‫‪‬‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﻫﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺮﺡ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﰲ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﳍﺠﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻧﺴﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﰒ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﳊﻜﻢ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳋﻼﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﲔ ﻟﻴﺸﻜﻼ ﲤﻬﻴﺪﺍ ﻟﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ – ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﷲ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ - 1‬ﺑﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﺑﲏ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺠﻠﻪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻗﺔ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ ﻭﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﴰﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﻧﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻭﲪﺰﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻋﺘﻨﻖ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﺪﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺟﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﲔ ﺇﻟﺘﺤﻖ ‪‬ﻢ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪323‬ﻫـ‪935/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺑﺈﻧﻘﺎﺩ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻼﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﻬﺪﻳﺔ ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﳋﻮﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﰊ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺭﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﲪﺪﻭﻥ ﻭﻋﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻮﱃ ﺇﻣﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﻁ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﺐ ﺷﺮﻭﻃﺎ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪.. .‬ﻓﺄﻗﺼﺎﻩ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﻋﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ‪":‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺃﻧﺖ ﻭﺁﺑﺎﺅﻙ ﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻟﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺻﻔﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﻳﺼﻔﻮ ﱄ ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺑﺮﻱ؟ ﻗﺘﻠﺘﲏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻻﻱ ﺑﻐﲑ ﺳﻴﻒ ﻭﻻ ﺭﻣﺢ "‪ 1‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺰ ﺣﱴ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻮﻻﻩ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬

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‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺎﺑﺲ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﺒﻠﻜﲔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﻮﺩﻋﻪ ‪ ":‬ﺇﻥ ﻧﺴﻴﺖ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﳑﺎ ﺃﻭﺻﻴﺘﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻼ ﺗﻨﺲ‬
‫ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺷﻴﺎﺀ ‪ ":‬ﻻ ﺗﺮﻓﻊ ﺍﳉﺒﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺮﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﻮﻝ ﺃﺣﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺇﺧﻮﺗﻚ ﻭﺑﲏ ﻋﻤﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈ‪‬ﻢ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﺣﻖ ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻮﺹ ﺑﺎﳊﻀﺮ ﺧﲑﺍ ‪.2‬‬
‫ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﺇﻣﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻏﲑﺓ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﻪ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﲪﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻖ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﲔ ﻋﺼﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺣﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺲ ﻣﻠﺘﺠﺌﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﺼﺮ‪،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﺍﻧﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺲ ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ ﺑﺮﻏﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺏ ﳏﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﻴﺪﺍ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ ﻣﻐﺮﺍﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ‬
‫ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﺒﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﺍﻍ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻳﲔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻌﺐ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﳊﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ﻛﺒﲑﺍ‪.‬‬
‫‪- 2‬ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﲏ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻧﺸﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﺪﻡ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺩ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺇﲰﻪ ﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻨﺎﻩ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺣﺒﻮﺱ ﻭﻟﻘﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ )‪373-361‬ﻫـ‪984-972/‬ﻡ( ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻏﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺟﻴﺶ ﻛﺒﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺪﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺧﺮ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﻮﻗﻞ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ ‪ ":‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻐﲑﺕ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﲨﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺀ ﺑﺘﻮﺍ ﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﱳ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺤﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺕ"‪.3‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻀﻰ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻠﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺎﺗﻴﲔ ﻓﺤﺎﺻﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺩﺧﻠﻬﺎ‪.4‬‬
‫ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﺎ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ ﻭﺗﻠﻤﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻯ ﳏﻄﺘﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻮﺍﺻﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺪﻡ‬

