ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

On Being Woke and Knowing Injustice: Scale Development and Psychological and Political

Implications

Aerielle M. Allen, PhD

University of Connecticut, 2020

The present dissertation examines how being woke, that is, having in-depth knowledge about the

historically rooted and endemic nature of anti-Black racism can increase individuals’ perceptions

of present-day racism. The first paper outlines the development and validation of a modern-

measure of critical consciousness, the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale, which can be used

to understand knowledge and beliefs regarding issues of anti-Black racism among both Black

and White individuals. The remaining papers in the dissertation demonstrate that having critical

racism awareness can increase the tendency to perceive anti-Black racism within interpersonal

and structural incidents of racial bias. Across these studies I demonstrate that while Black

individuals have a greater tendency to perceive anti-Black racism in the U.S. compared to White

individuals, critical racism awareness is apparent in both groups and is predictive of perceptions

and evaluations of racism. In comparing my measure to previous methodologies used to assess

critical knowledge of anti-Black racism, I demonstrate that being woke is a stronger predictor of

racism than these previously used methods (e.g., performance on a Black history quiz). The

dissertation concludes with a brief discussion of the motivations behind this work and the

theoretical, methodological, and applied contributions that the present work has to the social-

psychological study of anti-Black racism in U.S. society.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE i

On Being Woke and Knowing Injustice: Scale Development and Psychological and Political

Implications

Aerielle M. Allen

B.A., University of California – Los Angeles, 2013

M.A., California State University – Northridge, 2015

A Dissertation

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

at the

University of Connecticut

2020
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE ii

Copyrighted by

Aerielle M. Allen

2020
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE iii

APPROVAL PAGE

Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation

On Being Woke and Knowing Injustice: Scale Development and Psychological and Political

Implications

Presented by

Aerielle M. Allen B.A., M.A.

Major Advisor

Dr. Felicia Pratto

Associate Advisor

Dr. Colin W. Leach

Major Advisor

Dr. Shayla C. Nunnally

University of Connecticut

2020
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE iv

Acknowledgments

There are a number of things that helped me through this doctoral program. First and

foremost, I am grateful for my tribe, which includes my family, my partner, and my dearest

friends. Specifically, I would like to thank my parents, my mother Michelle, the epitome of

strength and perseverance, my rock and constant reminder of my own strength. To my father,

Ramon, and second mother, Kathy, thank you for pushing me and reminding me on days most

full of doubt that I am capable of achieving all of my dreams, even those not yet dreamt. I am

honored to be the oldest sister to Alec, Dante, Sierra, and RJ, who I thank for showing me in

oftentimes random and subtle ways that they are proud of me. To my partner, Alex, who has

shown me unwavering support, kindness, and understanding, even when she played second-

fiddle to my research. There are not enough stars in our galaxy to express my gratitude for her. I

am humbled by my amazing sister-friends Emerald Woodland and Bernie White, who lifted me

up with kind words, love, and funny memes. Thank you for reminding me that even miles apart

that we are always connected and our bonds unbreakable. Finally, I owe gratitude to my faith and

my angels, papa, granny, and auntie Roz, for keeping me grounded, present when life was most

chaotic, and reminding me to just breathe.

This research would not have been achievable if it were not for the guidance and support

of several faculty. First, to my primary advisor Felicia Pratto, I am honored to have had the

opportunity to be trained by you. I am in awe of your wisdom, your dedication to your work and

your students. Thank you! To my secondary advisor, Colin Leach, thank you for challenging me

to be more critical of scholarship, knowing that I was capable, and encouraging me to follow my

own research path rather than be in the shadows of others. To Shayla Nunnally, my other

committee member, and my readers: Nairán Ramírez-Esparza and Diane Quinn, thank you for
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE v

your feedback and support of me through the dissertation process. I am so happy for your

insights and that each of you agreed to serve as associate advisors. I would like to thank my

Master’s advisor, Debbie Ma, who is faculty at California State University, Northridge, for her

continued support and for assisting in data collection for many of my research projects.

I would like to thank my fellow graduate students for their camaraderie. To my cohort-

mate, Gabe Camacho, thank you for always having an answer to my random questions, for the

updates on current events, and for being an ear. To my other cohort-mate and officemate, Mora

Reinka, thank you for being a steady presence in the office, an excellent sounding board, and my

stats guru. We did it! To the members of my writing group: Kiera Hudson, Ivy Onyeador,

Daphne Penn, Analia Albuja, Tzipporah Dang, Brielle Harbin, Zita Dixon, Asma Ghani, and

Ajua Duker, I would still be writing my dissertation if it were not for you all. Thank you for

holding me accountable.

My graduate study and research were supported by the National Institute of Health T32

grant. I would like to thank Seth Kalichman and Lisa Eaton for the opportunity to serve as a

fellow on this grant under their mentorship. This research was also supported by the UConn

Dissertation Fellowship and the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues Grants-In-

Aid Fellowship. Furthermore, I would like to thank the front office staff of the Psychological

Sciences department, particularly Carol Valone, the lifeline of the department. Finally, to the

many horror movies provided by Hulu and Netflix that kept me company in the late nights when

everyone else was sleeping, thank you for being the ultimate writing and data analysis

companions.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE vi

Table of Contents

General Introduction 1

Chapter 1: Theorizing Woke as a Re-envisioned Critical Consciousness 9

Paper 1: Development of a Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale 12

Chapter 2: Pre-Existing Attitudes and Beliefs about Racism 129

Paper 2: Black, White, and Blue: Being Critically Aware and Seeing Anti-Black

Violence in Policing 132

Chapter 3: Historicizing Anti-Black Racism 223

Paper 3: Moving Backwards to Go Forward: Implications of Historical Racism on

Evaluations of Present-day Racism 226

General Conclusion 326

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 1

General Introduction

The systematic oppression and marginalization of people of color, particularly

Black/African-Americans, is dynamic and longstanding, documented throughout history, and

embedded in contemporary daily discourse, norms, and institutional practices (see Salter,

Adams, & Perez, 2018). That is, the oppression of Black people is endemic to U.S. society. Even

with the formal and informal evidence that documents the severity and prevalence of racism,

Black and White individuals continue to be divided in their affect towards, cognitions of, and

behaviors regarding racial injustice (see Carter & Murphy, 2015).

Arguments for this racial disparity in evaluations of and responses to racial injustice have

typically fallen along the lines of racial/ethnic minorities playing the race card (i.e., exaggerating

the prevalence of racism to gain special treatment and justify low achievement; see Feagin &

Sikes, 1994; Wise, 2006) and White denial (i.e., motivated minimization of racism to protect

identity and self-esteem; see Adams et al., 2006; Knowles et al., 2014; Unzueta & Lowery,

2008). Research drawn out of an epistemologies of ignorance framework, suggests that

differences in evaluations of and responses to racial injustice reflect the disparate knowledge that

Black and White individuals have about racism, namely historical racism (Nelson et al., 2010;

Salter & Adams, 2016; Sullivan & Tuana, 2007). This work has implied the Marley Hypothesis,

that accurate knowledge about historical racism is higher among subordinated groups compared

to dominant groups, and this difference in knowledge accounts for some of the group differences

in perceiving racism in instances of racial bias (Nelson et al., 2012). Yet, research documents

that individuals, particularly White individuals, are not adequately taught the history of anti-

Black racism (e.g., American slavery; see Salter & Adams; 2016; Shuster, 2018;). This suggests

that there are other means by which individuals become more or less aware of present-day
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 2

racism in our society. One goal of this dissertation is to explore what some of these other

mechanisms by which people come to assess and evaluate contemporary racism are.

Whereas Black individuals have long been exposed to racism, through racial socialization

and direct experiences with prejudiced and discriminatory individuals and institutions, the

experiences of White individuals are less characterized by such interactions (Hagerman, 2013;

Hughes et al., 2006). Taken together with research that demonstrates disparate knowledge about

historical racism between Black and White individuals, this suggests that differences in views of

racism stem from the different lived experiences of these two groups, with some groups having

more exposure, in various ways, to racism compared to others. For White individuals, this

limited exposure is likely to result in a limited critical awareness about racism compared to the

amount of awareness that Black individuals have. The present dissertation seeks to contribute to

social psychological research by examining the effects of being woke or what I define as, having

critical racism awareness, on perceptions and evaluations of contemporary anti-Black racism.

Knowledge of societal injustice has long been regarded as a mechanism for motivating

individuals to address injustice (e.g., Freire, 1973; King, 1968). Accordingly, across the social

sciences scholars have examined the process of critical consciousness development and the

implications of this consciousness for opposing inequality. Thus, one of the major theoretical

influences of the present dissertation are early and recent theorizations of critical consciousness

(Adams et al., 2018; Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Freire, 1973, 2000; Jackman & Jackman, 1973;

Watts et al., 2011). Generally, Freire’s critical consciousness reflects a deep understanding and

acknowledgment of the interpersonal, structural, and systemic bias that marginalizes and

oppresses subordinated groups in society and engaging in efforts to combat oppression (Freire,

1973; see also Watts, Diemer, & Voight, 2011). “Critical” quantifies this awareness as more than
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 3

just a recognition of injustice, but also a critique of the beliefs, ideologies, and structures that

perpetuate and maintain injustice. Conventional understandings of critical consciousness

typically focus on the necessity of deep awareness of societal injustice and socio-political

engagement within subordinated communities (e.g., poor people, racial/ethnic minorities). That

is, work on critical consciousness emphasizes awareness about social injustice among those who

are oppressed, encourages those who are marginalized to think critically about how systems of

oppression are created and maintained, and emphasizes the importance of their engagement in

efforts to combat injustice.

More recently, in response to the killings of Black men and women, movements such as

#BlackLivesMatter and #SayHerName have reignited public discourse surrounding the need for

everyone to become more woke to the systemic nature of anti-Black racism in the U.S. While the

term woke originates in the Black community as a socio-political term around becoming more

aware of racism and fighting against it, the term has gained popularity even among those outside

of the Black community given its linkage to the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag and movement

(Allen & Leach, 2018). Thus, scholars have begun to consider how being woke (e.g., having

critical racism awareness, critical historical consciousness) can increase recognition of present-

day racism and facilitate action among both those who are socially disadvantaged and those who

are advantaged (see Adams et al., 2018; Allen & Leach, 2018). The call for being woke places

the burden of critical racism awareness on both the marginalized and the privileged. Here is

where contemporary notions about critical knowledge of injustice departs most from traditional

conceptions of critical consciousness and the present work aims to better understand what being

“woke” looks like among both Black and White individuals.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 4

Overview

The dissertation is presented in three major sections. Building on theoretical notions

presented by Allen and Leach (2018), namely that being “woke” to injustice is not the sole

purview of the disenfranchised, but can exist among White individuals as well. By

reconceptualizing woke as a modern-day critical consciousness, I developed a scale to

empirically examine whether both Black and White individuals can be woke, that is, critically

aware of racism. In the first paper, “Development of a Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale,” I

discuss woke as a socio-political term reanimated alongside the Black Lives Matter movement in

response to social media attention given to recent instances of citizen and police violence against

unarmed Black people. I go on to detail the creation and validation of the Critical Racism

Awareness Woke Scale, examining the underlying factor structure, convergent and divergent

validity, and the explanatory strength of the scale on outcomes related to evaluations of racism

and social political engagement. In this paper, I answer to what extent Black and White

individuals are able to be woke and what the direct consequences are for being woke in terms of

social action and evaluations of contemporary anti-Black racism.

In the second section of the dissertation, I present one empirical paper that explores how

individuals’ critical racism awareness can be expressed in their interpretations and evaluations of

content that depicts anti-Black violence. In the paper “Black, White, and Blue: Being Critically

Aware and Seeing Anti-Black Violence in Policing,” I test whether individuals’ qualitative

evaluations of anti-Black violence (e.g., subjective critical racism awareness) is associated with

objective measures of critical racism awareness, and further if this subjective awareness

influences evaluations of racism. In this paper, I answer whether being woke influences the way

individuals interpret content that suggests racial bias.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 5

In the third and final section, I present research exploring the implications for being

factually knowledgeable of historical anti-Black racism versus being woke, and further, whether

these constructs having different effects on evaluations of racism. While the first two papers

examine what woke means for Black and White individuals and how being woke influences

evaluations of racism and racism-related content, it is in paper 3 that I assess whether it is

necessary to know the specifics about the history of racism in order to interpret racism or if

having an awareness about the various ways racism is perpetuated and maintained is enough. In

the paper “Moving Backwards to Go Forward: Implications of Historical Racism on Evaluations

of Present-day Racism,” I argue that specific, factual knowledge of historical racism and beliefs

about the role of historical racism in the maintenance of contemporary racism reflect related yet

distinct processes that each affect individuals’ perceptions of racial inequality. I further argue

that critical racism awareness serves as a powerful tool for assessing individuals’ beliefs about

racism relative to historical knowledge of anti-Black racism. To conclude this dissertation, I

discuss the major theoretical, methodological, and applied contributions of the present work on

critical racism awareness to the social psychological literature on racism and race relations in the

U.S.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 6

References

Adams, G., O’Brien, L. T., & Nelson, J. C. (2006). Perceptions of racism in Hurricane Katrina:

A liberation psychology analysis. Analyses of social issues and public policy, 6(1), 215-

235. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1530-2415.2006.00112.x

Allen, A. M., & Leach, C. W. (2018). The Psychology of Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Creative

Maladjustment” at Societal Injustice and Oppression. Journal of Social Issues, 74(2),

317–336. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12271

American Psychological Association. (2012).

http://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/ 2012/09/psychotherapy.aspx

Carter, E. R., & Murphy, M. C. (2015). Group‐based Differences in Perceptions of Racism:

What Counts, to Whom, and Why? Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 9(6),

269–280. https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12181

Feagin, J. R., & Sikes, M. P. (1994). Living with racism: The black middle-class experience.

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Freire, P., & Freire, P. (1973). Education for critical consciousness. New York: Seabury Press.

Hagerman, M. A. (2014). White families and race: Colour-blind and colour-conscious

approaches to white racial socialization. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 37(14), 2598-2614.

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Hughes, D., Rodriguez, J., Smith, E. P., Johnson, D. J., Stevenson, H. C., & Spicer, P. (2006).

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future study. Developmental Psychology, 42(5), 747-770. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-

1649.42.5.747

Knowles, E. D., Lowery, B. S., Chow, R. M., & Unzueta, M. M. (2014). Deny, distance, or
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 7

dismantle? How white Americans manage a privileged identity. Perspectives on

Psychological Science, 9(6), 594-609. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691614554658

Nelson, J. C., Adams, G., Branscombe, N. R., & Schmitt, M. T. (2010). The role of historical

knowledge in perception of race-based conspiracies. Race and Social Problems, 2(2), 69-

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150–155. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721417724239

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Sullivan, S., & Tuana, N. (Eds.). (2007). Race and epistemologies of ignorance. Suny Press.

Unzueta, M. M., & Lowery, B. S. (2008). Defining racism safely: The role of self-image

maintenance on white Americans’ conceptions of racism. Journal of Experimental Social

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Watts, R. J., Diemer, M. A., & Voight, A. M. (2011). Critical consciousness: Current status and

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Wise, T. (2006, April 24). What kind of card is race? The absurdity (and consistency) of White

denial. Counterpunch. http://www.counterpunch.org/2006/04/24/what-

kind-of-card-is-race/
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 9

Chapter 1: Theorizing Woke as a Re-envisioned Critical Consciousness

Given that most research on critical consciousness describes how marginalized and

oppressed people come to learn to critically analyze their social position and act to change these

conditions, measures used to assess critical consciousness are targeted for a specific audience,

those from subordinated groups. For instance, the Critical Consciousness Scale created by

Diemer and colleagues (2017) includes items related to the experiences of women, poor people,

and racial/ethnic minorities. Other critical consciousness literature, such as Black/African-

American and racial group consciousnesses, have tailored critical consciousness to

Black/African- American people specifically. Thus, measure of Black/African-American and

racial group consciousness typically reflect the unique experiences of injustice faced by Black

people and beliefs surrounding the Black experience (e.g., Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Miller, Gurin,

Gurin, & Malanchuk, 1981; Milliones,1980; see also McClain et al., 2009; Shingles, 1981;

Simien & Clawson, 2004). In either case, these measures of critical consciousness were not

created with the intent to assess the dominant groups’ (i.e., White individuals) in-depth

awareness of injustice nor their efforts to combat it.

In order to assess both Black and White individuals’ critical knowledge of injustice

against Black people, two things are needed, that to my knowledge are currently missing in

literature on critical consciousness and anti-Black racism. That being, a measure that is nuanced

and tailored to the experiences of Black individuals and Black-White race relations in the U.S.,

yet is intended for and reliable among both Black and White individuals. While the focus of

woke is still on the Black experience, it is not a construct that only Black people can have, such

as similar notions of Black/African American consciousness.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 10

In light of recent movement surrounding Black Lives Matter and the use of the word

woke as a socio-politically charged term about awareness of and participation in the fight against

injustice (see Allen & Leach, 2018), I created the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale to re-

conceptualize critical consciousness as critical racism awareness about anti-Black racism that

can be observed among both those on the bottom (e.g., Black individuals) and top (e.g., White

individuals) of the racial hierarchy. In this section, I briefly review previous literature on critical

consciousness and propose a contemporary conceptualization of consciousness (i.e., woke) that is

accessible to both those who are privileged and those who are marginalized and further examine

the implications of this awareness for racial justice-related perceptions and behaviors.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 11

References

Allen, A. M., & Leach, C. W. (2018). The Psychology of Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Creative

Maladjustment” at Societal Injustice and Oppression. Journal of Social Issues, 74(2),

317–336. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12271

Baldwin, J. A., & Bell, Y. R. (1985). The African self-consciousness scale: An Africentric

personality questionnaire. The Western Journal of Black Studies, 9(2), 61-68.

Diemer, M. A., Rapa, L. J., Park, C. J., & Perry, J. C. (2017). Development and Validation of the

Critical Consciousness Scale. Youth & Society, 49(4), 461–483.

https://doi.org/10.1177/0044118x14538289

McClain, P. D., Carew, J. D., Jr., E., & Watts, C. S. (2009). Group Membership, Group Identity,

and Group Consciousness: Measures of Racial Identity in American Politics? Annual

Review of Political Science, 12(1), 471–485.

https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.10.072805.102452

Miller, A. H., Gurin, P., Gurin, G., & Malanchuk, O. (1981). Group consciousness and political

participation. American Journal of Political Science, 25(3), 494-511.

http://www.jstor.com/stable/2110816

Milliones, J. (1980). Construction of a Black consciousness measure: Psychotherapeutic

implications. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research & Practice, 17(2), 175-182.

Shingles, R. D. (1981). Black consciousness and political participation: The missing link. The

American Political Science Review, 76-91. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1962160

Simien, E. M., & Clawson, R. A. (2004). The intersection of race and gender: An examination of

Black feminist consciousness, race consciousness, and policy attitudes. Social Science

Quarterly, 85(3), 793-810. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0038-4941.2004.00245.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 12

Paper 1: Development of a Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale

“As is the inevitable result of things unsaid, we find ourselves today oppressed with a dangerous
and reverberating silence.”
- James Baldwin, 1985

This silence in which James Baldwin referred to was the unspoken truth about racism in

America (Balfour, 1998), a silence just as dangerous today as it was more than 30 years ago.

Contemporary movements born out of the death and devaluation of Black lives (e.g., Black Lives

Matter, Say Her Name) have urged individuals to become more aware of the deeper causes of

racial oppression in an effort to motivate actions against racial inequality. These movements,

coupled with media attention surrounding the deaths of unarmed Black individuals (e.g., Rekia

Boyd, Tamir Rice, Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Philando Castile, Stephon Clark, Breonna

Taylor, George Floyd), and socio-political discourse surrounding institutional racism within the

American criminal justice, education, and heath care systems, have sought to awaken people to

the interpersonal and structural/systemic nature of racism. In today’s popular discourse, this

racialized awakenment (awareness to issues of racism) is referred to as being “woke” and has

notably gained special importance both inside and outside of the Black community as a socio-

political term. This popularity is most attributable to its linkage to the Black Lives Matter

hashtag and movement (Leach & Allen, 2017) and has since been used by individuals and groups

concerned with issues surrounding (racial) injustice and inequity (Allen & Leach, 2018).

With the growth in the term’s popularity, activists, journalists, and scholars alike have

sought to conceptualize “woke” and understand its importance to socio-political efforts

surrounding racial (in)equity. Among the many definitions for “woke,” the term seems to be best

understood as a critical socio-political awareness of racism and the interpersonal, institutional,

and systemic nature of racial injustice (see Allen & Leach, 2018). Definitions of “woke” diverge
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 13

most along two key factors, in their inclusion or exclusion of a historical analysis of racism and

political activity as central elements. For instance, some scholars define being “woke” as

primarily an awareness of systemic racism with little emphasis on political action, while others

make the case that engagement in action against racial injustice is a necessary component

(Collins, 2017). However, few researchers have examined whether being “woke” can be

empirically measured and if so, if this construct is associated with perceptions of contemporary

racism and actions to combat.

In the current study, I review and empirically examine a priori conceptual ideas about

“woke” proposed in the Allen and Leach (2018) paper. I take it as an empirical question whether

“woke” connotes having critical historical racism awareness that is distinct from traditional

notions of critical consciousness, whether action is a necessary component or subsequent

outcome of “woke,” whether this awareness has implications for perceiving contemporary

racism, and whether “woke” manifests differently for Black and White Americans.

Understanding Woke as a Critical Consciousness

Allen and Leach (2018) make three fundamental assertions about what “woke” is and

what it means to be “woke.” First, “woke” reflects socio-political awareness of racial injustice

entailing a historical critique and acknowledgement of racism in different domains such as

wealth, health, and education, while also rejecting ideologies that maintain and justify social

injustice. Second, “woke” involves being concerned with contemporary issues surrounding racial

bias in policing and mass incarceration, and unfair misrepresentations of Blackness in the media

and culture more broadly. Third, “that to be ‘woke’ implies that one is fighting against racial

inequality and White supremacy in some way, shape, or form, by ‘seeing’ what it is and

opposing it by the means necessary and available” (Allen & Leach, 2018, p. 322). In this way,
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 14

Allen and Leach (2018) suggest that “woke” bares stark resemblance to more well-established

concepts of critical consciousness (Freire, 1973; Freire & Freire, 2000; Jackman & Jackman,

1973; Watts et al., 2011; group consciousness McClain et al., 2009; Miller et al., 1981, and racial

Black/ African-American consciousness; Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Biko, 1973; Milliones, 1980;

see also Cross, 1971; Dawson, 1994).

The concept of critical consciousness originates from Paulo Freire (1973, 2000) and is

defined as representing marginalized and oppressed individuals’ understanding of the

interpersonal, structural, and systemic biases that regulate them to a subordinate status in society.

Freire believed that “as long as the oppressed remain unaware of the causes of their condition,

they fatalistically ‘accept’ their exploitation” (Freire, 1973, p. 46). Three core components

comprise critical consciousness: critical reflection, political efficacy, and critical action and

together these components promote social justice efforts. Critical reflection refers to awareness

of social inequality, its root, historical causes, and a moral rejection to the factors that contribute

to and produce social inequalities (i.e., White supremacy). “Critical” qualifies this awareness as

more than just a recognition of injustice, but also a critique of the beliefs, ideologies, and

structures that perpetuate and maintain injustice.

Political efficacy is the belief that one can enact socio-political change through individual

and/or collective activism, and critical action refers to direct engagement in social or political

action against social injustice. In sum, critical consciousness consists of both awareness of and

action against social injustice geared towards establishing social equity. In a similar vein, race

consciousness represents members of oppressed racial groups critical analysis of their

subordinate status and action taken to change social inequities (Gurin et al., 1980; Miller et al.,

1981; Peller, 1990).

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 15

Whereas critical and race consciousness have been examined among different marginalized

groups, including indigenous people in Ecuador, South African youth, Puerto Rican youth, and

African American youth (Diemer et al., 2017) and focuses on general marginalization, Black/

African-American consciousness focuses on the unique conditions of Black people (Baldwin &

Bell, 1985; Biko, 1978). Theorizations on Black consciousness are often linked to Black identity

development. For instance, Cross’ (1971, 1991) Nigrescence model describes a five-stage

process of Black identity development that results in Black individuals becoming more aware of

the social implications surrounding their race (e.g., racial subordination, racial inequality), taking

pride in their heritage, and engaging in efforts to promote racial equality and justice.

Du Bois (1989) conceptualizes consciousness in terms of the challenges that Black people

face having to reconcile taking pride in one’s heritage while also recognizing their positionality

in a racist society, termed “double consciousness.” Baldwin and Bell (1985) describe African

self-consciousness as an awareness of one’s historical and racialized (Black) identity, a

recognition of the cultural values and practices that affirm Black life, active participation in the

liberation and betterment of Black people’s lived experiences, and recognition of the

interpersonal, structural, and systemic factors that oppress Black people and actively resisting

this oppression. While I do not conceive of “woke” as an assessment of Black identity, it is the

emphasis on the Black experience in America which is foundational to Black/African-American

consciousness that makes this conception of consciousness most similar to “woke.”

Where understandings of critical consciousness are arguably too broad and thus

measures of this consciousness too general, including scale items such as “certain racial or ethnic

groups have fewer chances to get good jobs” and “social and economic inequalities exist because

some groups have more ability than others” (Diemer et al., 2017), conceptualizations and
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 16

measures of Black/African-American consciousness may be too specific. For instance, one of the

scales most often used to assess Black/African-American consciousness is the African Self-

Consciousness Scale (Baldwin & Bell, 1985), a 42-item measure used to assess self-

consciousness among Black people. This scale includes items germane to Black individuals (e.g.,

“I don’t necessarily feel like I am also being mistreated in a situation where I see another Black

person being mistreated”). While most of the scale items can conceivably be answered by

anyone, from any group, the measure arguably loses functionality outside of its intended

audience. That is, traditional operationalizations of Black/African-American consciousness only

allows Black individuals to be conscious and the items used to assess this consciousness are

targeted for Black individuals.

Allen and Leach (2018), suggest that “woke” departs from Black/African-American and

critical consciousness by allowing anyone to be “woke” to the systems of Black oppression and

thus motivated to engage in actions against anti-Black racism. So, whereas critical consciousness

and Black/African-American consciousness inherently limits White individuals’ ability to be

race-conscious, White individuals can be “woke” if they come to understand themselves as

racialized individuals born out of a culture of White supremacist ideology and recognize their

role, both individually and collectively, in unjust inequality. In this way, “woke” is tied to

political sciences’ conception of group consciousness, which highlights what increased

consciousness looks like for both marginalized and privileged groups (Miller et al., 1981) and

more recently, social and cultural psychology’s critical historical consciousness (Adams et al.,

2018).

Critical historical consciousness is based on epistemologies of ignorance (Nelson et al.,

2012; Sullivan & Tuana, 2007) and cultural psychology frameworks that suggest that individuals
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 17

construct their worldviews in ways that facilitate the attenuation or enhancement of racism in

society (Salter et al., 2018; Salter & Adams, 2016). These frameworks highlight that racism

exists as a set of beliefs, norms, and everyday practices that are systemically embedded in

cultures and further, that racism is maintained and (re)produced in ways that normalize the status

quo of racial inequality (see also, Sidanius & Pratto, 2001).

In addition to encompassing an acknowledgment of the various social, cognitive, and

behavioral tools that promote ignorance, indifference, and inaction about racial injustice, the

concept of critical historical consciousness highlights the importance of both Black and White

individuals having an in-depth cultural and historical understanding of systems of racial

oppression and acting in ways to combat its ongoing effects. Tenets of critical historical

consciousness draw special attention to consciousness raising among White individuals given

their tendency to understand and construct racism in terms of individual versus structural bias,

which is problematic because such a limited critical awareness about systemic racial bias allows

responses that maintain White supremacy (Dixon et al., 2010).

So, where more traditional perspectives on critical consciousness have made the

awareness of systemic racial oppression and the consequences of it the sole purview of those

marginalized, those who conceptualize critical historical consciousness call upon White

individuals to be “woke”, taking a more critical standpoint on racism and oppression and acting

against racial injustice. However, as mentioned in Allen & Leach (2018), it is unclear whether

Black and White individuals can be “woke” in the same ways and there is longstanding research

on Black-White disparities in perceptions of and responses to racism that informs how and why

being “woke” would operate differently among each group. I address this question in the next

section.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 18

Group-Based Differences in Being Woke

In order to critically assess racism, people must first “see” it. Experimental and survey

research consistently shows that Black and White Americans differ in their perceptions of,

beliefs about, and actions surrounding racism. Compared to their White counterparts, Black

individuals are more likely to perceive both interpersonal and systemic instances of racial bias as

indicative of racism, more likely to acknowledge the severity and prevalence of racism, and more

often active against anti-Black racism (for a review see, Carter & Murphy, 2015; Pew Research

Center, 2016; Norton & Sommers, 2011). These disparities observed between Black and White

individuals are largely attributable to motivational- and socialization- related factors that

correspond with each group’s social status. Thus, there are different experiences that shape how

Black and White individuals learn and develop racialized critical consciousness.

From a motivational perspective, Black and White individuals may be motivated to

perceive (or not perceive) racism depending on whether their own group is the victim or

perpetrator of anti-Black racism. Stemming from social identity theory, which suggests that

people strive to protect their in-group and self-esteem (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), White individuals

may have a higher perceptual threshold for perceiving instances of racism, minimize instances of

racism, or outright deny racism in order to protect themselves and their group from the threat of

being associated with a moral wrong-doing (Knowles et al., 2014; Kurtiş et al., 2010; Rotella &

Richeson, 2013). However, for Black individuals who serve as the targets rather than the

perpetrators of racism, perceiving racism is not a source of identity threat in the same way as it is

for their White counterparts. Black individuals may instead be motivated to protect and defend

their group by using a lower threshold for perceiving racism and being more vigilant to cues of
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 19

racism, especially as this may serve to protect their self-esteem against unfavorable evaluations

(Crocker & Major, 1989; Kaiser et al., 2006).

These motivational drives to perceive or not perceive racism can lead to divergent critical

assessments of racism between Black and White individuals, such as whether recent incidents

involving the shooting of unarmed Black individuals is driven by racism. Research from national

random-sample polls demonstrate that Black individuals are more than twice as likely as White

individuals to view these cases as raising important issues about race (Pew Research Center,

2014b). While motivations tied to group membership have clear and direct links to the

acknowledgment or denial of racial bias, these discrepancies are also a consequence of the

differential exposure that Black and White individuals have to racism.

Black Americans are more exposed, both vicariously and directly, to racism compared to

White Americans. Research on racial socialization documents that in the U.S. there are stark

differences in the way that Black families expose and teach their children about race relations,

particularly racism, compared to White families (Gaskin, Jones, Lee, & Neblett, 2013; for a

review see Hughes et al., 2006). In Black families, the “race-talk” or messages in racial

socialization often consist of conversations about the negative stereotypes associated with Black

people (e.g., dangerous, threatening, criminal; Devine & Elliot, 1995), the history of racism in

America, the inequalities that continue to exist for Black people, and ways to prepare and cope

with racial barriers (Jones & Neblett, 2016; Nunnally, 2012).

Broadly, this socialization is aimed to help Black children learn to safely navigate White

America and “prepare” themselves for the direct experiences of racism they will encounter, such

as discrimination by various structures and institutions (e.g., employers, criminal justice system,

academics; for a recent review see Groos, Wallace, Hardeman, & Theall, 2018). In contrast,
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 20

White individuals do not have to navigate racial issues in order to function in America because

they are not typically on the receiving end of structural and institutional discrimination (Bonilla-

Silva, 2011, 2017). For those reasons, racial socialization among White individuals and

conversation around race that could raise racialized critical consciousness, or increase one’s

degree of wokeness, is less frequent than it is for Blacks individuals (Loyd & Gaither, 2018).

While mainstream sources of information have traditionally upheld narratives around

race-relations that maintain the status quo and individualistic ideologies that widen the social and

economic gap between White and Black individuals in America (Bonilla-Silva, 2011; Salter et

al., 2018), people are able to learn and develop racialized critical consciousness from

contemporary social movements and social media platforms. Although information regarding

racism and discrimination remains more prevalent in Black media outlets such as “Black

Twitter” (Allen & Leach, 2018; Leach & Allen, 2017; Maxwell, 2016; Reinka & Leach, 2017)

the recent unrelenting media attention surrounding racial bias in policing and the wrongful

deaths of Black individuals have served as a sort of mass racial socialization tool, reaching White

audiences, as well as Black ones.

Contemporary movements born out of these incidents, such as the Black Lives Matter

hashtag and Movement, have galvanized Black and White individuals towards becoming more

“woke” and acting against interpersonal and systemic manifestations of racism. For instance,

White People 4 Black Lives (WP4BL) is a White anti-racist collective and activist group that

acts in alliance with Black Lives Matter and other anti-Black racist partners to raise awareness

about anti-Black racism and engage in direct political action (AWARE-LA, 2020). In fact,

historically, White individuals have allied with Black people against anti-Black racism, such as

during the American Civil Rights Movement (see Hall, 2007). This suggests that even without
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 21

having the same direct or vicarious experiences with racism, there are points of convergence

where Black and White individuals can be critically aware of racism and act in ways to combat

it. However, it remains an empirical question to, “To what extent do Black and White individuals

share a critical awareness of racism?” Furthermore, “What are the direct consequences of this

awareness for perceiving instances of racial inequality and acting against it?”

A Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale

In order to be able to test whether White individuals, as well as Black individuals, can be

“woke”, it is necessary to use measures that are reliable for both groups. The present research

therefore, tests a new Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale as a measure of critical historical

consciousness about anti-Black racism, that is applicable to individuals at both ends of the racial

hierarchy, which to our knowledge is missing in the scholarship on critical consciousness. I see

critical consciousness and notions of Black/African-American consciousness as conceptual

progenitors of “woke”. As such, the theoretical framework of the Woke scale is grounded in

these multidimensional theories (Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Biko, 1973; Diemer et al., 2017; Miller

et al., 1981). Accordingly, I view the concept of woke as having a multifaceted in-depth

knowledge about racism that can subsequently be used as a tool for the recognition of and

resistance to systems of oppression.

To include all facets of “woke”, my measure taps into the affective, cognitive, and

behavioral dimensions of having a critical analysis of (racial) injustice, and rejection of White

supremacy. As previously reviewed, chief among indices of critical consciousness are notions

about critical reflection and recognizing systems of inequity as severe, prevalent, historically

rooted, and problematic (Christens et al., 2016; Diemer et al., 2015). I, therefore, see “woke” as

having six distinct components, three of which I see as being directly related to Critical
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 22

Consciousness’ notion of critical reflection: recognition of structural racial inequality, rejection

of oppressive ideologies, and recognition of parallels between contemporary and historical

racism.

Recognition of structural racial inequality refers to the ability to perceive racism against

Black individuals as systemic, resulting from structures and institutions that perpetuate

oppression, rather than resulting solely from seemingly isolated, interpersonal incidents. This

component of “woke” focuses on the causal attributions for racism and the disparate conditions

that Black individuals face in U.S. society compared to White individuals. In addition to being

vastly similar to critical consciousness’ “critical reflection,” this component also reflects race

consciousness’ notion of “system blame” (Gurin, 1985), wherein rather than make individual

attributions for inequality against Black individuals or “blaming the victim,” one is able to

understand and recognize the structural causes and maintenance of inequality. Thus, someone

who recognizes structural racial inequality would, for example, be less likely to attribute racism

solely to specific people and more likely to say that racism reflects actions of people and

institutions. Not just a “few bad apples,” but rather, “the bushel.” Notably, the ‘recognition of

structural racial inequality’ component of “woke” does not outright deny the existence of

individual contributions to racism (e.g., biased, prejudiced individuals), but acknowledges

contributors to racism beyond sole individuals.

Rejection of oppressive ideologies refers to the ability to first analyze ideologies that

sustain White superiority and the subjugation of Black people (i.e., hierarchy-attenuating

legitimizing myths; (see Levin et al., 1998; Sidanius & Pratto, 2001) and, secondly, to reject

these ideologies. Broadly, racist legitimizing myths encompass various attitudes, beliefs (e.g.,

stereotypes about Black individuals, characterizing them as lazy, intellectually inferior, criminal,
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 23

etc.), and ideologies such as beliefs in a just world and meritocracy, that justify power

differentials between groups, and explicitly or implicitly deny that racial inequality exists, or that

it is due to racist history, practices, and policies. Thus, someone who rejects oppressive

ideologies would, for example, be more likely to endorse statements that acknowledge how

negative stereotypes about Black people are used to disguise the true causes of racial inequality,

compared to someone who does not reject oppressive ideologies. Importantly, this component of

“woke” does not reflect Black superiority or anti-White racism, as having critical racism

awareness is not a zero-sum game (Norton & Sommers, 2011). Rather, this component involves

understanding the ideological and belief structures that play a crucial role in maintaining racial

inequality.

The third “woke” component, recognition of parallels between contemporary and

historical racism, refers to a person’s ability to connect historical forms of racial oppression to

contemporary forms of racial oppression. This component encompasses understanding that

racism is continual in the U.S., acknowledging that the consequences associated with historical

racism are evident in present-day society, and further, recognizing the similarities between past

and present racism in terms of the mechanisms used to oppress Black people and the socio-

psychological and societal consequences of this oppression, White superiority – Black

subjugation.

Someone who recognizes the parallels between contemporary and historical racism

would, for example, be more likely to see racism as being present in different forms throughout

American history and today, and would recognize contemporary issues such as mass

incarceration and restrictive voting laws as modernized forms of Jim Crow and slavery

(Alexander 2010; Allen & Leach, 2018). This component is particularly interesting given that,
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 24

while several theories argue that historical knowledge about injustice is a central component of

critical, group, race, Black/ African-American consciousness (Adams et al., 2018; Baldwin &

Bell, 1985; Biko, 1978; Freire, 1973; Gurin, 1985; Miller et al., 1981), people’s historical

knowledge of racism is rarely measured (Watts et al., 2011)1.

In addition to the aforementioned three components, I further see “woke” as having

orientations that influence how people approach or avoid understandings of race, one of these

orientations being, orientation towards racial awareness. This component of “woke” broadly

represents being motivated to be knowledgeable of racism, it’s existence, and seeking

information surrounding racism and race-related issues, and thus is tangential to Critical

Consciousness’ critical reflection. Within this component, I draw a distinction between

objectively knowing that racial inequality exists and feeling a sort of duty or desire to know

about what is going on in society in terms of race relations in the U.S., and the implications of

racism for Black people.

Someone who has a greater orientation towards racial awareness would, for example, be

more likely to believe they have a duty to be informed about race discrimination, and less likely

to believe that issues of race are of no concern to them. Although people may be aware of

inequalities, they can construct perceptions of the world that more or less accurately capture the

degree of racism in society (see Salter et al., 2018). In addition to being aware of racism and

recognizing it as a systemic problem, individuals also need to attend actively to information and

not avoid or repress it in order to subsequently engage in efforts to do something about it (Adams

et al., 2018; Allen & Leach, 2018).

In addition to “woke” encompassing an orientation towards being aware of racism, I see

“woke” as having an orientation towards collective action on behalf of Black people, which
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 25

draws from prior notions of Black/African-American consciousness (Baldwin & Bell, 1985).

Orientation towards collective action reflects the extent to which one believes that collective

efforts must be taken in order for the lives and well-being of Black individuals to be improved,

because they are more effective than individual efforts (Wright, 2003; Wright & Lubensky,

2009). Someone who has a greater orientation towards anti-racist collective action would, for

example, endorse the belief that Black individuals should work together to improve their

socioeconomic standing rather than focus on individual accomplishments. This does not suggest

that White individuals cannot nor should not work with Black individuals, rather that the

advancement of Black people requires individuals to work together for the advancement of the

collective group, not sole individuals.

This component, orientation towards collective action, is a sort of fusion of the political

efficacy and critical action components of Critical Consciousness and parallels other scholarship

on consciousness that emphasizes the importance of engaging in collective efforts for the

betterment of Black/African-Americans (e.g., Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Gurin et al., 1980).

Importantly, ‘orientation towards collective action’ is not a measure of direct engagement in anti-

racist action. I view it as an empirical question whether action comprises being woke or if being

woke is the antecedent for action. So, rather than have engagement in action as a condition of

“woke,” as others have in their conceptions of being critically aware of racism (see Baldwin &

Bell, 1985, Collins, 2017), I include beliefs about the effectiveness of collective action, as a

condition. Thus, this “woke” component emphasizes the belief that collective action is efficient

and efficacious.

Lastly, and distinct from prior notions surrounding consciousness, yet related to recent

socio-political discourse surrounding “being woke” (Maxwell, 2016), I see “woke” as also being
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 26

knowledgeable of contemporary racialized movements surrounding anti-Black racism. This final

component of “woke”, refers to being aware of the existence, meaning, and cause of modern

movements surrounding racial inequality against Black individuals. This component is largely

related to consciousness literature such as Black/African-American consciousness that

emphasize an awareness of activities that prioritize (or do not prioritize) Black individuals’

survival and liberation (Baldwin & Bell, 1985). At present, this contemporary knowledge of

racial movements specifically includes movements about violence against Black people, namely

police violence.

Within the concept of “woke”, police violence movements are given special attention due

to their pivotal role in drawing awareness towards and renewing conversations about structural

racism that Black individuals face (Choudhury et al., 2016; Freelon et al., 2016; Leach & Allen,

2017; President’s Task Force, 2015). Someone who has a greater contemporary knowledge (or a

more accurate interpretation) of racial movements would regard Black Lives Matter as a

movement that seeks to remind individuals that Black lives matter, because U.S. society’s habits

and structures function as if Black lives do not (Garza et al., 2014). This is in contrast to viewing

Black Lives Matter as a movement that prioritizes Black lives over the lives of police and other

social groups. Take for example, President Barack Obama’s conceptualization of ‘Black Lives

Matter’ (see McDonald, 2016):

“I think it’s also important for us to understand that the phrase ‘Black Lives
Matter’ simply refers to the notion that there’s a specific vulnerability for African-
Americans that needs to be addressed. It’s not meant to suggest that other lives
don’t matter. It’s to suggest that other folks aren’t experiencing this particular
vulnerability and so we shouldn’t get too caught up somehow in this notion that
people who are asking for fair treatment are somehow automatically anti-police or
trying to only look out for black lives as opposed to others.”
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 27

In sum, “woke” or critical racism awareness is a multidimensional concept that includes a

socio-political awareness of contemporary racial injustice and a historical critique and

acknowledgement of racism in different socioeconomic domains, which fuels fighting against

White supremacy and anti-Black racism. Specifically, “woke” is hypothesized to comprise six

related, yet distinct components which include: (1) recognition of structural racial inequality, (2)

rejection of oppressive ideologies, (3) recognition of parallels between contemporary and

historical racism, (4) an orientation towards racial awareness, (5) an orientation towards

collective action, and (6) contemporary knowledge of racial movements. Similar to the theories

of consciousness that precede it, I suggest that “woke” is not absolute. Rather, individuals may

be partly “woke”, or “woke” in some ways and on some dimensions more so than others. While

racial/ethnic groups and individuals within these groups may differ in their degree of wokeness, I

argue that to the extent if individuals (regardless of their race/ethnicity) are motivated to be

critically aware of systemic oppression and its present-day manifestations as rooted in historical

oppression, and are motivated to act against anti-Black racism, they can be considered “woke”.

Study Aims

In developing the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale, I sought to test several

significant and related questions. First, I tested whether the concept of “woke” is in fact

multidimensional, and if so, whether all the components hypothesized correlate. Second, I tested

whether the same components of “woke” are evident among both Black and White adults. Third,

I tested whether the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale would correlate with other measures

of critical consciousness and with previous measures of racism and beliefs about group

inequality. Fourth, I examined whether Black and White individuals differed on measures of

“woke”. Fifth, I tested whether a predictive association exists between being “woke” and
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 28

perceiving racism – that is whether having greater critical racism awareness is associated with

perceiving incidents involving racial bias as racism. Lastly, I tested if being “woke” contributes

to engagement in anti-racism actions. The next section details my reasoning for measuring the

construct validity of the Woke scale alongside measures of Symbolic Racism (SR), Social

Dominance Orientation (SDO), and Critical Consciousness (CCS).

Convergent Validity

Symbolic Racism

Symbolic racism is associated with my conceptualization of “woke” in several ways. The

claim of symbolic racism is related to how I conceptualize “woke” and the approach I took in

including Blackness and racism as the core target and cause of inequality. Similar to my

conceptualization of “woke”, the theory of symbolic racism stems from the notion that many of

the disadvantages that Black individuals experienced in the past have not disappeared (Sears et

al., 2000). Rather, this theory suggests a post-Jim Crow, new racism which reflects anti-Black

affect and attitude, and individualism (Henry & Sears, 2002; Sears & Henry, 2003). Symbolic

racism is a political belief system with four central beliefs: 1) Black individuals do not

experience much prejudice or discrimination anymore, 2) any differences in the social standing

of Black individuals is the result of their individual attributes (e.g., laziness, inability or

willingness to work hard), 3) Black individuals are expecting equality to happen too fast, and 4)

Black individuals have achieved more progress than they deserve (Henry & Sears, 2002; Sears &

Henry, 2003).

