com-
mission of Women to ensure safeguards for tribal women and help insti-
tutionalise grievance redressal and rehabilitative mechanisms for those in
need. This cell should include women tribal leaders as members at all levels.
3 Recognition and revitalisation of local health traditions in tribal com-
munities. Proactive systematic documentation, identification, and study
of local health traditions, and when applicable, build local capacity to
provide services.
4 In areas with differences in traditional practice with standard health ser-
vice practice like position for delivery, there is a need for customisation
of existing services with local sociocultural practices.
5 Partner with traditional health service providers in tribal areas from
health promotion to service delivery to referrals, and participation in
various village health committees perhaps even as the ASHA.
6 Identification of adverse practice, and systematic negotiation against
such practice by engaging with various community actors. Demystifica-
tion of common medical ailments and treatments as a part of health
education is key for such awareness.
7 Partner with local NGOs to inform planning, delivery, and/or moni-
tor reach of services particularly on certain issues. Public–private part-
nership with NGOs and community organisations is a key strategy in
areas where civil society have been working for health and development
of local tribal communities for long. This will allow for sensitive and
appropriate implementation of health programmes and/or reforms.
8 Develop an independent committee or department within MOTA that
exclusively focuses on PPP, supervision, and regulation.
152 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
Acknowledgements
This chapter would not have been possible without inputs by participants
of the several multi-stakeholder consultations organised by the Ministry of
Tribal Affairs, Government of India, and the United Nations Development
Program during the National Tribal Human Development Report exercise
between 2014 and 2016. We were inspired by the intensity and partici-
pation of various scholars, activists, government officials, and civil society
at these consultations. We thank the Bharat Rights Livelihood Foundation
for the opportunity to share this work for the Central Indian Tribal Belt.
We have generously referred to various government committees and other
reports on tribal health; we are particularly indebted to the high-level com-
mittee on socio-economic, health, and educational status of tribal com-
munities of India constituted by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs and to the
report of the expert committee on tribal health constituted by Ministry of
Tribal Affairs. We also thank the team at the National Institute of Research
in Tribal Health, Jabalpur, for their data inputs as well as other research
institutions. Finally, we would like to thank Prashanth N.S. and Samantha
Lobbo for their inputs into various sections of the chapter.

Notes
1 Two notable exceptions were recent systematic efforts at putting together avail-
able information, analysis, and recommendations on health of tribal people, one
by the high-level committee on the status of tribal people in 2014 and a more
recent one in 2018 by the expert committee on tribal health. Both reports note
the over-reliance on special efforts by committees or reports for status of tribal
health, due to lack of routine data coming in from the public services and district
administration.
2 Health policy and systems research (or simply health systems research) is an
emerging interdisciplinary field of research that embraces the reality that ‘health
policies and systems are complex social and political phenomena, constructed
by human action rather than naturally occurring’. In this field, there is a focus
on why and how questions and a much wider set of perspectives from social and
political sciences are adopted to ask and answer questions related to strengthen-
ing health systems (Sheikh et al., 2011; Bennett et al., 2011).
3 A report on the diet and nutritional status of tribal population and prevalence
of hypertension among adults was released by the National Nutrition Monitor-
ing Bureau in 2009. It reported marginal improvements in the general nutrition
status from its analysis on the time trends in diet and nutritional status. Interest-
ingly, it reported the improvement in status despite no significant improvement in
dietary intakes in the last decade, attributing the improvement to non-nutritional
factors like sanitation, safe water, access to health services, etc. (NNMB, 2009).
4 NHM in its recent framework of implementation calls for explicit prioritisation of
health needs of vulnerable communities, including ST communities in preparation
of the local health action plans. This is welcome but still needs to be translated
into relevant health service and programme changes at the periphery. Relevant
extract from the 2012–2017 framework of implementation is shared here:
• The district health action plans will be prepared on the basis of a socio-epi-
demiological profile with a focus on the health needs of vulnerable groups
 Health of Tribal People in Central India 153
(i.e. people living in difficult and remote hamlets, SC/ST and Primitive Tribal
Groups). The action plan will clearly prioritize intra district areas which are
more difficult to reach, or have lower baseline indicators and devise plans to
improve access to services.
•  Health of Tribals and People in Left Wing Extremist affected areas: The key
areas to be addressed in planning for tribal health include limited access to
health care services, malnutrition, gender issues, sickle cell anaemia, malaria
and special needs of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups.

5 NHM has relaxed some norms recently, but in many areas these norms are yet
to translated into changes on the ground. Some strategies already proposed in its
recent framework (2012–2017) are as follows:
•  Support to ANM to help her reach relatively isolated villages/tribal hamlets
recommended through the state’s tribal development fund.
•  Flexibility given to states for relaxing the existing norm of ASHA to one ASHA
per settlement in tribal, hilly and difficult to access areas.
•  ‘Time-to-care’: One of the most important recommendations in the frame-
work is that health services should be within 30 minutes of walking distance
from any habitation. This implies establishing additional sub-centres in areas
with scattered habitations. (From para 5.5.1.3, D.O No. 17014/9/13-Eco
dated July 11, 2014, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Minutes of Mission Steering
Group of NHM, December 20, 2013– nrhm.gov.in, para 5.4.6 NHM frame-
work 2012–2017.)

6 The NHM has in its recent framework (2012–2017) called for various monetary
and non-monetary incentives for health personnel serving in remote and under-
served areas, and areas with tribal community. It highlights the need for differ-
ential planning for remote or difficult-to-access areas (including areas with tribal
communities and left-wing extremist affected areas), expeditious filling of gaps
in HR and infrastructure, strengthening home and outreach services, stronger
community health worker programme, and a well-trained cadre of nurses, medi-
cal, and mid-care providers recruited locally and trained appropriately. Some
recent plans supported by NHM are as follows:
•  Support for higher remuneration to medical officers and specialist serving in
remote and rural areas.
•  50 percent reservation in post-graduate diploma courses for government med-
ical officers who have served for at least three years in remote and difficult to
access areas.
•  Incentive at the rate of 10 percent of marks obtained for each year in service in
remote or difficult to access areas up to the maximum of 30 percent of marks
obtained in entrance test for admissions in post-graduate medical courses.

7 NHM includes the following strategies to identify high-priority districts or

groups.
•  A composite health index: NHM proposes an index to help address gaps in
health outcomes within a state. The lowest quartile is identified as high prior-
ity districts including districts with high proportion of tribal population and
left-wing extremism affected districts.
•  Strategies for PVTGs: These include focus on this group in planning at block
and district levels, more accurate needs assessment and mobile medical units
for accessing health services, promoting intersectoral convergence to facilitate
improvements in other social determinants and abolishing the discriminatory
practices related to family planning.
154 Hanumappa Sudarshan and Tanya Seshadri
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World Health Organization. (2003). Indigenous Peoples & Participatory Health
Research. Geneva: World Health Organization.
World Health Organization, Government of South Australia. (2010). The Adelaide
statement on health in all policies: Moving towards a shared governance for
health and well-being. Health Promotion International, 25(2), 258–260. http://
doi.org/10.1093/heapro/daq034
Xaxa, V., Ramanathan, U., Bara, J., Mishra, K., Bang, A., Basant, S., and Panda,
H. (2014). Report of the High-Level Committee on Socio-economic, Health and
Educational Status of Tribal Communities of India. New Delhi. Retrieved from
https://ruralindiaonline.org/resources/report-of-the-high-level-committee-on-
socio-economic-health-and-educational-status-of-the-tribals-of-india
4 Hunger and Malnutrition
amongst Adivasis
Dipa Sinha

Introduction
An analysis of 860 stories, op-ed articles, and editorials in the English,
Hindi, and Urdu press and on news portals between 2014 and 2016 showed
that tribal populations are among the most marginalised, deprived, and
oppressed sections of Indian society. Across the country, Adivasis bear the
brunt of land alienation, displacement, and poor compensation (Xaxa and
Sethi, 2017). A quick scan of recent reports of malnutrition and hunger-
related deaths in India will show that most of them concern tribal popula-
tions. Efforts to enhance their social inclusion are too few and distanced
and there is considerable room to improve human development indicators
among them, especially in the area of health, education, and situation of
girls and women (Jain, 2016).
While there is some improvement in the overall levels of malnutrition in
the country, there exist pockets of hunger where there is very high preva-
lence of stunting, severe acute malnutrition, anaemia, etc. Most of these are
regions that have a high concentration of tribal populations. 4.9 million out
of 11.5 million tribal children of India suffer from chronic nutrition depriva-
tion which affects their survival, growth, learning, performance in school,
productivity as adults, and overall well-being. About 80% (3.9 million)
chronically undernourished tribal children live in the nine states of Andhra
Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharash-
tra, Rajasthan, Odisha, and Telangana.
In this chapter, we look at the trends in malnutrition and food intake
amongst tribal populations compared to others, the specific challenges faced
when addressing the issue of malnutrition amongst Adivasis and review
existing policies.1 The focus is on tribal populations in the Central Indian
belt listed in the previous paragraph as they cover most of the tribal popu-
lation in the country, with a high concentration of malnutrition. Most of
these are also Schedule V Areas under the Constitution. While there is a sub-
stantial tribal population in the North-Eastern states of India, these are not
included here as their issues and challenges are quite different from those

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-6
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 159
of the tribals in Central India. As far as nutrition outcomes are concerned,
some of the North-East Indian states are in fact amongst the best in the
country – this probably has to do with the dietary practices prevalent there,
which include better access to animal-based proteins.

Prevalence of Malnutrition among Tribal Populations

Child Malnutrition
Child malnutrition is considered a very sensitive indicator of the overall
levels of food security and hunger. Stunting and wasting amongst children,
along with child mortality rates, are the main components of the Global
Hunger Index (GHI) as well. Research shows that much of malnutrition
that sets in before the age of 2 years is irreversible. Eighty percent of brain
development occurs in the first six years of life and good nutrition and pre-
vention of illness at this stage is critical for lifelong physical and mental
development. Nutrition status of children at this age is also inextricably
linked to the status of the mother – both biologically, because how healthy
she is before and during pregnancy contributes to the birthweight and health
of the child, and socially, as the mother is the primary caregiver of the child.
The most commonly used indicators of child malnutrition are anthro-
pometric indicators based on height and weight. Stunting, which is low
height for age represents chronic malnutrition, whereas wasting which is
low weight for height represents a more acute condition. Underweight,
that is, low weight for age, which is the measure that is most often used
in large-scale public programmes, is a composite indicator. Due to the ease
of measuring weight, compared to height, underweight is used widely. It
is also well-understood that heights take longer to change and are inter-
generational, whereas even short-term interventions can have an impact
on wasting. Further, severe acute malnutrition (SAM), which is basically
severe wasting, is given prominence in policymaking (especially in recent
times) because it is argued that the risk of mortality associated with SAM is
very high. Even stunting and underweight contribute to mortality, with the
WHO estimating that about 50% of child mortality has malnutrition as an
underlying factor.
Given the importance of each of these indicators, it is important to look
at all three of them to understand the situation of child malnutrition. Data
related to malnutrition are mainly available from the National Family
Health Surveys (NFHS). There have been four rounds of NFHS until now,
with the most recent being carried out in 2015–2016 whose data have been
only recently released (IIPS, 2017). Another data source that can be used is
the Rapid Survey on Children (RSoC) conducted by the Ministry of Women
and Child Development (MWCD) and UNICEF in 2013–2014. Using these
160 Dipa Sinha
data sources, we look at the trends in nutritional outcomes for tribal popu-
lations in comparison with the average trends for all social groups at the All
India level and at the state level for the states that have been included in this
report2. Not only are malnutrition rates in India high on an average, but the
situation is also even worse for Adivasi children when compared to those
belonging to the ‘Other’ category.
As can be seen in Figure 4.1, in terms of both stunting (low height for age)
and underweight (low weight for age), the prevalence amongst ST popu-
lations is higher than all other groups in both the surveys of 2005–2006
and 2015–2016. Around 44% of children belonging to ST communities
are stunted and a similar percentage is for underweight, whereas the cor-
responding figures for the ‘Others’ are around 30%. While the prevalence
of malnutrition is unacceptably high amongst all groups, it is still striking
that there is such a wide gap amongst the ‘general’ population compared to
the vulnerable groups.
Further, between NFHS-3 and NFHS-4, the gap remains as wide. In
this ten-year period, the gap in stunting prevalence continues to be around
13 percentage points between ‘others’ and ‘STs’, while in underweight prev-
alence the gap has declined slightly from around 19 percentage points to
16 percentage points. For any catch-up to happen, the improvement
amongst STs and SCs must be much faster. This indicates that there is a need
for policy focus on these groups for making a dent on malnutrition. Putting
it differently, the prevalence of malnutrition amongst tribal populations in
2016 is even higher than the prevalence for the ‘Other’ groups was in 2005.
Therefore, while 44% ST children are stunted in 2016, 41% of children in
the ‘Other’ category were stunted in 2006. (For underweight it is 45% for

60

50

40

30

20

10 NFHS-3
NFHS-4
0
SC ST OBC Other SC ST OBC Other
Stunting Underweight
Figure 4.1 Stunting and underweight among children under 5 years, by caste/tribe
Source: NFHS-4, 2015-16 & NFHS-3, 2005-06.
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 161
ST in 2016 and 34% for other). So, there is a more than ten-year lag period
in the malnutrition levels between ST children and others.
Looking at these indicators state-wise, it is seen that in every state the
outcomes for the STs is worse than for the Others category (except Andhra
Pradesh for stunting). The difference is quite stark, for example, in Odisha
where the stunting prevalence amongst the Others category is 25.3%, while
it is 46.1% for STs. In the case of underweight too, there is a wide gap
with 21.2% children of the Others category being underweight compared
to 46.8% of STs. Further, there are also wide interstate differences with
the outcomes being worse for Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and
Odisha. More than half the children in ST communities in Jharkhand are
stunted/underweight (Table 4.1).
Severe acute malnutrition (SAM), which is indicated by severe wasting,
is also higher amongst the STs compared to the general population. While
the gap is low in some states such as Gujarat and Maharashtra (however,
with higher prevalence), the gap between the social groups is high in other
states such as Rajasthan and Jharkhand. What is important to look at also
would be the overlapping of these different forms of malnutrition on chil-
dren which is possible once the unit data from the NFHS is available.
Moving on to other indicators of malnutrition amongst children, it is
seen that even in terms of low birthweight (which is an intergenerational
indicator and is also related to mother’s health and nutrition), STs are worse
off than other groups. Based on RSoC data, one in five children born in
ST communities have a low birthweight (Figure 4.2). This is slightly higher
than that for other groups.

Table 4.1 Stunting, underweight, and wasting among STs – state-wise

State Stunting Underweight Severely wasted

(children (SAM)
aged 0–59
months) ST Others ST Others ST Others

Andhra 34.5 34.5 22.7 17.1 4.4 3.9

Pradesh
Chhattisgarh 44.4 31.7 38.0 17.8 3.3 2.5
Gujarat 42.2 38.0 39.4 31.6 7.5 7.1
Jharkhand 53.4 38.6 51.1 30.0 4.4 1.4
Madhya 49.7 36.6 46.0 25.0 6.4 3.8
Pradesh
Maharashtra 38.7 34.5 32.4 21.2 6.5 6.3
Odisha 46.1 25.3 46.8 21.2 5.8 4.4
Rajasthan 45.9 31.0 44.5 27.7 5.3 1.7
West Bengal 40.6 32.5 39.8 28.5 1.3 4.7
Source: RSoC, 2014.
162 Dipa Sinha
25
21.6
19.6
20 18 17.6

15

10

0
Schedule Castes Schedule Tribes OBC Others

Figure 4.2 Low birthweight (<2.5 kg)

Source: RSoC, 2014.

School-age Children
Data on children over 5 years of age are not easily available. The NFHS and
RSoC include only children up to the age of 5 years. However, some data are
available from the diet and nutrition survey of the National Nutrition Mon-
itoring Bureau (NNMB), 2009. Although this data is a little old, it is useful
to look at some of the results from this survey as it was specially focused on
tribal populations and the sample is drawn from ITDA villages in the states
of Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat,
Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, and West Bengal, most of which coincide with
our states of interest in this report. Further, this survey includes a number
of malnutrition and food intake indicators that are not part of the NFHS
survey such as malnutrition status of adults and school-age children, details
of dietary intake, etc.
According to the NNMB data for tribal populations, the overall preva-
lence of thinness (age/sex-specific BMI < −2 SD) among 5–9-year children
was about 37%, with 10% having severe thinness (age/sex-specific BMI <
−3 SD) and 27% having moderate thinness (age/sex-specific BMI −2 SD to
−3 SD). The overall prevalence of thinness was highest in the state of Maha-
rashtra (about 55%) followed by 40–46% in the states of Karnataka, Guja-
rat, and Tamil Nadu; 25–35% in Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Orissa, and West
Bengal; and lowest of 23.3% in Madhya Pradesh. The prevalence of thin-
ness was relatively higher among boys (38.3%) compared to girls (35.6%),
while that of overweight/obesity was comparable (1.0% vs. 0.9%).
Among children of 10–13 years age, the overall prevalence of thinness
was about 42%, with 14% having severe thinness and 28% having moder-
ate thinness. The prevalence was highest in the states of Maharashtra, Kar-
nataka, and Tamil Nadu (50–60%), followed by 28–42% in the states of
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 163
Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, and Orissa, and lowest
in West Bengal (21.4%). The overall prevalence of overweight was 1% and
that of obesity was 0.2%. The prevalence of thinness was relatively higher
among boys (46%) compared to girls (39%), while that of overweight/obe-
sity was comparable (1.2% vs. 1.3%).

Adolescent Malnutrition
Adolescence is an age when children undergo a number of changes physi-
cally as well as mentally, requiring adequate and good quality nutrition.
This stage in the life cycle is critical not just for its own sake but also for
the intergenerational cycle of malnutrition. With the prevalence of child
marriages and the overall low age at marriage in the country, this is also
the stage after which very soon women become pregnant and have children.
Although the prevalence of adolescent malnutrition in the country is very
high, it is an ignored area in public policy. Almost 45% of all adolescent
girls in the country have a low BMI – less than the WHO cut-off of 18.5.
Further, a larger proportion of girls among STs are malnourished than
the overall situation. Almost 50% of the adolescent girls are malnourished
compared to around 40% among the ‘Other’ category. This difference in
adolescent malnutrition between ST communities and others is also seen at
the state level. The situation in Gujarat is particularly stark, with 73% of
the adolescent girls having a low BMI compared to the state average of 50%
(Table 4.2).
The RSoC has data only for adolescent girls, whereas NNMB data are
for both boys and girls. According to the NNMB data for 14–17-year-old
children, the overall prevalence of thinness was about 23%, with 7% hav-
ing severe thinness and 16% having moderate thinness. The overall preva-
lence of thinness was highest in the state of Karnataka (44%) followed by

60
49.2
50 46.7 44.7
40.7
40

30

20

10

0
Schedule Castes Schedule Tribes OBC Others

Figure 4.3 Adolescent girls (% with low BMI)

Source: RSoC, 2014.
164 Dipa Sinha
Table 4.2 Percentage of adolescent girls with a low BMI – states

States Social category

Total SC ST OBC Other

Chhattisgarh 43 45.5 41 43.3 *

Gujarat 52.6 [50] 73 42.4 50.4

Jharkhand 43.3 46.3 41.1 44.7 35.7
Madhya 45.9 55.1 41.5 44.6 46.8
Pradesh
Maharashtra 54.2 52.3 59.3 61 46.9
Orissa 51.8 56.1 37.3 57.3 50
Rajasthan 60.2 67.2 63.6 58.9 50.5
West Bengal 34.5 45.1 53.6 58.5 22.8
Andhra 54.8 48.5 56 56.9 55.4
Pradesh
Source: RSoC, 2014.

Maharashtra (37%), Tamil Nadu (33%), Madhya Pradesh (21%), Kerala

(20%), and Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat (17% each), and lowest of about
11% in the states of Orissa and West Bengal. The overall prevalence of over-
weight was 0.7% and that of obesity was 0.1%. The prevalence of thinness
was relatively higher among boys (30%) compared to girls (18%), while
that of overweight/obesity was comparable (0.8%).
While greater attention is paid in research and policy to malnutrition
amongst adolescent girls mainly due to its intergenerational effects, the
NNMB data show that the prevalence of malnutrition among boys is also
very high. This would affect their ability to learn and work, and also make
them more susceptible to disease.

Adult BMIs
Similar trends are found even when we examine indicators of adult mal-
nutrition. Typically, data on average heights or the BMI are used when
assessing adult malnutrition. The NFHS-4 gives data on average height for
adult women (15–49 years) and BMI data for both adult men and women
(15–49 years). As can be seen in Table 4.3, these indicators for malnutri-
tion show greater deprivation among ST communities compared to others,
especially those in the ‘Others’ category. Among women, almost 13% of the
STs have an average height of less than 145 cm, whereas the corresponding
figure for ‘Others’ is 8.4%. Heights as seen earlier reflect an intergenera-
tional status and are affected by multiple factors that determine health and
nutrition outcomes.
With regard to BMI (which measures ‘thinness’), it is seen that STs have
the lowest mean BMIs amongst all the categories, for both men and women.
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 165
Table 4.3 Proportion of underweight adults

% Height Mean Total thin Mildly Moderately/

below BMI (<18.5) thin (17.0– severely thin
145 cm 18.4) (<17)
Adult women
SC 14.1 21.4 25.3 10.9 14.4
ST 12.7 20.5 31.7 13.4 18.3
OBC 11 21.9 22.9 9.5 13.4
Other 8.4 22.7 17.8 7.4 10.5
Adult men
SC NA 21.4 22.9 8.9 14
ST 20.8 25.2 9.1 16
OBC 21.9 20.3 8.3 12
Other 22.5 16.3 6.3 10
Source: NFHS-4.

Based on the WHO classifications, those having a BMI of less than 18.5
are categorised as being thin – between 17 and 18.4 is mildly thin and less
than 17 is moderately or severely thin. By this classification, 32% of adult
women and 25% of adult men are thin, that is, they have a BMI which
is less than the normal defined by WHO. Therefore, one in three Adivasi
women and one in four Adivasi men in the country are malnourished.
A WHO report states that while it is normal for a relatively small propor-
tion of thin individuals to be present in any population, an excessive propor-
tion may indicate food insecurity or consequences of widespread infectious
diseases. It further goes on to suggest a classification for when and how to
look at low BMI as a public health problem. According to this classifica-
tion, a population with 20–39% of population with BMI less than 18.5 can
be considered a high-prevalence population where the situation is consid-
ered to be ‘serious’. Therefore, the situation of the prevalence of thinness
amongst Adivasi populations in India is ‘serious’ and in some states also
critical as the prevalence is even more than 40%.

Anaemia
Anaemia is a serious problem in India with very high prevalence. Anaemia
is a condition that is marked by low levels of haemoglobin in the blood. It
is estimated that globally half of all anaemia is because of iron deficiency.
Other causes of anaemia include malaria, hookworm, other nutritional defi-
ciencies, chronic infections, and genetic conditions (NFHS report). Amongst
children, anaemia can have serious long-term consequences as it can impair
cognitive development, stunt growth, and increase morbidity from infec-
tious diseases. Anaemia is also one of the significant underlying causes
for maternal mortality. Even among adults, anaemia can have debilitating
166 Dipa Sinha
Table 4.4 Anaemia prevalence

Age group Percentage with any anaemia (by

haemoglobin level)

ST Other

Children aged 6–59 months 63.1 53.9

(<11.0 g/dl)
Women aged 15–49 (<12.0 59.8 49.6
g/dl)
Men aged 15–49 31.8 20.1
Source: NFHS-4.

effects as it reduces productivity and the capacity to work. The NFHS-4

provides data on anaemia amongst children as well as adults.
The prevalence of anaemia, as seen in the NFHS-4 data, continues to be
very high. About 53% women in the age group of 15–49, 58.4% children in
the age group of 6–50 months, and 23.3% men in the age group of 15–54
were found to be anaemic by haemoglobin level in the NFHS-4 survey.
When disaggregated by social group, as with the other outcome indicators
of malnutrition, with respect to anaemia as well we find that the prevalence
amongst tribal populations is higher than the rest.
For all the three population groups for whom data is presented in the
NFHS report, anaemia is about 10 percentage points higher for tribal (ST)
populations than for the ‘Others’. Therefore, while anaemia amongst chil-
dren is 63.1% for STs, it is 53.9% for Others; amongst women in the repro-
ductive age, 59.8% among STs and 49.6% among Others; and amongst
men in the reproductive age, 31% among STs and 20.1% among Others
(Table 4.4).
There is some improvement in anaemia prevalence amongst children in
the ten-year period since NFHS-3 (2005–2006) with the corresponding fig-
ure being 69.5%. For STs, it reduced from 76.8% to 63.1%. However, in
the case of women, there has hardly been any improvement with a decline
from a prevalence of 55.3% to 53% for the entire population, and better
improvement among STs from 68.5% to 59.8%.
Sickle-cell anaemia, a disease passed on genetically, is highly prevalent in
the tribal belt of central, western and southern India.3 Scientists have argued
that there is a relationship between the genetic mutation and malnutrition.4
This issue is discussed in Chapter 3.

Inadequate Dietary Intake

The UNICEF’s framework defines inadequate food intake and diseases as
the immediate causes of child malnutrition. While Chapter 3 in this report
has analysed in depth the status of health and disease amongst tribal
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 167
populations, in this section we look at what can be said about food security
and diets. The data is quite limited and whatever is available from NNMB
and NFHS are presented here.
Children’s diets have to be assessed age-wise because they have special
needs at different ages. The WHO recommends that children should be
exclusively breastfed for the first six months and that breastfeeding must be
initiated immediately within one hour of birth. Ensuring this requires that
the enabling mechanisms for women to be able to breastfeed (in the form of
maternity entitlements, creches) need to be put in place. Along with these,
there are also issues of awareness and superstitions that need to be tackled.
Regulation of marketing and sales of breastfeeding supplements is also an
important intervention, and this is supposed to be taken care of by the IMS
Act of 2003.
Among ST children born in the two years preceding the survey, 45.3%
were fed within one hour of birth and 86.3% children on the day of
the birth. On the other hand, the corresponding figures for ‘Others’ are
42.6% and 81%; and for the entire population as an average are 41.5%
and 81.4%. The median duration for exclusive breastfeeding among Adi-
vasis (Others) is 3.8 (2.6) months and predominant breastfeeding is 6.8
(5.2) months. Although as far as breastfeeding indicators are concerned,
the practices among Adivasi population are better than the rest, there are
still gaps as exclusive breastfeeding for six months has not been achieved
and for majority of the children, there is still a slight delay in initiating
breastfeeding.
From the age of 6 months, it is recommended that children be introduced
to complementary foods, along with breastfeeding. During this age group,
frequency of feeding and quality of food consumed are very important.
Young children require small meals that are calorie- and nutrient-rich. They
also require adult caregivers to ensure adequate and appropriate feeding.
India’s record in achieving minimum dietary diversity and adequate fre-
quency of feeding for young children has been very poor. Only 35.9% of
children in the age 6–23 months get minimum meal frequency5 and 22%
minimum dietary diversity6 in India. Only 9.6% children get a minimum
acceptable diet, which is defined as children in the age 6–23 months who
receive breastmilk or any other milk/milk products, are fed minimum die-
tary diversity, and are fed the minimum meal frequency (Table 4.5).
In this situation where the Infant and Young Child Feeding (IYCF) status
is extremely low, the Adivasis are even slightly below the rest of the popula-
tion. Among Adivasi children, 20.6% receive minimum dietary diversity,
35.2% get adequate minimum meal frequency, and 8.7% get a minimum
acceptable diet. Overall, it is clear that as far as IYCF is concerned, this is
a huge challenge for the entire country. There are multiple factors, along
with food security at the household level that would affect the status of
young child feeding. This includes women’s status, awareness and knowl-
edge, childcare arrangements, cooking facilities, and availability of a variety
168 Dipa Sinha
Table 4.5 Infant and young child feeding

Caste/tribe Among all children 6–23 months, percentage fed:

Breastmilk, Minimum Minimum Minimum

milk, or dietary meal acceptable
milk diversity frequency diet
products

Scheduled 94.8 21.3 35.2 9.4

Castes
Scheduled 92.9 20.6 35.2 8.7
Tribes
Other Backward 94 21.4 36.7 9.3
Class
Other 93.9 24.5 35.8 10.7
Total 94 22 35.9 9.6
Source: NFHS-4.

of foods in the household. What is clear however is that inadequate dietary

intake is a major concern that needs to be addressed.
Although less recent, it is also valuable to look at the NNMB data on
dietary intake as it also measures the actual calories and proteins in the food
consumed by different members of the sample households. These data are
from the report on diets among tribal populations. As can be seen in the
following figures, among children in the age group of 1–3 years, 4–6 years,
and 7–9 years, only about one-third (29–32%) receive adequate calories
and proteins in relation to what they required. A significant proportion of
children do not meet energy requirements, with about 70% (68–71%) get-
ting less than the required amount of calories. Protein consumption is also
inadequate, especially among children in the age group of 1–3 years (the
most important when it comes to nutrition interventions), with 29% chil-
dren not getting adequate proteins.
The NNMB report shows that this situation of inadequacy continues in
adolescence, although there is slight improvement. Amongst 10–12-year-old
boys, about 26% were consuming adequate amounts of calories and pro-
teins; 33% in the case of girls. About 31% boys and 39% girls were con-
suming adequate amounts of protein and calories in the 13–15 age group
and 44% boys and 58% girls in the 16–17 age group (Figure 4.4).
In the case of adults as well, there is inadequacy in the calorie and pro-
tein consumption. About 64% of the adult males were consuming adequate
quantities of proteins and calories, while about 74% of the adult females
were consuming adequate amount of protein and calories. However, the
dietary consumption among pregnant women and lactating mothers was
much lower with about 58% of the pregnant women and 57% of lactating
mothers consuming adequate amounts of protein and calories.
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 169

PROTEIN AND CALORIE ADEQUACY STATUS PROTEIN AND CALORIE ADEQUACY STATUS
AMONG CHILDREN (1-3 YEARS) AMONG CHILDREN (4-6 YEARS)
P-C-
14%
P-C-
29%

P+C-
41%

P+C+ P+C-
29% 57%

P+C+
30%

PROTEIN AND CALORIE ADEQUACY STATUS

AMONG CHILDREN (7-9 YEARS)
P-C-
11%

P+C+
32% P+C-
57%

Figure 4.4 Protein and calorie adequacy status (Adivasi children)

Source: NNMB, 2009.

In all the age groups among children as well as among adults, there is a seri-
ous shortfall in consumption of calories as well as proteins, although the inad-
equacy reduces as the age increases. Commenting on the inadequacy of the
protein and calorie consumption of tribal populations, based on other studies,
the NNMB report states that the ‘proportion of tribals of different age groups
consuming less than 70% of protein and energy was observed to be higher
compared to their rural counterparts’. Along with such a large calorie and
protein inadequacy, the diets of tribal populations according to the NNMB
report also have huge gaps in terms of micronutrient intake (Figure 4.5).
The median household intake of iron for instance is only 43.6% of the
recommended dietary allowance (RDA) and of Vitamin A is 46% of RDA.
Anaemia and Vitamin A deficiencies are serious public health problems in
the country, and from the NNMB data it is clear that the dietary intake of
these micronutrients is grossly inadequate among tribal households (Fig-
ure 4.6). Except for Vitamin C and thiamin, there is a gap in other micro-
nutrients as well.
170 Dipa Sinha

PROTEIN CALORIE ADEQUACY OF ADULTS PROTEIN CALORIE ADEQUACY OF ADULTS

(MALES SEDENTARY) (FEMALES PREGNANT)
P+C- P+C-
16% 7%

P-C-
25%
P-C-
20% P+C+
P+C+ 58%
63%
P-C+ P-C+
1% 10%

PROTEIN CALORIE ADEQUACY OF ADULTS PROTEIN CALORIE ADEQUACY OF ADULTS

(FEMALES LACTATING) (FEMALES SEDENTARY)
P+C- P+C-
6% 8%
P-C-
P-C- 14%
25%
P-C+
4%
P+C+
57%

P-C+ P+C+
12% 74%

Figure 4.5 Protein adequacy of adults

Source: NNMB, 2009.

Median Household Intake of Nutrients As % RDA

Vitamin C (mg) 109.5

Niacin (mg) 91.3

Riboflavin (mg) 35.7

Thiamin (mg) 100

Vitamin A (ug) 46.1

Iron (mg) 43.6

Calcium (mg) 78.8

Energy (Kcal) 76.6

Protein (g) 78.2

0 20 40 60 80 100 120
PERCENT OF RDI

Figure 4.6 Median household intake of nutrients

Source: NNMB, 2009.

Looking at what people eat, the NNMB report states:

Cereals and millets formed the bulk of the diets of the tribes surveyed
in ITDA areas of all the States. However, in Kerala, Gujarat & West
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 171

Average Household Intake of Foodstuffs as % RDA

Sugar & Jaggery 30.3

Fats & Oils 50

Milk & Milk Products 14.1

Roots & Tubers 91.8

Other Vegetables 69

Green Leafy Vegetables 55.8

Pulses & Legumes 75.3

Cerals & Millets 91

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

percent of RDI

Figure 4.7 Average household intake of foodstuffs

Source: NNMB, 2009.

Bengal, the consumption of roots and tubers (Tapioca) in the diet was
comparatively high. Similarly, the millet intakes were high in the States
of Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh.

The data also shows that with regard to different foodstuffs, the intake of
cereals and millets and roots and tubers was close to adequate at the aver-
age household intake level, but the intake of protective foods such as milk
and milk products, fats and oils, and vegetables is very low and much below
the recommended levels (Figure 4.7). These items are also the most income
elastic with consumption going up as income increases. It is this inadequacy
in the diets which is reflected in the poor nutritional outcomes for children
and adults as seen in the previous sections.
The NNMB further reports:

[M]arginal improvement in the nutritional status of the individuals,

despite a decline in the food and nutrient intake, could be attributed to
non-nutritional factors such as improvement in access to safe drinking
water, better outreach of health care services coupled with improvement
in socio-economic conditions.

Although there is some improvement in the nutritional status in the country,

there remains a serious shortfall as far as food intake and diets are concerned.
There is a wide gap between the status of Adivasis and the rest of the popula-
tion. Interventions to address malnutrition must therefore include a focus on
diets and food security along with special attention paid to the specific factors
affecting Adivasis. In the following sections, we look at the access of Adivasis
to the existing state interventions towards eradication of malnutrition.
172 Dipa Sinha
Access to Food- and Nutrition-related Services
Factors affecting malnutrition are multidimensional and have an impact
on malnutrition outcomes directly and indirectly. A widely use conceptual
framework to understand (maternal and child) malnutrition is the one pro-
vided by UNICEF in 1990, which has since been adapted and modified sev-
eral times. This conceptual framework identifies inadequate dietary intake
and disease as the immediate causes of malnutrition. We have looked at the
status of dietary intake amongst Adivasi populations in the previous section
and have found that there are serious gaps in the quality and diversity of the
food intake amongst Indians on an average and this situation is even worse
for tribal communities. Disease and infections have been looked at in Chap-
ter 3. As underlying causes, the UNICEF identifies household food security,
inadequate foods, feeding, and care practices, and house, environment, and
health services. Further below are basic causes which include inadequate
access to services, inadequate financial and human resources, and the socio-
cultural, economic, and political context. We use the same framework in the
following sections, looking first at the underlying causes and then the basic
causes, with a specific focus on tribal populations.
Household food security is reflected in the poor diets among tribal house-
holds as seen earlier. A number of studies have shown that the poverty
ratios among ST households are much higher than for other social groups.
Although there is a reduction in the proportion of population living under
the official poverty line, over the years, the extent of poverty amongst Adi-
vasis is still very high. Estimates by Panagariya and More (2013), based on
NSSO data, show that the poverty ratio among STs was 43%, compared
to 12% for Forward Castes (FC), 20.7% among OBCs, and 29.4% among
SCs. In rural areas, the poverty ratio among SCs was 47.4%. Therefore,
almost half of the SC population living in rural areas is below the official
poverty line, which has been described by many as the ‘destitution’ line
because it is so low. Two states, Maharashtra and Orissa, show ST pov-
erty rates above 60% and another four states – Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand,
Madhya Pradesh, and West Bengal – have poverty levels higher than 50%.
Such extreme deprivation obviously results in food insecurity within the
household.
Thorat et al. (2017) using panel data from the India Human Development
Surveys (IHDS) conclude that, while all groups experienced major move-
ments out of poverty, Dalits and Adivasis still lag behind OBCs and For-
ward Castes in both rates of exit from poverty and in avoiding new falls into
poverty. Adivasis have lower rates of escape as well as higher rates of entry
and therefore remain at a higher risk of poverty than equivalent Forward
Caste Hindus. Adivasis are found to suffer equally from the risks of falling
into transient poverty as well as of remaining permanently poor.
High and chronic poverty amongst the Adivasis is one of the most impor-
tant factors explaining the higher prevalence of malnutrition amongst these
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 173
communities. Along with this, poor access to education and inadequate
availability of health services exacerbate the situation. Further, even with
respect to direct nutrition and food services, Adivasis face a number of dis-
advantages, especially with relation to physical access. Added to this is the
particular vulnerabilities of the Adivasi communities to hunger and mal-
nutrition due to declining forest cover, land alienation, and displacement.
These issues are discussed further in the following section.

Access to ICDS Services

The Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) scheme is the main
platform through which the issue of malnutrition is to be addressed. The
ICDS provides health, nutrition, and education services through anganwadi
centres (AWCs) which are operated by anganwadi workers (AWWs) and
anganwadi helpers (AWHs). The ICDS focuses on the target groups that
are important for nutrition interventions based on the life cycle approach,
namely children under the age of 6 years, pregnant and lactating women,
and adolescent girls. Amongst various services that the anganwadi workers
provide, supplementary nutrition, growth monitoring, health and nutrition
education, and referrals are directly addressed at prevention and manage-
ment of malnutrition. To get the benefit of ICDS services, the most impor-
tant factor is easy access to the anganwadi centres. Given that these centres
cater to very small children and pregnant and lactating women, they need to
be close to where people live.
The Supreme Court passed a judgment in 2001, which was reiterated
a number of times in 2004, 2006, and 2009, directing all governments to
ensure universal availability of ICDS services such that every habitation has
an anganwadi centre. These orders passed under the ‘Right to Food’ case
also stated that, in the process of universalisation, SC/ST hamlets must be
given priority (Mander, 2012). The ICDS does not maintain data disaggre-
gated by the type of hamlet and therefore it is difficult to estimate how many
tribal hamlets are covered by anganwadi centres. However, based on micro-
studies and field experiences, it is known that given the scattered pattern of
settlements in Adivasi areas, there are a number of habitations which do
not have access to anganwadi centres. The population norms for the setting
up of an anganwadi centre is given in Table 4.6. According to this, in tribal
areas, all habitations which have a population more than 300 must have an
anganwadi centre. Those with a population of 150–300 must have a mini
AWC. Once again, while there is no proper evaluation of mini anganwadi
centres, it is well-known that these are not able to effectively provide any of
the ICDS services.
The data from the 8th All India School Education Survey (AISES, 2009)
show that 107,091 habitations out of 198,493 habitations that have a
ST population of 50% or more had a population of less than 300, that is,
174 Dipa Sinha
Table 4.6 Population norms under Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS)
scheme

Anganwadi centres (AWCs) For rural/urban projects population

400–800 1 AWC
800–1,600 2 AWCs
1,600–2,400 3 AWCs
Thereafter in multiples of 800 1 AWC
Mini AWC 150–400 1 Mini-AWC
For tribal/riverine/desert, hilly, and other Population
difficult areas/projects 300–800 1 AWC
150–300 1 Mini AWC
Source: Website of Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India.

54% of the habitations with a majority Adivasi population are too small
even by the norms of the ICDS to have a proper anganwadi centre. As many
as 29,733 habitations have a population of less than 100, while the break-
up of habitations less than 150 population is not given. What this shows is
that the current design of the programme denies access to anganwadi cen-
tres for most tribal populations.
Xaxa and Sethi (2017), discussing issues of tribal malnutrition, stated:

[T]here are tribal villages, which no government officer may have ever
visited. In addition, the issue of non-tribal workers looking down upon
tribal workers makes matters worse. Even if there are take-home food
rations for children, these are mostly not adequately used. The ICDS
data coverage, allocations and expenditures for tribal pockets are still
not available publicly.

Therefore, along with the issue of coverage of tribal habitations, the issue
of appointing Adivasi workers in AWCs in tribal areas is also important. In
some places, the current norms of eligibility for AWWs makes it impossible
to find Adivasi workers locally who have completed 10th or 12th standard,
as usually stipulated by the norms. This is an issue that has been raised by
civil society organisations in a number of states, including Madhya Pradesh
and Gujarat.7
While it might not be economically feasible to have a full-scale anganwadi
centre in all tribal habitations which do not meet the minimum popula-
tion norms, it should be recognised that the concentration of malnutrition
amongst Adivasis, especially children, living in these small habitations
requires innovative and flexible solutions. If the ICDS is to make a serious
dent on the status of malnutrition among tribal children, this issue of physi-
cal access needs to be thought about more seriously.
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 175

Juangs in Odisha – A Story of Neglect

19 children died of malnutrition in a period of three-four months

(March–July, 2016) in Jajpur district’s Nagada and Guhiasal villages
(Odisha). This issue gained public attention after five-year-old Sania
Pradhan, son of Kaintha Pradhan from Guhiasal village, died in a hos-
pital run by a private steel company in Kaliapani. Soon after the news
of 19 children dying spread, after two local newspapers, Samaja and
Sambad, broke the story, the C.M Naveen Patnaik formed a task force
to address the issue. The Odisha Human Rights Commission has also
intervened in the matter. About 37 families live in the Nagada village
with a total population of 250. There is no paved road connecting to
the village. Rocky mountain paths are only way for the tribal peo-
ple to go from their village to the Chungudipal gram panchayat, or
elsewhere located 18 Kms from the village, a walk that takes hours.
The population comprises solely of members of the Juang Scheduled
Tribe. In the village, it is clearly visible that everyone there is thin and
short. Almost all children within the age group of three-four years
are pale, weak and malnourished, with bloated stomachs and dry
skin. There is neither an anganwadi centre nor a primary school in
the village. The government run public health centre is 36 km away in
Kuhika. The community health centre at Sukinda is 46 km away and
the district hospital is 110 km away. Aspire, an NGO working out of
Delhi, conducted a survey of children aged between 5 and 12 years of
age in Nagada recently and found that out of 83 kids, about a third
were suffering from malnutrition, measured by their body mass index.
Another 17% were just marginally within the ‘normal’ range. It is not
geographical isolation alone, but the exclusion of tribals from many
government programmes that has made hundreds of children suffer
from acute undernourishment in Odisha. A coordinated approach by
different governments is the need of the hour to bring all PVTGs living
atop forested hills in the state under the welfare programme said Rajk-
ishor Mishra, state adviser to the commissioners of Supreme Court.

– Contributed by (Intern) based on the following sources:

Malnutrition in Odisha’s Nagada Highlight the Continuing Discrimination
against Tribals. Retrieved on July 29, 2016 from
https://thewire.in/54484/odisha-juang-malnutrition/ by Sarada Lahangir;
The Lost Tribe of Odisha. Retrieved on July 29, 2016 from
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/The-lost-tribe-of-Odisha/article14
553424.ece by Prafulla Das; Published on 06/08/2016
176 Dipa Sinha

One by One, They Died: The Forlorn Story of Tribal Children’s Death in Odi-
sha. Retrieved on July 29, 2016 from http://indianexpress.com/article/india/
india-news-india/odisha-tibral-children-­malnutrition-deaths-government-
measures-relief-and-health-centres2945156/ by Debabrata Mohanty pub-
lished: July 31, 2016

What is encouraging as well as puzzling is that the utilisation of ICDS

services is still higher among Dalit and Adivasi populations. According to
the NFHS-4, while 53.6% of children aged 0–71 months received any ser-
vice from the ICDS at an average All India level, 63.8% of Adivasi chil-
dren reported receiving any ICDS service (59.1% Dalits and 47% ‘Others’).
Even by wealth quintiles, it is seen that overall it is the children belonging
to households in poorer quintiles who are more likely to use anganwadi
services rather than children of the rich. A similar trend is seen for specific
services such as supplementary food, growth monitoring, or nutrition and
health education for both pregnant women and children. Studies based on
earlier data also present similar findings, showing that those belonging to
more marginal communities and poorer households are more likely to use
the ICDS (Table 4.7).
The ICDS also has a role to play in the provision of three universal micro-
nutrient supplementation programmes of the government, in partnership
with the health departments. As already seen, anaemia is a serious problem
in India, with anaemia levels being higher amongst Adivasis. Iron deficiency
is one of the primary causes of anaemia, and it has serious health conse-
quences for both women and children. Vitamin A is an essential micronu-
trient for the immune system and severe Vitamin A deficiency (VAD) can
cause eye damage and is the leading cause of childhood blindness. VAD also
increases the severity of infections such as measles and diarrhoeal disease
in children and it slows down recovery from illness. VAD is common in

Table 4.7 Access to ICDS services

% Children in the age group of % Pregnant women who received:

0–71 months who received:

Any Food Were Any Supplementary Health and

ICDS supplements weighed ICDS food nutrition
service service education

SC 59.1 53.2 47.6 60.4 58.2 42.6

ST 63.8 60.4 55.7 66.3 65.1 49.6
OBC 52.1 45.6 40.7 52.5 49.7 37
Other 47 42.7 38.7 44.6 42.6 32.6
Source: NFHS-4.
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 177
dry environments where fresh fruits and vegetables are not readily available
(NFHS-4). Deworming improves the health and nutrient uptake of heavily
infected children and is recommended by the WHO to improve children’s
health and nutrition.8
For this, iron and folic acid (IFA) supplementation is supposed to be given
to all children in the age group of 6–59 months. Further, vitamin A drop and
deworming medication are given once in six months (9–59 months of age)
and universal iodisation of salt is mandated. Table 4.8 looks at the outreach
of these services for the children in the country.
The proportion of children consuming foods rich in Vitamin A and iron
are very low, at around 45% and 19%, respectively. In terms of the dietary
consumption of these items for children in the age group of 6–23 months,
the tribal populations are slightly better off. This might be because of the
access to traditional foods from the forests (or consumption of meat). The
coverage of the supplementation is also very low. Only around 60% of
the tribal children less than 5 years of age received any Vitamin A supple-
ments in the six months prior to the survey, 28% received any iron supple-
ments in the seven days prior to survey, and 31% of the children received
deworming medication in the six months prior to survey. While there is not
much difference in the coverage of these services for tribal and non-tribal
children, overall the coverage itself is very low. Further, when we look at
the coverage of these services state-wise, it is seen that in some states the
coverage is very poor and almost non-existent. The RSoC data shows the
abysmal coverage in distribution of iron and folic acid supplementation in
the states of West Bengal (less than 1% for tribal children) and Rajasthan

Table 4.8 Vitamin A, IFA, deworming, and salt iodisation

% Children % Children aged 6–59 months who were given

aged 6–23
months who
consumed
foods rich in
(in past
24 hours)
Vitamin A Iron Vitamin A Iron supple­ Deworming Using
supplements ments medication iodised salt
(6 months) (7 days) (6 months) (in households)
Scheduled 43 18 60 26.2 31.2 91.9
Castes
Scheduled 48.2 18.9 59.4 28.1 31.5 91.3
Tribes
OBC 43.1 16.6 58.5 24.4 29.2 92.7
Other 45.3 19.8 61.4 28.4 35.7 95.4
Source: NFHS-4.
178 Dipa Sinha
Table 4.9 Vitamin A, IFA, and deworming – state-wise

States Percentage of children aged 6–59 months who received in six

months prior to survey:

Vitamin A dose Iron and folic acid Deworming

supplement medication

SC ST BC Oth SC ST BC Oth SC ST BC Oth

Chhattisgarh 49 46.6 41.8 43.4 9.5 11.9 11.2 4.8 18.7 24 24.6 25.8
Gujarat 63.5 60.6 45.2 61.2 14.3 19 9.9 11.2 10.4 10.7 11.1 12.4
Jharkhand 15.9 14 23.9 12.4 7.4 3.9 8.3 3.2 9.5 12.8 12.9 7.2
Madhya 46.4 39.5 46.9 49.3 11.3 10.9 9.2 14.1 30.4 34 27.5 42.3
Pradesh
Maharashtra 63 69.6 65.5 57.7 22.2 25.8 23.3 20.4 61.1 67.4 62.7 59.7
Orissa 60.1 48 60.8 61.1 21.7 10.8 10.8 17.4 65.2 39.3 64.7 65.1
Rajasthan 26.6 22.9 28.2 29.8 2.4 2.3 5.2 5.6 24.6 13 18.2 20.1
West Bengal 20.4 31 22 22.1 2 0.9 2.8 1.6 23.4 23.1 25.9 32
Andhra 65.1 61.5 65.3 76 41.1 48.1 43.7 55.3 40 35.3 40.8 53.6
Pradesh
Source: RSoC.

(2.3%). The coverage is also very low in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and

Odisha. The coverage of deworming medication is also low in these
states. Amongst these states with high Adivasi population, Maharashtra
and Andhra Pradesh have better indicators of coverage of Vitamin A, IFA
supplements, and deworming. Amongst these three services, the spread of
Vitamin A doses is better across the states, with the distribution of IFA sup-
plements being quite low across the board. There is an issue in the supply
of IFA for children due to the non-availability of syrups, which needs to be
addressed (Table 4.9).
Overall, there is no discrimination seen at the population level of pro-
portion of beneficiaries accessing ICDS services across tribal and non-tribal
groups. While this is positive in terms of the effectiveness of ICDS targeting,
before drawing further conclusions it is also important to understand why
it is the case that a universal programme such as the ICDS is more attrac-
tive only to the poorer sections. Some have argued that this is because of
the poor quality of the ICDS services, especially the food and infrastruc-
ture, that only those who are most in need would access it. Those who can
afford any better move on to private services providing preschool education,
which may not necessarily be in the best interests of the child in the terms of
the teaching curriculum and methodology, etc. Therefore, it is important to
improve the quality of ICDS services from the perspectives of both effective-
ness and equity. Further, it needs to be recognised that while among those
who utilise ICDS, the utilisation is higher for Adivasis and Dalits, it is not
the case that universal coverage of these communities has been achieved.
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 179
Many children are still left out. Moreover, there is a need for data on qual-
ity and regularity issues which would throw more light on how useful the
anganwadi services are for children and women.
Small studies conducted in tribal areas show that even where the out-
reach is extensive, the quality of ICDS services can be improved a great deal.
For instance, a recent study conducted by the National Institute of Pub-
lic Cooperation and Child Development (NIPCCD) in three tribal districts
(Alirajpur, Barwani, and Khandwa) of Madhya Pradesh found that while
more than 90% of the eligible beneficiaries received take home rations, hot
cooked meals were being served only to 55–60% of the beneficiaries. Fur-
ther, growth monitoring was erroneous and there seemed to be no impact of
AWC services in reducing malnutrition (Mishra, 2017).
Although data disaggregated by social groups is not available, on the
whole the ICDS currently suffers from low coverage, overburdened staff,
poor infrastructure, and poor quality supplementary nutrition. A re-survey
on implementation of ICDS in six states (in 2014 following up on a 2004
survey) found that while there has been a lot of progress in the implementa-
tion of ICDS in the last ten years, there is still a long way to go. Compared
to the FOCUS survey (Citizen’s Initiative, 2006), this re-survey POCUS,
2016, finds an expansion in most of the ICDS services with anganwadi
centres becoming more accessible, more children attending the centres,
and a larger number of pregnant and lactating women and children under
3 getting outreach services (Centre for Equity Studies, 2016). Along with
a massive expansion in the coverage, there have also been a few quality
improvements. However, there is still much to be desired as far as quality
as well as design aspects are concerned. Although the Restructured ICDS
included some important interventions such as community management of
malnutrition and anganwadi-cum-creches, these were not supported with
required funds and therefore never took off.
The gaps in infrastructure and resources for ICDS are seen in the RSoC
survey as well. The RSoC survey found that only 41% of the anganwadi
centres were functioning from their own buildings, the rest were in rented
buildings or sharing space with panchayat or school buildings. Eleven per-
cent of the anganwadi centres were functioning from the AWW or AWH’s
house. Only 53% of the centres had a separate space for cooking and 43%
had toilet facilities. Thirty-two percent had electricity connection. Only
42% of the AWWs had received any refresher training in the previous two
years. The data for 2014 available on the website of the Ministry of Women
and Child Development show that 31% of the CDPO posts and 30% of
Supervisors posts remained vacant. Such high vacancies have an impact on
the quality of supervision and monitoring that is possible under the scheme.
Major reforms in ICDS are still required to achieve universalisation with
quality of the ICDS. It is not yet known whether the recently launched
National Nutrition Mission, whose details are yet to be unveiled, will
address these issues.
180 Dipa Sinha
Even the MDM, for instance, still does not cover all schoolchildren.
According to official data from 2017,9 the scheme has failed to cover 25%
of the children (primary and upper primary) enrolled in schools, resulting
in deprivation of entitlement to as many as 3.2 crore children out of total
12.9 crore children enrolled. Among the states and UTs with large segments
of children uncovered are around 54% in Chandigarh, 41% in Jharkhand,
and between 27% and 31% in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat,
all states with a significant tribal population.

