Andrea M2018-Ethical Climate (EKSPERIMEN)
Andrea M2018-Ethical Climate (EKSPERIMEN)
www.emeraldinsight.com/1832-5912.htm
JAOC
15,4 Walking the talk
Enacted ethical climates as psychological
contract venues for potential whistleblowers
Andrea M. Scheetz
654 School of Accountancy, Georgia Southern University, Statesboro,
Georgia, USA, and
Received 4 June 2018
Revised 15 February 2019
Accepted 15 April 2019 Timothy J. Fogarty
Department of Accounting, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland,
Ohio, USA
Abstract
Purpose – Based on exchange theory and the generalized norm of reciprocity, psychological contracts
perceived by employees are believed to have dysfunctional consequences for organizations if breached. This
paper aims to study the willingness of employees to report fraud, as such is an important aspect of internal
control for organizations.
Design/methodology/approach – A 2 2 between-subjects experiment was conducted in which 99
participants with diverse accounting backgrounds were first asked questions about their preconceived beliefs
(psychological contract) regarding how reports of unethical conduct would be managed, and their reaction if
these beliefs were broken (psychological contract violation). Participants were given a hypothetical situation
of fraud and then asked to indicate their likelihood of reporting fraud to a supervisor.
Findings – The main hypotheses are that employees will be less likely to report fraud when the
organization fails to signal the presence of a positive ethical environment or when management reacts weakly
to previous reports of unethical activity. The data and findings support these hypotheses. Additional testing
also reveals that a psychological contract violation mediates the relationship between the outcome of previous
reports and the intention to report fraud.
Research limitations/implications – As with any experimental study, this study’s results come with
limitations. Reading an overly simplistic scenario that omits real world details and providing intention to
report is very different from actually reporting fraud in one’s own place of employment. Therefore, reporting
intentions may vary from actual reporting behavior. Further, reporting motivation (self-defense, altruism, etc.)
and concern over retaliation are not measured.
Practical implications – Employees have expectations surrounding ethical corporate environments.
Psychological contract violations occur as a result of broken expectations and are common in the workforce.
In this study, a breakdown in the internal control environment because of a poor ethical culture, caused an
even greater breakdown in internal controls because of employees’ decreased reporting intentions.
Social implications – Psychological contract violations impact employees’ intention to report fraud.
These violations need to be understood so that additional measures and safeguards can be instituted when
employees are not acting as a fraud defense or detection mechanism. During such times when there is a
breakdown in this type of internal control (that is, when employees might be hesitant to report fraud), extra
safeguards against fraud, additional procedures to detect fraud, and enhanced employee training encouraging
reporting of suspected unethical conduct, become even more important.
Originality/value – Strong experimental methods provide a rigorous way to evaluate a problem of our
day: job insecurity caused by rampant organizational turbulence. The hidden cost is expressed in terms of
Journal of Accounting &
how less can be expected of employees as a first line of defense against fraud.
Organizational Change
Vol. 15 No. 4, 2019 Keywords Job insecurity, Whistleblowing, Organizational change, Psychological contract, Ethics,
pp. 654-677
© Emerald Publishing Limited
fraud, Reporting intentions
1832-5912
DOI 10.1108/JAOC-06-2018-0047 Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction Enacted
Notwithstanding sustained efforts of criminalization, detection and punishment, economic ethical
crime is rampant, and increasing. In the USA, over half of all companies report falling victim
to fraud (PwC, 2018; ACFE, 2018; Kroll, 2018). With most frauds occurring in the form of the
climates
misappropriation of assets, companies worldwide grow increasingly reliant upon
whistleblowers for detection (ACFE, 2018).
Fraud’s continuation as a major corporate problem could seem ironic in the context of
increased attention to internal control in recent years (COSO, 2013; PCAOB, 2007; AICPA, 655
2002). Assets should be safeguarded in ways that make their unplanned departure much
less likely. Companies have internal audit functions that are tasked with ensuring such
controls are working. Nonetheless, fraudsters find ways to defeat or bypass official controls.
In such a world, all employees have to be on guard for the good of the company and
essentially act as an informal additional internal control against fraud.