Symbolic racism also informs claims about with whom the burden of social change and

societal change is placed. That is, symbolic racism can be used to assess individuals’ beliefs

about Black individuals’ positionality in society and beliefs about the causal attributions of their
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 29

position. This is strongly related to the recognition of structural racial inequality and rejection of

oppressive ideologies components of “woke”. The anti-Black affect measured in symbolic

racism can emerge (or be experienced subjectively) as avoidance and a desire to distance oneself

from the injustice Black individuals experience (Sears & Henry, 2003). This motivation to move

away or towards information about racism is partially reflected in the orientation towards racial

awareness component of woke. As a whole, “woke” represents a higher order recognition that

racism is real and exists in our cultural worldview and practices. For this reason, “woke” also

partially reflects’ notions surrounding the symbolic racism theme, ‘denial of continuing racial

discrimination’. However, “woke” diverges from symbolic racism and measures used to assess

it, due to “woke’s” more critical approach towards understanding the existence and continuation

of racism against Blacks, and the reason why. Thus, while I anticipate that the Woke scale will

correlate with a measure of symbolic racism, there is a degree of discrimination that I expect in

terms of each measures predictive value.

Critical Consciousness

As previously discussed, the three-component concept of critical consciousness (Diemer

et al., 2015; Watts et al., 2011) bears a lot of resemblance to my conceptualization of “woke.” Of

the three components of critical consciousness, critical reflection – which refers to the ability to

analyze the inequities and injustices, is most similar to “woke”. Given the similarities and

differences between critical reflection and “woke,” I analyzed the strength of the relationship

between these two measures. I predict that there will be a strong positive association between the

critical reflection component of the Critical Consciousness Scale (CCS; Diemer et al., 2017) and

each dimension of “woke.” Further, I anticipate that the association between critical reflection

and “woke” will be strongest for the recognition of structural racial inequality, rejection of
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 30

oppressive ideologies, and recognition of parallels between contemporary and historical racism

subcomponents of “woke.” However, unlike “woke”, which focuses on the marginalization of

Black individuals specifically, the CCS is a more general measure of attitudes about inequality

and various disenfranchised groups (e.g., women, poor, racial/ethnic minorities). Given the

generalness of the CCS, I expect that while the “woke” composites will be strongly positively

correlated with CCS, the correlations would not be so high that my measure of “woke” and

critical consciousness would be duplicate measures, because “woke” is a more nuanced measure

germane to the experiences of Black marginalization. In light of these differences, components

of the Woke scale will resonate differently in measuring people’s attitudes about the context of

racism for Black people, compared to CCS. Next, I consider the relationship between “woke”

and another measure that assesses beliefs around inequality.

Social Dominance Orientation

Social dominance theory, specifically, social dominance orientation is another construct

that is associated with the critical consciousness component of critical reflection (see Watts et al.,

2011), as it deals with whether people perceive group inequality to be a problem and the

ideologies that bolster that perception (Pratto et al., 1994). Social Dominance Orientation (SDO;

Pratto et al., 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 2001) measures support for group-based inequality, social

hierarchies, and dominance, and is associated with social and political ideologies, such as

meritocracy, that support and reinforce group hierarchies. Overall, the theory of social

dominance postulates that people who score high on SDO are those who favor ideologies that

enhance and maintain group-based inequities (i.e., hierarchy-enhancing), whereas those lower on

SDO favor ideologies that seek to establish group-based equity (i.e., hierarchy-attenuating). SDO

is an important measure because it can be used to predict the beliefs that individuals have about
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 31

their groups’ standing in comparison to out-groups and their endorsement of specific ideologies

and policies related to social equity. In turn, these beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors towards issues

surrounding social equity can also influence an individuals’ level of SDO. Thus, SDO is both a

cause and a consequence of hierarchy-enhancing or hierarchy-attenuating beliefs and practices. I

believe the same can be said of “woke.” Being “woke” can increase individuals’ perceptions of

racism and engagement in action against racism, and in turn, this increased awareness of racism

and engagement in anti-racism action can increase one’s degree of wokeness.

SDO is also tied to previous research on critical consciousness as part of critical

consciousness involves the endorsement of egalitarian social beliefs, structures, and group

positions (Christens et al., 2016). Researchers have found that low SDO (e.g., hierarchy-

attenuating tendencies) is associated with greater critical reflection (Diemer et al., 2006). That is,

people who have a lower orientation towards supporting and engaging in hierarchy-enhancing

behaviors are more aware of inequality. Given that social dominance theory research has

examined people’s attitudes towards oppressive ideologies, and SDO is a measure of preference

for inequality among groups, it is likely the case that those who demonstrate a preference for

group-based hierarchies would be less likely to be woke. I, therefore, predict that every woke

component will be strongly, negatively correlated with SDO.

General Hypotheses

On the basis of previous research on critical consciousness (Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Biko,

1978; Diemer et al., 2014; Freire, 1973, 2000), I hypothesized that I would observe a six factor

latent structure of Woke items that would be similar for Black and White individuals. Using

previous critical consciousness and racism measures, I hypothesized that the Woke scale would

be positively correlated with the critical reflection component of Diemer and colleagues (2014)
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 32

Critical Consciousness Scale (CCS) and another measure of racial attitudes (Symbolic Racism

Scale; Henry & Sears, 2002). Although critical consciousness has not been assessed among both

dominant and subordinate social groups, given previous research surrounding Black-White

disparities in knowledge of racism (Nelson et al., 2012; Salter & Adams, 2016), perceptions of

racism (Carter & Murphy, 2015), and that fundamental differences exist between the interests of

dominant and subordinate groups that influence their actions towards equality (Miller et al.,

1981), I hypothesized that Black individuals would be more “woke” than their White

counterparts. That is, the Woke scale would distinguish between Black and White individuals,

with Black individuals having higher degrees of wokeness on all six of the dimensions. Lastly, in

line with research that suggests critical knowledge about racism is a tool for recognizing and

acting against racism (Adams et al., 2018; Allen & Leach, 2018; Nelson et al., 2012; Salter &

Adams, 2016), I hypothesized that, regardless of race/ethnicity, being woke would will be

associated with perceiving racially-charged incidents as evidence of racism, and with anti-racist

activism.

Scale Development, Group-based Differences, and Convergent Validity

The primary purpose of this study was to determine the factor structure of the Critical

Racism Awareness Woke Scale and test whether the factor structure is the same for Black and

White participants. Again, while I anticipate that both Black and White individuals can be

“woke,” I also anticipate that across the board, Black individuals will scorer higher on all six

“woke” dimensions relative to White individuals. In addition to determining the component

structure of the Woke scale, indexes of internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) were computed

for each component extracted during this study. Pearson’s correlation coefficients were

calculated to determine the relationship between the different Woke scale components.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 33

Furthermore, I examined racial/ethnic differences on the woke subscales and tested the

convergent validity of our measure of “woke.”

Item Development

The development of the initial items included on the Woke scale were based on informal

interviews with Black individuals from diverse backgrounds, a review of the literature on

critical, Black/African-American, race, and group consciousness (Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Diemer

et al., 2017; Gurin 1985; Milliones, 1980), critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000),

Black identity (Sellers et al., 1997), and system blame (Crocker et al., 1999; Nunnally & Carter,

2012) as well as literary work such as Michelle Alexander’s book The New Jim Crow: Mass

Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness, and documentaries such as Ava DuVernay’s 13th.

Items were created to specifically measure each of the six hypothesized dimensions of “woke”.

Efforts were made to ensure that the items could be easily understood. Similar to the method

used for the construction and validation of the Critical Consciousness Scale (CCS; Diemer et al.,

2017), “woke” items were initially piloted with undergraduate and graduate student reviewers,

who were asked to rate the clarity and complexity of each item, suggest revisions for items, and

provide additional item suggestions. On the basis of these procedures, a total of 38 items were

generated (see Table 2 for the number of items created for each factor).

Method

Participants

Participants were eligible if they self-identified as Black/African-American or

White/European-American, reported being in the U.S., and using English as their primary

language. I propose that “woke” frames how individuals think about racism and racial inequality

as it pertains to Black individuals, therefore I sought to examine the applicability of “woke” to

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 34

both Black and White individuals and recruited a socio-economically diverse sample of Black

and White participants from multiple platforms. A total of 1,538 participants, who were eligible

for this study, were recruited from the University of Connecticut, California State University

Northridge, Prolific, Qualtrics panels, and social media using a snowball sampling method.

Individuals recruited through undergraduate participant pools received course credit for their

participation, participants recruited from Prolific were compensated $5 each and those from

Qualtrics received an incentive based on the various platforms that they were recruited from (i.e.,

their rewards varied and may have included cash, airline miles, gift cards, etc.). Lastly,

individuals recruited through social media were compensated with a $10 Amazon e-gift card.

Data were eliminated from 180 participants who did not finish the survey (i.e., did not get

to the last page of the survey). Participants’ data were further eliminated based on having one or

more of the following exclusion criteria: 1) failing to correctly answer attention check questions

(e.g., “It is important that you pay attention during this study. Click the answer choice ‘neither

agree nor disagree’."), n =262 , 2) response times for completion of the entire survey were less

than 10 minutes or greater than 120 minutes, n = 290, 3) percentage of all missing data was

greater than 20% based on Little’s MCAR test, n = 3, and 4) percentage of missing data for items

specific for the Woke scale construction was greater than 20%, n = 2 . Data were also excluded

for cases which had identical response answers for open-ended questions as they appeared to be

from the same individuals, n =51. In sum, a total of 486 participants were excluded and removed

from further data analyses yielding a final sample of 1052 participants1.

Of the remaining participants, the mean age of participants was 33.7 years, SD = 12.46.

Forty-six percent of participants self-identified as Black/African-American and 55% identified as

female. Participants were widely geographically dispersed across the U.S. and a majority
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 35

reported residing in large cities such as Los Angeles, CA and New York, NY. More than 40% of

the sample reported having attained at least a Bachelor’s degree from a 4-year institution and

more than 50% reported a family annual household income of $80,000 or above. The majority of

the population sample was eligible to vote and participated in the November 2016 presidential

election. Participants’ predominate political party alignment was Democrat, with 53% of the

participant sample identifying as being “towards Democrat” or “close to Democrat.” Notably,

26% of participants identified as neither Republican nor Democrat, or both. Characteristics of the

respondents by racial/ethnic group are summarized in Table 1.

Procedure

Participants were informed they would be participating in a survey about social justice.

All surveys were administered via an online platform and responses were anonymous. Each

survey included a consent form, the primary survey, and a debriefing form providing participants

with more details about the nature of the survey and the contact information of the principal and

student investigators. Participants received the following measures in the order listed below and

items were randomly presented to participants by measure. Additional measures were included in

the survey; however, they were not relevant to the current study and thus are not included in this

paper. Unless otherwise noted, measures were five-point Likert items with response options that

ranged from ‘1’ strongly disagree to ‘5’ strongly agree. See the appendix for all items included

in the present study.

Measures

Woke Scale Items. The thirty-eight woke items had one of three question formats. This

was done primarily to make the survey less monotonous. Some components of woke included

items that used both Likert and bipolar scales. One format measured the level of (dis)agreement
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 36

with simple statements on a five-point Likert scale (e.g., “Real racism is a thing of the past”).

Another format used bipolar sliders for which participants were asked to move a slider along a

line to the position showing how much they prefer the statement at one end of the pole to the

statement at the other. Bipolar sliders were used to measure attributions for racial inequality and

the meaning of contemporary social movements/memes. Bipolar sliders were especially relevant

for these items given that movements, such as Black Lives Matter, typically have two major

stances regarding what the movement means and the implications for the movement are (see

McDonald, 2016). An example of the former is “White families have more net wealth (e.g., cars,

homes, savings) than Black families. Which is this more due to?” with the following statements

at either pole: “Historically, White people tend to be more responsible with their money to pass

down to the next generation versus in previous generations” versus “Blacks could not save

money to pass to the next generation because they were unpaid as slaves or had low-paying job.”

An example of the latter is “Say Her Name” with the following statements at the poles: is about

violence against women” versus “emphasizes that similar to Black men, Black women are also

victims of police violence.” For all bipolar slider items, participants were able to leave the slider

in the center which reflected ambivalence.

Social Dominance Orientation. Participants completed eight items to measure Social

Dominance Orientation (SDO7(s); Ho et al., 2015; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999, 2001). The SDO7

scale reflects individual differences in the preference for group-based hierarchies and inequality.

This scale includes measures that assess both beliefs about dominance which comprises a

preference for high status groups’ domination over lower status groups and egalitarianism which

represents a preference for systems of inequality that are perpetuated through ideologies and

social practices that maintain inequity (Ho et al., 2015). Example items include “Some groups of
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 37

people are simply inferior to other” and “No one group should dominate in society.” Participants

responded to each item using a five-point Likert scale that ranged from ‘1’ strongly oppose to ‘5’

strongly favor. Responses were scored such that higher scores indicated greater preference for

group-based hierarchies and social inequality (Cronbach’s α = .86).

Symbolic Racism. Participants completed the Symbolic Racism 2000 scale which

consists of eight items which measures a “blend” of negative affect towards Black individuals

and conservative ideals (Henry & Sears, 2000). Three items were not measured using a five-

point Likert scale. The item “Some say that Black leaders have been trying to push too fast.

Others feel that they haven't pushed fast enough. What do you think?” had the following

response options: ‘1’ trying to push too fast, ‘2’ going to slow, and ‘3’ moving at about the right

speed. The item “How much of the racial tension that exists in the United States today do you

think Blacks are responsible for creating?” had the following response options: ‘1’ not much at

all, ‘2’ some, ‘3’most , and ‘4’ all of it. Lastly, “How much discrimination against Blacks do

you feel there is in the United States today, limiting their chances to get ahead?” had the choice

options: ‘1’ none at all, ‘2’ just a little, ‘3’ some, and ‘4’ a lot. These items were rescaled in

order to take the average of all eight items to create a composite measure. Higher values on this

composite indicated greater racial animosity against Black individuals and support of

conservative values (Cronbach’s α = .83).

Critical Consciousness. Participants completed eight items from the 22-item Critical

Consciousness Scale (CCS; Diemer et al., 2017). Specifically, these items were taken from the

eight-item critical reflection: perceived inequality subscale which measures individual

differences in perceived inequality among racial/ethnic minorities, women, and those with low
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 38

socio-economic status. Higher scores on this scale reflect greater recognition of social inequality

across different social groups (Cronbach’s α = .92).

Socio-political Engagement. Eight items from the 35-item Activism Orientation Scale

(AOS; Corning & Myers, 2013) were taken and modified to measure socio-political engagement

against anti-Black racism. Items were primarily modified to reflect efforts against racism

towards Black individuals specifically. For example, the original item “Boycott a product of

political reasons” was changed to “Boycotted a racist shop or company.” Response options

included ‘1’ yes, ‘2’ no, but I want to, ‘3’ no, and I don’t want to, and ‘4’ simply no. These

responses were dichotomized (e.g., yes/no) and a composite variable was created based on the

sum of the number of “yes” responses that participants had for political engagement. An

additional composite was created based on the sum of the number of “no, but I want to”

responses to the socio-political engagement items.

Evaluations of Racism. Six items were used to assess individuals’ tendency to interpret

incidents of racial bias as instances of racism. Participants were asked to indicate on a five-point

response scale ranging from ‘1’ definitely is not racist to ‘5’ definitely is racist, the extent to

which they considered the statements with racially disparate outcomes as indicative of racism

(Unzueta & Lowery, 2008). Three of these items concerned interpersonal racism (e.g., “A car

salesman offers lower prices to White customers than non-White customers”) and the other three

concerned structural racism (e.g., “A university ends its affirmative action program, resulting in

a large drop in Black enrollment”). Similar to the procedure used by Unzueta and Lowery (2008)

these measures were split and two composite variables were created based on the average of the

three interpersonal items (Cronbach’s α = .85) and the three structural items (Cronbach’s α =

.75). Higher values for each composite indicated having interpreted greater racism.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 39

Covariates. Given that beliefs about racial injustice is correlated with numerous

sociodemographic characteristics, I included known socio-demographic predictors in the

regression analyses as covariates. Specifically, gender identification (0 = male, 1 = female)

because men tend to support racial/ethnic prejudice, racism, and other hierarchy-enhancing

attitudes to a greater degree compared to women (Nadal et al., 2014; Sidanius et al., 1991).

Education, which ranged from ‘1’ no high school to ‘9’ attained professional or doctoral degree

(i.e., PhD, JD, MD) and household income which ranged from ‘1’ less than US$30,000 to ‘13’

over US$500,000 were also include as covariates because studies have shown that socio-

economic status is associated with beliefs regarding social (in)equality (Kraus et al., 2017;

Sidanius & Pratto, 2001).

Additionally, political orientation was included in the regression analyses as a covariate

because political liberalism (e.g., Democrat) and conservatism (e.g., Republican) also has an

established relationship with beliefs about group-based hierarchies and societal inequality

(Cooley et al., 2019; Sidanius & Pratto, 2001). Political orientation was assessed using the

following item “Which political party aligns most closely with your own views?” with response

options ranging from ‘1’ close to Republican to ‘5’ close to Democrat. Three additional items

were included assessing where participants stood on social, political, and economic issues (e.g.,

“On economic issues, would you describe yourself as…” with response options ranging from ‘1’

very conservative to ‘5’ very liberal. These three measures were only moderately correlated with

the single political party measure, average r = .52, thus I choose to only include the single

measures of political party affiliation as a covariate.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 40

Results

Factor Analysis: The Structure of the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale

All “woke”-relevant variables were rescaled to vary from -1 to 1. Thus, an item on a five-

point Likert scale was converted to scores of -1.00, -.50, 0, .50, 1.00. This was also true for the

bipolar slider items, wherein slider values ranged from -1.00 for options that reflected what I

deemed a less critically aware answer (e.g., saying that racism is the product of acts done by

specific people) to 1.00 for options that reflected a more critically aware answer (e.g., saying that

racism is the product of specific people and institutions). Primary analyses were conducted using

IBM SPSS version 25 and AMOS.

Prior to performing the initial exploratory factor analysis, reliabilities for the six

hypothesized components of “woke” were analyzed. Table 2 shows the sample size, size of the

hypothesized woke subscales, Cronbach’s alpha, and inter-item correlations for each of the six

subscales, both for the entire sample and for each racial/ethnic group. For each subscale, removal

of items did not significantly improve the overall Cronbach’s alpha. Given the low reliability and

intra-class correlation coefficient of the orientation towards collective action subscale (𝛼 =.29,

ICC = .12) the items associated with this subscale were removed from further analyses. Among

the remaining 35 items, it was observed that each of the items correlated at least .3 with at least

one other item, suggesting reasonable factorability (Tabachnik & Fidell, 2001). Some of the

correlations among the 35 items were very high (e.g., |.60| or greater) and some were low (e.g.,

|.01| to|.03|).

Upon exploratory inspection of the reliabilities for the six hypothesized “woke”

components, it was determined that the reliability of the ‘orientation towards collective action’

component was especially low and items associated with this component (k = 3) were
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 41

subsequently removed. Given the removal of one of the hypothesized components, it was

deemed fit to conduct an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) rather than a confirmatory factor

analysis (CFA) in order to determine how many factors should be extracted from the remaining

“woke” items. Results of the factor analysis (EFA, Maximum Likelihood, Promax rotation) with

the remaining 35 “woke”-relevant items suggested that a five-factor solution was the most

optimal, based on the scree plot, 2 Goodness-of-Fit tests, and four additional commonly-used

strategies for determining the optimum number of factors to extract: (1) Kaiser’s stopping rule,

(2) number of non-trivial factors, (3) percent of cumulative variance explained, and (4) a priori

criteria (see Gorsuch, 1990). I also tested whether “woke” items were distinct from Symbolic

Racism by factor analyzing the “woke” items and the composite measures of Symbolic Racism.

The factor structure was comparable with and without the inclusion of Symbolic Racism items.

The five-factor solution without Symbolic Racism accounted for 51.32% of the variance.

Initial communality values for the five-factor model ranged from .30 to .65. It is also important

to note that the determinant was not greater than .0001, which suggests that collinearity was

high; however, the highest correlation observed among the 35 “woke” items was .65. With a

cutoff value of >.32 for inclusion of a variable in the interpretation of a factor, all items loaded

on at least one of the five factors. Eight items were complex, loading on to two or more factors at

a value greater than .30, so they were removed from further analyses.

The remaining 27 woke-relevant items each distinctly loaded on one factor. The

remaining items were selected for each subscale according to the magnitude of their loading on

to the relevant factor. While items did not directly load onto factors in the way I initially

constructed the woke subscales, the factors were relatively representative of the underlying

meanings of the hypothesized components of “woke.” Table 3 organizes the items by factor and
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 42

indicates the name of the factor and items that loaded at least .40 on that factor (with the criterion

value dropped to greater than .30 if this was the highest loading that an item had on any factor). I

observed significant method factoring, that is, items with similar question formats (i.e., Likert,

bipolar scales) loaded highly on the same factors. After appropriate reverse-coding, I calculated

factor scores and simple averages of subscale items, with higher scores representing being more

“woke,” that is, critically aware of racism.

I now consider the individual factors, in order of their eigenvalues from the highest to

lowest, beginning in each case with a brief interpretation of the meaning followed by a

discussion of the race effects. For at least one, if not all of the five subscales of woke, the socio-

demographic variables gender, income, education, and political orientation had a significant

effect. In general, respondents who self-identified as female, had higher amounts of annual

household income and education, and were more liberal than conservative, scored higher on the

woke subscales. However, income seemed to have the least significant association with any of

the woke subscales compared to the other socio-demographic variables (see Table 4 for

correlations). I therefore tested for racial differences on each woke subscale using ANCOVAs

with gender, income, education, and political orientation as covariates. Table 5 shows adjusted

means and standard deviations for each factor for both race/ethnic groups.

Factor 1: Racism as Endemic. The items with the highest loadings on this factor deal

with racial inequality against Black individuals being culturally embedded and foundational to

the U.S. Additionally, these items reflect the ability to recognize present-day racism as stemming

from historical incidents and a continuation of past racism. A one-way race analysis of

covariance (ANCOVA) yielded a significant race effect, F(1,1011) = 52.20, p < .001; partial η2 =
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 43

.05. Black respondents were significantly more likely to recognize racism as endemic compared

to White participants.

Factor 2: Non-minimization of Racism. This factor focuses on the degree to which

individuals acknowledge rather than deny or minimize the existence of contemporary racism.

These items also reflect individuals’ willingness to engage with information about the prevalence

and severity of racism. The ANCOVA showed no race effect, F(1,1011) < 1. Black and White

participants were equivalent in their tendency not to minimize racism.

Factor 3: Internal-External Attributions for Racism. The seven items on this factor

reflect perceptions of racism as stemming from primarily internal/interpersonal elements versus

institutional/structural level ones. Higher scores indicate a greater belief in more structural level

causes for racism and racial disparities. The ANCOVA yielded a significant race effect,

F(1,1010) = 37.43, p <.001; partial η2 = .04. Black participants were significantly more likely to

attribute causes for racism and racial inequity to external, situational factors, whereas White

participants were significantly more likely to attribute racism and inequality to internal factors.

Factor 4: Contemporary Knowledge of Racial Movements. This distinct factor is

comprised of three items and deals with the degree to which individuals are critically aware of

meaning underlying contemporary movements surrounding racial issues; specifically, the

meaning behind recent police violence movements “Blue Lives Matter,” “All Lives Matter,” and

“Say Her Name.” This factor showed the largest effect of race, even after controlling for other

sociodemographic characteristics, F(1,1010) = 89.60, p <.001; partial η2 = .08. Black

participants were more likely to understand the racialized meaning behind these movements

compared to White participants.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 44

Factor 5: Duty to Know about Racism. The two items associated with this factor reflect

the degree to which individuals feel an obligation and/or duty to be informed about racial

inequality and discrimination which was more typical of Black than White participants,

ANCOVA race effect, F(1,1011) = 19.51, p <.001; partial η2 = .02.

Internal Reliability

The five components/subscales of woke showed good internal reliability across the entire

sample and among Black and White participants separately. In general, both Black and White

participants were more “woke” than not, with means on each of the five woke subscales being

above the midpoint of 0 for both groups; given, this was only slightly true for White participants

in terms of the contemporary knowledge of racial movements scale. Additionally, the intraclass

correlations (ICCs) were quite comparable across the five components of “woke” for both

groups, except the component ‘duty to know about racism,’ which had a much bigger ICC across

subgroups (see Table 6). However, the ‘contemporary knowledge of racial movements’ subscale

of “woke” appeared to be slightly more reliable among White participants compared to Black

participants based on both the Cronbach’s alpha and the ICCs. Pearson’s correlation coefficients

were also calculated among the five woke subscales by race (see Table 7). All of the correlations

among the “woke” composites were statistically significant at p<.01 and ranged from weak (|r| =

.10 to < .30) to strong (|r| > .50; Cohen, 1988). The smallest correlation was observed between

‘non-minimization of racism’ and ‘contemporary knowledge of racial movements’ (r = .25) and

the largest correlation was observed between ‘racism as endemic’ and ‘internal-external

attributions for racism (r = .73). Overall, I saw the same structure for both Black and White

participants.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 45

Comparison of Multiple Regression Woke Models Between Racial Groups

To test the predictive validity of the woke subscales I examined whether, as hypothesized,

possessing critical racism awareness predicted greater socio-political engagement in anti-racism

action and greater perceptiveness to racism. Prior to these analyses, I conducted separate linear

regressions which established that each of the five woke subscales predicted socio-political

engagement and perceptions of both interpersonal and systemic racism, except for the woke

subscale ‘knowledge of contemporary racial movements’ which did not predict perceptions of

interpersonal racism (see Table 8 for bivariate correlations). In order to examine whether the

woke subscales worked equally effectively for both Black and White participants, I compared

multiple regressions with just the woke measures, across racial/ethnic groups. For each outcome

variable (i.e., socio-political engagement, conceptions of interpersonal incidents of racism,

conceptions of structural incidents of racism) I compared the “fit” and “structure” of the woke

subscale predictors for both Black and White participants. Fisher’s Z transformations were used

to compare the R2 values. Prediction criterion values were constructed for both Black and White

individuals’ regression models and dependent samples correlations were conducted on the

computed prediction criterion values to compare the “structure” of the woke model (see

Benkachcha et al., 2014).

For Black participants, the predictive model for socio-political engagement had an R2

=.15, F(5,479) = 17.58, p <.001, with ‘racism as endemic’ and ‘contemporary knowledge of

racial movements’ having significant regression weights, while the other three woke subscales

were negatively suppressed in the full model. For White participants, the predictive model for

socio-political engagement had an R2 =.34, F(5,559) = 57.24, p <.001, with all but ‘non-

minimization of racism’ having significant and non-suppressed regression weights (see Table 9).
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 46

Comparison of the fit of the model for Black and White participants revealed that there

was a significant difference between the respective R2 values, Z = 4.01, p <.001. A comparison

of the structure of the models for the two racial/ethnic groups was also conducted by applying

the model derived from the Black participants to the data from the White participants and

comparing the resulting “crossed” R2 with the “direct” R2 originally obtained from White

participants. The direct R2 = .34 and crossed R2 = .26 were significantly different, Z = 4.04, p

<.001, which indicates that there was a differential structure of regression weights for Black and

White individuals.

The same procedure was done for conceptions of interpersonal and structural racism.

However, for conceptions of interpersonal racism, the woke subscale ‘contemporary knowledge

of racial movements’ was not a significant predictor in either subsample and therefore was not

included in the models. For Black participants, the predictive model for conceptions of

interpersonal racism had an R2 =.11, F(4,480) = 14.79, p <.001, with ‘racism as endemic’ having

a significant regression weight (see Table 10). The ‘internal-external attribution for racism’

subscale became non-significant and the other two woke subscales were negatively suppressed in

the full model.

For White participants, the predictive model for evaluations of interpersonal incidents of

racism had an R2 =.31, F(4,560) = 63.14, p <.001, with all but ‘non-minimization of racism’

having significant and non-suppressed regression weights. Comparison of the fit of the model for

Black and White participants revealed that there was a significant difference between the

respective R2 values, Z = 4.61, p <.001. A comparison of the structure of the models for the two

racial/ethnic groups was also conducted by applying the model derived from the Black

participants to the data from the White participants and comparing the resulting “crossed” R2
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 47

with the “direct” R2 originally obtained from White participants. The direct R2 = .31 and crossed

R2 = .01 were significantly different, Z = 9.52, p <.001, which indicates that there was a

differential structure of regression weights for Black and White individuals.

Lastly, for Black participants, the predictive model for conceptions of structural racism

had an R2 =.52, F(5,478) = 102.87, p <.001, with ‘racism as endemic’ and ‘internal-external

attributions for racism’ having significant regression weights. ‘Non-minimization of racism’ and

‘duty to know about racism’ became non-significant and the other two woke subscales were

negatively suppressed and non-significant in the full model. For White participants, the

predictive model for conceptions of structural incidents of racism had an R2 =.50, F(5,559) =

111.37, p <.001, with all but ‘non-minimization of racism’ and contemporary knowledge of

racial movements having significant regression weights (see Table 11).

Comparison of the fit of the model for Black and White participants revealed that there

was not a significant difference between the respective R2 values, Z = -0.46, p =.65. A

comparison of the structure of the models for the two racial/ethnic groups was also conducted by

applying the model derived from the Black participants to the data from the White participants

and comparing the resulting “crossed” R2 with the “direct” R2 originally obtained from White

participants. The direct R2 = .71 and crossed R2 = .49 were not significantly different, Z = 1.32, p

=.09, which indicates that there was not a differential structure of regression weights for Black

and White individuals.

Convergent Validity

Symbolic Racism. I expected the five components of woke to be negatively associated

with Symbolic Racism. The Symbolic Racism Scale was moderately to strongly negatively
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 48

correlated with each subscale of woke (rs ranged from -.40 to -.74 and averaged -.62, see Table

8). This pattern was true for both Black and White participants.

Critical Consciousness. I anticipated that each of the five components of woke would be

positively associated with items from Diemer and colleagues’ (2017) Critical Consciousness

Scale (CCS). Each of the five subscales of woke were significantly positively correlated with

items from the critical reflection: perceived inequality component of CCS (rs ranged from .41 to

.65 and averaged .54, see Table 8). This pattern was true for both Black and White participants

with White participants’ average correlation, r = .60, being significantly higher, p = .01, than

Black participants’, r = .48.

Social Dominance Orientation. Each of the five woke subscales were significantly

negatively correlated with SDO (rs ranged from -.11 to -.74 and averaged -.47, see Table 8). This

pattern was true for both Black and White participants with Black participants’ average

correlation, r = -.52, being slightly more negative than White participants’, r = -.46; however,

this difference was not significant, p = .20.

Predictive and Discriminant Validity

I also tested whether the woke subscales explained more variance in socio-political

engagement and perceptions of racism beyond socio-demographic characteristics and SR, SDO,

and CCS using hierarchical regression analysis. Having established that each woke subscale, with

the exclusion of ‘knowledge of contemporary racial movements’, and SR, SDO, and CCS

significantly predicted socio-political engagement and perceptions of racism, I conducted four

stage hierarchical regressions to establish woke’s discriminant validity from socio-demographic

variables (i.e., race, gender, income, education, and political party orientation) and previous

measures of SR, SDO, and CCS on each dependent measure. Participant’s race was included in
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 49

these regressions alongside other socio-demographic measures in order to determine whether the

effect of race remained significant even after accounting for other demographics.

For each dependent measure, I first tested whether race alone predicted socio-political

engagement and perceptions of racism using independent sample t test and then included race in

the hierarchical regressions to see if the effect of race remained significant when adjusting for

the predictive strength of other socio-demographic characteristics. For each of the three

hierarchical regressions, in Step one I included socio-demographic variables, Step two included

SR, SDO, and CCS, in Step three the five woke subscales, again with the exception of the

‘knowledge of contemporary racial movements’ subscale for predicting interpersonal racism, and

Step four included the race by woke subscale interaction terms. A final hierarchical model was

conducted with only the significant and non-suppressed effects from the previous four steps.

When interaction terms were significant and the main effect of the interactions were non-

significant, both effects were replaced in the final model with the residuals of the interaction.

Given the large sample size, the a priori level of significance was set a p ≤ .01.

Socio-Political Engagement. Seventy-five percent of respondents reported participating

in at least one anti-racist action within six months of completing this survey. Independent

samples t-test revealed significant differences in attitudes towards socio-political engagement

(i.e., the desire to engage in action but not yet having done so) and actual socio-political

engagement between Black and White participants. Black participants (M = 2.48, SD = 2.24)

were more likely to report wanting to engage in socio-political activity against racism but not yet

having done so compared to White participants (M = 1.77, SD = 1.93), t(961.58) = -5.46, p

<.001, 95% CI [-.97, -.46]. Additionally, Black participants (M = 2.66, SD = 2.10) reported

greater engagement in socio-political activities within the last six months of completing the study
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 50

survey compared to White participants (M = 2.03, SD = 2.01), t(1008.77) = -4.94, p <.001, 95%

CI [-.88, -.38].

I conducted the hierarchical regression on actual socio-political engagement given my

hypotheses concerning woke’s relationship with direct engagement in anti-racist action, see

Table 12 for full details on the regression model. The hierarchical multiple regression revealed

that at Step one, socio-demographic characteristics contributed significantly to the prediction of

socio-political engagement, R2 = .15, F(5,939) = 33.24, p <.001. The addition of SR, SDO, and

CCS to the prediction of socio-political engagement (Step two) led to a small, yet significant

increase in R2 of .03, F∆(3,936) = 11.81, p <.001. In Step three, the five woke subscales were

added to the regression model and led to a significant increase in R2 of .12, F∆(5,931) = 31.77, p

<.001. In Step four, adding the race by woke subscale interaction terms also led to a small, yet

significant increase in R2 of .02, F∆(5,926) = 11.81, p <.001. After removing effects that were not

significant at p ≤ .01 and those where the directional effects were reversed (i.e., beta weights

changed signs from independent predictions), the fully trimmed model was statistically

significant, F(5,1044) = 70.90, p <.001, and accounted for 25.3% of the variance in socio-

political engagement.

Although, the woke subscales ‘non-minimization of racism’ and ‘internal-external

attributions for racism’ were significant in Step four, once the non-significant and suppressed

effects were removed, these effects became non-significant at our a priori criterion, p = .02 and p

=.03, respectively. Thus, the finally predictive model comprised of race, education, the woke

subscales ‘racism as endemic’, ‘duty to know about racism’, and the race by ‘duty to know about

racism’ interaction. Being Black versus White, having a higher education, greater

acknowledgement of racism as endemic and feeling an obligation to know about racism

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 51

predicted increased engagement in action against anti-Black racism. Additionally, the effect of

‘duty to know about racism’ on socio-political engagement was moderated by race such that as

White participants, b = .81, SE = .19, reported a greater duty to know about racism they became

more politically engaged, the opposite was true for Black participants, b = -.33, SE = .26.

Evaluations of Interpersonal Racism. Independent samples t-test revealed a significant

racial difference in perceptions of interpersonal incidents of racism. Contrary to my hypothesis,

White participants (M = .71, SD = .35) reported greater perceived racism in interpersonal

incidents of racial bias compared to Black participants (M = .56, SD = .50), t(833.02) = 5.41, p

<.001, 95% CI [.09, .20]. When included in Step one of the hierarchical regression, with other

socio-demographic variables, race maintained a significant effect on perceptions of interpersonal

racism, p <.001. Together, socio-demographics accounted for 30.4% of the variance in

perceptions of interpersonal racism, F(5, 939) = 81.75, p <.001. The addition of SR, SDO, and

CCS to the prediction of perceived interpersonal racism (Step two) led to a significant increase in

R2 of .20, F∆(3,936) = 129.39, p <.001. In Step three, the woke subscales, excluding

‘contemporary knowledge of racial movements’, were added to the regression model and led to a

small, yet significant increase in R2 of .03, F∆(4,932) = 14.53, p <.001. In Step four, adding the

race by woke subscale interaction terms also led to a small, yet significant increase in R2 of .02,

F∆(4,928) = 11.60, p <.001. The fully-trimmed model was statistically significant, F(6,1026) =

196.39, p <.001, and accounted for 53.5% of the variance in perceived racism in interpersonal

incidents.

The effect of SR was significant in Step four; however, once the non-significant and

suppressed effects were removed, this effect became non-significant at our a priori criterion, p =

.20. Thus, the final predictive model comprised of race, gender, SDO the woke subscale ‘non-
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 52

minimization of racism’, and the residuals of the race by ‘racism and endemic’ and race by ‘duty

to know about racism’ interactions (see Table 13 for full details on the regression model). This

model suggests that being White versus Black, identifying as female versus male and having a

lower tendency to minimize racism predicted increased perceptions of interpersonal racism.

Although the main effects of the woke subscales ‘racism as endemic’ and ‘duty to know about

racism’ were not significant predictors by stage four of the hierarchical regression, their

interaction terms with race were. Specifically, the effect of ‘racism as endemic’ on perceptions of

interpersonal racism was moderated by race such that as Black participants, b = .25, SE = .07,

reported more acknowledgment of endemic racism they became more likely to interpret racism

in interpersonal incidents to a stronger degree than White participants, b = .06, SE = .06.

Additionally, as Black participants, b = .22, SE = .06, reported a greater duty to know about

racism they became more interpretive of interpersonal racism to a stronger degree than White

participants, b = .17, SE = .04.

Evaluations of Structural Racism. Similar to the outcome perceptions of interpersonal

racism, independent-samples t test revealed a significant racial difference in perceptions of

structural racism. As expected, Black participants (M = .35, SD = .48) reported greater perceived

racism in structural incidents of racial bias compared to White participants (M = .28, SD = .43),

t(977.95) = -2.62, p =.01, 95% CI [-.13, -.02]. Unlike the prediction model for interpersonal

incidents of racism, when included in Step one of the hierarchical regression with other socio-

demographic variables, race did not have a significant effect on perceptions of structural racism

at our a priori criterion, p = .02. However, socio-demographic variables contributed significantly

to the prediction of perceptions of structural racism, R2 = .21, F(5,939) = 50.66, p <.001. The

addition of SR, SDO, and CCS to the prediction of perceptions of structural racism (Step two)
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 53

led to a significant increase in R2 of .16, F∆(3,936) = 77.95, p <.001. In Step three, the five woke

subscales also led to a significant increase in R2 of .15, F∆(5,931) = 58.26, p <.001. In Step four,

adding the race by woke subscale interaction terms did not lead to a significant increase in R2,

F∆(5,926) = 2.75 p = .02. The fully-trimmed model was statistically significant, F(4,1027) =

259.02, p <.001, and accounted for 50.3% of the variance in perceived racism in structural

incidents.

Although the race by ‘endemic racism’ interaction term was significant in Step four, once

the non-significant and suppressed effects were removed, this effect became non-significant, p =

.31, and was removed. The final predictive model consisted of gender and the woke subscales

‘racism as endemic’, ‘internal-external attributions for racism’, and ;duty to know about racism’

(see Table 14 for full details on the regression model). This model suggests that identifying as

female versus male and having a higher acknowledgment of racism as endemic, a greater

tendency to attribute racism to external/structural versus internal/interpersonal factors, and a

greater sense of duty to know about racism predicted increased interpretations of structural racial

bias as indicative of racism.

Discussion

On the basis of previous work on critical, race, and Black/African-American

consciousness, I postulated that “woke” – which reflects a critical awareness of anti-Black

racism, would be a multi-dimensional construct. While I hypothesized six distinct but related

components, results from this study yielded five components of “woke”: (1) racism as endemic,

(2) non-minimization of racism, (3) internal-external attributions for racism, (4) contemporary

knowledge of racial movements, and (5) duty to know about racism. These items grouped

together in ways that were similar to what I hypothesized, although not exact. Based on the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 54

analyses, the hypothesized ‘orientation towards collective action’ component of “woke” was not

reliable. The inability to capture this component in my measure, however, does not discount the

importance of collective action and the advancement of Black people as a group that has been

emphasized in other work on critical consciousness (i.e., Black/African-American consciousness;

Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Milliones, 1980). I suggest that future research should further investigate

how best to assess individuals’ beliefs surrounding efforts to reduce anti-Black racism being a

collective one.

Previous work on consciousness have also highlighted the importance of direct

engagement in action towards establishing (racial) justice. Specifically, critical, race, and Black/

African-American consciousness literature has embedded action into its definition such that, to

be conscious is to engage in critical action (Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Christens et al., 2016; Diemer

et al., 2006; Diemer et al., 2017; Watts et al., 2011). Contemporary discourse around “woke”

have also highlighted action as a critical element (see Allen & Leach, 2018). In this paper, rather

than measure “woke” in terms of action, I viewed wokeness as a precursor to engaging in action

and thus, examined whether one’s level of wokeness could be used to predict engagement in

socio-political action against racism. Although I approached this relationship in a linear way, the

relationship between critical racism awareness and action is a dynamic one. Awareness is likely

to incite anti-racist action and engagement in this action likely leads one to reappraise societal

conditions and increase awareness about racial injustice. This increased awareness of societal

injustice is likely to inspire greater engagement in anti-racist action (Zomeren et al., 2012).

While scholars may fall within two camps about the association between critical consciousness

and action, either believing action to be a part of critical consciousness or a product of it; rather

than define woke in terms of action, I view action as the product of being “woke.”
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 55

Implications of Being Woke

In this study, participants who scored high on components of woke demonstrated greater

socio-political engagement and a greater tendency to interpret the presence of racism in incidents

involving racial bias, both interpersonal and structural instances. Further, dimensions of woke

remained significant predictors of socio-political engagement in anti-racist action and

interpretations of racism even after accounting for socio-demographic characteristics such as

racial/ethnic group membership, age, political orientation and previous measures of racial

attitudes and intergroup relations (i.e., Symbolic Racism, Critical Consciousness, SDO).

Although this study does not directly confirm that inducing knowledge changes

perceptions of racism or socio-political engagement, these findings are consistent with prior

work that demonstrates that in-depth knowledge about inequality, particularly racism, is

associated with greater recognition of and resistance to systems of oppression (Adams et al.,

2018; Nelson et al., 2012; Salter & Adams, 2016). I offer “woke: as another conceptual theory of

racism that connotes being critically historically aware of racial inequality against Black

individuals and this measure predicted perceptions and behaviors associated with racism and

racial inequality against Black individuals.

Notably, not all components of woke contributed consistently to the prediction of socio-

political engagement and perceptions of racism when included in predictive models with other

dimensions of woke and previous measures of Symbolic Racism, Critical Consciousness, and

Social Dominance Orientation. The woke component, ‘racism as endemic’ remained a significant

predictor of socio-political engagement and interpretations of racism, either on its own or when

moderated by race. Considering that this component reflects a broader ideology surrounding the

rejection of oppressive ideologies and critical acknowledgment of the systemic and historically
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 56

rooted nature of racism, this is not entirely surprising. Research on attitudes and behavior suggest

that it is important for measures of attitudes and beliefs to be as specific or general as the

outcomes they are supposed to predict (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2005; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1974).

Further, there is a stronger relationship between attitudes and behaviors and judgments “when

the behavioral criterion is broadly representative of the behavioral domain, rather than a single

arbitrarily selected action” (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1974) p. 61). That is, the effects of attitudes

become more apparent when I examine the aggregate of multiple behaviors and judgments

instead of isolated ones.

Considering this principal of aggregation, the component ‘racism as endemic’ is a

consistently strong predictor of the study outcomes (i.e., socio-political engagement in anti-racist

action and perceived racism, with the slight caveat of the moderation effect for isolated racism)

because this woke dimension directly reflects recognizing the treatment of Black people as unjust

and engaging in behaviors to do something about it. Future research is necessary to examine

whether the strength of being “woke” is directly tied to issues related to racism, specifically anti-

Black racism, or if it can be used as a broader measure for predicting injustices that are not

specifically race related (e.g., sexism).

Being Woke in Black and White

The results presented in this study also have implications for whether being critically

knowledgeable of anti-Black racism is relevant to and has significance for people who are not in

oppressed groups. While previous research on critical consciousness has primarily made deep

and reflective awareness of injustice the sole purview of marginalized groups, there is work on

group consciousness that suggests both marginalized and privileged groups can conceivable gain

or possess critical consciousness. For instance, Miller and colleagues (1981) suggest that group
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 57

consciousness exists for individuals regardless of their social status, but likely works differently

for social groups based on their position on the social stratum (McClain et al., 2009).

Additionally, research on critical Whiteness studies highlights the necessity for White

people to learn and acknowledge rather than deny racism and urges White people to stop being

complicit in racism and instead, deliberately engage in anti-racist practices (Matias & Mackey,

2015). The findings from this study also extend prior work by demonstrating that both

marginalized and dominant group members have the ability to be “woke” or critically aware of

racism, albeit significant racial differences in the degree of wokeness do exist. Black participants

were more likely to recognize racism as endemic, attribute racism to structural over interpersonal

factors, have knowledge about cotemporary racial violence movements, and express a greater

duty to know about racism. This is consistent with longstanding research that has documented

group-based differences in perceived racism (for a review see, Carter & Murphy, 2015).

Additionally, the predictive woke models did not have the same structures for Black and White

individuals for socio-political engagement and perceptions of interpersonal racism. However, for

each component of woke, except ‘contemporary knowledge of racial movements’ among White

individuals, both Black and White individuals were more “woke” than not. This was evident in

each racial/ethnic group’s mean scores on the five components of woke.

The predictive structure of the woke subscales were not the same for Black and White

participants for socio-political engagement and conceptions of interpersonal racism and these

results revealed that the models had greater predictive ability amongst White participants relative

to Black participants. This is surprising seeing as critical consciousness literature, especially

Black/African-American consciousness stems from understanding the psychology of Black

people’s perceptions of themselves, their placement in society, and the efforts they can and
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 58

should engage in to achieve equality for their group (e.g., Baldwin & Bell, 1985; Cross, 1971).

Therefore, being “woke” should better serve to predict the behaviors of Black individuals.

