Insights

Vol. 2 No. 2 December 2007

One Year Into

Fiji’s Fourth Coup
F
iji’s coup of December 5, 2006, the fourth
since independence from Britain in 1970, was
neither unexpected nor secretive. In fact, its
highly transparent nature may have allayed fears that
violence would ensue from the military takeover. Not
only was the planned transition announced months in
advance and generally peaceful, but it also took place
after Fiji’s military leader, Commodore Voreqe
“Frank” Bainimarama held a series of direct if
unconvincing consultations with representatives of
Australia, New Zealand and the United States about
the benefits of his assuming national leadership.
As a key regional center for government, education
and business in the South Pacific, Fiji is seen by many
as a keystone to regional stability. Indicative of the
broad international effort to avert the coup, then
United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan called
Commodore Bainimarama in Wellington threatening
that “an army takeover would not be accepted and
recognized by the United Nations and that the first
consequence of such an action would be Fiji being
asked to withdraw from all peacekeeping operations.”
EWC

Despite these concerted efforts to dissuade the

BY GERARD FININ
commander, the military’s anticipated plans to
displace democratically elected officials proceeded
uninterrupted. In early November 2006, troops
boldly launched a raid to collect seven tons of M16
ammunition being held by police on the Suva wharf.
Under increasing pressure, the indigenous Fijian
prime minister, Laisenia Qarase, resorted to full-page
newspaper advertisements appealing for public support.
Shortly thereafter, Bainimarama, citing rampant
corruption and the doctrine of necessity to justify
military intervention, dismissed the government,
dissolved Parliament and appointed an interim
EWC INSIGHTS