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‫ﻃﻮﻳﻼ ﻭﺗﻮﻗﻔﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻳﻨﻬﺎﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻏﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﻳﺪﻋﻮﻩ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﱂ ﳝﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﱪ ﺗﻌﻴﲔ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻟﻐﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺿﻢ ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺷﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﲣﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ)‪367‬ﻫـ‪978/‬ﻡ( ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﷲ ﻟﻴﻮﺳﻒ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ ﻭﺳﺮﺕ ﻭﺃﺟﺬﺍﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﳛﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻴﺎﱐ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺤﻞ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻮﱃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺔ)‪368‬ﻫـ‪979/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺸﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﺛﻌﻠﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺱ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ ﺍﳌﻜﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺢ ﺳﺠﻠﻤﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺰﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻣﲑ ﻣﻐﺮﺍﻭﺓ ﻭﻗﺘﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺻﻴﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺷﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﻏﻮﺍﻃﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﰲ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪373‬ﻫـ‪983 /‬ﻡ( ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺭﻟﻨﻐﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺳﺠﻠﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺗﻠﻤﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺄﺷﲑ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻐﻪ ﺧﱪ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺃﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﻠﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ)‪374‬ﻫـ‪985/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﺎﷲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻂ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﲝﺎﺩﺙ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻛﱪﻯ ﻣﻴﺰﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﲟﺎ ﺻﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻭﻓﺪﺍ ﻳﻀﻢ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﻓﺪﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﲟﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺃﺷﲑ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺘﻪ ﰲ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺃﺑﻴﻪ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪" :‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﰊ ﻭﺟﺪﻱ ﺃﺧﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﻒ ﻗﻬﺮﺍ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﻻ ﺁﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻻ ﺑﺎﻹﺣﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﱄ ﺑﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﺰﻝ ﺑﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﲪﺪ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺍﷲ‪ ,‬ﻭﻳﺪﻱ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﰲ ﻳﺪ ﺁﺑﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﺃﺟﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﺛﻨﺎﻩ ﻋﻦ ﲪﲑ‪.5‬‬
‫ﻟﻌﻞ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲤﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﲔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻮﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﻷﺧﻴﻪ ﻳﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺷﲑ ﻭﻋﻤﻪ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺎ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﷲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ)‪374‬ﻫـ‪985/‬ﻡ( ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﺧﺎﻩ ﻳﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﳋﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺟﻴﺶ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﱵ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻭﺳﺠﻠﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩﳘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺎﺗﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺍﻭﻯ ﺍﳌﻠﻘﺐ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﻃﺎﺱ ﺃﻣﲑ ﻓﺎﺱ ﻓﻬﺰﻣﻪ ﻭﺭﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺷﲑ ﻭﺍﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻏﺰﻭ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ‪.6‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻥ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺛﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻗﺎﻡ ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳋﺮﺍﺳﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ)‪376‬ﻫـ‪987/‬ﻡ( ﻭﺃﻳﺪﺗﻪ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺎﺭﺑﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﺧﺮﺏ ﺑﻼﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ)‪378‬ﻫـ‪989/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻄﻴﻒ ﺃﻧﺰﻝ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻫﺰﳝﺔ ﻛﱪﻯ ﲜﻤﻮﻉ ﻛﺘﺎﻣﺔ‪،‬ﱂ ﳚﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺼﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﺣﺪ ﺍﳉﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﱂ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﺪﺍ ﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩﺧﻞ ﰲ ﻃﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﻋﺎﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﺧﻞ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‬
‫ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﳍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﺒﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺃﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻭﱃ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ ﺃﺧﺎﻩ ﻳﺎﻃﻮﻓﺖ ﻭﻋﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺷﲑ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭﱂ ﲤﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﳌﺴﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﲔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳉﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ :‬ﳉﺄ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺒﺊ ﺍﳉﺒﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﺈﺳﻘﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎﻻ ﺟﻠﻴﻼ‪.7‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﺬﻫﱯ‪ :‬ﱂ ﳜﻒ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺩﺩﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺑﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎﺀ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻮﺧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻧﻮﺡ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﳜﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﺰﺍﰐ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻻ ﻳﻠﻴﻖ ﲟﻘﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻏﺪﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺑﺎﺿﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭﻓﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺣﻨﲔ ﺑﻦ ﻭﳛﺒﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﲰﺢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻟﻺﺑﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﲟﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺑﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪.8‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ)‪386‬ﻫـ‪996/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻓﻦ ﺑﻘﺼﺮﻩ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻧﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‬
‫‪.‬‬