Further investigation into the standard deviations associated with socio-political engagement and

perceptions of racism revealed that the sizes were small and comparable for both Black and

White participants. This suggests that Black participants did not concur with each other more on

these outcomes than White participants. Thus, the stronger predictive validity of “woke” among

White participants versus Black participants may reflect an anomaly in this sample or a

limitation in the measure and warrants further investigation. However, given that White people

are the holders of social capital, privilege, and power that can advance social justice efforts (e.g.,

Selvanathan et al., 2017), it is imperative that we understand factors that contribute to White

individuals’ ability (or willingness) to perceive racism and their engagement in efforts towards

establishing racial equality. The woke scale is a mechanism that can be used to not only assess

critical awareness of racism against Black people, but also predict White individuals’ subsequent

race-related behaviors.

The woke scale is not a stagnant measure and this is most apparent in the component

contemporary knowledge of racial movement. This dimension of woke reflects knowledge of

present-day racial movements such as “Say Her Name” and “All Lives Matter,” and will change

as a function of what the social-political discourse is and what the movements are at the time of

interest. “Woke” is a very “now” construct in this way so, assessing critical racism awareness,

measuring racial attitudes, or predicting behaviors using this dimension of the woke scale may

not work so well in 30 years, as opposed to say Symbolic Racism which still works well more

than 30 years later (Henry & Sears, 2002). However, this component of woke may be one that

needs to change as movements on social justice do. My conceptualization of “woke” and the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 59

measures used to assess critical racism awareness were not all intended to be stagnant. Part of

being “woke” is being aware of modern-day issues and movements that are mobilizing discourse

and actions surrounding race relations. So, as issues in society change and movements

surrounding racial issues take on new labels, this component of woke will need to be adapted and

it should. I believe that just as it is important for measures of intergroup attitudes and relations,

such as Symbolic Racism, to reflect changes in how expressions of racial bias have evolved, it is

also important for measures to reflect contemporary issues as a basis for assessing awareness of

the present climate. This is because awareness of the present-day issues is linked to engagement

in efforts to reduce inequality (Leach & Allen, 2017).

The present study was motivated, in part, by scholarship from intellectuals such as

Michelle Alexander, Ta-Nehisi Coates, Jelani Cobb, and Ava Duvernay, to name a few, who

have recently paralleled modern racism to that of history, with the hopes that changing public

knowledge about racism could help generate support for more effective policies and actions that

will get rid of racism that has been with us since slavery. Additionally, this present study was

motivated by work on Black/African-American and critical consciousness that discuss the

importance of historical knowledge and a historical analysis of inequality for being aware of and

fighting against present-day injustice.

Critiques of this work suggest that this historical perspective has not been directly

assessed in most critical consciousness scholarship (Watts et al., 2011). In their review of critical

consciousness, Watts and colleagues (2011) note the importance of awareness about the history

of oppression, but suggest that some critical consciousness work gives less emphasis to the role

of history. At that times, those scholars concluded that the field is currently without a method to

assess historical understandings of oppression in the way that critical reflection calls for. More
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 60

recent measures of critical consciousness (see Diemer et al., 2017; Thomas et al., 2014) still do

not include measures of history.

Critical consciousness scholars acknowledge the difficulty associated with measuring a

broad historical perspective, and suggest that perhaps a proxy measure for historical knowledge

are history quizzes (Watts et al., 2011), which have since been used to assess knowledge of

historical racism against Black individuals (see Nelson et al., 2012). However, I would argue that

a critique of historical racism is still missing from these quiz measures as these quizzes only

inform us of what people know about the history of anti-Black racism in America, but do not

necessarily offer a direct critical analysis of how history is informing and framing our current

reality. That is, historical knowledge quizzes do not assess critical awareness associated with

drawing parallels between past incidents of inequality and current manifestation of inequality

and nor do they assess how these historical analogies provide a unique and compelling context

for understanding individuals’ perceptions of and behavioral responses to present-day injustices.

In fact, many studies suggest that White Americans often view slavery and Jim Crow as being

“over,” and perceive a much larger gap between the degrees of racism in the past and racism in

the present, than do Black Americans (Brodish et al., 2008; Eibach & Ehrlinger, 2006; Eibach &

Keegan, 2006).

The initial hypothesized ‘recognition of parallels between contemporary and historical

racism’ component of woke was intended to measure, as Christens and colleagues (2016) put it,

an ability “to make the links between disparities between groups and historical and contemporary

forms of oppression” (Christens et al., 2016, p. 17). While the factor structure of the woke scale

did not support this component with all of the intended items loading onto its own distinct factor,

four out of the six items remained in our scale, which suggests that “woke” as a whole, reflects
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 61

this critical historical analysis of racism. Thus, the Critical Racism Awareness Woke scale is a

novel measure that captures the historical element of critical consciousness that has since been

missing and the findings presented in this paper demonstrate the significance of “woke” towards

understanding perceptions of anti-Black racism and efforts to combat it amongst Black and

White individuals alike.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 62

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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 73

Footnotes

1
Recently, scholars have begun using Black history quizzes as assessments of critical knowledge

of history (see Bonam, Das, Coleman, & Salter, 2019; Nelson, Adams, & Salter, 2012; Salter &

Adams, 2018).
2
Reasons for being excluded from the data analyses were not mutually exclusive. For instance,

some participants failed attention check questions and did not complete the study within the

allotted time frame.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 74

Table 1

Participant Socio-Demographic Characteristics

Demographic White Black

N and percent of total sample 567 (54%) 485 (46%)
Median Age (range = 18 to 78) 31 32
Male
n 235 219
% 41 45
Female
n 319 262
% 56 54
n (% of subsample)

Recruitment Source
University of Connecticut 94 (17 %) 31 (6 %)
California State University, Northridge 69 (12 %) 49 (10 %)
Social Media 184 (33 %) 221 (47 %)
Qualtrics 103 (18 %) 93 (19 %)
Prolific 117 (21 %) 91 (19 %)
Education

No high school 1 (.2%) 0

Some high school 4 (.7 %) 8 (2 %)
Graduate high school 112 (20 %) 82 (17 %)
Some college, did not graduate 130 (23 %) 115 (24 %)
Graduated 2-year or tech school 51 (9 %) 60 (12 %)
Graduated 4-year degree 136 (24 %) 154 (32 %)
Some graduate school, no degree 23 (4 %) 16 (3 %)
Attained Master’s degree 85 (15 %) 42 (9 %)
Attained Professional of Doctoral degree 24 (4 %) 7 (1 %)
Family Income

Less than $30,000 74 (13 %) 91 (19 %)

$30,000 - $39,999 38 (7 %) 38 (8 %)
$40,000 - $49.999 30 (5 %) 33 (7 %)
$50,000 - $59,999 41 (7 %) 44 (9 %)
$60,000 - $69,999 32 (6 %) 37 (8 %)
$70,000 - $79,999 41 (7 %) 64 (13 %)
$80,000 - $89,999 47 (8 %) 52 (11 %)
$90,000 - $149,999 122 (21 %) 69 (14 %)
Over $150,000 88 (16 %) 20 (4 %)
I don’t know 50 (9 %) 32 (7 %)
Geographic Residential Type
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 75

n (% of subsample)

Large city (e.g., Los Angeles, New York, etc.) 189 (33 %) 221 (46 %)
Medium-sized city 119 (21 %) 137 (28 %)
Small city or suburb 189 (33 %) 105 (22 %)
Rural area 69 (12 %) 21 (4 %)
Area of in U.S.in which Primarily Raised

New England Area (e.g., Connecticut, Maine, 106 (19 %) 36 (7 %)

Massachusetts)
Middle Atlantic Area (e.g., New Jersey, New 83 (15 %) 57 (12 %)
York, Pennsylvania)
East North Central Area: Illinois, Indiana, 56 (10 %) 53 (11 %)
Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin
West North Central Area (e.g., Iowa, Kansas, 34 (6 %) 34 (7 %)
Minnesota)
South Atlantic Area (e.g., Delaware, District of 82 (15 %) 77 (16 %)
Columbia, Florida)
East South Central Area (e.g., Alabama, 27 (5 %) 36 (7 %)
Kentucky)
West South Central Area (e.g., Arkansas, 35 (6 %) 47 (10 %)
Louisiana)
Mountain Area (e.g., Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, 16 (3 %) 12 (3 %)
Montana)
Pacific Area (e.g., Alaska, California, Hawaii) 110 (20 %) 116 (24 %)
I moved around a lot 13 (2 %) 10 (2 %)
Eligible to Vote

Yes 535 (94 %) 426 (88 %)

No 22 (4 %) 53 (11 %)
Voted in November 2016 Election

Yes 411 (73 %) 331 (68 %)

No 154 (27 %) 150 (31 %)
Political Alignment

Close to Republican 59 (10 %) 14 (3 %)

Towards Republican 81 (14 %) 71 (15 %)
Neither or both 156 (28 %) 117 (24 %)
Towards Democrat 108 (19 %) 137 (28 %)
Close to Democrat 162 (27 %) 143 (30 %)
Alignment on Political Issues
Very conservative 41 (7 %) 44 (9 %)
Slightly conservative 83 (15 %) 51 (11 %)
Middle of the road 102 (18 %) 97 (20 %)
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 76

n (% of subsample)

Slightly liberal 112 (20 %) 119 (25 %)

Very liberal 204 (36 %) 148 (31 %)
Not interested 24 (4 %) 23 (5 %)
Alignment on Economic Issues

Very conservative 54 (10 %) 52 (11 %)

Slightly conservative 109 (19 %) 41 (9 %)
Middle of the road 104 (18 %) 117 (24 %)
Slightly liberal 94 (17 %) 99 (20 %)
Very liberal 176 (31 %) 151 (31 %)
Not interested 28 (5 %) 22 (5 %)
Alignment on Social Issues

Very conservative 46 (8 %) 47 (10 %)

Slightly conservative 66 (12 %) 45 (10 %)
Middle of the road 81 (14 %) 95 (20 %)
Slightly liberal 116 (21 %) 93 (19 %)
Very liberal 241 (43 %) 184 (38 %)
Not interested 16 (3 %) 19 (4 %)
Note. n = number of indiviudals in the subsample. Percentage values are rounded up.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 77

Table 2

Reliabilities Based on the Six Hypothesized Woke Constructs for total sample and by participant race/ethnicity
Subscale N Miss K 𝛼 ICC White White 𝛼 White White White Black Black 𝛼 Black Black Black
Name N miss Mean Var ICC N miss M Var ICC
Orientation
towards
1051 1 6 .80 .39 566 1 .81 .40 .01 .42 485 0 .78 .40 .04 .37
awareness

Orientation
towards
collective 1043 9 3 .29 .12 560 7 .33 .34 .12 .15 483 2 .24 .43 .06 .09
action

Rejection of
Oppressive
1042 10 10 .88 .41 561 6 .87 .26 .02 .40 481 4 .88 .37 .02 .41
Ideology

Knowledge
of Contemp.
1012 40 4 .63 .30 540 27 .66 .11 .01 .34 472 13 .52 .35 .01 .21
Movements

Racial
Structural
1029 23 9 .88 .45 549 18 .90 .28 .04 .51 480 5 .83 .46 .03 .34
Inequality

Recognition
of Contemp- 1042 10 6 .80 .40 557 10 .80 .31 .05 .40 485 0 .80 .47 .01 .39
Historical //s
Note. Alphas values are based on the standardized items, which takes into account the number of items. Unless otherwise stated, scales weren’t
improved with the removal of any particular item. “Miss” indicates the frequency of missing values. k reflects the number of items associated
with each woke dimension.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 78

Table 3

Woke-relevant Questionnaire Items Arranged in Terms of the Scores Derived From Five-Factor Analysis conducted among the
entire sample
Mean Score
Factor Item Black White
Loading Individuals Individuals
Factor 1: Racism as Endemic
0.67 When people use and believe negative stereotypes about Blacks, it helps disguise the true causes of .42 .40
racial inequality. b
0.72 Blaming racial inequality on things like Black family culture is a way to take the blame off the .41 .34
history of race discrimination. b
0.81 When successful Blacks do well, Whites assure themselves that they owe nothing to Blacks for .40 .28
past discrimination. b
0.77 The myth of equal opportunity denies how much Whites have exploited Blacks and excluded them .43 .26
from opportunities. b
0.68 White supremacy is still a powerful force in the U.S. b .54 .34
0.65 Police violence against Black people comes from a discriminatory culture of policing. d .44 .26

0.58 Forcing prisoners to work to pay for their prison upkeep is similar to slavery and share-cropping. e .26 .03
0.59 Black people who get convicted of a felony are treated like Blacks were during Jim Crow because .44 .15
ex-convicts often lose their voting rights and job opportunities. e
0.58 Police killing Blacks and getting away with it is a form of modern-day lynching. e .53 .21

Factor 2: Non-Minimization of Racism

0.75 It's not that important to me to know how Blacks are treated. a (R) .47 .47
0.72 I try not to think about racism or discrimination because it is too upsetting. a (R) .09 .24
0.78 Issues of race are no concern of mine. a (R) .45 .43
0.58 Black people should stop blaming "the system" for racial inequality. b (R) .28 .19
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 79

Table 3 (continued)

Factor Black White

Item
Loading Individuals Individuals
0.71 Real racism is a thing of the past. b (R) .48 .42
0.45 A few questionable police killings of unarmed Blacks is not evidence that most police officers are .06 -.12
biased. d (R)

Factor 3: Internal-External Attributions for Racism

0.75 Slider Item: Crime in Black communities is largely due to which? d .48 .43
The low morals and poor choices of some Blacks.
Neutral
The high levels of poverty and lock of resources in these areas.
0.71 Slider Item: Black people that are sentenced in courts are more likely to receive the death penalty .62 .44
than Whites are. Why is this? d
Blacks commit more serious crimes than Whites.
Neutral
Courts sentence Blacks more harshly than Whites for similar crimes.
0.71 Slider Item: On average, Black students score lower on standardized tests than White students do. .56 .45
Why is this? d
Black parents don’t value education.
Neutral
States don’t hire enough teachers or buy up-to-date learning materials for majority-Black
schools.
0.42 Slider Item: Racism: d .56 .44
Acts done by specific people only
Neither meaning more than the other
Acts done by specific people and institutions
0.41 Slider Item: When there are incidents of racism and discrimination, what is the cause? d .39 .17
A handful of individuals cause 99% of the incidents.
Neutral
This is built into our history, our institutions, and our ordinary beliefs.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 80

Table 3 (continued)

Factor Black White

Item
Loading Individuals Individuals
0.50 Slider Item: What explains Black inequality best? d .44 .27
Cultural and family practices within the Black communities.
Neutral
Policies and laws created by institutions and the government.
0.71 Slider Item: White families have more net wealth (e.g., cars, homes, savings) than Black families. .48 .41
Which is this more due to? e
Historically, White people tend to be more responsible with their money to pass down to
the next generation.
Neutral
In previous generations, Blacks could not save money to pass to the next generation
because they were unpaid as slaves or had low-paying jobs.

Factor 4: Contemporary Knowledge of Racial Movements

0.60 Slider Item: All Lives Matter: c .40 .09
A reminder of racial equality
Neither meaning more than the other
A denial of ongoing racism that targets Blacks specifically

0.67 Slider Item: Blue Lives Matter: c .30 .00

Values the lives of police officers
Neither meaning more than the other
Attack on “Black Lives Matter”
0.58 Slider Item: Say Her Name: c .35 .04
Is about violence against women
Neither meaning more than the other
Emphasizes that similar to Black men, Black women also are victims of police violence
Factor 5: Duty to Know about Racism
0.52 It’s my duty to be informed about race discrimination. a .56 .46
0.57 Knowing about race discrimination is important to me. a .61 .49
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 81

Table 3 (continued)

Factor Black White

Item
Loading Individuals Individuals
Items with high cross loadings
I avoid news and information about incidents of racism against Blacks because it’s too upsetting. a .20 .29
(R)

People who are not White have fewer good opportunities in the U.S. b .37 .28

Slider Item: Saying "race does not exist": b (R) .22 .11
A way to cover up our racist past
Neither meaning more than the other
A way to show that one is not racist
Slider Item: Colorblindness (i.e., not seeing race): b (R) .18 -.02
A way to deny that there is racial inequality
Neither meaning more than the other
A way to acknowledge racial equality

Slider Item: Black Lives Matter: c (R) .42 .28

Puts Black people's lives ahead of the lives of police or other races
Neither meaning more than the other
A reminder that Black lives matter because our society often acts like they don't

Slider Item: Police killings of unarmed Blacks: d (R) .54 .21

Isolated incidents that occur for separate reasons
Neither meaning more than the other
Frequent, related events that have similar underlying reasons

Closing polling places in Black neighborhoods has similar consequences to the laws passed after .53 .45
the Civil War to prevent Blacks from voting (e.g., literacy tests, poll taxes). e

Racism has been present in different forms throughout American history and continues today. e .60 .61

Note. Responses were rescaled to range from -1 to 1. Higher scores indicate greater endorsement of the respective factor. (R) = reverse scored.
a
Items associated with hypothesized ‘orientation towards awareness’ dimension
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 82

b
Items associated with hypothesized ‘rejection of oppressive ideology’ dimension
c
Items associated with hypothesized ‘knowledge of contemporary movements’ dimension
d
Items associated with hypothesized ‘racial structural inequality’ dimension
e
Items associated with hypothesized ‘recognition of parallels between contemporary-historical racism’ dimension
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 83

Table 4

Pearson’s Correlations, Means and Standard Deviations of the Five Woke Subscales and Socio-Demographic Variables
Racism Non- Internal- Contemp. Duty to Race Gender Age Income Education Political
as minimization External Know. of Know Orientation
Endemic of Racism Attributions Racial About
for Racism Movemen Racism
ts
Race (0 =
.20** .04 .17** .25** .13** - -.03 .04 -.20** -.06 .11**
White)

Gender (0
.26** .44** .22** -.01 .25** -.03 - .05 -.23** -.07** .28**
= Male)

Age -.10** -.10** -.22** -.22** -.07* .04 .05 - -.28** .18** -.08*

Income -.07* -.25** -.00 .06 -.09* -.20** -.23** -.28** - .20** -.21**

Education .05 -.07* .08** .18** .03 -.06 -.07* .18** .20** - -.02

Political
.53** .56** .47** .26** .38** .11** .28** -.07* -.21** -.02 -
Orientation

Mean .33 .29 .43 .17 .53 .46 .56 33.69 1a 6a 3.53

SD .43 .48 .40 .53 .44 .50 .50 12.46 3.27 1.74 1.24

N 1052 1051 1051 1051 1051 1052 1035 1039 1047 1050 1048
Note. N = sample size. Woke subscales ranged from -1 to 1 on a 5-point Likert Scale. Higher scores indicate greater endorsement of
the respective woke dimension. a Modal values. Income ranged from 1 > $30,000 to 13 < $500,000. Education ranged from 1 = no
high school, 2 = some graduate school, 3 = graduated high school, 4 = some college (but did not graduate), 5 = graduated with 2-year
degree or technical school, 6 = graduated with 4-year degree, 7 = some graduate school but no graduate degree, 8 = attained Master’s
degree, 9 = attained professional degree. Political orientation ranged from 1= close to republican to 5 = close to democrat.
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 84

Table 5

Unadjusted and Adjusted Means for Each Woke Subscale with Gender, Age, Income, Education, and Political Orientation as
Covariates.
95% Confidence
Unadjusted Adjusted
Interval
Lower Upper
N M SD M SE
Bound Bound

Black Participants

Racism as Endemic*
475 .43 .41 .41 .02 [.38 .45]

Non-minimization of
Racism 475 .30 .50 .28 .02 [.25 .32]

Internal-External
Attributions for Racism* 475 .51 .34 .50 .02 [.47 .53]

Contemporary Knowledge
of Racial Movements* 475 .31 .47 .31 .02 [.27 .35]

Duty to Know about

Racism* 475 .59 .41 .58 .02 [.55 .62]

White Participants

Racism as Endemic*
543 .24 .43 .25 .02 [.22 .28]

Non-minimization of
Racism 543 .26 .47 .28 .02 [.25 .31]
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 85

Table 5 (continued)

Lower Upper
N M SD M SE
Bound Bound
Internal-External
Attributions for Racism* 542 .40 .43 .37 .01 [.34 .40]

Contemporary Knowledge
of Racial Movements* 542 .02 .55 .03 .02 [-.01 .07]

Duty to Know about

Racism* 543 .46 .45 .47 .02 [.44 .50]

Note. N = number of participants, M = mean, SD = standard deviation, SE = standard error. All woke subscales ranged from -1 to
1 with higher scores suggestive of being more “woke” for each subscale. * = significant differences between Black and White
participants
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 86

Table 6

Reliabilities Based on EFA Five-Factor Woke Subscales by Total Sample and Racial/Ethnic Group
All Participants Black Participants White Participants

Subscale Name N Miss k 𝛼 ICC N Miss k 𝛼 ICC N Miss k 𝛼 ICC

1. Racism as
Endemic 1051 1 9 .89 .48 485 0 9 .89 .48 566 1 9 .89 .47

2. Non-
minimization of 1051 1 6 .84 .47 485 0 6 .84 .47 566 1 6 .84 .47
Racism
3. Internal-
External
Attributions for 1029 23 7 .87 .48 481 4 7 .81 .37 548 19 7 .89 .54
Racism

4. Contemporary
Knowledge of
Racial 1013 39 3 .71 .45 472 13 3 .60 .33 541 26 3 .75 .50
Movements

5. Duty to Know
about Racism 1051 1 2 .77 .62 485 0 2 .73 .58 566 1 2 .78 .64

Note. N = number of participants, Miss = the frequency of missing values, k = number of items.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 87

Table 7

Bivariate Pearson’s Correlations by Race/Ethic Group Membership

Racism as Non- Internal - Contemporary Duty to Know Mean SD
Endemic minimization External Knowledge of About Racism
of Racism Attributions Racial
for Racism Movements
Racism as
Endemic - .60** 61** .28* .57** .43 .41

Non-
minimization
.47** - .63** .25** .54** .30 .49
of Racism

Internal -
External
Attributions .80** .52** - .46** .51** .51 .34
for Racism

Contemporary
Knowledge of
Racial .62** .26** .59** - .18** .31 .47
Movements

Duty to Know
about Racism .53** .55** .52** .37** - .59 .42

Mean .25 .27 .37 .04 .47 - -

SD .43 .47 .43 .55 .45 - -
Note. **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). Correlations,
means, and standard deviations reported above the diagonal correspond with Black participants and correlations, means, and
standard deviations reported above the diagonal correspond with White participants.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 88

Table 8

Correlations of Woke sub-scales with Symbolic Racism, SDO, Critical Consciousness, and Discriminant Validity Outcomes
Convergent/Divergent
Woke Subscales Outcomes
Validity Measures

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1. Racism as
-
Endemic

2. Non-
minimization .52** -
of Racism

3. Internal -
External
.73** .56** -
Attributions
for Racism
4. Contemp.
Knowledge of
.51** .25** .56** -
Racial
Movements
5. Duty to
Know about .56** .54** .52** .32** -
Racism
6. Symbolic
-.64** -.77** -.73** -.40** -.55** -
Racism

7. SDO -.51** -.74** -.49** -.11** -.49** .67** -

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 89

Table 8

Correlations of Woke sub-scales with Symbolic Racism, SDO, Critical Consciousness, and Discriminant Validity Outcomes
8. Critical
.65** .51** .64** .41** .48** -.65** -.49** -
Consciousness

9. Socio-
Political .44** .19** .38** .42** .30** -.22** -.10** .29** -
Engagement

10.
Perceptions of
.41** .58** .33** -.00 .43** -.52** -.67** .39** .02 -
Interpersonal
Racism
11. -
Perceptions of
.69** .46** .58** .34** .49** -.54** -.48** .52** .33** .54**
Structural
Racism

Mean .33 .29 .43 .17 .53 -.34 -.46 .43 2.32 .64 .31

SD .43 .48 .40 .53 .44 .42 .42 .44 2.08 .43 .45

Note. **. Correlation is significant at p <.01 (2-tailed). N = 1048. Woke subscales, Symbolic Racism, SDO, Critical
Consciousness, and Perceptions of racism ranged from -1 to 1. Socio-political engagement ranged from 0 to 8.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 90

Table 9

Regression Analyses of Woke Subscales Simultaneously and Independently Predicting Socio-Political Engagement by Racial/Ethnic
Group
Black Participants (n = 485) White Participants (n = 565)

95% CI 95% CI

Variable b SE β p Lower Upper b SE β p Lower Upper

Constant 1.91 .18 <.001 [1.55 2.27] 1.20 .11 <.001 [.98 1.43]
Racism as Endemic 1.85 .31 .36 <.001 [1.25 2.45] .94 .28 .20 <.01 [.39 1.50]
(constant)
1.98 .13 <.001 [1.73 2.24] 1.42 .08 <.001 [1.26 1.59]
(Racism and Endemic) 1.58 .22 .31 <.001 [1.15 2.02] 2.41 .17 .52 <.001 [2.08 2.74]
Non-minimization of Racism -.56 .25 -.13 .03 [-1.05 -.06] -.26 .19 -.06 .18 [-.62 .11]
(constant) 2.53 .11 <.001 [2.31 2.75] 1.73 .09 <.001 [1.55 1.91]
(Non-minimization of
Racism) .44 .19 .10 .02 [.06 .81] 1.13 .17 .27 <.001 [.80 1.47]

Internal-External Attributions
for Racism -.25 .39 -.04 .52 [-1.03 .52] .65 .28 .14 .02 [.10 1.20]

(constant) 2.06 .17 <.001 [1.73 2.39] 1.18 .10 <.001 [.99 1.37]
(Internal-External
Attributions for Racism) 1.19 .28 .19 <.001 [.65 1.73] 2.30 .17 .49 <.001 [1.96 2.63]
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 91

Table 9

Black Participants (n = 485) White Participants (n = 565)

95% CI 95% CI

Variable b SE β p Lower Upper b SE β p Lower Upper

Contemporary Knowledge of
Racial Movements 1.07 .21 .24 <.001 [.66 1.49] .80 .16 .22 <.001 [.47 1.12]

(constant) 2.26 .11 <.001 [2.04 2.48] 1.96 .07 <.001 [1.81 2.10]
(Contemporary
Knowledge of Racial 1.28 .19 .29 <.001 [.89 1.66] 1.75 .13 .48 <.001 [1.48 2.01]
Movements)

Duty to Know about Racism -.14 .28 -.03 .61 [-.68 .40] .81 .20 .18 <.001 [.42 1.20]
(constant) 2.27 .16 <.001 [1.95 2.60] 1.17 .11 <.001 [.95 1.39]
(Duty to Know about
Racism) .66 .23 .13 <.01 [.21 1.11] 1.83 .17 .41 <.001 [1.49 2.16]

Notes. n is for the simultaneous regression model. Woke subscales ranged from -1 to 1. Variables in parentheses represent the
regression models where the woke subscales were sole predictors of socio-political engagement.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 92

Table 10

Regression Analyses of Woke Subscales Simultaneously and Independently Predicting Evaluations of Interpersonal Racism by
Racial/Ethnic Group
Black Participants (n = 485) White Participants (n = 565)

95% CI 95% CI

Variable b SE β p Lower Upper b SE β p Lower Upper

Constant
1.92 .19 <.001 [1.55 2.28] 1.02 .11 <.001 [.80 1.22]
Racism as Endemic
1.91 .31 .37 <.001 [1.30 2.53] 1.36 .27 .29 <.001 [.82 1.90]
(constant) .24 .03 <.001 [.19 .29] .65 .02 <.001 [.62 .68]
(Racism and Endemic)
.76 .04 .61 <.001 [.67 .84] .24 .03 .30 <.001 [.18 .31]
Non-minimization of Racism
-.63 .26 -.15 .02 [-1.13 -.12] -.38 .19 -.09 .05 [-.75 -.01]
(constant)
.38 .02 <.001 [.34 .42] .59 .01 <.001 [.57 .62]
(Non-minimization of
Racism) .61 .04 .60 <.001 [.54 .69] .44 .02 .61 <.001 [.40 .49]

Internal-External Attributions for

Racism .50 .37 .08 .18 [-.23 1.24] .96 .28 .21 <.01 [.42 1.51]

(constant)
.22 .04 <.001 [.15 .30] .62 .02 <.001 [.58 .66]
(Internal-External
Attributions for Racism) .68 .06 .46 <.001 [.56 .79] .25 .03 .31 <.001 [.18 .31]

Contemporary Knowledge of
Racial Movements - - - - - - - - - - - -
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 93

Table 10

Black Participants (n = 485) White Participants (n = 565)

95% CI 95% CI

Variable b SE β p Lower Upper b SE β p Lower Upper

(constant)
.54 .03 <.001 [.49 .60] .71 .02 <.001 [.68 .74]
(Contemporary Knowledge
of Racial Movements) .07 .05 .06 .17 [-.03 .16] .02 .03 .03 .53 [-.04 .07]

Duty to Know about Racism

-.23 .28 -.05 .41 [-.79 .32] .88 .20 .20 <.001 [.49 1.28]
(constant)
.18 .03 <.001 [.11 .24] .57 .02 <.001 [.53 .61]
(Duty to Know about
Racism) .67 .05 .55 <.001 [.57 .76] .30 .03 .40 <.001 [.24 .36]
Notes. n is for the simultaneous regression model. Woke subscales ranged from -1 to 1. Variables in parentheses represent the
regression models where the woke subscales were sole predictors of conceptions of interpersonal racism.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 94

Table 11

Regression Analyses of Woke Subscales Simultaneously and Independently Predicting Evaluations of Structural Racism by
Racial/Ethnic Group
Black Participants (n = 484) White Participants (n = 565)

95% CI 95% CI

Variable b SE β p Lower Upper b SE β p Lower Upper

Constant
-.07 .03 .03 [-.13 -.01] .03 .02 .20 [-.01 .07]
Racism as Endemic
.67 .05 .58 <.001 [.57 .77] .40 .05 .41 <.001 [.30 .50]
(constant)
-.00 .02 .97 [-.05 .04] .11 .02 <.001 [.08 .14]
(Racism and Endemic)
.82 .04 .71 <.001 [.75 .89] .66 .03 .67 <.001 [.60 .72]
Non-minimization of Racism
.04 .04 .04 .37 [-.05 .12] .03 .04 .04 .34 [-.04 .10]
(constant)
.21 .02 <.001 [.16 .25] .17 .02 <.001 [.14 .21]
(Non-minimization of
.47 .04 .49 <.001 [.40 .55] .38 .03 .42 <.001 [.31 .45]
Racism)
Internal-External Attributions for
Racism .18 .07 .13 .01 [.05 .31] .21 .05 .22 <.001 [.11 .31]

(constant)
-.01 .03 .67 [-.08 .05] .04 .02 .02 [.01 .08]
(Internal-External
Attributions for Racism) .72 .05 .52 <.001 [.61 .83] .63 .03 .63 <.001 [.56 .69]
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 95

Table 11

Black Participants (n = 484) White Participants (n = 565)

95% CI 95% CI

Variable b SE β p Lower Upper b SE β p Lower Upper

Contemporary Knowledge of
Racial Movements -.07 .04 -.07 .05 [-.14 .00] .01 .03 .02 .64 [-.05 .07]

(constant)
.30 .03 <.001 [.24 .35] .26 .02 <.001 [.23 .29]
(Contemporary
Knowledge of Racial
.18 .05 .18 <.001 [.09 .27] .35 .03 .46 <.001 [.30 .41]
Movements)

Duty to Know about Racism

.09 .05 .08 .06 [-.00 .18] .13 .04 .14 <.01 [.05 .20]
(constant)
.02 .03 .48 [-.04 .09] .06 .02 .01 [.02 .10]
(Duty to Know about
Racism) .56 .05 .49 <.001 [.47 .65] .46 .04 .49 <.001 [.39 .53]

Notes. n is for the simultaneous regression model. Woke subscales ranged from -1 to 1. Variables in parentheses represent the
regression models where the woke subscales were sole predictors of evaluations of structural racism.
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 96

Table 12

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Socio-Political Engagement in Anti-Racist Action

Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Trimmed Model

b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI

[-1.83, - [-1.43, - [-.40,

Constant -1.23** .31 -.81* .31 .09 .31 [-.51, .69] -.07 .31 [-.68, .54] -.01 .20
.63] .20] .37]

Race (0 = [.58,
.82** .13 [.56, 1.07] .77** .13 [.52, 1.03] .29+ .13 [.04, .54] .73** .21 [.31, 1.15] .93** .18
White) 1.29]

Gender (0
-.12 .13 [-.38, .15] -.24 .14 [-.52, .04] -.20 .13 [-.46, .06] -.22 .13 [-.48, .05] - - -
= Male)

Annual
.09^*
household .11^** .02 [.06, .15] .02 [.04, .13] .08^** .02 [.04, .11] .07^** .02 [.03, .11] - - -
*
income
[.17,
Education .23** .04 [.16, .30] .22** .04 [.14, .29] .15** .04 [.08, .21] .15** .04 [.08, .22] .23** .03
.29]
Political
.42 .05 [.31, .52] .27** .06 [.14, .39] .13+ .06 [.01, .24] .12 .06 [-.00, .24] - - -
Orientation

Symbolic
-.25 .24 [-.73, .22] .97^** .27 [.43, 1.51] .96^** .27 [.42, 1.49] - - -
Racism

SDO .11 .22 [-.32, .54] .47^+ .23 [.02, .92] .53^+ .23 [.09, .98] - - -
.84**
CCS .19 [.47, 1.21] -.09^ .19 [-.47, .28] -.17^ .19 [-.54, .21] - - -
*
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 97

Table 12

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Socio-Political Engagement in Anti-Racist Action

CRA:
[1.08, [1.51,
Racism as 1.52** .22 1.12** .33 [.48, 1.76] 1.82** .16
1.96] 2.13]
Endemic

CRA: Non-
minimizati
.51+ .22 [.08, .94] .75* .27 [.22, 1.28] - - -
on of
Racism

CRA:
Internal-
External
.51+ .25 [.01, 1.01] .93* .32 [.29, 1.56]
Attribution
s for
Racism

CRA:
Knowledge
of Contem. .66** .14 [.37, .94] .45+ .20 [.07, .83] - - -
Racial
Movements
CRA: Duty [.44,
.43+ .17 [.10, .76] .81** .22 [.37, 1.25] .80** .19
to Know 1.17]

Race ×
Racism as
1.06+ .43 [.22, 1.90] - - -
Endemic
Intx.
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 98

Table 12

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Socio-Political Engagement in Anti-Racist Action

Race ×
Non-
minimizati
-.51 .32 [-1.14, .12] - - -
on of
Racism
Intx.

Race ×
Internal
External
-.73 .48 [-1.67, .22] - - -
Attrib. for
Racism
Intx.

Race ×
Knowledge
of
Contemp. .45 .28 [-.09, .99] - - -
Racial
Movements
Intx.

Race ×
[-1.55, - [-1.64,
Duty to -.88* .34 -1.13** .26
.22] -.62]
Know Intx.

R2 = .18 R2 = .30 R2 = .32

2
R = .15 Adjusted R2 = .17 Adjusted R2 = .29 Adjusted R2 = .30 R2 = .25
Adjusted R2 = .15 F = 25.93 F = 30.79 F = 23.91 Adjusted R2 = .25
F = 33.24 ∆ R2 = .03 ∆ R2 = .12 ∆ R2 = .02 F = 70.90
∆ F = 11.81 ∆ F = 31.77 ∆ F = 4.52
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 99

Table 12

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Socio-Political Engagement in Anti-Racist Action

Notes. N = 944. For race, 1 = Black individual. For gender, 1 = Female. Income ranged from 1 = less than $30,000 to 13 = over $500,00. Education
ranged from 1 = no high school to 9 = attained professional or doctoral degree. Political orientation ranged from 1= close to republican to 5 = close
to democrat. SR = Symbolic Racism, CC = Critical Consciousness, SDO, and Woke subscales ranged from -1 to 1. “CRA” = critical racism
awareness. “Itx” = interaction. ** p < .001. * p ≤. 01. + p < .05. ^ = suppression effect.
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 100

Table 13

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Evaluations of Interpersonal Racism
Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Trimmed Model

b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI

Constant .30** .06 [.18, .41] .38** .05 [.28, .48] .37** .05 [.27, .48] .40** .05 [.30, .50] .37** .02 [.33, .41]

Race (0 = -
-.17** .03 [-.22, -.12] .02 [-.17, -.09] -.13** .02 [-.17, -.09] -.29** .04 [-.36, -.22] -.12** .02 [-.16, -.08]
White) .13**

Gender (0
.31** .03 [.26, .36] .16** .02 [.11, .20] .12** .02 [.08, .17] .11** .02 [.06, .15] .13** .02 [.09, .17]
= Male)
Annual
household -.01 .00 [-.02, .00] -.00 .00 [-.01. .01] .00 .00 [-.01, .01] .00 .00 [-.01, .01] - - -
income
Education 0.01 .01 [-.03, .00] -.01 .01 [-.02, .00] -.00 .01 [-.01, .01] .00 .01 [-.01, .01] - - -
Political
.10** .01 [.08. .12] .00 .01 [-.02, .02]] -.01 .01 [-.03, .01] -.00 .01 [-02, .02] - - -
Orientation

Symbolic
-.10+ .04 [-.17, -.02] -.10+ .05 [-.19, -.01] -.12* .05 [-.21, -.03] - - -
Racism
-
SDO .52**
.04 [-.59, -.45] -.39** .04 [-.47, -.31] -.37** .04 [-.45, -.30] -.46** .03 [-.52, -.39]

CCS .05 .03 [-.01, .11] .03 .03 [-.04, .09] .03 .03 [-.03, .09] - - -
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 101

Table 13

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Evaluations of Interpersonal Racism
CRA:
Racism as .18** .04 [.10, .25] .06 .06 [-.05, .17] - - -
Endemic

CRA: Non-
minimiz. of .12** .04 [.04, .19] .12* .05 [.03, .21] .17** .03 [.11, .22]
Racism

CRA:
Internal -
External -.14^** .04 [-.23, -.06] -.13^+ .05 [-.23, -.02] - - -
Attrib. for
Racism

CRA:
Knowledge
of
n/a n/a n/a n/s n/a n/a
Contemp.
Racial
Movements

CRA: Duty
.12** .03 [.06, .18] .04 .04 [-.03, .12] - - -
to Know

Race ×
Racism as
.19* .07 [.05, .34] .22** .05 [.11, .33]
Endemic
Intx.
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 102

Table 13

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Evaluations of Interpersonal Racism
Race ×
Non-
minimizati
-.05 .05 [-.15, .06] - - -
on of
Racism
Intx.
Race ×
Internal -
External
.03 .08 [-.13, .19] - - -
Attrib. for
Racism
Intx.

Race ×
Knowledge
of
Contemp. -.02 .05 [-.11, .07] - - -
Racial
Movements
Intx.
Race ×
Duty to .17* .06 [.06, .29] .16** .05 [.06, .26]
Know Intx.

R2 = .30 R2 = .51 R2 = .54 R2 = .56 R2 = .54

Adjusted R2 = .30 Adjusted R2 = .50 Adjusted R2 = .53 Adjusted R2 = .56 Adjusted R2 = .53
F = 81.75** F = 120.57** F = 89.87** F = 73.37** F = 196.39
∆ R2 = .20 ∆ R2 = .04 ∆ R2 = .02
∆ F = 129.39** ∆ F = 14.53** ∆ F = 11.60**
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 103

Table 13

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Evaluations of Interpersonal Racism
Notes. N = 944. For race, 1 = Black individual. For gender, 1 = Female. Income ranged from 1 = less than $30,000 to 13 = over $500,00. Education
ranged from 1 = no high school to 9 = attained professional or doctoral degree. Political orientation ranged from 1= close to republican to 5 = close to
democrat. SR = Symbolic Racism, CC = Critical Consciousness, SDO, and Woke subscales ranged from -1 to 1. “CRA” = critical racism awareness.
“Itx” = interaction. Interaction beta statistics in the trimmed model are based on the residuals. ** p < .001. * p ≤. 01. + p < .05. ^ = suppression effect.
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 104

Table 14

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Evaluations of Structural Racism
Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Trimmed Model

b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI b SE 95% CI

Constant
-.41** .06 [-.54, -.29] -.22** .06 [-.34, -.11] -.07 .06 [-.18, .04] -.05 .06 [-.16, .06] -.05* .02 [-.09, -.01]

Race (0 =
White) .06+ .03 [.01, .11] .06+ .03 [.01, .11] -.05^ .02 [-.09, .00] -.07^ .04 [-.15, .01] - - -

Gender (0 =
Male) .20** .03 [.15, .26] .09* .03 [.04, .14] .09** .02 [.04, .14] .08* .02 [.04, .13] .11** .02 [.07, .15]

Annual
household .00 .00 [-.00, .01] .00 .00 [-.01, .01] -.00^ .00 [-.01, .00] -.00 .00 [-.01, .00] - - -
income
Education
.02* .01 [.01, .04] .02* .01 [.01, .03] .01 .01 [-.00, .02] .01 .01 [-.00, .02] - - -

Political
.12** .01 [.10, .15] .03+ .01 [.01, .05] -.00^ .01 [-.02, .02] -.00 .01 [-.02, .02] - - -
Orientation

Symbolic
Racism -.20** .05 [-.29, -.11] -.05 .05 [-.15, .05] -.08 .05 [-.16, .03] - - -

SDO -.16** .04 [-.24, -.08] -.07 .04 [-.15, .01] -.06 .04 [-.14, .03] - - -
CCS .26** .04 [.19, .33] .03 .03 [-.04, .10] .04 .04 [-.03, .11] - - -
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 105

Table 14

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Evaluations of Structural Racism
CRA: Racism
as Endemic .52** .04 [.44, .60] .38** .06 [.26, .49] .52** .04 [.45, .59]

CRA: Non-
minimization -.06^ .04 [-.14, .02] -.09^ .05 [-.18, .01] - - -
of Racism

CRA:
Interper.-
Structural
.13* .05 [.04, .22]] .18* .06 [.07, .30] .15** .04 [.08, .22]
Attrib. for
Racism

CRA:
Knowledge of
Contemp. -.03^ .03 [-.08, .02] .02 .04 [-.05, .09] - - -
Racial
Movements
CRA: Duty to
.11** .03 [.05, .17] .12* .04 [.04, .20] .11** .03 [.06, .17]
Know

Race ×
Racism as
.23* .08 [.08, .38] - - -
Endemic Intx.

Race × Non-
minimization
.04 .06 [-.07, .16] - - -
of Racism
Intx.
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 106

Table 14

Hierarchical Regression and Trimmed Regression Models for the Dependent Variable Evaluations of Structural Racism
Race ×
Internal-
External
Attrib. for -.07^ .09 [-.24, .10] - - -
Racism Intx.

Race ×
Knowledge of
Contemporary
Racial
Movements -.09^ .05 [-.19, .00] - - -
Intx.

Race × Duty
to Know Intx. -.03 .06 [-.15, .09] - - -

R2 = .37 R2 = .52 R2 = .53

2 2 2
R = .21 Adjusted R = .36 Adjusted R = .51 Adjusted R2 = .52 R2 = .50
Adjusted R2 = .21 F = ** F = ** F = ** Adjusted R2 = .50
F = 50.66** ∆ R = .16
2
∆ R = .15
2
∆ R = .01
2
F = 259.66
∆ F = 77.95** ∆ F = 58.26** ∆ F = 2.75+

Notes. N = 944. For race, 1 = Black individual. For gender, 1 = Female. Income ranged from 1 = less than $30,000 to 13 = over $500,00. Education
ranged from 1 = no high school to 9 = attained professional or doctoral degree. Political orientation ranged from 1= close to republican to 5 = close
to democrat. SR = Symbolic Racism, CC = Critical Consciousness, SDO, and Woke subscales ranged from -1 to 1. “CRA” = critical racism
awareness. “Itx” = interaction. ** p < .001. * p ≤. 01. + p < .05. ^ = suppression effect.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 107

Appendix A

Woke-related Items

Instructions: Show how much you personally disagree or agree with each sentence below by
clicking a button marked with the phrase that matches what you believe.

Neither Agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor Disagree
Disagree (1) Disagree (2) Agree (4) Agree (5)
(3)
It's not that
important to
me to know
how Blacks are o o o o o
treated.
I avoid news
and
information
about incidents
of racism
against Blacks
o o o o o
because it’s
too upsetting.
It's my duty to
be informed
about race
discrimination.
o o o o o
Knowing about
race
discrimination
is important to o o o o o
me.
I try not to
think about
racism or
discrimination
because it is
o o o o o
too upsetting.
Issues of race
are no concern
of mine. o o o o o
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 108

People who
aren't White
have fewer
good
opportunities
o o o o o
in the U.S.
Black people
should stop
blaming "the
system" for
racial
o o o o o
inequality.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 109

Neither Agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor Disagree
Disagree (1) Disagree (2) Agree (4) Agree (5)
(3)
A few
questionable
police killings
of unarmed
Blacks is not
evidence that o o o o o
most police
officers are
biased.
Police violence
against Black
people comes
from a
discriminatory o o o o o
culture of
policing.
Racism has
been present in
different forms
throughout
American
history and
o o o o o
continues
today.
Real racism is
a thing of the
past. o o o o o
Blacks will be
more
successful in
achieving their
goals if they
form coalitions o o o o o
with other
oppressed
groups.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 110

Neither Agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor Disagree
Disagree (1) Disagree (2) Agree (4) Agree (5)
(3)
It is important
for people to
work together
to improve
social and
racial
o o o o o
conditions in
the U.S.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 111

Instructions: Each question below presents a phrase and two different meanings that different
people believe the phrase to have. Which meaning is closest to what you believe? For each
phrase, select and move the slider towards the meaning you think is most correct. You can move
the slider all the way to either end if you think one meaning is completely right and the other is
completely wrong. Or you can move the slider anywhere in between. If you want to indicate
"neither meaning more than the other," please move the slider and then slide it back to the center.