Just about every organization encourages its employees to be “eyes and ears” on the
ground against those that would misdirect company resources. However, such suggestions
and policies are mostly ineffective (Jensen et al., 2010). Reporting fraud apparently is highly
problematic, leading to regret for both those that do and do not (Fredin, 2012). The
willingness to report fraud cannot be assumed, but instead is dependent upon a large set of
situational and individual factors (Jones and Kavanagh, 1996).
To a large extent, our appreciation of fraud has been limited by the “fraud triangle”
(Cressey, 1973). Fraud resulted from the confluence of opportunity to commit the act, a
motivation to do such, and an ability to rationalize such behavior. Research that focuses
upon those that observe fraud committed by others tends to accept the idea that the desire to
steal cannot be eradicated. However, increased vigilance by honest others can reduce the
fraudster’s opportunities. At the same time, we need to understand the rationalizations in
play by those that see fraud but choose not to report it.
Based on exchange theory, the psychological contract between employees and their
organization provides a template to appreciate the behavior of putative reports of fraud. To
date, very little is known about how an employee’s psychological contract may impact their
likelihood of reporting fraud. A psychological contract is an individual’s beliefs about the
terms and conditions of a reciprocal exchange agreement between themselves and another
party (such as the organization), where a promise has been made and consideration offered
(Rousseau, 1989, 2001). However, these contracts are imperfect because they are based on
beliefs that are often not formally written or communicated, and the consideration may be
implied, making the contract easier to break.
A psychological contract violation (PCV) occurs when an individual perceives that the
other party has not fulfilled their obligations (Morrison and Robinson, 1997; Coyle-Shapiro,
2002). These unmet expectations may cause a psychological contract violation and can
result in a variety of negative feelings and ultimately impact both in-role and extra-role
performance (Morrison and Robinson, 1997; Turnley and Feldman, 2000). Extra-role
behaviors are the organizational citizenship acts that employees engage in which are not
explicitly required as part of their job responsibilities, but are instead discretionary and not
typically rewarded (Organ, 1988; Coyle-Shapiro, 2002). As whistleblowing is an extra-role or
organization citizenship behavior, it may be negatively affected by the occurrence of a PCV.
This study examines how psychological contract violations impact employee intentions
of internally reporting fraud using a 2 2 between-subjects experimental design.
Participants (99) with diverse accounting backgrounds (staff accountants to senior
executives) respond to a scenario in which fraud is discovered. In this experiment, a
psychological contract violation is provoked through a negative control environment using
JAOC poor responses to previous reports of unethical conduct and an overall unethical climate.
15,4 Outcome of previous reports of misconduct and organizational ethical climate are both
manipulated as being either negative or positive, to allow for the comparison of the
occurrence of a PCV to no PCV. Employees expect reports of misconduct to be handled
appropriately, and when such reports are not, a PCV results. Similarly, employees anticipate
organizations will have and promote a positive ethical climate, and when this is not true, a
656 PCV could be the interpreted consequence.
The experimental results indicate that employees do have preconceived beliefs
amounting to a psychological contract, regarding how they expect reports of unethical
conduct to be managed as well as what type of ethical environment the organization should
maintain. When these beliefs are violated, fraud reporting intentions to the supervisor
significantly decrease. Further, the occurrence of a psychological contract violation mediates
the relationship between outcome of previous reports and the intention to report fraud.
This study contributes to the whistleblowing, fraud triangle, and audit literatures by
demonstrating the negative consequences of psychological contract violations to the
organization. A PCV significantly decreases the intention to report fraud. Psychological
contract violations in organization employees may be hindering fraud reporting, thereby
enhancing the salience of the opportunity leg of the fraud triangle. Organization
management relies on employees to act as a defense against fraud and as a mechanism to
detect and report fraud. Vigilant employees can help to deter, detect, and report fraud,
weakening a fraudster’s opportunity. Management and auditors also need to be aware of
when it is likely that a situation has occurred which may have provoked a PCV in company
employees. Once alerted that a situation has occurred that may have caused a PCV,
management can then begin to take steps to repair the employees’ psychological contract
and to mitigate the chance that future frauds will go undetected.
