Rage against the machine
For all the promise and dangers of AI, computers
plainly can’t think. To think is to resist – something
no machine does
by Alva Noë
Alva Noë is professor of philosophy at the University of California, Berkeley, where he
is also department chair. His books include Strange Tools: Art and Human Nature
(2015) and The Entanglement: How Art and Philosophy Make Us What We Are (2023).
Edited by Nigel Warburton
C omputers don’t actually do anything. They don’t write, or
play; they don’t even compute. Which doesn’t mean we can’t
play with computers, or use them to invent, or make, or
problem-solve. The new AI is unexpectedly reshaping ways of
working and making, in the arts and sciences, in industry, and
in warfare. We need to come to terms with the transformative
promise and dangers of this new tech. But it ought to be
possible to do so without succumbing to bogus claims about
machine minds.
What could ever lead us to take seriously the thought that
these devices of our own invention might actually understand,
and think, and feel, or that, if not now, then later, they might
one day come to open their artificial eyes thus finally to
behold a shiny world of their very own? One source might
simply be the sense that, now unleashed, AI is beyond our
control. Fast, microscopic, distributed and astronomically
complex, it is hard to understand this tech, and it is tempting
to imagine that it has power over us.
But this is nothing new. The story of technology – from
prehistory to now – has always been that of the ways we are
entrained by the tools and systems that we ourselves have
made. Think of the pathways we make by walking. To every
tool there is a corresponding habit, that is, an automatised
way of acting and being. From the humble pencil to the
printing press to the internet, our human agency is enacted in
part by the creation of social and technological landscapes
that in turn transform what we can do, and so seem, or
threaten, to govern and control us.
Yet it is one thing to appreciate the ways we make and remake
ourselves through the cultural transformation of our worlds
via tool use and technology, and another to mystify dumb
matter put to work by us. If there is intelligence in the vicinity
of pencils, shoes, cigarette lighters, maps or calculators, it is
the intelligence of their users and inventors. The digital is no
different.
But there is another origin of our impulse to concede mind to
devices of our own invention, and this is what I focus on here:
the tendency of some scientists to take for granted what can
only be described as a wildly simplistic picture of human and
animal cognitive life. They rely unchecked on one-sided,
indeed, milquetoast conceptions of human activity, skill and
cognitive accomplishment. The surreptitious substitution (to
use a phrase of Edmund Husserl’s) of this thin gruel version
of the mind at work – a substitution that I hope to convince
you traces back to Alan Turing and the very origins of AI – is
the decisive move in the conjuring trick.
What scientists seem to have forgotten is that the human
animal is a creature of disturbance. Or as the mid-20th-
century philosopher of biology Hans Jonas wrote: ‘Irritability
is the germ, and as it were the atom, of having a world…’ With
us there is always, so to speak, a pebble in the shoe. And this
is what moves us, turns us, orients us to reorient ourselves, to
do things differently, so that we might carry on. It is irritation
and disorientation that is the source of our concern. In the
absence of disturbance, there is nothing: no language, no
games, no goals, no tasks, no world, no care, and so, yes, no
consciousness.
C an machines think? Turing dismissed this as ‘too
meaningless to deserve discussion’. Instead of trying to make
a machine that can think, he was content to design one that
might count as a reasonable substitute for a thinker.
Everywhere in Turing’s work, the focus is on imitation,
replacement and substitution.
Consider his contribution to mathematics. A Turing machine
is a formal model of the informal idea of computation: ie, the
idea that some problems can be solved ‘mechanically’ by
following a recipe or algorithm. (Think long division.) Turing
proposed that we replace the familiar notion with his more
precise analogue. Whether a given function is Turing-
computable is a mathematical question, one that Turing
supplied the formal means to answer rigorously. But whether
Turing-computability serves to capture the essence of
computation as we understand this intuitively, and whether
therefore it’s a good idea to make the replacement, these are
not questions that mathematics can decide. Indeed,
presumably because they are themselves ‘too meaningless to
deserve discussion,’ Turing left them to the philosophers.
In the same anti-philosophical spirit, Turing proposed that we
replace the meaningless question Can machines think? with the
empirically decidable question Can machines pass [what has
come to be known as] the Turing test? To understand this
proposal, we need to look at the test, which Turing called the
Imitation Game.
The game is to be played by three players: one man, one
woman, and one person whose gender doesn’t matter. Each
has a distinct task. The player of unspecified gender, the
interrogator, has the job of figuring out which of the other two
is a man, and which a woman. The woman’s task is to serve as
the interrogator’s ally; the man’s is to cause the interrogator to
make the wrong identification.
This might make for fun adult entertainment, but Turing
feared it would be too easy. Even today, when gender-
experiment is commonplace, it wouldn’t be that hard, in most
circumstances, to sort people by gender on the basis of
superficial appearance. So Turing proposed that we isolate
the interrogator in a room, limiting their access to others to
the posing of questions. And he added: ‘In order that tones of
voice may not help the interrogator the answers should be
written, or better still, typewritten. The ideal arrangement is to
have a teleprinter communicating between the two rooms.’