Racism:
Acts done by Neither meaning Acts done by
specific people more than the specific people
only other and institutions

()

Saying "race does not exist":

A way to cover Neither meaning A way to show
up our racist past more than the that one is not
other racist

()

Colorblindness (i.e., not seeing race):

A way to deny Neither meaning A way to
that there is racial more than the acknowledge
inequality other racial equality

()

All Lives Matter:

A reminder of Neither meaning A denial of
racial equality more than the ongoing racism
other that targets
Blacks
specifically
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 112

()

Blue Lives Matter:

Values the lives Neither meaning Attack on "Black
of police officers more than the Lives Matter"
other

()

Black Lives Matter:

A reminder that Neither meaning Puts Black
Black lives more than the people's lives
matter because other ahead of the lives
our society often of police or other
acts like they races
don't

()

"Say Her Name":

Is about violence Neither meaning Emphasizes that
against women more than the similar to Black
other men, Black
women are also
victims of police
violence

()
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 113

Instructions: For each question below there are two different answers that people have
previously provided for these questions. Which answer do you think is best? Move the slider in
the direction of the answer you think is best. The better you believe the answer to be, the more
you can move the slider in that direction, all the way to the end. You can position the slider
anywhere along the line. If you think neither answer is better than the other, or are neutral, move
the slider and then move it back to the center.

In order to improve their social, political, and economic standing in the U.S., what should
Black people do?
Each Black Neutral Blacks should
person should work together to
work hard to help each other
improve himself as a community
or herself

()

When there are incidents of racism and discrimination, what is the cause?
A handful of Neutral This is built-in to
individuals cause our history, our
99% of the institutions,
incidents and our ordinary
beliefs

()

What explains Black inequality best?

Cultural and Neutral Policies and laws
family practices created by
within Black institutions and
communities the government

()
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 114

Crime in Black communities is largely due to which?

The low morals Neutral The high levels
and poor choices of poverty and
of some Blacks lack of resources
in these areas

()

Black people that are sentenced in courts are more likely to receive the death penalty than
Whites are. Why is this?
Blacks commit Neutral Courts sentence
more serious Blacks more
crimes than harshly than
Whites Whites for
similar crimes

()

White families have more net wealth (e.g., cars, homes, savings) than Black families. Which
is this more due to?
Historically, Neutral In previous
White people generations,
tend to be more Blacks could not
responsible with save money to
their money to pass to the next
pass down to the generation
next generation because they
were unpaid as
slaves or had
low-paying jobs

()
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 115

On average, Black students score lower on standardized tests than White students do. Why
is this?
Black parents Neutral States don't hire
don't value enough teachers
education or buy up-to-date
learning
materials for
majority-Black
schools

()
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 116

Instructions: Show how much you personally disagree or agree with each sentence below by
clicking a button marked with the phrase that matches what you believe. You may find it useful
to read each sentence twice because they are somewhat complex.

Neither Agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor Disagree
Disagree (1) Disagree (2) Agree (4) Agree (5)
(3)
Closing polling
places in Black
neighborhoods
has similar
consequences
to the laws
passed after
the Civil War o o o o o
to prevent
Blacks from
voting (e.g.,
literacy tests,
poll taxes).
Forcing
prisoners to
work to pay for
their prison
upkeep is
similar to o o o o o
slavery and
share-
cropping.
Black people
who get
convicted of a
felony are
treated like
Blacks were
during Jim
Crow because o o o o o
ex-convicts
often lose their
voting rights
and job
opportunities.
Police killing
Blacks and
getting away
with it is a
o o o o o
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 117

form of
modern-day
lynching.
When people
use and believe
negative
stereotypes
about Blacks,
it helps
disguise the
o o o o o
true causes of
racial
inequality.
Blaming racial
inequality on
things like
"Black family
culture" is a
way to take the o o o o o
blame off the
history of race
discrimination.
When
successful
Blacks do well,
Whites assure
themselves that
they owe o o o o o
nothing to
Blacks for past
discrimination.
The myth of
equal
opportunity
denies how
much Whites
have exploited
Blacks and
o o o o o
excluded them
from
opportunities.
White
supremacy is
still a powerful
force in the o o o o o
U.S.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 118

Appendix B

Social Dominance Orientation Measures

Instructions: For each statement below, please indicated how much you oppose or favor it by
clicking on the button marked with the phrase that matches what you believe.
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
Neutral (3)
Oppose (1) Oppose (2) Favor (4) Favor (5)

An ideal
society
requires some
groups to be
on top and o o o o o
others to be on
the bottom.

Some groups
of people are
simply inferior
to others.
o o o o o
No one group
should
dominate in
society.
o o o o o
Groups at the
bottom are just
as deserving as
groups at the o o o o o
top.

Group equality
should not be
our primary
goal.
o o o o o
It is unjust to
try to make
groups equal. o o o o o
We should do
what we can to
equalize
conditions for
different
o o o o o
groups.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 119

We should
work to give
all groups an
equal chance o o o o o
to succeed.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 120

Appendix C

Symbolic Racism Measures

Instructions: Show how much you personally disagree or agree with each sentence below by
clicking a button marked with the phrase that matches what you believe.

Neither Agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor Disagree
Disagree (1) Disagree (2) Agree (4) Agree (5)
(3)
It's really a
matter of some
people not
trying hard
enough; if
Blacks would
only try harder
o o o o o
they could be
just as well off
as Whites.
Irish, Italian,
Jewish, and
many other
minorities
overcame
prejudice and
worked their
o o o o o
way up. Blacks
should do the
same.
Generations of
slavery and
discrimination
have created
conditions that
make it
difficult for o o o o o
Blacks to work
their way out
of the lower
class.
Over the past
few years,
Blacks have o o o o o
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 121

gotten less
than they
deserve.
Over the past
few years,
Blacks have
gotten more
economically o o o o o
than they
deserve.

Some say that Black leaders have been trying to push too fast. Others feel that they haven't
pushed fast enough. What do you think? (Click the best answer below.)

o trying to push too fast

o going too slow
o moving at about the right speed
How much of the racial tension that exists in the United States today do you think Blacks are
responsible for creating? (Click the best answer below.)

o not much at all

o some
o most
o all of it
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 122

How much discrimination against Blacks do you feel there is in the United States today, limiting
their chances to get ahead? (Click the best answer below.)

o none at all (1)

o just a little (2)
o some (3)
o a lot (4)
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 123

Appendix D

Critical Consciousness Scale Measures

Instructions: Show how much you personally disagree or agree with each sentence below by
clicking a button marked with the phrase that matches what you believe.
Neither Agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor Disagree
Disagree (1) Disagree (2) Agree (4) Agree (5)
(3)
Certain racial
or ethnic
groups have
fewer chances
to get a good o o o o o
high school
education.
Poor children
have fewer
chances to get
a good high
school
o o o o o
education.
Certain racial
or ethnic
groups have
fewer chances
to get good
o o o o o
jobs.
Women have
fewer chances
to get good
jobs.
o o o o o
Poor people
have fewer
chances to get
good jobs.
o o o o o
Certain racial
or ethnic
groups have
fewer chances o o o o o
to get ahead.
Women have
fewer chances
to get ahead. o o o o o
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 124

Poor people
have fewer
chances to get
ahead.
o o o o o
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 125

Appendix E

Socio-Political Engagement Items

Instructions: In the last six months, please indicate whether you had done each activity below
by selecting "Yes", "No, but I want to", "No, and I do not want to", or "No".

No,
No,
Yes and I don't want No
but I want to
to
Displayed a
poster, button,
shirt, or bumper
sticker with a
message against
o o o o
racism.
Donated money to
an organization
that is fighting
racism.
o o o o
Participated in
protests against
racism. o o o o
Participated in a
women's march. o o o o
Raised awareness
via talking to
people directly or
on social media
regarding racism o o o o
and/or racial
discrimination.

Boycotted a racist
shop or company. o o o o
Contacted an
elected
representative or
government
official regarding o o o o
a race-related
issue.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 126

Objected to a
racist assumption,
joke, or comment
that someone
around you was
o o o o
making.
Worked on a
political campaign
or belonged to a
group or
organization that o o o o
works to fight
racism.
Taken any kind of
action for a cause
other than racism. o o o o
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 127

Appendix F

Perception of Racism Measures

Instructions: For each statement below, please indicated how much you believe that the
statement is or is not racist by clicking the button under the phrase that reflects your opinion best.

Might or
Definitely is Probably is Probably is Definitely is
might not be
not racist (1) not racist (2) racist (4) racist (5)
racist (3)
A car salesman
offers lower
prices to White
customers than
non-White
o o o o o
customers.
A teacher is
overheard
using racial
slurs to refer to
Hispanic and
o o o o o
Black students.
A taxi driver
refuses to pick
up African
Americans
who hail his
o o o o o
cab.
A city adopts
zoning
ordinances that
prohibit low-
income and
multifamily
households in
o o o o o
predominantly
White
communities.
A university
ends its
affirmative
action
program, o o o o o
resulting in a
large drop in
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 128

Black
enrollment.
A downtown
renewal project
results in the
dislocation of a
large number
of racial
minorities
o o o o o
from their
homes and
communities.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 129

Chapter 2: Pre-Existing Attitudes and Beliefs about Racism

In this section, I apply the theoretical construct of critical racism awareness presented in

the first section to understanding how people perceive and interpret events surrounding anti-

Black racism. Next, I examine how people evaluate racial bias in the criminal justice system,

namely in regards to policing. Racial bias in policing has been documented since as early as the

1700s wherein Patrols were instated to stop slave revolts (e.g., Kappeler & Miller-Potter, 2014).

This biased and lethal history between police and Black/African-Americans continues to prevail

in present police-Black/African-American interactions where across racial/ethnic categories,

Black individuals are the most likely to be targeted, stopped and frisked, arrested for

misdemeanors or petty crimes, and the recipients of excessive lethal and non-lethal force by

police (e.g., Edwards et al., 2019; Jones 2017). While the documented amount of racial bias in

policing is robust, there continues to be racial differences in perceptions of police and beliefs

about racism in policing, with Black individuals having more negative evaluations of police and

a greater tendency to perceive racial bias in policing compared to their White counterparts (e.g.,

Cochran & Warren, 2012; GenForward, 2019).

In the next paper, I argue that differences in perceptions of racism within policing and the

U.S. more generally is indicative of one’s degree of critical racism awareness, or the lack

thereof. This study demonstrates the importance of having in-depth awareness about the severity

and prevalence of anti-Black racism in the U.S. for perceiving racial injustice in policing, the

criminal justice system, and society more broadly. Building on the development of the Critical

Racism Awareness Woke Scale presented in the previous paper, the study presented in the next

paper also demonstrates that critical awareness about the historically-rooted and endemic nature

of anti-Black racism can be assessed objectively in how individuals respond to explicit measures
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 130

about anti-Black racism and also subjectively in their interpretations of content that suggests

contemporary and historical institutionalized violence against Black individuals (e.g., police

killings and historical lynchings). That is, critical racism awareness can be reflected not only in

rigid close-ended measures, but in individuals’ free-response writings with regards to illustration

of anti-Black violence.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 131

References

Cochran, J. C., & Warren, P. Y. (2011). Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Differences in Perceptions of

the Police. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 28(2), 206–227.

https://doi.org/10.1177/1043986211425726

Edwards, F., Lee, H., & Esposito, M. (2019). Risk of being killed by police use of force in the

United States by age, race-ethnicity, and sex. Proceedings of the National Academy of

Sciences of the United States of America, 116(34), 16793–16798.

https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1821204116

GenForward. (2017). Toplines – Millennial attitudes on race in the US.

htp://api.genforwardsurvey.com/data/

Jones, J. M. (2017). Killing fields: Explaining police violence against persons of color. Journal

of Social Issues, 73(4), 872-883. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12252

Kappeler, V. E., & Miller-Potter, K. S. (2014). Policing in the Age of Terrorism. In

Controversies in Policing. 39-52. Routledge.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 132

Paper 2: Black, White, and Blue: Being Critically Aware and Seeing Anti-Black Violence in

Policing

On July 6th, 2016 an unarmed Black man, Philando Castile, was shot and killed by a

police officer, while driving with his girlfriend in Falcon Heights, Minnesota. This fatal shooting

was just one month shy of the two-year anniversary of the death of Michael Brown, an 18-year

old Black teenage male who was fatally shot by a police officer in Ferguson, Missouri. These are

just two of the more recent, highly publicized cases among an extensive line of controversial

incidents involving police killings of Black Americans. In 2019 police killed 1,099 people of

whom 24% were Black/African-American, although Black Americans make up only 13% of the

population (Sinyangwe et al., 2020). In 2018, it was documented that police killed 1,143 people

of which 23% of those killed were Black/African-American (Sinyangwe et al., 2019). At this

rate, present-day police killings of Black individuals are likely to surpass the death toll

associated with one of the most racially motivated violent period of U.S. history, the racialized

lynchings of the Jim Crow era (see Wells, 1895; Robertson, 2015).

Violence as Official versus Unofficial

The succession of disproportionate police violence against Black people calls into

question the notion of a “post-racial” society. Social scientists suggest that a disproportionate

degree of violence against marginalized racial/ethnic minorities is an indicator of systemic

racism in society (for reviews, see Alexander, 2010; Bonilla-Silva, 2015; Sidanius & Pratto,

2001). Across history, the various forms of violence that have been inflicted on Black people by

the U.S. legal system characterizes the systemic racism that we see presently (Moore et al.,

2018). Social Dominance Theory (SDT), a comprehensive theoretical model that provides

insight in to the recurrent nature of intergroup conflict and human oppression, addresses the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 133

various expressions of violence used to oppress marginalized groups, particularly, racial/ethnic

minorities. According to SDT, official violence is legally sanctioned; indeed, direct violence and

its threat are often exercised through discrimination in every aspect of the criminal justice system

(see also, The Sentencing Project, 2018). This mistreatment is enacted by members of internal

security forces, such as the police, and is disproportionately directed towards racial/ethnic

minorities, under the protection of the law. That is, rarely in incidents involving the wrongful

deaths of individuals by the hands of police officers are these officers prosecuted. Sinyangwe

and colleagues (2019) report that 99% of police killings between 2013-2019 have not resulted in

officers being charged with a crime. The non-indictment of officer Darren Wilson, who

wrongfully killed Michael Brown, is just one example of this official terror, given that the

shooting of this unarmed Black man was not prosecuted but rather supported under the law

(Halpern, 2015; Onyemaobim, 2015).

Unofficial violence is violence or the threat of violence enacted by members of the

dominant majority, such as White supremacist groups, towards racial/ethnic minorities and

primarily lacks explicit support of the legal system or state. This form of violence against Black

people is best evidenced in the lynchings performed by the Ku Klux Klan (Sidanius & Pratto,

2001). Whether or not this form of violence was official or unofficial is debatable given the

inaction of local and federal law enforcement in the prevention of these lynchings, arguably

rendering these killings state-sanctioned and, therefore, official (Francis et al., 2010; see also

Sidanius & Pratto, 2001).

The Historical Context of Policing Black Bodies

Recently, there has been a resurgence in scholarship and activist work that traces

contemporary anti-Black violence to its historical roots in an attempt to increase efforts to

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 134

combat racism. This work has focused on the role of the criminal justice system in the promotion

and maintenance of violence against Black people and highlights how the deaths of Black people

by police officers is a consistent feature of the U.S.; “a country rooted in White supremacy that

has evolved through slavery, the Jim Crow era, and the civil rights movement” (Moore et al.,

2018, p. 34; see also Alexander, 2010; McCormick, 2019).

More specifically, scholars have begun to draw parallels between historical (e.g., slavery,

Jim Crow, racial lynchings) and contemporary (e.g., mass incarceration, prison-industrial

complex, police killings) anti-Black violence. For instance, it is estimated that during the Jim

Crow era approximately 3,000 Black Americans were lynched across several southern states and

these lynchings were the leading cause of death among Black individuals (EJI, 2017). This is

likely a conservative estimate given the nature of these crimes, making it particularly hard to

document every incident, although scholars have tried (e.g., Wells, 1895). Today, getting killed

by police is one of the leading causes of death for Black men in America (Edwards et al., 2019).

The rate at which Black individuals are being killed and the manner in which these killings are

taking place (e.g., Chaney & Robertson, 2015; Scott et al., 2017; US Census Bureau, 2017;

Wagner, 2014) has led scholars to go as far as to label today’s police killings of Black

individuals “modern-day lynchings” (McCormick, 2019).

The foundation of modern U.S. policing can be traced back to its origins in the era of

slavery. During the mid to late 1800s, Slave Patrol and Night Watchers, comprised of adult

White males, were tasked with controlling the movement and behaviors of Black slaves

(Kappeler & Miller-Potter, 2014). One prime example of the historical link between policing and

the oppression of Black people are the practices of The Fugitive Slave Acts which required the

seizure and capture of escaped slaves and oftentimes resulted in the capture of free Black people,
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 135

as well. Law-enforcement officials were required to arrest Black individuals suspected of being

runaway slaves, and the capture of fugitive slaves often resulted in officers receiving work

bonuses and promotions (Williams, 1921). The fugitive slave laws also required ordinary White

citizens to enforce the Fugitive Slave Acts, essentially turning them into instruments of the state.

In 1837, the 100-member slave patrol in Charleston, South Carolina was the largest police force

in the U.S. (Gaines & Kappeler, 2005).

Even after emancipation and the end of the Civil War, anti-Black racism by vigilante

groups and lynch mobs, most notoriously the Ku Klux Klan, continued to inflict violence upon

Black Americans with little to no constraints from local nor federal law enforcement and local

governments (Moore et al., 2016). The justification of this violence was often tied to the

criminalization of Black individuals and were triggered by claims of criminal activity such as the

rape of White women and murder (Wells, 1892, 1895). As President Theodore Roosevelt (1906)

proclaimed in a speech to Congress “The greatest […] cause of lynching is the perpetration […]

by Black men, of the hideous crime of rape – the most abominable […] of crimes, even worse

than murder” (Farmbry, 2010, p. 73). These claims provided the basis for anti-Black, state-

sanctioned violence; however, cries of rape and other forms of criminality were an excuse to hide

the real reasons for lynching – fear of Black economic progress and desires to uphold White

superiority and Black subjugation (Wells, 1892; Waldrep, 2008). Regardless of the underlying

rational and motivation, lynchings were an effective tool for policing Black communities

(Chaney & Robertson, 2013).

The ease of this violence against Black people is tied to their dehumanization.

Dehumanization is a process wherein an individual and their collective social group is denied full

“humanness” (Goff et al., 2008; Kteily et al., 2015; Owusu-Bempah, 2016) and is commonly
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 136

employed to justify acts of violence, war, and genocide against racial/ethnic minority groups

(Harris & Fiske, 2011). Dehumanization has played a crucial role in the oppression of Black

individuals, since as early as slavery, and is often viewed as a central component to intergroup

violence, having even been written into law. For example, the U.S. constitution declared that

each Black slave counted as three-fifths a person, and the ruling of Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857)

contended that Black people, whether enslaved or free, were not American citizens (Record of

the Supreme Court of the U.S., 1857).

Black individuals have historically been depicted as “brutes,” savage, animalistic, and

often demonized. The history of Antonio de Torquemada’s, a Spanish writer of the Renaissance,

Jardín de Flores Curiosas (1570) demonstrates the process by which Africans became

demonized and likened to beastliness, wherein a Portuguese woman was exiled to Africa and

raped by an ape (Dodds, 2007; Hund et al., 2015; Hund & Mills, 2016). The use of simianization

to uphold racial stereotypes and racism continues to prevail, as made especially evident in the

ape comparisons drawn against Barack and Michelle Obama, during the Obama administration.

For instance, in 2009, Karin Housley, a Republican running for a U.S. Senate seat in Minnesota

compared Michelle Obama to a chimpanzee. In referencing the chimpanzee from the 1951

American film Bedtime for Bonzo, Housley stated “speaking of Bedtime for Bonzo, I think that

even that chimp stood up straighter than Michelle” (Mclean, 2018).

More recently in the 2014 case involving the police killing of Michael Brown, the police

officer Darren Wilson testified to the grand jury that Brown appeared demonic, “He looked up at

me and had the most intense aggressive face. The only way I can describe it, it looks like a

demon. That’s how angry he looked” (McCoy, 2014). This sort of animalization is a central tenet

of racist dehumanization and the pathology of relegating Black individuals to sub-humanness as

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 137

a justification for anti-Black violence continues to be upheld, particularly within the criminal

justice system and by the hand of the police.

Racial Disparities in Experiences and Beliefs about Present-day Police Violence

Given that U.S. policing is shaped, in part, by practices of social control, stereotypes

surrounding Black criminality, and the dehumanization of Black individuals borne out of the

slavery and Reconstruction eras (e.g., Kappeler, 2014), it is reasonable to conjecture that police

do not uniformly treat racial/ethnic groups in our society equally. The documented differential

experiences that Black and White individuals have with the criminal justice system, specifically

police, is evidence to that point.

Police officers are more likely to use force against Black individuals and other

racial/ethnic minorities relative to White individuals (Gabrielson et al., 2014; Krupanski et al.,

2009). Compared to other racial/ethnic groups, Black men have the highest risk of being killed

by police use-of-force, facing a 1 in 1000 chance of being killed by police over the life course

(Edwards et al., 2019). Black people are also 3.5 times more likely to be the victim of police

killings than White individuals (Gabrielson et al., 2015; Krieger et al., 2015). This is true, despite

Black and White individuals being equally likely to commit crimes and Black individuals being

less likely than White individuals to be hostile in police encounters (Gilbert & Ray, 2015). On

the other hand, White individuals are generally afforded better treatment by police officers. For

example, review of footage from police body-worn cameras, revealed that in routine traffic stops

police treated White individuals with more respect than Black individuals (Voigt et al., 2017).

While there has been and continues to be documented objective violence against Black

individuals by White individuals and structural institutions, Black and White Americans differ

largely in their beliefs about the prevalence of racism in the U.S. broadly, and the criminal
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 138

justice system more specifically. For instance, Black people are much more likely to view police

killings of Black individuals as institutionalized violence that is motivated by racism compared

to their White counterparts.

Results from a national poll survey revealed that Black Americans were more than twice

as likely to agree that the case involving the shooting of unarmed Michael Brown by Darren

Wilson, a White police officer, “raises important issues about race” (Pew Research Center,

2014b). Results from a poll conducted just a few days after the Michael Brown incident showed

that six out of ten White individuals compared to one out of five Black individuals believed that

race does not affect police use of deadly force (Vega & Thee-Brenan, 2014). Young Black adults

are also more likely to agree that police treat Black individuals worse than White individuals

compared to young White adults, 75% and 50%, respectively (GenForward, 2017). It is

unsurprising, given existing research on situational and motivational factors tied to group

membership that Black and White individuals have disparate views of racism and racial bias in

policing. I consider the processes for Black and White individuals below.

Perceiving and Interpreting Racism in Black and White

Black individuals’ tendency to perceive and interpret police violence as racially

motivated stems, in part, from the direct experiences that Black individuals have with the

criminal justice system and police, as previously discussed, which can decrease perceived

procedural justice (Cochran & Warren, 2011). Procedural justice is the degree to which police

are perceived to act with legitimacy and trustworthiness when exercising authority (Geller et al.,

2014; Tyler, 2004, 2011; Tyler & Fagan, 2008). Coupled with these direct experiences are the

vicarious experiences with the police that Black individuals have through the narratives of

friends, family and community members, and those portrayed through social media surrounding
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 139

policing, which also shape their beliefs about police (Brunson & Weitzer, 2011; Weitzer, 2015).

Racial/ ethnic minorities are more likely than their White counterparts to have “The Talk,” where

Black youth receive information about racial bias in policing and the “safest” etiquette to have

when encountering police (Brunson & Weitzer, 2011; Cintron et al., 2019). Furthermore, Black

Americans, compared to White Americans, are much more likely to hear about instances of

police mistreatment from people in their social networks and later internalize these experiences

(Weitzer, 2015; Weitzer & Tuch, 2004).

Among White individuals, the respect afforded to them during encounters with police can

increase perceived procedural justice (Cochran & Warren, 2011; Voigt et al., 2017). Generally,

people who initiate contact with police, usually for help, are more satisfied with police

encounters compared to those who involuntarily encounter the police (Jacob, 1971). White

individuals are much more likely to initiate this contact compared to Black individuals

(McNamarah, 2018) and satisfaction within these encounters can facilitate more positive

attitudes and beliefs about policing (Rosenbaum et al., 2005). Given the different direct and

indirect (i.e., vicarious) experiences that Black and White individuals have with the criminal

justice system and racial bias across other various structures and institutions (e.g., employers,

landlords, government agencies, academics; for a recent review see Groos et al., 2018), each

racial group likely has schemas or belief systems around biased policing and the prevalence and

severity racial bias in U.S. society more generally.

Previous research demonstrates that prior attitudes and experiences, particularly in the

context of the criminal justice system and policing, influences how individuals later evaluate

police (Rosenbaum et al., 2005). Among a sample of Hispanic-, African-, and White Americans,

researchers demonstrated that pre-existing attitudes about police influenced how individuals
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 140

evaluated police a year later, and further, that this effect was stronger for attitudes born out of

vicarious experiences compared to direct experiences.

Negative experiences with police, both vicarious and direct, were associated with

negative evaluations of police, and positive experiences, both vicarious and direct, were

associated with positive evaluations. Additionally, the adverse effects of negative vicarious

experiences were the strongest for Black individuals. Findings from this work coupled with

social-psychological research on stereotyping confirming processes (Fiske, 1993; Plaks et al.,

2001) suggest that individuals’ predispositions about racism and bias in policing and society,

more broadly, will influence how they receive, recall, and interpret information such that,

individuals interpret relevant information in manners consistent with the beliefs they already

have.

Given the negative experiences and pre-existing attitudes that Black individuals have

surrounding racism in America and racial bias in policing relative to White individuals, Black

individuals should be more likely to interpret police content through a racialized lens.

Specifically, Black individuals should demonstrate a greater tendency towards interpreting police

content in terms of race and racial bias. Evaluating individuals’ degree of critical racism

awareness may offer an additional resource for understanding the pre-existing beliefs and

attitudes that individuals have about racism and racial bias more broadly as well.

Using Critical Racism Awareness to Understand Beliefs about Racism

Critical racism awareness reflects an acknowledgment of the extent to which racism is

rooted in history and manifests in our everyday practices, discourse, systems, and institutions

(Adams et al., 2018; Allen & Leach, 2018; Salter et al., 2018; Versey et al., 2019). An individual

who is critically aware of anti-Black racism perceives racism as endemic, does not minimize the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 141

prevalence and severity of racism in the U.S., attributes the cause of racism to

institutional/systemic factors versus isolated, interpersonal ones, possesses accurate knowledge

of the meaning behind contemporary racial movements (e.g., ‘Blue Lives Matter’), and feels a

duty to know about racism (Allen et al., in preparation). Previous research by Allen and

colleagues (Paper 1 of this dissertation) demonstrates that there is an association between this

critical racism awareness and beliefs about present-day racism. The more critical racism

awareness that Black and White individuals have, the more perceptive they are to both

interpersonal and systemic incidents of racism.

One mechanism for raising critical racism awareness is increasing individuals’

knowledge about historical anti-Black racism. Findings from studies on the Marley Hypothesis –

the idea that race-based group differences in perceptions of current racism reflects differences in

knowledge of historical racism, demonstrate that Black individuals are more accurate in their

perceptions of racism compared to White individuals. These perceptual differences are partially

attributed to Black individuals’ deeper historical knowledge regarding anti-Black racism in

America (Nelson et al., 2010, 2012).

Bonam and colleagues (2019) demonstrate that increasing individuals’ knowledge of

historical racism can increase the tendency to perceive contemporary incidents of racism and

increase the acknowledgment of the role of history in the perpetuation of systemic present-day

racism. When White participants learned new information about past racism (i.e., biased housing

policies) compared to receiving no historical information, it changed participants’ beliefs about

present-day outcomes of that racism (i.e., Black ghettos) such that it increased the tendency to

view Black ghettos as the consequence of past (i.e., historical) racism. Additionally, the

participants exposed to historical racism had a greater tendency to perceive both interpersonal
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 142

and systemic incidents of racial bias as indicative of racism compared to their counterparts who

lacked this historical knowledge (Bonam et al., 2019).

Research on critical racism awareness not only serves to address the gap between Black

and White individuals’ perceptions of racism but can also provide a basis for understanding the

pre-existing attitudes and beliefs that individuals have about racism. Correlational work on

critical racism awareness and the effects of historical knowledge on beliefs about racism has

primarily demonstrated that perceptions of racism, or the lack thereof, stems in part from the

knowledge that individuals have about historical racism (see Nelson et al., 2012). However, it

may also be the case that rather than be an outcome of critical racism awareness, perceptions of

racism can illuminate the level of critical racism awareness that individuals have, thus, reflecting

a sort of reciprocal relationship.

In the current study, I draw on movements such as Black Lives Matter and work by anti-

racist activists and scholars that have begun to push for awareness regarding the parallels

between historical and contemporary anti-Black racism (e.g., Alexander 2010; Coates, 2015,

2017; see review by Allen & Leach, 2018). This work suggests that increasing individuals’

knowledge about the role of history in present-day racism will increase efforts against racism;

however, empirical research in this area is scant. In order to understand the effects that drawing

similarities between historical and contemporary racism has on individuals’ interpretations of

and response to present-day racism, we must first understand how individuals interpret

information that suggests such a parallel and the degree to which they endorse the ideas behind

the continuity of racism and the similarities between past and present racism. This is the primary

objective of the current study.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 143

The Current Study

The primary goal of this study was to examine how Black and White individuals perceive

and affectively respond to information that suggests similarities between contemporary and

historical violence against Black individuals. Specifically, I was interested how people interpret

racial bias in the context of policing. I was also interested in whether, as a sort of projective test,

participants’ prior exposure to varying degrees of police violence was related to how much racial

inequality they believe exists, and their attitudes towards police. Additionally, I sought to

determine whether there was an association between subjective interpretations of police violence

content and explicit measures of critical racism awareness.

Overview of Hypotheses

Consistent with previous research on group-based differences in perceptions of racism,

inequality, and police (Carter & Murphy, 2015; Cochran & Warren, 2011), I hypothesized that in

general, Black individuals would be more likely to acknowledge the prevalence and severity of

racial inequality, bias in policing, and demonstrate more willingness to protest police bias

compared to White individuals. Given prior research surrounding critical racism awareness and

the effects of historical race-related knowledge on perceptions of racism (Allen et al., in

preparation; Bonam et al., 2019; Nelson et al., 2012), I expected that suggested similarities

between historical and contemporary anti-Black violence would be associated with greater

interpretation of present-day racial inequality compared to information about contemporary anti-

Black violence or exposure to no violence. Black individuals tend to have more historical

knowledge about anti-Black racism compared to White individuals (Bonam et al., 2019; Nelson

et al., 2012). Additionally, experiences, both direct and vicarious, with police violence and police

encounters are far more familiar to Black individuals compared to White individuals. Taken
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 144

together, I hypothesized that the effect of information that suggests parallels between historical

and contemporary anti-Black violence on interpretations of racial bias to be stronger for White

participants compared to Black participants. That is, Black individuals will interpret higher

degrees of injustice across anti-Black police violence conditions whereas for White individuals,

interpreting inequality will be the greatest in the paralleled historical-contemporary violence

police condition. Because exposure to this content is likely more novel to White individuals

compared to Black individuals, this unfamiliarity may result in more attitude change amongst

White participants, whereas the beliefs about racism both societally and in policing may already

be high amongst Black individuals affording less room for attitude change (see also, Rosenbaum

et al., 2005).

A second set of hypotheses concerns how Black and White individuals will affectively

and subjectively respond to police violence related information. In line with previous research

examining Black and White individuals’ responses to images of police violence and protest

(Reinka & Leach, 2017, 2018), I expected Black participants to be more likely to report affective

responses associated with anger and hostility, compared to White participants. Further, whereas

some research would suggest that White individuals would experience guilt or shame when

exposed to information about police violence against Black people (e.g., Spanierman & Cabrera,

2015), more aligned with the findings of Reinka and Leach (2017), I expected White participants

to report little to no guilt or shame. White guilt is experienced when White individuals see their

group as the perpetrators of inequality and or beneficiary of illegitimate privilege (Iyer et al.,

2003; Leach et al., 2006). In the context of racial bias in policing, White participants, who are

not police, may not feel a sense of responsibility for the subsequent effects of this racism, and

thus, will experience no guilt.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 145

Additionally, I anticipated that in response to open-ended questions about the police

violence content, Black participants would demonstrate more attentiveness, evidenced by a

greater word count, would be more likely to write with authority when describing the police

content, use more negative and causal language, and include more justice-related words

compared to White participants who will demonstrate more hedging (i.e., uncertainty) in their

descriptions (see Reinka & Leach, 2017).

Lastly, as previously mentioned, I expect individuals’ evaluations of police violence

content that suggests historical and/or contemporary will serve as a sort of projective test that

will be informative of the pre-existing attitudes and beliefs that individuals have about anti-Black

police violence and racism. I also anticipate that how participants’ score on measures of critical

racism awareness will be informative of the pre-existing attitudes and beliefs that both Black and

White participants have about the prevalence and severity of racism. To that end, I hypothesized

that the degree of critical reflection that individuals demonstrate in their responses to open-ended

questions about the police violence content would correlate with explicit measures that assess

critical racism awareness (see Allen et al., in preparation). That is, there will be an association

between the extent to which participants demonstrate subjective critical racism awareness (i.e.,

discuss historical racism, police brutality, etc., in their descriptions of the police illustrations) and

their objective critical racism awareness (i.e., their scores on explicit measures that assess beliefs

about the historically rooted nature of racism against Black individuals in the U.S.).

Method

Participants and Design

Data was collected from 793 individuals, including undergraduate students enrolled at the

University of Connecticut (n = 300) or California State University, Northridge (n = 260), and

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 146

U.S. adults recruited from Qualtrics research panels (n = 203). Undergraduate students

completed this study in exchange for course credit and participants recruited via Qualtrics were

compensated based on Qualtrics’ incentive system. One hundred and eighty-four participants

who did not identify their racial/ethnic group as either Black/African American or non-Hispanic

White where excluded from the analyses. The final sample was comprised of a total of 609

participants (n = 194 for Black participants, n = 415 for non-Hispanic White participants).

This study used a 2 (participant race: Black or non-Hispanic White) x 3 (police

illustration: neutral, contemporary violence, paralleled historical-contemporary violence)

between-participant factorial design. It was determined a priori using G*Power (Faul et al.,

2007) that a sample size of 244 would be needed in order to find a small to medium effect size, f

=.20, with a desired power of .80, an alpha level of .05, using six groups and one covariate. More

than 244 participants were run in order to account for the possibility of data having to be discarded

due to missing or artificial responses.

On average, participants were young adults (M = 27.08, SD = 14.44), self-identified as

female (73.1%), and were primarily raised in either the New England (e.g., Connecticut, Maine,

Massachusetts) or Pacific (e.g., California, Oregon, Washington) regions (62.2%).

Approximately half of the participants (48.8%) reported that their family’s economic household

situation was good, compared to other people in our society, and the leading response was, “we

have what we need and enjoy some extras.” Approximately one-third of participants reported

having an annual family household income less than $49,999, 31.6% between $50,000 and

$99,999, and 28.7% reported more than $100,000. More than half of the participants (54.6%)

reported that their political views leaned towards or was close to Democrat, while approximately

a third (27.4%) reported that their political views were neither Democrat nor Republican.

Furthermore, half of the participants (51.2%) reported that on social issues they would describe
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 147

themselves as liberal, while less than half of the participants reported that on political and

economic issues, they would describe themselves as liberal, 43.0% and 38.7%, respectively. All

study procedures were approved by the University of Connecticut’s Institutional Review Board

and followed all APA ethical standards.

Procedure and Measures

Data were collected online; participants were recruited either via Qualtrics notifications

or through postings administered via university psychology participant pools. Participants were

told they were completing an anonymous study in which the researchers were interested in

examining people’s beliefs and attitudes about visual images. Participants then provided consent

before being exposed to the stimuli and answering questions.

Police violence manipulation and stimuli. Original stimulus illustrations for this

experiment were drawn by a professional artist according to our instructions. Participants were

shown one of three police-relevant illustrations accompanied by modified instructions of the

affect-grid (Russell et al., 1989). The neutral police illustration showed a White police officer

with his back turned and a gun in his hand outside of the holster (see Figure 1, image 1). The

contemporary violence police illustration included the details of the neutral illustration with the

addition of an apparently unarmed Black male victim dead on the ground, similar to photographs

of Michael Brown, after he was shot and left in the middle of the street (see Figure 1, image 2).

The paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration augmented the contemporary

violence police illustration with the addition of a drawing akin to a well-known photograph of a

White crowd viewing the hanging body of a black lynching victim (Frisken, 2012), namely a

Klansman looking at the Black victim (see Figure 1, image 3). After viewing one of these

illustrations participants were administered our focal measures.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 148

Measures. The study consisted of both open- and close-ended question types. A small

number of items were open-ended questions, but the majority were traditional five-point Likert

scale items, and several were bipolar slider items. For the bipolar slider items, participants were

presented with a statement and then asked to indicate which option they thought was best

between two specific alternatives related to the statement. For these items, the center of the slider

represented a neutral/ ambivalent stance (i.e., neither alternative more than the other).

Prior to answering close-ended measures of perceptions, attitudes, and beliefs about

racism, participants responded to two open-ended questions that were paired with the police

illustration: “What is the illustrator trying to convey/communicate in this illustration” and “Tell

us why” you agree or disagree with the illustrator’s message. Responses were required to be at

least 250 characters, approximately 55 words, for each question. These items were then followed

by affective measures and subsequent measures assessing beliefs and attitudes about racism and

policing were presented randomly. Unless otherwise noted, response for these items were

measured on a five-point Likert scale that ranged from ‘1’ strongly disagree to ‘5’ strongly

agree.

Affect grid. The affect grid is a single-item scale that assess affect along the dimensions

of pleasant-unpleasant feelings and sleepiness-arousal (Russell et al., 1989). Participants were

shown a 9x9 grid and asked to click a square on the grid to indicate the exact shade and intensity

of their feelings in regards to the illustration that they saw. An arousal and pleasurableness score

were calculated for each participant based on their selection on the grid. Valence was scored

such that higher values indicated greater unpleasantness and was measured in the same direction

as arousal.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 149

Positive and negative affect. Participants’ positive and negative affect was measured

using 18 items selected from the expanded version of the PANAS-X, Positive and Negative

Affect Scale (Watson & Clark, 1999). Participants were asked to indicate how they felt, at the

present moment, while completing the study. Response options ranged from ‘1’ very slightly or

not at all to ‘5’ extremely. Several subscales were created based on the averages of these items, a

general positive affect component which consisted of the following states: active, alert,

determined, excited, cheerful, lively, inspired, interested, and proud (α = .88, ICC =.45) and a

general negative affect component which consisted of the following states: afraid, scared,

nervous, angry, hostile, guilty, ashamed, upset, and blame (α = .90, ICC = .50). More specific

subscales than general positive/negative affect, based primarily from Watson and Clark (1999),

were also created: a fear component which consisted of the following states: afraid, scared, and

nervous (α = .87, ICC = .70), a hostility component which consisted of the following states:

angry and hostile (α = .74, ICC = .58), a guilt component which consisted of the following states:

guilty, ashamed, and blame (α = .79, ICC = .56), and an attentiveness component which

consisted of the following states: alert, determined, and interested (α = .72, ICC = .46).

Critical racism awareness. To assess in-depth awareness of anti-Black racism, items

from two subscales from the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale, ‘racism as endemic’ and

‘internal-external attributions for racism’, were included (Allen et al., in preparation).

Participants’ beliefs about whether racism is culturally embedded and foundational to the U.S.

were measured using four items from the endemic racism subscale (e.g., “Police violence against

Black people comes from a discriminatory culture of policing.”). Items were coded such that

higher values indicated perceiving more racism against Black individuals as historically
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 150

foundational to U.S. society, and specifically, embedded in the fabric of the U.S. criminal justice

system (α = .83, ICC = .55).

Using four bipolar slider items from the ‘internal-external attributions for racism’

subscale, I assessed participants’ belief about whether the cause and result of racism stems from

isolated, interpersonal factors or from systemic factors. For these items, participants were told

that for each question they were being provided with two different answers that people had

previously provided in response to the question. They were instructed to move a slider in the

direction of the answer they thought was best. An example item includes “What explains Black

inequality best?” with the bipolar response options: “cultural and family practices within Black

communities” versus “policies and laws created by institutions and the government” (α = .84,

ICC = .56). Items were coded such that higher values indicated endorsing external/situational

attributions for racism whereas lower values indicated a greater belief in internal/interpersonal

attributions for racism.

Knowledge of police violence movements. In order to assess participants’ knowledge

about recent movements surrounding police violence against Black individuals, I used two items

from the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale subscale – contemporary knowledge of racial

movements (Allen et al., in preparation). These included the following bipolar slider items: “All

Lives Matter” with the choice options, a reminder of racial equality versus a denial of ongoing

racism that targets Black [people] specifically; and “Blue Lives Matter” with the choice options,

“values the lives of police officers” versus “an attack on ‘Black Lives Matter’.” I also included

an additional item, “Black Lives Matter,” taken from the Allen and colleagues (in preparation)

study that was not included in the Critical Racism Awareness Woke subscale. The item “Black

Lives Matter” was presented with the choice options: “puts Black people’s lives ahead of the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 151

lives of police and other races” versus “a reminder that Black lives matter because our society

often acts like they don’t.” Items were coded such that higher values indicated greater knowledge

about the racialized meaning behind these contemporary police violence movements (α = .73,

ICC = .48).

Racial bias in policing. Three items measured participants’ perceptions of racial bias in

policing, two of which were modified from the procedural justice scale (Weitzer, 2000) These

items included: “A few questionable police killings of unarmed Black [people] is not evidence

that most police officers are biased” and “Incidents of police brutality are very uncommon”

(reverse coded). The third item was a bipolar slider item, “The police are sometimes accused of

brutality. What do you think they do most of the time?” and had the following choice options:

“using necessary force in dangerous situations” versus “using excessive force”. Items were

coded such that higher values indicated perceiving more racial bias in policing (α = .79, ICC =

.55).

Willingness to protest police brutality. Participants’ willingness to protest police

brutality was measured using three items adapted from Zomeren and colleagues (2004). An

example item includes “I would participate in a demonstration against police brutality.” Items

were coded such that higher values indicated greater willingness to protest police brutality (α =

.90; ICC = .74).

Perceived racial inequality. Participants’ beliefs about the degree and severity of racial

inequality in the U.S. was measured using items developed by the research team and items from

previous scales (i.e., Quick Discrimination Index, Ponterotto et al., 1995; Value Profile, Bales &

Couch, 1969; Multifactor Racial Attitudes Inventory, Woodmansee & Cook, 1995; Modern

Racism Scale, McConahay et al., 1981). An example item includes “Racism has been present in
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 152

different forms throughout American history and continues today.” Items were coded such that

higher values indicated perceiving more racial inequality (k = 7; α = .85; ICC =.49).

Demographics. Towards the end of the study, participants reported their gender,

race/ethnicity, age, political ideology, annual household income, and general geographic region

where they were primarily raised.

Content Analysis Process

Analysis of the open-ended responses to the police illustrations was assessed using

Linguistic Inquiry Word Count (LIWC; Pennebaker et al., 2015). The LIWC tool allows for the

quantitative analysis of language use through its ability to categorize thousands of words and

word-stem into dozens of categories, including parts of speech (e.g., articles, prepositions,

pronouns), psychological processes (e.g., affect, cognition, drives), and summary language (e.g.,

analytical thinking, clout, emotional tone; Pennebaker et al., 2015). LIWC includes a dictionary

of approximately 6,400 words and word stems, which it can count using its 92 categories. Each

LIWC category represents the percentage of words used pertaining to that category, relative to

the total number of words that an individual writes (Pennebaker et al., 2015). I used one standard

LIWC category to examine Black and White participants’ descriptions of the police illustrations

(i.e., word count). I also used four other standard LIWC categories that seemed relevant to our

police illustrations: analytical thinking (i.e., formal, logical, and hierarchical thinking), clout

(i.e., authoritative tone), cognitive processes (e.g., causation, discrepancy, and tentativeness

language), and affective processes (i.e., positive, negative emotion).

LIWC also allows researchers to create custom categories in order to examine the

frequency of word usage so that the categories are more germane to the specific study’s

objectives. I created seven custom categories of word usage based on concepts that appeared
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 153

especially relevant to police, police brutality, and historical lynchings and those that appeared

frequently in our review of participants free-responses to the police illustrations. The seven

custom categories are as follows: ideals for police (e.g., serve, protect), psychology about the

encounter between police and civilians; that is the perceived mental or attitudinal characteristics

that may have been governing the actors (e.g., feeling threatened, scared, intimidated), due

process (e.g., justice, equality, innocence, punishment), violence-related words (e.g., death,

killings, murder), racial bias-related words (e.g., stereotypes, prejudice, discrimination), explicit

references to contemporary racial movements and issues (e.g., Black Lives Matter movement,

Michael Brown, Ferguson, Black Lives Matter), and explicit references to historical racial issues

(e.g., KKK, lynching, hanging, Jim Crow).