Maternity Entitlements
The NFSA includes a provision for universal maternity entitlements of not
less than ₹6,000 for all pregnant and lactating women (except those work-
ing in government or public sector undertakings). Universal maternity ben-
efits were incorporated in the National Food Security Act as an entitlement
that was critical for food and nutrition security, especially of children. For
the first six months, a child’s nutrition is best secured with exclusive breast-
feeding. With more than 95% of women in the country working in the
informal sector, they have no access to maternity entitlements or leave. Poor
women get back to work soon after delivery, as their incomes are crucial
for the family’s survival. Cash maternity entitlements are seen as a way of
supporting women to extend their time taken off from work after delivery,
so that they are able to get adequate rest as well as exclusively breastfeed
the baby. This along with the supplementary nutrition for the mothers is
assumed to take care of the nutritional needs of the mother and provide an
enabling environment for exclusive breastfeeding.
In June 2017, a new scheme the Pradhan Mantri Matru Vandana Yojana
(PMVVY) was notified to roll out the maternity benefits under the NFSA
(Sinha, 2017). This scheme however restricts the benefits for only one live
birth10 and for those who opt for antenatal and postnatal health examina-
tions, vaccinations, and institutional deliveries. Also, such conditions are
imposed on women when there is no guarantee that the services will be
available. Linking maternity entitlements to these services only serves to
exclude women who are living in areas where services are not available or
for some other reason are not able to utilise these services.
Field evidence including a Centre for Equity Studies study suggests that
cash transfers to pregnant women, if provided in time, were used in many
cases towards food and health expenses during pregnancy, something that is
otherwise not considered a high priority in household budgets. Because this
shows that maternity benefits are effective, it is puzzling that such entitle-
ments are restricted to only first-order births. Doing so excludes over 60%
of all the births that take place in the country, as only 39% of the births
according to NFHS-4 were first-order births. This discriminatory condition
means that the lives of mothers and children continue to be at risk, con-
tributing further to the unconscionably high rate of maternal and infant
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 181
mortality. Such conditions penalise women and infants who are already
marginalised.11 The exclusion is more among Dalits and Adivasis, who most
need such support than the forward castes, as the proportion of first-order
births is 36.3% for STs, 37.3% for SCs, and 43% for the ‘Others’. There-
fore, while 64% STs and 63% SCs are excluded by this condition on num-
ber of births alone, a smaller proportion of ‘Others’ get excluded (57%).

Access to Public Distribution System

Through the Public Distribution System (PDS) the government provides
subsidised grains, other foodstuffs, and fuel to a targeted population. Prior
to 2013, the population was divided into Below Poverty Line (BPL) and
Above Poverty Line (APL), based on which the entitlements and prices were
decided. The proportion of BPL households in each state for which the cen-
tral government would make allocation of grains at BPL prices was set on
the basis of the poverty ratio of the state as given by the official poverty
lines of the Planning Commission. This approach was widely criticised for
two related reasons. Firstly, there were large inclusion and exclusion errors
where a number of poor were left out of the BPL net and a number of non-
poor households were included in the BPL lists. Moreover, it was argued
that the official poverty lines were too low and as a result the quota of
BPL cards themselves were low compared to the number of households that
needed subsidised grains.
Under the National Food Security Act (NFSA), 2013, on an average 75%
of the rural population and 50% of urban population are to be covered as
priority households that are entitled to 5 kg of grain per person per month
at the rate of ₹3 per kg for rice, ₹2 per kg for wheat, and ₹1 per kg for
coarse cereals/millets. Further, poorest households are identified under the
Antodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) where they are eligible for foodgrains at the
same prices, but a quantity of 35 kg per household per month irrespective
of family size. A Supreme Court order in 2003 includes Particularly Vulner-
able Tribal Groups (PVTGs) in the list of categories of households that must
be included in AAY. Some states also have special arrangement for certain
groups, for example, Rajasthan has a special Sahariya package where they
are given pulses, oil, and ghee through the PDS or Jharkhand where PVTGs
are given foodgrains at ₹1 per kg.
In some states, especially the poorer states in central and north India, the
coverage under the PDS has risen tremendously after the NFSA. However,
there is no disaggregated data available by social groups yet. The last NSS
consumption expenditure survey was conducted in 2011–2012 and that has
some data on the possession of BPL ration cards. According to this data,
in rural India, AAY cards were possessed by 8% of SC households, 7% of
ST households, and 3% of households of the ‘Others’ category. BPL cards
were possessed by 49% of ST and 47% of SC households, and by 26%
households of the ‘Others’ category. In urban India, AAY coverage was
182 Dipa Sinha
much lower for all the social groups: 3% for SC and ST, 2% for OBC, and
1% for ‘Others’. Even BPL coverage was lower, with around 20% of ST,
SC, and OBC households, and 8% of ‘Others’ having BPL cards. Scheduled
Tribes had the highest proportion (41%) of households with no ration cards
in urban areas. The rest had APL cards (NSSO, 2012b). Another report
of the Niti Aayog based on data from India Human Development Survey
(IHDS) shows that overall about 57% of Adivasis had BPL or AAY cards,
whereas 20.5% Adivasis had no ration cards. The remaining had APL cards.
The coverage of BPL and AAY cards was highest among Adivasi communi-
ties, with about 53% of SCs having BPL or AAY cards.
This report further finds that although the number of households that
purchased cereals from the PDS grew sharply between 2004–2005 and
2011–2012, the per capita amount of grain purchased from the PDS rose
only slightly. Adivasi households on an average purchased about 5.2 kg of
grains from the PDS, which meets only around half of their monthly con-
sumption requirements. Greater coverage of Adivasi households under the
PDS is something that is expected and justified considering that poverty is
higher among STs and their monthly per capita consumption expenditures
(MPCE) is lower. According to the NSS data for 2011–2012, in rural India,
the average MPCE was ₹ 1,122 for ST, ₹ 1,252 for SC, and ₹ 1,439 for OBC
populations. In urban India, it was ₹ 2,193 for ST, ₹ 2,028 for SC, and ₹
2,275 for OBC. Further, ST households spent a larger proportion of their
total expenditures on food, including cereals. Among rural households,
cereals accounted for 13% of consumer expenditure for the ST households,
11% for the SC and OBC households, and 10% for the ‘Others’ households.
In urban areas, a similar pattern is observed where ST and SC households
spent 8% of their consumer expenditure on cereals, the OBC households
spent 7%, and the ‘Others’ spent 6%. The share of non-food varied over
social groups from 44% for the ST group to 49% for ‘Others’ in the rural
sector and from 53% for SC to 60% for Others in the urban sector (NSSO,
2012a).
As in the case with ICDS, in relation to PDS too, while relative to other
groups ST households have slightly better access to rations in terms of the
proportion of households that are covered, issues of distance and quality
remain. Further, given the extent of poverty and food insecurity in tribal
households, the quantity of grains available under the PDS is hardly suffi-
cient to meet requirements. Further, the PDS includes only cereals, whereas,
as seen in the earlier sections of this chapter, there are large gaps in con-
sumption of other food items as well, especially pulses and oilseeds. This is
again something that is also reflected in field studies. An exploratory study
of uncultivated foods and food and nutrition security of Adivasis in Odi-
sha, for instance, finds that the PDS while widespread, has not reached the
neediest or addressed the problem of malnutrition in these areas. Further,
it appears that in times of stress, whether it is during bad monsoon years,
hunger months, or lean weeks within a month, the PDS ration soon dries
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 183
up and the Adivasi populations have to depend on uncultivated foods as a
critical source of food and nutrition (Deb et al., 2014).
Another study conducted among migrant tribal communities in Rajasthan
finds that schemes such as PDS and ICDS provide limited support to tribal
communities’ due gaps in design as well as implementation. Of the families
studied, 25% did not even possess a ration card and many of the households
that did have cards reported difficulties in accessing their entitlements. Only
56% of the families reported receiving any wheat in the last one month and
only about 13% received any sugar. However, the study also concludes that
despite implementation gaps, the PDS is well-positioned to offer a critical
form of assistance to poor, tribal households in the region. It argues that
it can act as a vital safety net against malnutrition by distributing nutri-
tious food items such as pulses and oils, which can supplement diet diversity
within the tribal, migrant communities of southern Rajasthan. Therefore,
they call for an expansion and strengthening of the PDS as one of the critical
interventions towards addressing malnutrition among tribal communities in
Rajasthan (Mohan et al., 2016).

Promising Practices

The UNICEF report on ‘Nutrition and Adivasis’ identifies the follow-

ing as promising practices in states to address malnutrition among
tribals:

• In Andhra Pradesh – ‘One full meal’ entitles pregnant women and

breastfeeding mothers to receive a free nutritious meal every day
between 11 am to 2 pm at the village anganwadi centre, 25 days
per month.
• In Chhattisgarh – partnership with local civil society organiza-
tion improves access to nutrition services in regions affected by
civil strife and; food and supervised care for adivasi children in
community-managed crèches delivered some results.
• In Gujarat – Partnership with dairy cooperatives improves mater-
nal and infant care in adivasi communities.
• In Jharkhand – Malnutrition treatment centres bring services for
severely undernourished children closer to adivasi communities
and; women’s group vital allies to bridge gap in services delivery
and nutrition counselling.
• In Maharashtra – Improved nutrition governance reduces stunting
among adivasi children.
184 Dipa Sinha

• In Odisha – Adivasi women’s self-help groups inculcate toilet use

in Koraput district and; conditional cash transfer brings nutrition
services and support to adivasi women during pregnancy and lac-
tation and; partnership with grassroots NGOs improves cover-
age of life-protecting vitamin A supplementation among adivasi
children.
• In Rajasthan – Political will stirs concerted action for severely
undernourished adivasi children in drought prone districts.
• In West Bengal – community nutrition care and counselling ses-
sions help adivasi mothers learn from and support each other.

For details on each of the practices, see the report by UNICEF (2014), Nutri-
tion and Adivasis. Retrieved on July 29, 2016, from http://unicef.in/Uploads/
Resources/Nutrition-and-Adivasis-Low-res-for-View.pdf

Inadequate Resources
In the previous section, we looked at few main programmes that directly
address food security and nutrition. Along with this, there are a number
of other schemes of the Government of India that are directed towards the
right to food. Based on the Supreme Court orders under the ‘Right to Food’
case, we can look at these in four categories – the subsidised food schemes
through PDS and AAY; direct feeding programmes such as supplementary
nutrition under ICDS and the school mid-day meal scheme, employment
schemes under the MGNREGA, and social security schemes such as old age
pensions, widow and disability pensions, and maternity entitlements. The
MGNREGA is governed by a legislation and the NFSA includes within its
ambit PDS, AAY, ICDS, MDM,12 and maternity entitlements. Each of these
contributes to food security and nutrition in different ways.
The present report focused only on ICDS, maternity entitlements, and
PDS to illustrate the issues faced, especially by tribal populations, in access-
ing the entitlements under these schemes. Similar issues are relevant to all
the other schemes as well, just as they are also to health and education as
seen in the other chapters in this report.
While coverage remains a significant issue in all these schemes, What is
also common to these schemes/programmes is that all of them are under-
funded and face constraints of infrastructure as well as human resources.
While this is true for the programmes or schemes overall, tribal populations
living in remote locations and being socially excluded are amongst the worst
affected as they are at the bottom end of a system which is already of poor
quality and overburdened (Centre for Equity Studies, 2015).
For instance, with regard to the maternity entitlements, in the financial
year 2018–2019, the budgetary allocations under the Maternity Benefit
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 185
scheme was actually reduced by ₹300 crores to ₹2,400 crores – ₹2,700
crores were allocated under this scheme in the year 2017–2018 (reduced
to in 2018–2019). Further, this amount is only a third of what is required
for universal coverage as per NFSA norms.13 In the case of ICDS, while the
official mission document of the Government of India for ICDS14 calculated
a total requirement of about ₹30,000 crores for the year 2017–2018 to uni-
versalise this scheme as required under the law, the actual budgetary alloca-
tion in 2017–2018 under ICDS was only around ₹16,700 crores.
While there has also been a huge increase in the budgets provided for the
scheme, compared with ten years ago, the last three years show a slightly
different trend. This is also because of the recommendations of 14th Finance
Commission which changed the ratio of devolution of taxes to state gov-
ernments. The Niti Aayog Report on centrally sponsored schemes15 placed
the ICDS scheme under the list of ‘Core sector schemes’ for which the
Centre:State cost sharing ratio is 60:40. Since the 14th Finance Commission,
there has been a decline in the central allocations for ICDS (see Table 4.10).
As can be seen, the central budget for ICDS has been declining from
2014–2015 onwards. This is despite the fact that the amount approved by
the cabinet has been increasing. The allocation for Twelfth Five-Year Plan
(2012–2013 to 2016–2017) for ICDS was ₹1,23,580 crores. However, the
amount spent by the Government of India during this period amounts to
only ₹78,420.06 crores, that is, only 63% of what was allocated.
An analysis of state budgets also needs to be done for this period to get a
full picture. However, the data for state budgets are more difficult to come
by. The response to a Parliament question gives the expenditure on ICDS
reported by the states, including the state share. Based on this data, it is
seen that the overall expenditure on ICDS in the country increased slightly
in 2014–2015 but went down again in 2015–2016, with the total spending
in 2015–2016 being less than what was spent in 2012–2013. It needs to be
further noted that all these figures are in nominal terms and when adjusted

Table 4.10 Budgets for ICDS (₹ crores)

S.No. Year EFC/ Budget Revised Expenditure

cabinet allocation estimates (GoI share)
approved (BE) (RE)
1 2012–2013 16,542.00 15,850.00 15,850.00 15,701.50
2 2013–2014 22,027.00 17,700.00 16,312.00 16,267.49
3 2014–2015 26,533.00 18,195.00 16,561.60 16,581.82*
4 2015–2016 28,453.00 8,335.77 15,483.77 15,438.93
5 2016–2017 30,025.00 14,000.00 14,560.60 14,430.32
*
This includes saving from other schemes during the year.
Source: Response to Lok Sabha Question asked by Shri. K. Parasuraman. Government of India,
Ministry of Women and Child Development, Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No. 4220, to be
answered on August 11, 2017.
186 Dipa Sinha

25000

20000

15000

10000

5000

0
2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 2015-16 2016-17

Figure 4.8 Expenditure state share for implementation of ICDS scheme16

Source: Response to Lok Sabha Question Asked by Shri. K. Parasuraman. Government of
India, Ministry of Women and Child Development, Lok Sabha Unstarred Question no. 4220,
To be answered on 11.08.2017.

for prices, in real terms the central and overall expenditures on ICDS show
a declining trend in the last five-year period (Figure 4.8).
A report by CBGA of four state budgets also shows that the trend in spending
on ICDS and even MDM is mixed across the states. In Madhya Pradesh, for
instance, they found a decline in allocations for ICDS in 2014–2015 over the
previous year’s spending, and a marginal increase in the MDM. This despite the
fact that Madhya Pradesh has a higher proportion of stunted and wasted chil-
dren than the national average. Odisha and Andhra Pradesh also show a sub-
stantial decline in ICDS allocations and nutrition budgets. On the other hand,
Maharashtra has been able to prioritise its state budget in favour of nutrition.
While there is no space in this chapter to go into the details of budget
allocations for various nutrition schemes, the examples given earlier illus-
trate the gravity of the problem of resources being made available to these
schemes which are supposed to address malnutrition. What is of more rel-
evance and presented subsequently is within these limited budgets, what
are the provisions made for specially addressing the needs of tribals. Such
disaggregated data unfortunately is not easily available for all schemes and
information available from a study conducted by the Centre for Budget
Governance and Accountability (CBGA) and UNICEF to understand budg-
eting for improved nutritional status of tribal children through the tribal
sub-plan strategy is presented here.
This study analysed the Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) expenditures and outlays
of the union government and four state governments for selected nutrition-
related schemes. Among the ministries/departments considered for analy-
sis, the Department of Rural Development, which implements NRLM and
MGNREGA, allocated only 6% of the plan outlay for TSP in the FY 2013–
2014 and the Department of Food and Public Distribution allocated only
2.4%, while the recommended level for Central Ministries is 8.6%. In case of
the ICDS, along with the increase in the overall ICDS budget in 2014–2015,
there was a rise in the TSP share of ICDS as well. However, there is need for
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 187
further analysis of this aspect, as the ICDS budgets of the union government
have stagnated since 2015 onwards (Singh and Sethi, 2017).
This study also looks at a few states in more detail and finds that the
neglect of budgets specifically earmarked for the TSP is prevalent every-
where. For instance, although the number of tribal children under age
of 5 years in Madhya Pradesh is almost double that of Odisha, the TSP
expenditure on ICDS by MP government was less than that of Odisha till
2013–2014. On the other hand, in Maharashtra it was found that the com-
bined expenditure of state- and district-level TSP has come down in the last
few years from 4.2% of the TSP budget in FY 2010–2011 to only 1.6% in
FY 2014–2015. The state budgets revealed no TSP allocations under PDS,
while the report argues that such allocations through TSP could have been
used to enlarge and make diverse the food basket by providing oil, iodised
salt, and iron-rich food (Singh and Sethi, 2017).
The authors conclude that inadequate budgets under TSP are also a reflec-
tion of how the nutrition schemes have no specific tribal component, whereas
the special issues related to tribal people such as high rates of migration,
poverty, landlessness, spatially dispersed habitations, cultural differences,
difficult terrain, remoteness, etc. need to be taken into consideration. Even
though some schemes have different norms for tribal areas (as in the case of
anganwadi centres), it is found that implementation of such provisions has
remained poor in most cases as ‘these have either not been funded for or
have been inadequately funded’ (Singh and Sethi, 2017).

Access to Livelihoods, Forests, and Displacement

The basic cause of malnutrition along with inadequate access to services and
inadequate financial human resources is the sociocultural, political, and eco-
nomic context. Once again here, discussion on malnutrition among tribals and
issues related to the broader society and economy as well as certain specifics
related to Adivasis are relevant. Therefore, the trend towards declining sup-
port for state spending on welfare can be seen as part of the larger neoliberal
economic agenda that is pushing for greater privatisation, support for corporate
interests, and withdrawal of the state. Similarly, the increasing capture of com-
mon property resources and exploiting natural resources for profits (e.g. min-
ing) are also part of this broader economic trend. Tribal populations are affected
negatively by these developments, even more than rest of the population.
Other chapters in this report bring out the vulnerability of tribal popula-
tions with regard to livelihoods, forests, agriculture, land, and water. Migra-
tion in search of work, especially for some months in a year, is increasingly
common among tribal populations across the Central Indian states. All of
these affect the nutritional security of the tribal populations, both through
the impact it has on their purchasing power and making a dent upon ‘free’
resources that they earlier had access to. At the same time, factors like access
to health services and education also have an influence over nutritional out-
comes. These have also been discussed in other chapters. In this section,
188 Dipa Sinha
we therefore briefly present some of the issues related to the broader con-
text which have an impact on the nutritional outcomes of Adivasis, without
going to details as they have been dealt with in other parts of this report.
For tribal communities across the country, the forest is a source of liveli-
hoods as well as food. A study conducted by Living Farms in the districts
of Rayagada and Sundargarh of Odisha with tribal communities recorded
121 different kinds of uncultivated foods being harvested and on average
4.56 kg of such foods were harvested per household, during each collec-
tion foray. Ninety-eight different kinds of uncultivated foods went into the
cooked foods and wild animals also were part of the diets. It was found that
the forest foods could be playing a vital role in terms of meeting micronu-
trient requirements (Deb et al., 2014). Jain (2016) discusses in the context
of Gond tribes in south Madhya Pradesh, the documentation of 262 items
from the forests, including mahua, asparagus, harad, bahera, bel, chiraun-
jee, and arjun. These products are used in a number of ways. For example,
mahua is used to make roti as well as to make cooking oil.
These forest foods have a number of advantages, including that different vari-
eties are available throughout the year, they do not have to pay for them in cash
and therefore there is some equity in access. A number of these foods have high
nutritive value and also have medicinal properties. However, these studies also
find that these foods are declining in their availability as well as usage because of
a number of reasons. The forest cover is declining in a number of places. Forest
areas are being replaced by plantation due to forest department schemes, and
also due to actions by people themselves in response to incentives and schemes.
Further, with increasing access to cash, purchased foods are finding greater
space in the kitchens now (Deb et al., 2014). Jain (2016) also reports how
almost 68% of tribal youth knew almost nothing about their grains, tubers, and
green leafy vegetables and some seeds are no longer available.
The issue of access to forests is particularly relevant for PTGs or PVTGs
populations. A number of studies have shown the high level of malnutrition
among these communities and it has been argued that one of the reasons for
their situation is government policies for forest and wildlife protection which
have taken away their traditional sources of nutrition and subsistence. Fallow
shifting cultivation lands were declared reserve forests and the rights of tribal
cultivators over the limited cultivable land left with them were not recognised.
Hunting was curtailed under the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, but an amend-
ment in 1991 banned it entirely. The minor forest produce gathered by these
communities is now severely restricted. Establishment of parks and sanctuar-
ies has meant that communities have been evicted from the places where they
stayed for generations, and now have very limited access to hunting, forest pro-
duce, and fishing within the forest (Radhakrishna, 2009).

Recommendations and Conclusion

India ranks poorly on all nutrition-related indicators. At the same time, the
last decade has seen some improvement in the nutritional outcomes with
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 189
stunting, for instance, going down by 10 percentage points from 48% to
38%. However, we continue to hear stories of deaths of children due to
malnutrition – most of these incidents occur among Adivasi populations.
The recent malnutrition related ‘scandals’ in the country, be it the deaths
of children in Nagada in Odisha or Palghar in Maharashtra, involved tribal
populations. The marginalisation of Adivasis in terms of worse malnutrition
status is reflected in the NFHS data as well, with the proportion of children
who are stunted being 13 percentage points higher than those belonging
to the ‘Others’ group. With 44% tribal children stunted and 27% wasted,
malnutrition among tribals is nothing but a silent emergency which needs to
be urgently recognised and addressed.
Malnutrition is caused by multiple factors and these have been addressed
across different chapters of this report. In this chapter, we focus on access
to food and food security while acknowledging the importance of other
factors such as health services, clean drinking water and sanitation, secure
livelihoods, access to land and other natural resources, and so on. In rela-
tion to each of these, Adivasis are in a vulnerable position and need special
attention. In recent times, Adivasis have been increasingly subject to dis-
placement, alienation from land and forests, and migration. All these factors
need to be considered when analysing the causes for higher malnutrition
among Adivasis.
Further, it also needs to be recognised that while the situation of Adivasis
is worse of, on an average as well India is performing poorly as far as nutri-
tion is concerned. This shows, among all the other factors, the poor status
of the government services that are supposed to be in place to address issues
of food security and nutrition. There are a number of recommendations that
have been made by many, within and outside government, towards improv-
ing the outreach and quality of schemes such as the ICDS, MDM, and PDS.
In the background of a general strengthening of these schemes, certain spe-
cial efforts will need to be made towards specifically reaching out to Adivasi
populations. The following are some recommendations.
As mentioned in the earlier sections, the small and scattered settlements
that are most common among Adivasis are left out of a number of govern-
ment services. While there are different population norms for some of the
schemes, these are neither adequately adhered to nor are they sufficient to
resolve the problem. Greater flexibility needs to be allowed in these pro-
grammes so that local solutions can be arrived at to cover children and
women in remote and scattered populations. Decentralisation and handing
over power to the local communities would be important.
Special efforts must be made and incentives given to ensure that there are
no human resource gaps in the services being provided to tribal populations.
As far as possible, preference must be given to Adivasi people to provide
these services. This might also require some flexibility like relaxing the eligi-
bility criteria for anganwadi workers in tribal areas.
In a number of places, tribals are losing their traditional diets due to
declining forest cover and more difficult access to forest produce. Along
190 Dipa Sinha
with this, the entry of markets and the cash economy has also shifted the
diets towards items bought from the market. At the same time, due to lack
of employment opportunities most tribals do not have the money to access
diverse and nutritious diets. Solutions based on local foods and reviving tra-
ditional foods must be focused upon. The government must undertake exer-
cises towards documenting local foods of Adivasi population and undertake
steps to protect the nutritious items and health practices.
The Restructured ICDS scheme had a provision for anganwadi cum creches
which never took off. Recent NGO experiences have shown that creches are
an effective strategy for addressing acute malnutrition among children in tribal
communities (Prasad et al., 2017).17 These creches have been focused on chil-
dren under 3 years of age providing them nutritious diets based on local foods,
including eggs and care for at least eight hours a day. Creches not only contribute
to improving nutrition among children but also allows women to go for work
away from home. It has been seen that in the absence of any childcare facili-
ties, women leave children with elders, siblings, or neighbours, or even alone.
Alternatively, they take young children along with them to the workplace. The
availability of creches allow women to explore different work options and also
reduce the burden of sibling care allowing older children to go to school.
The National Nutrition Mission talks about convergence at the district
level with a focus on health, sanitation, and nutrition. Along with this, the
convergence efforts, especially in Adivasi areas, must involve revenue, for-
ests, and Panchayati Raj to ensure not only that all schemes contribute to
better nutrition but also that none of this harm the access of nutrition. For
example, when forest and wildlife conservation plans are made, along with
other things, an audit also needs to be undertaken of how they are affecting
the food security of the people dependent on forest.

Notes
1 See the following two recent resources on tribal malnutrition: an edited volume
titled Forest Lanterns brought together by UNICEF (Xaxa, 2017), and a special
issue of Seminar magazine in May 2016 on nutrition-sensitive practices in Sched-
ule V Areas, called ‘Nourishing Tribals’.
2 At the time of writing of this chapter, only the NFHS-4 factsheets had been
released. By the time of publication in 2022, full data from NFHS-4 and NFHS-5
are available. While the major trends reported in this chapter remain valid, it is
to be noted that there is more recent data that is available which has not been
included here.
3 http://pib.nic.in/newsite/mbErel.aspx?relid=142363
4 http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Vijayawada/sicklecell-anaemia-spreading-
among-tribals/article6284614.ece
5 For breastfed children, minimum meal frequency is receiving solid or semi-solid
food at least twice a day for infants 6–8 months and at least three times a day
for children 9–23 months and for non-breastfed children aged 6–23 months,
minimum meal frequency is receiving solid or semi-solid food or milk feeds at
least four times a day.
6 Children receive foods from four or more of the following food groups: (a) infant
formula, milk other than breast milk, cheese or yogurt, or other milk products;
 Hunger and Malnutrition amongst Adivasis 191
(b) foods made from grains or roots, including porridge or gruel, fortified baby
food; (c) Vitamin A-rich fruits and vegetables; (d) other fruits and vegetables; (e)
eggs; (f) meat, poultry, fish, shellfish, or organ meats; (g) beans, peas, lentils, or
nuts; (h) foods made with oil, fat, ghee, or butter.
7 Organisations associated with the Right to Food campaign have been raising this
issue of relaxing norms for appointment of anganwadi workers in tribal areas
in both these states, so that workers belonging to tribal communities may be
appointed in villages that are predominantly tribal.
8 http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2017/large-scale-deworming/en/
9 Annual Plan and Budget documents for MDM 2017–2018 available on the web-
site of MDM, Ministry of Human Resource Development (mdm.nic.in)
10 https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/maternity-benefit-scheme-to-be-fully-
functional-by-feb-end-official/articleshow/62326446.cms
11 There are a number of other barriers that women, especially Adivasi women,
face in accessing maternity entitlements. The study conducted by CES in four
states, in mostly tribal areas, found that there were many difficulties that women
faced in relation to opening of zero balance bank accounts: travelling to the
banks which were far away, delays in payments, etc.
12 MDM (Mid-day Meal) entitles all children in the primary and upper primary
classes of government and government-aided schools to free mid-day meals. As
in the case of the ICDS, the Supreme Court order of November 28, 2001, not
only universalised the MDMS in all government and government-aided schools,
but also made its mandate a legal entitlement.
13 http://indianexpress.com/article/india/maternity-benefit-scheme-still-not-
functional-economists-write-to-arun-jaitley-4992225/
14 https://www.bpni.org/WBW/2013/Broad-Framework-of-Implementation-ICDS-
Mission.pdf
15 http://niti.gov.in/writereaddata/files/Final%20Report%20of%20the%20
Sub-Group%20submitter%20to%20PM.pdf
16 Source: Same as Table 4.9.
17 See the experience of Action against Malnutrition in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh,
and Odisha (Prasad and Sinha, 2015; Prasad et al., 2018), Jan Swasthya Sahy-
og’s Phulwari programme in Chhattisgarh (Atkuri, 2016), and Chhattisgarh
Government’s Phulwari scheme (http://www.cips.org.in/documents/Download-
PDF/downloadpdf.php?id=101&category=Health).

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5 Educational Situation of
Scheduled Tribes in India
With a Focus on Schedule V
Areas and West Bengal
Vimala Ramachandran
With inputs from A.N. Reddy

Historical Background
Literacy rates and school participation data are important indicators of the
overall status of a community. As evident in Table 5.1, notwithstanding the
tremendous progress made in the last seven decades, literacy rates (7+ age)
among Scheduled Tribes of India remain far below the national average and
slightly lower than that of Scheduled Castes. The female literacy of ST is
the lowest at 49.4% in Census 2011. The national average hides significant
regional disparities among ST populations. The educational status of the
ST community differs across different regions of India. In this report, we
explore the Schedule V Areas and West Bengal.
Since the 1960s, a number of commissions and committees were consti-
tuted by Government of India to enquire into the social and economic situ-
ation of ST communities. The Tribal Commission of 1960–1961 (chaired
by U.N. Dhebar) argued that the historical legacy of different regions influ-
enced access to education, participation in schooling, and most importantly
the approach of the education system to the specific educational challenges
faced. At that time, the dominant perception was that developmental and
educational interventions should respect the cultural and socio-economic
Table 5.1 All India literacy rate of general, SC, and ST population (1961–2011)
(figures in percentage)

Year All social groups SC ST

Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total

1961 40.4 15.4 28.3 17 3.3 10.3 13.8 3.2 8.5

1971 46 22 34.5 22.4 6.4 14.7 17.6 4.9 11.3
1981 56.4 29.8 43.6 31.1 10.9 21.4 24.5 8 16.4
1991 64.1 39.3 52.2 49.9 23.8 37.4 40.7 18.2 29.6
2001 75.2 53.7 64.8 66.6 41.9 54.7 59.2 34.8 47.1
2011 80.9 64.6 73 75.2 56.5 66.1 68.5 49.4 59
Source: Registrar General of India, Census of India: Various Years.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-7
194 Vimala Ramachandran

context of the ST community. Notwithstanding the recommendations of

the Dhebar Committee to pay special attention to pedagogical and linguis-
tic aspects of tribal education, focused programmes to develop and train
teachers in the tribal areas, provide mid-day meals, clothing, and books,
and most importantly calibrate the school calendar to suit the social rhythm
of tribal communities – the unfortunate reality is that not much was done
in this direction. As a result, even today in 2018, experts reiterate the same
recommendations. The sad reality is that education of our tribal population
has continued to be marginalised in educational policy and planning.
Many issues discussed in the Dhebar Commission were further elabo-
rated in the Indian Education Commission of 1964–1965 (known as the
Kothari Commission) and the Bhuria Committee 1991 and Bhuria Com-
mission 2002–2004. In particular, the committees/commissions argued that
the school calendar and timings have to be modified to suit the agricultural
cycle and festivals of tribal communities. The commission reiterated the
need to have focused and time-bound programmes to enhance the pool of
teachers in tribal areas. Notwithstanding the recommendations of various
committees, right through the 1960s, 1970s, and up to 1990, planners and
administrators did not pay attention to the specific challenges faced in tribal
areas of the country. While there is no comprehensive analysis of why centre
and the state governments choose to ignore important recommendations,
researchers (Sujatha 1999, 2011;1 Jha and Jhingran 2005; Veerbhadranaika
et al. 2012) point out that there was no political resolve to address specific
education-related issues of tribal populations in India. Apart from strategies
like Ashram Schools and in some areas (that too on a pilot basis) developing
multilingual textbooks, there has not been any holistic approach to seriously
address issues of access, retention, and, most importantly, learning-related
issues of tribal communities. This led to continued neglect of literacy and
education of tribal communities – as a result, there was a modest increase in
literacy rates of the ST population and the gap between ST and other com-
munities remained high (Table 5.1, Figure 5.1). The momentum picked up
from the late 1980s and through the decade of the 1990s and 2000, some
progress is evident in the literacy status of ST communities as a whole.
However, the participation of tribal communities in higher education
remains worrisome. As Ganesh Devy rightly argues:

The picture of higher education varies from state to state, with econom-
ically poorer states having a lower percentage of students enrolled in
higher education. . . . The most recently created tribal states of Chhattis-
garh and Jharkhand show a far bleaker picture. . . . The gross enrolment
of students from scheduled tribes in 2015–16 is 13.7% and students of
scheduled castes is 19.1%. In other words, for every scheduled caste
or scheduled tribe student who manages to enter a college/educational
institutions, there are four others who have missed the opportunity.
(Devy 2017)
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 195

Bhuria Commission 2002–2004 Recommendations

The education sector should be regarded as a key sector for the overall
progress of tribal people. Though the literacy percentage has increased
from 8.53% in 1961 to 29.60% in 1991, this does not necessarily
mean that the STs have become educated in the real sense of the term.
They have also not been able to catch up with the rest of the society;
in fact, the gap in literacy percentage as between the STs and non-STs
continues to widen.
The tribal policy will aim at:

i. Making pedagogy suitable to tribal life and milieu.

ii. Attuning curricula and syllabi to tribal life and culture.
iii. Imparting teaching in the tribal child’s mother tongue, at least up
to primary level.
iv. Focusing national programmes like the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan on
the tribal population, since it constitutes the most illiterate section
of the society.
v. Providing scholarships, hostel maintenance costs, free school uni-
forms etc. up to the matriculation stage.
vi. In the first instance, setting up educational institutions in the
Scheduled Areas and tribal areas, as per the prescribed norms Fur-
ther, considering, lowering of the norms in view of the scattered
tribal populations.
vii. Repair and renovation of school and hostel buildings lying in a
state of disrepair. Provision of toilet facilities in all schools and
hostels, particularly those meant for girl students.
viii. Establishment of at least one residential school for boys and one
residential school for girls in each development block.
ix. Establishment of one Navodaya Vidyalaya in each tribal block.
x. Establishment of one model residential school of the pattern
evolved by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs in ITDP/ITDA.
xi. Provision of supplementary nutrition and mid-day meals to chil-
dren in tribal areas up to middle stage.
xii. Emphasis on vocational and professional education, setting up
polytechnics for studies in subjects like farming, forestry, horticul-
ture, dairying, veterinary sciences etc. Orientation of these studies
towards self-employment.
xiii. Devising measures for meeting the problem of absenteeism of
teachers, particularly in far-flung areas, like constituting village
education committees, contractual employment’, appointment of
ST teachers.
196 Vimala Ramachandran

Acceleration in literacy rates in the 1990s is often attributed to three

important developments:

• After the adoption of the 1986 National Policy on Education and India
signing up to the 1990 Education for All declaration in 1990 (Jom-
tien Declaration), Government of India stepped up efforts to not only
open more schools and ensure all children have a school within walking
distance; but GOI also provided financial and planning support to the
state governments through a number of centrally sponsored schemes –
National Literacy Mission (1989), Operation Blackboard (1987), Ash-
ram Schools from primary to class 12 (under the Tribal Sub-Plan since
1990, though Ashram Shala were established in 1960), post-matric
scholarship and targeted incentives (1992), District Primary Education
Programme (1994 – in educationally backward districts), and National
Programme for Nutrition Support (1995).
• The 1990s also witnessed economic growth and the rapid expansion of
the media (television, radio, communication) – leading to a change in
the aspirations of the poor – especially SC and ST communities. Open-
ing up of economic opportunities led to change in the aspirations of
the people. The demand for school education became palpable and the
government started more schools in rural areas. As a result, many more
ST children enrolled.
• Finally, the decade of the 2000 saw the introduction of Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan (2001) and Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (2009).
Both these programmes further improved access to schools. In 2009,
Government of India introduced the Right to Education (RTE) Act,
which placed the onus of providing all children access to schools on the
government.

The outcomes of these interventions were fairly positive across the country,
but it was effective to a lesser extent in tribal areas and among tribal com-
munities. There is little doubt that we still have a long way to go before the
educational attainment of the ST community is on par with other social
groups. This chapter presents an analytical overview of the situation at dif-
ferent levels of education and also attempts to analyse the reasons for per-
sisting challenges.
The first section gives an overview of the situation in terms of literacy
rates, educational participation (gross and net enrolment ratios) in elemen-
tary, secondary, higher secondary, and higher education. The study then
focuses on the educational situation – starting Schedule V, and West Bengal.
Subsequently, the chapter summarises government strategy to promote edu-
cation among the ST community. The study concludes with some recom-
mendations – reiterating the suggestions made by successive committees and
commissions appointed by the government at different points of time.
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 197

The Educational Situation in Schedule V Areas

The Fifth Schedule Areas comprise specifically notified areas (villages, talu-
kas, blocks, etc.) in Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Himachal
Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Odisha, and Rajasthan. The districts
that come under this schedule have significant ST population (even in areas
where the percentage of ST in the state as a whole may not be high) and
have certain specified constitutional safeguards. Educationally, almost all
the Schedule Five Areas are educationally backward and given the nature
of habitations, access to schools were historically poor. An overwhelming
majority of Educational Backward Blocks are tribal (MHRD, GOI List of
EBBs). While access to primary education improved significantly in the dec-
ade of 2000, access to secondary and higher secondary continues to remain
worrisome. The overall educational status of Schedule V Areas is far poorer
than the non-Schedule Areas and also the Schedule Six Areas – as evident
from data on literacy rates.

Declaration of Fifth Schedule

As per the Constitutional provision under Article 244 (1) of the Con-
stitution of India, the ‘Scheduled Areas’ are defined as ‘such areas as
the President may by order declare to be Scheduled Areas’ – as per
paragraph 6(1) of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of India. The
specification of ‘Scheduled Areas’ in relation to a State is by a noti-
fied order of the President, after consultation with the Governor of
that State. In accordance with the provisions of paragraph 6(2) of the
Fifth Schedule of the Constitution of India, the President may increase
the area of any Scheduled Area in a State after consultation with the
Governor of that State; and make fresh orders redefining the areas
which are to be Scheduled Areas in relation to any State. The same
applies in the case of any alteration, increase, decrease, incorpora-
tion of new areas, or rescinding any Orders relating to ‘Scheduled
Areas’. At present, Scheduled Areas have been declared in the States
of Andhra Pradesh (including Telangana), Chhattisgarh, Gujarat,
Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odi-
sha and Rajasthan.
Criteria for declaring Scheduled Area

• The criteria for declaring any area as a ‘Scheduled Area’ under the
Fifth Schedule are:
• Preponderance of tribal population,
198 Vimala Ramachandran

• Compactness and reasonable size of the area,

• A viable administrative entity such as a district, block or taluk,
and
• Economic backwardness of the area as compared to the neigh-
bouring areas.

Source: Ministry of Tribal Affairs. Retrieved on January 15, 2020, from

https://tribal.nic.in/declarationof5thSchedule.aspx

Before we go into depth on school participation in Schedule V Areas, it

is important to reiterate the specific issues that frame educational access in
these areas:

a. These areas are among the poorest in the country.

b. The areas are primarily rural.
c. Areas are characterised by scattered habitations.
d. They primarily rely on agriculture, collection of minor forest produce,
wage labour and seasonal migration.
e. The health and nutritional status of children is precarious.
f. Have a higher proportion of small schools and single/two-teacher
schools.
g. This larger context of livelihood and health-nutritional status frames
educational participation.

It is also noteworthy that the ST population speak several different lan-

guages and they are not necessarily aligned to the dominant language of the
state. This adds one more critical dimension to education. Right from the
1960s, almost all the committees and commissions constituted by the gov-
ernment to enquire into the status of education have repeatedly argued that
the medium of instruction in the early grades has to be done in the mother
tongue and more importantly, teachers should be familiar with tribal lan-
guages. To this end, almost all the commissions recommended time-bound
and focused programmes to enhance the pool of qualified teachers from the
ST community. This remains a major challenge even to this day – contrib-
uting in no small measure to low comprehension, poor learning, and high
dropout rates.
Let us start with literacy. If we take the country as a whole, as shown in
Table 5.1, the literacy rate was 73 in 2011 (male 80.9 and female 64.6).
In comparison, the literacy rates of the ST population in Schedule V
states (except Himachal Pradesh) is significantly low at 59% (ST women
49.4, ST men 68.5), as evident in Table 5.2. Equally, the literacy rate of
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 199

Table 5.2 Out-of-school children (6–13 years) in Schedule V states in 2014

State SC ST OBC Others All

Andhra Pradesh 1.13 2.86 0.78 0.7 0.91

Chhattisgarh 0.34 9.84 1.99 0.97 3.75
Gujarat 2.27 2.17 1.7 1.39 1.94
Himachal Pradesh 0 0 0 0.41 0.21
Jharkhand 1.48 2.01 1.88 3.17 2.02
Madhya Pradesh 3.27 4.47 3.57 4.38 3.78
Maharashtra 0.89 1.18 0.73 0.66 0.81
Orissa 5.23 14.81 2.58 2.4 6.1
Rajasthan 4.35 6.07 5.68 3.52 5.02
India 3.24 4.2 3.07 1.87 2.97
West Bengal 3.26 3.4 0.93 2.12 2.45
Source: IMRB 2014.

ST community in West Bengal was 57.92 (ST female 47.71 and ST male
68.16) (Census of India 2011).
The gap between the literacy rate of the whole population and that of
STs and within that female ST remains fairly significant in most of the tribal
population of the Schedule V states. Even in Himachal Pradesh where the
literacy rates of ST looks fairly higher than the other Schedule V states, the
gap between female literacy of the general population and that of STs is
quite high. Equally, the rural–urban differences are quite sharp. Similarly,
in West Bengal too, the gender gap in literacy rate among ST is almost 20
percentage points. Variations with West Bengal districts is significant:

The Highest ST female literacy is recorded in Kolkata 76.57% followed

by Darjeeling with 67.16%. The lowest ST female literacy is found in
Uttar Dinajpur 35.48% followed by Malda and Birbhum with 37.86%
and 37.67% respectively in the census year of 2011.
(Saha and Debnath 2016)

Discussions on the number of out-of-school children (OOSC) and of

working children/child labour also reveal that the Schedule V states are par-
ticularly vulnerable. A recent study on multiple deprivations of ST popu-
lation that did a detailed analysis of availability of schooling facilities in
Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, and MP revealed:

[T]he difference in provisioning of education in tribal dominated areas

to villages where they are negligible is remarkable in Odisha and Chhat-
tisgarh. The gap in availability of schooling facility between villages
that are tribal dominated and others increased as one goes up from pri-
mary to middle to secondary school levels, with the tribal concentrated
villages having very low proportion of secondary schools per village.
(Rustagi et al. 2011)
200 Vimala Ramachandran

A recent GOI commissioned survey of OOSC (IMRB 2014) reveals that

the situation in Schedule V states is perhaps most worrying because a larg-
est percentage of out-of-school children in the 6–13 years of age hail from
ST community – with significant rural–urban differences.
The aforementioned percentages camouflage the extent of the crisis. These
percentages translate into huge numbers. Across the country, 10,07,562
ST children (5,32,131 boys and 4,75,431 girls) are out of school.
This insight from the out-of-school survey is confirmed when we look
at GER rates and also the dropout rates of ST students at various levels
of schooling. As evident in Table 5.11 on GER at different stages, with
the exception of Himachal Pradesh, the GER drops as we move from pri-
mary to upper primary to secondary and higher secondary. The situation in
Jharkhand and Odisha are perhaps the worst with the ST GER dropping to
a low of 10.11 in Jharkhand (11.12 boys and 9.12 girls) and 17.22 in Orissa
at higher secondary (boys 20.13 and girls 14.19).
It is therefore important for planners and administrators to understand
the reasons behind poor educational participation beyond elementary. This
is where there are significant data gaps – while we have overall estimates
of the number of high schools/higher secondary schools to elementary (pri-
mary and upper primary) schools, it would be valuable to calculate this
for all the tribal-dominated educational blocks. This may give us a clearer
picture of access. Secondly, we need to also estimate the percentage of sin-
gle- and two-teacher schools, schools with less than 30–50 students, and
the actual physical presence of teachers in rural habitations. A ground-level
analysis of the schools, its facilities, availability of teachers, how frequently
these schools are inspected/visited, and the percentage of women teachers
could perhaps give us greater insights into the actual functioning of the
school system in Schedule V Areas.
In-depth research done in Schedule V Areas clearly demonstrates the need
for context-specific planning, priority-setting, and allocation of funds. Offic-
ers in these areas argue that the national templates in use in educational
programmes like Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and Rastriya Madhyamik Shiksha
Abhiyan are not suitable for Schedule V Areas – this was articulated in
the Schedule V Areas consultation held in Raipur. Officials said that they
need a lot more untied resources in order to devise specific strategies. The
non-tribal population – mostly drawn from West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, and
Kerala are educationally forward.

The Literacy Status

The overall literacy status of ST discussed in the introductory section
(Table 5.1) hides significant regional variations. In this chapter, the educa-
tional situation is presented for Schedule V and West Bengal with significant
ST population. Equally, this chapter uses gender-disaggregated data. This,
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 201

we felt, was important because the situation of ST women is perhaps the

litmus test of the persistence of multiple disadvantages.
The literacy status in Schedule V states is perhaps the more worrisome. As
evident in Table 5.2, rural ST female literacy is less than 40% in Rajasthan,
Odisha, and Andhra Pradesh and between 40% and 50% in Chhattisgarh,
Jharkhand, and Madhya Pradesh. Equally significant is that several states
in the non-Scheduled Areas also reveal rural female ST literacy rate lower
than 50% – namely Bihar, Jammu and Kashmir, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu,
Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, and Dadar & Nagar Haveli. It is significant
that in states where the ST population is less than 5%, the situation of the
small tribal populations remain grim (notably Tamil Nadu). On the other
hand, it is heartening to note that the literacy rates among Tribal popula-
tions in Schedule VI states is well above national average – in both rural
and urban areas. This underscores the point that there are significant differ-
ences between Schedule V and VI states, on the one hand, and also between
Schedule areas and the non-Scheduled areas that have small tribal popula-
tions on the other hand.
Scanning Census data from 1991, the silver lining that is visible is that
the gap between the literacy rate of the general population and ST has
been steadily coming down in all the Schedule V along with West Bengal
(Table 5.3).

Table 5.3 Gap in literacy rate of ST compared to total population

State/UT 1991 2001 2011

Total ST Gap Total ST Gap Total ST Gap

Schedule V
states
Andhra 44.1 17.2 26.9 60.5 37 23.4 59.77 42.8 16.98
Pradesh
Chhattisgarh 42.9 26.7 16.2 64.7 52.1 12.6 60.21 50.03 10.18
Gujarat 61.3 36.4 24.9 69.1 47.7 21.4 67.99 52.58 15.41
Himachal 63.9 47.1 16.8 76.5 65.5 11 73.42 64.64 8.78
Pradesh
Jharkhand 41.4 27.5 13.9 53.6 40.7 12.9 55.56 47.44 8.12
Madhya 44.7 18.4 26.3 63.7 41.2 22.6 59 41.22 17.78
Pradesh
Maharashtra 64.9 36.8 28.1 76.9 55.2 21.7 72.57 56.01 16.56
Orissa 49.1 22.3 26.8 63.1 37.4 25.7 63.71 43.96 19.75
Rajasthan 38.6 19.4 19.2 60.4 44.7 15.8 55.84 43.09 12.75
Other state
West Bengal 57.7 27.8 29.9 68.6 43.4 25.2 67.42 50.3 17.12
India 52.2 29.6 22.6 64.8 47.1 17.7 63.07 49.51 13.56
Source: U-DISE.
202 Vimala Ramachandran

Literacy rates of a community do not always capture recent improvements

in school participation and the impact of higher enrolment and completion
rates and equally noteworthy is that literacy rates capture the historical bag-
gage of low participation in schooling. While it is important to start the
narrative of education with literacy, the more worrisome and challenges
issues come to the fore when we discuss participation in school and higher
education.

Schooling
Gross Enrolment Ratios is a misleading indicator. Over the last ten years,
the primary-level GER among all communities tend to be more than 100.
This essentially means that the numbers of children enrolled in the primary
classes is higher than the child population of the concerned age group – tell-
ing us that many more over-age and under-age children are enrolled, thereby
pushing the GER above 100. As educational participation in a community
improves and almost all children are enrolled in age-appropriate grades, the
GER would come down and be closer to 100. Therefore, very high GER is
not a positive sign, it tells us that our children are not enrolled in the age-
appropriate grade as mandated by the Right to Education Act of 2009. The
data discussed in this section needs to be read in the light of this understand-
ing of GER.
If we are to take the last 14 years, the GER of ST at primary (6–10 years,
classes 1–5) steadily increases from 116.9 (2000–2001) to 136.8 (2009–
2010) and then drops to 110.6 (2014–2015). This trend is comparable
to that of the SC community – indicating that formal enrolment in pri-
mary school went up sharply and then dropped, and a large proportion
of over-age as well as under-age children are enrolled in primary schools
(Table 5.4). As we move from primary to upper-primary (11–13 years,
classes 6–8) the picture gets worrying – GER (upper primary) for ST drops

Table 5.4 Gap in literacy between total and ST population

Socio-religious 2009 2014

Category Rural Urban All Rural Urban All

SC 20.1 16.1 19.5 33.9 27.3 32.4

ST 12.7 4.5 11.3 19.7 6 16.6
OBC* 33.1 25.6 31.8 33 47.9 36.4
Others* 22.1 35.4 24.3 13.4 18.8 14.6
Muslim 12 18.4 13.1
All 100 100 100 100 100 100
*
Excludes Muslims. Data on Muslims is given separately in row 5 for the year 2009.
Source: CORD 2014, from IMRB Unit Level Data 2009 and IMRB (2014).
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 203

to 60.2 (72.5 male, 47.7 female) in 2000 and gradually climbs to 94.1 (93.0
male, 95.2 female) in 2014–2015. As children proceed to classes 9 and 10
(age 14–15 years), the GER in 2014–2015 drops to 72.2 (71.8 male, 72.6
female) and it further drops in higher secondary (age 16–17 years, classes
11 and 12) to 38.8 (39.8 male, 37.8 female). The picture that emerges from
the analysis of GER is further reinforced by available data on dropout rates.
(See Appendix Table 5.A.)
If we look at dropout rates of ST community as a whole in India for
2013–2014 (P), 31.3% (31.9 male, 30.7 female) was higher than that of the
SC (16.6%) and the general population (19.8%) by the time they finish class
5 (Table 5.2 for year-wise comparative dropout rates). This data is signifi-
cant, especially in the light of the RTE Act of 2009. It is indeed noteworthy
that the dropout rates have come down in 2009 as compared to 2001–2002,
when majority of the ST students would dropout by the time they finish
class 5. At present, the dropout rate is 31.3% (31.9 male, 30.7 female) and
there are more boys dropping out of school than girls. The situation looks
more worrying if we are to take the elementary cycle as a whole (classes
1–8), 48.2% of ST children (49.8 male and 46.4 female) drop out before
they complete class 8. Further, at the end of class 10, the cumulative dropout
rate stands as 62.4% in 2013–2014 (63.2 male, 61.4 female). Based on the
available data for all groups, essentially what official statistics reveal is that
barely 40% of the ST children who enrol in class 1 actually reach class 10 –
as they continue dropping out at various stages. There is also a noticeable
gap between ST, SC, and all communities, with the status of ST being most
challenging.
Census 2001 and 2011 are a valuable resource to understand the edu-
cational participation of ST community, in comparison with SC and other
communities. In 2001, the percentage of ST who reported having studied
up to matric (secondary education) was a mere 3.43% (2.35 male and 1.08
female), and among the STs, the rural–urban gap is also significant with
barely 0.73% persons (0.44 male and 29 female) in rural areas reporting
having completed matric or secondary education. The situation gets far
worse when we move up to higher secondary, non-technical diploma, tech-
nical diploma, or graduate and above (Table 5.3).
The Census 2011 data on level of education reveals that the ST com-
munity has a long way to go before they come close to the age-specific
levels of education of forward castes and communities (Table 5.4). Even
in 2011, only 2% of ST adults were graduates – with significant gender
gap. The majority of educated STs have studied only up to middle school.
While there are rural–urban differences, the moot point is that – notwith-
standing the increase in absolute numbers of ST participating in educa-
tion – the percentage who actually make it through the school system and
move on to technical or non-technical post-secondary education remains
woefully low.
204 Vimala Ramachandran

Various rounds of the National Sample Survey (NSSO, GOI) also give us
information on the educational status of ST community. This national sam-
ple survey 55th Round (1999–2000), 61st Round (2004–2005), and 66th
Round (2009–2010) gathered information (by social group) and therefore
these three rounds give us valuable information on the comparative status
of ST and other communities. These three rounds record current attendance
in any educational institution (school, college, university, institute). As an
indicator, it gives us information on the percentage of persons of different
communities (disaggregated by gender) attending any educational institu-
tion. The picture that emerges from a perusal of NSSO data confirms the
trends visible in education data of MHRD, GOI. The current attendance in
any educational institutions in all the three age groups has been increasing
as we move from 1999–2000 to 2009–2010 – and this is the case for all
communities, rural and urban STs, and for men and women. Yet there is an
appreciable gap between different social groups, with the status of STs being
the most worrisome, followed by SC. Equally, as we move from 5–14 years
to 15–19 years, there is an appreciable drop in the percentage of ST youth
attending any educational institution. Let us take the latest round (2009–
2010, 66th Round) data, while 81.4% (81.4 male, 81.4 female) ST per-
sons in the 5–14 age group reported attending schools in rural areas, this
drops to 32.2% (47.8 male, 37.3 female) when we look at 15–19 age group
respondents. There is a further drop to 9.1% (13.2 male, 5.8 female) when
we look at 20–24 age group respondents. This confirms the trends visible
in both GER and dropout rates as, discussed in the preceding paragraphs
(Table 5.5).
National studies (2009 and 2014) on out-of-school children (OOSC)
done under the aegis of MHRD, GOI, and UNICEF India Country Office
(New Delhi) reveal that while STs constitute 8.6% of the population (Cen-
sus of India 2011), they accounted for 11% of OOSC in 2009. Further, the
report clearly brings out that OOSC ST children are more prominent in the
older 11–13 age group, confirming the findings of other data sources that
a disproportionately larger number of ST children drop out at the upper
primary and higher levels, with states like Odisha and Rajasthan recording
very high percentage of OOSC in the 11–13 age group – Rajasthan 24%
male and 38.8% female; Odisha 23% male and 26% female. The sample
survey was repeated in 2013 and the report clearly shows that while the
overall percentage of OOSC has come down, it was 6.94% in 2005, 4.53%
in 2009, and 2.97% in 2013. Disaggregation by Social Group shows that the
maximum proportion of out-of-school children in India is within Scheduled
Tribes (4.20%), followed by Scheduled Caste (3.24%) and Others (1.84%).
In absolute numbers, 10,07,562 ST children are out of school (9,25,193
rural and 82,369 urban). In rural areas, the number of ST boys who are
out of school in the 6–13 age group is marginally higher than that of girls
(4,90,483 boys, 4,34,710 girls); similarly, in urban areas, more ST boys are
out of school than girls (41,648 boys and 40,721 girls).
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 205

Table 5.5 Percentage distribution of out-of-school children (6–13 years), by social-

religious groups

Socio-religious 2009 2014

Category Rural Urban All Rural Urban All

SC 20.1 16.1 19.5 33.9 27.3 32.4

ST 12.7 4.5 11.3 19.7 6 16.6
OBC* 33.1 25.6 31.8 33 47.9 36.4
Others* 22.1 35.4 24.3 13.4 18.8 14.6
Muslim 12 18.4 13.1
All 100 100 100 100 100 100
Excludes Muslims. Data on Muslims is given separately in row 5 for the year 2009.
*

Source: CORD 2014, from IMRB Unit Level Data 2009 and IMRB (2014)

OOSC, 2014

The study also reveals that a higher proportion of ST children (6–13)

are out of school than any other social category. In this round, 4.36%
ST children are estimated to be out of school. This is lower than the
last round where 5.60% ST children were out of school.