‫‪12‬ﺳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻗﺮ ﻋﻤﻪ ﻳﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﻪ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺃﺷﲑ‬

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‫ﻭﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪389‬ﻫـ‪999/‬ﻡ( ﺯﺣﻒ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻮﻉ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ ﻭﺣﺎﺻﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺘﺐ ﻳﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﳌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﲑ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﻴﺸﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻈﻢ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺑﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ﲜﻴﺶ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺁﻣﺴﺎﺭ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺮﺝ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺣﺎﲰﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ‪‬ﺰﳝﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺴﺤﺐ ﻳﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﲪﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﺷﲑ ﻭﺗﺮﻛﻮﺍ ﳏﻼ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻣﻀﺎﺭ‪‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺧﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﳌﺎ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺧﱪ ﺍﳍﺰﳝﺔ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺧﺮﺝ ﶈﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪389‬ﻫـ‪999/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﻭﺻﻞ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻃﺒﻨﺔ ﺑﻌﺚ ﰲ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺧﺰﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺎﰐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺚ ﻳﻌﺘﺬﺭ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻳﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺠﻼ ﺑﻮﻻﻳﺔ ﻃﺒﻨﺔ ﻓﻜﺘﺒﻪ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺭﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺷﲑ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻬﺰ ﻓﻠﻔﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺭﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﺃﻏﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺯﺣﻔﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﺒﻠﻐﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺷﲑ ﻭﺩﺧﻞ ﻋﻤﻪ ﻳﻄﻮﻓﺖ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪.9‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻋﻤﻪ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﺴﺎﻳﺮﻩ ﺣﱴ ﺣﲔ ﻟﻴﻄﻔﺊ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫)‪395‬ﻫـ‪1006/‬ﻡ( ﺧﻠﻔﻪ ﶈﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﺘﺮﻁ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺤﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﻓﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪398‬ﻫـ‪1007/‬ﻡ( ﺇﺧﺘﻂ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﱰﻝ ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺑﺄﺷﲑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻇﻞ ﲪﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻳﻘﺎﺗﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻓﻌﻈﻢ ﺻﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪403‬ﻫـ‪1012/‬ﻡ( ﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻬﺪ ﻷﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﱪ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻓﺄﺭﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻗﺴﻨﻄﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﳍﺎ ﻓﺄﰉ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺧﻞ ﻣﻌﻪ ﰲ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺃﺳﻔﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻧﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﰲ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺍﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﺧﻀﺎﻋﻪ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻛﻠﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ –‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﲪﺎﺩ – ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﲪﺎﺩ ﱂ ﻳﻜﺘﻒ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﻧﺒﺬﻩ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎ ﻟﻠﺨﻠﻔﺎﺀ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪405‬ﻫـ‪1015/‬ﻡ(‪ ،9‬ﻋﻨﺪﺋﺬ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻪ ﻟﺘﺒﺪﺃ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﳑﺎ ﻻ ﺷﻚ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻏﺪﺕ ﲢﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺇﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﺋﺬ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﻋﻤﻪ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎ ﻟﻘﺘﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺣﱴ ﺣﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﲪﺎﺩ ﳏﺎﺻﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﰲ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻭﺧﻠﻔﻪ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻟﻘﺘﺎﻝ ﲪﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ )‪408‬ﻫـ‪1018/‬ﻡ( ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻏﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺮﺡ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺠﻮ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﻝ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻢ ﻭﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﺑﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪408‬ﻫـ‪1018/‬ﻡ( ﺗﻔﺮﻋﺖ ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﻟﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺛﻘﻴﻠﺔ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻈﻢ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺿﻄﺮ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻃﻤﻊ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺔ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺟﺎﻉ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺿﻪ ﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭﻃﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺍﻋﺚ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﺎﺭﻋﺎﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﺬﺑﺬﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳌﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﺎﻭﺭﺗﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﻣﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻻ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻢ‬

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‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻝ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻳﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﻌﺒﻴﺪﻳﲔ ﺣﱴ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺻﻠﺔ ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﻭﻻﺀﻩ ﻟﺒﲏ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،10‬ﻭﺍﲣﺬ ﻛﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺈﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺬﻫﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﲏ ﻭﳏﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻨﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺑﲏ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﲔ ﳌﺼﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﻄﻮﺓ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺮﻳﺌﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﺪﻻﻉ ﺣﺮﺏ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻭﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺟﻬﺰ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﲪﻠﺔ ﻟﻘﺘﺎﻝ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺰﳝﺔ ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺷﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺛﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳍﺰﳝﺔ ﰎ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﲔ ﲪﺎ ﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺰ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﺀ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺎ ﻭﻇﻞ ﻭﻻﺀ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﲔ ﻟﻠﻌﺒﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺃﻣﺮﺍﺀ ﺑﲏ ﲪﺎﺩ ﳛﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ )‪547-515‬ﻫـ‪1152-1121/‬ﻡ( ﻋﻤﺪ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺿﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﰊ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﷲ ﺍﳌﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺘﻔﻲ ﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪1148/543‬ﻡ( ‪.11‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﲏ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﺃ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻊ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺃﺷﺮﻧﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻗﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﲝﻤﻼﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،12‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻟﺼﺎﳊﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺀﻭﺍ ﰲ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﻋﺐ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺟﲑﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﲰﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﲡﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪﺛﲔ ﻫﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻠﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﰲ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺑﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﺃﰉ ﻳﻜﲎ ﺑﻦ ﳏﺴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﻦ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫)‪487‬ﻫـ‪1094/‬ﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺃﺧﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﻐﻼﻥ ﺇﱃ ﲤﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪﺗﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺃﰊ ﻳﻜﲎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺃﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﲡﻬﻴﺰ ﺟﻴﺶ ﻭﺗﺴﻴﲑﻩ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﻇﻞ ﳏﺎﺻﺮﺍ ﳍﺎ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺳﺒﻊ ﺷﻬﻮﺭ ﺣﱴ ﺗﺴﲎ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺧﻮﳍﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﻭﺇﺭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺯﺣﻔﻪ ﳓﻮ ﻗﺴﻨﻄﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻀﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺛﺮﻫﺎ ﺃﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﲎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺟﺒﺎﻝ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺳﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻦ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺯﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﰲ‬
‫ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺑﲏ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻜﺴﺐ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﺍﻷﺳﻄﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﳛﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﲜﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﳏﻤﻞ ﺑﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﲦﻴﻨﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻫﺪﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪536‬ﻫـ‪1141/‬ﻡ(‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳋﻼﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺃ ﰲ ﲢﺮﻳﺾ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻚ ﺑﺄﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻻﲰﺎﻋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻟﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻧﺪﻟﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻨﻮ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺺ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺣﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﱄ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﻓﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺧﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ)‪450‬ﻫـ‪1058/‬ﻡ( ﺭﺍﺟﲔ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﱂ ﻳﻠﺐ ﻃﻠﺒﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﻨﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﰲ ﺷﺆﻭ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺮﺡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺷﻴﺨﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺷﺆﻭ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﺃﺣﺪﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﺳﺘﻌﻔﻒ ﻓﻘﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻨـﺎﺻﺮﺑﺘﻌﻴﲔ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻼ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ‪.13‬‬
‫ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺑﻨﻮ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺳﺒﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،14‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻧﺸﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﲔ‬
‫ﲟﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﺰﳝﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﻘﻮﻡ ﲤﻴﻢ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪ 460- 458‬ﻫـ‪1067-1065/‬ﻡ( ﺑﺈﺧﻀﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻬﺪﺋﺬ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺧﺮﺍﺳﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫‪‬ﻀﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺰﳝﺔ ﺳﺒﻴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺞ‪ ،15‬ﻓﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪460‬ﻫـ‪1067/‬ﻡ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﺲ‪ 16‬ﰒ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﲟﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻓﻘﻔﻞ ﺭﺍﺟﻌﺎ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﺿﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﳍﺠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳍﻼﻟﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺘﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳋﻼﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﲣﻠﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻢ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﳓﻮ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺣﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺇﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺬﻛﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻻ ﲤﺪﻧﺎ ﲟﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻀﺎﻣﲔ ﻭﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺒﲔ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﺍﺓ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﻋﺐ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﰎ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﲔ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﺑﲏ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺳﻨﺔ)‪408‬ﻫـ‪1017/‬ﻡ( ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺟﻪ‬