Theme development. In addition to the LIWC tool, a conventional multistep content

analysis process of developing categories for coding thematic content, training coders, coding the

material, and analyzing the resultant data was performed (Schneider et al., 1992). A coding

taxonomy was initially created based on reviews of several randomly selected participant

responses to the open-ended items assessing interpretation of and attitudes towards the police

illustrations. I anticipated themes related to discussions of positive versus negative behaviors of

police officers (e.g., serve and protect, brutality and violence); approval versus disapproval of the

behaviors of police officers; acknowledgment of racism; and beliefs about the prevalence and

severity of racism (i.e., acceptance or rejection of racism existing in the U.S. today). In addition

to these categories, I anticipated that the parallel historicized-contemporary violence police

illustration condition would elicit responses related to the history of inequality, direct

connections between policing and lynchings, and acceptance or rejection of the suggested

parallels drawn between modern police brutality and historical lynchings. Thus, these additional
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 154

categories were included and it was expected that use of those categories would occur almost

entirely in the paralleled historicized-contemporary violence police illustration condition. When

coded, participants received a value of ‘1’if elements of their response reflected the

corresponding category or a value of ‘0’ if it did not. The first author coded all free-response text

and a second coder was trained based of a content coding manual designed for this study and

then randomly assigned an undergraduate research assistant in the authors’ lab to code 50

different free-responses per illustration condition. Thus, a total of 150 responses were double

coded.

Reliability of coding. Cohen’s Kappa is appropriate for assessing interrater-reliability of

binary outcomes (Grant et al., 2016). However, Cohen’s Kappa can be misleadingly low if a

large majority of ratings are either at the highest or lowest level, which is highly probably among

binary data (Delgado & Tibau, 2019). Given the exploratory nature of this study, a low a priori

criterion was set for our observed Cohen’s Kappa with a Kappa ranging from .21 - .40

demonstrating acceptable interrater reliability. While this is considered a fair Kappa value

(McHugh, 2012), popular benchmarks across the social sciences suggest a minimum Kappa of

.61 (see Graham et al., 2012; McHugh, 2012). I decided also to seek a minimum of 75% absolute

agreement, even though the percentage of absolute agreement is another index of inter-rater

reliability not without limitations (Grant et al., 2017; Ranganathan, et al., 2017). Thus, for this

study, inter-rater reliability was set to have a criterion of either a Cohen’s Kappa >.20 or a

percentage of absolute agreement >.75. All content-coded themes of interest met one of these

requirements initially (i.e., direct analyses of independent coder ratings). The main coder’s

ratings were used.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 155

Results

Assessment of Explicit Racial Attitude and Belief Measures

The majority of the Likert scaled items and all of the bipolar slider items were scaled to

range from -1 to 1. Thus, an item on a five-point Likert scale took on the range of -1.00, -.50, 0,

.50, 1.00. Scores on the PANAS-X measure ranged from 0 to 5 and scores on the Affect grid

ranged from 1 to 9, neither of which were rescaled. For all dependent variables of interest, 2

(participant race: Black or non-Hispanic White) x 3 (police illustration: neutral, contemporary

violence, paralleled historical-contemporary violence) between-subjects analysis of variance

(e.g., ANOVAs, MANOVAs) were conducted. Political orientation was included as a covariate

given its significant association with the focal dependent variables of interest. For each

MANCOVA I report the discrimination functions associated with each race, illustration

condition, and interaction effect and then the means of the functions in the appropriate cells.

Affective Responses. I conducted a MANCOVA on the five affect scales, given the

expected and sizable correlations among these measures (except arousal; see Table 1). The

unpleasantness score from the affect grid, fear, hostility, guilt, and attentiveness served as the

dependent variable in this analysis. The assumption of the homogeneity of variance-covariance

was violated as assessed by Box’s M test, p < .001, thus I used Pillai’s Trace instead of Wilks’

𝛬1.

Results revealed a reliable effect for participant race, Pillai’s Trace (.12), F (5, 587) =

16.24, p <.001, Roy’s g.c.r = .12, a reliable effect of condition, Pillai’s Trace (.31), F (10,1176) =

16.24, p <.001, Roy’s g.c.r = .31, and a reliable participant race by condition interaction, Pillai’s

Trace (.08), F (10, 1176) = 5.08, p <.001, Roy’s g.c.r = .06, while controlling for political

orientation. All greatest characteristic roots (g.c.r.) were statistically significant.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 156

Surprisingly, the race effect discriminant function contrasted the guilt subscale with the

other affect measures, although fear mattered less in comparison to unpleasantness, hostility, and

attentiveness. That is, the affect measure that differentiated Black and White participants the

most was guilt. As the means for this discriminant function by race show (see Table 2 for

discriminant function coefficients and means), Black participants felt unpleasantness, hostility,

fear, and attentiveness more strongly than White participants, p <.01, but did not feel more guilt,

p = .35, F (1,591) = 80.82, p < .001.

The first discriminant function relevant to the police illustration conditions primarily

consisted of unpleasantness and hostility. The combination of hostility and unpleasantness was

statistically much stronger in the contemporary police violence and the historical-contemporary

police violence illustration conditions compared to the neutral police illustration condition, p <

.01. However, the difference between the contemporary police violence and the historical-

contemporary police violence illustration conditions was not statistically significant, p = .08, F

(2,591) = 117.62, p < .001.

The second discriminant function relevant to the police illustration conditions was

primarily composed of a contrast between having more hostility and less guilt. The means

suggest that the historical-contemporary police violence illustration elicited more hostility

compared to guilt, as did the neutral condition to a lesser degree; whereas the contemporary

police violence illustration condition elicited more guilt than hostility. Follow-up contrasts

revealed that only the differences between the neutral and contemporary police violence

illustration condition, p = .02, and the difference between the contemporary police violence and

historical-contemporary police violence illustration conditions, p = .01, F (2,591) = 7.06, p =

.001, were significant.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 157

The first discriminant function associated with the interaction of participant race by

police violence illustration condition demonstrated that hostility contrasts mainly with guilt, and

to a smaller degree unpleasantness. Based on the means for the first interaction term (see Table

3) Black participants reported more hostility compared to guilt relative to White participants in

the neutral police illustration condition. Additionally, there were no racial differences between

reported hostility versus guilt in the contemporary police violence illustration condition and

much more hostility versus guilt in the historical-contemporary police violence illustration, F

(2,591) = 18.79, p = .001. The second interaction term was comprised of hostility,

unpleasantness, fear, and to a lesser degree attentiveness against guilt, with guilt relative to the

other affect measures being the lowest among White participants in the neutral police illustration

condition, F (2,591) = 6.91, p = .001. Univariate adjusted means and standard errors by

participant race and police illustration condition are reported in Table 4.

Racial Inequality and Critical Racism Awareness. A second MANCOVA was

conducted on the six scales assessing beliefs about racial bias, again given the large and expected

correlations among the measures of perceptions of general racial inequality, the CRA Woke

subscales: ‘racism as endemic’ and ‘internal-external attributions for racism’, as well as,

measures of knowledge of contemporary police violence movements, racial bias in policing, and

willingness to protest police brutality (see Table 5 for correlations). The assumption of the

homogeneity of variance-covariance was violated, as assessed by Box’s M test, p < .001. Results

revealed a reliable effect for participant race, Pillai’s Trace (.17), F (6, 594) = 20.91, p <.001,

Roy’s g.c.r = .17, while controlling for political orientation. The effect of police violence

illustration condition, Pillai’s Trace (.02), F (12, 1190) < 1, p = .48, Roy’s g.c.r = .01, and the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 158

participant race by condition interaction, Pillai’s Trace (.02), F (12, 1190) = 1.01, p = .44, Roy’s

g.c.r = .02, were not significant.

The participant race effect discriminant function contrasted the perceptions of general

racial inequality with racism as endemic, racial bias in policing, knowledge of contemporary

police violence movements and, to a much less degree, willingness to protest police brutality.

internal-external attributions for racism mattered little (see Table 6 for discriminant function

coefficients and means). In general, Black participants perceived greater racial inequality across

all six measurers compared to White participants; however, the difference between Black and

White participants was the smallest in beliefs about general racial inequality, F (1,599) = 125.33,

p < .001.

Participants’ Interpretations/Evaluations of Police Illustrations

As mentioned above, the standard LIWC dimensions represent word percentages, that is,

the percentage of words in a text that fit the category. This is true for all of the dimensions

included in the subsequent analyses except clout, which was not based on a percentage of word

usage, but is instead on a 0-100 scale. Several ANOVAs and one MANOVA were conducted to

examine the effect of participant race and police illustration on participants’ evaluations of the

police illustrations. Bonferroni adjustments were made for multiple univariate interactions and

simple main effects analyses. Political orientation was not significantly correlated with most of

the LIWC dimensions and therefore was not included in the analyses as a covariate. Initial

analyses showed that responses to the two open-ended measures were not distinct, that is, the

content between both free-responses to these measures were extremely similar and thus, were

combined to reflect one single response in the linguistic analyses.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 159

Participants’ written interpretations of the illustrations’ meanings averaged 133.41 words

(SD = 50.96), which is slightly more than the requested minimum length. Previous research

suggests that the number of words a person writes in response to a prompt can reflect

psychological engagement with the task, such that those who are more engaged will write more

(Tausczik & Pennebaker, 2009). It is important to note that there was no significant difference in

the number of words that Black participants (M = 136.79, SD = 52.46) produced compared to

White participants (M = 131.83, SD = 50.23), t(607) = -1.12, p =.26. Therefore, I can conclude

that race differences in engagement with the task, assessed as a function of word count, are

unlikely to account for other possible race differences.

LIWC categories. The ANOVA on analytical thinking revealed a significant main effect

of police illustration, F (2, 603) = 8.98, p < .001, partial η2 = .03. Participants were the least

likely to engage in analytical thinking when exposed to the neutral police illustration (M = 53.87,

SD = 1.91) compared to the contemporary violence (M = 62.37, SD = 1.82) and paralleled

historical-contemporary violence police illustrations (M = 64.21, SD = 1.69). There was not a

significant difference in the means between contemporary violence and paralleled historical-

contemporary violence police illustrations, p =.50. The main effect of participant race, F (1, 603)

= .47, p =.51, partial η2 < .01, and the interaction between participant race and police illustration,

F (2, 603) =.78, p = .46, partial η2 < .01, did not significantly impact analytical thinking in

participants’ free-responses.

The ANOVA on clout revealed a significant main effect of police illustration, F (2, 603)

= 3.59, p =.03, partial η2 = .01. Participants were the least likely to engage in an authoritative

tone when exposed to the neutral police illustration (M = 47.71, SD = 1.65) compared to the

contemporary violence (M = 52.86, SD = 1.57) and paralleled historical-contemporary violence

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 160

police illustrations (M = 53.07, SD = 1.46). There was not a significant difference in the means

between contemporary violence and paralleled historical-contemporary violence police

illustrations, p =.92. The main effect of participant race, F (1, 603) = 1.84, p =.18, partial η2 <

.01, and the interaction between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) =.91, p = .40,

partial η2 < .01, did not significantly impact authoritative tone in participants’ free-responses.

Additionally, the ANOVA on causal language revealed no significant effect of participant race F

(1, 603) = .46, p =.50, partial η2< .01, police illustration, F (2, 603) = 2.67, p =.07, partial η2 =

.01, nor the interaction between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) = .17, p =.85,

partial η2 < .01.

Results from the ANOVA on tentative language revealed a significant main effect of

participant race, F (1, 603) = 5.79, p =.02, partial η2 = .01, and police illustration, F (2, 603) =

35.33, p <.001, partial η2 = .11. White participants (M = 4.07, SE = .10) wrote with more

tentativeness in their responses to the police illustrations compared to Black participants (M =

3.63, SE = .15). Additionally, the use of tentative language differed across the police illustrations

such that participants who saw the paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration

(M = 2.82 , SE = .15) used significantly less tentativeness in their responses compared to the

contemporary violence police illustration (M = 4.15, SE = .16) and the neutral police illustration

(M = 4.59, SE = .17). Each of tentativeness scores in the three police illustrations were different

from each other. There was no interaction, F (2, 603) < 1.

The ANOVA on the expression of certainty in illustration interpretations revealed no

significant effect of participant race F (1, 603) = .24, p =.63, partial η2 < .01, police illustration,

F (2, 603) = .49, p =.61, partial η2 < .01, nor the interaction between participant race and police

illustration, F (2, 603) = .87, p =.42, partial η2 < .01. Additionally, the ANOVA on discrepant
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 161

language revealed a significant main effect of participant race, F (1, 603) = 4.66, p =.03, partial

η2 = .01, and police illustration, F (2, 603) = 13.63, p <.001, partial η2 = .04. White participants

(M = 1.58, SE = .07) wrote with more discrepant language compared to Black participants (M =

1.30, SE = .11). Additionally, participants were the least likely to use discrepant language when

exposed to the paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration (M = .98, SD = .11)

compared to the neutral (M = 1.69, SD = .12) and contemporary violence police illustrations (M

= 1.66, SD = .11). There was not a significant difference in the means between the neutral and

contemporary violence police illustrations, p =.84. These effects on discrepant language were not

qualified by a significant interaction between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) =

.28, p =.88, partial η2< .01.

Lastly, a MANOVA was conducted on the four affect related LIWC measures: negative

affect, anxiety, anger, and sad affect. Although anxiety, anger, and sad affect were not

significantly correlated, these three measures were significantly correlated with negative affect.

Again, the assumption of the homogeneity of variance-covariance was violated, as assessed by

Box’s M test, p < .001. Results revealed a reliable effect for participant race, Pillai’s Trace (.03),

F (4, 600) = 4.68, p = .001, Roy’s g.c.r = .03, a reliable effect of condition, Pillai’s Trace (.14), F

(8,1202) = 11.74 p <.001, Roy’s g.c.r = .13, and a reliable participant race by condition

interaction, Pillai’s Trace (.04), F (8, 1202) = 3.07, p = .002, Roy’s g.c.r = .03.

The race effect discriminant function contrasted the negative affect scale, and to a small

degree anxiety, with anger and sad affect. The affect measure that differentiated Black and White

participants the most was negative affect; however, the difference was not significant, p = .15.

As the means for this discriminant function by race show (see Table 7 for discriminant function

coefficients and means), Black participants expressed anger and sadness more strongly in their
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 162

writing about the illustrations compared to White participants who tended to express more

general negative affect, F (1,603) = 18.80, p <.001.

The first discriminant function relevant to the police illustration conditions contrasts

anxiety with the other LIWC affective measures. The affect measure that differentiated the police

illustration conditions the most was anxiety. Anxiety was reflected in participants evaluations of

the illustrations the most in the neutral police illustration condition, followed by the

contemporary police violence and historical-contemporary police violence illustration, F (2,603)

= 46.68, p <.001. The second discriminant function relevant to the police illustration conditions

was primarily comprised of the contrast between less anger and sadder affect. The means suggest

that sad affect was reported the most in the qualitative evaluations of the contemporary police

violence illustration whereas the historical-contemporary police violence illustration elicited

more anger and less sad affect, F (2,603) = 3.32, p = .04.

The first discriminant function associated with the interaction of participant race by

police illustration condition demonstrated that anxiety contrasts with the other affect measures.

Based on the means of the first interaction term (see Table 8) Black participants reported less

anxiety compared to sad affect, negative affect, and anger relative to White participants in the

neutral police illustration condition. There was a small racial difference between anxiety versus

the other affective measures in the contemporary police violence illustration, and just slightly

more anxiety compared to the other affective measures in the historical-contemporary police

violence illustration, F (2,603) = 8.53, p < .01. The second interaction term was comprised

primarily of anger and sad affect. Specifically, anger contrasts mainly with sad affect, followed

by negative affect and to a weak degree, anxiety. This suggests that anger, relative to the other

affective measures, was expressed the most among Black participants in the historical-
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 163

contemporary police violence illustration, F(2,603) = 3.84, p =.02 (see Table 9 for all means and

standard deviations by participant race and condition).

Custom LIWC categories. An ANOVA performed on ideals for police revealed a

significant main police illustration, F (2, 603) = 23.62, p <.001, partial η2 = .07. Participants

were more likely to discuss policing ideals when exposed to the neutral police illustration (M =

.57, SE = .05) compared to the contemporary (M = .22, SE = .05) and paralleled historical-

contemporary violence police illustrations (M = .14, SE = .04). There was no significant

difference between contemporary and paralleled historical-contemporary violence illustrations, p

= .21. Additionally, neither the main effect of participant race, F (1, 603) = 3.68, p =.06, partial

η2 = .01, nor the interaction between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) = 2.25, p

=.11, partial η2 = .01, had significant effects on incorporating policing ideas in responses to the

illustrations.

The ANOVA on the category psychology of policing encounters revealed a significant

main effect of police illustration, F (2, 603) = 27.50, p <.001, partial η2 = .08. Participants were

more likely to discuss the psychology behind encounters between police and civilians, such as

experiences of intimidation, when exposed to the neutral police illustration (M = .80, SD = .07)

compared to the contemporary (M = .30, SE = .06) and paralleled historical-contemporary

violence police illustrations (M = .16 , SE = .06). There was no significant difference between

contemporary and paralleled historical-contemporary violence illustrations, p = .10. Results

further revealed a significant interaction between participant race and police illustration, F (2,

603) = 3.24, p =.04, partial η2 = .01. There was a statistically significant difference across police

illustration conditions on the inclusion of the psychology of policing in illustration evaluations

for White participants, F (2, 603) = 39.01, p < .001, partial η2 = .12, and for Black participants, F
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 164

(2, 603) = 5.12 p = .001, partial η2 = .02. Specifically, the interaction between participant race

and police illustration was characterized by the discussion of the psychology behind police

encounters being the highest for White participants exposed to the neutral police illustration (M =

.96, SE = .07). This was also partially true for Black participants (M = .64, SE = .11); however,

there was not a significant difference in the discussion of policing ideals between the neutral and

contemporary violence police illustrations for Black participants. I observed no main effect of

participant race, F (1, 603) = 3.24, p = .44, partial η2 < .01.

The ANOVA on due process revealed a significant main effect of police illustration, F (2,

603) = 9.14, p <.001, partial η2 = .03. Participants reported the most due process in their

responses when exposed to the contemporary violence police illustration (M = 1.49, SE = .10)

and this was significantly different from the amount of due process content mentioned when

exposed to the neutral (M = .90, SE = .10) and paralleled historical-contemporary police violence

illustrations (M = 1.15, SE = .09), p < .01 and p =.01, respectively. There was not a significant

difference between the discussion of due process between exposure to the neutral versus the

paralleled historical-contemporary police violence illustrations, p = .06. Additionally, there was

not a significant main effect of participant race, F (1, 603) = 1.54, p = .22, partial η2 < .01. nor

was there a significant interaction between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) =

.12, < 1. p =.89, partial η2 < .01.

The ANOVA on the category racial bias revealed a significant main effect of participant

race, F (1, 603) = 4.96, p =.03, partial η2 = .01. Contrary to my predictions, White participants

(M = .52, SE = .04) were more likely to write about racial bias in their interpretations compared

to Black participants (M = .36, SE = .06). Results also revealed a significant main effect of police

illustration, F (2, 603) = 60.80, p <.001, partial η2 = .17. There were significant differences in the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 165

discussion of racial bias across the three police illustrations. Participants were most likely to

discuss racial bias in the paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration (M = .97,

SE = .06), followed by the contemporary violence police illustration (M = .29, SE = .06) and

then, the neutral police illustration (M = .06, SE = .07). There was not a significant interaction

effect between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) = 1.56, p =.21, partial η2 = .01.

The ANOVA for violence revealed a significant main effect of police illustration, F (2,

603) = 107.11, p <.001, partial η2 = .17. There were significant differences in the discussion of

violence across the three police illustrations. Unsurprisingly, participants were most likely to

discuss violence in the paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration (M = 2.40,

SE = .09), followed by the contemporary violence police illustration (M = 1.82, SE = .10) and

lastly, the neutral police illustration (M = .84, SE = .11). Additionally, there was not a significant

main effect of participant race, F (1, 603) = .12, p = .73, partial η2 < .01. nor was there a

significant interaction effect between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) = 1.55, p

=.21, partial η2 = .01.

The ANOVA on the custom LIWC category contemporary racial movements and issues

revealed a significant main effect of police illustration, F (2, 603) = 9.54, p < .001, partial η2 =

.03. Consistent with expectations, participants mentioned contemporary racial movements and

issues in their responses the most when exposed to the contemporary violence police illustration

(M = .24, SE = .03) and this was significantly different from the amount of contemporary racial

movements and racial issues mentioned when exposed to the neutral (M = .08, SE = .04) and

paralleled historical-contemporary police violence (M = .06, SE = .03), p =.001 and p <.001,

respectively. There was not a significant difference in the discussion of contemporary racial

movements and racial issues between exposure to the neutral versus the paralleled historical-
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 166

contemporary police violence illustrations, p = .68. Additionally, there was not a significant

main effect of participant race, F (1, 603) = .09, p = .77, partial η2 < .01, nor was there a

significant interaction between participant race and police illustration, F (2, 603) = .71, p = .49,

partial η2 < .01.

Lastly, the ANOVA on the category historical racial issues revealed a significant main

effect of police illustration, F (2, 603) = 9.54, p <.001, partial η2 = .03. Unsurprisingly,

participants were most likely to discuss historical racial issues when exposed to the paralleled

historical-contemporary violence police illustration (M = 1.18, SE = .05) compared to the neutral

(M = .01, SE = .05) and contemporary violence police illustrations (M = .00, SE = .05), p <.001

for both respectively. There was not a significant difference in the discussion of historical racial

issues between exposure to the neutral versus the contemporary police violence illustrations, p =

.98. Additionally, there was not a significant main effect of participant race, F (1, 603) =2.68, p

= .10, partial η2 < .01, nor was there a significant interaction between participant race and police

illustration, F (2, 603) = 2.50, p = .09, partial η2 = .01. See Table 10 for all means and standard

deviations by participant race and condition.

Association Between Qualitative Content Themes and Critical Racism Awareness

As mentioned previously, several themes were identified in participants’ responses to

their interpretations of and attitude towards the police illustration manipulations: discussion of

policing in a neutral way, a positive way, or a negative way, general discussions of racism,

acceptance of a message that acknowledges racism, denial/rejection of a message that

acknowledges racism, discussions of historical racism, discussion of the similarities between

historical and contemporary racism, acceptance of the similarities between historical and

contemporary racism, denial/rejection of the similarities between historical and contemporary

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 167

racism. These content themes were grouped along three dimensions based on what I believed to

be most thematic similar: 1) discussion of the positive-negative aspects of police behavior, 2)

messages surrounding contemporary racism, and 3) messages surrounding historical racism.

Following the LIWC analyses I tested the predictions related to how the two CRA Woke

subscales corresponded to the content themes. I expected participants’ evaluations of the

illustrations to be significantly correlated with the two subscale measures of Critical Racism

Awareness Woke scale. Correlations between scales and themes (See Table 11 for correlations,

means, and standard deviations) showed that the subscale ‘racism as endemic’ was significantly

correlated with each of the binary themes except general acknowledgment of historical-

contemporary racism (r = .06, p = .14). The strongest correlation was observed between ‘racism

as endemic’ and acknowledgment that there was a message about racism in the illustration and

acceptance of that message (r = .33, p < .01). The ‘internal-external attributions for racism’

subscale was also significantly correlated with all of the binary themes. The strongest correlation

with the ‘internal-external attributions for racism’ subscale was also observed with

acknowledgment that there was a message about racism in the illustration and acceptance of that

message (r = .36, p < .01). All bivariate correlations were quite comparable to partial correlations

that controlled for participant race and police illustration manipulation (see Table 12).

Discussion

The present study examined how exposure to varying degrees of police content that

ranged from neutral, to the depiction of contemporary violence, to a suggested parallel between

historical and contemporary violence against Black people influenced individuals’ affective

state, as well as their evaluations of, and attitudes and beliefs about anti-Black racism. Moreover,

this study considered whether judgments and interpretations of police content, specifically police
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 168

violence against Black people, was associated with critical racism awareness, or being “woke”

(see Allen et al., paper 1 of this dissertation). Consistent with the initial hypotheses surrounding

how Black and White individuals would affectively respond to police violence content, Black

participants experienced greater self-reported unpleasantness, fear, and hostility in response to

the police illustrations compared to their White counterparts. This effect has been well-

documented in previous literature that has examined how Black and White individuals both

perceptually and behaviorally respond to information about police violence and anti-Black

racism (Allen & Leach, 2018; Gallagher et al., 2018; Reinka & Leach, 2017, 2018).

Additionally, consistent with my original hypothesis and findings from previous related work

regarding White guilt in response to police violence (e.g., Reinka & Leach, 2017), White

participants did not experience guilt, indexed by low means on the PANAS in general and to no

greater degree than Black participants, in response to these police illustrations.

Given that the police-related stimuli was arguably more abstract/editorial compared to

those used in prior work (e.g., Reinka & Leach, 2017, 2018), results from this study demonstrate

how even suggestive police violence-content can elicit strong affective and psychological

responses to degrees just as strong as explicit and mainstream racialized content. Thus,

suggesting that even subtle cues to policing can bring to light pre-existing attitudes about police,

the criminal justice system, and society more broadly.

Divergence and Convergence in Blue: Racial Differences in Responses to Police Content

I also found that Black and White individuals experienced different emotions when

exposed to the neutral police illustration, such that relative to White participants, Black

participants experienced greater unpleasantness and hostility. This finding suggests that Black

and White individuals experience police content from two different baselines. This was made
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 169

further evident in participants’ interpretations/evaluations of the police illustrations. One Black

participant wrote the following after seeing the neutral police illustration:

“I feel the illustration was trying to convey a message about the killings of
over 100 [un]armed black people that took place in the year 2015. The stance
and position of the police officer [drawn] can mean something but I don’t
know exactly… And to this day black people are targeted constantly for our
skin color. No matter if we are young, old, male or female our skin is seen
as a threat. We still are mistreated because of [it], we get called on for having
a barbecue, selling water, swimming in a housing pool that we have keys too.
As long as we are black we are somehow in the wrong even when we are
truly just living. I honestly just made a[n] inference on what I see although
the drawing doesn’t say much.”

Now, compare that response to that of a White participant who saw the same neutral police

illustration:

“Policeman is armed and ready for an encounter. He's got a bulletproof vest
on. His gun is out, though not yet pointing at another person. Seems to be
carrying a bulletproof shield in his other hand. I assume there are other police
on the scene, but not depicted in the illustration because an encounter is about
to take place. There's no actual message. It's an action drawing, showing that
the officer is ready for an encounter.”

Even in the absence of additional content, the neutral police illustration evoked different

interpretations among Black and White participants, with some interpretations being more

emotionally charged than others.

Results also revealed another racial difference in affective responses to police

illustrations, specifically the experience of hostility after exposure to the paralleled historical-

contemporary violence police illustration. Black participants experienced the most hostility after

viewing the paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration compared to any other

police illustration and compared to White individuals’ self-reported hostility across police

illustrations. This tendency to express anger in response to the police illustrations was also

reflected in Black participants’ qualitative interpretations of the illustrations. Linguistic analyses

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 170

based on the LIWC tool revealed that the frequency of anger reflected in the text was greater for

Black participants compared to White participants. Again, this is consistent with research that

documents how information about police brutality increases feelings of anger among Black

people (Reinka & Leach, 2017, 2018) and was likely heightened by the addition of content that

suggests historical violence against Black people (e.g., racial lynchings). This may also reflect

Black, but not White participants, identifying with Black experiences from the past, and this is

partly because the kind of treatment Black individuals faced historically is not completely unlike

the kind of experiences that Black individuals face currently, thus making links to history

especially relevant, and emotional and psychologically consequential to this particular group.

While I observed these race differences, results also revealed that Black and White

participants did not differ in their feelings of unpleasantness when exposed to the contemporary

and paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustrations. This suggests that Black and

White individuals can and do respond in similar affective ways in terms of feeling

unpleasantness in response to depictions of violence against Black individuals. This is significant

given that the emotions that groups experience in relation to others is predictive of how people

will respond towards and on behalf of the other group (Mackie et al., 2000). Increasing the

experiences of unease and unpleasantness among White individuals in response to anti-Black

violence can increase engagement in efforts to reduce the suffering of Black individuals.

Feelings of unpleasantness observed among White individuals in this study may be similar to

experiences of sympathy, which prior work demonstrates can lead efforts to help the

disadvantaged (Iyer et al., 2003). The current study did not examine whether exposure to police

violence increases anti-racist justice efforts among White individuals by way of increased

sympathy. However, this would be important to explore further in future work.

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 171

In line with previous research on racial/ethnic differences in perceptions of racism (see

Carter & Murphy, 2015) and attitudes towards the police and the criminal justice system

(Cochran & Warren, 2011; Hurwitz & Peffley, 1997), I anticipated participant race effects such

that overall, Black participants would be more likely to acknowledge the prevalence of racism,

both in general and relative to policing, and demonstrate a willingness to do something about it,

compared to White participants. Consistent with prior work, results from this study revealed that

relative to White participants, Black participants were more perceptive of racial inequality, more

likely to view racism as endemic to U.S. society, and more likely to attribute racial inequality to

structural factors rather than interpersonal or dispositional factors. Similar race effects were

found for knowledge of police violence movements, beliefs about racial bias in policing, and

willingness to protest police brutality. Specifically, Black participants were more likely to know

the racial context behind the contemporary police violence movements – All Lives Matter, Blue

Lives Matter, and Black Lives Matter – for example, that Black Lives Matter serves as a

reminder that Black lives matter because our society often acts like they don’t (Garza et al,

2014). Black participants were also more likely to see racial bias in policing and be motivated to

fight against it, compared to White participants.

Contrary to my predictions, exposure to the police illustrations did not change White

participants’ beliefs about racism, perceptions of police, or motivations to combat police

violence. Furthermore, exposure to the police violence illustration that suggested parallels

between historical and contemporary anti-Black violence did not serve as a tool for converging

White and Black individuals’ perceptions of racial bias. White participants were no more likely

to perceive racial injustice in general or in regards to policing across illustrations. However,

given the current racial climate and the massive media attention surrounding protests against
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 172

anti-Black violence both inside and outside of the Black community, the findings from the

current study may be different from some the attitudes and beliefs that White individuals have

now in light of recent sociopolitical events surrounding the killings of George Floyd and

Breonna Taylor.

It is possible that these null effects are the result of the nature of the illustrations. The

contemporary police violence illustration does not explicitly mention racially biased policing and

for some participants may have been interpreted as ambiguous. For instance, one White

participant in the contemporary violence police illustration wrote the following:

“The illustration in my opinion is very ambiguous. Most people will look at

a picture like this and think that the man was killed without cause, others
like me will see an ambiguous picture with need for further explanation to
decide how I feel about it. I neither agree nor disagree due to the fact that I
do not know the context of what happened in this picture. I believe that the
message is supposed to be about police brutality however. If the man on the
floor was killed for no reason I agree with the message. However, the police
officer may have been provoked etc.”

The quote illustrates that this failure to get some White participants to consider the historical-

contemporary link may not be a failure of the stimulus. White individuals likely do not have the

schema that there is racist police violence nor that it is a continuation of past racist police

violence. In other words, this individual might be wanting a lot more evidence because he/she

does not have any or very much evidence already known about racism within police practices.

Additionally, my initial hypothesis regarding the effects of exposure to paralleled

historical-contemporary violence police illustration had a limitation, as I assumed that by using a

version of an iconic photograph that is found in many history text books, participants would be

familiar with historical lynchings and thus be able to make the connection between historical and

contemporary acts of anti-Black violence. However, previous research suggests that White

individuals are much less knowledgeable about the history of anti-Black racism (Bonam et al.,
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 173

2019; Nelson et al., 2012), and I did not assess participants’ prior knowledge of historical anti-

Black racism including lynching. While I did find that when exposed to the paralleled historical-

contemporary violence police illustration both Black and White individuals mention the Ku Klux

Klan, it is not always discussed. Although in the current study mentioning the KKK was

correlated with critical racism awareness, or being “woke”, a more direct assessment of

individuals’ knowledge about historical anti-Black violence would have assisted in our

interpretation of these findings.

Evaluative and attitudinal differences were also observed for Black and White

participants’ qualitative interpretations of the police illustrations. Consistent with my hypotheses,

White participants were much more likely to demonstrate hedging in their responses to the police

illustration. This was indexed by White individuals greater use of words associated with

tentativeness (e.g., maybe, perhaps) and uncertainty. White participants were also more likely to

use discrepancy-related words, describing what should or could be occurring in the illustrations,

rather than describing the reality of what was be presented in some of the illustrations (e.g.,

police violence, violence against Black people).

Research by Reinka and Leach (2017) also found White individuals to demonstrate more

hedging and discrepant-language in their responses to a different set of explicit images depicting

police violence and police protest. These researchers note that this greater tendency to use

discrepant language among White individuals may reflect greater cognitive complexity among

White individuals compared to Black individual. White individuals tend to pay less attention to

images regarding racial issues (e.g., police violence protests) and therefore have to engage in

more effortful processing of these issues (see Reinka & Leach, 2017). Thus, White individuals

may have been engaging in more effortful cognitive processing of the police illustrations in the
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 174

current study as well. However, these results, based on word count in the qualitative

interpretations of the police illustrations, were the same for both Black and White participants

which suggests that there were not differences in attentiveness and engagement with the task,

indexed by this measure of attentiveness. This could be due to our 250-character requirement per

open-ended question which forced participants to engage and attune to the task. Thus, these

LIWC results may reflect a self-protective strategy among White participants and the tendency to

deny or minimize racism, given that race differences in attentiveness may not provide an

alternative explanation.

Contrary to our hypotheses, I did not find racial differences in analytical thinking, the use

of an authoritative tone (i.e., clout), certainty, or causal language in participants interpretations of

the police illustrations. The tendency to have these LIWC categories reflected in evaluations of

police violence illustrations were expected to be greater among Black participants compared to

White participants. I also did not find the anticipated racial differences in the frequency of

language related to violence, contemporary racial movements and issues, or historical racial

issues among Black and White participants. However, and also contrary to my hypotheses, White

participants were more likely to use terms related to racial bias (e.g., racism, prejudice,

stereotypes) in their interpretations of the police illustrations compared to Black participants.

One possible explanation is that Black and White individuals differed in their conceptualization

and labeling of racial bias. While White participants had a tendency to use racial bias language

more explicitly, racial bias was still strongly reflected in Black participants’ interpretations such

that they tended to go into more details about the experiences of racial bias without using the

direct labels.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 175

Consider the following interpretations of the police illustrations by two different Black

participants:

“They [the illustrators] are trying to communicate through the image an

illustrated concept of injustices against those in the black community at the
hands of white police officers. They want to communicate something that is
very relevant to today's climate in terms of current social issues that plague
today's society. The illustrator would seem to have aimed to show an unjust
reality of our time that is very prevalent and evokes strong emotions on all
sides of the issue. I think they were effective in what I believe [their] goal to
have been here and the image they have illustrated is very thought provoking
and will stir conversation among those who see it and would like to discuss
exactly what it is that this image depicts. I find it to very thought provoking
myself and it makes me reflect on some of the current social and political
issues that pervade our era and is causing people to have a discussion about
how to ameliorate injustices. I agree with the illustrator's message because I
think it's important people understand these issues and know the realities of
them as a result of whatever medium can be used to show it to them and
allow them to understand a concept that deserves awareness and people
coming together to have intelligent dialogue about it that can then develop
into substantial action by our law makers.”

“police officers (not all) see black men as a threat and don't know how to
properly assess simple situations and kill more people than saving them.
basically, some police officers suck at their jobs and should NOT be police
officers. this is also an ongoing problem, the illustration is dated 2015 but
this has been a problem since the early 90s, probably before then, and still
is a problem. innocent fathers, sons, husbands, and brothers are being killed
and it does not get talked about enough and no reasonable punishment is
given to the murdering officers. these officers are trained to assess situations
like these so they cannot simply say I thought I saw a weapon and get a
pass. you need to put yourself in these people’s shoes, they are scared.
people of their similar physical appearance have been getting killed left and
right with no justice to be served. what human wouldn't be scared.”

In both of these evaluations of police illustrations, Black participants refer to prejudice,

discrimination, and racism, without explicitly labeling the police illustrations as indicative of

such. These types of descriptions are less likely to be captured by the LIWC tool which assess

word frequency and not content themes. It may also be the case that given the current socio-

political climate and the popularity of terms such as “woke” in public discourse (Allen & Leach,
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 176

2018), White individuals may demonstrate an increased tendency to use words reflective of

racism, because it seems socially-desirable and makes them appear “woke” without being able to

demonstrate an in-depth, critical assessment of what racism is and entails (Harriot, 2019). This

was not examined in the present study. To my knowledge there is no qualitative work that has

examined how Black and White individuals subjectively define and conceptualize racism. Future

research in this area would be important for understanding differences in the more direct versus

narrative approach that White versus Black individuals take towards discussing race-related

issues.

Demonstrating Wokeness in Evaluations of Police-Related Content

In addition to the custom LIWC dictionaries that were created with categories related to

the policing and violent content depicted in the illustrations, police illustration themes were

derived from the qualitative coding of participants’ interpretations of the police illustrations. The

primary goal of the creation of these themes (e.g., the valanced discussion of policing,

discussions surrounding racism, etc.) was to assess whether there was an association between

how participants critically discussed the illustrations (i.e., the degree to which they demonstrated

subjective critical racism awareness) and scores on items for the Critical Racism Awareness

Woke Scale (i.e., their objective critical racism awareness), beyond participant race and

illustration conditions.

Results revealed small but significant correlations between participants’ discussion of the

severity and prevalence of racism, police brutality, historical racism, etc., in their descriptions of

the police illustrations and their scores on explicit measures that assess beliefs about the

historically rooted nature of racism against Black individuals in the U.S.). These significant

correlations were maintained after controlling for the race of the participant and the police
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 177

illustration to which they were exposed. This suggests that for both Black and White participants,

their beliefs about police and anti-Black violence were projected onto their interpretations of this

content, regardless of different details included across the illustrations, and was further revealed

in direct measures about their beliefs about the nature of racism and bias against Black people.

Thus, the responses to and interpretations of the illustrations and the critical racism awareness

items may reflect the points of view that participants already had.

I did not include all the items associated with Critical Racism Awareness Woke subscales,

‘racism as endemic’ and ‘internal-external attributions for racism’. Although my selection of

items from the ‘internal-external attributions for racism’ subscale was a little broader, I selected

items from the ‘racism as endemic’ subscale that were more specific to policing. Thus, the

current measure of critical racism awareness in this study reflects more of an acknowledgment of

the historical and widespread nature of anti-Black racism within policing and the criminal justice

rather than U.S. society more broadly, as the full measure is intended to assess (see Allen et al.,

in preparation).

Additionally, the current study only assesses one type of historical-contemporary parallel

of anti-Black racism, concerning official and semi-official violence, and thus is limited in the

generalizations that can be made about how individuals perceive similarities between historical

and contemporary racial inequality and the implications for making these analogies more

broadly. However, a large proportion of scholarship on the similarities between past and present

incidents of racial bias have paid special attention to historical and contemporary racial biases

inflicted by the criminal justice system (e.g., Alexander, 2010; McCromick, 2019).

While the current study examines how people interpret and subsequently respond to

information that suggests contemporary and paralleled historical-contemporary police violence,

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 178

these illustrations do not teach people the facts about historical violence nor do they teach about

the similarities between past and present acts of anti-Black violence. That is, stating facts with

authority, providing evidence such as legal records or photographs is different than an illustration

without a very specific set of persons. This can explain why I did not see changes in perceptions

and evaluations of anti-Black racism that experiments that teach history factually have found

(e.g., Bonam et al., 2019; Nelson et al., 2012). Future research should more directly test the

association between historical-contemporary analogies of anti-Black racism, that explicitly draw

the parallels rather than suggest it, and perceptions and beliefs about racism among Black and

White individuals.