The most formidable national challenge that we face is to not only enrol
ST children in primary, but work towards retaining them through 12 years
of schooling, ensuring they receive good quality education and most impor-
tantly, they get opportunities for technical/higher education. While the
government can certainly claim to have universalised access to primary edu-
cation, the data reveals that this is not the case at higher levels. In particular,
as Table 5.5 reveals, 1.5% of ST (rural 4.1 male, 1.7 female) reported having
matric/secondary school qualifications. As we go up the education ladder,
ST with technical or non-technical education is less than 0.1% and those
with graduate and above degrees are a mere 0.9% (1.3 male, 0.5 female).
A study on working conditions of teachers being conducted by NUEPA
revealed that among the vacant posts, the proportion of teacher posi-
tions reserved for ST is among the highest (Ramachandran et al. 2015).
For example, in Madhya Pradesh that accounts for close to 21,000 vacant
posts. Another recent study on women teachers done in Rajasthan revealed
almost negligible participation of ST women in teacher training courses
and non-availability of science and commerce streams in higher secondary
schools for girls in backward/tribal areas (Jandhyala and Ramachandran
2015). According to the latest U-DISE report (2015–2016), West Bengal
(3.9%) employed the least proportion of ST women teachers as compared
to Jharkhand (31.2%) commensurate with the ST population in the state
(Table 5.6).
206 Vimala Ramachandran

Table 5.6 Proportion of ST teachers: female in Schedule V Area

State 2009– 2010– 2011– 2012– 2013– 2014– 2015– Percent

2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 ST in
population

Andhra 6.6 6.8 7.3 6 4.7 5 5.2 7

Pradesh
Chhattisgarh 29.8 31.1 31.5 29.9 25.3 24.4 24 30.6
Gujarat 14.9 15.2 14.8 14.1 11.9 11.5 11.5 14.8
Himachal 6.1 6.3 6.1 6.1 5.7 5.7 6 5.7
Pradesh
Jharkhand 26.1 24.8 26.6 23.8 32.1 31.3 31.2 26.2
Madhya 14.6 14.6 14.3 14.5 10.3 9.9 9.7 21.1
Pradesh
Maharashtra 7.4 7.6 7.5 7.1 4.7 4.7 4.5 9.4
Orissa 14.8 12.1 12.8 12.5 10.9 11.5 11.3 22.8
Rajasthan 9.1 9.4 9.4 9.6 6.4 6.4 6.4 13.5
Other states
West Bengal 4.1 4.4 4.6 4.6 4 3.9 3.9 5.8
India 9.4 9.3 9.2 8.7 6.9 6.8 6.9 8.6
Source: U-DISE.

Analysis of UDISE 2014–2015 reveals the differential access to arts

stream, science stream, and commerce stream in tribal blocks and non-tribal
blocks (see Tables 5.7 and 5.8), with ST girls’ access to science and com-
merce being among the worst. This may be just the tip of the proverbial
iceberg, and more in-depth study of ST participation in higher education,
teacher education degrees, technical (para-professional included) degrees
like ANM training and industrial-training institutions would perhaps reveal
a worrying picture.
It is believed that many higher secondary schools in Schedule V Areas do
not offer science and commerce streams and many girls-only higher second-
ary schools also do not offer science or commerce. District-wise analysis of
existing data could help us pinpoint the tribal areas that face this problem.
The interesting fact is that while there is no policy-level decisions to not
offer science or commerce in certain kinds of schools, administrators at the
state and district levels often take these decisions as they claim that they are
following prevalent practices in the administration.

Enrolment of ST Students by Management of School

Perusal of recent data reveals that in case of primary level, nearly 64%
of tribal children (boys) are enrolled in government schools and another
14.4% in schools run by tribal and social welfare departments in 2014–
2015. Only a little over 14% are enrolled in private unaided schools. But
in case of children of general category, only about 41% are enrolled in
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 207

Table 5.7 Enrolment of ST students by streams, 2014–2015

Stream Tribal blocks Non-tribal blocks

Number Percentage Number Percentage

Arts 8336 62.5 48120 53.7

Science 5987 44.9 37629 42
Commerce 3525 26.4 28896 32.2
Vocational 701 5.3 6378 7.1
Other 631 4.7 2600 2.9
No response 3252 24 27566 31
Total 13337 100 89663 100
Source: U-DISE.

Table 5.8 Enrolment of ST students by stream, higher secondary grades, 2014–2015

All children ST

Boys Girls All Boys Girls All

Tribal
blocks
Arts 48.7 58.5 53.2 62.7 70 66.2
Science 34.7 28.3 31.8 24.5 20.7 22.7
Commerce 11.7 10 10.9 8.3 6 7.2
Vocational 2.6 1.9 2.3 1.6 1.2 1.4
Other 2.2 1.3 1.8 3 2.1 2.5
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
Non-tribal
blocks
Arts 40.7 52.7 46.3 55.5 61.8 58.4
Science 38.2 29 33.9 28.4 24.1 26.4
Commerce 16.5 15 15.8 11.6 10.4 11
Vocational 3.5 2.6 3.1 3.2 2.6 2.9
Other 1.1 0.8 0.9 1.4 1.1 1.2
Total 100 100 100 100 100 100
Source: U-DISE.

government schools and negligible children in schools run by social and

tribal welfare departments. But a preponderant proportion of children of
general category, that is, over 47%, are enrolled in private unaided schools.
Similar trends can be observed in case of other levels of school education,
including secondary and higher secondary levels (see Table 5.7). Though
in case of secondary school and higher secondary level, a somewhat higher
proportion of tribal children are attending private aided schools. It may
be noted that as one go up in school education ladder, the proportion of
ST children is declining. It may be that those tribal children who are able
to reach secondary and higher secondary levels could also able to afford
208 Vimala Ramachandran

unaided secondary schools. This clearly indicates government schooling is

the only option available to ST children.

Why Do So Many ST Children Drop Out?

Available research tells us that a complex interplay of various factors push
ST children out of school. For several decades now, educationist have
pointed out that the education system expects teachers to teach to the cur-
riculum, finish the syllabus within a time frame – regardless of whether
the children in the class are learning or not. This is a very serious issue in
tribal areas where there is already a language gap between the students and
the teachers. When teachers are not able to address the learning needs of
every child, they throw up their hands and teach those who are able to keep
pace. Given the specific characteristics of Schedule V tribal areas, there is a
larger prevalence of multigrade classrooms and frequent absence of teach-
ers and students. As a result, children fall behind and they become passive
spectators in the classroom. As time goes by, the cumulative burden of non-
learning just accumulates till the children reach a point where they are just
unable to comprehend what is going on in class.

Insights from Adivasi Education Report, 2012

• Overall, the mainstream education system does not recognise the

contemporary conditions, predicament, diversity of aspirations
and needs of most Adivasis.
• Systemic (political, policy, administrative levels) marginalisation
and invisibilisation of Adivasi interests account for the failure to
provide adequate, relevant and quality education at all levels (ele-
mentary, secondary and higher) to most Adivasis.
• The education administration apparatus that oversees the delivery
of educational programmes has been developed and deployed in a
mode of assimilation and domination which only reproduces the
range of inequalities and disadvantages that most Adivasis face.
• The paucity of competent monitoring and accountability struc-
tures has negated the possibility of complete utilisation of the
new allocations of increased funds and programmes developed
for Adivasis, thereby reducing the positive impact that might have
been possible.
• Diverse administrative experimentation including local govern-
ance, decentralisation and community participation has been
introduced as policy reforms, but local governance has not been
implemented in reality.
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 209

• Institutions (such as Ashramshalas, Tribal Research Institutes)

developed and deployed primarily for Adivasis are inadequate in
their reach, content, and functioning. There is an urgent need to re-
think the orientation, operation and impact of these institutions.
• The neglect of Adivasi knowledge forms, languages and cultural
practices has been detrimental to the cultural core of Adivasis and
to the knowledge corpus of the nation.
• New curricular approaches such as multilingualism and locally-
specific education have been few and far between. Retaining the
positive ethos of Adivasi life-worlds while also enabling them to
engage with the larger world continues to be the major challenge.
• Affirmative Action/Reservation programmes for Adivasis (as
Scheduled Tribes) in higher educational institutions have not
translated into assuring them improved access to education nor
have they resulted in net benefits for the community as a whole.

Source: Veerbhadranaika et al. 2012 (Summary of findings of the study given

in pages iii and iv).

When habitations are scattered and schools are in remote areas, there
is little school-level monitoring of teaching–learning processes and actual
teaching time. Monitoring, when it happens, is confined to inputs – enrol-
ment, mid-day meals, distribution of incentives, and so on. Institutions
created to provide on-site school-level academic support have become data-
gathering instruments. These institutions are also staffed with people who
may not have the skills or the aptitude for on-site teacher capacity-building.
Post-RTE mechanisms like Continuous and Comprehensive Evaluation
(CCE) have been reduced to a series of formats that teachers are expected
to fill out. Administrators admit that they follow instructions from above
and that they are not educators who can develop systems that can monitor
children’s learning. They need help and that too hands-on help to develop
an effective monitoring system.
In tribal areas, there is a huge social distance between teachers and stu-
dents in government schools. A recent inclusion/exclusion study commis-
sioned by MHRD, GOI, (Ramachandran and Naorem 2013) clearly brought
out the innate prejudices and stereotypes that teachers carry with them into
the school. This is perhaps most pronounced in Schedule V Areas of the
country. Many of them actually believe that tribal children cannot learn or
that they are not motivated to learn. They blame the family, the commu-
nity. Most importantly, the teachers complain that parents are not able to
help their children with their studies. Despite several recommendations to
enhance the pool of local tribal teachers by providing them opportunities for
210 Vimala Ramachandran

pre-service teacher education, we have not been able to enhance this pool.
It’s a chicken and egg situation – unless there is a considerably flow of stu-
dents into higher secondary and higher education, it may not be possible to
find suitable candidates for pre-service training. And it is this very shortage
of teachers that inhibits the educational flow in tribal areas. In the wake of
Teacher Eligibility Tests (introduced after RTE) and the high proportion of
candidates who fail to clear the examination, there are people who argue that
subject knowledge is poor among our teachers. They point out that it is the
quality of teacher – her/his mastery over subjects, pedagogic skills, and apti-
tude to teach that is perhaps responsible for poor learning. For example, in
Madhya Pradesh, over 19,000 reserved posts (for teachers) are lying vacant
because of lack of suitable candidates (Ramachandran et al. 2015). If we go
deeper – in states like Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhat-
tisgarh – there is a huge shortage of math and science teachers. Tragically, it
is in these very states that higher secondary schools in tribal areas rarely offer
science or mathematics as subjects. Girls’ schools across the board primarily
offer language and arts subjects. There are thus many systemic issues that
come in the way of building a cadre of teachers from the tribal community.
The High-level Committee report argues that the no-detention policy that
ensures children are promoted from one grade to the next is perhaps one of
the reasons why the school system is not made accountable for the learning
of children. Coupled with age-appropriate enrolment, the very essence of
schooling is negated when children are pushed up without any guarantee of
learning. They argue that the Right to Education is not limited to the right
to be enrolled, but to be taught and to learn. This conclusion reached may
not be accurate – as there is overwhelming evidence to show that it is not
only lack of detention that is resulting in poor learning, but (more impor-
tantly) absence of child-centred teaching learning processes, alienation of
the children from a curriculum that primarily caters to non-tribal popula-
tions and the language/medium of instruction in early years of schooling. It
is important to explain teaching–learning processes to high-level experts so
that they also begin to understand and appreciate the situation of tribal chil-
dren in Schedule V Areas of India. In all the states, the medium of instruc-
tion continues to be the state language and a tribal child feels lost in an
environment where he does not understand what the teacher says.
Given the clash between national festivals and tribal festivals, and given
the variation in the agro-climatic periods, actual teaching days are low. In
most tribal areas, the schools function for less than 150 days in a year.
Despite a clear policy to facilitate subregion-specific school calendar and
timings since 1965, teachers unions have stalled any move to introduce
localised time planning.
The higher education scenario is also quite worrisome. The GER (higher
education) is 25.2% for all and the AISHE (2016–2017) points out Sched-
uled Casts students constitute 14.3% and Scheduled Tribes students 5.2%
of the total enrolment; 34.4% students belong to Other Backward Classes;
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 211

4.9% students belong to Muslim Minority; and 2.2% from other Minor-
ity Community. Equally, we also do not have a definitive picture of the
ST share in enrolment in science-based/technology courses or in vocational
courses that require the student to have studied science and mathematics
in higher secondary (like ITI, ANM, Lab technician etc.). This remains
an important data gap and as a result, the HLC report of 2014 could not
explore the status of ST in higher and technical education is a very telling
statement of ST access to higher education (Table 5.9).
There was a time (mid-1990s to 2014) when many state governments
appointed contract teachers/para-teachers in schools (elementary and sec-
ondary). The widespread use of contract teachers has not been free of con-
troversy. It was argued that being on contract keeps teachers on their toes
and build accountability in the system; opponents have argued that putting
contract teachers in schools – typically in poorer areas where parents are less
likely to complain or in remote and inaccessible areas where regular teacher
refuse to go – does little to build accountability. Instead, it de-­professionalizes
teaching by allowing the state to get away with hiring low-cost and low-qual-
ity teachers or equally worryingly, it permits governments to hire well-qual-
ified teachers and unfairly pay them less than regular teachers for the same

Table 5.9 Caste category–wise percentage of students, teachers, and non-teaching staff

SC ST OBC Muslim Other minority

communities

2011–2012
School enrolment 17.1 11.3
Teaching staff 6.9 2 23.5 3.1 3.2
Non-teaching staff 12.4 3.5 24.5
2012–2013
School enrolment 16 11.1
Teaching staff 6.7 2 22.5 2.9 3.2
Non-teaching staff 12.2 3.4 24.3
2013–2014
School enrolment 11.3 17.1
Teaching staff 7.1 2.1 23.8 3.2 3.1
Non-teaching staff 11.9 3.5 23.5
2014–2015
School enrolment 19.1 13.7
Teaching staff 7.1 2.1 23.8 3.2 3.1
Non-teaching staff 12.3 3.5 24
2015–2016
School enrolment 19.9 14.2
Teaching staff 7.5 2.1 25.4 3.4 3.3
Non-teaching staff 12.9 3.7 24.8
Source: AISHE.
212 Vimala Ramachandran

kind of work, while also subjecting them to arbitrary dismissals and harass-
ment. Between 2003–2004 and 2012–2013, more than 85% of the elemen-
tary teacher workforce in India has been employed in a ‘regular’ capacity.2
The percentage of contract teachers, which was around 7.1% in 2003–2004,
reached its peak of 12.2% in 2011–2012, before sliding back to about 7.3%
(as can be seen from the thick black line in Figure 11.1). In absolute numbers,
these percentages translate into 0.5 million contract teachers in 2012–2013,
compared with 6.8 million regular teachers (UDISE, various years, quoted in
Beteille and Ramachandran 2016). Jharkhand employs the highest percent-
age of contract teachers in elementary schools at 49% in 2012–2013. Mizo-
ram (26%) and UP (19%) are the only other states where contract teachers
comprise more than 10% of the elementary teaching workforce. All these
three states have seen a steady rise in the percentage of contract teachers
employed, while Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan – among the first to hire
contract teachers – have witnessed a steady reduction. It may be recalled that
Madhya Pradesh had decided in 1998 to go for contract teachers and almost
declared regular teachers as a dying cadre. However, in 2007–2008 this pol-
icy was reversed and the ‘contract’ was limited to the probation period and a
new cadre of Adyapak Samvarg was created and all the teachers were made
a regular cadre with regular pay scales from 2017 (Noronha et al. 2015). All
the Gurujis and other contract teachers who met the minimum qualification
stipulated by NCTE were regularised. This trend in Madhya Pradesh did not
uniquely affect only ST teachers only.
Did the MP model of Guruji and Shiksha Karmi introduce any distortions
in the system? Several studies revealed that tribal areas and other rural/
remote areas bore an excessive burden of contract teachers (Ramachandran
et al. 2017; Noronha et al. 2015). Whether the presence of contract teach-
ers led to deterioration in the quality of education is a question that has
not elicited any clear response. The fact is that learning levels of children
across all kinds of primary/elementary schools have remained a matter of
­concern – not only in Madhya Pradesh but across all the countries. Many
of the learning assessment studies like ASER (2005–2018) have not disag-
gregated their data on social group.

Cross-cutting Educational Issues

There are several issues that are quite generic to tribal areas across the coun-
try. While there may be minor variations, these issues have been flagged by
most scholars (K. Sujatha, Geeta Nambissan, A.R. Vasavi). In this section,
we list and analyse these cross-cutting issues.

Access to School beyond Primary

One of the formidable challenges across all tribal areas is to do with access
to all levels of schooling. The NSSO 64th Round Survey (2007–2008)
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 213

reveals that as we go from primary to upper primary and secondary, the

relative access of ST to secondary education goes down, especially in rural
areas (see Table 5.10). Close to 30% of ST students have to go beyond 5 km
while only half of the SC and others have to travel 5 km and more to find a
secondary school. The implications of this are fairly serious, especially when
we take into consideration hilly terrain and absence of all-weather roads –
for children from scattered habitations discussed in the opening section of
this report.

Phenomenon of Contract Teachers

There was a time (mid-1990s to 2014) when many state governments
appointed contract teachers/para-teachers in schools (elementary and sec-
ondary). The widespread use of contract teachers has not been free of con-
troversy. It was argued that being on contract keeps teachers on their toes
and build accountability in the system; opponents have argued that putting
contract teachers in schools – typically in poorer areas where parents are less
likely to complain or in remote and inaccessible areas where regular teacher
refuse to go – does little to build accountability. Instead, it de-­professionalizes
teaching by allowing the state to get away with hiring low-cost and low-qual-
ity teachers or equally worryingly, it permits governments to hire well-qual-
ified teachers and unfairly pay them less than regular teachers for the same
kind of work, while also subjecting them to arbitrary dismissals and harass-
ment. Between 2003–2004 and 2012–2013, more than 85% of the elemen-
tary teacher workforce in India has been employed in a ‘regular’ capacity.3
The percentage of contract teachers, which was around 7.1% in 2003–2004,
reached its peak of 12.2% in 2011–2012, before sliding back to about 7.3%
(as can be seen from the thick black line in figure 1. In absolute numbers,
these percentages translate into 0.5 million contract teachers in 2012–2013,
compared with 6.8 million regular teachers (UDISE, various years, quoted in
Beteille and Ramachandran 2016). Jharkhand employs the highest percent-
age of contract teachers in elementary schools at 49% in 2012–2013. Mizo-
ram (26%) and UP (19%) are the only other states where contract teachers
comprise more than 10% of the elementary teaching workforce. All these
three states have seen a steady rise in the percentage of contract teachers
employed, while Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan – among the first to hire
contract teachers – have witnessed a steady reduction. It may be recalled that
Madhya Pradesh had decided in 1998 to go for contract teachers and almost
declared regular teachers as a dying cadre. However, they in 2007–2008 this
policy was reversed and the ‘contract’ was limited to the probation period
and a new cadre of Adyapak Samvarg was created and all the teachers were
made a regular cadre with regular pay scales from 2017 (Noronha et al.
2015). All the Gurujis and other contract teachers who met the minimum
qualification stipulated by NCTE were regularised. This trend in Madhya
Pradesh did not uniquely affect only ST teachers only.
214 Vimala Ramachandran

Did the MP model of Guruji and Shiksha Karmi introduce any distortions
in the system? Several studies revealed that tribal areas and other rural/
remote areas bore an excessive burden of contract teachers (Ramachandran
et al. 2017; Noronha et al. 2015). Whether the presence of contract teachers
led to deterioration in the quality of education is a question that has not elic-
ited any clear response. The fact is that learning levels of children across all
kinds of primary/elementary schools has remained a matter of concern – not
only in Madhya Pradesh – but across all the countries. Many of the learning
assessment studies like ASER (2005 to 2018) have not disaggregated their
data on social group.

Cross-cutting Educational Issues

There are several issues that are quite generic to tribal areas across the coun-
try. While there may be minor variations, these issues have been flagged by
most scholars (K Sujatha, Geeta Nambissan, A R Vasavi). In this section we
list and analyse these crosscutting issues.

Access to School beyond Primary

One of the formidable challenges across all tribal areas is to do with access
to all levels of schooling. The NSSO 64th Round Survey (2007–2008)
reveals that as we go from primary to upper primary and secondary – the
relative access of ST to secondary education goes down especially in rural
areas (see Table 5.10). Close to 30% of ST students have to go beyond 5 km
while only half of the SC and others have to travel 5 km and more to find a
secondary school. The implications of this are fairly serious especially when
we take into consideration hilly terrain and absence of all-weather roads –
for children from scattered habitations discussed in the opening section of
this report.
Equally significant is the fact that the GER (higher education) of ST popu-
lations across most states is disturbingly low as evident in Table 5.11. This
essentially reflects poor educational opportunities and high dropout rates at
earlier levels of education. There is almost no research work on the barriers
experienced by ST students to enrol and complete higher education and this
is one area that merits some focused research work so that state govern-
ments can plan for greater participation of ST in higher education.

Language and Content

Starting from 1950, most commission have pointed out the importance of
language in the early grades.

The Constitution of India allows the use of tribal dialect (mother tongue)
as the medium of instruction in case the population of the said tribe is
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 215

Table 5.10 Access to schooling by social categories, 2007–2008

Distance % of Households having access to school by distance

to school
Rural Urban Total

ST SC OBC All ST SC OBC All ST SC OBC All

Primary 90.1 92.6 92.2 91.7

level
D < 1 km 90.1 92.6 92.2 91.7 90.8 91.6 92.3 92.3 90.1 92.4 92.2 91.9
1 km ≤ D 6.5 6.1 6.3 6.5 7 7.5 6.8 6.7 6.6 6.4 6.4 6.6
< 2 km
2 km ≤ D 2 1 1.1 1.2 1.8 0.8 0.8 0.9 2 0.9 1 1.1
< 3 km
3 km ≤ D 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.1 0 0.1 0.1 0.3 0.2 0.2 0.2
< 5 km
D ≥ 5 km 0.8 0 0 0.1 0 0 0 0 0.7 0 0 0.1
Upper
primary
level
D < 1 km 51.8 61.4 64.2 61.6 78.9 80 81.5 82.5 54.5 65.4 68.6 67.5
1 km ≤ D 15.2 18.1 16.3 17.1 15.7 16.5 14.4 14.1 15.3 17.8 15.8 16.3
< 2 km
2 km ≤ D 15.1 12.5 11.2 12.2 3.5 2.8 3.1 2.5 14 10.4 9.1 9.4
< 3 km
3 km ≤ D 9.5 5.6 5.5 5.8 1.6 0.6 0.8 0.7 8.7 4.5 4.3 4.4
< 5 km
D ≥ 5 km 8.1 2.2 2.6 3.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.2 7.3 1.8 2 2.3
Secondary
level
D < 1 km 22.1 32.1 29.7 30.7 63.5 63.9 65.8 68.6 26.2 38.9 38.7 41.5
1 km ≤ D 11.2 17.2 16.2 16.6 22.3 26.7 23.4 22.1 12.3 19.3 18 18.2
< 2 km
2 km ≤ D 19.1 20.4 19.6 19.7 7.6 6.3 6.2 5.6 17.9 17.3 16.2 15.7
< 3 km
3 km ≤ D 17.5 15.3 17 15.8 4.8 1.8 3.6 2.5 16.3 12.4 13.6 12
< 5 km
D ≥ 5 km 29.8 14.9 17.5 17.1 1.7 1.3 1 1 27 11.9 13.3 12.5
Source: AISHE.

more than one lakh. But this has not been adopted on the grounds of
feasibility and viability of introducing and sustaining such a change.
(Sujatha 1999)

This remains a huge challenge despite repeated observations made by

g­overnment-appointed committees and commissions from the 1950s to
the present. Most recently, the National Curriculum Framework (NCERT
2005) underscored the importance of appropriate pedagogic practices and
importance of mother-tongue education in the early grades and stressed the
need to ‘enter the world of formal learning through the language of (the)
216 Vimala Ramachandran

Table 5.11 GER of STs in higher education 2012–2013

State Male Female

Schedule v. states
Andhra Pradesh 28.9 18.5
Chhattisgarh 5.6 5
Gujarat 10.2 9.2
Himachal Pradesh 18.2 18.8
Jharkhand 5.3 6.2
Madhya Pradesh 8.9 6
Maharashtra 13.7 8.4
Orissa 6.6 5.6
Rajasthan 14.7 10.5
Other states
West Bengal 8.3 5.9
India 12.4 9.7
Source: Statistics on Higher and Technical Education in various
years (MHRD), AISHE.

home and environment’ (Veerbhadranaika et al. 2012, p. 32). While there

have been small-scale initiatives in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, multilin-
gual textbooks and multilingual education continue to elude us.
The importance of teaching in mother tongue of tribal children has been
recommended for many decades now. There have been several commission
reports and several committees that have highlighted this as an important
issue. While there are some interesting small-scale initiatives across the
country – mainly in Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh – the trag-
edy is that even though this has been recommended since the 1950s, such
initiatives are still small scale and on an experimental basis.4 Even where
there is, availability of teachers to transact them remains a huge problem.
Again, from the Dhebar Committee days, there has been a proposal to initi-
ate time-bound initiatives to increase the pool of schoolteachers from tribal
communities. This remains an unimplemented recommendation.
A related issue pertains to the depiction of tribal communities in educa-
tional material: ‘The representation of Adivasi in stereotypical negative terms
as “backward” people, outside the pale of progress, has meant that elemen-
tary education has only reinforced stereotypes and further marked the Adivasi
in discriminatory terms’ (Veerabhadranaika et al. 2012, p. 32). Furthermore,
another site of alienation is the content of our textbooks – by giving primary
to urban centric subjects and by not weaving in the histories and culture of the
tribal people of India, these textbooks also become a source of alienation.
A third important issue relates to availability of science education in
higher secondary schools situated in tribal areas. As Dr Leela Visaria points
out with respect to Gujarat:

In none of the villages in half of the predominantly tribal blocks is

there any school that offers science education for students at the higher
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 217

secondary level and yet in many of these blocks ITIs have been estab-
lished. . . . It is reported that the non-tribal students from non-tribal
blocks are enrolling themselves in such ITIs in great numbers.
(Visaria 2014, p. 106)

Small Schools, Multigrade Situation, and One or Two Teachers

There is enough quantitative evidence through the DISE and UDISE to
show that the percentage of small school (with less than 50 students) con-
tinues to be fairly significant. Equally, 15.9% of all schools are known
as ­single-teacher schools (2015–2016). Among Schedule V states, there
are high proportion of single-teacher schools – Jharkhand (16.4), Andhra
Pradesh (15.9), Madhya Pradesh (13.3), and Rajasthan (11.9). Given the
settlement pattern, many tribal villages have small schools with one or two
teachers. As a result, they are invariably multigrade. This issue has been
highlighted in almost all evaluations and reviews of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
(Aide Memoire of SSA JRM 1–19) and research studies on small schools
as well as education of tribal communities (Veerabhadranaika et al. 2012;
Nambissan 1994, 2004; Rustagi et al. 2011). These reports and evaluations
also mention that teachers are not trained to handle multigrade classrooms
and the teaching–learning material that is produced also do not lend them-
selves to use in multigrade situations.

Management Issues in Tribal Areas

Schools in tribal areas are managed by different agencies/departments –
some come directly under the education department, some others under
the tribal welfare department, and some under the social welfare depart-
ment. The different managements manage the schools from their respective
budgets. For example, all Ashram Shala schools are managed by the Tribal
Welfare department and they do not always gain from specific teacher train-
ing and other quality-related inputs that accrue from central schemes like
SSA/Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan. Given that they are managed by general
administrators, education-specific support is not available to them. This has
remained a major issue for several decades now. Similarly, scholarships and
other incentives are also spread across different departments – making it dif-
ficult for the government to monitor them or coordinate the inputs.

Impact of Poor Nutrition and Malnourishment on Education

Another under-researched and ignored area has to do with the impact of
poor health and nutrition on the cognitive development of children. As dis-
cussed in the chapter on health and nutrition, this remains a serious issue
in many predominantly poor tribal regions of the country. Notwithstand-
ing the mid-day meal programme and the ICDS programme, the health
and nutritional status of very poor tribal communities remain an area of
218 Vimala Ramachandran

concern. Mitigating the vicious cycle of malnutrition, poor health, and high
dropout rates demands greater coordination between the education depart-
ment, the ICDS programme, and the health department. This has remained
a big challenge and remains a governance challenges faced in tribal areas.

Challenges Faced in Areas Affected by Conflict

This is a under-research area and there are very few in-depth studies avail-
able on the impact of conflict on children’s participation in education. Many
tribal areas of India are affected by Maoist insurgency (popularly known as
Naxal affected areas). NEGFIRE, a network that has commissioned research
on this subject, is among the very few studies that are available in the pub-
lic domain. There are also areas that are affected by communal violence –
however, the tribal areas that come under this kind of conflict are fewer. In
recent memory, the situation in Kandhamal, Odissa, was reported in the
media. However, there are no studies that have documented the impact on
schooling and on children.5 Research studies reveal that sustained conflict
and even low-intensity conflict can have a deep impact on education. A Save
the Children Alliance study done in 20066 documented the following impact
of armed conflict on schools and on children:

• Schools are destroyed or are commandeered by security forces. This

essentially implies that the school do not function and even if they do
function in an alternative site – they are irregular and subject to the
frequent closure due to rain or extreme weather.
• Teachers are irregular and in many districts of Chhattisgarh and
Jharkhand, contract teachers are recruited locally to manage the schools.
There is little monitoring or oversight because officials and supervisors
are not able to travel to these regions.
• In areas where frequent armed attacks on government properties is not
uncommon, parents do not send their children to school. Parents are
particularly afraid to send small children and girls.
• When livelihoods are threatened, children either migrate with their par-
ents or join in them survival duties – like collection of forest produce.
• Children are traumatised and those who directly witnessed violence or
were attacked continue to be terrified. There is no mechanism to pro-
vide counselling and support to such children. The trauma experienced
by children has been documented in the G.B. Pant Institute study of
2011.7

According to a 2011 research study conducted by the G.B. Pant Institute

(Allahabad):

Tribal communities make up about 32 percent of Chhattisgarh’s total

population1, and about 79 percent of the population in Dantewada
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 219

and Bijapur districts in southern Chhattisgarh. Maria Gonds and Dorla

tribes are the two main tribal communities in this region. Naxalites
commenced their activities in the Bastar region of Madhya Pradesh4
in the 1980s. A combination of political, economic, and social factors
in this region, including economic exploitation of tribal communities,
poor relations with the police, and absence of government facilities and
state institutions, contributed to the popular support and growth of
Naxalism. Some people also report that Naxalite methods have gradu-
ally become increasingly authoritarian, undemocratic, and marked by
human rights abuses including extra-judicial killings, beatings, and
extortion. Over time, this has created resentment among some villag-
ers. Over a period of approximately two-and-a-half years, between
June 2005 and the monsoon season of 2007 (June to September),
government security forces joined Salwa Judum members on village
raids, which were designed to identify suspected Naxalite sympathiz-
ers and evacuate residents from villages believed to be providing sup-
port to Naxalites. The government relocated thousands of villagers to
­government-run makeshift Salwa Judum camps near police stations or
paramilitary police camps along the highways.

The research involved visiting schools and talking to communities. In

Bastar alone, 31 schools were occupied by security forces and in 7 Ashram
schools the school grounds are used by the paramilitary forces. In Kanker,
264 schools were shifted to resettlement colonies (Salwa Jhudum camps).
Equally, over 30 schools were occupied by security forces and most Ashram
Shala grounds were used by them. The number of schools destroyed by the
Naxals is higher – Dantewada 87, Bijapur 42, Narayanpur 30, Kanker 48,
and Bastar 22 (G B Pant Institute 2011)
As these studies were not rigorous research done over a period of time, it
may not be wise to cite them in this report. Therefore, this issue is flagged
and we cannot do a nuanced analysis on the impact of conflict on children
and education.

Displacement of ST Communities and Impact on Education

The MoTA (2014a) has rightly highlighted displacement as a very important
phenomenon that has affected the lives and livelihood of tribal communi-
ties. The Report says: ‘Given that the Scheduled Tribes constitute about 8%
of the country’s population, they are clearly disproportionately represented
in the number of displaced persons’ (MoTA 2014a, p. 50). While this issue
is being addressed in detail in other linear papers – it is important to flag the
impact of displacement on education of children in tribal areas – especially
the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG). For example, the situa-
tion of displaced groups from reserve forests/wildlife parks. To begin with,
the areas inhabited by PVTG are underserved by schools and when they are
220 Vimala Ramachandran

displaced they are at a loss – both on the livelihood front and education.
Even in relatively better developed regions of the country, the situation of
tribal populations in such enclaves remains precarious. For example,

Baiga families were relocated to an area where their traditional forest

livelihood of collecting Sal and Tendu leaves as well as bamboo was no
longer feasible. In Tamil Nadu, the Kattunayakans, a tribe of honey-
collectors, who live on the fringes of the Mudumalai Wildlife Sanctuary,
a 321-square-kilometre park, are being prevented from collecting honey
as well as other produce from the forest area due to immense harass-
ment from forest guards.
(MoTA 2014a, p. 62)

The first and most glaring impact of displacement is that the children are
pushed out of school and into labour. As Madhulika Sahoo observes in her
research study on impact of displacement on tribal children of Odisha:

The impact of displacement on children is all the more precarious. It

was revealed that displacement in many cases has lead to child labour
in Odisha especially, when they are not resettled and rehabilitated prop-
erly. Research indicated that, in most of the time, displaced children find
themselves separated from their close relatives and community people;
they are vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. They are generally weak-
ened by the long distance resettlement that they are forced to travel and
they have to thus endure the difficulties. They are more prone to the
easy targets by the smugglers, traffickers, and/or armed groups. Further-
more, such displaced children can also become victims of discrimination
and many of their fundamental rights may be violated due to their dis-
placement. This article has tried to examine the impact of displacement
on tribal children in Odisha, which has further tried to study the case of
child labour and child abuse in post-displacement situation.
(M. Sahoo 20148)

Similarly a study done by A.B. Ota noted that after displacement, chil-
dren of displaced families suffered loss of education. While the distance to
primary schools may have decreased marginally, the distance to high school
and college increased substantially in the study area (Ota 20069). Most
research work on displacement mention the impact on education; however,
this remains an under-researched area in India.

Strategies Adopted by the Government to Promote

Education
The Ministry of Tribal Affairs and the Ministry of Human Resource Devel-
opment have developed specific programmes/schemes to promote education
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 221

among ST population. According to the most recent reports (MoTA 2014c),

the following merit specific mention.

Ashram Schools (Functioning since 1960 and Revamped in 1990)

This has been a flagship residential school programme of the Government –
and the scheme focuses on imparting primary, middle, and secondary educa-
tion to ST boys and girls. The Ashram Schools run by the state governments
have been an important tool to give formal education to ST children at the
elementary level. The scheme is operational in the Tribal Sub-Plan States/
UT Administrations. Twenty-two states, that is, Andhra Pradesh, Assam,
Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir,
Jharkhand, Karnataka, Kerala, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
Manipur, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, Uttara-
khand, and West Bengal and two Union Territories, that is, Andaman &
Nicobar Islands and Daman & Diu, are identified as Tribal Sub-Plan Areas
for implementing the scheme. As of 2017, the government sanctioned 1,205
Ashram Schools. Besides, 3,272 Ashram schools have also been opened for
ST boys and girls. A Parliamentary Standing Committee (PRS Legislative
Research 2014) reviewed the scheme and noted that there is little infor-
mation on the working of Ashram Schools. While two evaluations were
done by IIPS (2007) and NIRD in Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra (2013),
these reports do not provide in-depth analysis of the functioning of these
schools. The report of the Parliamentary Standing committee also noted
that ‘some of the State Governments are not able to send viable and com-
plete proposals for funds on time but they have sizeable tribal population’.
Information available in the public domain on the functioning of Ashram
Schools point to several challenges, namely overcrowding of the schools,
poor quality facilities, serious health and sanitation concerns, and the qual-
ity of education. The Standing Committee has recommended:

[A]n integrated plan of action for bringing STs at par with other groups
in educational development with effective coordination mechanism of
the various stake holders be prepared and put into implementation so
as to achieve desired results in a definite time frame. The Committee
would like the State Governments to report to Union Government on
the progress achieved in this regard every six months so that these can be
assessed and corrective steps can be taken. . . . The Committee are, how-
ever, constrained to note that neither the Ministry of Human Resource
Development (HRD) nor the Ministry of Tribal Affairs have the informa-
tion about the number of Ashram Schools functioning in various States.
The Committee, therefore, feel that with the promulgation of RTE Act,
it has become incumbent on both the Central and State Governments
to collect data State-wise about the number of tribal schools and to
ensure observance of prescribed norms for the Ashram Schools. The
222 Vimala Ramachandran

Committee, therefore, recommend that the Government should closely

watch and review the prescribed norms of standards being followed by
the States for Ashram Schools, collect and maintain year-wise and State-
wise data on Ashram Schools and, in case of any shortcomings, exhort
the concerned States to take necessary corrective action.
(p 45, PRS Legislative Research 2014)

Eklavya Model Residential Schools (since 1999)

The objective of this scheme is to provide quality middle- and high-level edu-
cation to Scheduled Tribes students in remote areas, not only to enable them
to avail of reservation in high and professional educational courses and as
jobs in government and public and private sectors but also to have access to
the best opportunities in education at par with the non-ST population. The
notification issued by the government states that the scheme would provide:

a. ‘Comprehensive physical, mental and socially relevant development of

all students enrolled in each and every EMRS. Students will be empow-
ered to be change agent, beginning in their school, in their homes, in
their village and finally in a larger context.
b. Focus differentially on the educational support to be made available to
those in Standards XI and XII, and those in standards VI to X, so that
their distinctive needs can be met.
c. Support the annual running expenses in a manner that offers reasonable
remuneration to the staff and upkeep of the facilities.
d. Support the construction of infrastructure that provides educa-
tion, physical, environmental and cultural needs of student life’ (Source:
MoTA Website10).
e. Out of total 271 Eklavya model residential schools (EMRS) sanctioned
by the Government so far (2018), 190 has become fully functional with
all facilities. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs will set up 562 additional
EMRS in tribal areas of the country. These EMRS are being setup across
country with the help of grants under Article 275(1) of the Constitu-
tion. Madhya Pradesh has highest 28 sanctioned schools followed by 26
EMRS in both Odisha and Gujarat.
f. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs emphasises on having at least one EMRS
in each of the 152 priority districts having more than 25% ST popula-
tion. In the Central Indian Tribal Belt, there are four states – Madhya
Pradesh (19), Odisha (14), Chhattisgarh (13), and Jharkhand (13) –
with than 25% ST population. Accordingly, these are also the states
with high concentration of EMRS.

‘By 2022, every block with more than 50% Scheduled Tribe population and
at least 20,000 tribal people will have an Eklavya Model Residential School,
FM Arun Jaitley said in his budget speech’ (The Mint, February 2, 2018).
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 223

Table 5.12 KGBV status in Scheduled Tribes districts (SFD, 25% and above)

Districts KGBV operational % SC % ST % % % Total

and sanctioned OBC BPL Muslim enrolled

84 508/508 13.09 67.95 14.33 2.03 2.6 52225

Source: MHRD.

Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidhyalaya since 2004

The Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV) scheme was launched by
the Government of India in August 2004 for setting up residential schools at
upper primary level for girls belonging predominantly to the SC, ST, OBC,
and minorities in difficult areas (Table 5.12). The scheme of the KGBV ran
as a separate scheme but in harmony with the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA)
and Mahila Samakhya (MS). This scheme primarily caters to SC, ST, and
Minorities (minimum reservation of 75% seats of the seats for girls belong-
ing to SC and ST communities) and also to the very poor living in rural
remote areas (25% seats reserved for girls from BPL families). A national-
level study (2013) noted:

508 KGBVs exist in 84 ST special focus districts. Here ST girls’ form

67.95% of the total while SC girls form 13.09%, OBC forms 14.33%,
BPL forms 2.03% and Muslims form 2.60%. Here the targeting has
been more successful because ST groups are geographical region
­specific – that is, they cluster together in specific geographical regions.
(National KGBV Evaluation, 201311)

Relaxing Norms for Tribal Areas in Ongoing Schemes/

Programmes
Relaxing norms in SSA to open primary schools in tribal hamlets, residential
hostels, and bridge courses to get out-of-school children back into formal
schools (since 2003).

Pre-matric and Post-matric Scholarships Introduced in 2008

This is given to all SC and ST students studying in residential schools and
recognised hostels. This covers boarding and lodging and other personal
and educational expenses.

Scholarships for Top Class Education

This was also introduced in 2007 and supports meritorious ST students who
gain admission to degree and postgraduate programmes in 213 identified
educational institutions in India.
224 Vimala Ramachandran

Coaching for Scheduled Tribes Students

The Ministry of Tribal Affairs introduced the scheme in 2007. The objective
of this scheme is to provide coaching for disadvantaged ST candidates in
quality coaching institutions to enable them to appear in competitive exami-
nations and succeed. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs directly administers it.

Rajiv Gandhi National Fellowships

This was formulated in 2014 and funded by Ministry of Social Justice &
Empowerment and Ministry of Tribal Affairs and executed by the Univer-
sity Grants Commission. The scheme for candidates who belong to Sched-
uled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and wish to pursue higher studies such as
regular and full-time MPhil and PhD degrees in Science, Humanities, Social
Sciences, and Engineering & Technology. There are 2,000 slots for Sched-
uled Castes and 667 slots for Scheduled Tribes candidates every year for all
the subjects.

National Overseas Scholarship for ST Students

This is also managed by the University Grants Commission and funded by
Ministry of Tribal Affairs. The Scholarship is awarded to 20 students every
year (ST students receive 17 and 3 is reserved for the students from the
PVTG) for higher studies abroad in specified field of Engineering, Man-
agement, Economic/Finance, Pure Science, Applied Science, Agriculture,
Medicine, Humanities, and Social Science and covers cost of tuition fee and
other educational expenses, including maintenance, other grants, and travel
expenses for various courses at masters’ level, PhD, and post-doctoral level.

Report on ‘Educational Schemes for Tribals’.

On January 3, 2018, the Standing Committee on Social Justice and
Empowerment (Chairperson: Ramesh Bais) submitted its report. The
key findings of the report include:

• Performance of existing schemes: Despite many educational

schemes for tribals in the country, the literacy rate of tribals remain
far below the national literacy rate due to poor economic condi-
tions of the tribal population, lack of access to schools and lack of
awareness about the long-term benefits of education. The Com-
mittee noted that educational status of the tribals did not improve
due to poor implementation challenges (lack of oversight) of
existing governmental schemes (e.g. Ashram Schools, Pre-­Matric
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 225

Scholarships, and Post-Matric Scholarships for ST students).

Consequently, the Committee recommended a more committed
approach by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs for the implementation
of these schemes.
• Development of bilingual primers: The Committee observed the
slow progress in the development of bilingual primers to facilitate
learning (reading and writing) in schools in tribal areas. The Com-
mittee recommended that the Ministry pursue the matter with the
concerned states.
• Status of Hostels: Noting the poor status of the 1,470 functional
ST hostels in the country, the Committee recommends that these
hostels are properly monitored so as to help them to run well.

Source: Standing Committee on Social Justice, Government of India,

January 2018

As evident, there are a large number of programmes and schemes focused

on Scheduled Tribes students. Notwithstanding these commendable achieve-
ments, the big challenge is to ensure that the regular school and university
education system face the challenge of poor quality education. A serious
outcome of multiple marginalisation and deprivation in education is the
cumulative burden of non-learning – leading to high incidence of dropout
after elementary. As discussed in the introductory section of this report,
dropout rate among ST students continues to remain high with over 48% of
ST students dropping out before they complete class 8. One of the main rea-
sons for this phenomenon is poor teaching–learning in the early grades. This
remains a serious but under-addressed issue in the education of ST children.
In order to handle this serious challenge, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs needs
to work in close coordination with Ministry of Human Resource Develop-
ment and step up school-level monitoring of the quality of education.

Governance Issues
The most challenging governance issue facing the education sector is the
existence of dual system of administration for education and convergence
between tribal welfare department and the education department. One of
the issues that have been highlighted since the 1990s is that the tribal welfare
department lacks domain expertise in education and thereby tends to man-
age the school under their jurisdiction like any other department. Similarly,
teachers’ access to professional development opportunities, new pedagogies,
and ongoing academic support has also been reported as being problematic.
The second issue, one that has been with us since the 1950s, has to do
with the school calendar. The local tribal festivals/fairs and heavy monsoon
226 Vimala Ramachandran

months do not coincide with the national holidays and the annual vacation
calendar. As a result, schools close during the national/state holidays/vaca-
tions and are also effectively shut during tribal festivals and fairs, resulting
in a drastic fall in the number of school days. This not only affects learning,
but also breaks the continuity in teaching–learning processes. The problem
cited by educational administrators is that teacher unions are not willing
to agree to localise the school calendar even though this is a stated policy
of the government since 1968. This needs to be addressed urgently by the
government.
The issue of small schools with either one or two teachers remains a gov-
ernance challenge. The time has come to review this policy and (in view
of improvement in roads and infrastructure), the state governments could
explore if nodal schools could be strengthened and children picked up and
dropped by bus. This is already being done by private schools – even in
remote areas. Larger schools with one teacher for each class could also
be monitored effectively and the problem of multigrade teaching could be
addressed effectively.
Nomadic tribes move a lot and migrate from one part of the state to
another or even to another state. As pointed out in the report of the High
Level Committee (2014), communities like Bakkarwals and Gujjars of
Jammu and Kashmir move to higher altitudes in summers and lower alti-
tudes in winter. ‘While residential schools have been set up in lower alti-
tudes, the younger children still travel with their parents and do not stay in
the school hostels’ (page 186, MoTA 2014a). Similar problems have also
been documented in Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh. This remain major chal-
lenge and can only be addressed through negotiation with community lead-
ers, education department, and the Ministry of Tribal Affairs.

Recommendations
A high-level committee consisting of MoTA and MHRD needs to review
existing schemes and strategies to encourage school and higher education
among ST, and also set up joint mechanisms at the state level to review
implementation. This is urgently required, especially with respect to Ashram
Schools, hostels, and other special programmes for ST students.
A time-bound and focused plan is required to expand the pool of trained
teachers in the ST communities (especially among the most deprived com-
munities and PVTG community) – in mathematics, science, commerce and
environmental sciences. This has been recommended since the 1960s and
acquired a new sense of urgency in the light of the RTE Act of 2009. MoTA
could take this up urgently with MHRD – in particular to set up teacher
training institutions in tribal areas and enable them to emerge as good qual-
ity institutions.
Equally, keeping in line with recommendations since the 1960s to develop
effective mechanisms for multilingual education at the primary stage, a lot
 Educational Situation of Scheduled Tribes 227

need to be done in this direction. Current efforts are small, piecemeal, and
scattered. This could be taken up as part of a mission to revitalise education
in tribal areas and also improve the quality of education. In order to achieve
this, there is an urgent need to prepare teachers from ST community.
In keeping with the recommendations of NCF 2005, local culture, folk-
lore, history, and stories need to be woven into the curriculum and in text-
books. Tribal areas have a rich tradition of music and dance – this needs to
find a place in the school curriculum.
Existing norms for PTR, construction, and allowances for teachers and
teacher educators need to be made flexible to suit the terrain and the com-
munication challenges faced in tribal areas. The government flagship SSA
and RMSA programmes have to be reviewed and the norms revised to suit
the varying challenges of tribal areas in India. In particular, given the marked
absence of adequate secondary and higher secondary schools in tribal areas,
the government needs to pay focused attention to this issue.
A time-bound and focused plan is also required to increase the representa-
tion of ST in higher and technical education. To this end, the first step is to
ensure that all secondary and higher secondary schools in tribal areas offer
science and mathematics, and where necessary ICT could be used to aug-
ment the teaching capacity of the schools.
There is a need to commission a study on the government issues faced in
autonomous district councils and recommend concrete measures to both
strengthen the tribal councils and provide effective educational support and
on-site monitoring of schools.

Notes
1 K. Sujatha. 1999. The Perspective Adopted for Educational Development
among Tribal Communities Fails to Adequately Address the Specific Disadvan-
tages Characterizing Tribal Population (page 3)
2 These data come from the District Information System of Education, the cov-
erage of which increased steadily since 2000, but became complete only in
2005–2006.
3 These data come from the District Information System of Education, the cov-
erage of which increased steadily since 2000, but became complete only in
2005–2006.
4 Santhali. http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-otherstates/
move-to-introduce-santhali-in-select-primary-schools/article3414554.ece.
Gondi. http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/now-maoists-writing-kids-
textbooks/article1-948296.aspx
5 One unpublished report by Young India: Odisha (2010) reported widespread
trauma among children. While the research methodology of this study was
not rigorous, the report summarised ‘The trauma and deprivations of children
increase manifold when they fall victim to communal clashes. The situation
becomes grim when the attacks take place in remote villages without a sem-
blance of presence of law enforcing agencies and peacekeeping forces. The loss
of parents, relatives, friends and neighbours leave in their mind permanent scars.
It becomes difficult for them to cope with psychological and variety of other
stress’ (page 6).
228 Vimala Ramachandran

6 Save the Children Alliance. 2006. Rewrite the Future: Education for Children in
Conflict Affected Countries. Cambridge, UK
7 G. B. Pant Social Science Institute, March 2011. Children’s Education in Con-
flict and Crisis Situation of Salwa Jhudum in Chhattisgarh. Unpublished Report.
Allahabad.
8 Madhulika Sahoo, 2014. Impact of Displacement on Tribal Children: Cases of
Child Labour and Abuse in Odisha. Afro Asian Journal of Anthropology and
Social Policy, Volume 5, Issue 1, January–June 2014, pp. 61–65.
9 A. B. Ota, Livelihood Restoration of the Displaced in (page 256–258) in Shob-
hita Jain and Madhubala (Eds), The Economics and Politics of Resettlement in
India. Dorling Kindersley (India) Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi.
10 MoTA, http://tribal.nic.in/Content/EklavyaModelResidentialSchool.aspx
11 Source: MHRD Website, ssa.nic.in › Girls Education › Kasturba Gandhi Balika
Vidyalaya

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6 The Children of Lesser Gods
The Tragedy of Denotified
Tribes Today
Ajay Dandekar

Introduction
We will examine the issue of the ‘denotified communities/tribes’ in terms of
the origin of the concept, its roots as they were laid down in the ‘Criminal
Tribes Act’ of 1871,1 and its genesis as well as the policy response from the
post-colonial Indian state after the act was abrogated in the year 1952. In
order to clearly delineate the evolution, the chapter is divided into three
sections. The first section traces the possible trajectory through which the
then government of India arrived at the draconian act. The second section
then delineates the act and its final manifestation through a series of amend-
ments. The third section then looks at the policy response of the state post-
independence and the abrogation of the act.

Background
What could be the genesis of the ‘criminal tribes act’? Is there a prehistory
to this act that we can trace? Some pointers to that question can be located
in two rather contrasting figures of the colonial India. One, of course, was
an explorer, novelist, administration, and a writer of great charm, while the
other a classical soldier administrator who roamed around Central India
and has a town named after him after his death. The soldier administration,
of course, was the redoubtable Major General William Sleeman, who was
singularly responsible for stamping out the menace of gangs of ‘thugs’. The
other, of course, was the explorer administration and a novelist, the charm-
ing Medows Taylor, who also claimed that the discovery of ‘thugee’ was his
to claim. He immortalised a ‘thug’ whom Sleeman had captured into the
famous protagonist, Ameer Ali, in his celebrated novel the Confessions of
a Thug.2 Both of them vied for the claim of this great discovery of the phe-
nomenon of thugee. Sleeman is credited to have tried and hanged thousands
in the name of Thugee, whereas Taylor as a novelist raised it to its mystic
and cultic status. Sleeman’s nephew characterised them as follows:

[The Thug] regarded the stalking of men as a higher form of sport . . .:

that fiend in human form, luring his victims to their doom with soft

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-8
 The Children of Lesser Gods 233

speech and cunning artifice, committing the coldblooded murder of

every man he met, saint or sinner, rich or poor, blind or lame. . . . The
taking of human life for the sheer lust of killing was the Thugs’ main
object: the plunder, however pleasant, being a secondary consideration.3

Finally, the dubious credit for the firm establishment of the term in the legal
lexicon of the colonial administration must belong to Major General Wil-
liam Sleeman for the assiduous writing he did,4 the department meant to
stamp out the menace he established, and the penal punishments for which
he claimed responsibility. R.V. Russell too raised the Thugs to a status of a
caste and described them as ‘Thug is listed between Teli (oilmen) and Turi
(a cultivating caste) and the Thugs are considered a caste or ‘community of
murderers’ just as the Telia, a community of oilmen’.5
But did it exist as a cult, a specific centralised structure as advocated by
Sleeman, or was it part of the larger reconfiguration of structures post the
collapse of the successor states after the decline of the Mughal Empire is the
question that needs to be taken into account. As has been argued by Stew-
art, we need to locate the debate in the power structure of the eighteenth
century and its ramifications. In fact, Stewart is categorical in stating that

it was the writing of William Sleeman and the Evangelical, crusading tone of
the British Indian administration of the 1830’s that played up these locally-
organized, small-scale marauding groups (given the name ‘Thugs’ by the
British) into a hideous, widespread religious conspiracy, somehow typical
of India and Indian ‘national character’. We cannot and will not know the
nature of the ‘Thugs’ or any other marauding group of the eighteenth cen-
tury until we return them to a historical and geographic setting, and view
them in the context of the on-going structure and processes of power.6

Parama Roy labelled it as a construct of the colonial enterprise,7 whereas

Sandria Freitag, on the other hand, points to the displacement of peripatetic
groups due to the ouster and turbulence in the local settled rulers who pro-
vided protection to such groups. She also suggested that the coming in of the
land revenue–based states perhaps resulted in the instances of violence as it
clashed with the interests that were coalesced in the more ephemeral forma-
tions in the eighteenth century. She explains the acts of violence as bids for
power which were accommodated in the pre-colonial state.8
However, the colonial mindset, ripened by the likes of Sleeman, and the list-
ing of communities on caste lines along with the disrobed nature on the political
landscape provided for a natural progression of phenomenon of thugee to be
translated to the more generalised statement that resulted in the Act of 1871.