‫ﲪﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻻ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻳﺴﺄﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﻭﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻠﺘﻪ ﻓﺄﺭﺳﻞ ﻭﻟﺪﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭﻟﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻢ ﻟﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﺑﻌﺚ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺇﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﺣﺎﻣﻼ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ 17‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﺪﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﳍﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺟﺎﺀ ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ‬
‫ﰲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺓ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﺇﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺃﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﺑﺘﻌﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻃﺒﻨﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺳﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺟﺎﺝ‪ ،18‬ﺑﺒﻼﺩ ﺯﻭﺍﻭﺓ‪ ،19‬ﻭﻣﻘﺮﺓ‪ 20‬ﻭﺩﻛﻤﺔ‪ 21‬ﻭﺑﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﲪﺰﺓ )ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻳﺮﺓ(‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲟﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﱪﻡ ﻣﻊ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺃﻣﲑﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﻃﺒﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺃﺷﲑ ﻭﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻴﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﻫﻮ ﻭﱄ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺨﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺃﺑﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﻪ ‪.22‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﻋﺼﻴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﺑﺈﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻮﰲ ﻭﻫﻮ ﳛﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﰎ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺷﻠﻒ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪406‬ﻫـ‪1015/‬ﻡ(‪ 23‬ﻟﻴﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺿﺪ ﲪﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻋﱪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﺘﻬﺖ ‪‬ﺰﳝﺔ ﺑﲏ ﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﻫﻢ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺳﺒﻞ ﻟﻠﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‬
‫‪.24‬‬
‫ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺔ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺈﻳﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﻛﺮﻫﻴﻨﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺇﲬﺎﺩ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻫﺪﻧﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﻦ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﺨﻼﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻃﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﻨﺔ‬

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‫)‪441‬ﻫـ‪1069/‬ﻡ( ﻣﻌﺎﻛﺴﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺼﺪﺩ ﺍﻹﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻭﻻﺋﻪ‬
‫ﳍﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪469‬ﻫـ‪1077/‬ﻡ( ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺈﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﳎﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﻭﺑﺎﺀ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺧﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻛﺜﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﲤﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﻋﻬﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺆﻭﻝ ﻻ ﳏﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺑﲏ ﻫﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺌﺖ ﻗﻮ‪‬ﻢ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻇﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪471-470‬ﻫـ‪1078-1077/‬ﻡ( ﺃﺑﺮﻡ ﺍﳋﺼﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ‬
‫ﻧﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺑﻨﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻛﺒﲑ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺎﺭ‪‬ﻤﺎ‪.25‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺫﺭﻭﺓ ﻗﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﲜﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻴﺤﺘﺮﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺇﱃ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﻬﺪ ﲤﻴﻢ‪،‬ﱂ ﻻ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺃﻧﺬﺍﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﲏ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃ‪‬ﻜﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﺰﻭﺓ ﺍﳍﻼﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻻﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﲎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺗﲔ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﻭﲪﺎﺩ ﺑﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﲔ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪408‬ﻫـ‪1017/‬ﻡ( ﻋﺰﺯ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﳌﱪﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺟﺐ)‪415‬ﻫـ‪1024/‬ﻡ( ﺯﻭﺝ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺃﺧﺘﻪ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮ ﻻﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻦ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻔﻞ ﺑﺰﻓﺎﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﻛﺐ ﻓﺨﻤﺔ ‪.26‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪470‬ﻫـ‪1077/‬ﻡ( ﺯﻭﺝ ﲤﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺇﺑﻨﺘﻪ ﺑﻼﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﺎﺱ "ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲪﻞ‬
‫ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻓﺄﺧﺬ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﲤﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺍ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﲑ ﺍﺑﻨﺘﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﳛﺪ‪ ،"27‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﺎ ﻣﺜﻤﺮﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪509‬ﻫـ‪1116-1115/‬ﻡ(ﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺟﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺖ ﳛﻲ ﺑﻦ ﲤﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻃﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻢ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬

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‫ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﰲ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺸﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﲔ ﺑﲏ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﲪﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﻦ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﺲ ﰲ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﻳﻐﺪﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻄﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﱪﻧﺎ ﻣﺆﺭﺥ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻉ ﺃﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻀﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺑﲏ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻗﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ )‪438‬ﻫـ‪1047/‬ﻡ( ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﺳﻔﲑﺍ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺛﺮﺕ ﻓﺼﺎﺣﺘﻪ ﻭﻓﻄﻨﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻋﺠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﺵ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪.28‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺭﺳﻠﻪ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﰊ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﰲ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﻮﺣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،29‬ﻭﰲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪" :‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺑﲏ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﻪ ﲤﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﱂ ﻭﺍﳊﺰﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻩ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺃﰊ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﺡ ﳏﺒﺎﹰ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﲤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻻﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﱂ‬
‫ﺃﺷﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺃﻻ ﺗﻘﺼﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻔﻘﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﺍﻧﻔﻘﺘﻤﺎ ﻷﺧﺮﺟﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﺼﺪﻗﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺭﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﺻﻠﺢ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﺭﺳﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺳﻮﻻﹰ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﺇﱃ ﲤﻴﻢ ﻳﻌﺘﺬﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻳﺮﻏﺐ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺒﻞ ﲤﻴﻢ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺳﻞ ﺭﺳﻮﻻﹰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺗﻔﻘﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺒﻊ"‪ ،30‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺮﻱ ﲰﺢ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﳍﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﲜﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﲣﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺍ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎﻳﺴﻬﻞ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻬﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،31‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﲰﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﲟﺎ ﺃﻗﺪﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﺘﻠﻪ‬
‫ﲟﺠﺮﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻓﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﲤﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺻﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻇﻞ ﺣﺒﻴﺲ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﻗﻰ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ‪‬ﺪﺩ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺒﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳍﻮﺍﻣﺶ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﳌﻘﺮﻳﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﻌﺎﻅ ﺍﳊﻨﻔﺎ ﺑﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺹ‪ .143‬ﺍﳌﻘﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﳋﻄﻂ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﻳﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻋﻆ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﳋﻄﻂ ﻭﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻡ‪ ،2‬ﺹ‪.158‬‬

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‫‪ .2‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﱪ ﻭﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﺪﺃ ﻭﺍﳋﱪ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺻﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﲑﻭﺕ ‪1992‬ﺝ‪ ،6‬ﺹ‪.318‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﻮﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،1979 ،‬ﺹ‪.93‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺇﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﻤﻮﺍ ﲟﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻠﻤﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻜﻨﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺧﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،6‬ﺹ‪.206‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪)،‬ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ‪733-677 ،‬ﻫـ( ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺏ ﰲ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻗﻤﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﲨﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ ‪ /‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪ 1424 -‬ﻫـ ‪ 2004 -‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪.1‬ﺹ‪.317‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،6‬ﺹ‪.157‬‬
‫‪ .7‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻷﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪1967 ،‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻡ‪ ،9‬ﺹ‪.127‬‬
‫‪ .8‬ﺻﺎﱀ ﺑﺎﺟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺑﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪،1‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﻼﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ‪ ،1976‬ﺹ‪.145‬‬
‫‪ .9‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺳﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪1981 ،‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ‪.646‬‬
‫‪ .10‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،6‬ﺹ‪.301‬‬
‫‪ .11‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،6‬ﺹ ‪.228‬‬
‫‪ .12‬ﺍﻟﻜﺘﱯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺇﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪،1974 ،‬ﻡ‪ ،4‬ﺹ‪ .168‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻮﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺍﳋﻠﻔﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﳏﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ ﻁ‪ 4‬ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﱪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،1964 ،‬ﺹ‪437‬‬