We know from prior research that differences in historical knowledge have been found

to explain some of the Black-White perceptual gap in acknowledgment or racism, and further,

increase support for anti-racist policies (Salter & Adams, 2016). These historical-contemporary

parallels may have the potential to further address this perceptual gap in perceived racism and

increase efforts to combat racism above and beyond knowledge of historical racism. This

experiment provides a novel method (i.e., evaluations to illustrations) for understanding the pre-

existing attitudes and beliefs that individuals have about racism in policing and U.S. society

more broadly.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 179

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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 191

Footnotes

The multivariate test statistic Pillai’s Trace was used instead of Wilks’ Lambda, which is usually

recommended, because Pillai’s Trace is more robust (Olsen, 1976) and is recommended when

you have unequal sample sizes and also have a statistically significant Box’s M Test of Equality

of Covariance Matrices result (Tabachnick & Fidell, 2014)

ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 192

Table 1

Pearson’s Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviation for Affective Processes

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
1. Police
Illustration -
contrast 1
2. Police
Illustration .02 -
contrast 2
3. Participant
Race -.04 -.04 -

4. Gender
Identity -.03 .00 .04 -

5. Political
Orientation .00 -.03 -.27** .15** -

6. Valence -
Unpleasantness -.57** -.05 .21** .11** .20** -

7. Valence -
Arousal .10* .08* -.01 .01 .02 -.01 -

8. PANAS:
Fear -.08* -.07 .16** .11** .12** .16** .01 -

9. PANAS:
Hostility -.23** -.08* .21** .09* .08* .25** .08* .60** -

10. PANAS:
Guilt -.15** .00 -.02 .07 .04 .17** -.03 .60** .55** -

Table 1 (continued)
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 193

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
11. PANAS:
Attentiveness -.02 -.04 .22** -.06 .04 .04 .03 .22** .26** .11* -

12. LIWC:
negative -.16** -.01 -.06 .06 .06 .24** -.03 .05 .09** .09* .03 -
emotion
13. LIWC:
anxiety .31** .04 -.06 .01 .01 -.09* .14** -.06 -.07 -.06 .02 .31** -

14. LIWC:
anger -.26** -.06 .08* .01 .11* .27** -.02 .08* .11** .11* .01 .65** .04 -

15. LIWC: sad

affect -.13** .05 .01 -.01 .01 .08* -.06 .09* .09* .02 .07 .28** .01 .01 -

Mean -.03 -.03 .32 .74 3.57 7.64 5.53 1.83 1.98 1.58 2.95 3.70 .51 1.83 .21
SD
.70 .83 .37 .44 1.22 1.88 2.02 1.02 1.11 .84 1.03 2.03 .84 1.45 .48
Notes. Police illustration contrast 1: 1 = neutral police illustration, -.5 = contemporary violence police illustration, -.5 = paralleled historical-
contemporary violence police illustration. Police illustration contrast 2: 0 = neutral police illustration, 1 = contemporary violence police
illustration, -1 = paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration. Participant race: 0 = ’nonHispanic White individuals’, 1 =
‘Black individuals’. Gender identity: 0 = ‘male’, 1 = ’female’. Political orientation ranged from 1 = ‘Close to Republican’ to 5 = ‘Close to
Democrat’. PANAS ranged from 1 ‘very slightly or not at all’ to ‘extremely’. LIWC categories represent the percentage of words in a text
that fit that category.
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 194

Table 2

Discriminant Function Coefficients and Means by Race and Police Violence Illustration Condition for PANAS-X and Affect Grid Affect
Measures
Race Discriminant Condition Condition Interaction Interaction
Scale
Fxn Discriminant Fxn 1 Discriminant Fxn 2 Discriminant Fxn 1 Discriminant Fxn 2
Unpleasantness
.51 -.93 -.25 -.64 -.60
Fear
.25 .14 .28 .10 -.56
Hostility
.55 -.38 .93 .87 -.83
Guilt
-.67 .03 -.91 -.81 .14
Attentiveness
.54 -.00 .25 -.07 -.36

Mean: Black
Participants 5.30
Mean: White
Participants 4.48
Mean: Neutral Police
Violence Illustration -4.25 .11
Mean: Contemp.
Police Violence -5.59 -.13
Illustration
Mean: Historical-
Contemp. Police -5.76 .26
Violence Illustration
Notes. Standardized discriminant function coefficients. Reported means are adjusted. “Contemp.” = contemporary. “Fxn” = function.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 195

Table 3

Mean Composites for Discriminant Functions Interaction 1 and Interaction 2 by Race and Police Violence Illustration
Condition for PANAS-X and Affect Grid Affect Measures
Interaction 1 Interaction 2

Historical- Historical-
Contemporary Contemporary
Condition Neutral Contemporary Neutral Contemporary
Violence Violence
Violence Violence
White 2.41 3.30 3.47 -3.40 -4.81 -4.81
Participants
Black 2.77 3.30 2.57 -4.39 -4.98 -5.52
Participants
Notes. Reported means are adjusted. The mean for the covariate was 3.57 on a scale from 1 ‘close to republican’ to 5 ‘close to
democrat’.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 196

Table 4

Adjusted Means for Affect by Participant Race and Police Illustration Manipulation with Political Orientation as a Covariate

Neutral Contemporary Historical-Contemporary

White Black White Black White Black

Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants
Variable
M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE
Unpleasantness
5.65 .13 7.06 .20 8.16 .13 8.52 .19 8.42 .13 8.49 .17
Fear
1.63 .09 1.85 .14 1.73 .09 2.00 .13 1.86 .09 2.14 .12
Hostility
1.47 .09 1.87 .14 2.01 .09 2.10 .13 1.98 .09 2.77 .12

Guilt
1.36 .07 1.47 .11 1.69 .07 1.63 .11 1.75 .07 1.49 .10
Attentiveness
2.74 .09 3.35 .14 2.82 .09 3.13 .13 2.84 .09 3.44 .12
Notes. M = adjusted mean, SE = standard error. All measures ranged from -1 to 1. The mean for the covariate was 3.57 on a
scale from 1 ‘close to republican’ to 5 ‘close to democrat’.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 197

Table 5

Pearson’s Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviation for Racial Bias Measures
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
1. Police Illustration
contrast 1 -
2. Police Illustration
contrast 2 .02 -

3. Participant Race -.04 -.04 -

4. Gender Identity -.03 .00 .04 -
5. Political Orientation
.00 -.03 .27** .15** -
6. General racial
inequality -.04 -.07 .27** .11** .52** -
7. CRA: racism as
endemic -.04 -.08 .44** .12** .51** .71** -

8. CRA: internal-
external attributions -.07 -.08 .34** .20** .53** .76** .73** -
for racism

9. Knowledge of
contemporary police
-.01 -.08 .38** .09* .49** .62** .67** .70** -
violence movements

10. Racial bias in

policing -.04 -.06 .40** .14** .49** .67** .71** .70** .61** -

11. Willingness to
protest police brutality -.07 -.06 .35** .14** .48** .62** .72** .62** .57** .59** -
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 198

Table 5 (continued)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Mean -.03 -.03 .32 .74 3.57 .52 .21 .38 .17 .22 .16
SD .70 .83 .47 .44 1.22 .42 .53 .45 .55 .54 .58
Notes. Police illustration contrast 1: 1 = neutral police illustration, -.5 = contemporary violence police illustration, -.5 = paralleled historical-
contemporary violence police illustration. Police illustration contrast 2: 0 = neutral police illustration, 1 = contemporary violence police illustration, -
1 = paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration. Participant race: 0 = ’nonHispanic White individuals’, 1 = ‘Black individuals’.
Gender identity: 0 = ‘male’, 1 = ’female’. Political orientation ranged from 1 = ‘Close to Republican’ to 5 = ‘Close to Democrat’. All other measures
ranged from -1 to 1 with higher values suggestive of more perceived racial inequality, external attributions for racism, and willingness to protest
police brutality. CRA = critical racism awareness.
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 199

Table 6

Adjusted Means, Standard Deviations, and Discriminant Function Coefficients for Black and
White Participants on the six Racism Related Measures
Racial Bias Participant
Measure Condition M SE M SE 𝑤
Race

General racial inequality

Neutral .51 .03 White .49 .02 .49

Contemporary .54 .03 Black .61 .03

Violence
Historical .59 .03
Contemporary
Violence

CRA: Racism as endemic

Neutral .24 .03 White .09 .02 -.68

Contemporary .26 .03 Black .46 .03

Violence

Historical .32 .03

Contemporary
Violence

CRA: Internal-external attributions for racism

Neutral .37 .03 White .32 .02 .05

Contemporary .42 .03 Black .52 .03

Violence
Historical .47 .03
Contemporary
Violence

Knowledge of contemporary police violence movements

Neutral .24 .04 White .07 .02 -.34

Contemporary .19 .04 Black .38 .03

Violence
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 200

Table 6 (continued)

Racial Bias Participant

Condition M SE M SE 𝑤
Measure Race
Historical .26 .03
Contemporary
Violence

Racial bias in policing

Neutral .25 .04 White .12 .02 -.42

Contemporary .28 .03 Black .44 .03

Violence
Historical .31 .03
Contemporary
Violence

Willingness to protest police brutality

Neutral .17 .04 White .07 .03 -.14

Contemporary .23 .04 Black .37 .03

Violence
Historical .26 .04
Contemporary
Violence
Notes. N = 412 for White participants; N = 194 for Black participants. 𝑤 = coefficients from
standardized discriminant function. The mean for the covariate was 3.58 on a scale from 1
‘close to republican’ to 5 ‘close to democrat’. “CRA” = critical racism awareness measure.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 201

Table 7

Discriminant Function Coefficients and Means by Race and Police Violence Illustration Condition for LIWC Affect Measures
Race Condition Condition Interaction Interaction
Scale
Discriminant Fxn Discriminant Fxn 1 Discriminant Fxn 2 Discriminant Fxn 1 Discriminant Fxn 2
Negative Affect
.61 -.15 .23 -.29 -.33
Anxiety
.07 1.11 -.06 .93 -.11
Anger
-.90 -.34 -.48 -.28 .61
Sad Affect
-.89 -.46 1.54 -.49 -1.18

Mean: Black
Participants .21
Mean: White
Participants .59
Mean: Neutral
Police -.11 .21
Mean: Contemp.
Police Violence -.97 .39
Illustration
Mean: Historical-
Contemp. Police
Violence -1.08 .12
Illustration
Notes. raw discriminant function coefficients. Reported means are adjusted. “Contemp.” = contemporary. “Fxn” = function.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 202

Table 8

Mean Composites for Discriminant Functions Interaction 1 and Interaction 2 by Race and Police Violence Illustration Condition for
LIWC Affect Measures
Interaction 1 Interaction 1

Historical- Historical-
Contemporary Contemporary
Condition Neutral Contemporary Neutral Contemporary
Violence Violence
Violence Violence
White
Participants .22 -1.00 -1.17 -.60 -.42 -.43

Black
-.44 -.95 -1.01 -.29 -.52 .04
Participants
Notes. N = 412 for White participants; N = 194 for Black participants
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 203

Table 9

Means and Standard Errors of LIWC Linguistic Dimensions by Racial Group and Police Violence Illustration Manipulation

Neutral Contemporary Historical-Contemporary

White Black White Black White Black

Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants

Dimension Example M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE

Word Count
(%) 123.05 4.37 134.73 6.85 132.04 4.30 137.45 6.46 139.66 4.30 137.74 5.79

Analytical
Thinking (%) 53.10 2.05 54.63 3.21 64.83 2.02 59.91 3.03 64.59 2.02 63.83 2.72

Clout a
47.60 1.77 47.83 2.78 52.19 1.74 53.54 2.62 50.20 1.74 55.95 2.35

Causal (%) Because,

effect 2.52 .14 2.56 .22 2.28 .14 2.32 .21 2.60 .14 2.81 .19

Tentativeness Maybe,
(%) perhaps 4.88 .18 4.29 .28 4.27 .18 4.03 .27 3.05 .18 2.58 .24

Certainty (%) Always,

never 1.49 .11 1.50 .17 1.49 .11 1.73 .16 1.66 .11 1.57 .14

Discrepancy Should,
(%) would 1.87 .13 1.51 .20 1.75 .13 1.56 .19 1.13 .13 .83 .17
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 204

Table 9 (continued)

Neutral Contemporary Historical-Contemporary

White Black White Black White Black
Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants

Dimension Example M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE
Negative Hurt,
Affect (%) ugly,
3.12 .17 3.41 .27 3.99 .17 3.74 .25 4.22 .17 3.42 .23
nasty

Anxiety (%) Worried,

fearful .98 .07 .69 .11 .36 .07 .38 .10 .31 .07 .29 .09

Anger (%) Kill,

annoyed 1.07 .12 1.80 .19 2.01 .12 1.91 .18 2.15 .12 2.22 .16

Note. aClout is not based on a percentage of word usage, but is instead on a 0-100 scale, with higher scores indicating a more
authoritative tone. All others were based on percentage of word usage in the text.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 205

Table 10

Means and Standard Errors of Custom LIWC Linguistic Dimensions by Racial Group and Police Violence Illustration
Manipulation
Neutral Contemporary Historical-Contemporary
White Black White Black White Black
Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants Participants
Dimension Example M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE
Police Ideals Serve, protect
(%) .70 .05 .44 .08 .21 .05 .23 .08 .17 .05 .10 .07
Psychology of Threatening,
Policing (%) danger .96 .07 .64 .11 .24 .07 .37 .11 .15 .07 .17 .10
Due Process Justice, guilt
(%) .84 .11 .97 .17 1.39 .11 1.59 .16 1.11 .11 1.19 .14

Violence (%) Death, murder

.72 .11 .97 .18 1.91 .11 1.74 .17 2.59 .11 2.30 .15
Bias (%) Stereotypes,
racism .05 .07 .06 .11 .39 .07 .18 .11 1.12 .07 .83 .09

Contemporary Black Lives

Racial Matter,
Movements and Ferguson .06 .04 .10 .06 .28 .04 .21 .06 .06 .04 .06 .05
Issues (%)
Historical KKK,
Racial Lynching
Movements and .01 .05 .00 .09 .01 .05 .00 .08 1.30 .05 1.05 .07
Issues (%)
Note. Each dimension measured is the proportion of each participant’s word count fitting the dimension.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 206

Table 11

Bivariate correlations between Critical Racism Awareness subscales and Binary Qualitative Police Illustration Themes
Discussion of the
Critical Racism Messages surrounding Messages surrounding
Race C1 C2 positive-negative aspects
Awareness contemporary racism historical racism
of police behavior
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
1. Participant Race -
2. Police
Illustration -.04 -
Contrast 1
3. Police
Illustration -.04 .02 -
Contrast 2
4. Endemic Racism
.44** -.04 -.08 -
5. Internal-External
Attributions for .34** -.07 -.08 .73** -
Racism
6. Neutral Policing
-.21** .10* -.04 -.23** -.21** -
7. Positive Policing
-.17** .21** -.02 -.29** -.29** -.10* -
8. Negative -
Policing .13** -.25** .18** .27** .30** -.23** -
.30**
9. General Racism
-.01 -.14** .01 -.14** -.11** .06 -.03 .06 -
10. Acceptance of
-
Racism Message .15** -.46** -.17** .33** .36** -.19** .41** -.35** -
.30**
11. Denial/
Rejection of
-.10* -.06 .01 -.27** -.26** .05 .09* -.07 -.09* -.18** -
Racism Message

12. Historical
.08 -.48** -.73** .12** .16** -.06 -.10* .07 .03 .45** -.02 -
Racism
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 207

Table 11 (continued)

Discussion of the
Critical Racism Messages surrounding Messages surrounding
Race C1 C2 positive-negative aspects
Awareness contemporary racism historical racism
of police behavior

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

13. General
Acknowledgment
of Historical- .02 -.39** -.68** .06 .11* -.10* -.04 .10* .03 .36** .02 .76** -
Contemporary
Racism
14. Acceptance of
Historical-
Contemporary .12** -.25** -.44** .21** .18** .01 -.11** .17** -.11** .40** -.08* .49** .61** -
Racism
15. Denial/
Rejection of
Historical- -
-.13** -.16** -.28** -.21** -.16** .16** .15** -.17** .13** .00 .16** .29** .42** -
Contemporary .09*
Racism
Mean .32 -.03 -.03 .21 .38 .48 .08 .61 .15 .42 .04 .34 .25 .12 .05
SD
.47 .70 .83 .53 .45 .50 .27 .49 .35 .49 .21 .47 .43 .33 .23

Note. N = 606. Police illustration contrast 1: 1 = neutral police illustration, -.5 = contemporary violence police illustration, -.5 = paralleled
historical-contemporary violence police illustration. Police illustration contrast 2: 0 = neutral police illustration, 1 = contemporary violence
police illustration, -1 = paralleled historical-contemporary violence police illustration. Participant race: 0 = ’nonHispanic White individuals’, 1
= ‘Black individuals’. ** correlation is significant at p ≤ 0.01. * correlation is significant at p ≤ 0.05. Critical Racism Awareness measures
ranged from -1 to 1. All other measures were binary 1 = included 0 = did not include.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 208

Table 12

Partial bivariate correlations between Critical Racism Awareness subscales and Binary Qualitative Police Illustration Themes
controlling for Participant Race and Police Illustration
Critical Racism Discussion of the Messages surrounding Messages surrounding
Awareness positive-negative aspects contemporary racism historical racism
of police behavior
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
1. Endemic Racism
-
2. Internal-External
Attributions for
.69** -
Racism

3. Neutral Policing
-15** -.14** -

4. Positive Policing
-.24** -.24** -.15** -
5. Negative Policing
.24** .26** -.28** -.20** -
6. General Racism
-.16** -.12** .07 -.02 .06 -
7. Acceptance of
Racism Message .31** .34** -.29** -.11* .40** -.47** -

8. Denial/ Rejection of
Racism Message -.21** -.25** .03 .08* -.07 -.10* -.23** -

9. Historical Racism .09* .12** -.01 .06 -.06 -.10* .13** -.09* -
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 209

Table 12 (continued)

Discussion of the
Critical Racism Messages surrounding Messages surrounding
positive-negative aspects
Awareness contemporary racism historical racism
of police behavior
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
10. General
Acknowledgment of
Historical- .03 .06 .20** .11* .02 -.06 .05 -.01 .50** -
Contemporary Racism

11. Acceptance of
Historical-
Contemporary Racism .17** .13** .06 -.02 .12** -.18** .22** -.10* .26** .48** -

12. Denial/ Rejection

of Historical-
Contemporary Racism -.19** -.15** .16** .19** -.19** .10* -.14** .14** .13** .32** -.23** -

Mean .21 .39 .48 .08 .61 .15 .42 .04 .34 .25 .12 .05
SD .53 .45 .50 .27 .49 .35 .49 .21 .47 .43 .33 .23
Note. N = 606. ** correlation is significant at p ≤ 0.01. * correlation is significant at p ≤ 0.05. Critical Racism Awareness
measures ranged from -1 to 1. All other measures were binary 1 = included 0 = did not include.
 ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 210

Appendix A

Police Violence Illustrations

Neutral Contemporary Violence Paralleled Historical-Contemporary Violence

Police Illustration Police Illustration Police Illustration
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 211

Appendix B

Affect Grid

Instructions: You will use the "affect grid" to describe your feelings to an image on the next
page. It is in the form of a square--a map for feelings. The center of the square (marked by the X
in the grid below) represents a neutral, average, every day feeling. It is neither positive nor
negative.

The vertical dimension of the map represents the degree of arousal. Arousal has to do with how
wide awake, alert, or activated a person feels--independent of whether that feeling is positive or
negative. The top half is for feelings that are above average in arousal. The lower half for
feelings below average in arousal. The bottom of the square represents sleep, and the higher you
go, the more awake a person feels. So the next step up from the bottom is would be half
awake/half asleep. At the top of the square is maximum arousal. If you imagine a state we might
call frantic excitement (remembering that it could be either positive or negative), then this
feeling would be on the top of the grid.

The right half of the grid represents pleasant feelings. The farther to the right, the more pleasant.
The left half represents unpleasant feelings. The farther to the left, the more unpleasant.

Up and to the right are feelings of ecstasy, excitement, and joy. Down and to the left, are feelings
of depression, melancholy, sadness and gloom. Up and to the left are feelings of stress and
tension. Down and to the right, are feelings of calm, relaxation, serenity.

Feelings are complex. They come in all shades and degrees. The labels we have given are merely
landmarks to help you understand the affect grid. When actually using the grid, please click in
the center of any square in the grid to indicate the exact shade and intensity of your feelings in
regards to the image.

Please rate how you feel about this picture by clicking a box below.
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE 212

Appendix C

Police Illustration Interpretation Measures

What is the illustrator trying to convey/communicate in this illustration? (Note: Response must
be at least 250 characters.)

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

Do you disagree or agree with the illustrator's message?

o Strongly disagree
o Somewhat disagree
o Neither agree nor disagree
o Somewhat agree
o Strongly agree
Tell us why. (Note: Response must be at least 250 characters.)

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix D

PANAS-X Measures

Instructions: This scale consists of a number of words and phrases that describe different
feelings and emotions. Read each item and then mark the appropriate answer in the space next to
that word. This scale consists of a number of words and phrases that describe different feelings
and emotions. Read each item and mark the appropriate answer. Indicate to what extent you feel
this way right now, that is, at the present moment.

very slightly
a little (2) moderately (3) quite a bit (4) extremely (5)
or not at all (1)

Afraid
o o o o o
Scared
o o o o o
Nervous
o o o o o
Angry
o o o o o
Hostile
o o o o o
Guilty
o o o o o
Ashamed
o o o o o
Upset
o o o o o
Blameworthy
o o o o o
Active
o o o o o
Alert
o o o o o
Determined
o o o o o
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Excited
o o o o o
Cheerful
o o o o o
Lively
o o o o o
Inspired
o o o o o
Interested
o o o o o
Proud
o o o o o
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix E

Critical Racism Awareness and Racial Inequality Measures

Instructions: Show how much you personally disagree or agree with each sentence below by
clicking a button marked with the phrase that matches what you believe.

Neither agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor disagree
disagree (1) disagree (2) agree (4) agree (5)
(3)
People in
power use the
law to try to
control people o o o o o
like you.
One of the big
problems in
this country is
that we don't
give everyone o o o o o
an equal
chance.
Police violence
against Black
people comes
from a
discriminatory o o o o o
culture of
policing.
I would
participate in
some form of
protest to stop
racial bias in
the police's use
o o o o o
of deadly
force.
Forcing
prisoners to
work to pay
for their prison o o o o o
upkeep is
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

similar to
slavery and
share-
cropping.
One good way
to teach people
right from
wrong is to
give them a
good stiff o o o o o
punishment
when they get
out of line.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Neither agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor disagree
disagree (1) disagree (2) agree (4) agree (5)
(3)
It is easy to
understand the
anger of Black
people in
America
o o o o o
today.
In a country
like ours, with
its wealth and
technology,
the fact there
are millions of
families living
below the
"poverty line"
means that
o o o o o
there is
something
terribly wrong
with our
economic
system.
Incidents of
police brutality
are very
uncommon.
o o o o o
It is important
for people to
work together
to improve
social and
racial
o o o o o
conditions in
the U.S.
There are poor
people in the
U.S. because
of the low
wages in some o o o o o
business and
industries.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Black people
who get
convicted of a
felony are
treated like
Blacks during
Jim Crow
because ex- o o o o o
convicts often
lose their
voting rights
and job
opportunities.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Neither agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor disagree
disagree (1) disagree (2) agree (4) agree (5)
(3)
Inequality
continues to
exist because it
benefits the
rich and
o o o o o
powerful.
It's my duty to
be informed
about race
discrimination.
o o o o o
Racism has
been present in
different forms
throughout
American
history and
o o o o o
continues
today.
Closing polling
places in Black
neighborhoods
has similar
consequences
to the laws
passed after
the Civil War o o o o o
to prevent
Blacks from
voting (e.g.,
literacy tests,
poll taxes).
Blacks will be
more
successful in
achieving their
goals if they
form coalitions o o o o o
with other
oppressed
groups.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

In America,
every person
has an equal
chance to rise o o o o o
up and prosper.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Neither agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor disagree
disagree (1) disagree (2) agree (4) agree (5)
(3)
When I look at
the way Blacks
have been
treated, I can
begin to
sympathize
o o o o o
with the
protests.
Our prisons are
a shocking
disgrace.
Criminals are
unfortunate
people who
deserve much o o o o o
better care,
instead of so
much
punishment.
The law does
not protect
your interests. o o o o o
A few
questionable
police killings
of unarmed
Blacks is not
evidence that o o o o o
most police
officers are
biased.
The law
represents the
people in
power, rather
than the values o o o o o
of people like
you.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Overall, I think
racial
minorities in
America
complain too
much about
o o o o o
racial
discrimination.
The courts are
right in being
easy on drug
offenders.
Punishment
would not do o o o o o
any good in
cases like
these.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Chapter 3: Historicizing Anti-Black Racism

A cultural-psychological approach to racism emphasizes that individuals shape and

maintain narratives about race relations that allow them to construct certain beliefs about the

society in which they live. Part of this construction is premised in the ways that people represent

and reconstruct history and the knowledge that they have about history (Salter & Adams, 2016;

Salter et al., 2018). Among the lay theories used to understand and explain racial differences

between Black and White individuals’ perceptions of racism, Black individuals’ more accurate

evaluations of racism is partially attributable to Black individuals having a deeper knowledge of

historical anti-Black racism in the U.S. compared to White individuals (Bonam et al., 2019;

Nelson et a., 2012).

Previous research demonstrates that making White individuals more knowledgeable of

the history of racism in America can increase their beliefs about the prevalence of present -day

racism and further, change their perspective regarding the causal factors that contribute to

present day incidents of racism (Bonam et al., 2019, Study 2). I believe that research on

historical knowledge of racism can go a step further in helping to understand differences in

perceptions of racism and merge the Black-White perceptual gap by examining the effects of

individuals’ beliefs about the historically rooted and endemic nature of racism on perceived

racism.

In this section, I examine how critical racism awareness, namely acknowledgment of

racism as endemic and attributing racism to external versus internal factors, and beliefs about the

parallels between past and present racism affects Black and White individuals’ perceptions and

evaluations of contemporary-racism. I argue that being knowledgeable of historical anti-Black

racism versus having an in-depth understanding of anti-Black racism as rooted in history and
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
embedded in the fabric of U.S. society reflect two different processes, and that each contribute to

beliefs about present-day racism. Furthermore, in the study presented in the next section, I

suggest that the utility of critical racism awareness for assessing beliefs about racism is stronger

than evaluating individuals’ factual knowledge of historical racism in America.

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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
References

Bonam, C. M., Das, V. N., Coleman, B. R., & Salter, P. (2019). Ignoring History, Denying

Racism: Mounting Evidence for the Marley Hypothesis and Epistemologies of Ignorance.

Social Psychological and Personality Science, 10(2), 257–265.

https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550617751583

Nelson, J. C., Adams, G., & Salter, P. S. (2012). The Marley Hypothesis. Psychological Science,

24(2), 213–218. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797612451466

Salter, P. S., & Adams, G. (2016). On the intentionality of cultural products: Representations of

Black history as psychological affordances. Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 1-21.

https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01166

Salter, P. S., Adams, G., & Perez, M. J. (2018). Racism in the Structure of Everyday Worlds: A

Cultural-Psychological Perspective. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 27(3),

150–155. https://doi.org/10.1177/0963721417724239
 226
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Paper 3: Moving Backwards to Go Forward: Implications of Historical Racism on Evaluations of

Present-day Racism

“The existence of your neighbor’s pain is not dependent upon your belief in it. And we cannot
improve a situation that we don’t acknowledge. Learning from patterns is both basic and critical
to the progress of human ‘civilization’.”
- Jesse Williams (2014)

In the wake of incidents involving the deaths and devaluation of Black and Brown lives,

oftentimes by police officers, movements such as Black Lives Matter (BLM) have animated

intense social and political discourse surrounding racial inequality (Garza et al, 2014; Leach &

Allen, 2017). These movements, in conjunction with Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow:

Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness and Ava Duvernay’s documentary 13th , have

highlighted the connection between historical and contemporary systemic oppression in an effort

to push for racial equity (Allen & Leach, 2018). In drawing these connections, scholars and

activist alike suggest that there are similar processes underlying various forms of racial

oppression that have occurred throughout U.S. history. That is, the disproportionate use of police

force and killings of Black/African-American individuals, mass-incarceration, historical

lynchings, and slavery can be viewed as belonging to the same category of racial oppression

because they are driven by similar motivations (e.g., White superiority). Furthermore, they have

similar outcomes related to the maintenance of social hierarchies (e.g., the subjugation of Black

Americans), even though their exact mechanisms are different (Sidanius & Pratto, 2001).

In order to act against racism, a person must first “see” and acknowledge societal

injustice. Recent research on critical historical consciousness and critical racism awareness (i.e.,

“woke”) suggest that increasing individuals’ knowledge about the historically embedded nature

of racism can increase perceptions of racism; namely, by getting White individuals to

acknowledge racism to the same degree as Black individuals (e.g., Adams, Salter, Kurtiş, Naemi,
 227
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
& Estrada‐Villalta, 2018; Allen & Leach, 2018; Versey, Cogburn, Wilkins, & Jospeh, 2019).

While both socially-advantaged (i.e., White individuals) and disadvantaged (i.e., Black

individuals) groups can recognize social injustice, research has long documented the race-based

differences in Black and White individuals’ beliefs about the prevalence and severity of racism

and racial inequality.

In general, Black individuals demonstrate a greater tendency to perceive incidents

involving racial bias as indicative of racism (Hochschild, 1995; for a recent review see Carter &

Murphy; 2015) compared to White individuals. This race-based discrepancy in perceptions of

racism is larger when evaluating structural versus interpersonal incidents of racism, where White

individuals have a lower tendency to perceive systemic incidents of racism compared to Black

individuals (Barbarin & Gilbert, 1981; Unzueta & Lowery, 2008). For instance, results from a

national poll survey revealed that more than 75% of Black survey respondents viewed police use

of deadly force as a sign of a broader societal problem between police and the Black community

versus the result of an isolated, interpersonal incidents. More than 40% of White respondents

viewed Black individuals’ fatal encounters with police as only isolated incidents (Pew Research

Center, 2016).

Black (versus White) individuals are also much more likely to report that Black

Americans are treated less fairly than White Americans across a variety of domains (e.g., in

dealing with the police, the criminal justice system, applying for loans, workplace treatment,

voting, etc.). For instance, when asked whether our country has made the necessary changes

needed to give Black individuals equal rights with White individuals, 38% of White survey

respondents reported that the country had done so, compared to only 8% of Black respondents

(Pew Research Center, 2016).

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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Despite efforts to reduce this gap in perceived racism between Black and White

individuals (Bonam et al., 2019; Lowery et al., 2007; Salter & Adams, 2016; Unzueta & Lowery,

2008), the race-based disparity appears to continue to grow. In one nationally-representative

sample conducted among Black and White Americans, White individuals perceived rates of anti-

Black racism since the 1950s as declining more quickly than Black individuals, and this was

coupled with White individuals perceiving sharp increases in anti-White racism, “reverse-

racism,” in recent years (Norton & Sommers, 2011).

More recently, “white victimhood” ideologies, contending that White individuals are the

real victims of systematic racism, have only further increased in the era of Trump (Brooks et al.,

2017; J. S. Carter et al., 2019; King, 2015; Kolber, 2017; Wilkins & Kaiser, 2013). These race-

based differences in perceiving racism can result in conflicting understandings of current events

surrounding racial bias, such as whether incidents of police violence are motivated by racism

(e.g., Pew Research Center, 2014b), can increase intergroup tension, and further perpetuate racial

inequality. For these reasons, extant literature has been devoted to understanding the factors

underlying these race-based differences in perceiving and interpreting incidents of racial bias as

indicative of racism.

Contributors to Group-based Disparities in Perceptions of Racism

While it is rare that individuals, regardless of social standing or racial/ethnic background,

explicitly deny the existence of inequality, previous research documents several reasons why

perceiving and responding to social injustice would look differently among those who are

structurally advantaged and those disadvantaged. Social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979)

posits that individuals derive their self-esteem from their group membership, strive to maintain a

positive self and group identity, and experience threat when their group is evaluated negatively
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
(i.e., social identity threat; Branscombe et al., 1999). Because individuals are motivated to view

themselves and their group positively – as moral and just (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990; Leach,

Ellemers, & Barreto, 2007; Tajfel & Turner, 1979) – perceiving one’s group as the perpetrators

of injustice can threaten groups’ positive perceptions of themselves and their group (Doosje &

Branscombe, 2003; Glasford et al., 2009; Jetten et al., 2002; Wohl et al., 2006). In the context of

race relations in the U.S., these group-based motivations can lead Black and White individuals to

attend to different information about racism. For example, when White participants are reminded

of previous in-group wrongdoings (e.g., victimization of American Indian Tribes by American

colonists) they attempt to avoid or forget information that portrays their group as the perpetrators

of misdeeds (Rotella & Richeson, 2013). Thus, resulting in decreased acknowledgment and

increased denial and minimization of inequality among White individuals.

On the other hand, recognizing racism does not pose the same identity threat to members

of groups who have been victimized by another group’s persecution or oppression. In fact,

among victimized groups, denying the existence of oppression serves not only as an identity

threat, but feeds into legitimizations of the oppression in the past and the present (Vollhardt,

2009; Vollhardt et al., 2020). Studies on Black Americans in particular suggest that when Black

individuals perceive racial bias and appraise it as relevant, this can fuel efforts to establish racial

equity and further increase beliefs about present inequality (Leach & Allen, 2017). Being the

target of bias increases attention towards cues of racial bias and can buffer against threats to self -

esteem and group identity (e.g., negative feedback; Crocker & Major, 1989; Kaiser et al., 2006).

In some ways for Black individuals, vigilance towards indicators of even potential racial

bias is driven not only by psychological motivations associated with self-esteem and identity, but

physical motivations such as the need to survive. For instance, Black youth receive information
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
from their social networks (e.g., family, community members) about the appropriate “etiquette”

to have with police, given racial biases in policing, in an attempt to increase their likelihood of

survival in the event of future police encounters (Brunson & Weitzer, 2011; Plourde &

Thompson, 2017). Research demonstrates that Black individuals show greater attention to

racialized information, such as police brutality against Black individuals and protests of police

bias (Reinka & Leach, 2018), because it is especially self- and group-relevant. Thus, there are

both theoretical reasons and empirical evidence that the particular motivations for Black and

White individuals to acknowledge and attend to evidence of racial inequality are different and

that failing to do so can be dangerous for Black people and not so much for White people.

The differing degrees of social power that racial and ethnic minority groups have also

contributed to the amount of exposure that each group has with racial inequality. Black

communities throughout U.S. history and even now, must cope with adversity imposed on them

on account of their racial group membership. The Black identity in a society that is dominated by

White norms and ideologies (Bonilla-Silva, 2011) makes race a lot more salient for Black people

than it does for White people (Harris, 1965; Steck et al., 2003), because of this, Black people are

more exposed to racial inequality, both directly and indirectly (i.e., vicariously), compared to

their White counterparts.

Compared to White individuals, Black individuals disproportionately experience

disadvantages on a variety of outcomes: discrimination by various structures and institutions

(e.g., employers, landlords, government agencies, academics; for a recent review see Groos, et

al., 2018), greater violence by strangers, neighbors, family members, and the criminal justice

system in various forms: such as being shot by police while unarmed (Mesic et al., 2018), and
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
experience poorer overall health on a multitude of health outcomes such as hypertension, cancer,

HIV, and mortality (e.g., Colen et al., 2018; Williams & Mohammed, 2009).

These direct experiences with race and racial inequality are also substantiated by informal

information about racial bias that is transmitted among Black people to a greater degree than White

people. Racial/ethnic socialization (RES) is the process by which racial/ethnic minorities come to

conceive of their identity, promote their culture and heritage, and learn to safely navigate White

America (Gaskin et al., 2013; Hughes et al., 2006). Black families and community members

often give their youth the “race-talk” or messages in racial/ethnic socialization consisting of the

history and social politics of the U.S., especially as it pertains to race relations between Black

and White people and racism (for a review see, Hughes et al., 2006; Jones & Neblett, 2016).

Racial socialization is believed to facilitate identity development among youth and protect them

from the negative psychological effects of racism and discrimination by providing children with

knowledge that the maltreatment they will experience are due to historically-rooted, structural

and institutional factors rather than personal shortcomings (for a review, see Lee & Ahn, 2013).

Comparatively, White individuals seldom have to navigate racial issues in order to

understand how to efficiently function in mainstream society wherein norms reflect the

dominant-group’s (i.e., White Americans) objective reality ((Bonilla-Silva, 1997, 2011; Hegarty

& Pratto, 2004; Jackson & Heckman, 2002). The limited racial socialization amongst White

individuals results in White individuals having fewer discussions around race and fewer

opportunities to learn about racial inequality, compared to their racial/ethnic counterparts (e.g.,

Caughy et al., 2002; Hughes et al., 2009; Loyd & Gaither, 2018). This suggests that racial

differences in perceptions of racism may reflect differences in the amount of knowledge that

racial/ethnic groups have about racism, particularly, historical anti-Black racism which is a

central tenet of racial socialization among Black communities (see Jones & Neblett, 2016).
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Whereas Black people may be more knowledgeable of racism given their direct and

vicarious exposure to it, White individuals seem less likely to have first- or vicarious knowledge

of racism against Black people. Rather, their knowledge of race and history may come only from

formal education, which has a tendency to celebrate historical Black achievement rather than

acknowledge the history of racism (Salter & Adams, 2016), or from those with particular anti-

racist attitudes and orientations (Zucker & Patterson, 2018). In general, Black and White

individuals’ social experiences suggest that White people likely have substantially less

knowledge related to issues of race than Black individuals.

Divergence and Convergence on Historical Knowledge

As previously discussed, Black and White individuals have different knowledge bases

that inform their judgments about the prevalence of racism. Recently, researcher have begun to

empirically test the Marley Hypothesis, that is, whether critical historical knowledge of past

racism can explain some of the differences observed in Black and White individuals’ perceptions

of present-day racism. The Marley Hypothesis was named as a nod to Bob Marley’s lyrics in the

song, “Buffalo Solider,” which asserts the importance of knowing your history in order to “know

where you’re comin’ from” (Marley & Williams, 1983; see also Bonam et al., 2019). Work

drawn from the Marley Hypothesis suggests that differences in perceptions of racism is partially

attributable to racial/ethnic minorities (e.g., Black individuals) having greater, accurate

knowledge about documented incidents of historical racism, compared to racially dominant

group members (e.g., White individuals; Bonam, et al., 2019; Nelson et al., 2012). This greater

knowledge of historical racism is reflected in Black individuals’ greater perceived racism, while

ignorance to historical incidents of racial bias results in White individuals’ denial of and

minimization of racism (Nelson et al., 2010, 2012).

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Nelson and colleagues (2012) suggest that both historical knowledge (i.e., critical

historical knowledge of past racism) and the relevance of one’s group identity can predict

perceptions of racism among White and Black individuals, and explain some of the racial

disparities in these perceptions of racism. In one empirical test of the Marley Hypothesis, White

students recruited from a predominately White institution (PWI) and Black students recruited

from a historically Black university (HBCU) completed a “Black history” quiz comprised of 16

true and false statements about both well-documented incidents of past anti-Black racism and

statements fabricated to resemble these well-documented factual incidents. This “Black history”

quiz served as their measure of critical consciousness. Participants also completed measures

assessing how they evaluated their racial identity (i.e., racial identity relevance) and items

assessing the degree to which they perceived cases involving either isolated (e.g., “An African

American man goes to a real estate company to look for a house. The agent takes him to look

only at homes in low income neighborhoods.”) or systemic incidents of racial bias as indicative

of racism (e.g., “the decision of universities like California and Texas to end affirmative action

programs.”).

Results from this study supported the Marley Hypothesis, demonstrating first, that Black

individuals were more knowledgeable of historically-documented incidents of anti-Black racism,

with Black individuals having a greater tendency to correctly identify true incidents of historical

racism (i.e., hits) and no greater tendency to incorrectly identify false incidents of historical

racism (i.e., false alarms/ false positives), compared to White individuals. Stately differently,

Black (vs. White) participants demonstrated greater discrimination (i.e., reality attunement)

between true and false incidents of historical racism. Secondly, results showed that this

difference in historical knowledge significantly predicts perceptions of both interpersonal and

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systemic incidents of racism. Furthermore, the results of this study demonstrated that historical

knowledge of anti-Black racism was associated with greater perceived racism, regardless of

racial group membership. These findings suggest that greater knowledge of historical anti-Black

racism may be one way to align Black and White individuals’ perceptions of racism, namely by

increasing historical knowledge among White individuals (see also Salter & Adams, 2016).

Bonam and colleagues (2019) replicated the general findings from the Nelson and

colleagues (2012) study, among a sample of White and Black undergraduate students attending

the same racially diverse university in the U.S. Midwest. Consistent with previous findings,

Black (vs. White) participants demonstrated greater historical knowledge, as indexed by

performance on a Black history quiz, and this explained Black individuals’ tendency to interpret

racism as systemic to a greater degree compared to White individuals. This study further

supported the findings from the first study on the Marley Hypothesis (Nelson et al., 2012) by

removing any differences based solely on institutional–cultural context associated with the first

study having recruited Black and White participants from different institutions.

In a second study, Bonam and colleagues (2019; Study 2) experimentally tested whether

raising critical knowledge of historical racism could increase White individuals’

acknowledgment of systemic racism. White adults recruited from mTurk were randomly

assigned to listen to one of two National Public Radio (NPR) clips that either only covered pig

intelligence (as the control condition) or included an interview with a historian discussing the

role of past racist discriminatory housing policies in the creation of Black U.S. ghettos.

Participants later reported their initial reactions to the clip, rated their interpretation of racial bias

incidents as indicative of racism, reported whether they learned something new about racism in

the U.S., indicated the degree to which they believed the government intentionally created poor
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Black neighborhoods, and completed a critical historical knowledge test. Results demonstrated

that participants in the history condition compared to the control condition performed better on

the critical historical knowledge test (i.e., Black history quiz), self-reported having learned more

about the history of racism in the U.S., reported greater endorsement of the belief that the

government intentionally created Black ghettos, and demonstrated greater tendency to perceive

incidents of racial bias as indicative of systemic racism.

When White individuals learn about racism as a structurally maintained, socio-cultural

phenomenon that provides certain affordances to some groups over others, these individuals are

significantly more likely to interpret examples of structural racial bias as indicative of racism

compared to individuals who are not exposed to racism, as in the Bonam and colleagues (2019)

study, and those who learn about racism as isolated incidents stemming from dispositional

factors (e.g., attitudes and behaviors of prejudice individuals; Adams et al., 2008). Additional

experiments have shown that when White individuals are exposed to representations of Black

history that include information about historical racism (e.g., slavery, Jim Crow segregation)

versus representations that emphasize cultural diversity and Black achievement (e.g., “Jackie

Robinson being famous for breaking racial barriers in American baseball”) or standard American

history (e.g., “Benjamin Franklin, one of the most distinguished scientific and literary Americans

of his era, was the first American diplomat”) they perceive greater racism in U.S. society (Salter

& Adams, 2018; Study 3, Study 4).

Taken together, the aforementioned studies imply that one, a large part of the discrepancy

between Black and White individuals’ perceptions of racism is due to group-based differences in

knowledge about racism, namely historical racism. More specifically, that White individuals lack

the knowledge of historical anti-Black racism that Black individuals have, thus explaining the
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tendency to minimize or fail to acknowledge present day-racism among White individuals.

Secondly, that increasing knowledge about the structural and historical factors that underscore

and perpetuate racism can help change White individuals’ perceptions of racism to converge

towards Black individuals’ perceptions. However, studies that have failed to replicate the Marley

Hypothesis have led me to contend that a more nuanced evaluation of critical historical

consciousness, or what I’ve termed critical racism awareness, is needed to assess the effects that

critical knowledge of anti-Black racism has on perceptions of present-day racism for both Black

and White individuals.

In an attempt to replicate the Marley Hypothesis among Black and White students from

the same racially-diverse institution, Strickhouser, Zell, and Harris (2019) found the differences

in historical knowledge of anti-Black racism between Black and White individuals to be non-

significant and substantially smaller than prior studies on the Marley Hypothesis (Bonam et al.,

2019; Nelson et al., 2012). One explanation for the null findings suggested by Strickhouser and

colleagues (2019) was that cultural context may be a moderator of the Marley Hypothesis. In

their study Black and White students were recruited from a Southern university, whereas

participants from the prior studies were recruited from the Midwest (Bonam et al., 2019, study 1;

Nelson et al., 2012). Differences in cultural-context may afford White individuals with more (or

less) opportunities to learn about historical racism. As the researchers suggest, White individuals

from the South versus the Midwest, may have greater knowledge about historical racism, given

the South’s history of slavery, and therefore have a greater opportunity to learn about the history

of racism and its connection to present racism, in ways similar to that of Black individuals

(Strickhouser et al., 2019). I found it interesting that in drawing this alternative explanation,

Strickhouser and colleagues (2019) did not make a distinction between having historical
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knowledge and making connections between past and present racism. Rather, it appeared that

these two concepts were being used to reflect the same process. I believe that there may be an

important distinction between having historical knowledge about anti-Black racism versus

acknowledging connections between past and present manifestations of racism, and these

processes may have different implications for understanding racial differences in perceived

racism.

Critical Racism Awareness: A Reflection of Knowledge

Critical racism awareness, or being “woke,” reflects the acknowledgment of the deep

prevalence and severity of racism in U.S. society. To be critically aware of racism one has to

demonstrate an understanding that racism is historically-rooted and culturally-embedded in the

discourse, norms, practices, and institutions of the U.S. (e.g., Adams et al., 2018; Allen & Leach,

2018; Allen et al., in prep; Salter et al., 2018; Versey, et al., 2019). Most of the empirical work

on assessing critical racism awareness (e.g., critical historical consciousness) have primarily

used performance on a “Black history” quiz as a measure of this construct (e.g., Bonam et al.,

2019; Nelson et al., 2012; Strickhouser, 2019). Rather than being reflected in a test of how

accurate individuals are in identifying true versus false incidents of historical anti-Black racism, I

believe critical racism awareness reflects: (1) a deep understanding of the endemic nature of anti-

Black racism to U.S. society, (2) non-minimization of the severity and prevalence of racism, (3)

the recognition of structural versus interpersonal contributors of racism, (4) knowledge of

contemporary racial movements, and (5) a sense of duty and/or obligation to know about racism.

Assessing critical racism awareness is, therefore, different from assessing knowledge of

historical racism because it goes beyond just knowing about history and reflects an

acknowledgment that racism is foundational to U.S. society and continues in practices today
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because these practices are rooted in a history of Black oppression. Additionally, what makes

critical racism awareness “critical,” is that it reflects a rejection of White supremacy and

ideologies that maintain White dominance and Black subjugation.

While these assumptions are built into theorizations on critical consciousness, namely

critical historical consciousness and “woke” (Adams et al., 2018; Allen & Leach, 2018; see also

Watts et al., 2011), the current methods assessing in-depth knowledge of anti-Black racism are

not all encompassing of what the construct represents. I believe that the measures of critical

racism awareness, as described above, will provide a more nuanced examination of the

association between having an in-depth knowledge and understanding of historical racism and

perceiving present-day racism, than previous measures used to assess critical historical

consciousness.

Each of the five components of the Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale are associated

with acknowledging present-day racism, such that having higher levels of critical racism

awareness, indexed by having higher levels of each of the previous components, is associated

with greater perceptions of both interpersonal and systemic racism, among both Black and White

individuals (see Allen et al., in prep; Paper 1). The two of the five components of critical racism

awareness that most place racism in a historized context are beliefs about the endemic nature of

racism and beliefs about the internal versus external attributions for racism. These components

reflect the notions that both the practices and the associated outcomes of present-day racism stem

from historical incidents of racism. Furthermore, these components highlight beliefs around the

parallels between past and present racism by drawing historical analogies. Thus, these measures

are of primary interest in the current study.

Parallels Between Past and Present Racism

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Historical parallels involve drawing comparisons or analogies between a present situation

and a previous one. They signify a deduction that two or more events that are separated in time

and vary in one degree, are similar in another way (Ghilani et al., 2017). When applied to issues

of racial inequality, for instance drawing parallels between modern-day police killings of

unarmed Black individuals and the racialized lynchings of the Jim Crow era, the comparisons are

based in beliefs about the stark resemblances behind the motivations of these acts (e.g., the

marginalization of Black individuals, the maintenance of White supremacy), the mechanisms

underlying these acts (e.g., justifications linking Black individuals to criminality and non-

humanness), and the outcomes of these acts (e.g., the oppression of Black individuals; see

McCormick, 2019).

In a review of media accounts McCormick (2019) draws parallels between the historical

lynchings that took place in 1917 and police killings of Black Americans in 2014. Across these

two periods the researcher identified two themes that are used as justifications for anti-Black

racism; labeling Black individuals as criminal and characterizing them as less than human, from

which past and present forms on anti-Black racism appear ostensibly linked. Consider how

historical racial lynchings were often performed after Black individuals were criminalized and

accused of rape or murder (Wells, 1895). Today, police killings of Black individuals, even those

unarmed, are linked to psychological processes that associate Black individuals with violence

and criminality (Correll et al., 2002, 2007). Additionally, during the slavery era, through Jim

Crow, Black individuals were depicted as “brutes,” ape-like, and savages, (for a review see

Hund, Mills, & Sebastiani, 2015; Hund & Mills, 2016). The practice of likening Black

individuals to animals continues today and this sub-humanness is linked to various acts of
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violence against Black bodies, such as police use of deadly force (Goff et al., 2008; Harris &

Fiske, 2011; Kteily et al., 2015; Owusu-Bempah, 2016).

These parallels do not suggest that the same exact behaviors are occurring nor that times

have not changed, but rather that there are undeniable similarities between past and present

events. The findings of McCormicks’ (2019) work exemplifies that. Both historically and

presently, stereotypes classifying Black individuals as threatening, dangerous, and aggressive

provide a cause for anti-Black violence, while the process of dehumanization makes it easier,

and both result in the marginalization of Black people. Moreover, these historical parallels signal

that current situations are not entirely unprecedented and can suggest a degree of continuity (Liu

& Hilton, 2005). Arguably, this reflects a different process than being knowledgeable about

incidents of anti-Black racism in the U.S., which is normally assessed in research examining

historical knowledge of racism via true-false Black history quizzes (see Bonam et al., 2018;

Nelson et al., 2012; Strickhouser et al., 2019). So, even if White and Black individuals are

equally likely to know that “The U.S. Government promised freed slaves payment of 40 acres of

land and a mule but never delivered such payment” (see Nelson et al., 2012; Strickhouser et al.,

2019), this does not imply that they’d be equally likely to believe that such historical racism

contributes to racial inequality today.

Generally, White individuals are typically less likely to consider how historical racism is

ever-present and a major contributor to modern-day racial inequities between Black and White

individuals (Loury, 1998; Coates, 2014). For instance, compared to White individuals, Black

individuals are more likely to attribute contemporary racial disparities to historical racism.

Among a nationally-representative sample of over 1750 young adults, Black individuals were

twice as likely to strongly agree that “generations of slavery and discrimination have created
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conditions that make it difficult for Black Americans to work their way out of lower-class”

compared to White individuals (GenForward, 2017).