Colonial India
In the nineteenth century, the colonial government concluded that the pas-
toral nomads, the itinerant traders, and other unsettled communities were
234 Ajay Dandekar

different from the settled sedentary communities and thus had to be treated
differently. The colonial state found it difficult to situate these so-called
unsettled and nomadic groups into any administrative, political and eco-
nomic, and social category. The colonial state in fact found it expedient to
locate them as a deviant factor within a landscape that otherwise could be
orderly and measured. Thus, there was a need to exercise a visible control
through penal and legislative measure so that the order in the society could
be maintained. This became the immediate context to the enactment of the
Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 or Act XXVII.
The Criminal Tribes Act of 18719 was the beginning of a series of legisla-
tive injunctions to make increasingly ‘finer’ distinctions between those people
considered ‘criminal’ and those regarded as ‘non-criminal’. The classification
of those communities considered ‘criminal’ was fairly broad-based, using such
terms as ‘a tribe, gang, or class’. The colonial masters did not wish to leave any
loopholes in their mode of categorisation. None of these travelling communi-
ties could be situated within any of the preconceived categorisations accord-
ing to which the colonial administration had previously classified different
communities. In 1874, for example, there was a further amendment to the
‘Criminal Tribes Act’ which sought to fine-tune this ‘criminalized’ category
even further as follows: ‘In this Act the words “tribe”, “gang” and “class”
shall be deemed to include any portion or members of a tribe, gang or class’.10

Whereas it is expedient to provide for the registration, surveillance and

control of certain criminal tribes and eunuchs, it is thereby enacted as
follows:

1 This Act may be called ‘The Criminal Tribes’ Act, 1871’. (Com-
mencement, repealed by Act XVI of 1874, section 1 and Sched-
ule, Part I.)
This section and section 20 extend to the whole of British India:
the rest of this act extends only to the interiors under the gov-
ernments of the Lieutenant Governors of Bengal, the North
– Western Province and the Punjab respectively, and under the
administration of the Chief Commissioner of Oudh.
Provided that any local Government, with the previous sanction
of the Governor General in Council, may, by notification in
the local official Gazette, declare all or any of the provisions of
this act as amended by subsequent legislation. To be in force in
the whole or any part of the territories under its government.
Definition of the Tribe, Gang and Class
1A. In this Act the words tribe, gang, and class shall be deemed
to include any portion or members of a tribe, gang or class.
Part I, Criminal Tribes:
Local Government to report what tribes should be declared criminal
 The Children of Lesser Gods 235

2 If the local government has reason to believe that any tribe, gang,
or class of person is addicted to the systematic commission of
non-bailable offences, it may report the case to the Governor
General in Council, and may request his permission to declare
such tribe, gang or class to be a criminal tribe.
3 The report shall state the reason why such tribe, gang or class is
considered to be addicted to the systematic commission of non-
bailable offence, and as far as possible, the nature and the cir-
cumstances of the offence in which the member of the tribe are
proposed to have been concerned; and shall describe the manner
in which it is proposed that such tribe, gang or class shall earn
its living when the provision hereinafter contained have been
applied to it.
4 If such tribe, gang or class has no fixed place of residence, the
report shall state whether such tribe, gang, or class follows any
lawful occupation, and Government, the real occupation of such
tribe, gang, or class, or a pretence for the purpose of facilitating
the commission of the crimes, and shall set forth the ground on
which such opinion is based; and the report shall also specify
the place of residence in which such wandering tribe, gang, or
class were proposed to be made for enabling it to learn its living
therein.
5 If upon the consideration of such report, the Governor-General
in council is satisfied that the tribe, gang, or class to which it
relates ought to be declared criminal, and that the means by
which it is proposed that such the tribe, gang, or class shall earn
its living are adequate, he may authorize the local government to
publish in the local Gazette a notification declaring that such the
tribe, gang, or class is a criminal tribe, and thereupon the provi-
sion of this act shall become applicable to such the tribe, gang,
or class.
6 No court of justice shall question the validity of any such notifi-
cation on the ground that the provision therein before contained,
or any of them, have not been complied with, or entertain in any
form whatever the question whether they have been complied
with; But every such notification shall be conclusive proof that
the provision of this act are applicable to the tribe, gang, or class
specified therein.
7 When the notification mentioned in section 5 has been published,
the local government may direct the magistrate of any district in
which such tribes, gang or class, or any part thereof. The declara-
tion of the local government that any such tribes, gang or class,
or any part of it, is resident in any district, shall be conclusive
proof of such residence.
236 Ajay Dandekar

8 Upon receiving such direction, the said magistrate shall publish a

notice in the place where the register is to be made, calling upon
all the members of such tribes, gang or class, or of such portion
thereof as is directed to be registered, to appear, at a time and
place therein specified, before such person as he appoints, and
to give those persons such information as may be necessary to
enable them to make the register.
9 Any member of any such tribes, gang or class, who, without law-
ful excuse, the burden of proving which shall be lie upon him,
shall fail to appear according to such notice, or shall intention-
ally omit to furnish such information, or who shall furnish, as
true, information on the subject which he knows or has reason to
believe to be false, shall be deemed guilty of an offence under the
first part of section 174 or 176 or 177 of the Indian Penal Code
(a), respectively, as the case may be.
10 The register, when made shall be kept by the district superinten-
dent of police, who shall, from time to time, report to the said
magistrate any alterations which ought to be made therein, either
by way of addition or erasure.
11 No alteration shall be made in such register except by or order of
the said Magistrate, and he shall write his initials against every
such alteration. Notice shall be given of any such intended altera-
tion, and of the time when, and place where, it is to be made, to
every person affected thereby.
12 Any person deeming himself aggrieved by any entry made, or
proposed to be made, in such register either when the register is
first made or subsequently, may complain to the said Magistrate
against such entry, and the Magistrate shall retain such person’s
name on the register, or enter it therein, or erase it there from, as
he may see fit. Every order for the erasure of any such person’s
name shall state the grounds on which such person’s name is
erased. The commissioner shall have power to review any order
of entry, retention or erasure, passed by the said magistrate on
any such complaint, either on appeal by the person registered or
proposed to be registered or otherwise.
13 Any tribes, gang or class, which has been declared to be criminal,
and which has no fixed place of residence, may be settled in a
place of residence prescribed by the local government.
14 Any tribes, gang or class, which has been declared to be criminal,
or any part thereof, may, by order of the local government, be
removed to any other place of residence.
15 No tribes, gang or class, shall be settled or removed under this
act until such arrangements as the local government shall, with
the concurrence of the Governor General in council, consider
 The Children of Lesser Gods 237

suitable, have been made for enabling such tribes, gang or class,
or such part thereof, as is to be so settled or removed, to earn a
living in the place in or which it is to be settled or removed.
16 When the removal of persons has been ordered under the Act, the
register of such persons’ names shall be transferred to the district
superintendent of police of the district to which such persons are
removed, and the commissioner of the division in which it is situ-
ated, shall there be empowered to exercise the powers provided
in sections 11 and 12.
17 The Local Government may, with the sanction of Governor Gen-
eral in council, place any tribe, gang or class, which has been
declared to be criminal, or any part thereof, in a reformatory
settlement.
17A (1) The local government may establish and maintain settle-
ment for children and may separate and remove them from
their parents and place in such a reformatory settlement the
children of the registered members of any tribe, gang or class,
which has been declared to be criminal.
(2) For every reformatory settlement for children established
under sub-section (1) a superintendent shall be appointed by
the local government.
(3) The superintendent of a reformatory settlement for children
shall be deemed to be the guardian, within the meaning of Act
No. XIX of 1850 (concerning the binding of apprentices), of
every child detained in such settlement; and such superinten-
dent, may if he shall think fit, and subject to any ruler which
the local government may make in this behalf, apprentice
such child under the provision of the aforesaid act.
‘Explanation – the term children in this section includes all
persons under the age of 18 and above the age of four years’.
18 The local government may, with the previous consent of the Gov-
ernor General in council, make rules to prescribe –
(1) the form in which the register shall be made by the said
Magistrate
(2) the mode in which the said Magistrate shall publish the
notice prescribed in section 8, and means by which persons
whom it concerns, and the headmen, village watchmen, and
land owners or the occupiers of the village, in which such
persons reside, or the agents of such land owners or occupi-
ers, shall be informed of its publication
(3) the mode in which the notice prescribed in the section11
shall be given;
238 Ajay Dandekar

(4) the limits within which persons whose names are on the reg-
ister shall reside;
(5) conditions as to hold passes, under which such persons may
be permitted to leave the said limits;
(6) conditions to be inserted in any such pass as to (a) the places
where the holder of the pass may go or reside; (b) the officers
before whom, from time to time, he shall be bound to present
himself; (c) and the time during which he may absent himself;
(7) Conditions as to answering at roll-call or otherwise, in order
to satisfy the said magistrate or persons authorized by him,
that the reasons whose names are on the register are actually
present at given times within the said limits;
(8) The inspection of the residences and villages of any such
tribes, gang or class, and the prevention or removal of con-
trivances for enabling the residents therein to conceal stolen
property, or to leave their place of residence without leave;
(9) The terms upon which registered persons may be discharged
from the operation of this Act;
(10) The mode in which the criminal tribes shall be settled and
removed;
(11) The control and supervision of reformatory settlement;
(12) The works on which and the hours during which persons
placed in a reformatory settlement shall be employed, the
rates at which they shall be paid, and the dispersal, for the
benefit of such persons, of the surplus proceeds of their labor,
after defraying the whole or such part of the expenses of their
supervision and control as to the Local Government shall
seem fit;
(13) The discipline to which persons endeavoring to escape from
any such settlement, or otherwise offending against the rules
for the time being in force, shall be submitted; the periodical
visitation of such settlement, and the removal from it of such
persons as it shall seem expedient to remove;
(14) And generally, to carry out the purposes of this act.
19 (1) Any person registered under this act violating a rule made
under clause (4), clause (5) or clause (6) of section 18 shall
be punishable with rigorous imprisonment for a term which
may extend, on a first conviction, to one year, on a second
conviction, to two years, and, on any subsequent conviction,
to three years, and shall also, whether on the first or any sub-
sequent conviction, be liable to whipping.
(2) Any such person being a member of a proclaimed tribe vio-
lating a rule made under any other clause of section 18 shall
be punishable with rigorous imprisonment for a term which
may extend to six months, or with fine, or with whipping or
 The Children of Lesser Gods 239

with all or any two of those punishments; and on any subse-

quent conviction for a breach of any such rule, with rigorous
imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year, or
with fine, or with whipping, or with all or any two of those
punishments.
20 A. Whoever, being a member of any tribe, gang or class which
has been declared criminal, and having been convicted of any
of the offences under the Indian Penal code specified in the
schedule to this act, shall therefore be convicted of the same
or any other offence specified in the said schedule, then he
shall, in the absence of special reason to the contrary to be
mentioned in the judgment of the court, be punished, on such
second conviction, with rigorous imprisonment for a term
of not less than seven years, and on a third conviction, with
transportation for life.
Nothing in this section shall affect the liability of such
persons to any further or other punishment to which he may
be liable under the Indian Penal Code or any other law.
B. Whoever, being a registered member of any tribe, gang or
class which has been declared criminal, is found in any place
under such circumstances as to satisfy the court that he was
about to commit, or aid in the commission of theft or rob-
bery, or that he was waiting for an opportunity to commit
theft or robbery, shall be punishable with rigorous imprison-
ment for a term which may extend to three years, and shall
also be liable to fine.
21 Any person registered under the provision of this Act, who is
found in any part of British India, beyond the limits so prescribed
for his residence, without such pass as may be required by the said
rules, or in place or at a time not permitted by the conditions of
his pass, or who escapes from a reformatory settlement, may be
arrested without warrant by any police-officer or village watch-
man, and taken before a Magistrate, who on proof of the facts,
shall order him to be removed to the district in which he ought
to have resided, or to the reformatory settlement from which he
has escaped (as the case may be), there to be dealt with according
to the rules under this Act for the time being in force. The rules
for the time being in force for the transmission of prisoners shall
apply to all persons removed under this section: provided that an
order from the local government or from the Inspector General
of prisons shall not be necessary for removal of such persons.
22 It shall be the duty of every village headman and village watch-
man in a village in which any persons belonging to a tribe, gang
or class which has been declared criminal reside, and of every
owner or occupier of land on which any such person reside, give
240 Ajay Dandekar

the earliest information in his power at the nearest police station.

(1) the failure of any such person to appear and give informa-
tion, as directed in section 8(2) the departure of any such per-
son to appear and give or form such land (as the case may be).
And it shall be the duty of every village headman and village
watchman in a village, and of every owner or occupier of land,
or of the agent of such in his power at the nearest police station
of the arrival of any persons who may reasonably be suspected of
belonging to any such tribe, gang or class.
23 Any village headman, village watchman, owner or occupier of
land, or agent of such owner or occupier, who shall fail to com-
ply with the requirements of section 21, shall be deemed to have
committed an offence under the first part of the section 176 of the
Indian Penal Code.

Therefore, the ‘Criminal Tribes Act’ primarily imposed restrictive con-

ditionalities on the communities. The major provision required that all the
communities declared thus had to register themselves. They also had to
report to the authorities at regular intervals and apprise them about their
movements. They had to answer the roll call, which could take place at
any unscheduled hour. In case of a failure to respond, the onus was on the
missing person to prove to the officer-in-charge of the settlement that one
had no evil intentions during the absence from residence. Absconding from
any settlement or reformatory also meant imprisonment or fines or both
(Section 20, 2). Any breach of these rules invited punishment. Such default-
ers ‘were liable to imprisonment for one year on a first conviction, for two
years on a second conviction, and to three years or a fine . . . or both on any
subsequent conviction’ (Section 22(1), 22(2).
This Act amended in 1892 and 189711 increased the penalties for second
and third convictions to seven years and transportation for life, respectively
(CTA, 1897, sections 23, 1 and 23, 2). A new draconian amendment pro-
vided for the separation of children from parents who were over the age of
4 and under the age of 18. They were to be sent to reformatories reserved
solely for the children of the declared criminal tribes and castes (1897 CTA,
sections 16, 17).
The Act of 191112 introduced the rule that all members of declared crimi-
nal tribes would have to be fingerprinted at the nearest police station, so
that the tracking down of an absconding criminal, or of absconders from
the settlements could become simpler. Another change was introduced by
the 1911 Act, in terms of which declared criminal tribes were not compulso-
rily ‘settled’ on lands allotted to them by the government. They were merely
registered, subjected to surveillance and fingerprinted, but the local govern-
ment did not take responsibility for them (CTA, 1911, Section 12). The
underlying agenda of reforming the ‘criminal tribes’ by providing them with
gainful occupation in captivity was not sustainable: the wandering tribes
 The Children of Lesser Gods 241

could not be turned into cultivators on the government waste land. By 1911,
the attempt to ‘settle’ the tribes had to be given up. The new rule was prag-
matic; the ‘criminal tribes’ committing the non-bailable offences would be
registered, but they would not be settled on any land. On the other hand, the
police surveillance would be much tighter, without the unnecessary trouble
of maintaining a security system consisting of village chaukidars, watch-
men, and the expense of providing ploughs, seeds, and other cultivating
equipment.
Under the various acts passed and finally through a consolidation of all
the legislations in the Act of 1924,13 the colonial government also paved
the way for opening of various settlements of the so-called criminal tribes.
These were barbed wire-fenced camps, where according to the degree of
‘criminality’ perceived the communities and persons were confined. The
Bombay Presidency alone had more than 44 settlements, the biggest of them
all in the textile town of Sholapur. In fact, most of the settlements at least
in the Bombay Presidency were located in the area around either a textile
centre or an industrial one or around large construction work areas.
A picture of a typical settlement, as described by the Settlement Com-
missioner of the Bombay Presidency,14 gives us a glimpse of the population:

The total population in the settlements in the Bombay Presidency is

12861. This shows an increase of 799. . . . Primary education is com-
pulsory for all the boys and girls between the ages of 5 and 12 years,
and for all the children who work as half timers, in mills if they are half
timers. In the latter case, therefore their half time attendance in the day
school is compulsory until they reach the age of fifteen years. . . . In the
sphere of vocational training, the various trades for which the training
was imparted are as under: Carpentry (78), Masonry (92), Tailoring (7),
Agriculture (22), Black Smith (3) and Weaving (4).
The credit societies established in the settlements have continued their
steady expansion and are in a good financial position. They serve a very
useful purpose in providing loans for marriages and other expenses for
the settlers. Some of them also finance and control carpentry factories
attached to the settlements, and undertake building construction also.

There was a tinge of welfare measures attached to the settlements and

a sentiment of ‘reform’. These settlements are still remembered with fond
nostalgia. This is a telling indictment of the failure of independent India to
make the lives of denotified tribes any more secure or dignified.
We were fortunate enough to interact with one of the original residents of
the Sholapur settlement who was born in the settlement. He took us around
the settlement area. ‘The British rule was far better! We had schools, we had
a job and we were getting a dignified living. We were at peace in the settle-
ment’, the gentleman said, as he nonchalantly waved at the vast brooding
expanse of the barren landscape where the barbed wire fencing once stood.
242 Ajay Dandekar

He could vividly recount the houses, the observatory, and above all the tow-
ering figure of Starte Sahib who used to visit them on a horse with a posse
of retainers. The conversation with him revealed certain interesting insights.
He showed us an official document dated a couple of years ago, in which,
opposite his name, the official concerned had written by hand: Criminal
tribe. It seemed to him that Independent India had betrayed them.
In 1924 and again in 1938, the CTA came up for review. In the meantime,
the settlements had been taken over by the Salvation Army and were being
turned into profit-oriented businesses.15 From the first decade of the twen-
tieth century, the total number of ‘reformatory settlements’ remained more
or less constant, though there was a rapid increase in the number of merely
‘registered’ ‘tribes and gangs’.
However, it is important to note that the colonial government was using
the act to curb armed resistance by the nationalist groups. This wider appli-
cation of the act, using the flexibility of the wording of the Act of 1871,
which had included both ‘gangs’ and ‘class’, allowed for a greater scope in
interpretation: the application of the act was now no longer restricted to
the control of ‘hereditary’ groups living beyond the pale of ordered society.
There was also an increasing breakdown between the tight official separa-
tion of the ‘criminals’ of the criminal tribes and others. The government
could no longer pretend that criminal elements from the social mainstream
could be controlled easily, provided whole communities suspected of being
irrevocably criminal were isolated and put under stringent surveillance and
threat of penalties. Between 1912 and 1926, the number of mixed gangs
being registered under CTA completely laid to rest the theory that in India
criminality was exclusively a hereditary caste occupation.
It should then be no surprise to note that the Habitual Offenders Restric-
tion Act was passed by the Bombay Government in 1947.16 Though in the
beginning it was restricted to Greater Bombay, very soon it was applied
to the whole of Maharashtra. The CTA had been framed for groups: the
only difference between the two acts was that the latter was targeted at the
individual.
Under these legal and penal provisions, without the mainstream indig-
enous political opinion engaging with the issue, as here the folds of the
colonial discourse on criminality and developing mainstream indigenous dis-
course on criminality overlapped, the latter heavily influenced by the former,
the existence of whole communities under stringent penal measures went
unnoticed. The colonial government’s antipathy towards these communities
was shared by the settled indigenous communities, as they were part of the
hierarchical social network and political economy, while these wandering
communities were not seen to belong to any known framework of social ref-
erence. This suspicious attitude towards unknown ‘jatis’ who periodically
shared their territorial spaces froze into rigid statements of dislike when,
added to their indeterminate caste characteristics, the ‘Criminal Tribes’ Act’,
1871, added the stigma of criminality to these wandering communities. It
 The Children of Lesser Gods 243

was only after independence that the unconstitutional nature of the des-
ignation – ‘criminal tribes’ – was recognised and the communities, which
had come under the purview of the Act, were ‘denotified’. But for all prac-
tical purposes, ‘criminal tribes’ they remained. Madhya Pradesh, Andhra
Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Orissa – all
still have their ‘criminal tribes’, though officially between 1950 and 1952,
they have been ‘denotified’.
The DNTs are not just a neglected social group, but they are a complex
lot as well. They have suffered at the hands of both the mainstream society
and the state. The colonial state, for the first time at the generalised level of
all-India control, demonstrated extremely effectively the way in which the
law and the police could use the indigenous elite structure to crack down
hard on these marginal groups. This had succeeded in redirecting the gaze of
the educated layers of Indian societies towards these marginal groups, used
to caste distinctions, in accusation and condemnation. The stigma of crimi-
nality had easily combined with a ‘low’ caste/jati identity and the colonial
rule had successfully created another ‘criminal caste’, with a hereditary caste
occupation of crime.

Post-independence India
Soon after independence, in 1949, a committee under the under the Chair-
manship of Ananthsayanam Ayyangar was established to look into and
make suitable recommendations about the issue of Criminal Tribes Act.
The Ayyangar Committee recommended a repeal of the act and also sug-
gested a provision of adequate and suitable funds to effectively ensure a
proper rehabilitation and welfare of the communities that were part of this
nefarious act. The Committee however did not recommend a repeal of the
Habitual Offenders Act, which incidentally was in vogue in the then Bom-
bay Presidency. In effect, the recommendation to repeal the Criminal Tribes
Act partly stemmed from the rationale of existence of the Habitual Offend-
ers Act!17
The Government of India accepted the primary recommendation of the
Ayyangar Committee. The Criminal Tribes Act was repealed in 1952, but
the government chose to retain the Habitual Offenders Act. The existence
and continuation of the Habitual Offenders Act on the statue books thus has
cast its long shadow over the communities who were ‘denotified’ in 1952.
This major initiative was followed by the Kakasaheb Kalelkar led first
Backward Class Commission. This commission suggested that the erst-
while ‘criminal tribes’ should not be called thus and a new nomenclature of
‘denotified’ should be used for them. It further suggested that, ‘these groups
may be distributed in small groups in towns and villages where they would
come in contact with other people, and get an opportunity for turning a
new leaf. This would help in their eventual assimilation in society’. It fur-
ther recommended that the nomadic communities, the so-called wandering
244 Ajay Dandekar

communities, should be encouraged to settle down. It noted their pathetic

condition of existence and stated:

They have no fixed place of residence and they move from place to place
in search of food or employment. They often rear pigs and poultry, hunt
wild animals to satisfy their hunger and collect forest produce to make a
living. They live in thatched sheds or gunny tents, and move in groups.
They believe in witchcraft. Because of the insecurity of their life, some
of these communities are given to crime.18

The Lokur Committee that followed the first Backward Class Commis-
sion too looked into the context in which the denotified communities were
placed. It particularly strove to understand whether the benefits of devel-
opmental schemes were reaching the communities or otherwise. The Lokur
Committee stated that its

discussion with the State Governments, however, revealed that the type
of development schemes usually designed for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes have not benefited the denotified and nomadic tribes
to any significant extent because of their relatively small numbers, and
their tendency to be constantly on the move. It is also clear that while
these communities may possess some characteristics usually associated
with the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the dominant factors
which govern their life are their anti-social heritage and tendency to
move from place to place in small groups. We are inclined to feel that
it would be in the best interest of these communities if they are taken
out from the lists of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and treated
exclusively as distinct group, with development schemes specially
designed to suit their dominant characteristics.19

So while recommending that in effect a separate list be created and the deno-
tified tribes be treated as an exclusive entity in so far as welfare schemes
were concerned, it did not go further in terms of the issue of rights and
representation of the denotified tribes. It did however recommend a further
investigation into the issue.
While the Mandal Commission opined on the issue of Other Backward
Classes, L. R. Naik raised the issue of the ‘criminal’ tribes and the nomadic
and other groups in his dissent minute on the catagorisation of socially and
educationally backward classes. He stated:

By way of clarity they would be hereinafter, called ‘Depressed Backward

Classes’ as distinct from the ‘Intermediate Backward Classes’. . . . The
intermediate backward classes, in my opinion, are those whose tradi-
tional occupation had been agriculture, market, gardening, betel-leaves
growers, pastoral activities, village industries like artisans, tailors, dyers
 The Children of Lesser Gods 245

and weavers, petty business-cum-agricultural activities, heralding, tem-

ple service, toddy selling, oil mongering, combating, astrology, etc.
etc., who have co-existed since times immemorial with upper castes
and had, therefore, some scope to imbibe better association and what
all it connotes than many unfortunate ‘Depressed Backward Classes’
whose intermingling with the Indian society was either denied, prohib-
ited and even segregated obviously on account of stigma of nomadism,
resulting in their abysmally low social status. They, generally, are ex
criminal tribes, nomadic and wandering tribes, earth diggers, fisher-
men, boatmen and palanquin bearers, salt makers, washermen, shep-
herds, barbers, scavengers, basket makers, furriers and tanners, landless
agricultural labourers, watermen, toddy tapers, camel-herdsmen, pig-
keepers, pack bullock carriers, collectors of forest produce, hunters
and fowlers, corn parchers, primitive tribes (not specified as Scheduled
Tribes), exterior classes (not specified as Scheduled Castes), and begging
communities etc. etc. . . . These very names amply connote their social
and educational backwardness and, therefore, should have been postu-
lated by the Founding Fathers of our Constitution as in the case of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for the purpose of specification.
. . . Liberty, Equality and Fraternity so richly enshrined in the Constitu-
tion of our country have still to acquire meaningful proposition for all
of them.20

Justice Venkatachaliah chaired the National Commission to Review

the Constitution and submitted its report to the Government of India on
March 31, 2002. The National Commission also looked into the issue of
the Denotified Tribes and also examined the papers and pleas submitted by
the Denotified Rights Action Group. The Commission in its report stated:

The denotified tribes/communities have been wrongly stigmatized as

crime prone and subjected to high handed treatment as well as exploita-
tion by the representatives of law and order as well as by the general
society. Some of them are included in the list of Scheduled Tribes and
others are in the list of Scheduled Castes and list of backward classes.
The special approach to their development has been delineated and
emphasized in the Reports of the Working Groups for the Develop-
ment of Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes and Backward Classes in
successive Plans and also in the Annual Reports of the Commission-
ers for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, National Commission
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and the National Commis-
sion for Backward Classes. There are also special reports available on
de-notified tribes. Their recommendations have not received attention.
The Commission recommends that the Ministry of Social Justice and
Empowerment and the Ministry of Tribal Welfare should collate all
these materials and recommendations contained in the reports of the
246 Ajay Dandekar

working groups and the reports of the National Commissions and other
reports referred to and strengthen the programmes for the economic
development, educational development, generation of employment
opportunities, social liberation and full rehabilitation of denotified
tribes. Whatever has been said about vimuktajatis also holds good for
nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes/communities. The Commission rec-
ommends similar action in respect of nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes/
communities as done in the case of de-notified tribes or vimuktajatis.
The continued plight of these groups of communities distributed in the
list of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and backward classes is an
eloquent illustration of the failure of the machinery for planning, finan-
cial resources allocation and budgeting and administration in the coun-
try to seriously follow the mandate of the Constitution including Article
46. The Commission also points out that the setting up of an integrated
network of National Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Devel-
opment Authority, etc. recommended in para 10.5.2 to 10.5.3 above
will provide a structural mechanism to deal in a practical way with the
vimuktajatis as well as nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes/communities
within the framework of the SCP and TsP. Similarly, the approach to
the development of backward classes referred to at para 10.14 below
contains the approach to deal in a practical way with the Vimuktajatis
and nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes/communities who are in Back-
ward Class list.21

Following the Commission Report, the Government of India constituted

a separate commission under the aegis of the Ministry of Social Welfare
and Justice in 2003. However, it was only in 2006 that the commission
was revived under the chairmanship of Shri Renke. The Renke Commission
amongst other issues had two ground-breaking recommendations. It sug-
gested that

considering their socio-economic conditions, which are generally worse

than those of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, it is sug-
gested that they may be given constitutional status and support on the
same lines as given to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes
under Article 341 and Article 342 of the Constitution.

Accordingly, the Constitution may be amended by adding Article 342 A as

follows:

342-A. Scheduled Communities (1) The President may with respect to

any State or Union Territory and where it is a State, after consulta-
tion with the Governor thereof, by public notification specify the castes,
races or tribes or parts of or groups within castes, races or tribes which
 The Children of Lesser Gods 247

shall for the purpose of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled

Communities (Denotified and Nomadic Tribes), in relation to that State
or Union Territory, as the case may be. (2) Parliament may, by law,
include in or exclude from the list of Scheduled Communities specified
in a notification issued under clause (1) any caste, race or tribe or part of
or group within any caste, race or tribe, but have as aforesaid a notifica-
tion issued under the said clause shall not be varied by any subsequent
notification. . . . Similarly, the Constitution may be amended to include
‘Scheduled Communities’ under Article 330 and Article 332 to enable
these communities to be eligible for reservation of seats in the House of
the People and in the Legislative Assemblies of the States.22

After the Renke Commission report, the final policy initiative in this rather
long saga of policy prescriptions came from the Working Group of the
National Advisory Council in 2011. These prescriptions from the Work-
ing Group of the National Advisory Council primarily centred on welfare
and legislative interventions that were required in its opinion. The Working
Group suggested the following legislative intervention23:

a Introduce a new legislation on the lines of the 1992 Statute on

Minorities so that the Denotified Communities can be explicitly
recognized.
b Introduce a new legislation: similar in scope and spirit to the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities)
Act, 1989 to deal with different kinds of offences and atrocities
against the DNTs.
c Abolish the Habitual Offenders’ Act, 1952. This Act which is
similar in spirit to the repealed Criminal Tribes Act of 1871
should be abolished as a first step towards de-criminalisation of
DNTs and prevention of atrocities by police.
d Revisit existing Acts: to ensure that the safety and livelihood
opportunities of DNT communities are protected and promoted
adequately.

• The Prevention of Begging Act 1959: Re-examine definitions

relating to criminalization of certain categories of DNTs
• The Bombay Prevention of Begging Act 1959: Re-examine this
and similar laws in urban areas all over the country that target
street performing nomadic communities such as acrobats, tight
rope walkers, dancers and singers.
• Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, 1986: Re-examine provi-
sions of this Act that prohibit nomadic communities to engage
in street entertainment with the help of animals like bears, mon-
keys, birds, snakes etc.
248 Ajay Dandekar

• Wildlife Protection Act, 1972 and the Forest (Conservation) Act,

1980: Re-examine provisions that have adversely affected forest
and DNT communities. Rules prohibiting grazing of cattle; col-
lection of forest produce, fishing in the forest ponds, hunting of
small game for their food requirements, growing of staple food
through shifting cultivation by nomadic communities need to be
reviewed.
• Excise laws: Revisit provisions in excise laws that prevent brew-
ing and selling of traditional liquor.

Conclusion
Thus, the analysis of all the reports suggests that the focus has largely been
intervention on welfare measures and developmental activities that need to
be initiated for the denotified and nomadic communities. The exception to
the dominant trend is of course the Lokur Committee Report and the Renke
Commission Report. These two reports do suggest a decisive legislative
action for a creation of a separate schedule for the denotified tribes in the
Constitution. While there have been a number of developmental measures
initiated in most of the states where the concentration of these communities
exists, on the key demand of constitutional rights there has virtually been
no response from the state in the last 70 years. The key issue that needs an
immediate resolution is the recognition of the political rights of the commu-
nities and that the issue of the long-standing stigma just cannot be wished
away with and papered over by offering a slew of so-called developmental
schemas.

Notes
1 The Criminal Tribes Act. See Annexure 1 for the complete text.
2 ‘Confessions of a Thug’ was a novel written by Taylor in.
3 James Sleeman, Thug, or A Million Murders (London, 1933), pp. 3–5.
4 See William Sleeman Thugs, Ramaseeana, or a Vocabulary of the Peculiar Lan-
guage Used by Thugs; Journey Through the Kingdom of Oude (Bently, 1858).
5 Robert Russell and Hira Lai, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India
(London, 1916), p. 558
6 Stewart Gordon, Scarf and Sword: Thugs, Marauders, and State-formation in
18th Century Malwa, IESHR, Vol. 6, No. 4, December 1969.
7 Parama Roy, Discovering India, Imagining Thuggee, Yale Journal of Criticism,
Vol. 9, 1996, Yale.
8 Sandra Freitag, Collective Crime and Authority in North India, Crime and Crim-
inality in British India, ed. Anand Yang (Tucson. University of Arizona Press,
1985), pp. 158–161.
9 Cited in G. N. Devy et al., Report of the Technical Advisory Group (Ministry of
Social Welfare and Justice, 2006).
10 G. N. Devy et al., ibid 228.
11 See Annexure 1 for the text.
12 Ibid.
 The Children of Lesser Gods 249

13 Ibid.
14 Dandekar Ajay and Shrinvasan Mini, The NEG Intervention in the Denotified
and Nomadic Tribes Areas in Maharashtra: An Assessment. Unpublished Report
(New Education Group, 2008).
15 Anindita Mukhopadhyay, Criminal Tribes and British Policy. M.Phil. Disserta-
tion, JNU, 1989, p. 117.
16 This act was subsequently adopted by the Bombay Government in 1959.
17 See the Ayyangar Committee recommendations as quoted in the Technical Advi-
sory Group report, 2008.
18 The Kakasaheb Kalelkar Report as quoted in the National Commission of Deno-
tified Nomadic and Semi Nomadic Tribes Report 2008.
19 The Lokur Committee Report, 1965. https://tribal.nic.in/writereaddata/Annual-
Report/LokurCommitteeReport.pdf
20 As quoted in the National Commission on Denotified Nomadic and Semino-
madic Tribes Commission, 2008.
21 Justice Venkatachaliyah, Report of the National Commission to Review the
Working of the Constitution. 2002. Chapter 10.
22 Report of National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic
Tribes. 2008.
23 https://nomadsgroup.files.wordpress.com/2010/04/dnt_draft.pdf.

References
Anindita, Mukhopadhyay. Criminal Tribes and British Policy. M.Phil. Dissertation,
JNU, 1989, p. 117 (unpublished).
Dandekar, Ajay and Shrinvasan Mini. The NEG Intervention in the Denotified and
Nomadic Tribes Areas in Maharashtra: An Assessment. Unpublished Report. New
Education Group. 2008.
Devy, G. N. et al. Report of the Technical Advisory Group. Ministry of Social Wel-
fare and Justice, 2006.
Freitag, S. B. Collective Crime and Authority in North India. Crime and Criminal-
ity in British India, ed. Anand Yang. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1985,
pp. 158–161.
Gordon, Stewart. Scarf and Sword: Thugs, Marauders, and State-formation in 18th
Century Malwa. IESHR, Vol. 6, No. 4, December 1969.
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Appendix 1

Criminal Tribes Act, 1871

The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, passed by the governor of India in Council
(received the assent of the Governor General on the 12th October 1871), an
Act for the Registration of Criminal Tribes and Eunuchs as modified up to
1st, February 1897.
Whereas it is expedient to provide for the registration, surveillance and
control of certain criminal tribes and eunuchs, it is thereby enacted as
follows:

1 This Act may be called “The Criminal Tribes’ Act, 1871”. (Commence-
ment, repealed by Act XVI of 1874, section 1 and Schedule, Part I.)
This section and section 20 extend to the whole of British India: the rest
of this act extends only to the interiors under the governments of
the Lieutenant Governors of Bengal, the North – Western Province
and the Punjab respectively, and under the administration of the
Chief Commissioner of Oudh.
Provided that any local Government, with the previous sanction of
the Governor General in Council, may, by notification in the local
official Gazette, declare all or any of the provisions of this act as
amended by subsequent legislation. To be in force in the whole or
any part of the territories under its government. Definition of the
Tribe, Gang and Class 1A. In this Act the words tribe, gang, and
class shall be deemed to include any portion or members of a tribe,
gang or class. Part I, Criminal Tribes: Local Government to report
what tribes should be declared criminal
2 If the local government has reason to believe that any tribe, gang, or
class of person is addicted to the systematic commission of non-bailable
offences, it may report the case to the Governor General in Council, and
may request his permission to declare such tribe, gang or class to be a
criminal tribe.
252 Ajay Dandekar

3 The report shall state the reason why such tribe, gang or class is con-
sidered to be addicted to the systematic commission of non-bailable
offence, and as far as possible, the nature and the circumstances of the
offence in which the member of the tribe are proposed to have been con-
cerned; and shall describe the manner in which it is proposed that such
tribe, gang or class shall earn its living when the provision hereinafter
contained have been applied to it.
4 If such tribe, gang or class has no fixed place of residence, the report
shall state whether such tribe, gang, or class follows any lawful occu-
pation, and Government, the real occupation of such tribe, gang, or
class, or a pretence for the purpose of facilitating the commission of the
crimes, and shall set forth the ground on which such opinion is based;
and the report shall also specify the place of residence in which such
wandering tribe, gang, or class were proposed to be made for enabling
it to learn its living therein.
5 If upon the consideration of such report, the Governor-General in coun-
cil is satisfied that the tribe, gang, or class to which it relates ought to
be declared criminal, and that the means by which it is proposed that
such the tribe, gang, or class shall earn its living are adequate, he may
authorize the local government to publish in the local Gazette a notifica-
tion declaring that such the tribe, gang, or class is a criminal tribe, and
thereupon the provision of this act shall become applicable to such the
tribe, gang, or class.
6 No court of justice shall question the validity of any such notification
on the ground that the provision therein before contained, or any of
them, have not been complied with, or entertain in any form whatever
the question whether they have been complied with; But every such
notification shall be conclusive proof that the provision of this act are
applicable to the tribe, gang, or class specified therein.
7 When the notification mentioned in section 5 has been published, the
local government may direct the magistrate of any district in which such
tribes, gang or class, or any part thereof. The declaration of the local
government that any such tribes, gang or class, or any part of it, is resi-
dent in any district, shall be conclusive proof of such residence.
8 Upon receiving such direction, the said magistrate shall publish a notice
in the place where the register is to be made, calling upon all the mem-
bers of such tribes, gang or class, or of such portion thereof as is directed
to be registered, to appear, at a time and place therein specified, before
such person as he appoints, and to give those persons such information
as may be necessary to enable them to make the register.
9 Any member of any such tribes, gang or class, who, without lawful
excuse, the burden of proving which shall be lie upon him, shall fail to
appear according to such notice, or shall intentionally omit to furnish
such information, or who shall furnish, as true, information on the sub-
ject which he knows or has reason to believe to be false, shall be deemed
 The Children of Lesser Gods 253

guilty of an offence under the first part of section 174 or 176 or 177 of
the Indian Penal Code (a), respectively, as the case may be.
10 The register, when made shall be kept by the district superintendent of
police, who shall, from time to time, report to the said magistrate any
alterations which ought to be made therein, either by way of addition
or erasure.
11 No alteration shall be made in such register except by or order of the
said Magistrate, and he shall write his initials against every such altera-
tion. Notice shall be given of any such intended alteration, and of the
time when, and place where, it is to be made, to every person affected
thereby.
12 Any person deeming himself aggrieved by any entry made, or proposed
to be made, in such register either when the register is first made or sub-
sequently, may complain to the said Magistrate against such entry, and
the Magistrate shall retain such person’s name on the register, or enter
it therein, or erase it there from, as he may see fit. Every order for the
erasure of any such person’s name shall state the grounds on which such
person’s name is erased. The commissioner shall have power to review
any order of entry, retention or erasure, passed by the said magistrate
on any such complaint, either on appeal by the person registered or
proposed to be registered or otherwise.
13 Any tribes, gang or class, which has been declared to be criminal, and
which has no fixed place of residence, may be settled in a place of resi-
dence prescribed by the local government.
14 Any tribes, gang or class, which has been declared to be criminal, or any
part thereof, may, by order of the local government, be removed to any
other place of residence.
15 No tribes, gang or class, shall be settled or removed under this act until
such arrangements as the local government shall, with the concurrence
of the Governor General in council, consider suitable, have been made
for enabling such tribes, gang or class, or such part thereof, as is to be
so settled or removed, to earn a living in the place in or which it is to be
settled or removed.
16 When the removal of persons has been ordered under the Act, the reg-
ister of such persons’ names shall be transferred to the district superin-
tendent of police of the district to which such persons are removed, and
the commissioner of the division in which it is situated, shall there be
empowered to exercise the powers provided in sections 11 and 12.
17 The Local Government may, with the sanction of Governor General in
council, place any tribe, gang or class, which has been declared to be
criminal, or any part thereof, in a reformatory settlement.
17A (1) The local government may establish and maintain settlement
for children and may separate and remove them from their par-
ents and place in such a reformatory settlement the children of
254 Ajay Dandekar

the registered members of any tribe, gang or class, which has been
declared to be criminal.
(2) For every reformatory settlement for children established under
sub-section (1) a superintendent shall be appointed by the local
government.
(3) The superintendent of a reformatory settlement for children shall
be deemed to be the guardian, within the meaning of Act No. XIX
of 1850 (concerning the binding of apprentices), of every child
detained in such settlement; and such superintendent, may if he
shall think fit, and subject to any ruler which the local government
may make in this behalf, apprentice such child under the provision
of the aforesaid act.
“Explanation – the term children in this section includes all
persons under the age of 18 and above the age of four years.”
18 The local government may, with the previous consent of the Governor
General in council, make rules to prescribe –
(1) the form in which the register shall be made by the said Magistrate
(2) the mode in which the said Magistrate shall publish the notice
prescribed in section 8, and means by which persons whom it con-
cerns, and the headmen, village watchmen, and land owners or
the occupiers of the village, in which such persons reside, or the
agents of such land owners or occupiers, shall be informed of its
publication
(3) the mode in which the notice prescribed in the section 11 shall be
given;
(4) the limits within which persons whose names are on the register
shall reside;
(5) conditions as to hold passes, under which such persons may be
permitted to leave the said limits;
(6) conditions to be inserted in any such pass as to (a) the places
where the holder of the pass may go or reside; (b) the officers
before whom, from time to time, he shall be bound to present
himself; (c) and the time during which he may absent himself;
(7) Conditions as to answering at roll-call or otherwise, in order to
satisfy the said magistrate or persons authorized by him, that the
reasons whose names are on the register are actually present at
given times within the said limits;
(8) The inspection of the residences and villages of any such tribes,
gang or class, and the prevention or removal of contrivances for
enabling the residents therein to conceal stolen property, or to
leave their place of residence without leave;
(9) The terms upon which registered persons may be discharged from
the operation of this Act;
(10) The mode in which the criminal tribes shall be settled and removed;
 The Children of Lesser Gods 255

(11) The control and supervision of reformatory settlement;

(12) The works on which and the hours during which persons placed
in a reformatory settlement shall be employed, the rates at which
they shall be paid, and the dispersal, for the benefit of such per-
sons, of the surplus proceeds of their labor, after defraying the
whole or such part of the expenses of their supervision and con-
trol as to the Local Government shall seem fit;
(13) The discipline to which persons endeavoring to escape from any
such settlement, or otherwise offending against the rules for the
time being in force, shall be submitted; the periodical visitation of
such settlement, and the removal from it of such persons as it shall
seem expedient to remove;
(14) And generally, to carry out the purposes of this act.

19 Any person registered under this act violating a rule made under clause
(4), clause (5) or clause (6) of section 18 shall be punishable with rigor-
ous imprisonment for a term which may extend, on a first conviction,
to one year,

on a second conviction, to two years, and, on any subsequent convic-

tion, to three years, and shall also, whether on the first or any sub-
sequent conviction, be liable to whipping.
(2) Any such person being a member of a proclaimed tribe violating a
rule made under any other clause of section 18 shall be punishable
with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to six
months, or with fine, or with whipping or with all or any two of
those punishments; and on any subsequent conviction for a breach
of any such rule, with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may
extend to one year, or with fine, or with whipping, or with all or
any two of those punishments.

20 A. Whoever, being a member of any tribe, gang or class which has been
declared criminal, and having been convicted of any of the offences
under the Indian Penal code specified in the schedule to this act,
shall therefore be convicted of the same or any other offence speci-
fied in the said schedule, then he shall, in the absence of special rea-
son to the contrary to be mentioned in the judgment of the court, be
punished, on such second conviction, with rigorous imprisonment
for a term of not less than seven years, and on a third conviction,
with transportation for life.
Nothing in this section shall affect the liability of such persons
to any further or other punishment to which he may be liable under
the Indian Penal Code or any other law.
B. Whoever, being a registered member of any tribe, gang or class
which has been declared criminal, is found in any place under such
circumstances as to satisfy the court that he was about to commit,
256 Ajay Dandekar

or aid in the commission of theft or robbery, or that he was waiting

for an opportunity to commit theft or robbery, shall be punishable
with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to three
years, and shall also be liable to fine.
21 Any person registered under the provision of this Act, who is found in
any part of British India, beyond the limits so prescribed for his resi-
dence, without such pass as may be required by the said rules, or in
place or at a time not permitted by the conditions of his pass, or who
escapes from a reformatory settlement, may be arrested without war-
rant by any police-officer or village watchman, and taken before a Mag-
istrate, who on proof of the facts, shall order him to be removed to the
district in which he ought to have resided, or to the reformatory settle-
ment from which he has escaped (as the case may be), there to be dealt
with according to the rules under this Act for the time being in force.
The rules for the time being in force for the transmission of prisoners
shall apply to all persons removed under this section: provided that an
order from the local government or from the Inspector General of pris-
ons shall not be necessary for removal of such persons.
22 It shall be the duty of every village headman and village watchman in a
village in which any persons belonging to a tribe, gang or class which
has been declared criminal reside, and of every owner or occupier of
land on which any such person reside, give the earliest information
in his power at the nearest police station. (1) The failure of any such
person to appear and give information, as directed in section 8(2) the
departure of any such person to appear and give or form such land (as
the case may be). And it shall be the duty of every village headman and
village watchman in a village, and of every owner or occupier of land,
or of the agent of such in his power at the nearest police station of the
arrival of any persons who may reasonably be suspected of belonging to
any such tribe, gang or class.
Any village headman, village watchman, owner or occupier of
land or agent of such owner or occupier, who shall fail to comply with
the requirements of section 21, shall be deemed to have committed
an offence under the first part of the section 176 of the Indian Penal
Code.

CRIMINAL TRIBES ACT, 1897

Passed by the Governor General of India in Council
(Received the assent of the Governor General on the 28th January, 1897)

1 An Act to amend the Criminal Tribes’ Act, 1871. Whereas it is expedi-

ent to amend the Criminal Tribes’ Act, 1871; it is hereby enacted as
follows:
 The Children of Lesser Gods 257

(1) This Act may be called the Criminal Tribes’ Act Amendment Act,
1897, and
(2) It shall come into force at once.
2 To section 1 of the Criminal Tribes’ Act, 1871, the following proviso
shall be added, namely:-
Provided that any Local Government, with previous sanction of the
Governor General in Council, may, by notification in the local
official
Gazette, declare all or any of the provisions of this Act, as amended by
subsequent legislation to be in force in the whole or any part of the
territories under its government.”
3 After section 1 of the Criminal Tribes’ Act, 1871 the following section
shall be inserted, namely, “1A. In this Act the words “tribe”, “gang”
and “class” shall be deemed to include any portion or members of a
tribe, gang or class.”
4 After section 17 of the said Act the following section shall be added,
namely:-“17A.
(1) The Local Government may establish and maintain reformatory
settlements for children and may separate and remove from their
parents and place in such a reformatory settlement the children of
the registered members of any tribe, gang or class which has been
declared to be criminal.
(2) For every reformatory settlement for children established under
sub-section (1) a Superintendent shall be appointed by the Local
Government.
(3) The Superintendent of a reformatory settlement for children shall
be deemed to be the guardian, within the meaning of Act No XIX
of 1850 (concerning the binding of apprentices), of every child
detained in such settlement; and such Superintendent may, if he
shall think fit, and subject to any rules which the Local Government
may make in this behalf, apprentice such child under the provisions
of the aforesaid Act. “
Explanation: The term “children” in this section includes all
persons under the age of eighteen and above the age of four years.”
5 For section 19 of the said Act the following section shall be substituted,
namely:- “19.
(1) Any person registered under this Act violating a rule made under
clause (4), clause (5) or clause (6) of section 18 shall be punishable
with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend, on a first
conviction, to one year, on a second conviction, to two years, and,
on any subsequent conviction to three years, and shall also, whether
on the first or any subsequent conviction, be liable to whipping.
258 Ajay Dandekar

(2) Any person being a member of a proclaimed tribe violating a rule

made under any other clause of section 18 shall be punishable with
rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months,
or with fine, or with whipping, or with all or any two of those
punishments; and on any subsequent conviction for a breach of any
such rule, with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend
to one year, or with fine, or with whipping, or with all or any of two
of those punishments.”
6 After section 19 of the said Act the following sections shall be added,
namely:-
“19 A. Whoever, being a member of any tribe, gang or class which
has been declared criminal, and having been convicted of any of
the offences under the Indian Penal Code specified in the schedule
to this Act, shall thereafter be convicted of the same or any other
offence specified in the said schedule, then he shall, in the absence
of special reasons to the contrary to be mentioned in the judgement
of the Court, be published, on such second conviction, with rigor-
ous imprisonment for a term of not less than seven years, and on
a third conviction with transportation for life. Nothing in this sec-
tion shall affect the liability of such person to any further or other
punishment to which he may be liable under the Indian Penal Code
or any other law.
“19B. Whoever, being a registered member of any tribe, gang or class
which has been declared criminal, is found in any place under such
circumstances as to satisfy the Court that he was about to commit,
or aid in the commission of, theft or robbery, shall be punishable
with rigorous imprisonment for a term which may extend to three
years, and shall also be liable to fine”.
7 To the said Act, the schedule in the schedule to this Act shall be added.
The Schedule
Certain offences punishable under chapter XVI and XVII of the Indian
penal code
Chapter XVI
Sections
299. Culpable homicide.
307. Attempt to murder.
308. Attempt to commit culpable homicide.
310. Thug
322. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt.
324. Voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapons or means.
322. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or
means.
 The Children of Lesser Gods 259

327. Voluntarily causing hurt to extort property or to constrain to an

illegal act.
328. Causing hurt by means of poison, etc., with intent to commit an
offence.
329. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt to extort property or to con-
strain to an illegal act.
332. Voluntarily causing hurt to deter public servant from his duty.
333. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt to deter public servant from his
duty.

Chapter XVII
Sections
382. Theft after preparation made for causing death, hurt or restraint,
in order to the committing of the theft
383. Extortion.
385. Putting person in fear of injury in order to commit extortion.
386. Extortion by putting a person in fear of death or in order to com-
mit extortion.
387. Putting person in fear of death or of grievous hurt in order to
commit extortion.
390. Robbery.
391. Dacoity.
393. Attempt to commit robbery.
394. Voluntarily causing hurt in committing robbery
397. Robbery or dacoity, with attempt to cause death or grievous
hurt.
398. Attempt to commit robbery or dacoity when armed with deadly
weapon
399. Making preparation to commit dacoity.
402. Assembling for purpose of committing dacoity.
458. Lurking house-trespass, house-breaking by night after prepara-
tion for hurt, assault or wrongful restraint.
459. Grievous hurt caused whilst committing lurking house-trespass
or house breaking.
460. All persons jointly concerned in lurking house-trespass or house-
breaking by night punishable with death or grievous hurt caused
by one of them.

CRIMINAL TRIBES ACT, 1911

Passed by the Governor General of India in Council (Received the assent of
the Governor General on the 1st March 1911)
Preliminary
Sections
260 Ajay Dandekar

1 Short title and extent.

2 Definitions.
Notifications of Criminal Tribes
3 Power to declare any tribe, gang or class a Criminal tribe. Registration
of Members of Criminal Tribes
4 Registration of members of Criminal Tribes
5 Procedure in making register.
6 Charge of register.
7 Alterations in register.
8 Complaints of entries in register.
9 Power to take finger-impressions at any time.
10 Members of Criminal Tribes to report themselves or notify residence.
11 Procedure when deemed expedient to restrict movement of, or settle,
criminal tribes.
12 Notification restricting movements of, or settling, tribe.
13 Power to vary specified area or place of residence.
14 Verification of presence of members of tribe within prescribed area
place of residence.
15 Transfer of register in certain cases.
Settlement and Schools
16 Power to place tribe in settlement.
17 Power to place children in schools and to apprentice them.
18 Power of Local Government to discharge or remove persons from set-
tlement or school.
19 Power of Governor General in Council to direct use of any settlement or
school in British India for reception of persons.
Rules
20 Power to make rules.
Penalties and Procedures
21 Penalties for failure to comply with terms of notice under section 5 or 7.
22 Penalties for breach of rules.
23 Enhanced punishment for certain offences by members of criminal tribe
after previous conviction.
24 Punishment for registered members of criminal tribe found under suspi-
cious circumstances.
25 Arrest of registered persons found beyond prescribed limits.
Sections
26 Duties of village-headman, village-watchmen, and owners or occupiers
of land to give information in certain cases.
 The Children of Lesser Gods 261

27 Penalty for breach of such duties.

Supplemental
28 Bar of jurisdiction of Courts in questions relating to notifications under
sections 3, 12 and 13.
29 Repeals.