‫‪ .13‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﻞ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﲪﻠﺔ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺿﺪ ﲪﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺼﺪﺩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﻋﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺃﺷﲑ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪406‬ﻫـ‪1016/‬ﻡ ﻻﻧﺘﺪﺍﺏ ﺟﻨﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉ ‪‬ﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﶈﻤﺪﻳﺔ )ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻠﺔ( ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺷﲑ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻜﺎﺗﻴﲔ ﺇﺫ ﺃﺗﺎﻩ‬
‫ﲪﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺃﻟﻒ ﻭﲬﺴﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺘﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﻗﺘﺎﻻ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺟﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ ﻓﻨﻬﺒﻮﺍ ﻭﻫﺮﺑﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻤﺖ ﺍﳍﺰﳝﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺿﻄﺮ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﺃﺧﲑﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺟﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻠﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﲪﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪،1‬‬
‫ﺹ ﺹ‪ .191-190‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻷﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺝ‪ ،9‬ﺹ‪.106‬‬
‫‪ .14‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪315‬‬
‫‪ .15‬ﺳﺒﻴﺒﺔ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﰒ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ‪،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪457‬ﻫـ‪1065/‬ﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﲟﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺳﺒﻴﺒﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺑﲏ ﲪﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﻠﻔﺎﺋﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﻬﺎﺟﺔ ﻭﺯﻧﺎﺗﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﻌﺰ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺯﻏﺒﺔ ﻭﺭﻳﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ‪‬ﺰﳝﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﳊﻤﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‪،‬‬
‫‪،1977‬ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ‪.429‬‬

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‫‪ .16‬ﺍﻷﺛﺒﺞ‪ :‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪“ :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﺛﺒﺞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳍﻼﻟﻴﲔ ﺃﻭﻓﺮ ﻋﺪﺩﺍ ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻄﻮﻧﺎ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺑﻄﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺛﺒﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﺃﻋﺰ ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺛﺒﺞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺋﻴﺴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩﺧﻞ ‪‬ﻢ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺮﺣﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻭﺑﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﱪ‪،‬ﺝ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.48‬‬
‫‪ .17‬ﺃﺭﺑﺲ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﺈﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﻮﺭ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻗﲑﻭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺑﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﳊﻤﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪.136‬‬
‫‪ .18‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪ .137‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻷﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،9‬ﺹ ﺹ‪.107- 106‬‬
‫‪ .19‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﺎﺣﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﴰﺎﻝ ﺃﺷﲑ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ‪،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺹ‪.65‬ﺍﻻﺩﺭﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺹ‪.62‬‬
‫‪ .20‬ﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺯﻭﺍﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺟﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻧﺸﺮﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﺏ ﺗﺎﻫﺮﺕ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺩﺭﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﻫﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺎﻕ ﰲ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻵﻓﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،1989 ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪.58‬‬
‫‪ .21‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺻﻐﲑﺓ ﺗﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﲟﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻭﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻨﺔ ﲟﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﰲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.76‬ﺹ‪.144 ،51‬‬
‫‪ .22‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺻﻐﲑﺓ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰲ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳌﺆﺩﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺑﲏ ﲪﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.54‬‬
‫‪ .23‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪.158‬‬
‫‪ .24‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪.169‬‬
‫‪ .25‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،24‬ﺹ‪.114‬‬
‫‪ .26‬ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺟﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻬﺎﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻠﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﲪﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪.322‬‬
‫‪ .27‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻷﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،9‬ﺹ ﺹ ‪ .107-106‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺝ‪ ،6‬ﺹ‪.158‬‬
‫‪ .28‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺬﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪.300‬‬
‫‪ .29‬ﻋﻴﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺴﲏ ﻋﺒﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﺝ‪ ،2‬ﺹ‪ .353‬ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺟﻲ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.196‬‬
‫‪ .30‬ﻳﺎﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﳊﻤﻮﻱ‪،‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪،‬ﺝ‪.339 ،1‬‬
‫‪ .31‬ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺏ‪،‬ﺝ‪ ،24‬ﺹ‪ .124‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﺑﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺻﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺻﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩ ‪ -‬ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬ﻁ‪1419 ،1‬ﻫـ‪،‬ﺝ‪ ،1‬ﺹ‪16‬‬
‫‪ .32‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻷﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺝ‪ ،10‬ﺹ‪.47‬‬

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