The paper consists of five subsequent sections. Section 2 provides a literature review
mostly related to psychological contracts. Section 3 articulates the hypotheses that are
grounded in that literature. Section 4 describes the methodology for the collection of data to
test the hypotheses. Sections 5 and 6 summarize the findings and discusses both their
implications and limitations, respectively.
3. Hypothesis development
Many specific elements of the psychological contract could have been selected for research
attention. We sought one that could be influenced by both individualistic and situational
circumstances. We also preferred a corporate performance that was important to the entity
but extra-role for the individual. We thought it important to find some issue that bore upon
corporate culture, since that is highly relevant to what the entity purports to be (Reidenbach
and Robin, 1991).
Recognizing that upper management of a company establishes and validates a certain
ethical culture has been often referred to as “tone at the top” (Soltani, 2014). These
pronouncements contain explicit value statements that bear upon what should work and
pattern many outcome preferences (Reidenbach and Robin, 1991). The literature clearly
establishes the potential impact upon individual employees (Ford and Richardson, 1994;
Martin and Cullen, 2006). In general terms, the establishment of different types of ethical
climates can increase or decrease employee commitment (Cullen et al., 2003). Ethical
positioning done by those at the apex of the firm represents purposeful behavior that
strategizes what is best for the organization in the long run (Schwartz et al., 2005).
Individuals who observe efforts by the company to take the proverbial “high road” when
confronting difficult conflicts should understand the intention to have them fall into line.
Despite the fact that employees usually have no direct contract with these policymakers,
psychological contracts are being forged (Miller and Thomas, 2005; Grimmer and Oddy,
2007). Individuals are being told in essence, that ethical action will be rewarded and
unethical action will not be tolerated (Chen et al., 1997). At its furthest reaches ethical
behavior includes the willingness to report the deviance of others (Kaptein, 2011). In sum,
the whistleblowing literature (Miceli and Near, 1988; Berry, 2004) can be folded into
psychological contract terms.
Whistleblowing provides an interesting, if not ideal application for observation of
psychological contract ideas. In that reporting the deviance of others has to be taken as an
action desired by the organization, and supportive of organizational well-being, we possess
an opportunity to see a higher than usual ethical level. Rather than merely doing no harm in
JAOC the absence of a breach in the psychological contract, we wonder if positive ethical
15,4 messaging can essentially bring forth a level of behavior beyond normal expectations. Here,
we expect that employees would prefer to work for organizations that behaved responsibly
and proactively. But whether this tone affects individual behavior is mostly untested in
psychological contract terms.
Very few employees work for criminal enterprises. Very few organizations broadcast
660 their intention to be low ethics actors. Therefore, we contrast companies that make strong
efforts to establish their high ethical posture with those that do not. This situation raises the
prospect that the failure to establish oneself as an ethical organization might be more
noteworthy than those that at least try. The absence of ethical signaling might serve as a
very subtle contract violation if individuals have come to value and expect very positive
organizational ethics profiles. In other words, saying the right things may be part of an
institutionalized environment where emulation is the rule (DiMaggio and Powell, 1983).
H1 therefore tests the consequences of “talking” the ethics talk that individuals may
expect. We cannot predict whether employees will embrace the idea that the organization’s
preferred position applies to them. Many employees adopt an “us” versus “them” attitude
about their organizations, and cannot be expected to fall into step if the matter is perceived
as outside their job description. Moreover, employees may discount such noble expressions
as merely conforming to societal expectations (Meyer and Rowan, 1977) and probably
lacking substance. Therefore, the following comprises the first empirical question:
H1. Individuals will be less likely to report fraud when the organization fails to signal
the presence of a positive ethical environment than when it does signal the presence
of a positive ethical environment.
The translation of ethical intention into consistent ethical action presents other empirical
questions. Some writers have studied various forms of role modeling by boards of directors
and other leaders (Soltani, 2014) perhaps through its own behavioral codes (Schwartz et al.,
2005). Perhaps more importantly, those who observe the “talk” of ethics, are expecting to see
consistent enforcement of those directives. Observing certain results could be characterized
as the “walk” of the ethical positioning discussed above.
The connection between policy and action is often assumed without overt manipulation.