The Act
An Act to amend the law relating to the registration, surveillance and
control of Criminal Tribes.
Whereas it is expedient to amend the law relating to the registration,
surveillance and control of criminal tribes; it is hereby enacted as
follows:
Preliminary

1 (1) This Act may be called the Criminal Tribes Act 1911; and
(2) It extends to the whole of British India.
2 In this Act, unless there is anything repugnant in the subject or context, –
(1) “Criminal tribe” means a tribe, gang or class of persons declared to
be a criminal tribe by a notification under section 3;
(2) “prescribed” means prescribed by rules under this Act; and
(3) “tribe”, “gang” or “class” includes any part or members of a tribe,
gang or class.
Notification of Criminal Tribes
3 If the Local Government has reason to believe that any tribe, gang
or class of persons is addicted to the systematic commission of non –­
bailable offences, it may, by notification in the local official Gazette,
declare that such tribe, gang or class is a criminal tribe for the purposes
of this Act.
Registration of Members of Criminal Tribes
4 The Local Government may direct the District Magistrate to make or
cause to be made a register of the members of any criminal tribe or of
any part thereof within his district.
5 Upon receiving such direction the District Magistrate shall publish a
notice in the prescribed manner at the place where the register is to be
made and at such other places as he may think fit, calling upon all the
members of such criminal tribe, or of such part thereof as is directed to
be registered: -
a) To appear at a time and place therein specified before a person
appointed by him on this behalf;
262 Ajay Dandekar

b) To give that person such information as maybe necessary to enable

him to make the register; and
c) To allow their finger impressions to be recorded:
Provided that the District Magistrate may exempt any individual mem-
ber of such Criminal Tribe or part thereof from registration.
6 The register, when made, shall be placed in the keeping of the Super-
intendent of Police, who shall, from time to time, report to the Dis-
trict Magistrate any alterations which ought in his opinion to be made
therein, either by way of addition or erasure.
7 (1) After the register has been placed in the keeping of the Superin-
tendent of Police no person shall be added to the register, and no
registration shall be cancelled except by or by the order in writing
of the District Magistrate.
(2) Before the name of any person is added to the register under this
section, the Magistrate shall give notice in the prescribed manner to
the concerned person:-
a) to appear before him or a person appointed by him in this
behalf at a time and a place therein specified;
b) to give him or such person such information as may be neces-
sary to enable him to make the entry; and
c) to allow his finger impressions to be recorded.
8 Any person deeming himself aggrieved by any entry made, or proposed
to be made, in such register either when the register is first made or sub-
sequently, may complain to the District Magistrate against such entry,
and the Magistrate shall retain such person’s name on the register, or
enter it therein, erase it there from, as he may see fit.
9 The District Magistrate or any officer empowered by him in this behalf
may at any time order the finger-impressions of registered member of a
criminal tribe to be taken.
10 The Local Government may, by notification in the local official Gazette,
direct in respect of any criminal tribe that every registered member
thereof shall, in the prescribed manner,-
a) report himself at fixed intervals; or
b) Notify his place of residence and any change or intended
change of residence and any absence or intended absence from
residence.

Restriction of Movements of Criminal Tribes

11 (1) 
If the Local Government considers that it is expedient that
any criminal tribe should be -(a) restricted in its movements
to any specified area, or (b) settled in any place of residence, it
may report the case for the orders of the Governor General in
Council.
 The Children of Lesser Gods 263

(2) Every such report shall state –

i. the nature and the circumstances of the offences in which the
members of the criminal tribe are believed to have been con-
cerned, and reasons for such belief;
ii. whether such criminal tribe follows any lawful occupation,
and whether such occupation is in the opinion of such criminal
tribe, or a pretence for the purpose of facilitating the commis-
sion of crimes, and the grounds on which such opinion is based;
iii. the area to which it is proposed to restrict the movements of
such criminal tribe, or the place of residence in which it is pro-
posed to settle it; and
iv. The manner in which it is proposed that such criminal tribe
shall earn its living within the restricted area or in the settlement
and the arrangements which are proposed to be made therefore.
12 If on the consideration of any such report the Governor General in
Council is satisfied –
a) that it is expedient to restrict the movements of such criminal tribe
or to settle it in a place of residence, and
b) That the means by which it is proposed that such criminal tribe
shall earn its living are adequate.
He may authorize the Local Government to publish in the local
official Gazette a notification declaring that such criminal tribe shall
be restricted in its movement to the area specified or shall be settled
in the place of residence specified, and the Local Government may
publish a notification accordingly.
13 The Local Government may at any time by a like notification vary the
terms of any notification published by it under section 12 by specify-
ing another area to which the movements of the criminal tribe shall be
restricted, or another place of residence in which it shall be settled.
14 Every registered member of a criminal tribe, whose movements have
been restricted or which has been settled in a place of residence, shall
attend at such place and at such time and before such person as may be
prescribed in this behalf.
15 When the area to which the movements of a criminal tribe or any mem-
bers thereof area restricted, or the place of residence in which a criminal
tribe is settled is situated in a district other than that in which the regis-
ter mentioned in section 4 was prepared, the register shall be transferred
to the Superintendent of Police of the district in which the said area is
situated, and the District Magistrate of the said district shall thereupon
be empowered to exercise the powers provided in sections 7, 8 and 9.
Settlements and Schools
16 The Governor General in Council or the Local Government may estab-
lish industrial, agricultural or reformatory settlements and may place
264 Ajay Dandekar

therein any criminal tribe or any part thereof, in respect of which a

notification has been published under section 12.
17 (1) 
the Local Government may establish industrial, agricultural or
reformatory schools for children and may separate and remove
from their parents or guardians and place in such schools the chil-
dren of members of any criminal tribe in respect of which a notifica-
tion has been published under section 12.
(2) For every school established under sub section (1), a Superintendent
shall be appointed by the Local Government.
(3) The provisions of section 18 to 22 (both inclusive) of the Reforma-
tory Schools Act, 1897, shall, so far as may be, apply in the case
of every school from children established under this section as if
the Superintendent of such school were a Superintendent and the
children placed in such school were youthful offenders within the
meaning of that Act.
For the purposes of this section, “children” includes all persons
under the age of eighteen and above the age of six years.
(5) The decision of the District Magistrate as to the age of any person
for the purposes of this section shall be final.
18 The Local Government may at any time, by general or special order,
direct any person who may be in any industrial, agricultural or reforma-
tory settlement or school in the Province –
(a) To be discharged, or
(b) To be removed to some other like settlement or school in the Province.
19 The Government General in Council may, by like order, direct that any
person to whom the provisions of section 16 or section 17 are applica-
ble may be placed in, or transferred to, any industrial, agricultural or
reformatory settlement or school in any part of British India.
Rules
20 (1) The Local Government may make rules to carry out the purposes
and objects of this Act.
i. In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the fore-
going power, such rules may provide for and regulate –
a) the form and contents of the register prescribed in section 4;
b) the mode in which the notice prescribed in section 5 shall
be published and the means by which the persons whom it
concerns, and the village-headmen, village watchmen and
landowners or occupiers of the village in which such per-
sons reside, or the agents of such landowners or occupiers,
shall be informed of its publication;
 The Children of Lesser Gods 265

c) the addition of names to the register and the erasure of

names therein and, the mode in which the notice prescribed
in section 7 shall be given;
d) the mode in which persons mentioned in section 10 shall
report themselves, or notify their residence or any change
or intended change of residence or any absence or intended
absence;
e) the nature of the restrictions to be observed by persons
whose movements have been restricted by notification
under section 12 or section 13;
f) the conditions as to holding passes under which persons
might be permitted to leave the place in which they are set-
tled or confined or the areas to which their movements are
restricted;
g) the condition to be inserted in any such pass in regard to –
i. the places where the holder of the pass may go or
reside;
ii. the persons before whom from time to time, he shall be
bound to present himself; and
iii. the time during which he may absent himself;
h) the place and time at which and the persons before whom
members of a criminal tribe shall attend in accordance with
the provisions of section 14.
i. the inspection of the residences and the villages of any
criminal tribes;
i) the teams upon which registered members of criminal
tribes may be discharged from the operation of this
Act;
j) the management, control, and supervision of industrial,
agricultural or reformatory settlements and schools;
k) the works on which, and the hours during which persons
placed in an industrial, agricultural or reformatory settle-
ment shall be employed, the rate at which they shall be paid,
and the disposal, for the benefit of such persons, of the sur-
plus proceeds of their labour; and
l) the discipline to which persons endeavoring to escape
from any industrial, agricultural or reformatory settle-
ment or school, or otherwise offending against the rule
for the time being in force, shall be subject, the periodical
visitation of such settlement or school and the removal
from it of such persons as it shall seem expedient to
remove.
266 Ajay Dandekar

Penalties and Procedures

21 Whoever, being a member of a criminal tribe, without lawful excuse, the
burden of proving which shall lie upon him-
a. fails to appear in compliance with a notice issued under section 5 or
section 7, or
b) intentionally omits to furnish any information required under those
sections, or
c) when required to furnish information required under either of those
sections, furnishes are true any information which he knows or has
reason to believe to be false, or
d) refuse to allow his finger impressions to be taken, may be arrested
without warrant, shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term
which may extend to six months, or with fine which may extend to
two hundred rupees, or both.
22 (1) Whoever, being a registered member of a criminal tribe, violates
a rule made under clause (e), clause (f) or clause (g) of section 20
shall be punishable for imprisonment for a term which may
extend-
a) On a first conviction, to one year.
b) On a second conviction, to two years, and
c) On any subsequent conviction to three years.
(2) Whoever being a registered member of a criminal tribe, violates a rule
made under any, clause of other Section 20 shall be punishable, –
a) on a first conviction, with imprisonment for term which may
extend to six months, or with fine which may extend to two
hundred rupees, or with both; and
b) on any subsequent conviction, with imprisonment for a term
which may extend to one year, or with fine which may extend
to five hundred rupees, or with both.
23 (1) Whoever, being a member of any criminal tribe, and, having been
convicted of any of the offences under the Indian Penal Code speci-
fied in the Schedule is hereafter convicted of the same or any other
offence specified in the said schedule, shall, in the absence or special
reasons to the contrary to be mentioned in the judgement of the
Court, be punished –
a) on a second conviction, with imprisonment for a term of not
less than seven years, and
b) on a third conviction, with transportation for life.
(2) Nothing in this section shall affect the liability of such person to any
further or other punishment to which he may be liable under the
Indian Penal Code or any other law.
 The Children of Lesser Gods 267

24 Whoever, being a registered member of any criminal tribe, is found in

any place under such circumstances as to satisfy the Court-
a) that he was about to commit, or aid in the commission of theft or
robbery, or
b) that he was waiting for an opportunity to commit theft or robbery,
shall be also punishable with imprisonment for a term which may
extend to three years, and shall be liable to fine which may extend
to one thousand rupees.
25 (1) Whoever, being a registered member of a criminal tribe,-
a) is found in any part of British India, beyond the area, if any,
prescribed for his residence, without the prescribed pass, or in a
place or at a time not permitted by the conditions of his pass; or
b) escapes from an industrial, agricultural or reformatory settlement or
school, may be arrested without warrant by any police officer, vil-
lage headman or village watchman, and taken before a Magistrate,
who, on proof of the facts, shall order him to be removed to the dis-
trict in which he ought to have resided or to the settlement or school
from which he has escaped (as the case may be), there to be dealt
with in accordance with this Act or any rules made there under.
(2) The rules for the time being in force for the removal of prisoners
shall apply to all persons removed under this section or under any
other provision of this Act.
Provided that an order from the Local Government or from the
Inspector General of Prisons shall not be necessary for the removal
of such persons.
26 (1) Every village headman and every village watch man in a village in
which any persons belonging to a criminal tribe reside, and every
owner or occupier of land on which any such persons reside or the
agent of any such owner or occupier shall forthwith communicate
to the officer in charge of the nearest police station any information
which he may obtain of-
a) the failure of any such person to appear and give information
as directed in section 5; or
b) the departure of any registered member of a criminal tribe from
such village or from such land (as the case may be).
(2) Every village headman and watchman in a village, and every owner
or occupier of land or the agent of such owner or occupier of land
or the agent of such owner or occupier, shall forthwith communi-
cate to the officer in charge of the nearest police station any infor-
mation which he may obtain of the arrival at such village or on such
land (as the case may be) of any persons who may reasonably be
suspected of belonging to any criminal tribes.
268 Ajay Dandekar

27 Any village headman, village watch man, owner or occupier of land or

the agent of such owner or occupier, who fails to comply with the require-
ments of section 26, shall be deemed to have committed an offence pun-
ishable under the first part of section 176 of the Indian penal Code.
Supplemental
28 No Court of justice shall question the validity of any notification
­published under the provisions of section 3, section 12 or section 13 on
the ground that the provisions herein before contained or any of them
have not been complied with, or entertain in any form whatever the
question whether they have been complied with; but every such noti-
fication shall be conclusive proof that it has been issued in accordance
with law.
29 The Criminal Tribes Act, 1871, the Criminal Tribes (Amendment) Act,
1876 and the Criminal Tribes Act Amendment Act, 1897, are hereby
repealed.
The Schedule for section 23
Chapter XII
Sections
231. Counterfeiting coin.
232. Counterfeiting Queen’s coin.
233. Making or selling instrument for counterfeiting coin.
234. Making or selling instrument for counterfeiting Queen’s coin.
235. Possession of instrument or material for the purpose of using the
same for counterfeiting coin.
239. Delivery of coin, possessed with the knowledge that it is
counterfeit.
240. Delivery of Queen’s coin possessed with the knowledge that it is
counterfeit.
242. Possession of counterfeit coin by a person who knew it to be
counterfeit when he became possessed thereof.
243. Possession of Queen’s coin by a person who knew it to be coun-
terfeit when he became possessed thereof.
Chapter XVI
299. Culpable homicide.
307. Attempt to murder.
308. Attempt to commit culpable homicide.
310. Being a thug.
322. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt.
324. Voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapons or means.
326. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or means.
327. Voluntarily causing hurt to extort property or to constrain to an
illegal act.
 The Children of Lesser Gods 269

328. Causing hurt by means of poison, etc, with intent to commit an

offence.
329. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt to extort property or to con-
strain to an illegal act.
332. Voluntarily causing hurt to deter public servants from his duty.
333. Voluntarily causing grievous hurt to deter public servant from his
duty.
369. Kidnapping child under ten years with intent to steal from its
person.
Chapter XVII
382. Theft after preparation made for causing death, hurt or restraint,
in order to the committing of the theft.
Sections
383. Extortion.
385. Putting person in fear of injury in order to commit extortion.
386. Extortion by putting a person in fear of death or grievous hurt.
387. Putting person in fear of death or of grievous hurt in order to
commit extortion.
390. Robbery.
391. Dacoity.
393. Attempt to commit robbery.
394. Voluntarily causing hurt in committing robbery.
397. Robbery or dacoity, with attempt to cause death or grievous
hurt.
398. Attempt to commit robbery or dacoity when armed with deadly
weapon.
399. Making preparation to commit dacoity.
402. Assembling for the purpose of committing dacoity.
457. Lurking, house-trespass or house-breaking by night in order to
the commission of an offence punishable with imprisonment.
458. Lurking, house-trespass or house-breaking by night after prepa-
ration for hurt, assault or wrongful restraint.
459. Grievous hurt caused whilst committing lurking, house trespass
or house breaking.
460. All persons jointly concerned in lurking, house-trespass or
house-breaking by night punishable where death or grievous
hurt caused by one of them.

CRIMINAL TRIBES ACT, 1923

Passed by the Indian Legislature (Received the assent of the Governor Gen-
eral on the 1st February, 1923)
An Act further to amend the Criminal Tribes Act, 1911.
270 Ajay Dandekar

Whereas it is expedient further to amend the Criminal Tribes Act 1911; it

is hereby enacted as follows:-

1 This Act may be called the Criminal Tribes (Amendment) Act, 1923.
2 In section of the Criminal Tribes Act, 1911 (hereinafter referred to as
the said Act),-
i. after clause (1) the following clauses shall be inserted, namely:-(1a)
‘district’ includes a Presidency-town and the town of Rangoon;
(1b) “strict Magistrate” means, in the case of a Presidency-town or
the town of Rangoon, the Commissioner of Police; and
ii. after clause (2) the following clause shall be inserted, namely:-
(2a) “Superintendent of Police” means, in the case of a Presidency-
town or the town of Rangoon, any officer appointed by the
Local Government to perform the duties of Superintendent of
Police under this Act.
3 In section 4 of the said Act, the words “or of any part thereof” shall be
omitted.
4 In section 5 of the said Act-
i. for the words “a notice” the word “notice” shall be substituted:
ii. the words “or of such part thereof as is directed to be registered”
shall be omitted; and
iii. in the proviso, the words “or part thereof” shall be omitted and
after the word “registration” the words “and may cancel any such
exemption” shall be added.
5 In section 13 of the said Act, after the word “settled” the following shall
be added, namely:-
a. and any officer empowered in this behalf by the Local Government
may, by order in writing, vary any notification made under sec-
tion 11 or under this section by directing the restriction of such
criminal tribe to another area, or, as the case may be, its settlement
in another place, in the same district.”
6 After section 13 of the said Act, the following section shall be inserted,
namely, –
“13 A. Any notification made by the Local Government under sec-
tion 11 or section 13 may specify, as the area to which the criminal
tribe shall be restricted or as the place in which it shall be settled,
an area or place situated in any other province, provided that the
consent of the Local Government of that province shall first have
been obtained.”
 The Children of Lesser Gods 271

7 For section 15 of the said act, the following section shall be substituted,
namely:-
“15. (1) Where a criminal tribe is restricted in its movements to an area,
or is settled in a place of residence, situated in a province other than
that by the Local Government of which the notification under sec-
tion 3 relating to such criminal tribe was issued, all provisions of this
Act and the rules made hereunder shall apply to the criminal tribe as
if the notification has been issued by the Local Government of such
other Province. (2) If a criminal tribe, having been registered under
section 4 in any district, is restricted in its movement to an area, or is
settled in a place of residence, situated in any another district (whether
in the same province or not), the register of any relevant entries or
entry therein shall be transferred to the Superintendent of Police of
the last-mentioned district, and all the provisions of this Act and the
rules made hereunder shall apply as if such criminal tribe has been
registered in that district, and the District Magistrate of that district
shall have power to cancel any exemption granted under section 5.”
8 In section 16 of the said Act, the words “Governor General in Council”
or the words “and the words or any part thereof” shall be omitted; and
to the same section the following proviso shall be added, namely:-
“Provided that no criminal tribe shall be placed in a settlement unless
the necessity for so placing it has been established to the satisfaction
of the Local Government after an inquiry held by such authority
and in such manner as may be prescribed.”
9 In section 18 of the said Act:-
a) after the words “Local Government” the words “or any officer
authorised by it in this behalf” shall be inserted; and
b) in clause (b) the word “like” shall be omitted.
10 In sub section (2) of section 20 of the said Act,-
(a) after clause (e) the following clause shall be inserted, namely:-
(ee) the circumstances in which members of a criminal tribe shall
be required to possess and produce for inspection certificates
of identity, and the manner in which such certificates shall be
granted:” and (b) after clause (h) the following clause shall be
inserted, namely:-
(hh) the authority by whom and the manner in which the inquiry
referred to in section 16 shall be held.”
11 In section 22 of the said Act,
a) to sub section (1) the words or with fine which may extend to five
hundred rupees, or with both” shall be added;
272 Ajay Dandekar

b) in the sub section (2), for the words “a rule made under any other
clause of” the words “any other rule made under” shall be substi-
tuted; and
c) after subsection (2) the following sub-section shall be added
namely,-
“(3) Any person who commits or is reasonably suspected of having
committed an offence made punishable by this section which is not
a cognizable offence within the meaning of the Code of Criminal
Procedure, 1898, may be arrested without a warrant by any officer
in charge of a police station or by any police officer not below the
rank of a sub-inspector.”
12 After section 27 of the said act the following sections shall be inserted,
under the heading”
Supplement” namely, –
“27A. The Local Government, if it is satisfied that adequate provision
has been made by the law of any state of India for the restric-
tion of the movements or the settlement in a place of residence
of persons such are referred to in section 3, and for securing the
welfare of persons so restricted or settled, may, with the consent
of the Prince or Chief of that State, direct the removal to that
State of any criminal tribe for the time being in the province,
and may authorise the taking of all measures necessary to effect
such removal:
Provided that no person shall be removed if the local Govern-
ment is satisfied that he is a subject of His Majesty.
27B. The references to a criminal tribe in sections 4, 5, 14; 17 and 27A,
shall be deemed to be references to a criminal tribe or any part
thereof, and the like references in sections 11, 13, 13A, 15 and 16
shall be deemed to be references to a criminal tribe or any part or
member thereof.”
Part II

Arts, Crafts, and

Languages
7 A Status Report of the Tribal
Arts within the Central
Indian Tribal Belt
Sudeshna Guha1

You can make a tidy leaf-pot of sarai leaves

But you can’t make a pot with the leaf of the tamarind.
– A Gond song2

Introduction
The Status Report informs of present-day practices and management of the
arts of the tribal population of the Central Indian Tribal Belt.3 It documents
the initiatives and strategies of government and non-government agen-
cies towards their development and promotion, and investigates into their
sourcing, production, and marketing. The aims are to gauge the extent to
which the initiatives and policies have enhanced tribal economies.
The Report creates an understanding of the urgency of bringing a larger
proportion of tribal groups – the janajatis – into the production processes
of their traditional arts and crafts practices, protecting their aesthetic inputs
and skills, understanding their valuations of their arts, and equipping them
with the knowledge, requisite facilities, and networks of interactions for
increasing awareness and markets of their handmade, locally sourced,
products. It places emphasis upon the protection and promotion of the arts
that are specifically manufactured by tribal population, because ‘tribal art’
denotes three kinds of arts and crafts production today:

1 Those made by tribal communities for their own consumption, such as

the ropes for fishing made by Birhor, rain shields by Mahli, and Konkai
(paddy stalks woven with decorative patterns) by Karwar, Nagesia,
Pando, Korwa, and Gond.
2 Those made for tribal communities by occupational caste groups, such
as dhokra and iron crafts by Gadhwa and cloth by Panika.
3 Those made specifically for the market and sold as ‘tribal art’ by tribal
and non-tribal artists and craftsmen.4

The first two classes of products embody the customs and socio-religious
beliefs of tribal groups, and are not regarded as economic commodities by
DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-10
276 Sudeshna Guha

the latter. However, they are sourced and developed as ‘tribal handicrafts’
by government and non-government agencies. An example is Tribal Coop-
erative Marketing Development Federation of India (TRIFED), the apex
body of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, whose founding statutes declare:

• In case of sourcing products from organisations which work with trib-

als but not with majority of tribals, items can be sourced in proportion
to the tribals’ contribution to the total turnover.
• Items can also be sourced from organisations if sourcing such products
benefit tribals.5

TRIFED was established in 1987 to oversee the ‘flourishing of tribal arts’

so that tribal craftsmen and their families could earn a decent livelihood
within their habitat and not be forced to migrate. The organisation was
mandated to provide ‘institutional support for development and market-
ing of tribal products to protect and conserve tribal art and craft in the
country’.6 As the Status Report demonstrates, the directives and policies of
TRIFED have contributed directly towards increasing the commercial value
of tribal handicrafts.
The third meaning of tribal arts relates to products made specifically for
urban markets, which, expectantly, represent a mix of the aesthetics of their
makers and demands of the urban milieu. The artworks of a handful of
tribal artists can be included into this category. The artists are able to com-
mand complete authorship over their work, and sell them at the contempo-
rary ‘art market’ prices.
The profit-making entrepreneurial ventures of the government of India for
nurturing the production of tribal arts and crafts was analysed by an Evalu-
ation Study in 2013, which was undertaken for the Planning Commission by
a civil society. The study noted that the influence of a ‘synthetic all-­pervasive
macro culture’ was causing ‘the community based tribal/folk cultural forms’
to be ‘on the verge of extinction’.7 The Status Report documents some of the
consequences and demonstrates the importance of encouraging the tradi-
tions and practices of the tribal communities in the production of their arts
and crafts. It concludes with a way forward towards best practice which is
both ethical and pragmatic, and strongly recommends that tribal artisans be
given a voice in the schemes of development and governance of their arts
practices that aim towards expanding their livelihood options. It also makes
a case for seeing the importance of engaging with the appeal and potentials
of the traditional handicrafts of the tribal communities in the creation and
sourcing of new markets.

Tribal Arts: Meanings and Representations

Tribal arts constitute paintings, music, songs, dance, craftsmanship, and all
other forms of expressions through which tribal communities convey their
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 277

worlds, and search for meanings. The arts enhance unique cultural identities
of tribal groups, offer a sense of belonging and individuality, and evoke the
materiality of the everyday, thus articulating the complexity and fluidity of
their lives.
The long-standing essentialisation and ghettoisation of tribal art as ‘prim-
itive’, or ‘ethnographic’, is strongly critiqued by scholars today. Like all arts,
tribal art, they say, ought to be perceived as aesthetically culture specific. In
addition, reflexive cultural anthropologists remind us that ‘most indigenous
art is only “art” because we think it is, not because the people who make
them think so’. Tribal art cannot be regarded ‘different from our own’ as
it is also produced by talented and imaginative artists, ‘who ought to be
accorded the same degree of recognition as . . . artists, rather than being
viewed either as “instinctive” children of nature, spontaneously expressing
their primitive urges, or, alternatively as slavish exponents of some rigid
“tribal” style’.8 The ‘institutional’ context of the production and circulation
of this artform is usually ‘cults and exchange systems’ and the ‘local con-
texts’ function ‘as a by-product of the mediation of social life’ which justifies
the assertion that this art ‘is considerably autonomous’.9
Within India the phrase arts and crafts often translate as a reference
for paintings and handicrafts, respectively. The producers are therefore
also notionally distinguished as artists and/or painters, and artisans and/
or craftsmen. The use of the word traditional with respect to tribal arts
convey assumptions of its innate ‘primitiveness’, and not the traditions of
art-­practices. Since all traditions of production processes entail innovations
over time, the innovations within the traditions of tribal arts demand a
note because they exist, although when compared with the institutionally
developed arts, they may appear restrained within the parameters of stylistic
coherence. The Status Report notes that the innovations are quite abjectly
neglected by policymakers in their considerations for the development of
this art for wider consumption.
Tribal and folk art is largely grouped into a single genre by most art
historians of India, who also continue to relate to this art form as expres-
sions of the primitive an innate, as opposed to the classical arts. In this
respect, the sociologist Roma Chatterjee has noted that the ‘aesthetic values’
of Primitive Art are seen to ‘embody a spirituality’ which is ‘close to nature
[and] which could be communicated through simple symbols’ because they
address a ‘world of universals’.10 Chatterjee has effectively questioned the
assumption that folk art is nothing more than collective crafts tradition’,
and encourages a sensitive outlook that could build upon ‘alternative aes-
thetic systems’.11 She is, therefore, also critical of the ways in which the
valorisation of the primitive has led to the decontextualisation of objects,
which are ‘shorn of their primary meaning and function’ when relocated
within modern art worlds.12
Similar to folk art, tribal art is a living tradition and is thus ‘inevita-
bly hybrid’ and ‘capable of communication across genres to new publics’.13
278 Sudeshna Guha

Similar to folk art, tribal art also has an indexical relationship with oral
narratives and circulates within a performative milieu. For example, the
Gond-Pardhan paintings are ‘not [only] objects with their own materiality,
but co-exist with other paintings and other kinds of texts within a larger
network’.14 Yet, as the Status Report informs us, the social materiality of
tribal paintings and crafts is glaringly ignored in their appropriations for
planning livelihood options.
The practices of developing tribal arts and crafts for the consumer markets
was aptly critiqued by Jaya Jaitly more than 15 years ago in the observation:

Today a wide range of city-oriented items are also made and sold as
tribal craft but they are divorced from their real meaning and have no
relevance to the lifestyles of their original users. For instance, what
would a tribal in a forest do with paper holders, telephone stands, a
visiting card stand or a paperweight? In helping tribal areas or impov-
erished artisans widen their market by employing their skill for contem-
porary usage, it is only the tribal tag that attracts the undiscerning while
the tribal himself is already beginning to get caught into the vortex of
industrialization’.15

The Status Report demonstrates that little has changed ‘on ground’ to chal-
lenge Jaitly’s above statement despite government policies of developments
since 2005, for increasing the marketability of tribal handicrafts. The Report
evaluates the policies, and documents through case studies the mismatches
between intentions, initiatives, and outcomes.

Research Method
The research for the Report includes information sourced from libraries,
archives, and websites, interviews with tribal and non-tribal artisans and
craftsmen, curators and involved officials in government departments, non-
government organisations and civil societies, visits to tribal museums and
research institutes, fieldwork in Bastar (Chhattisgarh), and in the tribal
villages in the districts of Ranchi, Khunti, Hazaribagh (Jharkhand), and
Chhota Udaipur (Gujarat), and research visits to sales outlets, state empori-
ums, private galleries, and national exhibitions.
The secondary sources demonstrate an urgent need for systematic and
in-depth documentation of the traditional tribal crafts, as many are yet to
be mapped. Moreover, the increasing pace of urbanisation, changing urban
markets, and demands and dictates of globalisation are rapidly altering the
production processes of many, and has caused many to perish.
The Report comprises information from one of the foremost tribal
institutes of India, the Tribal Academy at Tejgadh, Chhota Udaipur dis-
trict (Gujarat), and one of the best representative tribal museums, Dr Ram
Dayal Munda Tribal Museum at Ranchi (Jharkhand). Both display many
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 279

day-to-day practices of the tribal groups, also through contemporary pho-

tographs and dioramas, which inform of the local and regional forest coop-
eratives, residential schools, hostels, and hospitals. The two collections,
therefore, substantively add to the secondary sources, and allow us to build
a rudimentary profile of the current state of the arts and crafts practices
within the Central Indian Tribal Belt.
The list of tribal arts and crafts in the section that follows is also built
upon information sourced from the national inventory of tribal arts, which
was compiled by Bhasha Research Centre, Tejgadh, in 2012, through the
collections of 14 tribal museums of India.16
The interviews and field researches constitute the case studies of the Sta-
tus Report, and create awareness of the manner in which ‘tribal art’ is being
assiduously produced as a generic entity and commodity, and marketed by
India today. The field data demonstrates that the status of tribal commu-
nities in the production of handicrafts and handlooms is that of a skilled
labourer. Their traditional arts and crafts no longer enhance their well-being
per say, although securing work in the handicraft and handloom sectors can
allow them potentially to increase their livelihood options.

State-wise List of Tribal Arts and Crafts in Central

Indian Tribal Belt
The following list presents the urgency for designing documentation pro-
jects of the craft practices within the Central Indian Tribal Belt. It also pro-
vides descriptions of some of the well-known genres of ‘tribal paintings’,
which are not included in the data analysed in the Status Report. This is
because most tribal paintings are now rendered on cloth and paper, and
therefore they have a greater visibility in comparison to the crafts of the
tribal communities. In addition, government interventions into the produc-
tion and marketing of tribal paintings are not as driven as they are towards
the tribal handicrafts.

Rajasthan
Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, the available literature informs of the Rabari
community, in the mention that the jewellers of Soni community of Pali
district make silver ornaments for them.17

Gujarat
Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, the available literature informs of the arts
and crafts of 14, including 4 Primitive Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG).
Bharwad weave, Bhil construct houses and make a cooking stove,
which is locally known as Salansuli,18 Chaudhari paint an ‘offering feast’,
­Gharjamadyu, on walls of their homes, and make wooden figures of their
280 Sudeshna Guha

gods,19 Halpati do tailoring work and diamond cutting and polishing,20

Kokna specialise in making papier-mâché masks,21 Nayaka make fish traps,
or Zokaro, of bamboo and wires,22 and Pomla make rectangular-shaped
baskets of palm leaves.23
Rabari women embroider, employing chain, back, satin, and herring-bone
stitches with mirrors and beads. The embroidered pieces are used mainly for
domestic purposes as covers and shawls, chandanvars, and for decorating
walls, door panels, and other surfaces of their homes. The motifs comprise
many local myths.24 They also do mud-mirror work for decorating the inte-
riors of their homes,25 and make stuffed toys with an assortment of fabrics,
which they decorate with beads, embroidery, and metallic ribbons.26
Rathwa make agricultural and domestic items of wood, including large
carts, known as badhadagadu for transporting people, construction mate-
rial, and agricultural produce, ploughs, milk churners, known as Valanud,
and of their deities and ancestors, such as Pithora and Wageshwaridevi.27
The badhadagadu is manufactured in parts, and is made of strong and dura-
ble wood. It comprises the hado, chusari, saamel, uda, patliyo, aada, and
wheels, or piada. The parts are subsequently joined together. Today, the
parts of the badhadagadu are made mainly of iron, and the wheels com-
prise rubber tyres. The figures of gods and goddesses are locally known
as Gata ne Gatala and are placed on devsthals. Rathwa also make pots
from lac, and a grinder, or ghanti, which has two bases of wood and clay.
Men make the former and women the latter. Women also make potholders,
Udhena, for carrying pots with water. They are made with pieces of colour-
ful cloth which are braided and embellished with beads.28 Men and women
also decorate their cheeks, forehead, areas near the eyes, and hands and
feet with tattoos. The dye of the tattoo is a mixture of coal powder, juice
of the mahuda flower, valar creeper, and ratebiya wood, and ash from the
hearths.29 The tattoo designs, or the Chundanachitras, are nowadays also
painted on cloth, for sale.
Dhanka and Nayaka make water containers, locally known as both, and
large bowls for frying, the thikaru, of clay, cow-dung, and lac. They are
both handmade, of black clay to which cow-dung is added, after which the
mixture is patted into shape. The shaped pots are dried in the sun, rubbed
with a stone, and fired. Lac is added to the surface after firing and a final
coating of red earth brings out the desired colour. In case of both, the two
sides are shaped separately and joined before the firing.30
Kathodi (who are identified as PVTG) make a vegetable extract, Catechu/
cutch, which contains tannin, and which they use for dyeing and tanning.
They are also expert charcoal makers.31
Kolgha make baskets of bamboo.32 Kotwalia practice bamboo crafts, or
vaaskaam, and make traditional objects, such as models of animals, chicken
baskets, or kandiyo, grain baskets, or pohro, winnows, such as dalo and
supadu, small baskets, or topali, big baskets, or topalo, bread baskets, the
chabadi, mats, known as palo, hand fan, the pankho, and broom, or bagro.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 281

They also make modern utility products of bamboo, such as lamps, trays,
whistles, bangles, and clothes hangers.33 Bhil, Dubla, Rathwa, and Basfo-
diya are skilled craftsmen of cane and bamboo and make utility goods such
as baskets, brooms, mats, and containers.34 Those who live near Baroda,
and in Dang and Dahod districts at present, are trained by designers, so that
they can produce products for the urban markets, such as lampshades, spice
boxes, trays, clothes-hangers, animal figurines, and frames for clocks and
photos.35 Padhar now do tailoring work, however, their traditional crafts
are ropes of grass, and fishing nets of bamboo slivers.36
Boxes of split bamboo are mass-produced today in the Panchmahal and
Dahod districts for sale in urban markets. They are made by many tribal
groups, and developed by government agencies and NGOs for contributing
to tribal livelihoods.37
Rathwa of eastern Gujarat do Pithora paintings on the three central walls
of their homes to mark life-crisis events. The paintings comprise figures in
silhouette that are simply rendered in white. They are made by the lekhara
(the one who writes) who is invited to paint.
The images depict the social world of gods and humans (rajvadi) and are
consecrated through rituals performed by a badwa (shaman). They are of
horses with riders, who represent deities and mythical heroes. The central
motif is the rider of the kathiya ghoda (black horse) who informs the vil-
lagers that a pithora is being painted. Although the Rathwa viewers and
artists are able to guess who the riders are while the painting is in progress,
the painter refuses to reveal the identity of the figures until the work is
finished and the badwa has consecrated the painting. This is because ‘it is
only with the consecration during the panghu ceremony that the writing (by
the painter) and the interpretation (by the shaman) come together and the
“voice” of the painting is understood’.38 The pithora can, therefore, only be
read after the elaborate ritual.
Anthropologists consider the ‘Pithora murals an inscription and perfor-
mance of Rathwa history and cosmology’.39 The paintings are done with
brushes of the khakra plant, and with natural colours, such as white from
lime, green from saguan leaf extract, black from lamp black, and red from
sindoor (vermillion), which are mixed with oil.40
The rendering of Pithora on canvas in recent years has allowed lekharas
to find new markets and new incomes. Mansingh Rathwa is one among the
few to have received national recognition. He is a recipient of the President’s
Award, and his work is now slowly gaining international recognition.

Maharashtra
Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, available literature informs of the arts and
crafts of six.
Thakur, Mahadev Koli, Kokna, and Warli in Raigad and Thane districts,
and Maria Gond in Gadhchiroli district make bamboo crafts. Maria Gond
282 Sudeshna Guha

work with fine strips and flakes of raw bamboo for weaving mats, baskets
and bottles for carrying oil and toddy, and for making the doors of their
homes.
Thakur in Kashele (Karjat district) make baskets-swoops, winnowing
fans, containers, and rain shields, or ghogada. They also treat the bamboo
objects they make, for protecting them against moth attacks.41
Otari make metal images of their gods and goddesses, and ornaments for
Warli, Kokna, Koli, and Katkari of Amravati and Nasik districts.
Warli make masks of their gods, such as the moon god Chandradeo, from
the wood of the Pangara tree.42 Kokna make papier-mâché masks of their
god and goddesses, which they worship during the Bohada festival.
Maria Gond of Etapalli tehsil (Gadchiroli district) carve wood to make
utility and ritual objects, such as bows and arrows, combs, and the mar-
riage pillar, Moond, which is kept at the centre of the altar where the rituals
are performed. A moond takes about three to four days to carve. They also
make knives of iron, and a tobacco box, pog-gota, of the soft wood of Shi-
vam tree, which they say gives a better kick to the tobacco-chewer.43
Kokna make wall paintings for weddings. Warli in Thane district paint on
the walls of their homes during festivals and harvests.44
Warli paintings are well-known today. Traditionally, they were made by
married women, who smeared a base of rice paste and straw on the inte-
rior walls of their homes. The motifs are derived from life events, nature,
epics, and legends. Palaghata, the goddess of trees and plants, who symbol-
izes creative energy, often appears as the central motif. The paintings are
rendered with twigs, and appear as line drawings of a multitude of human
forms engaged in hunting, dancing, and cultivating land.45

Madhya Pradesh
Of the listed scheduled tribes, available literature informs of the arts and
crafts of seven.
Agaria make iron implements for farming, such as axes, ploughshares,
and sickles, and ritual objects such as armour, or kavach, and lamp, or
divat.46 Barewa do metal-casting and make ornaments and models of the
gods and goddesses for the Korku and Gond of Betul district.
Agaria, Baiga, Korku, and Bharia practice wood-carving. Baiga make
special doors for their homes. The panels are made of a single plank of
wood, which is incised with figures of animals, birds, humans, and floral
and geometrical patterns. Baiga and Korku erect memorial pillars of ances-
tors. They are now being made increasingly of stone.47
Bharia, Baiga, and Bhil make objects of bamboo. Bharia of Chhindwara
district also make utility objects from date-palm leaf. Baiga of Mandla dis-
trict make 50 kinds of baskets of bamboo for carrying and storage, fishing
traps, known as Kumma,48 and combs for a bride’s trousseau, by binding
bamboo spikes with fine thread.49 Baiga also make musical instruments,
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 283

especially a bamboo shaker, which they call Janjhokra/Thiski, and wood

shaker, the Kadtal.50 Bhil make bows and arrows which they call Haria
Kamthi.51
Bhil, Baiga, Sahariya, and Gond Pardhan make vessels of clay.52 Baiga
and Sahariya make storage bins for grain with animal and human figures
carved on the surface.53 Bhil of Jabua, Dhar, and Nimar districts make clay
vessels, and coat them with lac.54
Bhil and Bhilala of Jhabua district, and those living in Gujarat and
Rajasthan, specialise in doll-making. The dolls today reflect the demands
of the urban markets as they represent, variously, a Gujarati Garba doll,
Shaadi ka Joda (married couples), Radha and Krishna.55
Bhil of Jobat weave ‘Punja’ durries.56
Bhilala women make necklaces, or Galsan Maala, and armlets, earrings,
and rings of glass and plastic beads57 which they buy from the local haats.
Bhil and Bhilala of western Madhya Pradesh do Pithora painting, Gond and
Pardhan in the Gondwana region make ‘Gond Painting’.
The Gond paintings depict local festivals when women paint the main
doors and walls of their homes using natural colours. The paintings are
votive in nature, and the imagery depicts the birth of Krishna, veneration of
trees, birds and beasts, seeking protection for the well-being of a family and
warding off evil. Local deities, such as Marahi Devi, Phulri Devi, Sanphadki
snake, Phulchukki chiriya (bird), and Sarpoti tree are some of the recurring
motifs, which illustrate the symbiotic relationships between birds, snakes,
peacocks, beasts and trees, and the empathy for nature. The genre ‘Gond
painting’ originated largely during the 1980s, when the painters began to
paint on paper and their paintings could be shown in the art markets. The
exposure led to the identification of many local traditions within the meth-
ods of painting. For example, the painters, or chiteras, of Bundelkhand, do
lipai, or painting, with fingers, and draw linear designs on a mud plaster
base, and those in Malwa, Nimar, and Tikamgarh make mandana, which
are geometric diagrams of peacocks, cats, and lions. Patangarh in Mandla
district is an important production centre for paintings with mandana.58

Chhattisgarh
Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, available literature informs of the arts and
crafts of ten.
Dhurwa, Dandami, Kamar, Maria, Bhatura, Gond, Halba, Kanker,
Kodaku of Raigarh, and Muria practice bamboo craft. They all make very
fine bamboo baskets.59 Kamar also make fish-traps, mouse traps, and bird-
traps and mats of bamboo.60 Maria and Dhurwa make combs by thrashing
and splitting bamboo, to create teeth, which are then arranged in a straight
line and tied in a criss-cross fashion with the fibres of the sago-palm.61
­Dandami Maria make combs of wood and bamboo which they tie together
with strings of kosa silk.62
284 Sudeshna Guha

Dandami Maria, Abhuj Maria, Korku, Dhurwa, Bhatara, Biar, and Muria
practice wood-carving.63 Dandami Maria, Abhuj Maria, and Korku erect
memorial pillars of wood.64 Bhatara and Muria of Bastar now make memo-
rial pillars of stone and wood.65 Bhatara of Bastar make wooden tobacco con-
tainers. Biar of Sarguja make a wooden cauldron, which they call Kothot.66
Oraon of Sarguja district spin and weave cotton.67 Panika weave saris,
known as Pata, for many tribal groups.
Saora and Binjhwar have well-developed traditions of wall and floor
paintings.68
Dewar or Badain and Ojhnin or Devranin of Khairagarh and Bastar dis-
tricts practise Godna tattooing.69 Badi of Raigarh and Sarguja districts also
practise tattooing.
Baiga and Gond make masks of clay and wood.70
Agariya, Maria Gond, Bhatara, Bhagel, Poyam, Netam, Halami, Arkam,
and Muria make iron implements for agriculture and hunting, and decora-
tive objects of wrought iron.71 The Lohars of Bastar, who are a caste group,
have a long tradition of metal crafts, and forge their own tools for making
objects for tribal communities, including masks, lamps, or dhiman, ghud,
laman, supali, khut, gadli, and vimandiyas, wrist ornaments, such as kan-
tha, chitkuli, and gujari, figurines, chains, known as sankaal, staff, badgi,
and tools for farming and carpentry.72
The elephant is an important animal which is represented in the crafts of
many tribal communities, such as Bharata, Gond, and Halba. Apart from
the Hati, they also make horses, of terracotta clay and paper pulp, which
they decorated with bells.73
Dewar and Gond make musical instruments of wood and hide. Dewar
make drum, or dholka, and Gond, tambourine, or Khumari, and wind flute,
or Sulur.74
Maria Gond used to make a head dress with the horn of wild bison, cloth,
and peacock feathers, which they wore for dancing during Teej and other
festivals. They can no longer make the bison-horn head dress due to govern-
ment restrictions on hunting.75
All tribal farmers make Konkai, which is a decorative object made of rice
stalk. They eat it during times of distress.76
Gadhwa of Bastar, Jhara in Ektal (Raigarh district), and Malar (black-
smith community) of Sarguja district, who are all non-ST caste groups prac-
tise dhokra craft. They make ritual objects, mainly figures of gods, for the
nearby tribal groups, and decorative and utility objects for the commercial
markets.
Dhokra, which is the tradition of metal casting in the lost-wax process
is the best-known tribal art of Bastar. However, it is also practised in West
Bengal, Jarkhand, and Odisha.

The process involves many stages: making of the core in fine sand and
clay [with] an armature of wax threads and strips that depict the image;
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 285

incasing it with a clay mould with vents and inlet; pouring molten wax
and casting; removing the cast, finishing and polishing with sandpaper.

In Bastar, the Gadhwa, an occupation caste group, only use wax for metal-
casting. Jhara of Raigarh mix resin and beeswax to the metal in different
ratio. In Sarguja, the Malar make two types of metal images, solid and hol-
low. Instead of wax, they use a resin called dhuvan, to make the armature
of the figures.77
The dhokra of Bastar has Geographical Indication Status, which distin-
guishes the process of production as unique to the region and endows high
promotional value for the products.

Odisha
Of the listed tribes, available literature informs of the arts and crafts of 23.
Notably, some groups weave cotton, which is a rare crafts activity of the
tribal population of India.
Kuli engage with the entire range of the textile production process. They
card, spin, and weave cotton. Koli weave cotton cloth.78 Kuthia Kondh of
Koratpur and Kalahandi districts weave scarfs and spin cotton yarns. Remo,
or Upper Bonda/Bonda, weave natural fibres on small looms and make loin-
cloth. At present, they are trained to weave woollen carpets which look
similar to those produced in Tibet.79 Gadaba make a fringed narrow cloth
which is tied around women’s waist, and which they call Keranga. The warp
of this cloth is hand-spun, with fibre of different jungle shrubs and the weft
is cotton yarn that is dyed with wild indigo.80 Gatungkab, a woman’s skirt,
was traditionally woven by Dom weavers from the yarn spun by Lanjia
Saora. However, it has been replaced today by mill-made cloth.81 Santhal
produce a small range of exquisite designs on locally fabricated looms.82
They also rear tasar cocoons. Munda women made tasar yarns through a
high reeling and spinning process, called the Ghicha method. They now rear
tasar cocoons.83 Panika of Kotpad (Koraput district) who are SCs weave
cotton and tasar saris for tribal communities. They also make madder dyed
cotton fabric for which they are now well-known.
Dhongria Kondh women of Rayagada district embroider a scarf called
kapra gonda which they wear over a white saree. The scarf is unique to the
region. It has a red border and is woven by male weavers of the Dom com-
munity. It is given as a token of proposal by a boy to a girl.
Dhongria Kondh men make and use a decorative wooden stick, which
they call kulumunda. Women are forbidden to handle this object, which is
a symbol of male status. Men feel proud walking with their kulumumda to
events that are deemed important by the community.84
Kondh make ropes with Samba grass, and hats and contemporary cloth-
ing items by weaving Sisal and Siali leaves.85 They decorate themselves with
tattoos, produce wood charcoal,86 make bamboo cases for keeping tobacco,
286 Sudeshna Guha

and wooden animal and human figures, including of their deities which they
place at the entrance of their villages. They also make masks of wood and
gourd, which they decorate with beads.87
Remo weave wild grass for making headbands, or Turabu/Kurtop.88
Lodha make ropes with sabai grass, and now make decorative goods for
sale, such as bicycle, flowers, and brushes, of sisal-fibre.89 Ho make ropes
from sabai grass and collect the flowery stick of the sairi plant to make
brooms.90 Santhal make mats of sabai grass. Virtually all Pauri women
weave mats from the leaves of the date palm and reeds, and a few Pauri men
make bamboo baskets.91
Kondh, Bhuyian, Bhathudi, Gadaba, and Mane Savara make dhokra
objects.92 Kondh and Mane Savara also make brassware. The ancestral tra-
ditions of the Paraja in brass work is on the verge of extinction because of
lack of markets and support.93
In Odisha, the metal wires on the surface of the dhokra figures are laid in
a mesh design, whereas in Bastar they are laid parallel to one another.
Kondh make jewellery of red, yellow, and grey stones, which they polish
with leaves that are rough in texture.94 Santhal make jewellery of terracotta.
Oraon men make Girgo, which is a small fishing net. They weave cotton
threads to make the net and frame it with bamboo.95 Some among them
and Juang make terracotta objects, such as roof-tiles which have designs of
stylised human figures, square pots for growing the sacred basil, known as
tulsi chauras, and utensils.96
Dharuba make wooden plough.97 Juang make containers of straw,
which they call aulia, and wooden parts of agricultural implements,
phasua.98
Bhumija men make a flute, they call Rutu.99 Juang make a musical instru-
ment, change, whose rim is of a tamarind tree, and the membrane, which
was previously made from the hide of a deer, is now made from the hide of
a goat. The leather membrane is tied to the rim with pegs of shorea robusta
wood.
Juang also specialise in making combs, which they call kata, with bam-
boo and timber. However, the craftmanship is dying because of lack of
demand.100 Dharua, Koya, Dharna, Kutia Kondh, Dongaria Kondh, Lanjia,
Saora, Santhal, Desia Kondh, and Konda Dora also make combs, although
the patterns, designs, motifs, and raw material of their combs vary. For
instance, Dharua, Koya, and Kutia Kondh of Phulbani district make combs
with thin bamboo splits and yarn of sago and palm root, Dongaria Kondh
make combs of horns, and the Lanjia Savras of wood.101 The combs are
made for personal uses and are often gifted during marriage.
The fine and detailed stone carvings on the Baguda Temple at Pallasara
were made by Bhanjia.102 Pathuria make intricate bas-relief murals outside
village temples.103
Kondh, Bhuyian, Saora, Santhal, Gadaba, Juang, and Lamba Lanjia do
wall paintings.104 However, only Saora paintings have icons.105
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 287

West Bengal
Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, available literature informs of the arts and
crafts of five.
Santhal do wall paintings, wood-carving, and make masks, musical
instruments, and puppets.
Bhutia make wooden masks for the ‘Devil Dance’. They have given up
weaving, which was one of their traditional crafts, due to the easy availabil-
ity of commercially produced clothes.106
Lepcha and Rabha make clothes.
Lepcha work with iron to make implements for hunting, musical instru-
ments, religious objects, and ornaments.107
Mahli work with jute and make baskets, which they call jhapli and challi.
Rabha make masks of bamboo and wood for ritual dances, such as the
Chor-khele, which is a masked drama dance.
The patuas of the Chitrakar caste are professional artists who make
patachitra (scroll painting) and serve as priests for the Santhal community.
They are also accomplished singers. Their paintings include motifs from the
Santhal folklore.108 Nowadays, patachitras are made only in Midnapur and
Purulia districts.
Dhokra metal-casting of Bengal comprise a unique feature, namely the cru-
cible for melting the metal and the mould into which it is attached are both
fired together. Consequently, a thick strand of wax protrudes at the highest
point of the wax model and provides a future passage for the molten metal.109

Jharkhand
Jharkhand produces over 50% of India’s tasar silk and over 75% of lac
today, and large numbers of Oraon, Munda, and Santhal throughout the
state are involved in the rearing of disease-free larvae (DFL) into tasar
cocoons and raw lac. Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, available literature and
present field research informs of the arts and crafts of 23.
Mahli make traditional items of bamboo, such as winnowing trays, hand
fans, storage and display boxes with lids, chicken coops, and rain hats.110
Birjia do basketry and Baiga make mats and baskets of bamboo.
Asur and Agaria specialise in making iron implements, such as axes,
known as tangi or tangoj, for ritual hunts, the curved ploughshare, pharsa,
spades, shovels, hoes, scythes, and sickles, which are locally called koda-
likorhi, dauli, and hasua. They also make conical buckets and a set of hooks
for pulling vessels out of wells, which they call jhaggar, lamps, dhibris, and
pot-like vessels for pouring liquids and measuring rice, known locally as
kuppis.111 Lohra, Korwa, and Kol specialise in agricultural equipment. Kar-
mali make iron tools, and repair such tools.112
Chik Baraik produce yarn and weave cloth, and Santhal in Jarmundi and
Dumka districts make vegetable dyes from onionskins and leaves and bark
of the pomegranate tree for painting tasar yarn.113
288 Sudeshna Guha

Birhor make ropes from the Mahulain vine, and Kharwar weave tradi-
tional mats from palm leaves.114 Birhor and Savar of Godda district, Kat-
kamsari of Hazaribagh district, and Karamtoli of Ranchi district make
floor mats, hammocks, wall hangings, coasters, tablemats, and dolls for the
urban markets.115 Sabar of Saraikela district make baskets from the leaves
of the date-palm and Kasi grass. They also make masks of papier-mâché,
especially for the Chhau dance.
Gorayat Mahli and Ghasi make different types of drums for weddings
and other ceremonies. Oraon and Munda make a type of drum which they
call the Nagara. Mahli make bamboo flutes, and a trumpet, bair which they
play at Munda and Oraon weddings.
Oraon of Ranchi district weave Padia sarees and make lac bangles.
Santhal make Jaduapat Chitra (scroll painting).
Women of Oraon, Ganjhu, Munda, Kurmi, and Santhal tribes of Hazari-
bagh district do Sohrai and Khovar paintings.116
The Khovar paintings are made during the wedding seasons, from Janu-
ary to June, and the art, to quote one of its tireless promoters Bulu Imam,
‘reflects the socio-religious tradition of preparing a marriage room’.117
­Khovar is, strictly speaking, the bridal room, which is decorated by the
bride’s mother and aunts.
Khovar is a highly symbolic art, representing figures and forms that are
ritually connected to marriage. The art entails the laborious process of coat-
ing walls with mud plaster and cow-dung, and then applying layers of col-
ours that are subsequently scraped to reveal the iconography. The images of
jungle plants, fruit-bearing trees, birds, and animals are created by ‘scraping
the upper coating of white or yellow liquid earth ochre with a comb, for
revealing the black or red under coat’.118
Sohrai is the art of harvest festival, and the paintings are done on the
exterior walls of homes during the winter months when the paddy is ripe in
the fields and about to be harvested. Cattle, horses, plants, fish, birds, and
mother goddesses are some of the common motifs, and a male god (pashu-
pati, lord of animals) appears in all the paintings. Sohrai art is strikingly
bold and colourful, and often the images are outlined successively in black,
red, and white.119
Sohrai and Khovar paintings were little known during the twentieth cen-
tury.120 However, with the creation of Jharkhand in 2000, they were drawn
into the material assemblage that was collated to showcase the unique tribal
culture of the new state. The main street of Hazaribagh has boundary walls
on two sides which are decorated with murals of the two art traditions, and
the Birsa Munda airport at Ranchi exhibits both traditions quite promi-
nently in the arrival and departure lounges.