What does the Imitation Game teach us about machine
intelligence? Here is what Turing says:
We now ask the question, ‘What will happen when a
machine takes the part of [the man] in this game?’ Will the
interrogator decide wrongly as often when the game is
played like this as he does when the game is played
between a man and a woman? These questions replace our
original, ‘Can machines think?’
The interrogator’s goal is not to out the computer; it’s to out
the human players as having this or that gender. But Turing’s
goal, and the game’s point, is to explore whether substituting
a machine for one of the players has any effect on the
interrogator’s rate of success. It is this last question, whether
or not there is an effect on outcomes, that is proposed, by
Turing, as proxy for the ‘meaningless’ question of whether
machines can think.
Instead of arguing about what thinking is, Turing envisions a
scenario in which machines might be able to enter into and
participate in meaningful human exchange. Would their
ability to do this establish that they can think, or feel, that they
have minds as we have minds? These are precisely the wrong
questions to ask, according to Turing. What he does say is
that machines will get better at the game, and he went so far
as to venture a prediction: that by end of the century – he was
writing in 1950 – ‘general educated opinion will have altered
so much that one will be able to speak of machines thinking
without expecting to be contradicted.’
Despite Turing’s apparent hostility to philosophy, it is possible
to read him as capturing a critical philosophical insight. Why
should we expect that evidence would be able to secure the
minds of machines for us, when it doesn’t perform that
function in our ordinary human dealings? None of us has ever
found out or proved that the people around us in our lives
actually think or feel. We just take it for granted. And it is this
observation that motivates his conception of his own task: not
that of proving that machines can think; but rather that of
integrating them into our lives so that the question, in effect,
goes away, or answers itself.
I t turns out, however, that not all of Turing’s replacements
and substitutions are quite so straightforward as they seem.
Some of them are downright misleading.
Consider, first, Turing’s matter-of-fact suggestion that we
replace talking by the use of typed messages. He suggests that
this is to make the game challenging. But the substitution of
text for speech has an entirely different effect: to lend a
modicum of plausibility to the otherwise absurd suggestion
that machines might participate at all. To appreciate this,
recall that a Turing machine is what in mathematics is called a
formal system. In a formal system, there is a finite alphabet,
and a finite set of rules for combining elements of the
alphabet into more complex expressions. What makes the
system formal is that the vocabulary needs to be specified in
terms of physical properties alone, and rules need to be
framed only in terms of these physical, that is to say, formal
properties. This is the crux: unless you can formally specify
the inputs and the outputs – the vocabulary – you can’t
define a Turing machine or a Turing-computable function.
And, crucially, it isn’t possible formally to specify the inputs
and the outputs of ordinary human language. Speech is
breathy, hot movement that always unfolds with others, in
context, and against the background of needs, feelings,
desires, projects, goals and constraints. Speech is active, felt
and improvisational. It has more in common with dancing
than text-messaging. We are so much at home, nowadays,
under the regime of the keyboard that we don’t even notice
the ways text conceals the bodily reality of language.
Although speech is not formally specifiable, text – in the
sense of text-messaging – is. So text can serve as a
computationally tractable proxy for real human exchange. By
filtering all communication between the players through the
keyboard, in the name of making the game harder, Turing
actually – and really this is a sleight of hand – sweeps what
the philosopher Ned Block has called the problem of inputs
and outputs under the rug.
But the substitution of text-message for speech is not the only
sleight of hand at work in Turing’s argument. The other is
introduced even more surreptitiously. This is the tacit
substitution of games for meaningful human exchange.
Indeed, the gamification of life is one of Turing’s most secure,
and most troubling, legacies.
The problem is that Turing takes for granted a partial and
distorted understanding of what games are. From the
computational perspective, games are – indeed, to be formally
tractable, they must be – crystalline structures of intelligibility,
virtual worlds, where rules constrain what you can do, and
where unproblematic values (points, goals, the score), and
settled criteria of success and failure (winning and losing), are
clearly specified.
But clarity, regimentation and transparency give us only one
aspect of what a game is. Somehow Turing and his successors
tend to forget that games are also contests; they are proving
grounds, and it is we who are tested and we whose limitations
are exposed, or whose powers as well as frailties are put on
display on the kickball field, or the four square court. A child
who plays competitive chess might suffer from anxiety so
extreme they are nauseated. This visceral expression is no
accidental epiphenomenon, an external of no essential value
to the game. No, games without vomit – or at least that live
possibility – would not be recognisable as human games
at all.
All this is to say that true games are much more than they
seem to be when we view them, as Turing did, through the
lens of the regime of the keyboard. (Which is not to deny that
we can, and do, usefully model aspects of the game
computationally.)