Some define that which is “effective” with that results in action (Near and Miceli, 1995). To
expect that the organization means what it says is more intuitive than to believe that it does
not. Others however have put this expectation to a test. For example, Taylor and Curtis
(2013) measured the extent to which internal auditors believed that findings would be
followed by actions. Similarly, Greenbaum et al. (2015) tried to capture undesirable leader
hypocrisy.
Ethics may be a particularly susceptible area for “talk-walk” discrepancies. As noted by
McCuddy et al. (1993), ethical codes require strong support structures to have power and
effect. That a penalty exists for deviants evokes a sense of distributive justice (Seifert et al.,
2010). When individuals are asked to report the bad behavior of others, resultant
consequences for those misfeasors and other corrective organizational actions is conceived
as a benefit for the reporter that needs to outweigh costs (Zhang et al., 2013; Mayer et al.,
2013). Reports of this nature that do not result in such action feed the general pessimism
reported by Near et al. (2004). Without doubt, such a disconnect will deter the same
employee from making similar reports in the future (Mesmer-Magnus and Viswesvaran,
2005; Curtis and Williams, 2014). However, such an effect was not found by Kaplan et al.
(2016).
For employees reporting fraud and other undesirable acts, the organization should be Enacted
very grateful. Although one could characterize this behavior as the implicit job of all ethical
employees, its empirical frequency suggests that employees see it as an extra-role event. An
example of outstanding organizational citizenship, reporting fraud exists on the precarious
climates
margin in psychological contract terms. As individuals rarely experience any loss or penalty
for failing to report, individuals who perceive psychological contract violations may be
easily discouraged from reporting. Just as individuals might not believe the “talk” of the
organization being ethical, they also might not take the organization’s past actions as 661
indicative of its normative positions. Just as fraud has unique dimensions, so does
organizational response to it. If organizations weigh the cost and benefits of actions,
different resolutions are possible, if not likely. Without a full disclosure, differing details of
past cases render official reactions in the present hard to predict. The treatment of past cases
certainly creates no guarantees for employees that are invited to take chances when a
validating organizational response is not mandated. This supports the need for a second
hypothesis:
H2. Individuals will be less likely to report fraud when management has failed to
forcefully respond to previously reported similar acts than when it has forcefully
responded to previously reported similar acts.
Many perspectives combine that would have us depart form the belief that the judgments
made on fraud reporting are linear or monotonic. Many writers including Zhang et al. (2013)
conjure the whistleblower as performing a cost/benefit analysis. Such interesting balancing
suggest multiple factors simultaneously in consideration. Wimbush and Shepard (1994)
make this more specific by pinpointing the potential combination of general ethical climate
and the demands of an immediate supervisor. Such conflict also is implicit in the hypocrisy
concept developed by Greenbaum et al. (2015). As heavily interaction-oriented as fraud
reporting is, there should be no surprise that its outcome lacks normative consensus (Near
and Miceli, 1987).
Employees know that talk is cheap and that management always possesses incentives to
say the “politically correct” thing whether or not such is meant. Sometimes what looks like
inconsistencies to outsiders like employees is a legitimate response to exceptional
circumstances. However, for sensitive areas such as fraud, with no shortage of criminal
overtones, full communication of these idiosyncrasies is often not possible. Employees are
left with the impression that the organization never intended to do what it said it would.
Pursuing one’s values involves high costs and difficult interactions that, when pushed,
many would prefer to avoid.
Despite the intuition that the ethical climate that is espoused must also be consistently
enacted for employees to believe that organizations are serious, untested empirical questions
exist. When “talk” and “walk” are in the same positive direction, how much more credibility
exists than can be obtained with the less expensive “talk” alone? If employees tend to believe
what they are told about organizational ethical intentions, seeing it come true should have
no information content. On the other hand, employees may seriously discount the
importance of a high-minded “tone at the top” when they fail to see it materialize in
consistent consequences for good and bad behaviors. We also puzzle over the company that
does the “right thing” without the advance ideology that so many others wish to take credit
for. Would such a firm be rewarded for its simple justice approach, or would employees
believe that without enough policy statements, the company might not be able to sustain
such good conduct? Without question, the nexus between ethical intentions and ethical
actions can be formulated as an interaction hypothesis.