The Endemic Nature of Racism

“[..] cultural racism is like the air we breathe; if it is everywhere amongst us; if it is

within the social discourses and social histories that shape our very identities; then

we will enact racist thoughts and practices without necessarily realising that we are

doing so, or realising the effects on other people’s lives.”

- Akamatsu, 2002, p. 50

The U.S. has a long-documented history of anti-Black racism and it is maintained and

preserved in our society’s ideologies, polices, norms and institutional practices. Viewing racism

as endemic reflects a belief that racial inequality against Black individuals is culturally

embedded and foundational to the U.S. Part of seeing the endemic nature of racism is the ability

to recognize ideologies and practices that are inherently racist (i.e., hierarchy-attenuating

legitimizing myths such as meritocracy; see (Levin et al., 1998; Sidanius & Pratto, 2001) and

actively rejecting these ideologies. Acknowledging the endemic nature of racism also reflects

seeing racial inequality today as a continuation of the past (see Allen et al., in preparation).

Beliefs surrounding the historically based nature of modern racism, such as the acknowledgment

of parallels between past and present forms of racial inequality, may influence perceptions of

racism differently than historical knowledge about anti-Black racism.

While historical knowledge may explain some of the variance associated with Black and

White individuals’ tendency to perceive racial inequality to different degrees, acknowledgment

of the historical basis of anti-Black racism may go a step further in helping to understand Black-

White differences in perceived racism by assessing the extent to which individuals perceive
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racism as stemming from, similar to, and a continuation of past racism. I am interested in

whether critical racism awareness, namely beliefs about the endemic nature of racism and the

similarities between past and present forms of anti-Black racism, is associated with perceiving

racism and whether this is true for both Black and White individuals.

The Present Work

Across two studies, the present work examines the association between knowledge of

historical incidents of racism and interpreting incidents involving racial bias as being indicative

of racism among Black and White individuals. Given mixed evidence around Black and White

individuals having different degrees of historical knowledge about anti-Black racism, I also

sought to examine whether there are racial differences in familiarity with incidents of anti-Black

racism and knowledge of past anti-Black racism and further, if this familiarity and historical

knowledge predicts evaluations of contemporary racism. Overall, I hypothesized that Black

individuals would be more familiar with contemporary incidents of racism, more knowledgeable

of historical anti-Black racism, demonstrate a greater tendency to interpret anti-Black racism as

racism, and less likely to acknowledge the implications of anti-White racism compared to White

individuals. I also hypothesized that regardless of racial/ethnic group membership, familiarity

with incidents of racism and knowledge of historical racism would increase the tendency to

interpret incidents of racial bias against Black individuals as indicative of racism and predictive

of lower acknowledgment of anti-White racism.

Additionally, I assessed whether Black and White individuals’ beliefs about the severity

and prevalence of historically-rooted racism in present-day manifestations of racial inequality

(i.e., critical racism awareness) and their acknowled gment of historical-contemporary parallels of

racism influence their evaluations of racism. I also examined whether these beliefs about the
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severity and prevalence of racism and these parallels increased perceptions of racism above and

beyond historical knowledge. I hypothesized that compared to White individuals, Black

individuals would be more critically aware of racism and more likely to acknowledge the

parallels between historical and contemporary anti-Black racism. Additionally, regardless of

race/ethnicity, I predicted that across two correlational studies critical racism awareness and

historical-contemporary parallels of anti-Black racism would be stronger predictors of perceived

racism than historical knowledge.

Study 1

Familiarity with and Recognition of Contemporary-Historical Racism

Study 1 examined the Black-White racial disparity in evaluations of racism. I

hypothesized that relative to Black individuals, White individuals would demonstrate less

familiarity with both contemporary and historical incidents involving anti-Black racism. Further,

I predicted that this familiarity would explain some of the racial/ethnic group differences in

perceptions of both interpersonal and structural incidents of racism. Additionally, I hypothesized

that Black individuals, relative to White individuals, would be more likely to demonstrate critical

racism awareness and agree with statements that draw parallels between contemporary and

historical forms of anti-Black racism, and that this too would explain some of the racial/ethnic

group differences in perceptions of racism. I also expected that the effect of beliefs about

endemic racism and historical-contemporary parallels of racism would be stronger predictors of

perceptions of racism compared to familiarity, even after controlling for sociodemographic

characteristics such as racial/ethnic identity and political orientation.

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Method

Participants

Data for this study was taken from a larger cross-sectional study designed to create and

validate a critical racism awareness/woke scale (see Allen et al., in prep; Paper 1). Data was

collected via an online survey and participants were eligible if they self-identified as Black/

African-American or White/European-American, reported being born in the U.S., and had

English as their primary language. A total of 1,538 participants were initially eligible for this

study.

As stated by Allen et al., (in preparation) data was eliminated from 180 participants who

did not finish the survey (i.e., did not get to the last page of the survey). Participant data was

further eliminated based on having one or more of the following exclusion criteria: 1) failing to

correctly answer attention check questions (e.g., “It is important that you pay attention during

this study. Click the answer choice ‘neither agree nor disagree’."), n =262 , 2) response times for

completion of the entire survey were less than 10 minutes or greater than 120 minutes, n = 290,

3) percentage of all missing data was greater than 20% based on Little’s MCAR test, n = 3, and

4) percentage of missing data for items specific for the woke scale construction was greater than

20%, n = 2.

Data was also excluded for participants who had identical free-response answers to the

open-ended questions included in the original survey, n =51. In sum, a total of 486 participants

were excluded and removed from further data analyses yielding a final sample of 1052

participants1 from the University of Connecticut (n = 125), California State University

Northridge (n= 118), Prolific (n = 208), Qualtrics panels (n = 196), and social media (n = 405)
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Of the remaining participants, the mean age of participants was 33.7 years, SD = 12.46. Forty-six

percent of participants self-identified as Black/African-American and 55% identified as female.

Individuals recruited through undergraduate participant pools received course credit for their

participation and individuals recruited from Prolific were compensated $5. Individuals recruited

through Qualtrics received an incentive based on the various platforms that participants were

recruited from (i.e., their rewards varied and may have included cash, airline miles, gift cards,

etc.). Lastly, individuals recruited through social media were compensated with a $10 Amazon e-

gift card and among these participants I used incentivized snowball sampling.

Participants were widely geographically dispersed across the U.S. and a majority reported

residing in large cities such as Los Angeles, CA and New York, NY. More than 40% of the

sample reported having attained at least a graduate degree from a 4-year institution and more

than 50% reported a family annual household income of $80,000 or above. The majority of the

population sample was eligible to vote and participated in the November 2016 presidential

election. The predominate political party alignment was Democrat, with 53% of the participant

sample identifying as being “towards Democrat” or “close to Democrat”. Notably, 26% of

participants identified as neither Republican nor Democrat, or both. All study procedures were

approved by the university Institutional Review Boards and followed all APA ethical standards.

Procedure

Participants were informed that they would be completing a survey about social justice.

Each survey included a consent form, measures of racial attitudes and beliefs about race-related

social justice issues, and a debriefing form providing participants will more details about the

nature of the survey and the contact information of the principal and student investigators. While
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additional measures were included in the primary study, the following focal measures of interests

were included in the current work.

Measures

The majority of the items included in this study were traditional five-point Likert scale

items, and several were bipolar slider items. For the bipolar slider items, participants were

presented with a statement and then asked to indicate which option they thought was best

between two specific alternatives related to the statement. For these items, the center of the slider

represented a neutral stance (i.e., neither alternative more than the other).

Familiarity with race-related events. Participants were asked to rate how familiar or

unfamiliar they were with seven items related to racial issues surrounding Black Americans: the

Flint water crisis, racism regarding Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, Black Lives Matter, “Say

Her Name,” War on Drugs, Jim Crow, and the 14 th Amendment. These items were rated using a

four-point Likert scale that ranged from 0 (completely unfamiliar) to 1 (completely familiar).

Items were coded such that higher values indicated greater familiarity with historical and

contemporary examples of racism. An average composite score was created based on these items

(α = .69, ICC = .24).

Critical Racism Awareness. To assess beliefs about the severity and historical

embeddedness of anti-Black racism, two subscales from the Critical Racism Awareness Woke

Scale, ‘racism as endemic’ and ‘internal-external attributions for racism’, were included in this

study (Allen et al., in preparation). While the nine-item endemic racism subscale reflects beliefs

about racism being historically-rooted and culturally-embedded in U.S. society, some of the

items tap into the beliefs about the connection between past and present incidents of racism and

their similarities (e.g., “Police killing Blacks and getting away with it is a form of modern-day
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lynching”). These items were rated using a five-point Likert scale ranging from ‘-1’ strongly

disagree to ‘1’ strongly agree. Items were coded such that higher values indicated perceiving

more continuity and parallels between historical and contemporary racism against Black

individuals and perceiving racism as historically-foundational to U.S. society (α = .89, ICC =

.48).

Participants’ belief about whether the cause and result of racism stems from interpersonal

or systemic factors was measured using the items from the ‘internal-external attributions for

racism’ subscale. All seven items in this measure were bipolar slider items. Participants were

told that for each question they were being provided with two different answers that people had

previously provided in response to the question. They were instructed to move a slider in the

direction of the answer they thought was best. An example item includes “Black people that are

sentenced in courts are more likely to receive the death penalty than Whites are. Why is this?”

with the bipolar response options: Blacks commit more serious crimes than Whites versus courts

sentence Blacks more harshly than Whites for similar crimes (α = .87, ICC = .48). Items were

coded such that higher values indicated a greater belief in external/structural attributions for

racism whereas lower values indicated a greater belief in internal/interpersonal attributions for

racism.

Evaluations of Racism. Participants were asked to indicate on a five-point Likert scale

ranging from ‘1’ definitely is not racist to ‘5’ definitely is racist the extent to which they

considered six statements with racially disparate outcomes as indicative of racism (Unzueta &

Lowery, 2008). Half of these items concerned interpersonal/isolated racism (e.g., “A car

salesman offers lower prices to White customers than non-White customers,” α = .85; ICC = .65)

and the other half concerned structural/systemic racism (e.g., “A university ends its affirmative
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action program, resulting in a large drop in Black enrollment,” α = .75, ICC = .50). Responses

were scored such that higher values indicated greater perceived racism in both isolated and

systemic instances, respectively.

Demographics. Participants responded to a host socio-demographic items, including

their race/ethnicity, gender, age, annual household income, and political orientation. Political

orientation was assessed using the following item: “Which political party aligns most closely

with your own views?” and response options ranged from ‘1’ close to Republican to ‘5’ close to

Democrat.

Results

Preliminary Analysis

All self-report item variables, excluding political orientation, were rescaled to vary from -

1 to 1. Thus, an item on a five-point scale was converted to scores of -1.00, -.50, 0, .50, and 1.00.

Pearson’s correlations were conducted to examine the association between familiarity with

historical and contemporary events involving racial bias against Black (e.g., War of Drugs,

“Black Lives Matter”), critical racism awareness (e.g., endemic racism and internal-external

attributions for racism subscales), perceptions of both isolated and systemic racism, and

sociodemographic characteristics of the participants, namely racial/ethnic group membership and

political orientation. For both Black and White participants all variables of interests were

significantly correlated with each other at p < .01and ranged from small (|r| = .10 to < .30) to

large (|r| > .50; Cohen, 1988), see Table 1 for correlations.

Racial Differences in Familiarity, Critical Racism Awareness and Perceptions of Racism

To assess the difference between Black and White participants I conducted independent

sample t tests for all measures of interest. Some analyses violated Levene’s test for equal
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variances, in which case I reported the adjusted degrees of freedom and t values. Means and

standard deviations are presented in Table 2, as are the corresponding t values and d effect size

of the difference between the means for Black and White participants.

As shown in Table 2, I found significant race differences on all five measures of interest.

Black participants reported having more familiarity with race-related contemporary and

historical incidents involving anti-Black racism, t(1048) = -7.19, p < .001, SE = .01, d = .43.

Additionally, Black participants demonstrated greater critical racism awareness indexed by

having higher endemic racism scores, t(1050) = -6.73, p < .001, SE = .03, d = .43, and higher

beliefs in external/structural attributions versus internal/interpersonal attributions for racism,

t(1042.67) = -5.63, p < .001, SE = .02, d = .36, relative to White participants. Contrary to

expectations, White individuals were more likely to report interpersonal incidents of racial bias

as being indicative of racism compared to Black participants, t(833.02) = 5.41, p < .001, SE =

.03, d = .35. However, consist with our expectation, Black participants were more likely to report

systemic incidents of racial bias as being indicative of racism compared to White participants,

t(977.95) = -2.62 p < .001, SE = .03, d = .15.

Effects of Familiarity vs. Parallels on Evaluations of Racism

Interpersonal Racism. In order to establish an initial predictive relationship between

critical racism awareness and perceptions of racism three linear regressions were conducted to

examine the independent predictive relationship between familiarity with historical and

contemporary events involving racism, the critical racism subscale: racism as endemic, and the

critical racism awareness subscale: ‘internal-external attributions for racism’ with evaluations of

interpersonal racism. As expected, familiarity with historical and contemporary anti-Black

racism significantly predicted perceptions of interpersonal racism, b = .47, SE = .07, t(1046) =

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6.77, p < .001. Critical racism awareness also significantly predicted evaluations of interpersonal

racism. Specifically, both beliefs about endemic racism b = .41, SE = .03, t(1048) = 14.58, p <

.001, and beliefs about internal versus external attributions for racism b = .35, SE = .03, t(1047)

= 11.11, p < .001, were significant predictors.

Having established that familiarity with racism relevant events and critical racism

awareness were significant independent predictors of evaluations of interpersonal racism, a

hierarchical regression analysis was performed to determine whether critical racism awareness

predicted evaluations of interpersonal racism after accounting for the effects of participant race

and familiarity. Given that participant race, familiarly with racism relevant events, critical racism

awareness, and evaluations of both interpersonal and systemic racism, were significantly

correlated with political orientation, I also accounted for the influence of political orientation in

the hierarchical regression (see Table 1 for correlations).

The hierarchical regression revealed that at step one, participant race, b = -.18, SE = -.18

p <.001, and political orientation, b = .14, SE = .01, p <.001, contributed significantly to the

prediction of evaluations of interpersonal racism and accounted for 18.1% of the variation in

perceived interpersonal racism, F(2, 1042) = 114.98, p <.001. That is, being Black (versus

White) and more politically-Democrat predicted greater tendency to perceive of interpersonal

racism as being an example of racism. At step two, more familiarity with historical and

contemporary anti-Black racism, b = .43, SE = .07, p <.001, significantly predicted greater

perceptions of interpersonal racism and accounted for an additional 3% of the variation in

perceiving interpersonal incidents of racism as racism, F(3, 1041) = 93.48, p <.001. This

increase in R2 was small, but statistically significant, F∆(1, 1041) = 41.54, p <.001.
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In the last step, beliefs about endemic racism, b = .31, SE = .04, p <.001, and beliefs

about internal-external attributions for racism, b = .02, SE =.04, p = .66, contributed significantly

to the prediction of perceptions of interpersonal racism and explained a significant amount of

variance, F(5, 1039) = 79.16, p <.001. The inclusions of these two critical racism measures

accounted for an additional 6% of the variation in the tendency to perceive racism in

interpersonal incidents of racism. This increase in R2 was significant, F∆(2, 1039) = 45.65, p

<.001. However, while believing more in the endemic nature of racism predicting a greater

tendency to perceive racism in interpersonal incidents of racial bias, the effect of beliefs about

internal versus external attributions for racism was not a significant of interpreting interpersonal

racism as racism. When critical racism awareness was included in the regression model

participant race, political ideology, and familiarity with historical and contemporary anti-Black

racism remained significant predictors of evaluating interpersonal racism. Notably, the predictive

effects of familiarity did decrease, see Table 3 for details of the full model.

In order to test the hypothesis that critical racism awareness, namely beliefs surrounding

the deep-rooted nature of racism to U.S. society (e.g., beliefs about end emic racism), is a

stronger predictor of perceptions of interpersonal racism than familiarity with historical and

contemporary events involving racism, their corresponding 95% confidence intervals were

estimated via bias corrected bootstrapping (1,000 re-samples). In the event that the confidence

intervals overlapped by less than 50%, the beta weights would be considered statistically

significantly different from each other (p < .05; Cumming, 2009)2 . As can be seen in Figure 1,

there was overlap in the confidence intervals between familiarity and endemic racism in the

prediction of perceptions of interpersonal racism. Contrary to our hypothesis, this suggests that

predictive strength of endemic racism was not significantly stronger than familiarity, p > .05.
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Systemic Racism. The same aforementioned analyses were repeated with evaluations of

systemic racism as the outcome of interest. Similar to the results for evaluations of interpersonal

racism, familiarity with historical and contemporary anti-Black racism significantly predicted

evaluations of systemic racism, b = .81, SE = .07, t(1046) = 11.66, p < .001. Critical racism

awareness also significantly predicted evaluations of systemic racism. Specifically, both beliefs

about endemic racism, b = .72, SE = .02, t(1048) = 30.57, p < .001, and beliefs about internal

versus external attributions for racism b = .66, SE = .03, t(1047) = 22.92, p < .001, were

significant predictors.

The hierarchical regression revealed that at step one, participant race, b = .04, SE = .03, p

= .1, and political orientation, b = .15, SE = .01, p <.001, contributed significantly to the

prediction of evaluations of racism, specifically systemic racism, F(2, 1042) = 103.59, p <.001

and accounted for 16.4% of the variation in perceived systemic racism. While being more

politically-Democrat was associated with a greater to interpret systemic racism as indicative or

racism, participants’ race did not have a significant predictive effect over evaluations of racism

when included simultaneously with political orientation. At step two, familiarity with historical

and contemporary anti-Black racism, b = .65, SE = .07, p <.001, significantly predicted

evaluations of systemic racism, F(3, 1041) = 105.47, p <.001 and accounted for an additional

7% of the variation in the tendency to interpret systemic racism as racism. This increase in R2

was significant, F∆(1, 1041) = 91.27 p <.001.

In the last step, beliefs about endemic racism b = .56, SE = .04, p <.001 and beliefs about

internal-external attributions for racism b = .17, SE = .04, p <.001 contributed significantly to the

prediction evaluations of systemic racism, F(5, 1039) = 204.62, p <.001. That is, having greater

beliefs in the endemic nature of racism and in structural versus interpersonal causes of racism
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predicted a greater tendency to interpret evaluations of systemic racism as racism. Unlike the

results for evaluations of interpersonal racism, both the effects of beliefs about endemic racism

and internal versus external attributions for racism were significant. The inclusions of these two

critical racism measures accounted for an additional 26.3% of the variation in evaluations of

systemic racism. This increase in R2 was significant, F∆(2, 1039) = 271.21, p <.001. When

critical racism awareness was included in the regression model, the effect of participant race

became negatively suppressed and political ideology became a non-significant predictor of

evaluations of systemic racism. Familiarity with historical and contemporary anti-Black racism

remained a significant predictor of evaluations of racism. Notably, the predictive effects of

familiarity did decrease, see Table 4 for details of the full model.

In order to test the hypothesis that both indexes of critical racism awareness (i.e.,

endemic racism, internal-external attributions for racism) were stronger predictors of evaluations

of systemic racism than familiarity, their corresponding 95% confidence intervals were estimated

via bias corrected bootstrapping (1,000 re-samples) and compared with that of familiarity. As

can be seen in Figure 2, there was no overlap in the confidence intervals between familiarity and

endemic racism in the prediction of evaluations of systemic racism. Consistent with our

hypothesis, this suggests that the predictive strength of endemic racism was significantly

stronger than familiarity, p < .05. However, there was overlap in the confidence intervals

between familiarity and internal-external attributions for racism in the evaluations of systemic

racism. This suggests that the predictive strength of beliefs about attributions for racism was not

significantly stronger than familiarity, p > .05 (see Figure 3).

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Summary and Discussion

Findings from Study 1 demonstrate that there are racial differences in beliefs about

racism and perceptions of racism. As expected, compared to White participants, Black

participants were significantly more likely to indicate being familiar with historical and

contemporary incidents involving anti-Black racism, believe that racism is historically-rooted

and culturally-embedded in U.S. society, and attribute racism to structural/systemic factors

versus interpersonal factors. Additionally, Black participants were more likely to evaluate

incidents of systemic racism as being indicative of racism relative to White participants.

However, contrary to our expectations, White participants demonstrated being significantly more

likely to evaluate interpersonal incidents of racial bias as indicative of racism compared to Black

participants.

Familiarity and both indices of critical racism awareness (e.g., endemic racism, internal-

external attributions of racism) served as significant independent predictors of both evaluations

of interpersonal and systemic incidents of racism. For interpersonal incidents of racism, the

hierarchical multiple regression model demonstrated that the beliefs about endemic racism scale

was a significant predictor of perceiving racism even after accounting for the predictive strength

and explained variance associated with participants’ race, political orientation, and familiarity

with historical and contemporary events about anti-Black racism. Contrary to our prediction,

beliefs about endemic racism was a not a stronger predictor of perceiving interpersonal racism

than familiarity with historical and contemporary incidents of racism. However, beliefs about

endemic racism was a stronger predictor of perceiving systemic racism as racism compared to

familiarity with racist incidents. Results from the hierarchical regression predicting evaluations

of systemic racism demonstrated that both beliefs about endemic racism and beliefs about
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internal versus external attributions predicted evaluations of systemic racism even after

accounting for the predictive strength and explained variance associated with participants’ race,

political orientation, and familiarity with historical and contemporary events about anti-Black

racism. However, there was no difference in predictive strength between beliefs about

interpersonal versus structural attributions and familiarity.

While Study 1 demonstrates racial difference in familiarity with historical and

contemporary events involving anti-Black racism, self-reported familiarity is not synonymous

with factual historical knowledge of anti-Black racism. Individuals can report being familiar with

incidents even if they are not factually knowledgeable of what the details of the events are. I

attempt to address this limitation in Study 2.

Study 2

Factual Historical Knowledge vs. Critical Racism Awareness

To better assess racial differences in historical knowledge of anti-Black racism and the

effect of historical knowledge with respect to critical racism awareness on perceptions of racism,

in Study 2 I used measures more closely aligned with previous measures for critical historical

knowledge or historical knowledge of racism (i.e., a Black history quiz; Bonam et al., 2019;

Nelson et al., 2012; Strickhouser et al., 2019). Specifically, I examined pattern of responses

using a signal detection paradigm approach similar to previous research examining the Marley

Hypothesis (Bonam et al., 2019, Nelson et al., 2012; Strickhouser et al., 2019): d’ - a measure of

discriminability (i.e., the ability to distinguish true signals from fictional noise), a measure of

response bias, the tendency to correctly identify true incidents of racism (hits), the tendency to

correctly identify false incidents of racism (correct rejections), the tendency to incorrectly

identify false incidents of racism as true (false alarms), and the tendency to incorrectly identify
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true incidents of racism as false (misses). Although previous research focuses heavily on d’ as

the primary measure of critical historical racism or knowledge of historical anti-Black racism, I

believe that patterns of responses reflected in the other measures can tell us a lot about

individuals’ pre-existing orientations around racism.

Previous research on the Marley Hypothesis suggest that Black individuals are better able

to differentiate between true and false incidents of anti-Black racism (Bonam et al., 2019, Nelson

et al., 2012). However, it is also possible that because Black individuals have greater exposure to

racism, incidents involving racial bias may conjure up schemas about the prevalence of racism

and their own experiences with racism, and this may lead Black individuals to perceive false

incidents as true, because it’s feasible (Ridgeway, 2006). This is consistent with the findings

from Strickhouser et al., (2019) that demonstrated that Black individuals had a greater tendency

to indicate false alarms compared to White individuals. Relatedly, White individuals may not

have schemas around racism in this way, given their limited exposure, and may be more inclined

to label historical incidents of racism as false. In this way, a bias towards perceiving incidents of

racism as true (vs. false) on a Black history quiz may be indicative of an outcome of critical

racism awareness. That is, critical racism awareness may predict the tendency to respond true or

false on a Black history quiz. I explore these possibilities in Study 2.

Given the null effect of the internal-external attributions for racism critical racism

awareness subscale on perceptions of interpersonal racism in Study 1 when including in

regression models simultaneously with the other critical racism awareness measure – racism as

endemic, I did not include the former measure in Study 2. Instead, to better assess the effects of

beliefs about the similarities between past and present forms of racism on evaluations of racism,
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I included a new measure with items that explicitly tapped into the notion of parallels between

historical and contemporary incidents of racism.

I hypothesized that Black (vs. White) individuals would have greater factual historical

knowledge about anti-Black racism, greater beliefs about the endemic nature of racism, greater

acknowledgment of the parallels between historical and contemporary racism, greater

perceptiveness to anti-Black racism and be least likely to endorse “reverse-racism.” Additionally,

I expected that again, the critical racism measure of racism as endemic and the new measure of

parallels between historical and contemporary knowledge would be stronger predictors of

interpreting incidents of racism as racism compared to factual historical knowledge.

Furthermore, I expected these effects to hold even after controlling for sociodemographic

characteristics such as racial/ethnic identity and political orientation.

Method

Participants and Procedure

Data was collected via an online mass-testing survey completed by undergraduate

students attending the University of Connecticut in exchange for course credit. One hundred and

thirty-six self-identified Black/African-American and 992 self-identified non-Hispanic

White/European American students who were U.S. born completed the survey. Given the large

difference in the number of Black versus non-Hispanic Whites participants, 136 non-Hispanic

White participants were randomly selected to serve as the White subsample in analyses. Thus,

the final sample consisted of 272 self-identified Black and non-Hispanic White participants. On

average, participants were young (M= 19.00, SD= 2.43) and self-identified as female (64.3%).

Participants reported a modal annual income of $100,000 or more. A little more over half of the

participants (55.1%) reported that at least one of their parents graduated from a 4-year institution.
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Additionally, 53.0% of participants reported being slightly to extremely liberal while only 12.1%

reported being slightly to extremely conservative. Thus, this sample was predominately liberal.

All study procedures were approved by the university Institutional Review Boards and followed

all APA ethical standards.

Measures

Black History Quiz. Participants completed a shortened version of a “Black history”

quiz, modified from Nelson and colleagues (2012) which served as a measure of factual

historical knowledge about anti-Black racism in the U.S. This quiz consisted of six true

statements about past racism (e.g., “The United States criminal justice system has historically

delivered longer sentences to Black Americans than White Americans who commit the same

crime”) and five false statements about past racism (e.g., “Less than 200 Black people were

lynched in the U.S. during the one-hundred year span between 1870 and 1970.”). Participant

were instructed to indicate whether each item was true or false. Their accuracy scores were

summed based on the number of items that were correct. On average, participants demonstrated a

fair amount of knowledge about historical incidents of anti-Black racism (M = 7.75, SD = 1.75).

Historical Knowledge Computations. I calculated the overall ability of participants to

distinguish true incidents of racism (e.g., truthful signals) from false incidents of racism (e.g.,

fictional noise) as d’ =𝛧(hit rate) - 𝛧(false alarm rate), as well as, a measure of response bias, c

(see Stanislaw & Todorov, 1999). Higher values of d’ reflect a greater ability to discriminate

between true and false incidents of racism and thus, greater historical knowledge as described in

previous research (e.g., reality attunement; Nelson et al., 2012). For c, positive values signify a

bias towards responding “no” and negative values signify a bias towards responding “yes.”
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Endemic Racism. Using the same measures as in Study 1, participants’ beliefs about the

continuity of historical racism and the culturally-embedded prevalence of racism in the U.S.

were assessed using the ‘racism as endemic’ subscale from the Critical Racism Awareness Woke

Scale (see Allen et al., in prep, Paper 1). Participants indicated their level of agreement on a

seven-point Likert scale that ranged from ‘1’ strongly disagree to ‘7’ strongly agree rather than a

five-point Likert scale as in Study 1. Again, the scale demonstrated high reliability (α = .92, ICC

= .57).

Parallels of Historical-Contemporary Racism Items. Participants’ beliefs about long-

lasting effects of historical racism and the perceived similarities between historical and

contemporary forms of racial bias against Black individuals was also assessed using three

additional items. One of these items was taken from Allen and colleagues (in prep, Paper 1; e.g.,

“Closing polling places in Black neighborhoods has similar consequences to the laws passed

after the Civil War to prevent Blacks from voting (e.g., literacy tests, poll taxes).” The item

“Generations of slavery and discrimination have created conditions that make it difficult for

Blacks to work their way out of the lower class,” which was taken from the GenForward survey

on millennials attitudes towards race in the U.S. (GenForward, 2017). The third item, “There are

a lot of similarities between the current state of racial violence against Black Americans and

other racial/ethnic minorities, and those of America’s past,” was created by the research team.

Participants indicated their level of agreement to each of these statements on a response scale

that ranged from ‘1’ strongly disagree to ‘7’ strongly agree. Higher scores reflected greater

acknowledge of the similarities between past and present racism (α = .84, ICC = .63).

Evaluations of Racism. Similar to Study 1, several items assessed participants’

evaluations of racism. These items were taken from Nelson and colleagues (2012). Participants
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were asked to indicate on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from ‘1’ definitely is not racist to

‘7’ definitely is racist, the extent to which they considered eight statements with racially

disparate outcomes indicative of racism. Four of these items concerned interpersonal or isolated

incidents of racism (e.g., “Lashandra Jenkins and Amy Conner applied for the same job. They

have nearly identical qualifications. Amy gets called for an interview and Lashandra does not;” α

= .73, ICC = .41) and the other half concerned structural or systemic incidents of racism (e.g.,

“Sentencing practices whereby possession of any quantity of cocaine is punishable by a

maximum sentence of one year, whereas possession of 5 grams of crack (made from cocaine

and baking soda) carries a mandatory 5-year minimum sentence;” α = .76, ICC = .44). Responses

were coded such that higher values indicated being more likely to evaluate incidents of racial

bias as indicative of racism in both interpersonal and structural instances, respectively.

Beliefs about Anti-White Racism. To assess participants’ beliefs about changes in race-

relations reflecting bias against White individuals (e.g., “reverse-racism”), participants

responded to two items taken from GenForward (2017). The two items included: “Do you agree

or disagree that, through no fault of their own, White individuals are economically losing ground

today compared to other racial ethnic groups” and “Do you agree or disagree that discrimination

against White individuals has become as big a problem as discrimination against Black

individuals and other minorities.” The response scale ranged from ‘1’ strongly disagree to ‘7’

strongly agree. Higher values indicated a greater acknowledgment of racism against White

individuals (α = .58; ICC = .40).

Demographics. Participants responded to a host socio-demographic items similar to

Study 1, including their race/ethnicity, gender, age, annual household income, and political

orientation. Political orientation was assessed using the following item: “To what extent would
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you say that you are liberal or conservative in you overall political view?” and response options

ranged from ‘1’ extremely conservative to ‘7’ extremely liberal.

Results

Preliminary Analyses

All self-report items, excluding political orientation, were rescaled to vary from -1 to 1.

Thus, an item on a 7-point scale was converted to scores of -.99, -.66, -.33, 0, .33, .66, and .99.

Pearson’s correlations were conducted to examine the associations between performance on the

Black history quiz (e.g., total score, hits, misses, false alarms, correct rejections), endemic

racism, measures of parallels of contemporary-historical racism, evaluations of anti-Black

racism, and the acknowledgment of “reverse-racism” along with sociodemographic

characteristics of participants, namely racial/ethnic group membership and political orientation

see Table 5). For both Black and White participants’ critical racism awareness (i.e., the subscale

‘racism as endemic’), parallels of contemporary-historical racism, and evaluations of

interpersonal anti-Black racism, systemic anti-Black racism, and “reverse-racism” were

significantly correlated with each other at p <.05 and ranged from (|r| = .10 to < .30) to strong

(|r| > .50; Cohen, 1988). Unexpectedly, the total score on the Black history quiz was not

significantly correlated with any of the race-related measures of interests (e.g., critical racism

awareness, historical parallel items, evaluations of racism) for White participants and was only

correlated with evaluations of reverse-racism for Black participants (r = -.19, p = .04).

Correlations between signal detection indices (e.g., hits, misses, false alarms, correct

rejections, d’, c) and evaluations of racism were mixed. For Black participants, d’- the ability to

correctly identify true incidents of historical racism as true and false incidents of historical

racism as false, was not significantly correlated with evaluating incidents of racial bias,
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interpersonal or structural, as being indicative of anti-Black racism, nor was it correlated with

beliefs about “reverse-racism.” However, response bias, c, hit rates, and false alarm rates, were

significantly associated with beliefs about endemic racism, contemporary-historical parallels of

racism, and evaluations of racism (interpersonal, structural, “reverse”).

For White participants, d’ was only correlated with evaluations of interpersonal anti-

Black racism, such that greater discrimination on the Black history quiz was positively

associated evaluating interpersonal incidents of racism as being indicative of racism.

Additionally, among White participants, there was a strong negative correlation between misses

and response bias on the Black history quiz and evaluations of anti-Black racism, as well as, a

strong positive correlation between hits on the Black history quiz and evaluations of anti-Black

racism. While these patterns were observed among Black participants as well, they were not as

strong.

Racial Differences in Factual Historical Knowledge and Beliefs about Racism

Similar to Study 1, for all measures of interest, I conducted independent-sample t tests to

assess the difference between Black and White participants. Some analyses violated Levene’s

test for equal variances, in which case I reported the adjusted degrees of freedom and t values.

Means and standard deviations are presented in Table 6, as are the corresponding t values and d,

effect size, of the difference between the means for Black and White participants. As shown in

Table 6, contrary to my hypothesis, there was not a significant difference between how Black (M

= 7.57, SD = 1.70) versus White (M = 7.90, SD = 1.79) participants scored on the Black history

quiz, t(263) = 1.56, p = .12, SE = .21, d = .19. That is, Black participants were not more accurate

concerning factual historical anti-Black racism. Also contrary to my hypothesis, White

participants were more effective in discriminating between true incidents of racism and false
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incidents of historical racism compared to Black participants, as reflected in the significant

difference between each group’s index of sensitivity, d’ = .81 and .68, respectively, t(238) =

2.33, p = .02, SE = .04, d = .31. This difference is further quantified by Black participants (M = -

.22, SD = .66) tendency to respond true on the Black history quiz to a greater degree than White

participants (M = .22, SD = .73).

Additionally, there were significant racial differences in the pattern of response outcomes

between Black and White participants. Black participants were more likely to correctly identify

true incidents of historical anti-Black compared to White participants (i.e., hits), t(248.82) = -

3.68, p < .001, SE = .01, d = .42. Black participants were also significantly more likely to

incorrectly indicate that fictional incidents of historical racism were true compared to White

participants (i.e., false alarms), t(248.82) = -3.94, p < .001, SE = .02, d = .50. In contrast, White

participants were significantly more likely to correctly identify fictional incidents of anti-Black

historical racism compared to Black participants (i.e., correct rejections), t(263) = 4.37, p < .001,

SE = .07, d = .56. Additionally, White participants were more likely to fail to identify true

incidents of historical anti-Black racism compared to Black participants (i.e., misses), t(255.54)

= 3.13, p = .002, SE = .03, d = .44. These results show that, because I included close to half true

items, Black participants were accurate because of their tendency to assume that incidents that

described racial oppression were true, and White participants were accurate because of their

tendency to assume that incidents describing racial oppression were false.

Consistent with my expectations, I found significant racial differences on measures of

beliefs about anti-Black racism and anti-White racism as well as measures evaluating the

existence of racism in interpersonal and systemic incidents of racial bias. Similar to the findings

in Study 1, Black participants scored significantly higher on beliefs about endemic racism
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compared to White participants, t(266) = -7.37, p < .001, SE = .05, d = .91. In addition, Black

participants were also more likely to endorse items that suggested similarities between past and

present incidents of racism compared to White participants, t(253.19) = -6.30, p < .001, SE = .05,

d = .80. Taken together, these results indicate that relative to White participants, Black

participants are more likely to view racism as being historically-rooted and culturally-embedded

in U.S. society as well as more likely to acknowledge parallels between historical and

contemporary anti-Black racism.

Black participants were also more likely to perceive incidents of racial bias as indicative

of racism in both interpersonal, t(263) = -4.79, p < .001, SE = .04, d = .60 and systemic, t(263) =

-3.83, p < .001, SE = .05, d = .47 cases, relative to White participants (see Table 6 for means and

standard deviations). This was only partially consistent with the findings from Study 1, wherein

Black (vs. White) participants perceived greater racism in systemic incidents of racial bias but

White (vs. Black) participants perceived racism more in interpersonal incidents of racial bias3 .

Additionally, White participants were also significantly more likely to believe that anti-White

racism is a problem compared to Black participants, t(261) = 4.32, p < .001, SE = .05, d = .53;

however, both Black and White participants generally rejected this belief (Maverage = -.45, SDaverge

= .39).

Effects of Historical Knowledge vs. Critical Racism Awareness and Parallels on

Evaluations of Racism

Interpersonal Racism. Given the non-significant correlations observed between d’ and

evaluations of racism for Black and White participants, with the exception of evaluations of

interpersonal racism among White participants, I used hit rates to assess historical knowledge

instead of d’. A hierarchical regression analysis was performed to determine whether critical
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racism awareness (i.e., beliefs about endemic racism) and also beliefs more directly tied to the

similarities between past and present racism (i.e., parallels of historical-contemporary racism)

predicted evaluations of interpersonal racism after accounting for the effects of participant race

and knowledge of historical racism (i.e., hits associated with Black history quiz). Given that

participant race, hits, endemic racism, parallels of historical-contemporary racism, and

evaluations of both interpersonal and systemic racism, were significantly correlated with political

orientation, I controlled for political orientation in the hierarchical regression (see Table 5 for

correlations).

The hierarchical regression revealed that at step one, participant race, b = .13, SE = .04, p

= .001, and political orientation, b = .10, SE = .02, p < .001, contributed significantly to the

prediction of evaluations of interpersonal racism. That is, being Black (vs. White) and being

more politically liberal significantly predicted increases in evaluating of interpersonal incidents

of racial bias as being indicative of racism. These two variables also accounted for 21.3% of the

variation in evaluations of interpersonal racism, F(2, 253) = 35.56, p <.001. At step two,

correctly identifying true incidents on the Black history quiz (i.e., hits), b = .75, SE = .23, p =

.001, significantly predicted increases in evaluating interpersonal racial bias as being racism and

accounted for an additional 3% of the variance in evaluations of interpersonal racism, F(3, 252)

= 28.24, p <.001. This increase in R2 was small, however it was significant, F∆(1, 252) = 10.83, p

= .001.

In the last step, beliefs about endemic racism, b = .19, SE = .09, p =.03, and parallels

between historical and contemporary racism, b = .29, SE = .09, p = .002, contributed

significantly to the prediction of evaluations of interpersonal racism and explained a significant

amount of variance, F(5, 250) = 34.37, p <.001. The inclusion of these two measures into the
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regression model accounted for an additional 15.6% of the variance explained in evaluations of

interpersonal racism and this increase in R2 was significant, F∆(2, 250) = 32.86, p <.001. When

beliefs about endemic racism and parallels between contemporary-historical racism were

included in the regression model, participant race, political orientation, and hits on the Black

history quiz became non-significant predictors of evaluations of interpersonal racism, see Table

7 for details of the full model. This suggests that critical racism awareness and beliefs about the

parallels between historical and contemporary racism are stronger predictive measures of

evaluating interpersonal incidents of racial bias as indicative of racism, than correctly identifying

true incidents of racism on a Black history quiz. Further, those indices account for the variance

associated with the unique predictive value of race, political orientation, and historical

knowledge (i.e., hits on a Black history quiz).

Systemic Racism. A second hierarchical regression analysis was performed to determine

whether critical racism awareness (i.e., beliefs about endemic racism) and also beliefs more

directly tied to the similarities between past and present racism predicted evaluations of systemic

racism after accounting for the effects of participant race and knowledge of historical racism

based on the hits associated with Black history quiz. Again, I accounted for the predictive effects

of political orientation in the hierarchical regression.

The hierarchical regression revealed that at step one, participant race, b = .09, SE = .04, p

= .04, and political orientation, b = .15, SE = .02, p < .001, contributed significantly to the

prediction of evaluations of systemic racism. That is, being Black (vs. White) and being more

politically liberal significantly predicted increases in evaluating systemic racial bias as being

indicative of racism and this accounted for 27.8% of the variation in evaluations of systemic

racism, F(2, 253) = 50.25, p <.001. At step two, correctly identifying true incidents of racism on
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the Black history quiz, b = .98, SE = .25, p < .001, significantly predicted increases in evaluating

systemic racism as racism and accounted for an additional 4% of the variance in evaluations of

systemic racism, F(3, 252) = 40.46, p <.001, a reliable increase, F∆(1, 252) = 15.22, p < .001.

In the last step, beliefs about endemic racism, b = .42, SE = .09 p <.001, and parallels

between historical and contemporary racism, b = .20, SE = .09, p = .03, contributed significantly

to the prediction of evaluations of systemic racism and explained a significant amount of

variance, F(5, 250) = 55.60, p <.001. The inclusion of these two measures into the regression

model accounted for an additional 20.1% of the variance explained in evaluations of systemic

racism and this increase in R2 was significant, F∆(2, 250) = 53.19, p <.001. When beliefs about

endemic racism and parallels between contemporary and historical racism were included in the

regression model, participant race became significantly negatively suppressed and hits on the

Black history quiz became a non-significant predictor of evaluations of systemic racism, b = .43,

SE = .22, p = .05. Political orientation remained a significant predictor, b = .04, SE = .02, p = .01,

albeit the strength of this predictor did decrease, (see Table 8 for details of the full model). Again

this suggests that critical racism awareness and the additional measure of parallels between

historical and contemporary racism are stronger predictive measures of evaluating instances of

systemic racism as racism than correctly identifying true incidents of racism on a Black history

quiz, and accounts for the variance associated with the unique predictive strength of race and

correctly identifying true incidents of racism on a historical knowledge quiz, but not necessarily

all of political orientation.

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Effects of Historical Knowledge, Critical Racism Awareness and Parallels on Beliefs about

Anti-White Racism

The hierarchical regression performed on beliefs about “reverse-racism” against White

individuals revealed at step one, that participant race b = -.13, SE = .04, p < .01, and political

orientation, b = -.15, SE = .02, p < .001, contributed significantly to the prediction of

acknowledgment of reverse-racism. That is, being White (vs. Black) and more politically

conservative significantly predicted beliefs about the existence of reverse anti-White racism and

this accounted for 32.7% of the variation in this outcome, F(2, 252) = 61.10, p <.001. At step

two, correctly identifying true incidents of racism on the Black history quiz, b = -.38, SE = .24, p

= .12, did not significantly predicted beliefs about reverse-racism nor did it add to the predictive

model, F∆(1, 251) = 2.48, p = .12.

In the last step, beliefs about endemic racism, b = -.09, SE = .10, p = .37, and parallels

between historical and contemporary racism, b = -.26, SE = .11, p = .01, contributed significantly

to the prediction of acknowledgment of reverse-racism and explained a significant amount of

variance, F(5, 250) = 33.41, p <.001. The inclusion of these two measures into the regression

model accounted for an additional 7% of the variance explained in beliefs about reverse-racism

and this increase in R2 , although small, was significant, F∆(2, 249) = 14.21, p <.001. However,

this increase in R2 , is attributable to the effect of beliefs about the parallels between

contemporary and historical racism. When beliefs about the parallels between contemporary and

historical racism were included in the regression model, the effect of participant race was no

longer significant and the effect of political orientation decreased, see Table 9 for details on the

full model.
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Critical Racism Awareness as a Measure of Response Bias

In order to examine whether critical racism awareness predicts the tendency to respond

true or false on a Black history quiz, I conducted linear regressions on response bias, c, with the

predictors: participant race, political orientation and beliefs about endemic racism and the

parallels between historical and contemporary racism. When predicting response bias on their

own, both beliefs about endemic racism, R2 = .14, b = -.65, SE = .10, p < .001, and beliefs about

the parallels of historical-contemporary racism, R2 = .14, b = -.65, SE = .10, p < .001, predicted

response bias to the same degree. That is, perceiving racism as endemic and acknowledging the

similarities between past and present racism predicted a greater tendency to respond true versus

false on the Black history quiz, which confirmed my hypothesis. However, when included

together, the effects of beliefs about endemic racism, p = .12, and the parallels of historical-

contemporary racism, p = .06, became non-significant. Furthermore, when beliefs about endemic

racism and the parallels of historical-contemporary racism were included with race and political

orientation, only the effect of race remained a significant predictor; such that, being Black (vs.

White) predicted a greater bias towards responding true (vs. false), p = .01.

Summary and Discussion

In Study 2 I included several of the exact same measures from the Black history quiz

used in prior studies to assess critical knowledge of historical anti-Black racism as well as

several exact measures of evaluations interpersonal and structural racism (e.g., Nelson et al.,

2012). I also included a new outcome, beliefs about reverse, anti-White racism. Although Black

participants generally perceived greater racism than White participants, they did not differ in

knowledge of historical racism when historical knowledge was measured as a function of the

total amount of correct answers participants got on the true-false Black history quiz nor when it
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
was measured as reality attunement (i.e., effectively discriminating between true incidents of

racism and false incidents of racism; d’ ). However, Black participants were more likely to

correctly identify true incidents of racism compared to White participants. Alternatively, White

participants were more likely to correctly identify false incidents of racism as false compared to

Black participants.