administration. In practical terms this simply meant community to insist on the return of the deposed prime
soldiers visited government officials to demand that they minister. Rather the Republic of Fiji Military Forces
surrender the keys to their official vehicles and cease (RFMF), headed by Bainimarama for just over a year,
reporting to their offices. Communications, including was forced temporarily into playing a dominant political
telephone lines and the Internet, remained open. role and, wishing to see a return to civilian government,
As the first anniversary of the military takeover installed former banker Laisenia Qarase as the new prime
approaches, a question worthy of consideration centers minister.
on whether the people of Fiji are better off today than Not long thereafter, in November 2000, unresolved
they were last December? To what extent have the divisions within the military resulted in a bloody but
stated goals of reducing corruption, addressing ethnic ultimately unsuccessful military mutiny by coup
fissures and spurring economic growth been achieved? sympathizers seeking Bainimarama’s assassination.
Has the general abandonment of democratic processes, Afterwards, the commander told Fiji’s Daily Post that
including the absence of checks and balances, made it there would be no more coup d’etats in Fiji. “The army
easier for the military-led government to effectively deal has never been as united as now, after the mutiny last
with fundamental issues including land tenure and the week,” he said. The commodore was hailed internationally
global pressures associated with diminishing subsidies for having played a positive role in subduing the rebels
for agricultural goods such as sugar cane? To be sure, and his success in restoring stability and civilian rule
the interim government did not start with a clean slate. after the coup. Fiji’s Sunday Post, noting with admiration
And even under the best of circumstances, significant that he “never bowed to those who broke the law,”
steps toward such worthy objectives would be daunting. named him 2000’s “Man of the Year.”
Shedding light on the answers to these questions Qarase’s subsequent election as prime minister in
requires a deeper understanding of where Fiji has been 2001 was seen as evidence that Fiji’s trajectory augured
over the past two decades. well for future democratic rule. However, over the next
several years Bainimarama’s relations with Qarase’s
Coup Protocol administration soured. Issues included military budget
As someone who was familiar with Fiji’s three previous cuts, suggestion that the commander would not be
coups, Bainimarama, an indigenous Fijian himself, reappointed at the end of his term, and a proposed
knew well the routine sanctions that would ensue once amnesty bill for those involved in the 2000 coup and
he took formal control. Fiji’s first coup in May 1987, mutiny. During the same period, Fiji auditors reported
called “Operation Surprise” had been led by a 38-year- “rampant abuse and mismanagement of funds by the
old lieutenant colonel, Sitiveni Rabuka. Four months state and within the civil service.” Throughout 2005 and
later a second coup had consolidated Rabuka’s position. early 2006, tensions between Fiji’s military and newly
The goal of these first two coups was to ensure that elected civilian leadership simmered.
government was controlled by indigenous Fijians, not By October, Commodore Bainimarama delivered
by a coalition that included Fijians of Indian ancestry, an ultimatum to Prime Minister Qarase, reported in the
a population that first came to Fiji in the 1870s as Fiji Times:
plantation laborers. “What matters is the fact that this Government leads
International condemnation and calls for a return to the nation with justice and fairness to all citizens and
democracy were accompanied by measures intended to not to a group of citizens [i.e., indigenous Fijians]
punish Fiji, including the suspension of all military only.… At this stage Fiji needs good governance and
assistance and a ban on travel to Australia, New Zealand the military will demand for their resignation. There
and the United States by senior military staff and their is nothing illegal about this.”
families. It resulted in suspension from the Commonwealth
as well. But over time these measures were quietly lifted, Last-minute talks between Bainimarama and Qarase
and by the 1990s Prime Minister Rabuka was accepted as in late November 2006 to prevent a coup resulted in the
a legitimate leader who was hosted by foreign governments government’s acceding to nearly all of the military’s
and participated in international forums from Wellington demands. But the military’s call to “clean up government”
to Washington. Ironically, it was Rabuka’s gradual with a short-term deadline found the prime minister
rapprochement with the Indo-Fijian political community demeaning the commander, saying it should be “obvious
and formation of a three-party coalition that may have to anybody” that Bainimarama is mentally ill. “We are
resulted in his 1999 election loss, which he accepted by dealing with somebody who is completely deranged and
peacefully stepping down. unstable so that’s part of the problem,“ Qarase said. Only
Fiji’s third coup, in May 2000, once again involved days later, as the military’s grip on power in the capital of
the removal of Indo-Fijians from government, most Suva tightened, Qarase retreated to his village on the
notably then Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry. island of Vanuabalavu. Ironically, one of Bainimarama’s
A group of businessmen and members of an elite first actions as the self-proclaimed prime minister was to
military unit took over Parliament at gunpoint and held ensure all those involved in the latest coup received a
lawmakers hostage for 56 days. Release of Fiji’s hostages blanket amnesty, despite the fact that one of the main
and the arrest of numerous coup organizers both in and reasons for the coup itself centered on an earlier amnesty
outside the military did not prompt the international bill for those who participated in the 2000 coup.
 Coup Reactions appointments to key positions as a propitious sign, and
Fiji Islanders generally acknowledge the complex favor the regime’s curtailment of aggressive affirmative
challenges all of Fiji’s post-independence leaders have action policies favoring indigenous Fijians, particularly in
faced. Legacies of colonial rule (e.g., ethnic divisions and education. Alternatively, some indigenous Fijian young
land tenure issues) coupled with still influential chiefly professionals who were disenchanted with Qarase’s
forms of governance as well as the pressures of a globalizing “traditional” approach to governance are impressed
world have weighed heavily on the shoulders of Fiji’s (although perhaps not convinced) by the regime’s stated
prime ministers. With this implicit understanding, there goal of cleansing the public sector of corruption while
appears to be a range of responses to the December coup. ensuring efficiency.
By most measures, Initial reactions were generally positive within the
Indo-Fijian community, and more muted among Fiji in Perspective
the situation over
indigenous Fijians. The prospect of reducing corruption In assessing Fiji’s current situation it is useful to look
the past twelve was widely applauded, as was the possibility of seeing more broadly at the experience of coup-inspired regimes.
crime rates fall. There was hope that ethnic cleavages There are around the globe today more than a dozen
months has
might be narrowed. If the public’s response suggested such coup leaders in power. The promises made by those
deteriorated. some tentativeness about what had transpired, so too executing coups routinely include ridding government of
did the military’s grasp of how to deal with the small corruption, writing a new constitution and returning the
number of voices that criticized their actions. After nation to “true” democracy. Some coups also embrace
print media were threatened with censorship or being broader objectives associated with launching a “social
shut down, the military agreed to ease up, albeit with revolution” to fundamentally and beneficially transform
the implicit threat of retaliation if media criticism was society. With laudable goals in mind, the ends justify the
too strident. Some individuals who openly criticized the means. Yet the record suggests that seizing control of
coup were forcibly taken to the military barracks, with state power is considerably easier than governing in a
reports of beatings, gun pointing and other forms of manner which actually achieves these ends. Pakistan,
intimidation. Burma (Myanmar) and Thailand, for example, offer
The dawn of 2007 saw a semblance of normalcy strong evidence that military regimes, even when holding
emerge as a number of prominent civilians accepted monopoly control of state instruments and institutions,
appointments to be part of the new military are generally unable to make good on their promises to
government. These appointments highlighted deep broadly advance citizens’ well-being.
cracks within the indigenous Fijian confederacies as Fiji’s post-coup “honeymoon” period has some
previously marginalized factions, particularly those striking parallels with another authoritarian regime, the
associated with the family of Fiji’s first prime minister, early days of martial law in the Philippines. In September
Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, took key positions heading the 1972 Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, in close
ministries of Foreign Affairs and Fijian Affairs. Support collaboration with military officers he had appointed,
among the Indo-Fijian community was significantly declared that martial law was being imposed to protect
broadened with the announcement that the deposed that nation from communist insurgents, eradicate
former prime minister, Mahendra Chaudhry, would widespread corruption, overhaul a stalled political process
join the regime by accepting the powerful minister of and reform the land tenure system. Initial international
finance position. To offset the sanctions by Australia, reactions were negative, but within a year favorable
New Zealand, the United States and European Union, commentaries remarked about the newly imposed public
it was announced that Fiji would be sending high-level discipline, recruitment of Western trained technocrats to
delegations overseas for the purpose of establishing manage the public sector and an increased sense of pride
closer relations with countries such as the People’s associated with the regime’s nationalist rhetoric.
Republic of China, Korea and Malaysia. Yet it was the cooptation of the judiciary that was
Exit from Fiji in terms of increased emigration the most critical element in incrementally allowing the
rates has been the choice for some individuals. Marcos regime to use its unchecked power for enormous
Although the precise figures are difficult to obtain, personal gain. Over more than a decade any of the
it would appear a significant number of individuals possible positive early gains made under martial law gave
possessing marketable skills overseas have as a result of way to rampant graft and corruption on an unparalleled
the coup departed for greener pastures. While equally scale. As the nation’s people became poorer, officials and
difficult to measure without accurate polling data, there well-connected business interests plundered government
seems among many rural village-based indigenous institutions of billions of dollars that set the Philippines
Fijians to be a level of forbearance, coupled with a back by decades or more.
wait-and-see approach. To what extent this influential To be sure, there is no indication that Frank
segment of the population may be simmering, and may Bainimarama or his family wish to enrich themselves
remain deeply unsettled about what the future holds, in the style of the Marcoses. By almost all accounts the
is largely unknown. commodore lives modestly, works hard, and wants to see
Some degree of popular support for the coup is a future where all the people of Fiji enjoy a satisfying
still evident among several groups. Numerous non-ethnic standard of living in which their children have bountiful
Fijians see the significant number of Indo-Fijian opportunities. Speaking before the United Nations
EWC INSIGHTS