JAOC H3. Observations of management’s response to past reports and ethical environment
15,4 signaling will interact such that a diligent response from management to past
reports of unethical behavior will strengthen fraud reporting intentions in
environments where proactive signaling is absent to a greater extent than when
proactive signaling is present.
662
The hypotheses are grounded in rather ambitious aspects of exchange theory. Without
direct benefits coming to the person who observes fraud, the reciprocity that might be
trigged (or not triggered) by purported ethical pronouncements and consistent reactive
behaviors is a generalized one. The exchange that may be occurring is based upon the
common benefits that the observing individual would have to see existing in shared moral
norms (Cropanzano and Mitchell, 2005; Sak, 2006). The observer is witnessing the first step,
whereas the organization positions itself regarding ethical behavior invites the individual
toward a similar plateau accomplishable only by virtue of that person reporting fraud.
In sum, this paper has made some assumptions in the selection of hypotheses to test.
Most notably, the importance of organizational values as announced, and as materialized in
action upon individuals, are asserted. This premise evokes various tensions for the
individual that balance the power distance between those that manage the organization
against the interactions that such a person is likely to have with other similarly situated
organizational members. When circumstances suggest that loyalty to the organization may
create lower harmony with other employees, the power of the psychological contract is put
at issue (Larmer, 1992; Grimmer and Oddy, 2007).
4. Research methodology
4.1 Design
The experiment uses a 2 2 between-subjects design to investigate the effect of a
psychological contract violation on the internal reporting of fraud. The between subjects
factors (independent variables) are outcome of previous reports of corporate behavior
(strong or weak company response) and organization ethical environment (positive or
neutral). The dependent outcome variable is the intention to report to a supervisor.
4.2 Task
Participants were given an experimental instrument describing the innovative bicycle
company (IBC), a hypothetical developer, manufacturer and seller of cutting-edge bicycles
and related accessories. Background information about the company indicated that the
company has a code of business conduct and an ethics policy, which employees are required
to sign on their first day of employment. The next portion of the instrument described the
company’s ethical environment (discussed below under Variables). This was followed by
information about Taylor, and Taylor’s co-worker Sam, both senior accountants and CPAs.
The participants next read a scenario in which Taylor discovers that Sam is engaging in a
check cashing scheme, in which Sam stole nearly $10,000 in just the previous month. Sam
appears to be taking the checks made out to “IBC” and depositing them into an alternative
account under his control with the name “Irresistible Bike Co.” The narrative concludes with
how the company has responded to previous reports made by employees of unethical
conduct (also discussed below in the Variables section).
After reading the scenario, participants responded to a series of questions designed to
measure their likelihood of reporting the fraud. Participants also respond to manipulation
check questions, questions about the ease of the case and the morality of the unethical act,
and a psychological contract violation measure. The instrument then concludes with Enacted
demographic questions. ethical
climates
4.3 Variables
The independent variables are organizational ethical climate and outcome of previous
reports. Organizational ethical climate was manipulated between participants. Two levels
represent relatively positive and negative ethical climates. To help develop the scenarios,
research was conducted to determine the factors that contribute to an ethical environment
663
(Sims and Brinkman, 2003; Ruiz-Palomino and Martinez-Canas, 2011; Murphy et al., 2012.).
In addition, corporate materials were consulted to determine how organizations maintain
strong, positive, ethical environments. Under the positive ethics manipulation, the company
was described as not only having and enforcing an ethics policy, but required yearly ethics
training, and using ethical adherence as a factor in employee performance review. Under the
negative ethics manipulation, the company was described as having an ethics policy but not
adhering to it. Here the manipulation also described a highly competitive, results-at-any-cost
environment that cast doubts on top management’s honesty and integrity (e.g. aggressive
earnings management). Outcome of previous reports of unethical conduct was also
manipulated between participants. Two levels represent a relatively strong and weak
response to reports of unethical conduct. Under the strong response condition, the company
was described as having a formal process to deal with such reports. The company also was
given a history of swift action which had included disciplinary action and employee
dismissal. Under the weak response condition, the company was described as having a
history of mishandling such reports, often resulting in either no action or inappropriately
light punishments.