Similar to our findings of Study 1, Black participants endorsed statements about racism

being historically-rooted and endemic to U.S. society and acknowledged the parallels between

historical and contemporary racism to a greater degree than White participants. Additionally, in

Study 2, Black participants were more perceptive to incidents of both interpersonal and systemic

racism compared to White participants. However, for both Black and White participants, greater

critical racism awareness, namely about the endemic nature of racism, and a greater

acknowledgment of the similarities between past and present racism predicted increases in

evaluating racism in both interpersonal and systemic incidents of racial bias. These effects held

even after accounting for political orientation and knowledge of historical racism when measured

as a function of hits on a Black history quiz.

A slightly different pattern of results was observed among beliefs about reverse-racism or

anti-White racism such that, acknowledgment of the parallels between historical and

contemporary racism was the strongest predictor of attitudes towards reverse-racism. For both

Black and White participants, believing in the similarities between past and present forms of

anti-Black racism was associated with less endorsement of notions surrounding anti-White

racism being a problem comparable to other racial/ethnic minorities, and this effect held even

after accounting for participant race, political orientation, hits on a Black history quiz, and

beliefs about endemic racism.

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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
General Discussion

Across both studies I find support for longstanding racial differences in beliefs about and

evaluations of racism. Findings from Study 1 and Study 2 demonstrate that Black participants,

relative to White participants, have greater critical racism awareness (i.e., beliefs about racism

being endemic). That is, Black participants are more likely to believe that racism against Black

people in the U.S. is historically-rooted and culturally-embedded in our discourse, norms, and

institutional practices compared to their White counterparts. Black participants were also more

likely to recognize and acknowledge the parallels between historical and contemporary anti-

Black racism to a greater degree than their White participants. Additionally, relative to White

participants, Black participants are more likely to see incidents of racial bias as indicative of

racism, consistent with previous research (e.g., Barbarin & Gilbert, 1981; Carter & Murphy,

2015; Unzueta & Lowery, 2008).

While this effect held in both studies for systemic incidents of racism, surprisingly in

Study 1, White participants reported greater racism among incidents of interpersonal racial bias

compared to Black participants. Previous research suggests that for self-protective, motivational

reasons (e.g., threats against identity), White individuals are more inclined to conceive of racism

in isolated/interpersonal terms versus institutional/structural ones (Lowery et al., 2007; Unzueta

& Lowery, 2008). It is possible that when presented with both interpersonal and systemic

incidents of racism, White individuals may be extra inclined to say that interpersonal incidents of

racial bias are racist as this may excuse not acknowledging racism in the systemic incidents. I do

not see a similar pattern in Study 2.

The difference among studies could be attributable to the different items assessing

evaluations of interpersonal and systemic racism that were used in Study 1 versus Study 2. This
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
may also factor into why I observed different tendencies to evaluate interpersonal incidents of

racial bias as being indicative of racism among White participants compared to Black

participants across studies. However, when considering both interpersonal and systemic racism

together, Black participants were more likely to perceive racism than White participants.

I suggest that knowledge of historical anti-Black racism, be it familiarity with historical

(and contemporary) incidents of racism (Study 1) or the tendency/willingness

to correctly identify true incidents of historical anti-Black racism on a Black history quiz (Study

2), can increase the tendency to perceive racism among both Black and White individuals. In line

with previous research on historical knowledge, I expected that performance on a Black history

quiz, indexed by a greater tendency to correctly identify true incidents of historical racism but no

greater tendency to incorrectly claim false incidents of historical racism as true (i.e., reality

attunement), would be greater among Black individuals compared to White individuals.

Additionally, I expected that this reality attunement would be associated with increased

perceptiveness to racism, both interpersonal and systemic. However, I found no racial

differences in reality attunement nor did reality attunement significantly predict evaluations of

racism.

One possible explanation for the null findings regarding reality attunement is that the

calculated measure of reality attunement, d’, was not the exact same as what has been used in

previous research (e.g., Bonam et al., 2018; Nelson et al., 2012). In Nelson and colleagues

(2012) and Bonam and colleagues (2018) the researchers took into account how confident

participants were in their quiz responses when responding true or false to the Black history quiz.

Specifically, in addition to indicating whether items on the true-false quiz were true or false,

participants also reported their level of certainty on a scale from ‘1’ guessing to ‘5’ certain and
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
this certainty measure factored into calculations of true hits and false alarms. That is, hits were

considered hits when participants indicated that true incidents of racism were true and reported

being certain in their answer. The same was true for false alarms. Thus, previous research took a

more nuanced approach towards the assessment of historical knowledge while our approach, not

including certainty was a less conservative measure of historical knowledge.

Although I did not take degree of certainty into account, I did find that Black participants

were more likely to correctly identify true incidents of racism on the historical knowledge quiz

compared to White participants. As previously mentioned, Black participants were also more

likely to incorrectly claim fabricated incidents of racism as true compared to White participants.

This suggests that Black (vs. White) participants were more likely to perceive all incidents of

racism on the Black history quiz as possible true incidents of historical anti-Black racism. A

similar pattern of results were found among the Strickhouser and colleagues (2019) study which

failed to replicate the Marley Hypothesis using a Black historical knowledge test with a sample

of Black and White college students. Conversely, in this study, White participants were more

likely to correctly identify fabricated incidents of historical racism as false compared to Black

participants. Additionally, White participants demonstrated a greater tendency towards failing to

indicate true incidents of racism as true. Taken together, this suggests that Black participants,

relative to White participants, have a lower threshold for perceiving incidents of racism as

factual. This is consistent with my hypothesis that Black individuals may have schemas about

racism that influence their evaluations of incidents of racism to a differing degree than White

individuals.

In Study 1, familiarity was used as the measure of historical knowledge and in Study 2,

hits on the Black history was the primary measure of historical knowledge due to the null effects
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of reality attunement and total score on the quiz on perceptions and evaluations of racism. I used

these two measures to compare the differences between being knowledgeable of historical racism

versus having critical racism awareness and acknowledging connections between past and

present racism on evaluations of racism. Findings from these studies demonstrate that having

greater familiarity, a greater tendency to correctly identifying true incidents of historical racism

as true, more critical racism awareness, and explicit acknowledgment of parallels between

historical and contemporary racism each predict a greater tendency to perceive racism.

In Study 1, beliefs about endemic racism was not a stronger predictor of evaluations of

racism than familiarity with historical and contemporary incidents of racism, which was contrary

to my prediction. However, in Study 2, critical racism awareness (i.e., the belief that racism is

endemic) and acknowledgment of the continuity and similarities among past and present racism

were stronger predictors of perceiving racism, in both interpersonal and systemic incidents of

racial bias, than factual historical knowledge. These findings supported the hypothesis that there

are likely different processes operating between being knowledgeable of incidents of racism

versus having a critical assessment of racism. Future research using a more nuanced approach

towards examining historical knowledge based on Black history quiz performance in conjunction

with measures of critical racism awareness should be conducted to provide further support of

this.

Critical Racism Awareness as a Double-edge Sword

While I suggest that critical racism awareness can result in increased perceptions of

racism for both Black and White individuals, U recognize that there is the potential for

psychological reactance. Black and White individuals alike experience negative affective

responses (e.g., threat, anger) when presented with information about racial inequality that can
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
trigger constructive or destructive social justice efforts related to perceiving racial inequality and

actions to combat racism (Allen & Leach, 2018). For instance, while Bonam and colleagues

(2019) demonstrate that learning about historical racism generally increases perceptions of

systemic racism, it can also weaken perceptions of racism among White individuals who

demonstrate having a stronger racial identity. These researchers suggest that White individuals’

motivations to protect against threats to self-esteem can negatively impact attempts to use critical

racism awareness as a tool for increasing perceptions of racism.

A similar protective strategy may also occur among high identifying White individuals

when attempting to increase critical racism awareness, namely by drawing parallels between past

and present incidents of racial inequality, in order to facilitate beliefs about the prevalence of

severity of racial inequality. These attempts could shift the focus from the experiences of

racial/ethnic minorities to White individuals’ roles within these experiences and thus, can

facilitate denial or minimization of racial inequality and result in reduced efforts towards

addressing inequality (see Doosje et al., 1998; Knowles et al., 2014). I did not examine how

strongly Black or White individuals identified with their racial group and thus, was unable to

assess the potential moderating role of racial identity relevance on the relationship between

critical racism awareness and perceptions of racism.

Among Black individuals, critical racism awareness may increase societal anger, which

serves as a motivating force towards addressing racial inequality (Zomeren et al., 2012).

However, some research suggests racial/ethnic minorities may be motivated to minimize the

extent to which racial inequality in order to protect self-esteem, avoid being perceived negatively

by others, and minimize that extent racial inequality presents challenging obstacles to desired

outcomes (for review see Major et al., 2003). Thus, exposure to historical parallels that prompt
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
perceiving contemporary inequality as stemming from historical incidents of inequality can be

disempowering to Black individuals and lead one to infer that they have little efficacy to oppose

inequality. While future research is needed to better understand the effects of critical racism

awareness on perceptions of present-day inequality given the potential opposing psychological

and behavioral implications of critical racism awareness, this study provides support for the

constructive effects of having critical racism awareness on increasing individuals’ ability to

perceive racism.
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Footnotes

1 Reasons for being excluded from the data analyses were not mutually exclusive. For instance,

some participants failed attention check question and did not complete the study within the

allotted time frame.

2 Following Cumming (2009) to evaluate this hypothesis more precisely, half of the overlapping

confidence intervals was calculated and added to the familiarity beta weight upper bound

estimate. As the recognition of parallels lower bound estimate did not exceed the aforementioned

value, the difference between the familiarity and recognition unstandardized beta weights were

considered statistically significantly larger than the recognition of parallel beta weight.

3 In both study 1 and study 2, when taking the average of all perception of racism items (bot h

isolated and structural) Black participants’ tendency to perceive racism was significantly higher

than White participants.

 290

Table 1

Bivariate Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations by Racial Group for Familiarity, Critical Racism Awareness, and
Evaluations of Racism with Political Orientation
Political Familiarity CRA: CRA: Internal- Evaluations Evaluations Mean SD
Orientation Endemic External of of Systemic
Racism Attributions for Interpersonal Racism
Racism Racism
Political - .23** .48** .33** .46** .40** 3.67 1.13
Orientation
Familiarity .17** - .43** .40** .35** .39** .67 .19
CRA: Endemic .55** .30** - .61** .61** .71** .43 .41
Racism
CRA: Internal- .54** .31** .79** - .46** .52** .51 .34
External
Attributions for
Racism
Evaluations of .36** .13** .30** .31** - .71** .56 .50
Interpersonal
Racism
Evaluations of .41** .27** .67** .63** .36** - .35 .48
Systemic Racism
Mean 3.41 .59 .25 .37 .71 .28
SD 1.32 .19 .43 .43 .35 .43
Notes. N = 566 for White Participants below the diagonal. N = 482 for Black Participants above the diagonal. Political
orientation ranged from 1 = ‘Close to Republican’ to 5 = ‘Close to Democrat’. All other measures ranged from -1 to 1. CRA =
critical racism awareness. * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
 291

Table 2

Means, and Standard Deviations by Racial Group for Familiarity, Critical Racism
Awareness, and Perceptions of Racism
White Black
Participants Participants
d
Measures M SD M SD t (effect
size)
Familiarity with .59 .18 .67 .19 -7.19*** .43
Contemporary and
Historical Race-related
Events
CRA: Endemic Racism .25 .43 .43 .41 -6.73*** .43

CRA: Internal-External .37 .43 .51 .35 - .36

Attributions for Racism 5.63^***

Evaluations of .71 .35 .56 .50 5.41^*** .35

Interpersonal Racism

Evaluations of Systemic .28 .43 .35 .48 -2.62^** .15

Racism

Notes. N = 1048. All other measures ranged from -1 to 1 with higher values suggestive
of more perceived racial inequality, external attributions for racism, and willingness to
protest police brutality. CRA = critical racism awareness.
**p < .05. *** p <.001. ^ Significant Levene’s test for heterogeneity of variance.
 292

Table 3

Hierarchical Multiple Regression Predicting Evaluations of Interpersonal Racism from Race, Political Orientation,
Familiarity, and Critical Racism Awareness
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Variable b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽
Constant .25*** (.04) .04(.05) .25*** (.05)
Race (Whites = 0) -.18*** (.02) -.21 -.22*** (.02) -.25 -.24*** (.02) -.28
Political Orientation .14*** (.01) .39 .12***(.01) .36 .07*** (.01) .21
Familiarity .43*** (.07) .19 .22** (.07) .10
CRA: Endemic .31
Racism .31*** (.04)

CRA: Internal- .02

External
Attributions for .02(.04)
Racism
R
2 .18 .21 .33
F 114.98*** 93.48*** 79.16***
ΔR
2 .18 .03 .06
ΔF 114.98*** 41.53*** 45.65***

Notes. Valid listwise N= 1044. Political orientation ranged from 1 = ‘Close to Republican’ to 5 = ‘Close to Democrat’. All
other measures ranged from -1 to 1. CRA = critical racism awareness. *** p <.001, ** p<.01, * p<.05
 293

Table 4

Hierarchical Multiple Regression Predicting Evaluations of Systemic Racism from Race, Political Orientation, Familiarity,
and Critical Racism Awareness
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Variable b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽
Constant -.22*** (.04) -.54(.05) -.10* (.05)
Race (Whites = 0) .04 (.03) .04 -.01*** (.03) -.01 -.07* (.02) -.07
Political Orientation .15*** (.01) .40 .13***(.01) .35 .02 (.01) .04
Familiarity .65*** (.07) .27 .20** (.06) 09
CRA: Endemic
Racism .56*** (.04) .54

CRA: Internal-
External
Attributions for .17***(.04) .15
Racism

R
2 .16 .23 .49
F 103.59*** 105.47*** 204.63***
ΔR
2 .16 .07 .26
ΔF 103.59*** 91.27*** 271.21***

Notes. Valid listwise N= 1044. Political orientation ranged from 1 = ‘Close to Republican’ to 5 = ‘Close to Democrat’. All
other measures ranged from -1 to 1. CRA = critical racism awareness. *** p <.001, ** p<.01, * p<.05
 294
Table 5.

Bivariate Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations by Racial Group for Historical Knowledge, Critical Racism Awareness, Perceptions of
Racism, and Signal Detection Outcomes of the Black History Quiz with Political Orientation
Political Historic. CRA: Parallels Interper Structural Reverse Hit Miss False Correct d’ c M SD
Orient Know. Endemic sonal Racism Racism Alarms Rejects
Racism Racism

Political
- .07 .45** .50** .31** .42** -.39** .15 -.22* .12 -.08 .03 -.18* 5.15 1.03
Orientation

Historical
.13 - .09 .12 .14 .03 -.19* .18* .39** .63** .78** .93** .36** 7.57 1.70
Knowledge

CRA:
Endemic .63** .15 - .85** .58** .65** -.47** .18* -.29** .16 -.11 .01 -.24** .54 .36
Racism

Parallels of
Contemp.- .68** .11 .85** - .55** .57** -.58** .21* -.34** .17 -.11 .06 -.27** .62 .35
Hist. Racism

Isolated
.46** .16 .54** .61** - .60** -.35** .13 -.24** .12 -.06 -.01 -.17 .50 .32
Racism

Systemic
.57** .11 .68** .70** .71** -- -.36** .24** -.28** .20* -.18* -.08 -.29** .28 .37
Racism

Reverse
-.61** -.17 -.52** -.55** -.44** -.52** - -.09 .20* -.04 -.02 -.03 .09 -.55 .36
Racism

Hit .27** .30** .33** .39** .35** .31** -.20** - -.76** .01 -.15 .28** -.62** .51 .08

Miss -.27** -.46** -.39** -.37** -.36** -.35** .24** -.93** - -.24** .12 -.22* .67** .04 .08
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Table 5.

Bivariate Correlations, Means, and Standard Deviations by Racial Group for Historical Knowledge, Critical Racism Awareness, Perceptions of
Racism, and Signal Detection Outcomes of the Black History Quiz with Political Orientation
Political Historic. CRA: Parallels Interper Structural Reverse Hit Miss False Correct d’ c M SD
Orient Know. Endemic sonal Racism Racism Alarms Rejects
Racism Racism

-
False Alarm .08 -.59** .14 .07 .02 .10 .02 .06 -.10 - -.93** -.78** .24 .14
.88**

Correct
-.08 .66** -.12 -.12 -.04 -.10 -.03 -.20* .11 -.94** - .86** .81** .20 .13
Rejection

d’ .11 .97** .17 .17 .20* .14 -.21* .49** -.49** -.79** .76** - .47** .68 .40

c -.24** .14 -.33** -.33** -.27** -.30** .14 -.78** .75** -.66** .74** .11 - -.22 .66

M 4.54 7.90 .20 .31 .30 .09 -.35 .47 .08 .18 .27 .81 .22

SD 1.55 1.79 .39 .44 .35 .43 .40 .11 .10 .12 .12 .45 .73
Notes. N = 133 for White Participants who are below the diagonal. N = 132 for Black Participants who are above the diagonal. Politic al orientation ranged from 1 = ‘extremely
Conservative’ to 7 = ‘extremely Liberal’ . Historical Knowledge – sum of correct answers on Black History Quiz, ranges from 0 to 11. Hit, Miss, False Alarms, and Correct
Rejections represent proportions that range from 0 to 1. All other measures ranged from -1 to 1 with higher values suggestive of greater beliefs in endemic racism, perceived racial
inequality, and perceived reverse racism. * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2 -tailed). ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
 296

Table 6.

Means, and Standard Deviations by Racial Group for Historical Knowledge, Beliefs about
Endemic Racism and Parallels of Contemporary-Historical Racism, and Evaluations of Racism
White Black
Participants Participants
d
Measures M SD M SD t (effect
size)

Historical Knowledge (Black 7.90 1.79 7.57 1.70 1.56 .19

History quiz)

CRA: Endemic Racism .20 .39 .54 .36 -7.37*** .91

Parallels of Contemporary- .32 .43 .62 .35 -6.30^*** .80

Historical Racism

Evaluations of Interpersonal .30 .35 .50 .32 -4.70*** .60

Racism
Evaluations of Systemic .09 .43 .28 .37 -3.83*** .47
Racism
Evaluations of Reverse -.35 .40 -.55 .36 4.32*** .53
Racism
Hist. Knowledge: Hit .47 .11 .51 .08 -3.68^*** .42
Average
Hist. Knowledge: Miss .08 .10 .04 .08 3.13^** .44
Average
Hist. Knowledge: False .19 .11 .25 .13 -3.94^*** .50
Alarm Average
Hist. Knowledge: Correct .27 .12 .20 .13 4.37*** .56
Rejection Average
d’ Reality Attunement .81 .45 .68 .40 2.32** .31

c .22 .73 -.22 .66 5.15** .63

Notes. N = 263. Historical Knowledge – sum of correct answers on Black History Quiz, ranges
from 0 to 11. Hit, Miss, False Alarms, and Correct Rejections represent proportions that range
from 0 to 1. All other measures ranged from -1 to 1 with higher values suggestive of greater
beliefs in endemic racism, perceived racial inequality, and perceived reverse racism.
**p < .05. *** p <.001. ^ Significant Levene’s test for heterogeneity of variance.
 297

Table 7

Hierarchical Multiple Regression Predicting Isolated Conceptions of Racism from Race, Political Orientation, Historical
Knowledge, Critical Racism Awareness, and Parallels of Contemporary-Historical Racism
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Variable b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽

Constant -.17* (.07) -.47*** (.12) -.05(.12)

Race (Whites = 0) .13** (.04) .18 .10* (.04) .15 .02(.04) .02

Political Orientation .10*** (.02) .39 .09*** (.02) .35 .02(.02) .06

Black History Quiz: .75** (.23) .19 .32(.21) .08

Hits
CRA: Endemic .19* (.09) .23
Racism

Parallels of .29** (.09) .35

Contemporary-
Historical Racism

R
2 .22 .25 .41
F 35.56*** 28.24*** 34.37***
ΔR
2 .22 .03 .16
ΔF 35.56*** 10.83 32.86
Notes. Valid listwise N= 255. Political orientation ranged from 1 = ‘extremely Conservative’ to 7 = ‘extremely Liberal’. Mean of
Political orientation = 4.84. Hits represent proportions that range from 0 to 1. All other measures ranged from -1 to 1 with higher
values suggestive of greater beliefs in endemic racism and parallels between contemporary and historical racism. *** p <.001, **
p<.01, * p<.05
 298

Table 8

Hierarchical Multiple Regression Predicting Systemic Conceptions of Racism from Race, Political Orientation, Historical
Knowledge, Critical Racism Awareness, and Parallels of Contemporary-Historical Racism
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Variable b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽
Constant -.61*** (.08) -1.00*** (.13) -.45*** (.12)
Race (Whites = 0) .09* (.04) .11 .06 (.04) .07 -.07 (.04) -.08

Political Orientation .15*** (.02) .50 .14*** (.02) .45 .04* (02) .14

Black History Quiz: .98*** (.25) .21 .43 (.22) .09

Hits
CRA: Endemic .42*** (.09) .43
Racism

Parallels of .20*** (.09) .21

Contemporary-
Historical Racism

R
2 .28 .32 .52
F 50.25*** 40.46*** 55.60***
ΔR
2 .28 .04 .20
ΔF 50.25*** 15.22*** 53.19***
Notes. Valid listwise N= 255. Political orientation ranged from 1 = ‘extremely Conservative’ to 7 = ‘extremely Liberal’. Mean of
Political orientation = 4.84. Hits represent proportions that range from 0 to 1. All other measures ranged from -1 to 1 with higher
values suggestive of greater beliefs in endemic racism and parallels between contemporary and historical racism. *** p <.001, **
p<.01, * p<.05
 299

Table 9

Hierarchical Multiple Regression Predicting Reverse Racism from Race, Political Orientation, Historical Knowledge, Critical
Racism Awareness, and Parallels of Contemporary-Historical Racism
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Variable b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽 b (SE) 𝛽
Constant .35*** (.08) .50*** (.12) .19 (.13)
Race (Whites = 0) -.13** (.04) -.16 -.11 (.04) -.15 -.05 (.04) -.06

Political Orientation -.15*** (.02) -.52 -.15*** (.02) -.50 -.09* (02) -.29

Black History Quiz: -.38 (.24) .24 -.08 (.24) -.02

Hits
CRA: Endemic -.09 (.10) -.10
Racism
Parallels of -.26* (.11) -.28
Contemporary-
Historical Racism

R
2 .33 .33 .39
F 61.10*** 41.80*** 33.41***
ΔR
2 .01 .07
ΔF 2.48 14.21***
Notes. Valid listwise N= 255. Political orientation ranged from 1 = ‘extremely Conservative’ to 7 = ‘extremely Liberal’. Mean of
Political orientation = 4.84. Hits represent proportions that range from 0 to 1. All other measures ranged from -1 to 1 with higher
values suggestive of greater beliefs in endemic racism and parallels between contemporary and historical racism. *** p <.001, **
p<.01, * p<.05.
 300

Figures

Plot of 95% Confidence Intervals

0.5

0.4
Isolated Racism
Beta range for

0.3

0.2

0.1

Familiarity Endemic
Racism

Figure 1. The plot 95% Confidence Intervals for the measure of familiarity with historical and
contemporary events involving racism and beliefs about endemic racism predicting isolated
incidents of racism.
 301

Plot of 95% Confidence Intervals

0.7

0.6

0.5
Systemic Racism
Beta range for

0.4

0.3

0.2

0.1

Familiarity Ende micRacism

Figure 2. The plot 95% Confidence Intervals for the measure of familiarity with historical and
contemporary events involving racism and beliefs about endemic racism predicting systemic
incidents of racism.
 302
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Plot of 95% Confidence Interval

0.4
Systemic Racism

0.3
Beta range for

0.2

0.1

Familiarity Attributions for

Racism

Figure 3. The plot 95% Confidence Intervals for the measure of familiarity with historical and
contemporary events involving racism and beliefs about internal versus external attributions for
racism predicting systemic incidents of racism.
 303
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix A

Study 1: Familiarity Measures

Instructions: For each item below, please indicate how familiar or unfamiliar you are with it by
clicking the button that best describes how familiar or unfamiliar you are.

Completely Possibly Somewhat Extremely

Unfamiliar (1) Familiar (2) Familiar (3) Familiar (4)

Flint Water Crisis

o o o o
Racism Regarding
Hurricane Katrina
in New Orleans o o o o
Black Lives
Matter o o o o
"Say Her Name"
o o o o
War on Drugs
o o o o
Jim Crow
o o o o
14th Amendment
o o o o
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix B

Study 2: Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale Items

Instructions: Show how much you personally disagree or agree with each sentence below by
clicking a button marked with the phrase that matches what you believe.

Neither Agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor Disagree
Disagree (1) Disagree (2) Agree (4) Agree (5)
(3)

1.When people use and believe negative stereotypes about Blacks, it helps disguise the true
causes of racial inequality.

2.Blaming racial inequality on things like Black family culture is a way to take the blame off the
history of race discrimination.

3.When successful Blacks do well, Whites assure themselves that they owe nothing to Blacks for
past discrimination.

4.The myth of equal opportunity denies how much Whites have exploited Blacks and excluded
them from opportunities.

5.White supremacy is still a powerful force in the U.S.

6.Police violence against Black people comes from a discriminatory culture of policing.

7.Forcing prisoners to work to pay for their prison upkeep is similar to slavery and share-
cropping.

8.Black people who get convicted of a felony are treated like Blacks were during Jim Crow
because ex-convicts often lose their voting rights and job opportunities.

9.Police killing Blacks and getting away with it is a form of modern-day lynching.
 305
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Instructions: For each question below there are two different answers that people have
previously provided for these questions. Which answer do you think is best? Move the slider in
the direction of the answer you think is best. The better you believe the answer to be, the more
you can move the slider in that direction, all the way to the end. You can position the slider
anywhere along the line. If you think neither answer is better than the other, or are neutral, move
the slider and then move it back to the center.

Crime in Black communities is largely due to which?

The low morals Neutral The high levels
and poor choices of poverty and
of some Blacks lack of resources
in these areas

()

Black people that are sentenced in courts are more likely to receive the death penalty than
Whites are. Why is this?
Blacks commit Neutral Courts sentence
more serious Blacks more
crimes than harshly than
Whites Whites for
similar crimes

()

On average, Black students score lower on standardized tests than White students do. Why
is this?
Black parents Neutral States don't hire
don't value enough teachers
education or buy up-to-date
learning
materials for
majority-Black
schools

()

Racism:
Acts done by Neither meaning Acts done by
specific people more than the specific people
only other and institutions
 306
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

()

When there are incidents of racism and discrimination, what is the cause?
A handful of Neutral This is built-in to
individuals cause our history, our
99% of the institutions,
incidents and our ordinary
beliefs

()

What explains Black inequality best?

Cultural and Neutral Policies and laws
family practices created by
within Black institutions and
communities the government

()

White families have more net wealth (e.g., cars, homes, savings) than Black families. Which
is this more due to?
Historically, Neutral In previous
White people generations,
tend to be more Blacks could not
responsible with save money to
their money to pass to the next
pass down to the generation
next generation because they
were unpaid as
slaves or had
low-paying jobs

()
 307
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix C

Study 2: Perception of Racism Measures

Instructions: For each statement below, please indicated how much you believe that the
statement is or is not racist by clicking the button under the phrase that reflects your opinion best.

Might or
Definitely is Probably is Probably is Definitely is
might not be
not racist (1) not racist (2) racist (4) racist (5)
racist (3)
A car salesman
offers lower
prices to White
customers than
non-White
o o o o o
customers.
A teacher is
overheard
using racial
slurs to refer to
Hispanic and
o o o o o
Black students.
A taxi driver
refuses to pick
up African
Americans
who hail his
o o o o o
cab.
A city adopts
zoning
ordinances that
prohibit low-
income and
multifamily
households in
o o o o o
predominantly
White
communities.
A university
ends its
affirmative
action
program, o o o o o
resulting in a
large drop in
 308
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Black
enrollment.
A downtown
renewal project
results in the
dislocation of a
large number
of racial
minorities
o o o o o
from their
homes and
communities.
 309
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix D

Study 2: Historical Knowledge “Black History Quiz” Measures

Instructions: Indicate whether you believe each statement below to be True or False about
Black American History.

True (1) False (2)

African American Paul
Ferguson was shot outside of his
Alabama home for trying to
integrate professional football. o o
(False)
The Unites States criminal
justice system has historically
delivered longer sentences to
Black Americans than White
Americans who commit the
o o
same crimes. (True)
Less than 200 Black people
were lynched in the U.S. during
the one hundred year span
between 1870 and 1970. (False)
o o
In Tuskegee, Alabama the U.S.
Government deceived over 600
African American men by
hiding their diagnosis of
syphilis, and for the next forty
years denied them medical
o o
treatment for this potentially
fatal disease. (True)
The U.S. government
deliberately created and
administered the HIV virus to
over 900 African Americans in a
secret project during the 1980s.
o o
(False)
In the 1980’s congress passed
the Purity Act which prevents
Black immigrants from entering
the U.S. (False)
o o
The Emancipation Proclamation
did not abolish slavery
throughout the U.S. (Full
citizenship was not established
o o
 310
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

for Black Americans until the

14th Amendment was adopted.)
(True)
The Supreme Court ruling in
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), that
separate facilities for Whites and
Blacks were constitutional,
encouraged discriminatory laws.
o o
(True)
Fourteen year old African
American Emmett Till was
kidnapped, beaten, shot, and
dumped for allegedly whistling
at a White woman. Two white
men acquitted for his murder by
an all- White jury later boasted
o o
about committing the murder in
a Look magazine interview.
(True)
Jim Crow laws—which enforced
segregation, limited job
opportunities and kept Black
Americans from voting—were o o
in effect until the 1960s. (True)
In the 1970’s, the F.B. I.
developed a program to ensure
high unemployment rates of
African American people to
maintain an inexpensive pool of
o o
workers. (False)
 311
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix E

Study 2: Critical Racism Awareness and Parallels of Historical-Contemporary Racism

Measures

Instructions: Please indicate how much you personally disagree or agree with each statement
below by clicking a button marked with the option that matches what you believe.

Neither
Strongly Somewhat agree Strongly
Disagree Somewhat Agree
disagree disagree nor agree
(2) agree (5) (6)
(1) (3) disagree (7)
(4)
When people
use and
believe
negative
stereotypes
about Blacks,
it helps o o o o o o o
disguise the
true causes of
racial
inequality.
Blaming racial
inequality on
things like
Black family
culture is a
way to take
the blame off
o o o o o o o
the history of
race
discrimination.
When
successful
Blacks do
well, Whites
assure
themselves
that they owe
o o o o o o o
nothing to
Blacks for past
discrimination.
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ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

The myth of
equal
opportunity
denies how
much Whites
have exploited
Blacks and
o o o o o o o
excluded them
from
opportunities.
White
supremacy is
still a
powerful force o o o o o o o
in the U.S.
Police
violence
against Black
people comes
from a
discriminatory
o o o o o o o
culture of
policing.
Forcing
prisoners to
work to pay
for their prison
upkeep is
similar to o o o o o o o
slavery and
share-
cropping.
Black people
who get
convicted of a
felony are
treated like
Blacks were
during Jim
Crow because o o o o o o o
ex-convicts
often lose their
voting rights
and job
opportunities.
 313
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Police killing
Blacks and
getting away
with it is a
form of o o o o o o o
modern-day
lynching.
Closing
polling places
in Black
neighborhoods
has similar
consequences
to the laws
passed after
the Civil War
o o o o o o o
to prevent
Blacks from
voting (e.g.,
literacy tests,
poll taxes).
Generations of
slavery and
discrimination
have created
conditions that
make it
difficult for o o o o o o o
Blacks to
work their
way out of the
lower class.
There are a lot
of similarities
between the
current state of
racial violence
against Black
Americans and
other o o o o o o o
racial/ethnic
minorities, and
those of
America’s
past.
 314
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Neither
Strongly Somewhat agree Strongly
Disagree Somewhat Agree
disagree disagree nor agree
(2) agree (5) (6)
(1) (3) disagree (7)
(4)
When people
use and
believe
negative
stereotypes
about Blacks,
it helps o o o o o o o
disguise the
true causes of
racial
inequality.
Blaming racial
inequality on
things like
Black family
culture is a
way to take
the blame off
o o o o o o o
the history of
race
discrimination.
When
successful
Blacks do
well, Whites
assure
themselves
that they owe
o o o o o o o
nothing to
Blacks for past
discrimination.
The myth of
equal
opportunity
denies how
much Whites
have exploited
Blacks and
o o o o o o o
excluded them
from
opportunities.
 315
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

White
supremacy is
still a
powerful force o o o o o o o
in the U.S.
Police
violence
against Black
people comes
from a
discriminatory
o o o o o o o
culture of
policing.

Forcing
prisoners to
work to pay
for their prison
upkeep is
similar to o o o o o o o
slavery and
share-
cropping.

Black people
who get
convicted of a
felony are
treated like
Blacks were
during Jim
Crow because o o o o o o o
ex-convicts
often lose their
voting rights
and job
opportunities.
Police killing
Blacks and
getting away
with it is a
form of o o o o o o o
modern-day
lynching.
 316
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Closing
polling places
in Black
neighborhoods
has similar
consequences
to the laws
passed after
the Civil War
o o o o o o o
to prevent
Blacks from
voting (e.g.,
literacy tests,
poll taxes).
Generations of
slavery and
discrimination
have created
conditions that
make it
difficult for o o o o o o o
Blacks to
work their
way out of the
lower class.
There are a lot
of similarities
between the
current state of
racial violence
against Black
Americans and
other o o o o o o o
racial/ethnic
minorities, and
those of
America’s
past.
 317
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix F

Study 2: Perceptions of Anti-Black Racism Measures

Instructions: For each statement below, please indicate the degree to which you believe each
statement describes a case of racism, by selecting the button under the phrase that reflects your
opinion best.

Might
Definitely Probably
Is not or might Probably Is Definitely
is not is not
racism not be is racism racism is racism
racism racism
(2) racist (5) (6) (7)
(1) (3)
(4)
Several people
walk into a
restaurant at
the same time.
The server
attends to all
the White
customers first.
The last
o o o o o o o
customer
served happens
to be the only
person of
color.
The relatively
small number
of African
Americans in
professional
sports
coaching
positions
(NBA, NFL)
o o o o o o o
relative to the
number of
African
American
athletes.
An African
American man
goes to a real
estate company
to look for a o o o o o o o
house. The
agent takes
 318
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

him to look
only at homes
in low income
neighborhoods.

The decision
of the USA to
withdraw from
the United
Nations o o o o o o o
conference on
racism.
An African
American
woman made
reservations
for a rental car
over the phone,
but when she
arrived in
person to
o o o o o o o
collect the car,
the agent
informed her
that no cars
were available.
The policy of
denying
Mexican trucks
access to US
highways,
even though
(a) Canadian
trucks have
unimpeded o o o o o o o
access and (b)
access for
Mexican trucks
is mandated by
the NAFTA
accord.
 319
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Lashandra
Jenkins and
Amy Conner
applied for the
same job. The
have nearly
identical
qualifications. o o o o o o o
Amy gets
called for an
interview and
Lashandra
does not.
Sentencing
practices
whereby
possession of
any quantity of
cocaine is
punishable by
a maximum
sentence of
one year,
whereas
possession of 5
o o o o o o o
grams of crack
(made from
cocaine and
baking soda)
carries a
mandatory 5
year minimum
sentence.
 320
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Appendix G

Study 2: Perceptions of Reverse-Racism Measures

Do you agree or disagree that, through no fault of their own, White individuals are economically
losing ground today compared to other racial and ethnic groups?

o Strongly disagree
o Disagree
o Somewhat disagree
o Neither agree nor disagree
o Somewhat agree
o Agree
o Strongly agree

Do you agree or disagree that discrimination against White individuals has become as big a
problem as discrimination against Black individuals and other minorities?

o Strongly disagree
o Disagree
o Somewhat disagree
o Neither agree nor disagree
o Somewhat agree
o Agree
o Strongly agree
 321
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Neither agree
Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly
nor disagree
disagree (1) disagree (3) agree (4) agree (5)
(3)
Our society
should do
whatever is
necessary to
make sure that
everyone has o o o o o
an equal
opportunity to
succeed.
There are poor
people in the
U.S. due to the
lack of effort
by the poor
o o o o o
themselves.
I would speak
up publicly to
show my
support for
those fighting
the police use
o o o o o
of excessive
force.
There has
been too much
talk and not
enough real
action in doing
away with
o o o o o
racial
discrimination.
There are poor
people in the
U.S. due to the
failure of
private
industry to
o o o o o
provide
enough jobs.
 322
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Police killing
Blacks and
getting away
with it is a
form of o o o o o
modern-day
lynching.
I avoid news
and
information
about
incidents of
racism against o o o o o
Blacks
because it’s
too upsetting.
 323
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

Instructions: For each question below there are two different answers that people have
previously provided for these questions. Which answer do you think is best? Move the slider in
the direction of the answer you think is best. The better you believe the answer to be, the more
you can move the slider in that direction, all the way to the end. You can position the slider
anywhere along the line. If you think neither answer is better than the other, or are neutral, move
the slider and then move it back to the center.

What explains Black inequality best?

Cultural and Neutral Policies and laws
family practices created by
within Black institutions and
communities the government

()

White families have more net wealth (e.g., cars, homes, savings) than Black families. Which
is this more due to?
Historically, Neutral In previous
White people generations,
tend to be more Blacks could not
responsible with save money to
their money to pass to the next
pass down to the generation
next generation because they
were unpaid as
slaves or had
low-paying jobs

()

Black people that are sentenced in courts are more likely to receive the death penalty than
Whites are. Why is this?
Blacks commit Neutral Courts sentence
more serious Blacks more
crimes than harshly than
Whites Whites for
similar crimes
 324
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE

()

When there are incidents of racism and discrimination, what is the cause?
A handful of Neutral This is built-in to
individuals cause our history, our
99% of the institutions,
incidents and our ordinary
beliefs

()

The police are sometimes accused of brutality. What do you think they do most of the time?
Using necessary Neutral Using excessive
force in force
dangerous
situations

()

In order to improve their social, political, and economic standing in the U.S., what should
Black people do?
Each Black Neutral Blacks should
person should work together to
work hard to help each other
improve himself as a community
or herself

()
 325
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
Instructions: Each question below presents a phrase and two different meanings that different
people believe the phrase to have. Which meaning is closest to what you believe? For each
phrase, select and move the slider towards the meaning you think is most correct. You can move
the slider all the way to either end if you think one meaning is completely right and the other is
completely wrong. Or you can move the slider anywhere in between. If you want to indicate
"neither meaning more than the other," please move the slider and then slide it back to the center.

All Lives Matter:

A reminder of Neither meaning A denial of
racial equality more than the ongoing racism
other that targets
Blacks
specifically

()

Blue Lives Matter:

Values the lives Neither meaning Attack on "Black
of police officers more than the Lives Matter"
other

()

Black Lives Matter:

Puts Black Neither meaning A reminder that
people's lives more than the Black lives
ahead of the lives other matter because
of police or other our society often
races acts like they
don't

()
 326
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
General Conclusion

Across three papers, I have explored what it means to be woke or critically aware of anti-

Black racism. By reconceptualizing traditional theories on awareness of injustice and oppression

(i.e., critical consciousness; Black/African-American consciousness), I have demonstrated that

both those who have been historically disenfranchised (i.e., Black individuals) and those of the

dominant group (i.e., White individuals) can possess critical racism awareness, albeit it to

varying degrees. The first paper discusses the creation and evaluation of a measure of woke (i.e.,

critical racism awareness) that is assessible to both Black and White people alike. In that paper,

using a nationally represented sample of Black and White Americans, I demonstrated that the

Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale is a valid, reliable measures of in-depth awareness about

the historically rooted and endemic nature of anti-Black racism to U.S. society. I further

demonstrated that both Black and White people are able to acknowledge the historically rooted

nature and severity of racism in U.S., recognize the structural factors that contribute to the

perpetuation and maintenance of racism, feel a sense of obligation to know about racism, and

demonstrate knowledge of contemporary movements regarding racism.

Throughout the dissertation, I have made the argument that being woke, or stated

differently having critical racism awareness, is associated with perceptions of racism.

Specifically, that the more critical racism awareness that an individual has, the more perceptive

they are to both isolated and systemic racism. The results presented here across the three studies

suggest that having critical knowledge regarding past and present racism is predictive of

perceptiveness to racism. Furthermore, that this association exists regardless of an individuals’

racial/ethnic identity. This work expands our understanding of what knowledge of racism can do

towards increasing beliefs about racism and engagement in efforts to combat injustice by
 327
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
considering the perspectives of those at the top and the bottom of the social hierarchy. Taken

together, these studies suggest that efforts to increase consciousness or awaken individuals and

“reveal[…] the nature of the oppressor” (King, 1968; p.9) should not be limited to those who are

marginalized but should also place the onus of awareness on the privileged as well.

Scholars have critiqued social-psychological research examining beliefs about racism and

inequality and the subsequent implications of these beliefs on responses to racism as being

largely ahistorical (see Bonilla-Silva, 1997, 2017; Feagin, 2013). In addition to examining the

effect of critical racism awareness on perceptions of racism, I have attempted to understand how

beliefs about the historically rooted nature of racism can predict engagement in efforts to combat

it. In the first paper I created a measure of critical racism awareness that reflects the historical

nature of racism in several of the measure’s subdimensions. In the second paper I explored the

relationship between beliefs about explicit measures of historical racism (e.g., items from the

Critical Racism Awareness Woke Scale) and individuals’ interpretations of illustrations that

suggests a parallel between historical and contemporary institutionalized violence against Black

individuals. Additionally, I examined how individuals’ degree of critical racism awareness is

related to perceptions of racism in policing and their willingness to combat police brutality. In

the third paper I examined the effects of historical knowledge of racism and critical racism

awareness on perceptions of anti-Black racism and beliefs about anti-White racism. In all, the

findings from these papers inform us that historical knowledge and critical understanding

regarding racism impacts how we perceive current events surrounding racial inequality, and

subsequently how we respond to it. It is my belief that without a historical perspective, century-

old framings and investigations of racism and inequality will continue to fall short in addressing

racial injustice and continue to perpetuate systematic racism that is just as oppressive as
 328
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
historical colonialism and slavery (for a discussion see, Adams et al., 2018; Elias & Feagin,

2016). Simply, failing to represent racism as historically rooted is problematic because it

promotes a level of ignorance about the reality of racial inequality that continues to perpetuate

oppression, making it impossible to gains lessons from past experiences to better address the

present.

Many researchers have begun to draw on a cultural-psychological framework to

understand the role of history on beliefs about racism. These scholars have empirically examined

the effects of representations of Black history and historical knowledge about anti-Black racism

on perceptions of racism and how this knowledge promotes (or impedes) anti-racism efforts

(Nelson et al., 2010, 2012; Salter & Adams, 2016). However, research in this area is still nascent.

I hope that the theory and research presented in this dissertation contributes to the growing body

of literature that places issues of racial bias into a socio-historical context to better understand

current events and fight towards social justice.

The multi-method research presented in this dissertation also makes methodological

contributions to the social psychological study of racism and race relations. The present research

makes use of conventional close-ended measures to assess critical racism awareness as well as

qualitative analysis of individuals’ free-responses to police violence illustrations to assess critical

racism awareness. Although the use of software such as the Linguistic Inquiry Word Count

(LIWC) is gaining popularity in the field of social psychology, there are still few studies using

qualitative techniques to assess individuals’ beliefs and attitudes regarding racism and intergroup

relations in the U.S. In using both close-ended and open-ended measures to assess individuals’

perceptions and beliefs about racism, I am able to demonstrate reliable effects across

methodologies, and further corroborate group-based effects on attitudes surrounding racial

 329
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
inequality. In this dissertation I was able to demonstrate how critical racism awareness can be

reflected in both close-ended and open-ended measures, and show that both assessments of

critical racism awareness demonstrated an effect on perceptions of racism for both Black and

White individuals.

Finally, my inspiration for the research presented in this dissertation stems from my

engagement in social justice activism, thus it is important to me that my research is applicable to

efforts aimed at achieving racial equity. The insights gained from the study of being woke, a

movement born out of the Black Lives Matter movement, can inform efforts to increase

individuals’ beliefs about the prevalence and severity of racism in the U.S. and subsequently

assist in the facilitation of efforts to engage people in collective action against injustice. Indeed,

an important aim of effecting long-term social justice change is understanding how to bring

together people from advantaged and disadvantaged groups to change the status quo. An

important part of this goal is understanding the barriers to this for the privileged and the

marginalized, and developing interventions that will surmount those barriers. Previous research

has identified racial differences in historical knowledge of racism as a barrier to perceiving

inequality, I offer critical racism awareness as a bridge.

 330
ON BEING WOKE AND KNOWING INJUSTICE
References

Adams, G., Salter, P. S., Kurtiş, T., Naemi, P., & Estrada‐Villalta, S. (2018). Subordinated

knowledge as a tool for creative maladjustment and resistance to racial

oppression. Journal of Social Issues, 74(2), 337-354. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12272

American Psychological Association. (2012).

http://www.apa.org/news/press/releases/ 2012/09/psychotherapy.aspx

Bonilla-Silva, E. (2014). Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of

racial inequality in America (Fourth edition.). Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield

Publishers, Inc.

Bonilla-Silva, E. (1997). Rethinking racism: Toward a structural interpretation. American

Sociological Review, 465-480. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2657316

Elias, S., & Feagin, J. R. (2016). Racial theories in social science: A systemic racism critique.

Routledge.

Feagin, J. R. (2013). The white racial frame: Centuries of racial framing and counter-

framing (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge.

Nelson, J. C., Adams, G., Branscombe, N. R., & Schmitt, M. T. (2010). The Role of Historical

Knowledge in Perception of Race-Based Conspiracies. Race and Social Problems, 2(2),

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