General Assembly in late September, Fiji’s leader earnestly A window of opportunity

requested the international communities’ understanding As Fiji nears the one-year anniversary of “interim
“to help us rebuild our nation within the true spirit of government” rule, day-to-day issues have consumed the
internationally acceptable precepts of good governance regime’s energies, leaving insufficient time for attention
and a democracy that can be made to work and be to the major outstanding long-term structural issues such
sustained in Fiji.” as land tenure. However, there remains a small window
Fiji today stands in a far more favorable light of opportunity for Bainimarama and his colleagues to
than many countries which simply because they hold find a path that will lead Fiji toward a brighter future.
elections claim to be highly democratic. One may Unlike many of the world’s dictators who see themselves
reasonably argue that, at least in the short term, Fiji is as saviors with lifetime appointments, the commodore
managing better than some other Pacific island nations has articulated his dislike for the Office of Prime
where elections are held on a regular basis but fail to Minister proclaiming not long ago, “I hate this job.”
produce governments capable of advancing the quality The recent promise of national elections by March
of life. But the record of military rule in Fiji thus far 2009 is a hopeful sign, but much can happen before
indicates there are legitimate reasons for growing then. Waiting another 15 months poses a distinct danger
concern. By most measures the situation over the that the absence of effective checks and balances could
past twelve months has deteriorated. Fiji's economy well result in a burgeoning of the types of corruption
is stagnant or even declining. Human rights abuses and economic decline the coup leaders decry.
continue to be a serious issue, with ongoing reports Alternatively, there is much that can be done to
of beatings. advance national unity, increase accountability and
Equally troubling, the entire judicial branch of address major issues such as the future of the sugar
government has fallen into disorder with lawyers and industry. With hard work, bold decisions and the right
judges finding themselves in limbo. Recent reports of forms of assistance from the international community,
police officials directing threats toward the office of the question becomes: Can Bainimarama restore genuine
Public Prosecution and the Pacific Judicial Conference’s democratic rule and possibly once again become the Fiji
call for an investigation into Fiji’s judiciary has all but Post’s “Man of the Year?”
removed any notion of the regime being subject to
independent review and restraint. Not only has the Gerard Finin is the deputy director of the Pacific Islands
military indicated that they will ignore judicial Development Program at the East-West Center. Current
decisions not to their liking, but there are reports of research includes a Ford Foundation-funded project called
extra-judicial actions by military personnel who have Islands of Globalization which seeks to enhance our
assumed judicial powers. It remains to be seen whether understanding of the origins, nature and consequences of
the ongoing court case filed by former Prime Minister globalization from the perspective of small island societies
Qarase will be more than a debating exercise. Without in the Caribbean and Pacific regions. His recent book,
a vibrant and vigorous system of institutional checks The Making of the Igorot, about American colonial policy
and balances, there is little optimism that the regime and practice in the Philippines, was a Manila Critics Circle
will achieve the honest and effective government it finalist in 2006 for Best Book in the Social Sciences.
desires. Finin received his Ph.D. from Cornell University.

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