The dependent variables sought to measure intention to report in a similar manner to
previous research (Ayers and Kaplan, 2005; Brink et al., 2013; Kaplan et al., 2011; Kaptein,
2011). Here, participants are asked both for how they believe the individual in the scenario
would respond as well as how they personally would respond if in the same situation. The
dependent variables were both measured on a 0 to 100 scale anchored with “not at all likely”
and “very likely”.
Similar to many whistleblowing studies (Brink et al., 2017; Patel, 2003; Kaplan et al.,
2011), reporting intentions are measured from both the first and third person perspectives so
that social desirability bias can be computed as the difference and then included as a
covariate. The tendency of individuals to answer questions in the way they believe will be
viewed favorably by others (when asked what they personally would do) in an effort to
present themselves positively (Chung and Monroe, 2003; Fisher and Katz, 2000; King and
Bruner, 2000), and must be anticipated in studies of the unmitigated deviance of
hypothetical parties. Krumpal (2013) states that, “survey questions about taboo topics such
as [. . .] social fraud [. . .] often generate inaccurate survey estimates which are distorted by
social desirability bias” (p. 2025). Ahmad et al. (2014) argue that a method should be used to
account for social desirability bias so that the validity and reliability of study results are not
weakened, and argue for the use of the first/third person method (as we use here).
4.4 Participants
Participants are individuals with bookkeeping or accounting experience who were recruited
through social networks, including Facebook and LinkedIn. Participants were not paid. All
individuals who clicked on the survey link were required to pass a five-question accounting
quiz (financial statements, debit/credit exercises) to proceed on to the actual experiment.
Several individuals were not able to pass the quiz and were excluded from the experiment at
JAOC that point. Restricting participants in this manner added external validity to the request that
15,4 the situation be judged by a knowledgeable individual who could imagine themselves in the
role of the person who discovers the fraud. Participants took an average of 13 min to
complete the entire instrument.
A total of 99 participants completed the entire instrument. Table I summarizes the
background information about these participants. Participants’ mean age was 39, 51.5
664 per cent were female and 97.9 per cent had an undergraduate degree or higher. Nearly 77
per cent of participants had five or more years of full-time work experience, with 43 per cent
currently employed as an analyst, staff, corporate or tax accountant, 27 per cent as
accounting controllers or managers, and 18 per cent as auditors. Statistical analysis applied
to the provided demographic information did not reveal any differences between the groups
formed by these conditions.
5. Results
5.1 Manipulation checks
To check the ethics manipulation, participants were asked “What was the overall
impression given of the company’s ethical culture?” and responded on a scale from 0 to 100,
anchored with “weak ethical culture” and “strong ethical culture.” The mean score for
participants in the less articulated ethical culture condition was 36.24 (SD = 28.36). The
mean score for participants in the more articulated ethical culture condition was 54.35 (SD =
33.73). Although, 23 participants failed this manipulation check, t-test results show that the
two ethical culture groups indicated significantly different scores (t = 2.730, p < 0.01).
To check the outcome of previous reports manipulation, participants were asked “What
impression did you get about how the company has previously responded to reports of
unethical behavior?” This asked respondents to respond on a scale from 0 to 100, anchored
with “no response” and “strong response.” The mean score for participants in the bad
outcome of previous reports condition was 18.38 (SD = 17.51). The mean score for
participants in the good outcome of previous reports condition was 70.80 (SD = 27.53).
Although 21 participants failed this manipulation check t-test results show that the two
outcome of previous reports groups indicated significantly different scores (t = 11.326, p <
0.001).
In total, 40 participants failed one of the manipulation checks. However, when the
analysis was limited to only successful participants whose responses were within one
standard deviation of the mean, the results are strengthened (p-values decrease). Because the
group-based manipulation tests were successful, the conservative approach to conduct
the hypotheses tests using the entire participant sample was taken.