H ere’s the critical upshot: human beings are not merely doers
(eg, games players) whose actions, at least when successful,
conform to rules or norms. We are doers whose activity is
always (at least potentially) the site of conflict. Second-order
acts of reflection and criticism belong to the first-order
performance itself. These are entangled, and with the
consequence that you can never factor out, from the pure
exercise of the activity itself, all the ways in which the activity
challenges, retards, impedes and confounds. To play piano,
for example – that other keyboard technology – is to fight
with the machine, to battle against it.
Let me explain: the piano is the construction and elaboration
of a particular musical culture and its values. It installs a
conception of what is musically legible, intelligible, permitted
and possible. A contraption made of approximately 12,000
pieces of wood, steel, felt and wire, the piano is a quasi-digital
system, in which tones are the work of keystrokes, and in
which intervals, scales and harmonic possibilities are
controlled by the machine’s design and manufacture.
The piano was invented, to be sure, but not by you or me. We
encounter it. It pre-exists us and solicits our submission. To
learn to play is to be altered, made to adapt one’s posture,
hands, fingers, legs and feet to the piano’s mechanical
requirements. Under the regime of the piano keyboard, it is
demanded that we ourselves become player pianos, that is to
say, extensions of the machine itself.
But we can’t. And we won’t. To learn to play, to take on the
machine, for us, is to struggle. It is hard to master the
instrument’s demands.
And this fact – the difficulty we encounter in the face of the
keyboard’s insistence – is productive. We make art out of it. It
stops us being player pianos, but it is exactly what is required if
we are to become piano players.
For it is the player’s fraught relation to the machine, and to the
history and tradition that the machine imposes, that supplies
the raw material of musical invention. Music and play happen
in that entanglement. To master the piano, as only a person
can, is not just to conform to the machine’s demands. It is,
rather, to push back, to say no, to rage against the machine. And
so, for example, we slap and bang and shout out. In this way,
the piano becomes not merely a vehicle of habit and control –
a mechanism – but rather an opportunity for action and
expression.
And, as with the piano, so with the whole of human cultural
life. We live in the entanglement between government and
resistance. We fight back.
Consider language. We don’t just talk, as it were, following the
rules blindly. Talking is an issue for us, and the rules, such as
they are, are up for grabs and in dispute. We always,
inevitably, and from the beginning, are made to cope with
how hard talking is, how liable we are to misunderstand each
other, although most of the time this is undertaken matter-of-
factly and without undue stress. To talk, almost inevitably, is
to question word choice, to demand reformulation, repetition
and repair. What do you mean? How can you say that? In this
way, talking contains within it, from the start, and as one of its
basic modes, the activities of criticism and reflection about
talking, which end up changing the way we talk. We don’t just
act, as it were, in the flow. Flow eludes us and, in its place, we
know striving, argument and negotiation. And so we change
language in using language; and that’s what a language is, a
place of capture and release, engagement and criticism, a
process. We can never factor out mere doing, skilfulness,
habit – the sort of things machines are used effectively to
simulate – from the ways these doings, engagements and skills
are made new, transformed, through our very acts of doing
them. These are entangled. This is a crucial lesson about the
very shape of human cognition.
If we keep language, the piano, and games in view, and if we
don’t lose sight of what I am calling entanglement – the ways
in which carrying on is entangled with everything required to
deal with just how hard it is to carry on! – then it becomes
clear that the AI discussion tends unthinkingly to presuppose
a one-sided, peaches-and-cream simplification of human
skilfulness and cognitive life. As if speaking were the
straightforward application of rules, or playing the piano was
just a matter of doing what the manual instructs. But to
imagine language users who were not also actively struggling
with the problems of talk would be to imagine something that
is, at most, the shell or semblance of human life with
language. It would, in fact, be to imagine the language of
machines (such as LLMs).
T he telling fact: computers are used to play our games; they
are engineered to make moves in the spaces opened up by our
concerns. They don’t have concerns of their own, and they
make no new games. They invent no new language.
The British philosopher R G Collingwood noticed that the
painter doesn’t invent painting, and the musician doesn’t
invent the musical culture in which they find themselves. And
for Collingwood this served to show that no person is fully
autonomous, a God-like fount of creativity; we are always to
some degree recyclers and samplers and, at our best,
participants in something larger than ourselves.
But this should not be taken to show that we become what we
are (painters, musicians, speakers) by doing what, for
example, LLMs do – ie, merely by getting trained up on large
data sets. Humans aren’t trained up. We have experience. We
learn. And for us, learning a language, for example, isn’t
learning to generate ‘the next token’. It’s learning to work,
play, eat, love, flirt, dance, fight, pray, manipulate, negotiate,
pretend, invent and think. And crucially, we don’t merely
incorporate what we learn and carry on; we always resist. Our
values are always problematic. We are not merely word-
generators. We are makers of meaning.
We can’t help doing this; no computer can do this.
aeon.co 25 October 2024