Andhra Pradesh
Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, available literature informs of the arts and
crafts practices of eight.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 289

Chenchu make musical drum, thapetu, which is a circular bamboo frame

covered by a sheep skin. They play it during all their ceremonies.121 They are
also adept at extracting honey from beehives, and use the empty beehives
extensively; for example, as a cast for broken limbs.122
Jatapu make baskets of bamboo, and ropes from the fibre of the silai
tree.123

Telangana
Of the listed Scheduled Tribes, available literature informs of the arts and
crafts practices of two.
Chenchu of Nallamalai Hills practice bamboo work, and make baskets
of bamboo for collecting honey, which they line with resin to make them
leak proof.124
Kondh of Adilabad district do dhokra casting.125
The problem of accessing raw material from the reserved forests threatens
many bamboo and woodcrafts already listed. In addition, the traditional
tribal crafts are more or less ignored by the commercialised handicrafts sec-
tor, as they have little sale value in the urban markets.

Brief History of the Production of Tribal Arts for

Commercial Markets
During the nineteenth century, the British began to identify the Indian tribes
through their perceptions, namely a group of people separated geographi-
cally, or socially, or both from ‘mainstream’ caste society. Often living in
more remote and isolated territories away from large population centres,
such as hill and forest regions, these groups were defined first as being out-
side the caste system, but furthermore as ethnically or culturally distinct.
They were described as ‘aboriginal’ and often ‘primitive’.
Also, they were widely considered to be the original inhabitants of their
territories. However, the categories have proved ‘remarkably slippery, as
indigenous, tribal and “adivasi” identities are fiercely contested. Some
groups resist the connotations and restrictions that the labels impose upon
them, whereas some are fighting for recognition as Scheduled Tribes’.126 We
can see slippage and shifts within the classification tribal when we explore
the production of their arts. For example, the Rathwas of Chhota Udaipur
identified themselves as Rathwa Bhils well until the mid-twentieth century.
They now emphasise their Rathwa identity more strongly than their Bhil
affiliation.127 Similarly, the Malhars who make much of the dhokra art in
Hazaribagh district consider themselves as Scheduled Castes, although a
section, namely the Koli Malhars, are listed as Scheduled Tribes by the Gov-
ernment of India.
Although the British were the pioneering collectors of India’s tribal art,
the move towards establishing a genre for tribal art, so that the paintings
290 Sudeshna Guha

and craft products could be sold commercially, was nurtured within inde-
pendent India. In 1952, the government instituted the All India Handicrafts
Board for establishing a Handicraft Industry, which secured the assistance
of the state governments for planning, marketing, and organising produc-
tion. The Board actively sought to build up a market for the tribal arts and
crafts of India from the mid-1960s. At this time, the occupational groups
producing dhokra art, iron implements, and pottery for tribal communities
also began to label their products as tribal crafts, and within a decade, by
the end of the 1970s, they were producing over 70–80% of the goods which
were sold in the market as tribal handicrafts.128
Government investments fuelled the commercialisation of tribal art, and
the first commodities which acquired commercial value were the ritual
paintings made in Mithila and Hazaribagh districts of Bihar, which were
created for the urban markets at a time when the state faced crippling star-
vation due to droughts (between 1966 and 1968). The state government was
advised to use the crafts skills of the rural population for facilitating income
generation, and enquiries in rural Bihar suggested that painting was the
most common available skill. While conceiving ways of making the paint-
ings that were upon house walls and floors available for sale in urban mar-
kets, the state recruited noted non-tribal artists, such as Bhaskar Kulkarni,
who encouraged artists to translate their work on paper without effecting
changes in the style, subject, and imagery. Following initial hesitation, most
women painters found that painting on paper was less cumbersome than
working upon walls, and Bihar Government facilitated the marketing of
their paintings on paper through government-run retail outlets. Outstanding
painters were then discovered officially, and through government-sponsored
exhibitions their work began to get publicly noticed. As Mushtak Khan
has pointed out, an interesting outcome of the commercialisation process
was the recognition of many different styles of paintings in different locales.
For example, those from Mithila, which came to be generically labelled as
Madhubani, were further grouped as representations of the Geru, Bharni,
Kachni, Tantric, Gobar, and Godana styles.
Soon after the successful attempts at commercialising the Mithila paint-
ings, Kulkarni started working among the Warli tribe in Dahanu taluka,
Maharashtra. The Warli paintings were traditionally done by married Warli
women. They painted the interiors of their homes in this style during wed-
dings within the family and harvests. Through Kulkarni’s encouragement,
a male member of the Warli community, Jivya Soma Mashe, started to
paint such paintings on paper and cloth for the urban buyers, and in 1975,
Mashe’s work was exhibited at the Chemould gallery, Bombay. Soon after,
he began to acquire international fame.129
Tribal arts acquired an institutional base with the establishment, in
1977, of a national museum of mankind, the Indira Gandhi Rashtriya
Manav Sangrahalaya (IGRMS), in Bhopal, which aims to salvage and revi-
talise ‘the vanishing but valuable cultural traditions of India’. Through
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 291

sustained programmes of collecting, research, and documentation, IGRMS,

in B
­ hopal, which had no collections when it was established, has built up a
formidable collection of ethnographic objects through which it now strives
to create ‘an integrated story of biological evolutions and variations’, and
‘demonstrate the aesthetic qualities of local knowledge and mores’.130 The
eclectic collections comprise different kinds of masks, musical instruments,
paintings, dolls, objects of papier-mâché and grass, and offer a rich glimpse
of the variety in the tribal crafts traditions. The dioramas of ‘Adivasi’ life-
styles and open-air displays of Adivasi villages and houses caution visitors
‘against unprecedented destruction of ecology, environment, local values
and customs’.131
IGRMS has actively promoted the innate aesthetics of tribal arts, and
its institutional aims were further nurtured with the founding in Bhopal
of another institution, the Bharat Bhavan. The Bhavan, which was inau-
gurated in February 1982, was established by Madhya Pradesh Govern-
ment as a ‘multi-art centre’ to ‘create an interactive proximity between
verbal, visual and performative art’.132 It holds a substantial collection of
the arts of the Baiga, Bhil, Bhilala, Gond, Agaria, Mariya, Korku, Korva,
and Pardhan communities. The Gond-Pardhan style of painting was identi-
fied by this institution through the efforts of one of the founding figures,
J. Swaminathan, who gathered a motivated group of students from the
art colleges of Madhya Pradesh, sent them to tribal areas with ‘drawing
paper, colour and other implements necessary for making art works’, and
instructed them

to ask the villagers if they wanted to experiment with any of the paint-
ing material and try out new ideas. It was in this way that Vivek Tembe
encountered Jangar Singh Shyam, a Pardhan Gond, who became the
founder of the Gond style of painting.133

In its formative years, Bharat Bhavan offered a path-breaking space for

the celebration of ‘vernacular modernism’ in India, by exhibiting folk,
tribal, and modern art, all together, within the Roopankar Gallery of Fine
Arts. The displays strove ‘to juxtapose the urban art with tribal-folk art so
that an interactive proximity could be established between the two’. Since
then, curatorial imperatives have demonstrated ‘that the contemporaneity
in arts in India cannot be defined properly without including the tribal and
folk creativity’.134
Through their collections management policies, IGRMS and Bharat
Bhavan have succeeded in demonstrating the urgency of valuing tribal arts
outside the dictates of a market economy. Both institutions began exhibiting
tribal arts at a time when the Bharat Mahotsavs, or festivals of India, also
increased the visibility of the above genre. The festivals were hosted by the
Indian Government for establishing cultural relations with the world, and
enhance India’s soft power. They opened new markets, and the subsequent
292 Sudeshna Guha

liberalisation of the Indian economy, during the 1990s, has facilitated lib-
eral export policies.
At the same time, the increasing market demand for handicrafts from
the 1990s introduced industrial processes within the production techniques,
and many occupational castes began to lose their monopoly over the crafts
they had once produced for tribal groups. In addition, communities other
than those who were tribal and occupational castes, began to take advan-
tage of the government-sponsored training schemes and began to produce
‘tribal products’. We are reminded that in the production of kosa silk,
which is at present sold as ‘tribal silk’, more than 60% workers were of
this group.
By the late 1990s, middlemen controlled much of the production, dis-
tribution, and marketing of tribal handicrafts, and despite the instances of
tribal groups noticing the value of the government training programmes for
better livelihoods, very few willingly entered the handicrafts sector. Those
who did were given no say in the government plans and policies, and at
present, the ‘handloom sector’, which has thrived from the 1990s, provides
them the best alternatives for livelihood.

Current Policy Discourse

Government Departments
The promotion and development of tribal arts and crafts in India is mainly
managed by the ministries of Tribal Affairs and Textiles through three
departmental agencies: (a) TRIFED, (b) National Scheduled Tribes Finance
and Development Corporation (NSTFDC), and (c) Development Com-
missioner Handicrafts (DC Handicrafts) and Development Commissioner
Handlooms (DC Handlooms) which oversee the handicraft and handloom
development corporation boards of different states. The ministries frame
policies regarding the ways in which tribal handicrafts are to be developed,
and markets for them are to be sourced and expanded.
TRIFED was created

with the prime objective of providing marketing assistance and remu-

nerative prices to Scheduled Tribes for their Minor Forest Produce
(MFP) and Surplus Agricultural Produce (SAP), to wean them away for
exploitative private traders and middlemen and . . . to help its Member
Societies in disposing off the stocks procured from tribals as per their
mandate.135

In the first 14 years of its operation, TRIFED focused on the ‘procurement of

MFP and SAP’. However, in 2003, the organisation reoriented its activities
towards ‘market development of tribal products/produce’, and it now trains
tribal groups in ‘skill up-gradation and capacity building . . . for generating
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 293

livelihoods’. Today, the authorised capital of TRIFED is approximately

₹ 300 crores.136
NSTFDC was set up as a corporation ‘exclusively for economic develop-
ment of Scheduled Tribes’, and ‘plays a leading role in their economic uplift-
ment by providing financial assistance at concessional rates of interest’.
The agency identifies ‘economic activities of importance to the Scheduled
Tribes so as to generate self-employment and raise their level of income’
and upgrades ‘skills and processes used by the Scheduled Tribes by provid-
ing both institutional and on the job training’.137 The prominent schemes
of the agency are Term Loan, Adivasi Shiksha Rinn Yojna (Education Loan
Scheme), Micro Credit Scheme for Self Help Groups of STs, Tribal Forest
Dwellers Empowerment Scheme, and Teak Growers Scheme.138
Both TRIFED and NSTFDC have made considerable efforts to address
the status of tribal handicrafts after noting the recommendations of a Status
Study of Tribal Handicrafts, which was undertaken by Socio-Economic and
Educational Development Society (SEEDS) at the behest of the Planning
Commission. The above report was published in May 2006, and demon-
strated ‘the absence of organised activities’ in the handicrafts sector. It found
that ‘the products were not adequately remunerative’ and warned of the
possibilities ‘of artisans taking up alternate livelihood options (which may
involve migration as well)’. The SEEDS Report emphasised that the ‘age-
old’ tribal handicrafts ‘will die its own death’ if no initiatives were taken’,139
and affirmed that ‘due to the usage of ‘century-old production techniques
and ‘statism’ in design, tribal artisans were unable to fetch good prices for
their handicrafts. Since the Report found that ‘poor returns deter tribals
from staying within the handicraft sector’,140 it recommended achievements
towards parity between the under-developed handicrafts and growing han-
dlooms sectors. The report mentioned:

During interaction it has been pointed out by artisans that Handicrafts

sector is discriminated vis-a-vis with Handloom sector in terms of con-
cessions. Since the production of handicrafts is even more time consum-
ing than handlooms there should be parity between the two sectors for
providing concessions by the Government in terms of sales, subsidy and
rebates, etc.141

Field research in Jharkhand for this Status Report documents one unfor-
tunate trend that has attended the aims towards parity, namely that even in
states with large tribal population, the government agencies focus largely
upon the handlooms sector. This is unfortunate because the above sector
uses tribal population to procure raw materials, but the latter fail to reap
the profits from the sale of the finished products as they are not involved in
the production processes.
With respect to marketing initiatives, DC Handicrafts runs the Marketing
Support Services Scheme for providing financial assistance to implementing
294 Sudeshna Guha

agencies who organise at an All India level exhibitions and marketing events,
such as crafts bazars, Gandhi Shilp Bazars, buyers and sellers meets, etc.
The venues enable all artisans to sell their products.142 DC Handlooms runs
Marketing and Export Promotion Scheme to provide financial assistance
for events such as National Handloom Expo, special expos, district-level
handloom expos, crafts melas, etc., which are aimed at creating markets
for weavers. The state departments of DC Handicrafts and DC Handlooms
do not administer craft development schemes exclusively for tribal artisans.
But because their funds are earmarked from the central government’s Tribal
Subplan, they target for the proportional representations of SC/ST benefi-
ciaries in each state.143
Some of the major policies and initiatives following the recommendations
of SEEDS report are described and analysed below.

Artisan Training Programme

TRIFED organises training programmes for empowering artisans, and the
initiatives are aimed at increasing the market potentials of the organisa-
tion’s products. In 2003, TRIFED set up two types of training modules: (a)
­Primary-level Training (PLT) for three months to train 20 artisans who had
never been on a training programme. They were imparted basic knowledge
of the production processes. (b) Advance-level Training (ALT) of 45 days for
15 artisans who had performed well in the PLTs and had demonstrated the
potentials of becoming craftsperson of high standard. In 2014, the Minis-
try of Tribal Affairs converged its resources for seeking a judicious balance
between the priorities which it aimed for and the actual requirements of
tribal artisans. Therefore, TRIFED merged the above two programmes for
developing a Comprehensive Training Programme of 90 days that trains
20 artisans. The aims of the new programme are to upgrade artisan skills
through design and technical inputs. TRIFED also runs a module on Design
Workshop Training (DWT) in which 20 artisans who are its suppliers are
trained for 21 days, so that they can gain technical skills for meeting the
concerns of market feedbacks. In addition, in 2015, TRIFED initiated the
Young Entrepreneurship Development Programme (YEDP) for revamping
retail marketing and scaling-up sales operations. The initiative bespoke of
a larger aim than before, namely to provide marketing support to maxi-
mum number of tribal artisans. However, the scheme favours TRIFED, as
it demands regional offices in every state to empanel 200 young and smart
sales boys and girls for undertaking house-to-house campaigns for promot-
ing the products sold in TRIFED’s retail outlets, namely the Tribes India
stores.144
At the state level, DC Handicrafts and DC Handlooms have set up urban
haats in prime locations in all districts, and those at Hazaribagh (Jharkhand)
and Kondagaon (Chhattisgarh) are analysed in this report. Besides function-
ing as production-cum-sale centres, the haats showcase artisans at work for
visitors.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 295

The above initiatives ignore the ideational, aesthetic, and cultural agencies
of the objects produced, and makes them, to quote the eminent connoisseur
of tribal art Bulu Imam, an ‘Economic Cultural Object’. They are predomi-
nantly market-focused, and the policies adopted through the training pro-
grammes for improving the designs of handicrafts illustrate this feature.
TRIFED collaborates with premier design institutes of India, such as the
National Institute of Fashion Technology (NIFT, first established in New
Delhi) and National Institute of Design (NID, Ahmedabad) for training arti-
sans in contemporary design trends that meet market tastes and preferences.
The collaboration with NIFT has included, among other activities, brand
building, establishment of design studios, fashioning of ‘tribal’ publicity,
promotion materials, and a Tribal Craft Mark for each product category,
and has nurtured through Craft Cluster Interventions ‘need-based’ artisan
training workshops.145 Additionally, increasing demands overseas for new
designs in Indian crafts has led of DC Handicrafts to launch a ‘Compen-
dium of Schemes’, in 2011 in the Twelfth Five-Year plan. The Scheme aims
towards ‘Commercial market intelligence by way of design, trend and tech-
nical colour forecast’ for increasing exports. It is implemented through NID,
NIFT, Export Promotion Council for Handicrafts (EPCH), Carpet Export
Promotion Council (CEPC), National Centre for Design and Product Devel-
opment (NCDPD), and other reputed design institutions.146
Although the designers strive towards enhancing the marketability of crafts,
their inputs have led to the decline of the region – specific nature of tribal
crafts. TRIFED, however, fails to interrogate the design initiatives more criti-
cally, and is at present developing institutional tie-ups, with institutes such as
the Indian Institute of Packaging and NID, for improving the packaging of
tribal art.147 The section on Livelihood Matters in the Report demonstrates
some of the manner in which design interventions curtail individualism.

Exhibitions: National and International

Tribal art is promoted by the Government of India through many national-
and state-level exhibitions-cum-sales, which are organised on an annual
basis. TRIFED organises two large national-level exhibitions:

• Aadishilp, a National Tribal Craft Expo, in which individual tribal

artisans, Self-Help Groups (SHGs), and agencies working with tribal
communities are invited to participate and showcase tribal India’s ‘rich
heritage’.
• Aadichitra, which was initiated in 2010 for the exclusive display of
tribal paintings, such as Gond of Madhya Pradesh, Saora of Orissa,
Warli of Maharashtra, and Pithora of Gujarat.

The Indian Government hosts the above events and exhibitions as oppor-
tunities for tribal artisans to network and gain knowledge of contemporary
tastes and preferences.148
296 Sudeshna Guha

During 2013 and 2016, TRIFED also hosted a few international exhibitions
of products sourced from tribal craftsmen, of which the major ones were at

• Berlin, Germany (Import Shop), November 13–17, 2013. Total sales

were ₹ 4.43 lakhs.
• Milan, Italy (Artigiano Infiera), November 30–December 8, 2013. Total
sales were 3.36 lakhs.
• Milan, Italy (Artigiano Infiera), December 5–December 13, 2015. Total
sales were ₹ 3.2 lakhs.149

The exhibitions may have increased awareness of India’s tribal products in

the cities where they were held; however, the volume of recorded sales seems
modest. So their efficacy in promoting tribal arts and crafts can, indeed,
be questioned. For the year 2017–2018, TRIFED planned the international
exhibitions through the Export Promotion Council for Handicraft (EPCH)
and India Trade Promotion Organization (ITPO), and the report, when
released, would allow a gauge of the effectiveness of the initiative.
The Ministry of Culture through zonal cultural centres also promotes
tribal arts at the national level through mega-scale events, such as national
crafts mela, Kalagram Utsav (Chandigarh), Geeta Jayanti Samaroh (Kuruk-
shetra), Octave (a festival of Northeast), and Tribal Dance and Music
Festivals, for example, at Madikeri (Karnataka). In 2015, Indira Gandhi
National Centre for the Arts organised a Rashtriya Sanskriti Mahotsav at
New Delhi (November 1–8) in which folk and tribal arts of India, including
handicrafts and cuisines, were shown to the public.

Tribal Research Institutes

The Tribal Research Institutes (TRIs) set up by the Government of India
also focuses on promoting tribal culture, customs, and art. The Central
­Scheme-Grant-in-Aid to TRIs supports the documentation and preservation
of tribal heritage, which includes arts, crafts, and music, exhibitions, sports
events, and research publications on tribal communities. The grant finances
the setting up of tribal museums by TRIs for the collection and display of
‘tribal artefacts and preservation of tribal culture’, and an example is the
museum of the Tejgadh Academy (see Appendix 1 for a list of Tribal Research
Institutes). However, the data provided in Table 7.1 from the budget alloca-
tions for the years 2013–2017 shows that the TRIs are not equipped with
funds every year, and when they are, the amount often remains under-utilised.
The data highlights the problems that are faced by the research projects.
For example, in 2013–2014, no funds were allocated to TRIs in Mad-
hya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Andhra
Pradesh, Telangana, and West Bengal, and in 2015–2016 and 2016–2017,
no budgetary allocations were made to TRIs in Jharkhand, Maharashtra,
Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana. With respect to fund utilisation, in 2015–
2016, Rajasthan and Gujarat spent less than 4%.
Table 7.1 Funds allocated/sanctioned to tribal research institutes (in lakhs)

State 2013–2014 2014–2015 2015–2016 2016–2017

Funds Utilisation Funds Utilisation Funds Utilisation Funds Utilisation

allocated reported allocated reported allocated reported allocated reported

Odisha 109.80 109.80 305.50 305.50 250.30 250.30 322.39 40.00

A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 297

Madhya Pradesh 0 0 157.50 157.50 78.75 34.10 0 0
Chhattisgarh 0 0 164.50 30.00 0 18.80 0 19.38
Jharkhand 0 0 107.11 10.44 0 0 0 0
Maharashtra 0 0 58.10 58.10 0 0 0 0
Rajasthan 0 0 34.00 37.04 106.58 3.58 0 21.45
Gujarat 16.10 16.10 69.91 42.11 86.53 3.23 0 1.72
Andhra Pradesh 0 0 96.50 96.50 0 0 0 0
Telangana 0 0 60.16 60.16 0 0 0 0
West Bengal 0 0 73.00 73.00 43.50 43.00 15.82 14.50
Source: MoTA.
298 Sudeshna Guha

Table 7.2 Sum allocated to TRIFED in 2012–2017, under institutional support for

marketing and development of tribal products/produce (in crores)150

Year Allocation Utilisation Utilisation rate

2012–2013 47.24 – –
2013–2014 34.30 30.12 87.79%
2014–2015 35.00 30.82 88.05
2015–2016 35.00 30.26 86.45
2016–2017 39.00 39.00 100%
Source: MoTA.

Analyses of Government Policy Interventions

The Ministry of Tribal Affairs implements a Central Sector Scheme, namely
‘Institutional Support for Development and Marketing of Tribal Prod-
ucts/Produce’, which releases funds to TRIFED, State Tribal Development
Cooperative Corporation (STDCC), State Forest Development Corporation
(STDCs), and Minor Forest Produce Federations (MFPTDFs). The funds are
earmarked for market interventions, training, and skill upgradation of tribal
artisans and MFP gatherers, research, and development and IPR activities,
and supply chain infrastructure developments for TRIFED and State Tribal
Development Cooperative Corporations. They are not released to the tribal
communities directly. The data in Table 7.2 demonstrates the partial imple-
mentation and doubtful effectiveness of the scheme.

Analyses of the above data:

• In 2012–2013, the sum allocated was ₹ 47.24 crores which reduced to

₹ 39.00 crores in 2016–2017.
• In 2012–2013, TRIFED involved 986 individuals, SHGs, cooperatives,
NGOs, and state government organisations, as its empanelled suppli-
ers, who were associated with approximately 108,673 tribal beneficiary
families. In 2016–2017, the number of empanelled organisations who
supplied TRIFED increased to 1,329. However, the number of tribal
beneficiaries who were associated with the empanelled organisations
declined to 53,745.151
• Between 2012–2013 and 2016–2017, the allocated amount reduced
by 17.44%. During the same period, the number of beneficiary tribal
families also decreased by 50.54%. There were 108,673 beneficiaries
in 2012–2013 and only 53,745 in 2016–2017. The funds allocated to
TRIFED was under-utilised until 2016. The allocated amount for 2016–
2017 of ₹ 39 crores, was, however, spent in full.

Analyses of the data in Table 7.3:

• During 2013–2014, 13 training programmes were organised in

the nine states of the Central Tribal Belt, which involved 230 tribal
Table 7.3 Skill development and capacity-building in handicrafts: state-wise account of training programmes, number of tribal beneficiar-
ies, and funds utilised (in lakhs)152

States 2013–20141 2014–2015 2015–2016 2016–2017

No. of No. of No. of No. of Funds No. of No. of Funds No. of No. of Funds
training beneficiaries training beneficiaries utilized2 training beneficiaries utilized training beneficiaries utilized

Odisha 01 20 01 20 3.24 01 20 3.70 01 20 12.46

Madhya Pradesh 02 35 02 40 5.11 0 0 0.13 01 20 4.07
Chhattisgarh 02 35 01 20 3.77 02 40 3.96 01 20 5.53
Jharkhand 02 30 03 75 4.87 02 40 4.98 03 80 11.51
Maharashtra 02 40 0 0 1.13 0 0 0.00 0 0 0.00

A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 299

Rajasthan 02 35 02 40 5.18 02 40 11.43 0 20 1.21
Gujarat 0 0 01 20 2.61 0 0 0.68 0 0 0.00
Andhra Pradesh NA NA NA NA NA NA NA NA Na NA NA
Telangana 01 15 0 0 NA 0 0 NA 0 0 NA
West Bengal 01 20 0 0 0.00 0 0 0.00 0 0 3.26
Total 13 230 10 215 25.91 07 140 24.88 06 160 38.04
Source: MoTA.

1 Data for funds utilized for Handicraft training is not available for this year
2 Lok Sabha Unstarred question No. 2528, answered by Ministry of Tribal Affairs on 31.07.2017, (http://164.100.47.190/loksabhaquestions/annex/12/
AU2528.pdf)
300 Sudeshna Guha

artisans. However, the number of training programmes decreased to six

in 2016–2017, and they included only 160 tribal artisans. Therefore,
in the last three years, the number of training programmes organised
in the Central Indian Tribal Belt has reduced by 53.84%, while the
beneficiaries of the training programmes have decreased by 30.43%.
Yet, the funds utilised for the training programme has risen by approxi-
mately 51%, from ₹ 25.91 lakhs in 2014–2015 to ₹ 38.04 lakhs in
2016–2017.
• In Maharashtra, Telangana, and West Bengal no training programmes
have been organised for skill development and capacity-building
since 2014–2015. In contrast, Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, and
Rajasthan have fared better with respect to the number of training pro-
grammes and the number of tribal ‘beneficiaries’.
• There are states which have not organised any training programmes in
certain financial years but have utilised funds that were earmarked for
the purpose. Two examples from 2014–2015 are Maharashtra, which
utilised 1.13 lakhs, and West Bengal, which utilised 3.26 lakhs.

The scheme listed in Table 7.4 mandates TRIFED to standardise and

grade tribal products in addition to developing product-specific ware-
housing at village level. TRIFED, therefore, collects and disseminates
information regarding different tribal products, including their economic
potentials.153

Table 7.4 State-wise list of tribal beneficiaries in the scheme ‘Marketing and Promo-
tion of Tribal Products’ and funds utilised, 2014–2017154

State No. of beneficiaries

2014–2015 2015–2016 2016–2017

No. of Funds No. of Funds No. of Funds

beneficiaries utilized beneficiaries utilized beneficiaries utilized

Odisha 3880 38.67 3450 60.63 1622 25.64

Madhya Pradesh 1530 79.83 150 79.79 1200 68.36
Chhattisgarh 2280 103.93 1500 49.82 1500 64.73
Jharkhand 302 18.64 1950 12.7 390 6.61
Maharashtra 1230 11.56 1110 4.81 570 2.51
Rajasthan 0 61.6 600 79.32 720 32.35
Gujarat 0 23.32 600 24.06 600 32.73
Andhra Pradesh 2190 33.95 2790 36.76 0 48.10
Telangana 0 – 0 – 1500 –
West Bengal 0 11.72 0 10.86 0 25.85
Total 11412 383.22 12150 358.75 8102 306.88
Source: MoTA.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 301

Analyses of the date in Table 7.4:

• The number of tribal beneficiaries in all states have decreased by 29%,

from 11,412 in 2014–2015 to 8,102 in 2016–2017. Funds utilised for
Marketing and Promotion of Tribal products have decreased by 20%,
from ₹ 3.83 crores in 2014–2015 to ₹ 3.06 crores in 2016–2017.
• In Odisha and Maharashtra, the number of beneficiaries have halved
within the last three years.

While observing the demands for grants, the Standing Committee on

Social Justice and Empowerment noted on December 29, 2016, that out of
the budgetary allocation of ₹ 60 crore for 2016–2017, NSTFDC had utilised
only ₹ 25 crore until December end.155 This is less than 50% of the sum
allocated. Table 7.5 shows that

• Despite an overall increase of about 11% in the budgetary alloca-

tion for NSTFDC, from ₹ 180 crores in 2013–2014 to ₹ 200 crores in
2015–2016, the number of beneficiaries under NSTFDC has reduced by
63.33%, from 253,136 in 2013–2014 to 92,824 in 2015–2016.
• The sum allocated to NSTFDC has remained under-utilised each year,
as the utilisation rate is less than 90%.

To accelerate the rate of economic development of the tribal population

through their arts and crafts, TRIFED through its Tribes India stores sells

Table 7.5 Data on budgetary allocation, sanctioned amount, and number of benefi-

ciaries of NSTFDC, 2013–2016

Year Sales by Amount Amount % Amount Tribal Average

TRIFED spent by disbursed transferred families amount
(in crores)1 TRIFED in to tribal to tribal associated transferred
purchase artisans/ artisans/ with to each
(in crores)2 producers producers empanelled tribal
(in crores)3 out of total agencies of family per
sales by TRIFED4 annum
TRIFED (in ₹)

2012–2013 13.69 9.43 5.25 38.39 108673 483.73

2013–2014 14.12 10.49 5.78 40.97 59180 978.23
2014–2015 14.39 8.91 5.36 37.31 59578 901.32

1 Lok Sabha Starred Question No. 284, answered by Ministry of Tribal Affairs on 10.08.2015,
(http://164.100.47.194/Loksabha/Questions/QResult15.aspx?qref=22433&lsno=16)
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Annual Report, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, for the years 2012–13, 2013–14 and 2014–15,
(https://www.tribal.nic.in/Statistics.aspx)
302 Sudeshna Guha

tribal handicrafts. But the products are sourced selectively, as they are
procured only from those artisans and institutions who are empanelled as
TRIFED’s suppliers. TRIFED claims that the schemes of procurement ben-
efit tribal groups dually, as the stores exhibit the ‘magical mystique of tribal
India’, and hence espouse the cause of the Adivasi economic development
programmes.156 However, the official statistics given in Table 7.6 demon-
strates that a very small amount of the total sum invested by TRIFED on
procurement of tribal products is received by the tribal ‘beneficiaries’.
[No data is published for the years 2015–2016 and 2016–2017.]
The data demonstrates that the quantum of money generated by the sale
of tribal crafts through Tribes India is not being translated into an increased
income source for the tribal communities.

• The total volume of sale of tribal products by TRIFED has increased by

approximately 5% between 2012–2013 and 2014–2015, from ₹ 13.69
crores in 2012–2013 to ₹ 14.39 crores in 2014–2015. During the same
period, the total amount spent by TRIFED on purchase of tribal prod-
ucts has reduced by approximately 6%, from 9.43 crores in 2012–2013
to 8.91 crores in 2014–2015.
• In 2012–2013, TRIFED sold tribal products worth ₹ 13.69 crores,
while it transferred only ₹ 5.25 crores to the tribal producers. Simi-
larly, in 2014–2015, TRIFED sold products worth ₹ 14.39 crores, while
it transferred ₹ 5.36 crores to the tribal artisans. In 2012–2013 and

Table 7.6 Data on the amount spent by TRIFED for procuring tribal products, and
amount disbursed by TRIFED to tribal artisans/producers, 2012–2015

Year Sales by Amount Amount % Amount Tribal Average

TRIFED spent by disbursed transferred families amount
(in crores)1 TRIFED in to tribal to tribal associated transferred
purchase artisans/ artisans/ with to each
(in crores)2 producers producers empanelled tribal
(in crores)3 out of total agencies of family per
sales by TRIFED4 annum
TRIFED (in ₹)

2012–2013 13.69 9.43 5.25 38.39 108673 483.73

2013–2014 14.12 10.49 5.78 40.97 59180 978.23
2014–2015 14.39 8.91 5.36 37.31 59578 901.32

1 Lok Sabha Starred Question No. 284, answered by Ministry of Tribal Affairs on 10.08.2015,
(http://164.100.47.194/Loksabha/Questions/QResult15.aspx?qref=22433&lsno=16)
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Annual Report, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, for the years 2012–13, 2013–14 and 2014–15,
(https://www.tribal.nic.in/Statistics.aspx)
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 303

2014–2015, TRIFED transferred to the latter 40% of the amount it had

generated through the sale of their products.
• During 2012–2013, each tribal household who worked for TRIFED
as artisan/producer received the sum of ₹ 483.73, for the entire year.
In contrast, in 2014–2015 each tribal artisan/producer who worked
for TRIFED received ₹ 901.32 for the entire year. The increase, how-
ever, is because the number of ‘beneficiary’ households associated with
TRIFED had halved between 2012–2013 and 2014–2015. So, in real-
ity tribal artisans associated with TRIFED received less than ₹ 500 in
2014–2015.

In 2016–2017, TRIFED targeted towards the generation of business worth

₹ 12.56 crores with a procurement sum of ₹ 7.70 crores.157 For 2017–2018,
TRIFED set a procurement target of ₹ 20 crores and sales target of ₹ 40
crores, and for 2018–2019 a procurement target of ₹ 50 crores and sales tar-
get of ₹ 100 crores.158 To realise the target set for 2017–2018 and 2018–2019,
TRIFED planned to revamp and scale-up its retail marketing activities by
diversifying sales through e-commerce platforms and franchise outlets. The
marketing decisions taken at a meeting in August 2017 included schemes such
as ‘Friends of Tribe’, loyalty cards, and a discount of 20% on products sold
in the Tribes India stores. The decisions and the schemes aimed at ­creating a
‘captive customer base’, also through special discounts for central and state
government employees, and during festivals.159 The statistics and analyses
above, however, illustrate TRIFED’s increasing efforts towards a profit-mak-
ing organisation. The organisation, thus, appears, at present, to shed its core
objective, namely, of supplementing the income source of the tribal craftsmen.

Livelihood Matters

Question: What do you procure maximum? Minor Forest Product (MFP) or

arts and crafts products?
Answer: Mostly MFP. The tribal and other non-tribal forest dwellers cover
the market supply of MFP and at present 13 lakh people are directly
involved in the collection. In comparison very few tribal communities
are involved in the production of arts and crafts. We have associations
with maximum 150 to 200 tribal artisans. If there are more, we have no
knowledge, although we are in the process of identifying all. There are,
however, many tribals working in the kosa production centres.

Excerpt of interview with Regional Manager TRIFED Chhattisgarh (see

Appendix 2 for the interview).160

The Section comprises information from field research in Jharkhand and

Chhattisgarh, which occasion a critical reflection of the lack of knowledge
304 Sudeshna Guha

of ‘facts on the ground’, and of the effectiveness of policies and initiatives

in developing tribal arts and crafts. The surveys and interviews show that
the number of tribal groups engaged in the production of their traditional
crafts is on a sharp decline, and that those who work in the ‘handloom sec-
tor’ undertake the most arduous and physically challenging tasks, such as
the rearing of tasar cocoons and lac-bearing trees. However, their intensive
labour is the least remunerative within the product value-chain. The surveys
also show that the numerous interventions of development, through train-
ing programmes, new technologies of production, and strategies of market-
ing, have proved to be debilitating for the highly innovative and remarkably
region-specific nature of tribal crafts. Moreover, the interviewed tribal
artists and craftsmen spoke at length of their difficulties in procuring raw
materials, and emphasised that the younger generation has little interest in
working in the arts and crafts sector because of poor returns.
The following case studies highlight the ambiguities, inconsistencies, and
flaws within the government schemes, and the negligence towards tribal
families when support towards a production unit is withdrawn, or the pace
of production is forced to slacken. The field reports convey the perspectives
of tribal artisans, and inform of the kinds of challenges they face in keeping
alive their ancestral crafts traditions, and in re-fashioning production for
commercial profits.

Perspectives from Ground: Case Studies

1. Dhokra, THE ‘TRIBAL CRAFT’ OF BASTAR
The dhokra art of Bastar (Chhattisgarh) is protected as unique to the region
through rights of Geographical Indication, which theoretically enables crafts-
men of Bastar to litigate against the manufacture of dhokra goods by a third
party that does not conform to the applicable standards. However, because
GI rights are granted to a region, they do not represent rights of authorship
of a specific community within Bastar as the craftsmen of dhokra.
Dhokra production in Bastar is perceived locally as the occupation of
the non-tribal caste-based Ghadwa people. However, one of the most
successful family of dhokra artists in India are the Bhagels, whose ances-
tors were members of the Madiya tribe who came from Orccha (Madhya
Pradesh) to Kondagaon (one of the principal towns of Bastar) more than
160 years ago, as labourers for road construction. A successful entrepreneur
of the Bhagel family is Rajendra Bhagel who owns three showrooms: two
in Bastar and one in Raipur. He lives in Kondagaon where he learnt the
craft from his uncle, a craftsman of national repute, Jaidev Bhagel, and has
occasionally served as a master trainer in the training programmes that are
organised by the Madhya Pradesh Government. He has trained over 2,000
artisans, including students from various arts colleges of Madhya Pradesh,
and more recently Chhattisgarh, and employs 24 craftsmen in his work-
shop who make dhokra and wrought iron objects under his supervision.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 305

The craftsmen are mainly tribal – 3 are Gond, 3 Maria, 13 Muria, and only
5 are Ghadwa. The products made in the workshop are sold within India, to
state handicraft development boards and TRIFED, and also internationally,
to countries in Asia, North America, and Europe. Rajendra Bagel has often
received lucrative commissions, and select dhokra pieces from his workshop
have been acquired in 2017 by Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology
(MAA), University Cambridge, for a ground-breaking exhibition, Another
India, which showcases the histories, wealth, and intricacies of tribal art.161
During the course of the interview, he let slip also of the customized orders
of the dhokra objects made in his workshop by members in the Hindi film
industry, such as the actor Shah Rukh Khan.
Rajendra Bhagel recalled an origin-story for the craftsmanship of dhokra in
Bastar, which endows the crafts tradition also with tribal authorship. Accord-
ing to the legend, some tribal people in Bastar had found metal encased in
mud, and had noticed that the metal melted into random shapes when the
mud was kept exposed to the natural elements. They experimented with their
find, which taught them how to make dhokra. The legend demands a note
because it foretells the ‘intrusion’ of the Bhagel and, therefore, a tribal com-
munity, into the crafts-making traditions of a non-tribal group. The history
of Bhagel craftsmanship of dhokra can possibly be traced to the history of
the Madiya men marrying local Ghadwa women when they came to Konda-
gaon. Such marriages provided the Madiya, and subsequently the Bhagel
clan, access into the Ghadwa crafting traditions of dhokra. It is worth noting
that many kinsmen of Rajendra Bhagel see themselves as Ghadwa, and carry
official certificates bearing this identity. Rajendra Bhagel, however, questions
the caste classification of the Ghadwa in Madhya Pradesh, because, as he
says, in Odisha they are listed as a Scheduled Tribes.
Although not the founders of the dhokra technology, the tribal communi-
ties of Bastar are the largest consumers of dhokra products in the region.
Every two to four years each tribal household performs a jatra (a large
puja) in which they install new idols of dhokra in their homes. The Kutumb
pratha (or ancestral traditions) of dhokra-making in Bastar declares that a
single craftsmen and his family has to meet the ritual needs of four to five
villages. In addition to the idols of dhokra, every tribal household also owns
four or five trumpets, or tori, of dhokra, which they play during festivals
and marriages, and which they also procure from the same artisan family.
Since they lack the means of buying the dhokra in cash, they pay in rice,
goats, and cows. The very poor, however, are often forced to serve the fam-
ily of craftsmen as domestic labourers.
When asked about the current market prices of the dhokras of Bastar,
Rajendra Bhagel said that the objects were usually sold by weight, and a
kilo usually fetches ₹ 750. However, as the products made in his workshop
demonstrate, the rates vary. For, good quality work and metal command
high prices, and notably the figures of Siva, Ganesh, Jhitku, and Mitki in
Bhagel’s workshop are all priced over ₹ 15,000.
306 Sudeshna Guha

Despite his own rise to fame, Rajendra Bhagel appeared positively pes-
simistic about the prospects of dhokra crafts transforming the livelihoods of
the craftsmen community. He emphasised that of the 1,000 or so artisans
barely 20 are in a good economic position, and stated that the high prices
for raw material and low prices of the finished products deter the younger
generation from pursuing the craft.
The monthly earning of a dhokra craftsman in Bastar, to quote Bhagel,
‘is just enough to deal with his day-to-day expenses. There is no question
of saving’. To change the situation, Bhagel established 42 Self Help Groups
(SHG) for the production and marketing of local crafts. The SHGs, of
10–12 craftsmen, who produce dhokra, wrought iron, bamboo, jute, and
wood crafts and do painting (bhitti chitra), are named ‘Jhitku and Mitki’,
after one of the foremost tribal gods of the region. The craftsmen undertake
the production work in community spaces and sell their goods to Bhagel’s
workshop, handicrafts boards, TRIFED, and other vendors. They remit
10% of their profits from sale as a service charge to Jhitku and Mitki. Yet,
despite the apparent success of the initiative, Bhagel reported that farming
and labouring, and not craft production, remains the main source of liveli-
hood of tribal and non-tribal people in Bastar.
Field research documents that the tribal families of Bastar who are
engaged in crafts production today have entered the sector through training
programmes organised by the agencies of the state government, and by the
NGOs, civil societies, and select individuals. The village of Narainpur is an
example, where tribal families started working with bamboo and bell metal
and painting bhitti chitra after receiving training from the state-organised
programmes. The only ancestral craft of some families is woodwork, and
the most successful craftsman of wood in the village, Pandi Ram Madawi,
struggles to make ends meet through this craft.
Since TRIFED claims to buy goods produced only by tribal people, those
who have seriously attempted to promote tribal handicrafts in Bastar have
often informed relevant government officials that very few tribal groups
living in the region are traditional craftsmen. Thus, Bhupesh Tiwari, a
cofounder of SAATHI – an organisation which has worked towards the
promotion of arts and crafts in Bastar for over 28 years – declared in an
official meeting during the late 1990s that those who sold dhokra objects
to local TRIFED offices came with a ‘couple of tribal youths’ for exhibiting
the genuineness of their goods as tribal products. Yet such advice is often
ignored, and Tiwari continues to find the need for reiterating to the state
government that ‘the high skilled craftsmen of Bastar are not adivasis’.162

Sahariya and Basket-Making

Ignorance of regional crafts traditions and neglect towards their protection
often feature quite prominently in the management of tribal arts by the
Government of India. An instance relates to the crafts of the Sahariya, who
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 307

live in remote villages within the districts of Shivpuri, Sheopur, and Gunna
(Madhya Pradesh).
The Sahariyas have traditionally made baskets with the wood of the Siyari
tree, and used to do so within their homes until three to four years ago. They
sold their wares, namely baskets of different kinds and sizes, known locally
as tirab, piri, dala, and dhara, to middlemen, and were paid for their goods
rather poorly. Expectantly, the middlemen kept a stranglehold on the Sahariya
households, and sold the baskets at a considerable profit in the urban markets.
Sahariya deem basket-making as their only ancestral craft. The Siyari
trees grow only in their habitat, and since the wood of the tree is very flex-
ible and allows air to pass through, the baskets were widely used for pack-
ing vegetables which do not travel well, such as tomatoes. However, the
Siyari forests are dying today due to low rainfall, and so is the traditional
craft of the Sahariya tribe.
Raghavendra Singh of Parhit Samaj Seva Sanstha, who has worked
among the Sahariya tribe for over 15 years, emphasised repeatedly that no
government agency has ever tried to help the community develop their crafts
skills. During the interview, he said that government officials have rarely
visited the Sahariya habitat within the last 20 years, and no government-led
training programmes, or any other initiatives, have ever been undertaken
for promoting the production techniques and marketing of the Siyari-wood
baskets. Singh also reported that when some officers of TRIFED eventually
visited the Sahariya villages a few years back, they had asked the commu-
nity to take up carpet-making.163 The above example of abject callousness
towards the traditional crafts of a tribal group, which, significantly, is ear-
marked for state protection as PVTG, highlights the following:

• Climate change has caused the non-availability of a local raw material,

and thereby brought an age-old craft tradition to an end. The decline is
recent, and notably at a time when the state and central government are,
ostensibly, making a concerted move towards the ‘greater upliftment’ of
the tribal population.
• Government organisations focus solely upon the market value of ‘tribal
goods’, without much regard of their traditional crafts. Thus, TRIFED
had made no moves to procure Siyari baskets for Tribes India, and
the overlook allows a recall of a statement by the regional manager
of TRIFED Chhattisgarh, who during the phone interview – excerpts
of which is quoted at the beginning of the section – had said that the
Tribes India stores are regularly checked to see what products are in
demand.164
• Siyari baskets were made during the monsoon months when there is
little work in the agricultural fields and construction sites. Therefore,
basket-making added to Sahariya livelihoods. With the decline of their
craft, a poverty-stricken community has become poorer while the gov-
ernment ignores the responsibilities of rectifying the situation.
308 Sudeshna Guha

The ‘Sahariya basket-making case’ allows us to note that government agen-

cies make little efforts towards creating consumer demands of the tradi-
tional crafts of the tribal communities.

Woodcraft: Issues of Training and Access

Field work in Chhattisgarh highlights the following rather prominently:

• The conceptual and organisational flaws in the training programmes

which channel crafts production for meeting the requirements of the
urban markets.
• The immense difficulties faced by tribal craftsmen in sourcing raw mate-
rials for their crafts.

In 1997, 15 tribal artisans had established the cooperative Kaasht Kala

Samiti at Parchanpal, near Kondagaon, for the production of woodcraft.
They had all learnt the techniques of wood crafting in a local training pro-
gramme, which ran for a year in 1994–1995. Jaiman Nag, the president
of the Samiti stated, during the interview in 2017, that even a year’s inten-
sive training had not been enough to learn woodcraft, and it had taken
him and others 10–15 additional years to master the techniques. Nag said
that ‘earlier it was very confusing to understand the techniques and master
the tools and the methods’. With many years of making wooden objects
it has ‘now become possible to teach others the production processes’.165
As the markets for tribal crafts expand, the government attempts to train
‘more and more tribal people. But they don’t really get to learn much in
the training programmes’. He and others at Kaasht Kala Samiti, therefore,
encourage tribal craftsmen who have received training in the government
training programmes to join their organisation where they are guided
further in the techniques of wood crafting. The Samiti raises the wages
of the artisans when it judges the latter to have reached the desired level
of proficiency.
In recent years, the Samiti members have increasingly taken to the pro-
duction of wooden furniture, but with the price of wood soaring, they have
also started to work with stone. However, they face severe problems in pro-
curing both raw materials. Earlier they could go to the nearby villages to
source for supplies of wood and stone. Now they need to seek permission
from the sarpanch of the villages, and are often denied their requests. Dur-
ing the interview, they all affirmed that in addition to the procurement of
raw material, finding markets has been a serious problem. Until now they
have managed to sell their products in the nearby towns, such as Bilaspur,
Raipur, and those in Odisha, but they are wary of the future prospects of
woodcraft in Kondagaon, since new people are not joining their cooperative
because of the high incurring costs, problems of procuring raw material,
and low returns.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 309

Training and Mastery in New Craft

Some of the flaws of the very short-term training programmes could be
gauged through interviews with the artisans of Shilpgram at Parchanpal,
where DC handicrafts Chhattisgarh had organised the first training pro-
gramme for 2017 in August, for three months. The trainees who were inter-
viewed pointed out that many crafts needed a longer duration of training for
mastering even the elementary techniques. To them, the conceptualisation of
equal duration of training for crafts as varied as wood-work, metal-casting,
and of jute and bamboo, appeared short-sighted. Notably, three trainees
who had received training in jute work in August 2017 have returned to
Shilpgram for another session, as they feel that they have yet to master
the basic techniques of the jute craft. Histories of training at Shilpgram
also show that many programmes organised solely for tribal craftsmen had
failed to attract tribal trainees. They found no takers.
A rare example of the utility value of the training programmes is the suc-
cessful career of the dhokra artist Ram Vihar Metam, a Muria of Bastar.
Metam, who is now 62, learnt the dhokra craft in a training programme
when he was 12 or 13 years old. He has been making dhokra crafts for
50 years in Kondagaon. He lives in a large house and has a comfortable
lifestyle. Like all tribal people he also owns land. However, he subsists solely
upon dhokra production. Yet even Metam was quick to emphasise that
‘designs cannot be learnt through training’, because, as he said:

Art emanates from the soul. A design comes to us in our mind while we
are making dhokra models; our instincts often guide us as to where to
place a particular motif, and how to design a particular object.166

Metam’s sentiment shows us why the government initiatives to teach design

would seem, at best, stifling to a skilled craftsman.

‘Modern Goods’ for Modern Markets

The ‘advise’ for creating new designs for tribal arts, which is imparted
to craftsmen at the training centres, stems from the focus on consumer
demands. Yet the increasing production of modern-looking tribal crafts,
such as mobile phone holders, clutch bags, folders, desk organisers, decora-
tive containers, and chic-looking jewellery are without any apparent value
in the tribal worlds, as the tribal communities continue to have little uses
for such goods. So although sold as tribal objects, they are no such things.
More importantly, tribal craftsmen often incur heavy losses in the produc-
tion of such goods. The ‘contemporary’ objects of bamboo that are made
for the urban haats by the Mahli families of Tigra Nava Toli (Ranchi dis-
trict, Jharkhand) illustrate the problems.
Mahli consider bamboo crafts as their ancestral occupation. Each house-
hold has its own production floor, and all sell their products directly in
310 Sudeshna Guha

the markets. The households make many kinds of bamboo objects, such as
baskets, which they call Soop, Dauri, Mauni, Dalbi, Daliya, Nachua, mats,
known as Chata, Chatai, Chatka, umbrellas, and handheld fans. But they
are increasingly forced to make lamp shades, table lamps, pen stands, stands
for mobile phones, key holders, and money boxes and have learnt to design
the modern goods in the training workshops.
When questioned about the respective sale values of the traditional and
modern goods, they all said that they can easily sell the former in the weekly
haats and nearby markets. However, since the markets for the modern goods
are in distant places, such as Ranchi, New Delhi, and Dhanbad, they are often
unable to prejudge the volume of sale. The modern goods, they also declared,
not only take longer to make, but require longer storage period, awaiting mar-
keting opportunities, and facilities of transportation. Many objects fade in the
storage, and therefore remain unsold, incurring for them substantial losses.167
The bamboo crafts of the Mahli highlight the severity of the challenges
which the market-driven economy poses for tribal handicrafts in India
today. A group of Mahli craftsmen, trained in programmes organised by
DC handicraft Jharkhand, have exhibited their products in recent years in
New Delhi, at Pragati Maidan. Of them, Birsa Mahli, who displayed his
products in 2016, stated that although he received government assistance
for the transportation of the goods to the venue, he received none after the
exhibition, and had to bring back the unsold goods at his own expense.
Consequently, he was left with very little income from the sales.168
Since the development of tribal art is increasingly being conceptualised
by the Government of India in terms of developing tribal entrepreneurship,
it is rather curious to note that enterprising tribal artisans often get very
little government support towards the marketing of their products. Vinay
Kumar, a Munda jeweller of Khunti (Jharkhand), who exhibited his work
at Pragati Maidan in August 2017 was scathing about the irregularities that
attend the methods of getting a stall at Dilli Haat (New Delhi). He said that
‘the registration fee for a stall is around ₹ 8000 to 10,000. However, due
to middlemen and corruption, the prices go beyond ₹ 30,000 to 40,000’.169
Kumar does not have the means to exhibit in Dilli Haat again. But because
he receives low prices for his wares in the markets of Khunti, he prefers to
sell them in big cities, especially New Delhi. As he is unable to afford the
rent of a stall in Dilli Haat, or in any significant market of the city, he is
forced to sell to the shopowners, which leaves him consistently underpaid.
Barring five or six families, the jewellery-making Munda households of
Khunti have all migrated to cities in search of labouring work, and the most
glaring cause which threatens the survival of this ‘Munda craft’ is the absence
of connectivity to the markets. Kumar is also critical of the government focus
upon ‘well-known’ tribal artists, and rightly stated that ‘all members of the
community should be given equal chances of displaying and selling their work’.
Investments in tribal arts and crafts ought to follow Kumar’s view, if they
are to effect transformations in tribal livelihoods.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 311

Access to Good Quality Raw Material

Expectantly, access to good quality bamboo, grass, cane, and wood from
forests is crucial for the survival of many tribal handicrafts. However, the
restricting laws of access to the reserved forests and corruption in local poli-
tics often pose severe drawbacks for the sourcing of such forest produce.
The Mahli of Tigra Nava Toli spoke at length of the restrictions, which
the forest department of Jharkhand has placed upon the procurement of
bamboo. A single household is now allowed five to ten bamboo stalks every
two or three months, and in addition to the very low numbers, the cost of
transportation of the bamboo stalks from the forest to nearby villages is
exorbitant, which effects the local price of bamboo. Therefore, tribal crafts-
men need credit to buy the stalks from the sellers.
Since the Mahli hope to continue their ancestral bamboo craft, which
adds to their meagre wages, they have requested the forest department that
they be allowed to collect the bamboo stalks in larger numbers at one time,
and procure them for all households in a village. Such a measure, they say
correctly, would reduce transportation costs and allow the local craftsmen a
better bargaining position with respect to the price demanded by the sellers.
The government rules, however, remain unchanged.
Similar to the dilemma faced by the Mahli, the Parhiya of Palamau and
East Singhbhum districts, who are listed as PVTG, also face severe problems
in accessing good quality bamboo for making brooms which earns them a pit-
tance of an income. Field research in the Parhiya village Tarudag in Palamau
district documents a dismal situation, of people living below the poverty line
in a remote area, with minimum access to road networks. The community
is dependent upon forest resources, and each household makes about 15–20
brooms a week, which they sell at ₹ 20 per piece to the middlemen who visit
their villages at regular intervals. Since good quality bamboo is not available
in the pattas in which the Parhiya live, many are forced to ‘steal’ bamboo
from the interiors of forests – their ancestral lands. They are severely penal-
ised by forest guards and government officials when they get caught.