Professional associations
State Society of CPAs 28.3%
AICPA 26.3%
IMA 7.1%
666 IIA 3.0%
ISACA 2.0%
NATP 1.0%
Table I. AWSCPA/AFWA 1.0%
Notes: Cell means represent participant responses to the following question: “How likely is it that you
Table II. would report this instance of questionable behavior to your supervisor?” Participants indicated their
response on a sliding scale from 0 to 100, anchored with not at all likely and very likely. Ethical
Participants’ environment is whether the participant received the paragraph which indicated a positive environment or a
likelihood of negative environment. Outcome of previous reports is whether the participant received the paragraph
reporting which indicated management had previously responded strongly or weakly to reports of unethical conduct
ethics condition, who had a mean of 78.29 (SE = 4.51). Therefore, the results are consistent
with the hypothesis.
H2 concerns the likelihood of reporting fraud under differing historical response to fraud
by management conditions. The main effect of outcome of previous reports is significant for
likelihood of reporting to the supervisor (F(1,94)=19.112, p < 0.001, one-tail). Participants in
the positive previous outcome condition indicated a higher intention to report with a mean of
93.10 (SE = 4.60), than participants in the negative previous outcome condition who had a Enacted
mean of 73.00 (SE = 4.53). Therefore, the results are consistent with the second hypothesis. ethical
H3 specified an interaction effect by expecting that individuals will be less likely to
report fraud when management has responded less diligently and forcefully in the past in
climates
the incongruous situation that the organization has signaled the existence of a positive
ethical environment. The interaction is significant for likelihood of reporting to the
supervisor (F(1,94)=3.894, p < 0.05, one tail). The cell with the highest likelihood of reporting
is positive ethical environment/positive outcome for previous reports with a mean of 93.36
667
(SE = 4.71), and the cell with the lowest likelihood of reporting is negative ethical
environment/negative outcome for previous reports with a mean of 63.74 (SE = 4.53).
Figure 1 depicts the consistency with expectations as the gap between negative and positive
previous outcome is largest for a negative ethical environment.
100
95
Whistleblowing Intention
90
85
80 Negative Environment
Positive Environment
75
70
65
60
Negative Outcome Positive Outcome
6. Conclusion
Most of our knowledge about psychological contracts, and reactions to their violation, has
been assembled through surveys. Many of these are impressively large data collections that
have allowed us an informed picture of what employees actually think about frustrated
expectations (Coyle-Shapiro and Kessler, 2000). Sometimes surveys allow us to see if our
basic ideas are sufficiently robust to describe neglected sectors, such as public sector
employment (Coyle-Shapiro, 2002). However, survey data is always more problematic than
we like to admit, and the psychological contract literature is no exception (Freese and
Schalk, 2008). In more recent years, researchers have turned to experiments to attempt to get
Enacted
ethical
climates
669
Figure 2.
PCV as a mediator
greater control and lower “noise.” Only through purposefully controlled variables can we
discover what really matters in a situation.
This paper could be seen as a juxtaposition of literatures. The study of those who report
wrongdoers (i.e. whistleblowers) is vast and undisciplined. By seeing the phenomena as a
socially generalized type of psychological contract, a needed theoretical basis (Miceli and
Near, 1985) is constructed. In the other direction, normative power is added to the
psychological contract literature. When fraud is afoot, individuals are called upon to do
selfless acts that depart widely from the standard whining over unmet entitlements to attain
personal rewards that unfortunately marks the area. The paper also brings the study of
JAOC fraud closer to the orbit of subjective ethics. As Gundlach et al. (2003) assert, every
15,4 whistleblowing case is a personalized attribution scenario. This research downplays
conventional whistleblowing parameters that have focused upon the fraudulent act and the
psychological characteristics of its observer (Taylor and Curtis, 2013; Curtis and Taylor,
2009) to prioritize the intensity of the perceived ethical climate that surrounds the events.
In many ways, the psychological contract is an overly rationalized account of human
670 behavior. To believe that people are constantly keeping score of what they are owed and
aligning its delivery with the quality and quantity of their efforts, may be a reflection of an
accountants’ worldview. Even if the contract is grounded in subjectivities, that which is
truly believed is real in its consequences (Thomas and Thomas, 1928). Whistleblowing
offers individuals a chance to do something that involves higher-order conceptions of
distributive justice, and therefore is inherently emotional in texture (Gundlach et al., 2003).
Rather than straining to ground behavior in farfetched theories of reasoned action (Izraeli
and Jaffe, 1998), we go beyond instrumental values (Murphy et al., 2012) to broader ideas of
who will be hurt and their relative culpability (Miceli and Near, 1992).
Although the research does not explicitly consider the changing nature of employment in
today’s economy (Chaudhry and Song, 2014), this dynamic condition merits observation. If
employment becomes more flexible and more fluid in the future, employees may become less
attentive to ethical signaling by organizations. The psychological contract may have to be
made more explicit, essentially more similar to a legally enforceable contract. Gratuitous
whistleblowing facilitated by unrecognized feelings of reciprocity might be more
endangered.
This paper did not explicitly consider whether a “new” employment relationship has or is
emerging. We can all agree that what employment means is not constant (Chaudhry and
Song, 2014). Here, some writers touch on the increased use of teams (Sverdrup and Schei,
2015), external job market conditions for employees (Morrison and Robinson, 1997) and
strain on organizational resources (Guest, 1998) as predicates for new contract flexibilities.
One might also expect that basic exchanges in employment will become more complex over
time (Alcover et al., 2017). Such may be the reason that organizations that offer
whistleblowing rewards often get counter-intuitive and undesired results (Brink et al., 2013).
The very nature of the psychological contract weighs against simple solutions to the
problems of insufficient whistleblowing in organizations. The basic idea is that everything
matters to employees and perceived shortcomings may dissuade performances in unrelated
domains. This research takes this holistic problem even further, suggesting that
organizational failures might have nothing to do with employee benefits, but instead pertain
to inadequacies of its ethical leadership. A failure to aspire to say the right things about
righteousness and to follow up with actual behaviors consistent with that aspiration leads to
more unreported fraud. A clear suggestion would be for organizations to seek to do better in
this realm, or to at least appreciate that the failure to model correct norms and behaviors will
create collateral problems in the denial of extra-role fidelity by employees.
Two other dimensions often seen in the whistleblowing literature were not modeled even
though a case could be made about their relevance. In the real world, the quality of the
evidence that wrongdoing has occurred matters to an observer’s reaction. Nobody benefits
from a false accusation, and weak evidence muddies conclusions about the ethical climate.
Unfortunately, evidence strength intertwines with type of fraud (Near et al., 2004), making it
unclear if participants were making evidentiary distinctions. Whistleblowers also face
possible retaliation. Although such events are much more likely for external whistleblowers,
some degree of interpersonal “blowback” is likely for internal reporting. Fayard et al. (2014)
for example show reporting is more likely when such retributive consequences are not high Enacted
(see also Wainberg and Perreault, 2016). ethical
This paper has several limitations. To focus on organizational elements believed
involved in psychological contracts, individual differences are not emphasized. This does
climates
not suggest that future research should also ignore them. One difference that might merit
more attention is national culture. For example, individuals from high power distance
cultures tend to react less to psychological contract violations (Zagenczyk et al., 2015). Some
671
groups apparently do not as readily subscribe to what could be called organized dissent
(Zhuang et al., 2005). Ethical cultures also have to be more integrated with ideas about where
power exists in the organization (Kaplan et al., 2010) but at the same time decomposed into
more specific elements about its operation (Kaptein, 2011).
The experimental method used in this research offers the advantage of rigorous control
over the ideas that surveys allow to vary when processed by the minds of respondents.
However, that method cannot offer the richness of some qualitative methods such as
interviews with knowledgeable subjects. Unfortunately, that approach would not work well
here due to the social desirability dimension of the fraud reporting phenomenon as well as
the exceptional circumstances that would have to be isolated in the real world by
researchers.
The hypotheses were grounded in the framework of exchange theory, from which the
logic of psychological contracts originates. The results suggest that ethical organizations
provide most people with socioeconomic resources that serve as an element of exchange to
which most feel obligated to reciprocate with appropriate prosocial acts. While other
currencies may be available to employees in their actual employments, reporting fraud
seems to be within the set of valuable performances employees can offer to balance their
workplace relationships.
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Corresponding author
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