Possibilities of Cultural Entrepreneurships

The structural constraints and lack of will towards the effective implemen-
tations of policies and procedures, which often attend the development
schemes of the Government of India can pose as a sharp contrast to the
efforts of determined individuals, NGOs, and civil societies to preserve some
of the fast disappearing tribal arts and crafts. The efforts of Bulu Imam, who
created the ‘Sanskriti Centre’ in Hazaribagh in 1993, is one such example,
and demands a note also for reflecting upon the strategies of developing
tribal arts through preservation of traditional practices.
Imam, who had convened the Hazaribagh Chapter for INTACH in 1987,
is well-known for creating public awareness of the Sohrai and Khover art.
312 Sudeshna Guha

He had discovered the paintings in tribal homes during his explorations

for prehistoric rock art during the 1980s, in the Upper Damodar Valley
(Jharkhand and Bihar). He pioneered the transference of the above art
forms to paper ‘in natural earth medium’,170 and in 1993 had founded Tribal
Women Artists Cooperative, which has facilitated Oraon, Munda, Ganju,
Kurmi, and Santhal women painters to expand their livelihood options. The
founding aim of the Cooperative, which was supported by the Australian
High Commission at New Delhi, was to ‘bring to the tribal women [of
Hazaribagh] a sense of strength in their identity and as a means of economic
support’. The women artists were encouraged to invest the amount, which
they received through the sale of their paintings in welfare and employment
funds, and over 50 have benefitted greatly from the ‘self-support’ project.171
Sanskriti Centre holds a rare, and the largest, collection in India, of Sohrai
and Khover paintings. It has supported many women painters to exhibit
their work in galleries and exhibitions within India and abroad. Of them,
Putli Ganju, whose unique ‘comb cutting technique’ of Khovar painting is
well-known today, was requested by the Museum of New South Wales (Aus-
tralia), to present a selection of her paintings for the Museum’s permanent
collection of indigenous art. The demand for Ganju’s work by a museum
which celebrates the arts of indigenous people provokes a reflection of the
lack of government initiatives in India for seeking the expertise and advice
of countries who have made serious investments into their ‘tribal’, or indig-
enous, population. As Imam very aptly comments:

[I]n countries like Australia, museums are fighting to preserve culture

in-situ rather than museumize them. The actual nature of indigenous
art is far removed from an art form that has become mercantile and . . .
shaped by the effects of art aesthetics and merchandise.172

In the Name of ‘Tribal’

That tribal arts are often developed for the markets without a regard of the
uniquely different aesthetics of the different tribal groups can be well-docu-
mented through a study of Jharcraft, which was created in 2006 as an entre-
preneurial agency of Jharkhand to ‘bring new opportunities in rural areas
with an objective to change lives throughout the state’.173 The ‘area of con-
cern’ which Jharcraft chose to focus upon was ‘the Handloom, Handicraft
and Sericulture sector’.174 However, Jharcraft was also founded to meet a dif-
ferent objective; that of showcasing Jharkhand’s unique tribal culture. This
objective becomes clear from Jharcraft’s mission statement which declares:

Jharkhand state is enriched with enormous natural resources and cul-

tural heritages. Being a tribe dominated state, nature has been given
utmost importance in every sphere of life & culture. Jharcraft’s vision
expresses to conserve the extinguishing cultures and revive the extraor-
dinary arts, paintings and crafts of the state.175
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 313

The ostensible showcasing of a unique ‘tribal-dominant’ Jharkhand,

albeit through commercial (tribal) products, no doubt added to the logic
for partitioning Bihar in 2000. Yet Jharcraft’s life history illuminates
a state’s institutional failure to protect its ‘tribals’, who are its largest
population.
Jharcraft thrived as a profit-making business between 2011 and 2014, and
according to the former Managing Director Dhirendra Kumar (2006–2014)
who orchestrated the success, its capital soared to ₹ 160 crores, with poten-
tials of creating 20 lakh jobs in the handicrafts and handlooms sectors.176
Kumar had literally founded Jharcraft in 2006, when he was Special Secre-
tary, Department of Industries, and initiated the production of many new
‘tribal crafts’ in Jharkhand, including bamboo furniture and jute objects.
During the National Games of 2011, he encouraged 400 dhokra artisans
from Chhattisgarh and other states to come to Jharkhand and produce
goods that looked and weighed the same, and could therefore be given as
state gifts to the participants. The dhokra workers made more than 12,000
such presents.
Kumar remains unabashedly proud of his achievements. He takes credit
for increasing Jharkhand’s annual tasar production from 90 metric tons in
2010 to 1,025 metric tons by 2014. The meteoric rise, he said, surpassed
even his own expectations.177 He is also proud of presenting the tasar of
Jharkhand as organic, and stated that the tasars sold through Jharcraft
are the only silks in the world to carry the certificate of being organically
manufactured.
Kumar headed Jharcraft until 2014, and emphasised that under his
directorship the agency exported to 12 or 13 countries, and gave back
80–85% of the share from sales to the craftsmen and producers. Osten-
sibly, Jharcraft also brought in new technologies of production, such as
solar-powered mills for the spinning of tasar yarn. Moreover, through the
ambitious project ‘Srijan’, Jharcraft was able to employ over 40,000 poor
women as weavers, which the state government declared was the most suc-
cessful manner of empowering the poorest and most marginalised. Accord-
ing to Kumar, during Jharcraft’s glorious years, a weaving household
earned ₹ 8,000–10,000 a month, and an artisan household was able to
earn ₹ 7,000 a month.178
However, Jharcraft’s career ended in 2014 with Kumar’s retirement from
government, which ended his influence upon the agency as the director. Since
then, Jharcraft has been systematically side-lined by the new state govern-
ment, which also came to power in 2014, and which has initiated another
enterprise, Mukhyamantri Laghu Evam Kutir Udyam Vikas Board to effect
rural development. Advertisement for recruitments to various administrative
and managerial posts in the new Board (colloquially called Laghu Yojana)
appeared in May 2017, and they demonstrate that the Board’s objectives
and focus are the same as those of Jharcraft’s.
The Board intends to develop and market tasar, wood, bamboo, and jute
crafts, and it utilises the funds that were once earmarked only for Jharcraft.
314 Sudeshna Guha

Because the decline of Jharcraft has also included the witch-hunting of its
former officers, the agency has lost credibility among its investors. A visit to
one of the foremost production units of Jharcraft, namely the Urban Haat at
Hazaribagh, which was established in 2010, demonstrates the grim realities.
The vast complex is practically empty, and only nine to ten artisan families
work towards the production of two crafts, dhokra and jute. The work-
ing areas and showrooms are overgrown with vegetation, and many are
also piled high with unsold stocks. Significantly, field research highlights the
most appalling aspects of the state-orchestrated ‘rise and fall of Jharcraft’,
namely the poor treatment of the artisans and weavers who produced tex-
tiles for the agency in the past, but who have been kept ill-informed of
Jharcraft’s fortunes.
Jharcraft had not specifically targeted Jharkhand’s vast tribal popula-
tion in developing the state handicraft and handloom sectors. However, its
decline has affected the livelihoods of this section of Jharkhand’s population
most drastically. Field surveys in the village of Charhi (in Churchu block of
Hazaribagh district) exposed the dire poverty of the tribal weavers who had
once managed to improve their livelihoods by producing textile goods for
Jharcraft.
Charhi is a small village comprising mainly Munda and Santhal fami-
lies and a few who are Scheduled Castes. A dirt road leads to the village,
which is more than 15 km away from the Ranchi–Hazaribagh highway. In
2012, Jharcraft co-opted the Navjagriti Mahila Swayam Sahayata Samiti
for the production of cotton textiles, and trained the women of the vil-
lage to become weavers. The village was kitted with a custom-built weav-
ing unit, with over ten looms, and the weavers were supplied with all the
necessary raw materials. They were paid ₹ 300 for weaving a single unit of
sari, which took them one and a half or two days, and ₹ 30–35 per meter
for weaving dress material, which they could weave in a day. During the
interview, the weavers stated that the saris produced at their weaving unit
sold at a great profit, often over 200–300% above the cost of production,
and that Jharcraft kept the profits and paid them only for their labour. Since
the women were able to undertake the weaving work all year around, they
could feed their families during the lean months when the fields which their
families own are uncultivable.
The Navjagriti Co-operative produced cotton and linen textiles for
Jharcraft from 2012 to 2014. In 2014, the supply of raw material became
erratic and then stopped, and the Co-operative stopped receiving new
orders. Upon visiting the Jharcraft offices in Hazaribagh and Ranchi, the
manager of the Co-operative was told that since Dhirendra Kumar had
retired, Jharcraft was unable to support many of its commissions, and if the
new director started any new weaving projects, the Co-operative would be
informed. The looms at Charhi have remained unused since the latter half
of 2014, and two other weaving cooperatives in nearby villages are also
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 315

affected in a similar manner. The weavers of Charhi also stated that goods
worth ₹ 60,000–70,000 of their wage labour was stored in the weaving unit
when the orders stopped, and that male members of their families took the
fresh stock to the Jharcraft office in Ranchi at their own expense. They were
assured that their womenfolk would be paid the wages that were owed to
them. Three years have elapsed since, and Jharcraft has yet to pay the dues,
and what is truly remarkable is that no official of the agency has visited
Charhi since 2014 to explain to the weavers why the supplies and orders
stopped so suddenly, and why they are yet to be paid.179
The closure of the weaving unit at Charhi has adversely affected the vil-
lage economy. The women remain unemployed, which they can ill-afford,
and they all emphasised that they would start weaving ‘tomorrow’, if they
were given support with capital, raw material, and information regarding
where they could sell their products. They wished to know of central and
state government schemes and support systems that could be approached
for reopening the weaving unit. The lack of information which the weavers
of Charhi face conveys the weak efforts of Jharcraft towards effecting trans-
formations in the lives of the poorest in Jharkhand.

The Tribal Rearers of ‘Tribal Silk’

Jharcraft propagated two, rather, visible aspects of the commercialisation
of tribal crafts: (a) the marketing of products as ‘tribal’, for which the raw
material may have been sourced by tribal communities but which were man-
ufactured by non-tribal groups, and (b) the disregard of the localness of the
tribal crafts; craft products were developed in regions far removed from
their traditional habitat. The production of kosa, or tasar, silk exemplifies
both trends.
Kosa silk was once produced by specific tribal communities in specific
areas in the former Madhya Pradesh and Bihar, respectively. They are now
produced by many communities in many areas of the present-day Mad-
hya Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, and
West Bengal. The local tribal groups in the above states, however, rear the
tasar cocoons in their forests until the latter are yarn-bearing. They do not
procure the cocoons themselves nor do they unravel the yarn, unlike the
Munda, who are among the traditional producers of tasar silk, once did.
Instead, they are supplied with disease-free laying eggs (DFLs) by govern-
ment and non-government agencies, which they rear until the cocoons are
coated in silk. They then sell the ‘tasar cocoons’ to petty traders who in turn
sell them to the weavers for the reeling and weaving processes.
Despite increasing encouragement from government agencies and NGOs,
tribal presence within the weaving of tasar remains marginal. The present-
day production of kosa, or tasar handlooms is, therefore, neither by tribal
groups nor for them, and nor do the latter receive any share from the sales
316 Sudeshna Guha

of tasar silk. The wages they earn by supplying the mature tasar cocoon to
middlemen is insignificant in effecting real changes to their living standards.
Yet the garments of tasar are often advertised as made of ‘tribal silk’, which
speaks of the dictates of market capitalism, wherein products are exoticised
for creating and capturing new markets.
The initiatives for promoting tasar sericulture over the last 30 years
have been undertaken by one of the leading national NGOs of India
today, Professional Assistance for Development Action (PRADAN), and
they are significant. PRADAN has developed tasar sericulture since 1984,
and helped traditional tasar cocoon rearers with techno-managerial sup-
port for increasing their incomes from cocoon-rearing.180 It has also sought
tripartite collaboration with the Union Ministry of Rural Development
(MoRD) and Central Silk Board (CSB) for enabling over 10,000 families
living below the poverty line in the Santhal-dominant Godda, Dumka, and
Pakur districts and Ho-dominant West Singhbhum, East Singhbhum, and
Seraikela districts of Jharkhand, to gain robust livelihoods through tasar
sericulture.
The PRADAN projects demonstrate that the rearing of tasar cocoons
has the potential to provide year-round incomes for tribal families, which
would reduce instances of migration.181 In bringing the Tasar sericulture
of Jharkhand to the ‘grassroots level’, PRADAN has managed to enhance
the supplementary livelihood options of over 6,500 tribal families. Yet,
despite the apparent success, a comparative study of the old tasar value
chain and the new ‘end to end tasar silk value chain’ which has been
developed by the Indian Government in 2015, and selected as an exam-
ple of success by the World Bank, demonstrates the inadequacy of the
initiatives.
The ‘traditional tasar value chain and percentage contribution of each
actor’ is as follows.182

We note that the tribal groups held around 30% share in the entire
value chain, and covered the cost of production, which included the cost of
raw material and labour, and costs due to unforeseen destruction of their
‘crop’, from diseases, pestilence, and other natural hazards. Although the
cocoon-rearers performed the most labour-intensive tasks, the intermediar-
ies between them and the final consumers of tasar goods retained around
70% of the sale share.
The following ‘end to end’ model was aimed at bringing value-added
activities closer to the ‘primary beneficiaries’ so that they could receive ‘bet-
ter price realisation’.183
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 317

In the new value chain above, the tribal cocoon-rearers continue to under-
take the most labour-intensive work, although they now receive a slightly
larger share of 36%. The non-tribal groups receive more than 60%. The
new model hopes to eliminate the intermediaries and allocate larger shares
to tribal households. However, the chart shows that the former are simply
substituted, in this case with a private enterprise, Eco Tasar Pvt. Limited.
So we may conclude, rightly, that one business model is replacing the other,
and that the new value chain is less likely to bring substantive economic
benefits for the tribal rearers of tasar cocoons.

Regarding Tradition for Preserving Aesthetics

More than 30 years ago, the eminent historians Eric Hobsbawm and Terence
Ranger had reminded the world that ‘Traditions, which appear or claim to
be old are often quite recent in origin and sometimes invented’.184 By histori-
cising the ‘invented traditions’, Hobsbawm and Ranger had demonstrated
the manner in which ‘a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or
tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature’ seek ‘to inculcate
certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which automatically
implies continuity with the past’.185 The innovative arts traditions of the
different tribal communities of the Central Indian Tribal Belt allows us to
regard and reflect upon the historical trajectories of invented traditions, and
see the virtuosity of the art forms.
As has been shown through the case studies, the initiatives and policies
of the government agencies have contributed to the creation of a ‘commer-
cialised tribal art’, which as a phenomenon is abjectly contradictory to the
conceptualisation and uses of arts and crafts by tribal communities. In addi-
tion, the studies also demonstrate that the training imparted to tribal arti-
sans for improving and developing their design skills endangers the aesthetic
expressions of their craftsmanship. The regard for tradition, therefore, does
not implicate the preservation of an innate ‘time – immemorial’ essence that
supposedly constitutes tribal art. Instead, it demands the preservation of
individualism and aesthetic sensibilities of the craftsmanship of the tribal
population through policies that target lucrative markets while nurturing
their expressions of virtuosity in the production processes.
318 Sudeshna Guha

Field research demonstrates the need for sensitivity towards the loss of
‘tribal aesthetics’, as it shows the connections between aesthetics and agency.
The surveys highlight the marginalisation of the ‘tribal voice’ in the produc-
tion of tribal arts in the marginalisation of the imagination of the tribal crafts-
men, which effaces the force of the well-meaning policies. They allow us to
note that the practices of identifying proficient master trainers and recruiting
them to train tribal craftsmen often contribute to the production of ubiquitous
objects that are sold as tribal handicrafts, which leave tribal craftsmen with lit-
tle say regarding the look of their products, and within the schemes of pricing.
During an interview, the regional manager of TRIFED at Chhattisgarh
had stated that TRIFED keeps a profile of suitable designers, who are
appointed to provide training in many states.186 The professional designers
are often sourced from reputed institutes, such as NIFT and NID for offer-
ing design assistance to artisans ‘so that they can meet the existing trends in
the market, compete with the other players in the market and attract youth
section of the society’.187 The head designer of the Hazaribagh Urban Haat
also asserted that she makes interventions in the sizes and shapes of the
designs as well as in the motifs which the craftsmen produce.188 Like her,
many designers teach in the training centres of different states and provide
the same, or very similar, designs to the trainees in the different venues.
This erodes the unique regional aesthetics of the crafts made of the same, or
similar, material in different regions by different artisan communities, and
the results are highly visible. For example, the applique work of Pipili (Odi-
sha), which has been available for long in the urban markets in the form of
chanduas, wall hangings, table lamps, and table covers, are now being made
more widely available through bedsheets, bed covers, pillow covers, sofa
covers, table runners, etc. In an interview to Times of India in July 2016, the
regional manager of TRIFED at Bhubaneswar stated:

We have engaged a designer from the National Institute of Design to

make some innovative designs to attract customers. The artisans have
been executing the new designs very well. The price of a double bed-
sheet with applique works starts from INR 800 while those of other
items is from INR 300 onwards.189

The steady marginalisation of tribal traditions from tribal arts and crafts
is thus a stark reality of all the government initiatives to promote the latter
as a livelihoods option. And in this respect one is led to notice the stark con-
trast between the government-led schemes and a few individual initiatives,
such as those by Judy Frater, who has worked with artisans in the Kutch for
over 30 years, and who has clearly demonstrated that the traditional craft-
sperson is the best designer to make the work of the craftsperson economi-
cally viable to consumer and large markets. The achievements of the Kala
Raksha Trust, which Frater co-founded in 1992, proves her point and she
emphasises that ‘traditions are preserved when they flourish’.190
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 319

‘Voice of the Tribals’ in Tribal Arts

Since few tribal artists are able to avail opportunities for exhibiting their
work for a wider audience, especially the elite, private galleries have stepped
in for promoting tribal arts in the high-end art market. An example is the
Must Art Gallery at New Delhi (in Panchsheel Park), which, as its website
declares, is ‘an effort to create a common platform’ for ‘tribal artists to tran-
scend cultural barriers and paint the language of the universe in their own
special way’.191
The Gallery collects and sells a wide variety of tribal and folk paintings,
including the Rogan art of the Khatri in Bhuj, which is close to extinc-
tion, Madhubani, Gond, Warli, and Saura paintings, Chakshudan pats of
West Bengal, pichwais and phads of Rajasthan, Sanjhi art of Mathura, and
kalamkari of Andhra Pradesh. With regard to the Gond-Pardhan paintings
‘Must Art Gallery sells . . . some exquisite paper works and on canvases . . .
in black and white, and color’.192 The Gallery has bought many such paint-
ings of artists who are now internationally known, including Jangarh Singh
Shyam, Nankusiya Shyam, Bhajju Shyam, Venkat Raman Singh Shyam,
Durga Bai, Bhuri Bai, Subhash Vyam, Mayank Shyam, Japani Shyam, and
Rajendra Shyam (Raju). It also hosts exhibitions of many ‘emerging’ Gond
artists, and makes conscious efforts to source information of new artists,
and encourage them to set the sale price of their paintings. The founder of
the Gallery, Mrs Kedia recalls that ‘no-body has quoted odd prices for their
work until now’, and emphasises that the artists receive 90–95% of the
sale amount, and the Gallery retains the rest, which she affirms is a ‘modest
sum’ that covers operational costs. The Gallery also hosts an online portal
for the sale of the exhibits, which allows a wider national and international
exposure to the artists.
The curators of the Gallery are open to innovative and experimental art,
and find ‘new artists bringing more imaginations to their work, because they
make what they see in their day to day life’. They emphasise that ‘in recent
years many tribal paintings have provided astute commentaries on pressing
issues of modern-day life, which are as diverse as rape and tsunami’.193
Yet galleries such as Must Art, which aim towards ethical patronage, are
rare in India. Instead, one finds the rampant uses of ‘tribal motifs’ often
without a regard to their meaning and without due acknowledgement of
the authorship of the artist. In this respect, Philomena Imam, a well-known
painter who is Oraon and Bulu Imam’s wife, was scathing of a New Year’s
greeting card for the year 2015, which depicted a portion of one of her
paintings. As she said, the ‘cropped’ image was simply a part of the painting,
and the cropping was arbitrary. ‘There was no way of knowing or imagin-
ing what the card depicted’. For her, the undulating lines in the image on
the card represented the hills and the valley where she was raised, and the
lines above were the trees she had grown up with. The unsolicited mass cir-
culations of deeply personal paintings rankles her, as does the fact that her
320 Sudeshna Guha

authorship did not appear in the card, which she suspects must have had a
large volume of sale.194
The erasure of the authorship of tribal artists infiltrate many prominent
civic projects in India. The Ranchi zoo, for example, has a quarter-mile-long
boundary wall of painted murals depicting motifs of the Sohrai and Khovar
art. The panels bear no names of the artists, who are Munda and Oraon,
and who received ₹ 300 for painting 1 square foot of the wall and food lodg-
ing while on commission.195
The acknowledgment of authorship is not a historical feature of the arts of
the tribal population. However, one expects the civic authorities of Ranchi
to draw attention to the contributions of the painters who have enhanced
the visual appeal of their city, as show of courtesy. At a time when tribal art
is being commercialised for raising tribal livelihoods, the denial of author-
ship speaks of the denial of tribal agency. Issues of authorship, similar to
those related to the marginalisation of the ‘tribal eye’, or the aesthetics of
the tribal craftsmen, therefore assume importance in the assessments of the
present status of tribal art.

To Conclude with a Way Forward

The evaluative Status Report illustrates that tribal artists and craftsmen are
marginalised from decisions, policies, and initiatives which relate directly to
the production and marketing of their arts and crafts. It also shows that the
top-down dictates for raising tribal livelihoods through policies of devel-
oping handicrafts and handlooms have marginally added to their income
resources. The example of Jharcraft demonstrates that government initia-
tives have often been half-hearted and short-sighted, and this prompts the
question: How are the aims of developing the arts for raising livelihood
options to be met? In seeking a way forward, the case studies recorded in
the Report encourage a regard of the following:

1 The need to conceive and implement robust and workable community-

based Cultural Property Rights, which accommodate the protection of
Traditional Cultural Expressions (TCEs)
2 The importance of thinking through in detail and with care the poli-
cies of a daily minimum wage for skilled and unskilled tribal artisans
and craftsmen. A workable, effective, and beneficial policy would take
the pressure off many tribal households to migrate outside their vil-
lages and habitats during the lean seasons when they have no means of
subsistence.
3 Promoting initiatives towards Tribal Collectives which are truly rep-
resentative of the decisions of the tribal craftsmen and artists regard-
ing what their products look like, and how they are marketed and
priced.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 321

Tribal Arts are an aspect of Traditional Cultural Expressions (TCEs), but

because of the complete lack of concern regarding the cultural property of
the tribal population, it has been possible to collect their knowledge prop-
erty and make a profit from it. There is no real technical or legal descrip-
tion of TCEs, but the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO)
provides some characteristics. Unlike works and performances that are
clearly covered by IPR and copyright TCEs are (a) handed down from
one generation to another, either orally or by imitation, and reflect a com-
munity’s cultural and social identity, (b) they consist of characteristic ele-
ments of a community’s heritage, (c) made by ‘authors unknown’ and/or
by communities and/or by individuals communally recognised as having
the right, responsibility, or permission to do so, (d) often not created for
commercial purposes, but as vehicles for religious and cultural expression,
and (e) constantly evolving, developing, and being recreated within the
community.
Thus, TCEs are products of intergenerational and fluid social and com-
munal creative processes, reflecting and identifying a community’s history,
cultural and social identities, and values. This ‘living’ aspect of TCEs makes
them very hard to be protected under current IPR and copyright laws and
conventions, because TCE-derived materials are not legally owned by the
tradition-bearers. However, many programmes now attempt to extend and
clarify existing laws for the protection of TCEs, and try for greater control
over the derivative works of the originating communities. The best known
are those of WIPO.196 Since the arts of the tribal communities are the cultural
patrimony of various people and times, and also participants within modern
creations of national heritage and re-negotiations of expressions of indi-
geneity, they are participants within programmes of artistic development,
political activism and cultural performances. Therefore, it is important to
ensure that the derivation and inspiration which they engender adequately
respects the knowledge and ownership of TCEs.
Within the Indian economy, the arts and crafts sector is known to be
the most decentralised and unorganised, and arguing for laws to protect
tribal handicrafts, the lawyer J. Sai Deepak has stated that although in their
protection

a Geographical Indicator regime in India has been reasonably successful

. . . it has not helped in encouraging innovation from members within
the indigenous groups, which is necessary in order to prevent stunted
imagination and creativity within the groups to ensure that traditional
handicrafts remain competitive in the market. Hence, a separate form of
property laws which provides incentives for innovations in TCEs (Tra-
ditional Knowledge and Folklores) is necessary and it would do well if
the powers that be, come up with suitable mechanism to tap the poten-
tial of the modern descendants of traditional groups for the perpetua-
tion of traditional art forms.197
322 Sudeshna Guha

The need to conceive and implement robust community-based cultural prop-

erty rights emerges from the above legal and ethical concerns regarding the
lack of protection of the TCEs. Hence, the argument for the protection of
TCEs does not entail a rejection of the efforts towards procuring a market
economy for tribal arts and crafts, but to see that the revenues flow into the
tribal communities who have been the bearers of the knowledge for centuries.
In sourcing data on minimum wages, we note that the rates for skilled, semi-
skilled, and unskilled work in handloom industries, potteries, Khadi, and vil-
lage industries vary greatly from state to state. For example, in Jharkhand,
unskilled work fetches ₹ 178.67 per day, semi-skilled work ₹ 185.67 per day,
and skilled work ₹ 227.29 per day. However, the wages have not been revised
since 2014–2015 despite the changes in the state’s economic conditions.198
Chhattisgarh pays ₹ 355 per day for unskilled work, ₹ 380 per day for semi-
skilled work, and ₹ 410 per day for skilled work in the above industries.199
Clearly, the reasons for the discrepancy in the minimum wage allowances
between Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, both of which have a large tribal pop-
ulation, demand a careful appraisal. But more, importantly, there appears to
be no minimum wage policies for the handicrafts sector in both the states,
although the urgent need for such an allowance was evident throughout the
fieldwork for this report, and is very visible in Table 7.5, which provides a
three-year data (2012–2105) of the amount spent by TRIFED for procur-
ing tribal products and the amount disbursed to tribal artisans in the Cen-
tral Indian Tribal Belt. The grand sum of ₹ 901, which the artisan families
empanelled with TRIFED received during 2014–2015 when their numbers
had fallen, makes the need rather transparent. The uncertainties of tribal
livelihoods, which an uncertain income from crafts production is unable to
transform, highlights the importance of considering daily allowances for
tribal craftsmen if their crafts are to be developed for national profit.
The protection of TCEs and policies of a daily minimum wage would
both be served through initiatives of nurturing tribal collectives that aim
to cover the entire value chain, from primary producer to sellers. The ini-
tiatives would demand equipping tribal artisans and craftsmen with (a)
detailed information regarding markets, market trends, and entrepreneurial
requirements, and (b) developing forward linkages through the tribal crafts
markets, in India and abroad. The collectives would, expectantly, create
bubbling markets in select crafts clusters, which in turn would encourage
tribal craftsmen elsewhere to organise themselves also into collectives. The
processes of fostering the collectives have to innovatively draw upon the
experiences of forming SHGs (and their federated structures), and com-
bine greater infusion of skills and capital for creating ethical entrepreneur-
ial crafts business. The logic of nurturing tribal collectives derives from a
palpable truth: unless tribal craftsmen are able to dictate the production
and marketing of their crafts, they would fail to appreciate the government
development schemes, which seemingly to them interfere with their crafts
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 323

practices in commoditising their crafts. They see their crafts earning profits
and foreign exchange for traders and exporters, while they remain subordi-
nated to an economy of tragic choices. As Judy Frater would remind those
working with craftspeople, it is imperative to regard traditions as evolving
in a dynamic context. Traditional systems are, to quote Frater, ‘re-imag-
ined’. Therefore, it is essential to understand and work with the fact that
artisans can design with integrity, and re-value crafts ‘as an emerging luxury
rather than inferior to industrial goods’.200 The thrust towards Design Craft
and Business Management education to craftsmen which the organisation
Somaiya Kala Vidya that has been largely conceived and created by Frater
provides, is mandatory for a viable ‘promotion’ of tribal art. It promises
direct access of craftsmen to buyers and consumers, which, no doubt, is
vital for the development of market-oriented work, but which is also cru-
cial for encouraging the production of sustainable crafts. The best practice
of developing tribal arts and crafts is, therefore, to ensure that the aims,
ideas, aspirations, imagination, artistic sensibilities, and negotiating skills
of the tribal artists and craftsmen are fully absorbed into all initiatives and
schemes that aim towards enhancing their livelihood options and economic
well-being.

Notes
1 Research inputs from Kumar Rajesh, Kanika Garg, Vinitha Bachina, and Kush
Mehndiratta, and Information from Mushtak Khan.
2 Hivale and Elwin, 1935, Songs of the Forest: The Folk Poetry of the Gonds,
p. 120.
3 The states which are in the Central Tribal Belt are Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa, West Bengal, Andhra
Pradesh, and Telangana.
4 The categories follow Mushtak Khan’s surveys of the public understanding of
tribal arts.
5 Minutes of the meeting of Regional Managers held at Head Office, New Delhi
during August 9–11, 2017. Retrieved on December 8, 2020 from https://drive.
google.com/file/d/0B9V2ZvC_DN8JanBKcm8tOHVkWFU/view
6 Press Information Bureau, Government of India, Ministry of Tribal Affairs.
Retrieved on December 8, 2020 from http://www.pib.nic.in/NEWSITE/erelease.
aspx?relid=160023
7 Evaluation Study of Tribal/Folk Arts and Culture in West Bengal, Orissa,
Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Bihar, 2006.
8 Gell 1998, p. 1.
9 Ibid, pp. 2–3.
10 Chatterjee 2012, p. 11
11 Veena Das in Ibid, p. ix.
12 Errington 1998; For a summary regarding issues of tribal identities see Kishore
2014.
13 Chatterjee 2012, p. 47.
14 Ibid, p. 50.
15 Jaitly 2000, p. 8.
324 Sudeshna Guha

16 The relevant museum collections for this Report are those of Nehru Centenary
Tribal Museum (Hyderabad), Vaacha: Museum of Voice (Vadodara), Ranchi
Museum (Ranchi), Janjatiya Sangrahalaya (Bhopal), Tribal Cultural Museum
(Pune), Tribal Museum of Arts and Artefacts (Bhubaneswar), M.L. Verma Tribal
Museum (Udaipur), and Ethnographic Museum (Kolkata).
17 Ranjan and Ranjan 2009, p. 103.
18 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from https://trti.gujarat.gov.in/scheduled-tribe,
Bhasha Research and Publication Centre (henceforth Bhasha), 2012, p. 78.
19 Doshi 1992, pp. 90, 100.
20 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from https://trti.gujarat.gov.in/scheduled-tribe.
21 Ranjan and Ranjan, p. 439.
22 Bhasha, p. 93.
23 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, https://trti.gujarat.gov.in/scheduled-tribe
24 Mirza and Vinutha 2012, pp. 25, 172.
25 Ibid, p. 40; Jaitly 2012, p. 325.
26 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from https://trti.gujarat.gov.in/scheduled-tribe.
27 Bhasha, p. 74.
28 Ibid.
29 Ibid, p. 83.
30 Bhasha, pp. 77, 90.
31 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from https://trti.gujarat.gov.in/scheduled-tribe
32 Ibid.
33 Ranjan and Ranjan, p. 441; Mirza and Vinutha, p. 208.
34 Mirza and Vinutha, p. 208.
35 Ibid.
36 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from https://trti.gujarat.gov.in/scheduled-tribe
37 Mirza and Vinutha, p. 206.
38 Elliot 2017, p. 54.
39 Ibid, p. 55
40 Ranjan and Ranjan, p. 462.
41 Ibid, p. 456.
42 Bhasha, p. 188
43 Deogaonkar 2008, pp. 53–55.
44 Ranjan and Ranjan, p. 455.
45 Ibid.
46 Bhasha, pp. 153–160.
47 Tiwari 1996, p. 57. See also Joshi 2009.
48 Doshi 1992, p. 104; Mahawar 1996, p. 68
49 Mahawar ibid, p. 64
50 Bhasha, p. 135
51 Mehra 1996, p. 132
52 Nirgune 1996, p. 41
53 Ibid.
54 Jaitly 2012, pp. 150–151.
55 Pachauri, 4 June 2014c
56 Jaitly 2012, p. 156
57 Mahawar 1996.
58 Ibid, p. 156.
59 Ibid, p. 68
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid.
62 Jaitly 2012, p. 170
63 Mahawar, p. 68.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 325

64 Tiwari 1996, p. 56
65 Jaitly 2012, p. 173
66 Publicity leaflet, Tribes India
67 Kapoor, p. 122.
68 Khan, p. 98
69 Jaitly 2012, p. 166
70 Ibid, p. 170.
71 Ibid, p. 173
72 Ranjan and Ranjan, p. 489.
73 Bhasha, pp. 163–164
74 Ibid, pp. 147, 159.
75 Ibid, p. 147.
76 Information from Mushtak Khan.
77 Ranjan and Ranjan, pp. 484–485.
78 Ghosh 1993, pp. 81, 195
79 Ibid, p. 275; Doshi 1992, p. 66.
80 Thusu and Jha 1972, pp. 143–145.
81 Bhasha, p. 217
82 Doshi, p. 66
83 Ibid, pp. 178–179
84 Bhasha, p. 222.
85 Patnaik 1992, pp. 116–119.
86 Ghosh, pp. 255–256.
87 Doshi, p. 62.
88 Bhasha, p. 215.
89 Ghosh, pp. 210, 211 and 213.
90 Ibid, p. 193
91 Ibid, p. 245; Patnaik, p. 56
92 Doshi, p. 64. See also Patnaik et al. 1980.
93 Ghosh, p. 162
94 Jaitly 2012, p. 223
95 Bhasha, p. 221
96 Doshi, p. 62
97 Jaitly 2012, p. 230.
98 Patnaik et al. 2007, pp. 80, 77.
99 Bhasha, p. 212
100 Patnaik et al., p. 81; Doshi, p. 63
101 Jaitly 2012, p. 230.
102 Ibid.
103 Ibid, p. 218
104 Doshi, p. 72
105 Jaitly 2012, p. 230; Ghosh, p. 71
106 Doshi, p. 46.
107 Ibid, p. 52.
108 Ranjan and Ranjan, p. 259.
109 Ibid, p. 256.
110 Field research by Kumar Rajesh among Mahli of Ratu, Ranchi, September 2017
111 Jaitly 2012, p. 192
112 Information from Dr Ram Dayal Munda Tribal Welfare Research Institute,
Ranchi, September 2017.
113 Jaitly 2012, p. 187
114 Information from Dr Ram Dayal Munda Tribal Welfare Research Institute,
Ranchi, September 2017.
326 Sudeshna Guha

115 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from http://www.indiantribalheritage.org/?

tag=birhor
116 Jaitly 2012, p. 191.
117 Imam 2009, p. 48.
118 Ibid, p. 50.
119 Ibid, Ranjan and Ranjan, p. 201.
120 For example, Ranjan and Ranjan wrote: ‘though tribal khovar and sohrai
paintings have not had the market exposure that Madhubani paintings have
had, the region [Hazaribagh] has enormous craft energy waiting to be tapped’,
2007, p. 201.
121 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from https://www.importantindia.com/10087/
chenchu-tribe-chenchus/
122 Retrieved on December 1, 2020, from http://www.thehindu.com/thread/arts-
culture-society/article8024962.ece.
123 Doshi, p. 123
124 Ibid, p. 126
125 Ibid, p. 127
126 Elliot 2017, p. 13. The wide fluctuation in estimates of South Asia’s tribal pop-
ulation in the census records of the twentieth century provides a sense of the
overlaps in the self-identity of the ST and SC population. The Census of 1931
listed 22 million tribal population; that of 1941 ten million, of 1961 some
30 million, of 1991 nearly 68 million, and of 2011 over 84 million. The differ-
ence represents the changing census criteria, and also the economic incentives
provided to the tribal groups by the Indian Government, which encourage or
discourage individuals from maintaining or rejecting their tribal identity.
127 Interview at Chhota Udaipur with Mansingh Rathwa, March 2017.
128 Khan 1996a
129 In 2005, one of Jivya Soma Mashe’s paintings sold for the equivalent sum of
over Rs. 6 lakhs in Paris.
130 Mission Statement, IGRMS, Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from http://
igrms.gov.in/en/aboutus/mission
131 Ibid.
132 Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from http://bharatbhawan.org/
133 Chatterjee 2012, p. 16, quoting information from Khan 1996b
134 ‘Bharat Bhavan Galleries’, Retrieved on December 11, 2020 from http://
bharatbhawan.org/html/gallery.html
135 Outcome Budget 2016–2017, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India,
pp. 24–25.
136 Ibid.
137 Ibid, pp. 26–27.
138 15th Annual Report, NSTDFC, 2015–2016.
139 SEEDS REPORT, May 2006, Section 1, p. 1.
140 Ibid, p. 58.
141 Ibid, p. 73, Section 6.2.6.
142 The schemes of the Office of the Development Commissioner Handicrafts are
Baba Saheb Ambedkar Hastshilp Vikas Yojana, Marketing Support Service
Scheme, Design & Technology Upgradation Scheme, Human Resource Devel-
opment Scheme, Research & Development Scheme, and Handicrafts Artisans
Comprehensive Welfare Scheme. The schemes of the Office of the Develop-
ment Commissioner of Handlooms are Integrated Handloom Development
Scheme, Handloom Weavers Comprehensive Welfare Scheme, Marketing &
Export Promotion Scheme, Diversified Handloom Development Scheme, and
Mill Gate Price Scheme. For details, see http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelcontent.
aspx?relid=80177.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 327

143 Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from http://texmin.nic.in/pdf/AR07-08-14.

pdf.
144 Information supplied by Union Minister of State for Tribal Affairs Sri Jaswant-
singh Bhabor in a written reply to Lok Sabha, March 27, 2017, Press Informa-
tion Bureau, Government of India. Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from
(http://www.pib.nic.in/NEWSITE/erelease.aspx?relid=160023).
145 Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from http://tribesindia.com/images/
collaborate.pdf.
146 For details of the scheme, see http://www.handicrafts.nic.in/pdf/Scheme.
pdf#page=38.
147 Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelcontent.
aspx?relid+57471.
148 TRIFED organised 2 Aadishilpa exhibitions in 2013–2014, 3 in 2014–2015,
and 3 in 2015–2016, and 17 Aadichitra exhibitions in 2013–2014, 14 in 2014–
2015, and 9 in 2015–2016.
149 Unstarred Question No. 794, Rajya Sabha, Ministry of Tribal Affairs,
08.02.2017
150 Lok Sabha, Unstarred question, No. 111, answered by Ministry of Tribal Affairs.
Retrieved on July, 17, 2017, from (http://164.100.47.190/loksabhaquestions/
annex/12/AU111.pdf)
151 Annual Report for the years 2012–2013 and 2016–2017, Ministry of Tribal
Affairs. Retrieved on July, 17, 2017, from https://www.tribal.nic.in/Statistics.aspx
152 Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No. 2891, answered by Ministry of Tribal
Affairs on March 20, 2017, (http://164.100.47.190/loksabhaquestions/
annex/11/AU2891.pdf)
153 https://tribal.nic.in/writereaddata/Schemes/3-1MJGuidelines.pdf
154 Rajya Sabha Unstarred Question, No. 4634, answered by Ministry of Tribal
Affairs. Retrieved on April 12, 2017, from http://164.100.158.235/question/
annex/242/Au4634.pdf
155 Report of Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment, for the
rear 2016–2017, http://164.100.47.193/lsscommittee/Social%20Justice%20
&%20Empowerment/16_Social_Justice_And_Empowerment_38.pdf
156 http://tribesindia.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=894
&Itemid=124&lang=en
157 Annual Report, Ministry of Tribal Affairs, for the year 2016–2017. Retrieved
on August 12, 2018, from https://tribal.gov.in/writereaddata/AnnualReport/
AnnualReport2016-17.pdf
158 TRIFED Plans to Scale up Marketing Functions. PIB Note, Ministry of Tribal
Affairs, Retrieved on September 22, 2017, from http://pib.nic.in/newsite/
PrintRelease.aspx?relid=171010
159 Minutes of the Meeting of Regional Managers, TRIFED, New
Delhi. Retrieved in August 2017 from https://drive.google.com/
file/d/0B9V2ZvC_DN8JanBKcm8tOHVkWFU/view
160 Telephone interview, October 13, 2017.
161 The exhibition was hosted between March 8, 2017, and April 22, 2018, and
was promoted as ‘Focusing on communities known variously as Indigenous,
“Tribal” or Adivasi (literally “original inhabitants”), showcasing extraordi-
nary and fascinating objects, which tell intriguing stories. From the Nagas and
other peoples in the hills of Northeast India to the Gonds, Todas and Chenchus
of the South and Santals and Bhils in the East and West of the country, the
displays present strikingly diverse stories of India, collecting, colonialism and
British involvement in the subcontinent’ (http://maa.cam.ac.uk/anotherindia/).
162 Interview at Kondagaon, September 14, 2017.
328 Sudeshna Guha

163 Telephone interview, October 16, 2017.

164 Telephone interview, October 13, 2017. See also Appendix 2 for details.
165 Interview at Parchanpal, September 15, 2017.
166 Interview at Kondagaon, September 16, 2017.
167 Interview at Khunti, September 14, 2017.
168 Interview at Pragati Maidan, August 24, 2017.
169 Ibid.
170 Sagar, Ravi, 2014, ‘Creative Crusader’. Retrieved on August 10, 2018,
from http://democraticworld.in/index.php/component/k2/item/627-creative-
crusader
171 Retrieved on August 10, 2018, from http://tribalartofhazaribagh.blogspot.
in/2014/08/tribal-women-artists-cooperative.html
172 http://tribalartofhazaribagh.blogspot.in/2017/05/the-painted-houses-of-
hazaribagh.html. See also Imam, Bulu, 2009, ‘The Painted Homes of Hazarib-
agh’, Heritage India (pp. 48–59) p. 58.
173 Retrieved on August 15, 2018, from http://www.jharcraft.in/about.html
174 Retrieved on August 15, 2018, from http://www.jharcraft.org.in
175 Retrieved on August 15, 2018, from http://www.jharcraft.in/about.html
176 Interview at Ranchi, September 13, 2017.
177 Ibid.
178 Interview at Ranchi, September 13, 2017.
179 Interview in Charhi, September 13, 2017.
180 For details, see http://ecotasar.com/index.php/about
181 Ibid.
182 cf. World Bank Case studies of successful pro-poor value chain models in
India National Rural Livelihood Project. Retrieved on August 15, 2018, from
(http://www.ruralfinanceandinvestment.org/sites/default/files/Case%20stud-
ies%20of%20pro-poor%20value%20chain%20model%20in%20India%20_
Abhinav_v2-1.pdf)
183 Pastakia 2015, pp. 18, 22.
184 Hobsbwam and Ranger 1983, p. 1.
185 Ibid.
186 Interview at Chhattisgarh, September 17, 2017. Of the designers mentioned
by the regional manager, who trained artisans in Jagdalpur and Ranjangaon
districts in 2016–2017, one was from Kolkata (graduate of NID) and the
other from Madhya Pradesh (graduate of Government Arts College). Both are
empanelled with TRIFED.
187 Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from http://www.jharcraft.in/about.html
188 Interview with head designer, September 14, 2017.
189 Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/
city/bhubaneswar/Artisans-in-state-to-make-most-out-of-growing-love-for-
handicrafts/articleshow/53333637.cms)
190 Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from http://www.kala-raksha.org/
191 ‘Must Art Gallery’. http://www.artculturefestival.in/must-art-gallery/
192 Ibid.
193 Interview at New Delhi, August 23, 2017.
194 Interview at Sanskriti, Hazaribagh, September 14, 2017. Notably, Philom-
ena is one of the few tribal artists who has exhibited her paintings in some of
the world-class art galleries and museums of Europe, the United States, and
Australia.
195 Information from Bulu Imam, during interview on September 14, 2017.
196 Boast and Guha 2012.
197 Deepak 2008, p. 206. See also Taubman 2006; Macmillan 2016.
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 329

198 Wage indicator 2017-Paycheck.in, see Minimun-wage-in-jharkahnd-w-e-f

october-1–2014-to march-31–2015. Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from
https://paycheck.in/main/salary/minimum wages/jharkhand.
199 Wage indicator 2017-Paycheck.in, see Chattisgarh Minimum Wage w.e.f.
April 1, 2017, to September 30, 2017. Retrieved on December 11, 2020, from
https://paycheck.in/main/salary/minimumwages/chhattisgarh.
200 Frater 2019

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collaborate.pdf
Appendix 1

Tribal Research Institutes in India:

1. 
Tribal Cultural Research & Training Institute, Hyderabad, Andhra
Pradesh
2. Assam Institute of Research for Tribals & SCs, Guwahati, Assam
3. Tribal Research & Training Institute, Raipur, Chhattisgarh
4. Tribal Research & Training Institute, Ahmedabad, Gujarat
5. Institute of Tribal Studies, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh
6. 
Dr. Ram Dayal Munda Tribal Welfare Research Institute, Ranchi,
Jharkhand
7. Tribal Research Institute, Jammu, Jammu & Kashmir
8. Tribal Research Institute, Mysore, Karnataka
9. 
Kerala Institute for Research Training & Development Studies for
SC/ST, Kozhikode, Kerala
10. Tribal Research & Development Institute, Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh
11. Tribal Research & Training Institute, Pune, Maharashtra
12. Tribal Research & Training Institute, Imphal, Manipur
13. SC/ST Research & Training Institute, Bhubaneswar, Odisha
14. Tribal Research & Training Institute, Udaipur, Rajasthan
15. Tribal Research Institute, Tadong, Sikkim
16. Tribal Research Centre, Udhagamandalam, Tamil Nadu
17. Telangana Cultural Research &Training Institute, Hyderabad, Telangana
18. Tribal Research & Cultural Institute, Agartala, Tripura
19. SC/ST Research & Training Institute, Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh
20. Cultural Research Institute, Kolkata, West Bengal
21. Tribal Research & Training Institute, Port Blair, Andaman & Nicobar
Islands
Appendix 2

Excerpt of interview with TRIFED Regional Manager, Chhattisgarh, Octo-

ber 13, 2017.

Who is eligible for selling his or her products to TRIFED?

A person who meets the following criteria:

1 S/he should be tribal, for which a certification is necessary from a Tehsil-

dar with authority to issue caste certificates.
2 S/he should be an artisan, and should have relevant documents of proof,
such as a registration card from either Development Commissioner
Handicraft, or Chhattisgarh Handicraft Development Board.

If s/he does not have any proof, our committee at TRIFED look into the
matter. We may also test the person’s artistic skills and when satisfied rec-
ommend him/her to approach one of the above agencies for a certificate.

What kinds of tribal crafts does Chhattisgarh produce, and which region in
the state provides the maximum number?
In the Handicrafts sector, the maximum products which we receive are Bell
metal or Dhokra objects followed by Bamboo goods, especially ‘wind
flutes. In the Handlooms sector, we procure tasar cloth from KOSA
centres that are established by the government. They are locally known
as ‘tribal centres’ as the raw material is produced by the tribal groups.
Although few tribals are involved in the reeling process, the weaving
of tasar yarn is mainly undertaken by communities listed as Scheduled
Castes and Other Backward Classes. We also procure ‘Mahroo Paint-
ing’, though not on a large scale. It is an important language craft and
therefore needs to be more shown more widely. The maximum supply of
artefacts is from Bastar Division (about 95%).

What do you mainly source from tribal groups? Minor Forest Products
(MFP) or craft objects?
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 335

Mostly MFP. Tribal and other non-tribal forest dwellers cover the market
supply of MFP and at present 13 lakh people are directly involved in the
collection. In comparison very few tribal communities are involved in the
production of arts and crafts. We have associations with maximum 150
to 200 tribal artisans. If there are more, we have no knowledge, although
we are in the process of identifying all tribal craftsmen. There are, how-
ever, many tribals working in the KOSA production centres.

Do artisans approach you with their products for sale individually or in

groups?
Mainly as individuals, about 95%. As crafts production mainly takes place
in the homes. The renowned artisans working with us are Panchuram
Sagar, Gautam Markam, Dashrath Keyam and Ravindra Netam. They
are able to make Dhokra work worth Rs. 10–15 lakh within a year.
However, they employ people under them from their community for
completing large scale productions. With respect to co-operatives of
tribal artisans, I have noticed a lack of mutual understanding among
the members especially regarding financial matters. They do not see the
need to invest collectively. Also, we do not entertain any non-tribal non-
artisan middle men.

What are the processes of identifying new artisans?

Usually the government departments and NGOs identify new artisans. We
then examine issues of authenticity: so, for example, the level of their
skills (whether highly skilled or semi-skilled). Last month in Balod dis-
trict we were able to identify 50 artisans who work with soft stone, but
since there is no market for their crafts, we allocated a small budget to
provide them training. We have not invested more money in their crafts-
manship because there is no market for their craft. We have told them
that we shall first take your product to the market to discern its perfor-
mance and then decide accordingly. More importantly, we have recently
identified 20 artisans engaged in wood craft in Vortalao village of Don-
gargarh Block in Rajnangaon district.

Is it necessary that a particular craft be associated with a particular tribal

community?
No, it is not necessary. Any tribal community can make any product.
Although, it is not possible for a tribal artisan skilled in one type of craft,
say bell metal, to make some other craft, say bamboo products.

Where do you see the place of tribal culture in relation to tribal crafts that
are made for the urban markets?
Essentially tribal products should reflect tribal culture. Like the Bastar
tribal art which is famous all over India is a reflection of their day to day
336 Sudeshna Guha

activities, dancing patterns, the idols of their deities, and etc. Though it
is made by both tribal and non-tribal artisans, the Bastar dhokra art is
based on tribal culture. However, TRIFED is mandated to procure arte-
facts that are only made by tribal artisans.

Due to increased commercialization tribal people have to learn new designs.

The government has made numerous interventions in the arts and crafts
sector, not just of the tribal people, through the Handicraft Boards and
TRIFED. However, not many tribal artisans come to the training pro-
grammes. The results have been much better in the case of training non-
tribal artisans, but that is how it goes.

Is it difficult in Chhattisgarh to source raw material for the production of

tribal crafts?
Yes, of course. There are problems that are not easy to overcome. For
instance, in the case of dhokra, procuring brass is a problem during
the summer months when the prices rise. If the metal costs Rs. 300/kg
in other seasons, it costs around Rs. 375–400/kg during the summers;
for making wind flutes, a specific kind of wood is required which can
only be procured from dense forests, and for that, permission from the
forest department is required. Moreover, the availability of this wood
throughout the year is not assured. With respect to tasar cocoons, pro-
duction is entirely dependent on climatic factors, and when production
decreases, the prices rise significantly, reducing the wages of the tribal
rearers.

Could you give us some insights into the training programmes organized by
TRIFED.
We provide two types of training. A Comprehensive Training Program for
60 days. The trainees are first taught by a designer for a month to make
marketable designs. The designer makes 15 designs, and produces one
artefact with each. A master trainer then teaches the trainees to make 4–5
pieces each with the 15 designs. The second type of training is a 21 day
program, which is the Design Development Process. The trainees make
4 to 5 pieces of each design which is given to them by the designer, who
stays with them throughout the duration of the training. Three objects
made by each trainee is sent to ‘Tribes India’ for a market feedback. The
prices of the products are decided in the presence of master trainer and
designer during the workshop, and the decisions take into account labour
component, cost of raw material, and wastage.
The trainees receive a stipend of Rs. 100 per day and the master
trainer receives between Rs. 6000–10,000 per month depending upon
the kind of craft and the quality of training. The trainees are required to
meet a 75% attendance rate. Training is provided in the 4 to 5 known
 A Status Report of the Tribal Arts 337

crafts of Chhattisgarh, and the frequency of the training programs

depend upon budget allocation from TRIFED head office. Generally,
the programmes start after September-October and end by January-
February of the next year.
In 2016–17, two training programs were conducted by TRIFED, one
in bell metal (April to June) and another in wood craft (March to May).
Both were held for a period of two months.

How are the trainees, master trainers and designers selected?

Selection of trainees: Firstly, they should be tribals and secondly, they
should have some preliminary skills/knowledge in the craft in which
they seek training. Because one cannot learn to make a craft like dhokra
within two months. Furthermore, they should show interest in the craft
they wish to learn. TRIFED officials talk to the aspirant trainees at
length before the selection process. The designer also test the aspirants
to ascertain the depth of their knowledge/skills in the craft they chose
to train in. An artisan cannot receive training in a craft twice as we aim
towards high number of entrants in each. However, if there is a new
product, a well-trained and skilled artisan can get training under Prod-
uct Development Program, which runs for 10 to 15 days, and which has
been introduced in 2017. In case an artisan requires additional support
in the craft s/he has been trained in, TRIFED arranges a re-orientation
program for the purpose, which is of 15 to 20 days. But that rarely
happens.
For the selection of Master trainers we look for highly skilled artisans
with sufficient years of experience, who could be a non-tribal. Artisans
who have received national or state awards or those who have been asso-
ciated with us for years are generally considered for selection. However,
to get a master trainer has often been very difficult.
For the selection of designers: Firstly, either s/he should be empan-
elled with DCH or be a graduate of NID/NIFT. Secondly, s/he should
have prior experience and proper knowledge of the craft, and be willing
to spend at least 21 days in the field. The person who is chosen to pro-
vide training in Chhattisgarh can belong to any state. When we require
a designer, we contact the local DC Handicrafts and Handlooms office
as they make profiles of eligible designers. We also contact the nearby
regional offices of TRIFED, such as at Bhubaneshwar, Ranchi, and Bho-
pal. During the training programs of 2016–17, Mr. Avik Gayen from
Kolkata was the designer for Bell Metal, and Mr. Devendra Singh from
Madhya Pradesh was selected for training in wood craft.

What are TRIFED’s criteria of pricing handicrafts?

Our internal committee makes all decisions in this respect. The commit-
tee comprises one person from financial division, regional manager and
338 Sudeshna Guha

other senior officers of our, TRIFED, office and experts or national awar-
dees in case a product is made of new designs. The factors which govern
pricing decisions are labor component, cost of raw material and the time
invested in the production processes. For instance, with respect to bell
metal, pricing is based on the weight of the products. But considerations
of the raw material used (whether the product has more clay or metal),
intricacy of the designs, transportation costs also govern decisions of
pricing. The prices are revised every 2 to 3 years and the amount fixed
usually rises by 10 to 15%.
Payments are made directly to artisans through NEFT account. For
marketing, we have Tribes India showroom in all state capitals. Arti-
sans are also encouraged to exhibit their products in various exhibitions
which are organised by government and other agencies. Online market-
ing now helps many artisans sell their products.

Can artisans survive on crafts production alone?

Those who are associated with us tell us that they have assured markets for
their products. But they are committed to the production of crafts 100%.
However, there are many craftsmen who are not so sure of the markets
for their products, and they engage in other occupations. But according
to me, if artisans looks at crafts production as a kind of enterprise, then
they need not seek other occupations to survive. The net income for an
artisan can go up to Rs. 50,000 to 60,000 per month, but those who
undertake crafts production and do other work receive not more than
Rs. 5000 to 10,000 per month. Yet, irrespective of involvements in craft
making, tribal people will surely be engaged in agriculture.
8 Adivasi Knowledge,
Language, and Literature
G.N. Devy

Knowledge about Adivasis and Adivasi Perspective(s)

Our knowledge of India, derived from Western sources developed during
the colonial and post-colonial formulations as well as from the ancient and
contemporary social critique, has essentially been guided by the focus on
the caste–communities of India. This is so with respect to Indian philoso-
phy, history, literature, religion, and sciences. The questions such as ‘Did
Indian tribes produce any knowledge?’, ‘Has such knowledge also produced
any self-critiques, and has matured as a result of an ongoing accumula-
tion of mental activity?’, ‘Did the tribal communities have a non-sedentary
world view, apart from their ‘animistic’ rituals?’, ‘Did they have enough
of an understanding of the non-tribal world?’ have rarely been raised and
answered. Most of the work related to Indian tribes falls within the range
of the traditional Anthropology, Social Studies, Human Rights, Economics
of the marginalised, and Subaltern Histories. When these studies try to get
deeper into India’s tribes, they turn to Oral history, Folklore, and docu-
mentation of Indigenous Medicinal practices. Yet none of these ever have
effectively spelt out as to what the tribals think about the world, the more
predominantly non-tribal world, and how they relate to the processes of
rapid social transformation and how they conceptualise a cultural other.
It is a fact that the tribes in India have essentially remained tribes, without
turning themselves into castes. In order to understand why, it is necessary
to examine the principles of imagination and the elements of world-viewing
that generate the tribal view of India, world, and the contemporary knowl-
edge systems that weave together the fabric of the non-tribal society in India
and outside.
The literature of resistance, which speaks of tribal anger towards the
caste India and the tribal discomfort with the nation India, is often mis-
taken for the literature on the tribal perspective. Is there not, apart from
this angst-driven expression, any outward glance of the tribals in the area
of knowledge, and even there, any rational rather than irrational corpus of
knowledge? One is aware of the greatly sad plight of the so-called primi-
tive tribes and the denotified tribes; and one is aware of the social and legal

DOI: 10.4324/9781003172864-11
340 G.N. Devy

sanctions that marginalise these communities; but is there not anything

deeper than a mere sense of victimhood in the being and the becoming of
these communities? I am suggesting that it would be gainful to distinguish
between the epistemological framework of a tribe and the complex layering
of its political context. In the national discourse on tribes, terms such as res-
ervation, violence, marginalization, and empowerment probably keep one’s
attention away from something deeper in the culture, creativity, logic, and
resistance that the tribes have been generating.
Adivasis and Nomadic communities have not yet received their complete
historical representation. Most of their historical accounts are written from
the perspectives of outsiders. Or else, they are described as some special
kind of ‘subaltern histories’ (Amin and Chakrabarty 1996; Guha 1997). The
result is that Adivasis and nomads continue to exist in formal discourses and
institutionalised imagination as ahistorical and quasi-dynamic communi-
ties. The world views developed by these communities being quite strikingly
different from the world views shaped by the eco-destructive, exploitative,
technology-driven post-colonial societies, they often make the Adivasis and
nomads look like ‘economic burdens’ that the other tax-paying classes have
to carry on their shoulders.
One of the attributes embedded in the official definition of ‘Adivasi’ is
their linguistic heritage. Adivasis are said to be communities generally ‘shy’,
residing in ‘remote areas’, and having ‘their own languages’ (The Report of
the Advisory Committee on the Revision of the Lists of Scheduled Castes
and Social Tribes, 1965. Department of Social Security: Government of
India). Do these ‘shy’ communities speak of themselves as contemporar-
ies? Do their imaginative and creative productions reflect the divergence
between their world views and the world views that they encounter in for-
mal political and knowledge structures? Answers to these questions can best
be had by taking stock of their languages and literary practices because both
language and literature invariably reflect the most subjective, even when
they are couched in metaphor. Towards this end, as a tentative beginning,
I discuss in this chapter the context of ‘being Adivasi’ in India, the initial
‘discovery’ of the Adivasis culture by Verrier Elwin, and the present status
of their languages and literary creativity.

The Language Traditions of the Indigenous

The languages of Adivasis and nomads, in most cases languages without the
unnecessary trapping of scripts, are normally perceived as mere dialects, or
at best ‘minor’ languages. And, any resistance posed by the Adivasis and
nomads to the genocidal destruction of their heritage, intellectual resources,
and self-respect is quickly misconstrued as insurgency. As a result, one’s
information about cultural transactions of Adivasis and nomadic commu-
nities remains fraught with distortions and misrepresentations. The first
attempt at understanding Adivasis during the twentieth century was made
 Adivasi Knowledge, Language, Literature 341

by Verrier Elwin. He lay bare before the world the great civilisation of Indian
tribal communities which had been conceptualised before his time as the
primitive faction of the Indian society. The term ‘tribal’ was in use among
European merchants and travellers in India from the seventeenth century;
but it was used to designate just any community. It was brought to use in a
specific sense for only certain communities as a result of a series of conflicts
between those communities and the colonial rulers. During the 1860s, the
British had created a Forest Department, primarily to provide good quality
timber for building railways and naval ships. Because the political idioms
of the conflicting parties were radically divergent, it became difficult for the
colonial rule and its diplomacy to forge treaties with the forest-dwelling
communities. Communities located at all such areas of conflict were bun-
dled together by the colonial government within the term ‘tribe’. When the
need to conceptualise ‘tribes’ became an expediency for the colonial regime,
scholarship was put in place to enumerate, describe, and define the Indian
tribes. The historical, linguistic, and cultural differences among these com-
munities were so vast and complex that it would have been impossible for
any rational scheme of sociological classification to place them in a single
social category.
While all this was happening in India’s political history, already a branch
of Orientalism in Europe had emerged in the form of Anthropology, per-
haps more appropriately ‘Savageology’. Some of the attributes discussed in
the Savageology were applied to the Indian tribes depicting them as neces-
sarily primitive. By the end of the nineteenth century, the concept of tribe
and the notion of criminal tribes had received acceptance even among the
educated Indians, writers, journalists, and lawyers. And so, when the 1891
Criminal tribes Act made a comprehensive addition to the 1871 list of the
branded ‘tribes’, or when the following year the register of forest codes was
prepared, there was no evident protest from any quarter. By the turn of the
century, the tribe had come to stay as an unchallenged category constitutive
of the primitive in the Indian society.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the resistance movement that
opposed the British rule showed no interest in questioning the wisdom of the
British scholarship that had been constructing imagery of the Indian society.
The communities that the colonial scholarship had constructed as the primi-
tive continued to be seen as primitive. The political leadership of the Indian
freedom movement showed no interest in recognising tribal rights or the
contribution that the communities had made during the nineteenth century.
The freedom movement spearheaded by the Congress had a genuine interest
in reviving the rural economy; but the social complexities of the rural and
traditional communities in India did not count much in the Congress think-
ing on economy. These were submerged under the fascination for the post-
revolution Russian Socialism or the Gandhian understanding of the village
as the hub for a cottage industry. The tribal had been essentially a political
premise; and the colonial government had managed to seal it off from the
342 G.N. Devy

twentieth-century social hermeneutics of India. It was natural, therefore,

that by the time Elwin made his first trip to a tribal area, the tribals had
already been a forgotten issue in Indian politics, culture, and society. It was
Elwin’s historic burden to re-examine the category, turn it upside down and
gain sympathy, if not respectability, for the tribes. He carried out this seem-
ingly impossible task with an unparalleled dedication (Oxford India Elwin
2009).
Given the timing of Elwin’s arrival in India, it is not surprising that the
young Elwin felt attracted towards Mahatma Gandhi. However, it was not
Gandhi but Jamanalal Bajaj, Thakkar Bapa, and Sardar Patel who drew
Elwin’s attention to tribals. Thakkar Bapa provided Elwin the initial expo-
sure to tribals by taking him to Dahod and Jhalod. Elwin arrived in India in
November 1927; he finally decided to move to Karanjia in Mandla District
in January 1931. He came in close contact with Gandhi during 1930, and
started spending time at the Sabarmati Ashram and traveling with associates
of Gandhi to various parts of India. Gandhi was not just the most popular
leader that India has known, he was also, and perhaps more essentially, a
moral universe. Though Elwin came under the spell of this moral universe,
he decided to trespass it in favour of his quest for understanding the tribals.
He was austere in his habits – almost for 15 years he walked bare feet – but
he could not tolerate making a fetish of not-drinking and other such char-
acteristics associated with a ‘good’ satyagrahi (advocate of truth). Elwin
spent over three decades living among the tribals, serving them, learning
their languages and culture, documenting oral traditions, preparing policy
documents, advising the Government on tribal issues and writing about
them. It was the sequential unfolding of his many-sided love for the tribals
during the three decades of an intimate engagement with them that led to
Elwin’s production of such mighty works as The Baiga, The Agariya, Maria
Murder and Suicide, Folk-Tales of Mahakoshal, Folk-Songs of Chattisgarh,
The Muria and the Ghotul, The Tribal Art of Middle India, The Myths of
Middle India, Songs of the Forest, Folk-Songs of the Maikal Hills, Leaves
from the Jungle, and The Aboriginals and Bondo Highlanders. Had Elwin’s
style possessed no literary charm, had his prose not reflected an alluring
personality, had he not lavished such profound love on the communities
that he researched, and had he not belonged to an exciting era, even then
just the wealth of information that Elwin’s numerous works contain would
have made his contribution phenomenal. Elwin’s love for the tribal commu-
nities of India has almost no parallels, with the later-day exception perhaps
of Shankar Guha-Niyogi, Ram Dayal Munda, and Mahashweta Devi. His
involvement with them went far beyond an anthropological dedication, aes-
thetic fascination, or altruistic community work. Through the decades of
his work, Elwin became increasingly aware that defending tribal well-being
was his responsibility.
In 1959, he was asked by the Ministry of Home Affairs to prepare a
report of tribal development. He argued in it that for any development plan
 Adivasi Knowledge, Language, Literature 343

for tribals to succeed, it must acquire a ‘tribal touch: “we must look, if
we can, at things through tribal eyes and from the tribal point of view” ’.
Respect for the tribal way of life and tribal culture was the bedrock of the
policy he proposed for tribals.

Philosophy for NEFA Captures the Essential Features of

Elwin’s Approach to Tribal Development
We cannot allow mattes to drift in the tribal areas or just not take interest in
them. In the world of today, that is just not possible or desirable. At the same
time, we should avoid over-administering these areas and in particular send-
ing too many outsiders into their territory. It is between these two extreme
positions that we have to function. Development in various ways there has
to be, such as communication, medical facilities, education, and better agri-
culture. These avenues of development should, however, be pursued within
the broad framework of the following five fundamental principles:

1 People should develop along the lines of their own genius and we should
avoid imposing anything on them. We should try to encourage in every
way their own traditional arts and culture
2 Tribal rights in land and forest should be respected
3 We should try to train and build up a team of their own people to do
the work of administration and development. Some technical personnel
from outside will no doubt be needed, especially in the beginning. But
we should avoid introducing too many outsiders into tribal territory.
4 We should not over-administer these areas or overwhelm them with a
multiplicity of schemes. We should work through and not in rivalry, to
their own social and culture institutions.
5 We should judge results, not by statistics or the amount of money spent
but by the quality of human character that is evolved.

Elwin had spent his years with tribals till 1950 solely in the Central India.
It was not till 1947 that he made his first visit to any of the North-Eastern
states. Travelling to Nagaland was not easily possible for him, for he was
till then a ‘foreign national’. It was in 1953 that the Government of India
decided to establish a special branch of the Civil Services for the North-
East. Elwin was first asked to assist the government with the selection of
officers for this new cadre, and then to move to the North-East Frontier as
an advisor. As years passed, he was given further responsibilities of setting
up a tribal research institute and providing policy inputs. Previously, Elwin
was known as an anthropologist, a scholar, writer, and a friend of tribals
and a Gandhian of sorts. It was during the last 15 years of his life that he
emerged as an administrator and a policymaker for tribal development. In
that role, Elwin left a lasting impact in the field of tribal development. These
‘five principles’ continued to govern as ‘the unstated official policy’ till the
344 G.N. Devy

mid-1960s. The attitudes changed after the uprising at Naxalbari which, as

a historical irony, coincided with the end of the Nehru era.
The Government of India did not have a separate ministry of tribal affairs
till 1999. When the new ministry was established, an attempt was made to
draft a new tribal policy. The document produced by the ministry was so
unwieldy that it soon had to be abandoned by the government. According
to the 2011 Census, there were 104 million of them constituting approxi-
mately 8.6% of India’s population. The challenge before the country is not
related just to their social and economic development but also to getting to
understand them. The question of tribal development in India has remained
a contested ground in India over the last seven decades. There have been
arguments in favour of a non-interventionist approach (Elwin and Nehru),
and there have been attempts at ‘main-streaming’ tribals as ‘vanavasi’ com-
ponent of Hindu society (RSS). It was expected by the makers of the Indian
Constitution that a policy of positive discrimination provided within the
principle of determining Parliamentary Constituencies, and reservation in
educational institutions, would lead to an equitable place in the process
of national growth. However, the present situation of Adivasi communi-
ties in India clearly indicates that new and innovative strategies of devel-
opment need to be devised if the Adivasi communities have to get beyond
the endemic spates of violence, poverty, land-alienation, discrimination, and
food insecurity.
In their ethnic, cultural, and linguistic attributes, they are so varied that it
is almost impossible to speak of them as a common category of humanity.
No single term can describe them with any degree of semantic assuredness.
Even if one were to accept one or another term for the purpose, its norma-
tive frame may run up against numerous contradictions with the strikingly
divergent history of every community. Though such descriptive sociological
terms often learn to perform a degree of communicational theatre, a scru-
tiny of the range of signification that the term is expected to cover reminds
one that most discursive concepts are perennially contestable.

Indigenous Languages
The reorganisation of Indian states after independence was along the lin-
guistic lines. The languages that had scripts came to be counted for. The
ones that had not acquired scripts, and therefore need not have printed lit-
erature, did not get their own states. Schools and colleges were established
only for the official languages. The ones without scripts, even if they had
stock of wisdom carried forward orally, were not fortunate enough to get
educational institutions for them. It is in this context of gross neglect that
one has to understand the creativity in India’s tribal languages Khubchan-
dani 2009). The history of tribals during the last 70 years is filled with sto-
ries of forced displacement, land alienation and increasing marginalisation,
and eruption of violence and the counter-violence by the state. Going by
 Adivasi Knowledge, Language, Literature 345

any parameters of development, the tribals always figure at the tail end. The
situation of the communities that have been pastoral or nomadic has been
even worse. Considering the immense odds against which tribals have been
fighting, it is not short of a miracle that they have preserved their languages
and continue to contribute to the amazing linguistic diversity of India.
In India, Sir George Grierson’s Linguistic Survey of India (1903–1928) –
material for which was collected in the last decade of the nineteenth
­century – had identified 179 languages and 544 dialects. The 1921 Cen-
sus reports showed 188 languages and 49 dialects (Grierson 1903–28). The
1961 Census reports mentioned a total of 1,652 ‘mother tongues’, out of
which 184 ‘mother tongues’ had more than 10,000 speakers, and of which
400 ‘mother tongues’ had not been mentioned in Grierson’s Survey, while
527 were listed as ‘unclassified’ (Nigam 1972). In addition, 103 ‘mother
tongues’ were listed as ‘foreign’. In the 1951 Census, the ‘foreign’ languages
found spoken in India were listed at 63, thus showing a ‘discovery’ of 50
new ‘foreign’ languages in a matter of a decade. In 1971, the linguistic data
offered in the census was distributed in two categories, the officially listed
languages of the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, and the ‘other lan-
guages’ with a minimum of 10,000 speakers each. That practice contin-
ued to be followed in subsequent enumerations. In 2011, Indians stated a
total of 19,569 ‘raw returns’ (non-doctored claims). Out of these, close to
17,000 were outright rejected and another 1,474 were dumped because not
enough scholarly corroboration for them exists. Only 1,369, roughly 6% of
the total claims, were admitted as ‘classified mother tongues’. Rather than
placing them as languages, they were grouped under 121 headings. These
121 were declared as ‘languages’ of India. Most of the language claims
rejected by the Census include a large number of languages of the indig-
enous communities. In this process, a large part of India’s language herit-
age gets suppressed; and at the same time the vast range of ‘world views’
that the indigenous communities have nurtured become unavailable to the
world. Language does not have an existence entirely free of the human con-
sciousness. Therefore, a given language cannot be as completely dissociated
from the community that uses it. Quite logically, therefore, preservation of a
language entails the preservation of the community that puts that language
in circulation (Argenter and McKenna Brown 2004). Indeed, the situation
of the languages in the world, more particularly the languages of the indig-
enous peoples, marginalized, and minority communities, and of the cultures
that have experienced or continue to experience alien cultural domination
has become precarious. The alarm to be raised will not be even a day too
early. The number of languages in which Indian tribal communities have
been expressing themselves is amazingly large. But if the visibility of the
indigenous languages has remained somewhat poor, those languages need
not be blamed for the want of creativity. The responsibility rests with the
received idea that literature in order to be literature has to be written and
printed as well. Adivasi literary traditions have been oral in nature. After the
346 G.N. Devy

print technology started impacting Indian languages during the nineteenth

century, the fate of the oral became precarious. A gross cultural neglect had
to be faced by the languages which remained outside the print technology.
One of the most significant features of Indian civilisation is its immense
linguistic variety. Given that languages show marked variations in their
phonological behaviour from one geographical region to another, it is but
natural that a vast geographical expanse such as India should give rise to
a large variety of languages and dialects. But not all large countries have
such a variety as India has. This is so mainly because of India’s peculiar
history of assimilation of different cultures during the course of the last
three millennia. The result is that, with its wealth of more than 20 written
languages and over 700 oral languages, India is today a unique ‘Linguistic
Area’ (Deshpande 2006).
During the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the question of Indian
languages attracted the attention of the colonial rulers (Deshpande, ibid).
Those who were translating from Indian languages, mainly Sanskrit and
Persian, started applying the principles of comparative philology to the mass
of languages accessible to them. The most important among these scholars
was Sir William Jones (Lehmann 1967). He found remarkable similarities
between Sanskrit and other classical languages such as Greek and Latin. He
concluded that all these had probably developed from a common source.
Under the influence of the orientalist scholars, a new philosophy of histori-
cal linguistics developed in Germany and France which started classifying
human languages into language-families. Initially, it was claimed that all
Indian languages had grown out of Sanskrit. Gradually, the Dravidic fam-
ily was noticed, the source of which was Tamil. But subsequent researches,
mostly during the twentieth century, have indicated that there are at least
five major language-families in India: (1) Indo-European (a) Indo-Aryan;
(b) Germanic; (2) Dravidian; (3) Austro-Asiatic; (4) Tibeto-Burmese; (5)
Semito-Hamitic. All the languages listed in the Eighth Schedule of the Con-
stitution belong to the first two families, and those that are not listed belong
mostly to the remaining three families. However, this neat separation of
languages in theory does not accurately reflect the ground reality of the
language field. In order to get a picture of that, one must look into the
figures provided by the census (Nigam 1972; Census 2011). These figures
show that the languages listed in the Eighth Schedule have a much larger
number of speakers than those not included. The only exception to this is
that of English. This increase is caused not only by the general population
growth in different linguistic states but also by the decline of the languages
not included in the Schedule. The decline is but to be expected because
the facilities provided for language education are only for the languages
included in the Eighth Schedule. In the years to come, ‘the other’ languages,
mostly spoken by Adivasi communities and belonging to the Austro-Asiatic
family and the Tibeto-Burmese family may disappear altogether as a demo-
graphic indicator from the national data. That is to say, while the diction
 Adivasi Knowledge, Language, Literature 347

and the syntax patterns of these languages will no doubt survive, there may
be a greater assimilation of these in the main languages of India. Whether
this is desirable or not is a question that cultural anthropologists will have
to answer.

The Literary Expression of Adivasis

Some 20 years ago, I decided to approach the languages such as Kukna, Bhili,
Gondi, Mizo, Garo, Santhali, Kinnauri, Garhwali, Dehwali, Warli, Pawri,
and so on, expecting to find at the most a few hundred songs and stories in
them. Having documented over a 10,000 printed pages of these, publishing
a dozen magazines, and 50 odd books containing tribal imaginative expres-
sion, I am a much humbled man. If a systematic publication programme
were created to document tribal literature in India, easily several hundred
titles can be launched just containing the oral traditions in them. The story
does not end there. Tribals have now avidly taken to writing. Many tribal
languages have now their own scripts or have taken recourse to their state
scripts. Some four decades ago, when Dalit literature started drawing the
nation’s attention towards it, it was usual to think of tribal writers as part
of the Dalit movement. In Marathi, for instance, Atmaram Rathod, Laxman
Mane, Laxman Gaikwad, all from nomadic tribal communities, were hailed
as Dalit writers. At that time, the North-East was no more than a rumour for
the rest of India. One was perhaps aware of the monumental collections pre-
sented by Verrier Elwin, but there was no inkling of the tribal literary crea-
tivity. It is only during the last 30 years that various tribal voices and works
have started making their presence felt. Thus, Narayan’s Kocherethi from
Kerala and Alma Kabutri in Hindi surprised the readers almost the same
time when L. Khiangte’s anthology of Mizo Literature and Govind Chatak’s
anthology of Garhwali literature appeared in English and Hindi transla-
tion, making it possible for me to bring out Painted Words (Devy 2003), an
anthology of tribal literature. There is now a greater understanding among
tribal activists all over the country that tribal identity and culture cannot be
preserved unless their languages and literature are foregrounded. During the
early part of the twentieth century when the dalits started registering their
voice in Indian literature, the Adivasis had kept themselves entirely within
the confines of their oral tradition of epics, stories, and songs. In fact, it took
a sympathetic observer like Verrier Elwin to articulate on behalf of the Adi-
vasis. Even after independence, the fiction of the Adivasis had to find expres-
sion through the writings of Gopinath Mohanty and Mahasveta Devi, who
were tremendously sympathetic to the plight of the Adivasis but were not
Adivasis themselves. The voice of the tribals themselves is now beginning
to be heard. A few of the languages such as Santali and Mizo had previ-
ously created their orthographic conventions; in recent years, many more
Adivasi languages such as Gondi and Bhili have devised their own scripts or
resorted to the state scripts. In the rich tapestry of Indian literary creativity,
348 G.N. Devy

an important strand has been the lyrical and dramatic traditions of Adi-
vasi communities and the picaresque narratives constructed by the nomadic
communities. The last two decades have demonstrated that tribal literature
is no longer nearly the folk songs and folk tales. It now encompasses other
complex genres such as the novel and drama. Daxin Bajarange’s Budhan
Theatre in Ahmedabad has been producing stunning refreshing plays, mod-
ern in form and contemporary in content. Little magazines such as Chat-
tisgarhi Lokakshar and Dhol have started appearing which provide space
for tribal poets and writers. Literary conferences providing a platform for
tribal writers are being frequently held at Ranchi in Jharkhand and Dandi in
Gujarat. The number of languages in which Indian tribal communities have
been expressing themselves is amazingly large. Though there are usual prob-
lems associated with marking the mother tongue in a multilingual society,
the successive census figures indicate that there exist nearly 90 languages
with speech communities of 10,000 or more. When one speaks of literature
of Adivasis and the nomads, one is necessarily speaking of all these ‘noted’
neglected languages and many more unnoticed languages.
During the early 1990s, I decided to approach the languages such as
Kukna, Bhili, Gondi, Mizo, Garo, Santhali, Kinnauri, Garhwali, Dehwali,
Warli, Pawri, and so on, expecting to find at the most a few hundred songs
and stories in them. As a beginning of the work, my Adivasi colleagues
and I launched a series of magazines in Adivasi languages. These languages
included various subgroups of the Bhili family and a couple of languages
of nomadic communities such as the Bhantu spoken by the Sansis and the
Gor-Banjara spoken by the Banjaras. I was quite surprised by the popularity
that the magazines acquired in a very short time. Not only did they attract
a large number of contributors from the respective speech communities,
but the copies sold in large bulks. Within a few years, a community of Adi-
vasis and nomads deeply interested in creative writing and documentation
of oral traditions in their own languages emerged out of this experiment.
Having documented over a 10,000 printed pages with the help of the newly
emergent literary community of the Adivasis, publishing a dozen maga-
zines, and 50 odd books containing tribal imaginative expression, I am now
aware of how painfully little of the vast literary wealth my own efforts have
managed to tackle. If a systematic publication programme were created to
document tribal literature in India, easily several hundred titles would be
launched containing literature in oral traditions. There is now a greater
understanding among tribal activists all over the country that tribal identity
and culture cannot be preserved unless the tribal languages and literature
are foregrounded. The voice of the tribals themselves is now beginning to
be heard. Previously, the literary creativity of the indigenous communities
came to us solely through the recordings made by anthropologists, linguists,
and folklorists. Besides, the translations through which the folklore was
rendered were largely unreadable. In a way, the imaginative life of the ‘jana-
jatis’, as the official term likes to describe them, or the Adivasis of India had
 Adivasi Knowledge, Language, Literature 349

remained inaccessible to the rest of India. It is in this context that Narayan’s

Kocharethi acquires a tremendous historical significance. Kocharethi writ-
ten in 1988 and published in 1998 in Malayalam is decidedly the first tribal
novel in India. It appeared in an English translation in 2011 (Narayan,
2011). Indian literature has reason to celebrate the work not only as the
first tribal novel but also as a remarkable literary achievement. It is impor-
tant both as history and as literature. It is even more important to look at
it as a work that light up the path for the emerging voices of the Adivasis
all over the subcontinent. In our time when the larger society is content in
looking at the Adivasis as perennially marginalised, and when the state is
in a way demonising the discontent among the Adivasis, Narayan no doubt
has accomplished the important work of building a bridge much needed and
therefore, most welcome.
The exquisite opral epics of Adivasis is yet another important genre of
India’s contemporary literature. In many parts of Asia, and among many
Indian communities, narratives similar to the Valmiki Ramayana continue
to exist. Among the Kunkna Adivasis residing in the Dangs district of South
Gujarat, there exists a version of the Rama epic in which Ravana and Sita
are the more crucial protagonists. A typical presentation of the narrative is
spread over several nights. The Kathakar (the narrator) uses musical instru-
ments such as dhol, mandal, and thali as essential components of the pres-
entation. His diction has a liberal mix of the lofty and the banal. From
performance to performance, the plot-line of the narrative is retained by
the kathakar in its original form, but every individual performance has its
unique repertoire of diction. The main characters in the Rama narrative in
the Kunkna language are the characters from the Valmiki Ramayana. How-
ever, there is quite a range of characters in it that are drawn from the local
context. The Kunkna Rama epic had remained unknown to the outside
world till Dahyabhai Vadhu, himself a Kunkna Adivasi, documented it and
translated it in Gujarati about ten years ago. In the Kunkna Rama-katha,
Sita is depicted as Ravana’s daughter, though her progenitor is Lord Shiva.
Ravana, born as a child without arms or legs, in a family of robbers,
decides to go to Kailasa and undertake a penance for pleasing Shiva. After
12 months of penance, as Shiva notices the formless child, Ravana expresses
his desire to be a complete human. Just then, as the world is passing through
Kaliyaga, Shiva has to go away to attend to his ‘worldly’ duties. He allows
Ravana to stay on in the Kailas palace, but forbids him from entering a cer-
tain room in which, as Shiva warns him a ‘black bee’ may sting him to death.
Unable to tolerate the delay in his wish fulfilment, Ravana decides to disobey
Shiva by entering the prohibited room. As he open the room, Ravana notices
that it contained a pool of nectar. Inadvertently, he falls in the pool and starts
drowning in the nectar. Nine sips of nectar enter his belly, and nine new
heads sprout on his body making him a ten-headed monster.
On Shiva’s return home, Ravana complains to him; and in order to repair
the damage, Shiva promises Ravana the kingdom of Lanka. As he is leaving
350 G.N. Devy

Kailas, Ravana happens to see Parvati. He immediately returns to Shiva

and pleads with him to give away Parvati to him as his wife, as no girl may
like to marry a ten-headed being. Shiva, true to his generous nature, allows
Parvati to go with Ravana. But this creates a panic among gods. Krishna is
given the duty of rescuing Parvati from the ten-headed monster. So Krishna,
dressed as a villager, waits on the path on which Ravana and Parvati are
walking, and tells Ravana, as they meet, that Shiva had in fact cheated him
by handing over a maid working in Shiva’s household and that the real Par-
vati was still at Kailash. Ravana returns to Kailash for the second time to
settle accounts with Shiva. Meanwhile, Krishna creates a Mohini, a woman
who looks more charming than Parvati. Shiva himself feels attracted to this
one. When Ravana enters Kailash, he notices Shiva and the Mohini woman
together on a bed. He takes her away, believing her to be Parvati, and leaves
the real Parvati with Shiva. The worries of Krishna and other gods are not
set to rest completely as yet. Because Ravana has drunk nectar at Kailash,
there was no possibility of his death. Therefore, Krishna tricks him once
again. He tells Ravana that just as instead of giving Parvati to him Shiva
had given him some ordinary woman, instead of making him the king of the
Kingdom of Death, Shiva had given him only the Kingdom of Lanka. So,
once again Ravana returns to Shiva, and asks for Death, this time in writing.
The enchanting story continues. What is remarkable about it is the aspira-
tion for ‘writing’ is one of the central trends of its symbolism.
The Rama epic in Kunkna is narrated during the months following the
long monsoon, which lasts over six months in the Dangs, by the bards who
engage in agricultural activities during the monsoon. They do not follow any
written text, but the text inscribed in their memory and learnt through the
oral tradition handed down by their ancestors. The members of the Kunkna
community have a full familiarity with the storyline and the songs inter-
spersed over the narrative. Thus, the bards are required to keep the narra-
tive from any radical deviations. Moreover, the Kunkna’s believe that the
Rama story indeed took place within the confines of the Dangs territory.
The place names in the narrative tally with geographical locations within
the district. Similarly, the narrative style, in particular the use of the pre-
sent tense in descriptive passages and a marked absence of the passive voice,
works towards bringing the listeners and the narrative closer. All these fac-
tors help the Kunknas fully internalise their Rama epic. This perhaps is the
most important difference between the Valmiki Ramayana and the Kukna
Rama-epic: while the Valmiki poem belongs to the realm of myth for the
present-generation Indians, the Kunkna Rama epic is seen by the community
as part of their immediate ethos. Scholars of the sociology of Indian literature
may like to describe the Kunkna Rama-epic and similar epics elsewhere such
as the Bhartari epic in Chattisgarh and the Madeshwara epic in Karnataka as
‘little traditions’. The fact, however, is that they have still not become ‘tradi-
tions’ for the communities who have conserved these epics. These enchanting
poetic creations are even now ‘contemporary’ literature for them.
 Adivasi Knowledge, Language, Literature 351

Conclusion
The Jana-jatis, or Tribals, or Adivasis, or the Indigenous – by whichever name
we call them – are still not fully understood by disciplines of scholarship devel-
oped by the non-indigenous. Their lived life and the knowledge about them are
still at divergence. In order to understand the Adivasi perspective on life, soci-
ety, and the world, it would be necessary to have inwardness to their imagina-
tive transactions. Language and literature, therefore, acquire a non-negotiable
importance as the means for understanding the tribal situation in India. Unfor-
tunately, while these communities have started articulating their ideas and
imagination through their literature, the means to do so – their languages – are
under a severe stress and are facing the spectre of a complete decline.

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Index

Abhuj Maria 284 antenatal care (ANC) 88

Above Poverty Line (APL) 181 Antodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) 181,
acceptable diet 167 182, 184
Adivasi children 28, 160, 167, 176, Arkam 284
183, 184 Article 330 247
Adivasi communities 6, 11, 19, 21, Article 332 247
173, 182, 183, 344, 346, 348; gender Article 341 246
relations 19 – 23 Article 342 246
Adivasi districts 2 artisans 244, 293, 294, 302, 304, 306,
Adivasi Education Report 208 – 209 308, 309, 314, 318, 323
Adivasi languages 347, 348 ASHAs 92, 125, 143 – 144, 153
Adivasi populations 2, 6, 21, 167, 172, Ashoka, Emperor 56
174, 176, 183, 189, 190 Ashram Schools 48, 194, 196, 219,
Adivasis 3, 12, 42 – 44, 74, 158, 221, 222, 224, 226
171 – 173, 181, 182, 187, 189, 208, Asur 287
209, 340, 347 – 349; hunger and autonomy 26, 28, 44, 45, 62, 95
malnutrition 158 – 191; knowledge Ayyangar, Ananthsayanam 243
339 – 340; language traditions
340 – 343; literary expression of backward classes 210, 244 – 246
347 – 350 Badi 284
Adivasi women 13, 17, 18, 34, 36, 39, Baiga(s) 25, 26, 95, 102, 282 – 284,
40, 45, 48, 165, 184 287, 291, 342
adolescent girls 163, 164, 173 Bansode, P. 38
adolescent malnutrition 163 – 164 Barewa 282
adult BMIs 164 – 165 Basfodiya 281
adult women 99, 164, 165 Below Poverty Line (BPL) 181, 182
adverse health impacts 112 beneficiaries 179, 298, 300 – 302
aesthetics: tradition for preserving Bhagel 284
317 – 318 Bhanjia 286
Agaria 282, 287 Bharat Rural Livelihoods Foundation
Agariya 284 (BRLF) 6
Ali, Ameer 232 Bharia 282
anaemia 16, 87, 91, 101 – 102, 147, 148, Bharwad 279
149, 153, 158, 165 – 166, 169, 176 Bhatara 284
Andhra Pradesh 118 Bhathudi 286
anganwadi centres (AWC) 99 – 100, Bhatura 283
103, 173 – 175, 179, 187 Bhil 279, 281 – 283
anganwadi workers (AWW) 104, 173, Bhilala 283
174, 179 Bhumija 286
 Index 353

Bhuria Commission 194; Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 243,

recommendations 195 251 – 256
Bhutia 287 Cropper 112
Bhuyian 286 cross-cutting educational issues 212,
Biar 284 214; access to school beyond
Binjhwar 284 primary 212 – 214; areas affected
Birhor 288 by conflict, challenges 218 – 219;
Birjia 287 language and content 214 – 217;
British India 234, 239 management issues, tribal areas 217;
budgetary allocations 20, 184 – 185, poor nutrition and malnourishment
296, 301 217 – 218; small schools, multigrade
situation and teachers 217;
calories 89, 167 – 169 ST communities displacement
Central Indian states 13, 15, 88, 91, 219 – 220
107, 108, 120, 130, 187 cross-cutting themes 152; gender
Central Indian Tribal Belt (CITB) 11, 130 – 133; NGOs, role 140 – 141;
12, 19, 23, 29, 46, 74, 222, 275 – 329 social determinants of health
Chatterjee, Roma 277 135 – 140; traditional health practices
Chaudhari 279 133 – 135
Chenchu 289 CTA 240, 242
Chik Baraik 287 cultural entrepreneurships 311 – 312
child health services 16, 88 current policy discourse: artisan
child malnutrition 159 – 161, 166 training programme 294 – 295;
children 97, 98, 103 – 104, 159, government departments 292 – 294;
161 – 163, 166 – 168, 175 – 177, 179, national and international,
180, 189, 190, 210, 218, 237 exhibitions 295 – 296; Tribal Research
class 196, 202, 203, 208, Institutes (TRIs) 296
234 – 240, 242 customary institutions: erosion of
colonial India 233 – 243 34 – 35
colonial state 56, 57, 59, 60, 234, 243 customary laws 11, 20, 22 – 23, 27, 30,
common lands 19, 20, 27, 30, 42 32, 33, 44 – 48, 50
communicable diseases 87, 89,
104 – 107, 147 – 148, 150 Dandami 283
communities 11, 41, 44, 59, 62, 63, Dandami Maria 284
101, 110, 127, 188, 202 – 204, denotified communities/tribes 7,
242 – 244, 321, 340, 341, 345 232 – 249, 339
community decision-making 29 – 30 Desia Kondh 286
community forest resources (CFR) 21, Devy, Ganesh 194
22, 46, 48, 73, 77, 81 Dewar 284
Community Forest Rights 72, 73 Dhanka 280
community rights 56, 58, 59, 72, 81 Dharna 286
Confessions of a Thug 232 Dharua 286
contract teachers 211 – 214, 218 Dharuba 286
conviction 238 – 240 Dhebar Commission 194
craftsmen 275, 277, 278, 304 – 306, dhokra 275, 284, 285, 304 – 306, 314
309, 313, 318, 320, 322, 323 dhokra art of Bastar (Chhattisgarh)
crafts practices 275, 279, 288, 289 304 – 306
crafts production 275, 306, 322 Dhongria Kondh 285
criminality 241 – 243 Dhurwa 283, 284
criminal tribes 234, 235, 238, diets 100, 102, 104, 144, 150, 162,
240 – 244, 341 167 – 171, 188, 190
Criminal Tribes Act, 1897 256 – 258 displacement 13, 40, 42, 43, 108, 111,
Criminal Tribes Act, 1911 259 – 269 112, 135, 136, 187 – 188, 219, 220;
Criminal Tribes Act, 1923 269 – 272 impact of 219, 220
354 Index

DNTs 243, 247 Frater, Judy 323

Dongaria Kondh 286 Freitag, Sandria 233
Dorla tribes 219 funds 21, 47, 119, 200, 221, 243, 294,
Dubla 281 296, 298, 300, 301
Dungdung, G. 21
Gadaba 285, 286
economic theory 4 Gandhi, Mahatma 342
education 14, 85, 127, 132, 194, 196, Ganjhu 288
198, 203, 209, 214, 217 – 220, 222, gender-based violence 11 – 51
225; Ashram schools 221 – 222; gender issues 11 – 51
Eklavya Model Residential schools gender relations 11, 13, 19, 22 – 24, 27,
222; Kasturba Gandhi Balika 34, 49; foraging/hunting tribes and
Vidyalaya (KGBV) 223; ongoing shifting cultivators 23 – 26
schemes/programmes, relaxing norms Ghasi 288
223; pre-matric and post-matric Godda Report 138 – 139
scholarships 223; Rajiv Gandhi Gond 283, 284
National Fellowships 224; scheduled Gond paintings 283
tribes students, coaching 224; in Gond Pardhan 283
Schedule V Areas 197 – 200; strategies good quality raw material 311
by government to promote 220 – 225; Gorayat Mahli 288
ST students, National Overseas Gordon, Stewart 233
Scholarship 224 – 225; top class governance issues 225 – 226
education, scholarships 223 government agencies 281, 307, 308,
Eighth Schedule 345, 346 315, 317
Eklavya Model Residential Schools government health services 91, 119,
(EMRSs) 14, 222 124, 125
Elwin, Verrier 34, 340 – 344, 347 government policy interventions
employment 17 – 18 298 – 303
essential medicines, access 144 – 145 government schools 206, 207, 209
expenditures 123, 174, 185, 186 government services 43, 189
gram panchayats 6, 46, 47, 62, 71
female farming system 28 gram sabhas 21, 22, 46 – 48, 61 – 63,
Fifth Schedule: areas 19 – 21, 34, 61, 69, 69 – 74, 77
70, 111, 197; declaration of 197 – 198 Grierson, George Abraham 345
food- and nutrition-related services, Gwalior 2
access 172 – 184; access to ICDS
services 173 – 180; maternity habitations 62, 63, 70, 173, 174,
entitlements 180 – 181; public 197, 209
distribution system 181 – 183 haemoglobinopathies 86, 87, 102,
forest communities 56, 57, 59 113 – 115, 148, 149
Forest Conservation Act, 1980 3 Halami 284
forest dwellers 28, 56, 59, 72, 81 Halba 283
forest-dwelling Adivasis 72, 81 Halpati 280
forest-dwelling communities 21, handicrafts 277, 279, 292, 293, 295,
60, 72, 341 296, 312, 313
forest land 21, 28, 36, 37, 42, 48, 59, health facilities 16, 17, 48, 90, 92, 95,
72 – 74, 81; diversion of 73, 74, 77, 81 124
forest policy 56, 59, 101 health indicators 15 – 17
forest resources 3, 56, 58, 72, 311 health information 149 – 151
forest rights 3, 12, 21, 25, 27, 48, health services 85 – 87, 115 – 118, 119,
72 – 74, 87; deprivation of 27 – 28 123 – 126, 132, 133, 144 – 146, 149,
Forest Rights Act 21, 25, 26, 48, 70, 72 151; delivery 145 – 148
forests 2, 3, 12, 19, 20, 24, 25, 28, 30, health status 87 – 115; of children
42, 56 – 59, 73, 111, 138, 187 – 188, under 5 93 – 99; communicable
190, 311 diseases 104 – 107; environmental
 Index 355

and occupational health 110 – 113; Jharcraft 312 – 315, 320

genetic conditions 113 – 115; non- Jharkhand 138 – 139
communicable diseases 107 – 110; Joint Forest Management 3
nutrition 99 – 104; reproductive and Jose, J.P. 38
child health 87 – 93 Juang 286
health systems 87, 88, 92, 115 – 129,
141; access to essential medicines Kalelkar, Kakasaheb 243
123; data and research, health Kamar 283
information 126 – 129; governance Kanker 283
116 – 119; health financing 119 – 120; Karamtoli 288
health service delivery 123 – 126; Karmali 287
human resources 120 – 123 Kathodi 280
health workers 16, 17, 88, 90, 95, 99, Katkamsari 288
110, 122, 124, 125, 132, 143 – 144 Kelkar, G. 24, 27, 31
health workforce 121, 122, 125, 144, Kharwar 288
149, 151 Khovar paintings 288, 312
higher education 14, 194, 196, 202, Kodaku 283
206, 210, 211, 214, 226 Kokna 280 – 282
higher secondary schools 205, 206, Kol 287
210, 216, 227 Kolgha 280
Hindu Succession Amendment Act, Koli 285
2005 31, 32 Konda Dora 286
Hirschman, Albert 5 Kondh 285 – 286, 289
Ho 30 Korku 282, 284
Hobsbawm, Eric 317 Korwa 287
HPV vaccine studies 129 Kotwalia 280
HR innovations 122 – 123 Koya 286
Krishna, S. 22, 27, 29
imprisonment 240 Kuli 285
inadequate dietary intake 166 – 171 Kumar, Dhirendra 313
inadequate resources 184 – 187 Kurmi 288
independent India 12, 241, 242, 290 Kuthia Kondh 285
India Human Development Surveys Kutia Kondh 286
172, 182 Kuznets curve 5
India literacy rate 13
Indian Forest Act 20, 28 Lamba Lanjia 286
Indian Penal Code 236, 239, 240 land, occupier of 239, 240
Indian tribes 289, 339, 341 land owners 237
Indigenous communities 345, 348 land share 31, 32
Indigenous languages 344 – 347 Lanjia 286
Indigenous peoples 128 Lanjia Saora 285
Individual Forest Right (IFR) 72, 73, large tribal populations 47, 293, 322
77, 81 Lenin, J. 24
Integrated Child Development Services Lepcha 287
(ICDS) scheme 99 – 100, 103, Linguistic Survey of India 345
173 – 180, 182 – 187, 189 listed Scheduled Tribes 279, 281 – 283,
integrated tribal development agencies 287 – 289
(ITDA) 118 literacy rates 13 – 14, 137, 193, 194,
Interstate Migrant Workers Act 44 196 – 199, 201, 202, 224
iron and folic acid (IFA) literacy status 200 – 202
supplementation 177, 178 livelihood matters 303 – 320
livelihoods 187 – 188
Jain, S. K. 188 local tribal communities 14, 140, 142,
Jaitly, Jaya 278 144, 151
Jatapu 289 local tribal languages 48, 116
356 Index

Lodha 286 Odisha 14, 15, 23, 24, 26, 39, 42, 87,
Lohra 287 91, 99, 100, 105, 106, 161, 175,
187, 197, 199, 220, 222
Mahadev Koli 281 Ojhnin 284
Mahila Gram Sabhas: gram panchayats, oral traditions 342, 347, 348, 350
functioning 46; management and Oraon 284, 286, 288
governance, forests 45 – 46 Otari 282
Mahli 287, 288 out-of-school children (OOSC)
mainstream Indian society 11, 19, 44 199 – 200, 204, 223
malaria control 105, 106
malnutrition 99, 147, 158 – 161, 163, Padhar 281
164, 166, 171 – 175, 183, 187, 189; PAHELI 127
prevalence of 159, 160, 164 Panagariya, A. 172
Mane Savara 286 Panchayati Raj (extension to Scheduled
Maoists 25, 39 – 41 Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA) 3, 7, 20 – 22,
marginal workers 17, 18 47 – 49, 56 – 83
Maria 283 Paraja 286
Maria Gond 219, 281 – 282, 284 Pardhan 283
maternal deaths 15, 91, 92, 138, 139 participatory health research 128
maternal health 138 – 139 particularly vulnerable tribal groups
maternity entitlements 167, 180, 184 (PVTG) 2, 23, 25, 26, 49, 50, 93, 95,
mental health problems 108, 131, 135 123, 126, 127, 138, 142 – 143, 181,
migration 42 – 44 219, 279, 280
minor tribal girls 131, 132 Pathuria 286
modern markets: ‘modern goods’ for place of residence 235, 236, 238
309 – 310 Pomla 280
More, V. 172 post-independence India 243 – 248
Mosse, David 43 powers 3, 6, 36, 37, 62, 63, 187, 189,
Mukherjee, M. B. 39, 40 233, 236, 237, 240
Munda 30, 285, 288 Poyam 284
Muria 283, 284 Prasad, V. 18
prevalence of thinness 162 – 165
Naik, L. R. 244 Prevention of Begging Act 1959 247
Nathan, D. 24, 27, 31 property rights 27, 31, 32, 34, 44, 48
National Forest Policy 3 Public Distribution System (PDS) 24,
Nayaka 280 181 – 184, 186, 189
NEFA 343 – 344 public participation 29 – 30
Nehru, Jawaharlal 60
NERCORMP project 46 – 47 Rabari 279, 280
Netam 284 Rabha 287
New Delhi 129, 204, 295, 296, 310, Ranger, Terence 317
312, 319 rape 36 – 38
nomadic communities 81, 243, 247, Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha
248, 340, 348 Abhiyan 196
non-government agencies 275, 276, 315 Rathwa 280, 281
non-tribal artisans 278 recommended dietary allowance
non-tribal children 15, 98, 177 (RDA) 169
non-tribal communities 86, 108, reformatory settlement 237 – 239, 242
124, 135 refuge zones 2
non-tribal populations 200, 210 Remo 285, 286
nutrition 138 – 139 residential schools 14, 147, 195, 222,
nutritional status 16, 99, 100, 103, 223, 226, 279
139, 171, 198, 217 rigorous imprisonment 238, 239
nutrition-related disorders 103, 147 Rothschild, Michael 5
 Index 357

Roy, B. 35 state budgets 185 – 187

Roy, Parama 233 state forests 12, 21, 23, 27
Russell, R.V. 233 state levels 22, 49, 107, 126, 142, 160,
163, 226, 294
Sabar 288 ST communities 20, 22, 23, 160,
Sahariya 283, 307; and basket-making 161, 164, 193, 194, 196, 198, 200,
306 – 308 203, 204, 226, 227; constitutional
Sanskritisation processes 35 protection to customary laws 22 – 23;
Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act, 1949 32 diversity, India 23 – 35
Santhals 30, 32–34, 37, 87–89, 285–288 ST women: displacement and migration
Saora 284, 286 42 – 44; policy recommendations
Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan 196 47 – 50; trafficking of 39 – 40
Savageology 341 Sunderajan 105
Savar 288
Scheduled Areas 3, 19, 21, 48, 60, 61, teachers 14, 48, 194, 195, 200,
74, 126, 197 208 – 213, 216, 217, 226, 227
Scheduled Castes 89, 100, 193, 194, Thakkar, A.V. 57
204, 224, 244 – 247, 289 Thakur 281, 282
Scheduled Communities 246, 247 Thorat, A. 172
Scheduled Tribes 11 – 51, 209, 219, traditional crafts 281, 287, 304,
224, 244 – 246, 293; children 307, 308
drop out 208 – 212; constitutional Traditional Forest Dwellers
protection for 19 – 21; educational (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act,
situation of 193 – 228; gender-based 2006 (FRA) 3, 7, 21 – 22, 56 – 83
social and developmental indicators traditional health practices 133, 144,
11 – 51; recommendations, education 145, 149
226 – 227; schooling 202 – 208; settled training programmes 294, 295, 298,
agriculture 27; students enrolment, 300, 304, 306, 308, 309
school management 206 – 208 tribal artisans 293 – 295, 298, 300,
school-age children 162 – 163 302 – 304, 308, 310, 317, 322
schools 14, 38, 132, 195, 196, 200, tribal arts 275 – 277, 279, 289 – 292,
204 – 206, 209, 211, 213, 217 – 219, 295, 296, 305, 309, 312, 317,
221, 225 – 227 319 – 321, 323; Andhra Pradesh
secondary schools 199, 200, 207, 288 – 289; Chhattisgarh 283 – 285;
213, 214 Gujarat 279 – 281; Jharkhand
self-governance 20, 21, 61 – 63 287 – 288; Madhya Pradesh 282 – 283;
semi-nomadic tribes/communities 246 Maharashtra 281 – 282; meanings and
Sethi, V. 174 representations 276 – 278; Odisha
severe malnutrition 99, 103 285 – 286; production, commercial
sex ratios 14 – 15 markets 289 – 292; production of 276,
sexual abuse 36 – 38; in Ashramshalas 318; Rajasthan 279; research method
and ST hostels 38 278 – 279; state-wise list 279 – 289;
sexual violence 37, 38, 49, 131, 132, status report 275 – 329; Telangana
136, 149 289; ‘voice of tribals’ in 319 – 320;
sickle cell anaemia control West Bengal 287
programme 114 tribal beneficiaries 298, 301
Singh, Dr. Manmohan 70 tribal children 95 – 104, 177, 186, 187,
Sixth Schedule states 47, 61 206, 207, 209, 220
sizeable tribal population 15, 221 tribal collectives 320, 322
Sleeman, William 233 tribal communities 100, 102, 106 – 109,
small schools 198, 217, 226 114, 116, 117, 119 – 120, 125, 130,
small tribal populations 201 135, 141, 143, 147 – 151, 194, 219
social groups 13, 18, 160, 161, 166, Tribal Cooperative Marketing
172, 179, 181, 182, 204, 212, 214 Development Federation of India
358 Index

(TRIFED) 276, 292 – 296, 298, tribal silk 292, 315 – 317
300 – 303, 305, 307, 318, 322, 334, tribal societies 13, 58, 132, 133
336, 337 – 338 Tribal Sub-Plans (TSPs) 20, 21, 45, 47,
tribal crafts 278, 290, 295, 302, 304, 186, 187, 246
308, 313, 315 tribal welfare department 207,
tribal craftsmen 276, 296, 303, 308, 217, 225
309, 311, 318, 320, 322 tribal women 16, 17, 19, 23, 28,
tribal culture 38, 48, 57, 138, 296, 343 33, 35, 43 – 45, 48, 49, 102, 130,
tribal development 21, 45, 47, 342 – 344 132; domestic violence 35 – 36;
tribal education 14, 194 empowerment, initiatives 45 – 47;
tribal families 85, 119, 133, 298, 304, sexual abuse and rape 36 – 38
306, 316 tribes 11, 12, 22, 27, 29, 34, 35, 41,
tribal girls 38, 43, 48, 129, 130, 132 57, 113, 234 – 237, 239, 246, 247,
tribal handicrafts 276, 278, 279, 290, 339 – 341
292, 293, 301 – 302, 306, 310, 311, tribes India 294, 301 – 303, 307
318, 321
tribal health 85, 86, 103, 107 – 111, village headman 239, 240
119, 126, 128, 135, 142, 143; expert village watchman 239, 240
committee on 108 – 111; programmes violence 7, 35 – 37, 41, 111, 132, 233,
127, 142; social determinants of 135 340, 344; in LWE areas 40 – 41;
tribal health, strengthening 141; against tribal women 35 – 41
governance 141 – 142; health vulnerable communities 123, 128, 141
financing 142 – 143; human resources vulnerable tribal communities 60, 95
for health 143 – 144
tribal households 72, 87, 111, 169, Warli 281, 282
172, 182, 183, 303, 305, 317, 320 weavers 245, 294, 313 – 315
tribal lands 20, 23, 33, 60 Williamson, J. 5
tribal languages 198, 347, 348 witches 36, 41, 134, 135
tribal life 195 witch-hunting 41
tribal literature 347, 348 women 18, 22, 26, 28 – 31, 34, 35, 41,
tribal livelihoods 281, 310, 320, 322 43 – 47, 49, 50, 88, 94, 130; loss of
tribal museum 278, 279, 296 access to forests 42; non-tribal men
tribal paintings 278, 279, 295, 319 controlling tribal women 33 – 34; self-
tribal people 85 – 87, 98, 105, 107 – 109, help groups 20, 47; status 13, 27, 42,
111, 113, 115 – 119, 125, 133, 135, 167; vulnerability 42
136, 142; health of 85, 86, 112; women’s agrobiodiversity knowledge:
health status, Central India 87 – 115; marginalisation of 28 – 29
health status of 86; health systems, women’s rights: resources and property
Central India 115 – 129 30 – 33
tribal products 276, 292, 296, woodcraft 308
300 – 302, 306, 322 work participation rate (WPR) 17
Tribal Research Institutes (TRIs) 209, workshop 304, 305
296, 343
tribal self-governance 61 Xaxa, V. 14, 33, 42, 174