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 Теоретическая
фонетика
английского
языка
2-е издание

Рекомендовано
Государственным комитетом Российской Федерации
по высшему образованию в качестве учебника для
студентов вузов, обучающихся по специальности
«Филология»

Москва
«Гуманитарный издательский центр ВЛАДОС»
1996
ББК 81.2 Англ-023
Т-33

Р е ц е н з е н т ы : кафедра английского языка Ивановского госу­

дарственного университета (зав. кафедрой канд. филол. наук, доц.
Г.М£ишневская); д-р филол. наук, проф. ЮАДубовский (Пятигорский
государственный педагогический институт иностранных языков)

Т-33 Теоретическая фонетика английского языка: Учеб. для студ.

ин-тов и фак. иностр. яз. / М.А.Соколова, К.П.Гинтовт, И.С.Тихоно-
ва, Р.М.Тихонова. — М.: Гуманит. изд. центр ВЛАДОС, 1996. — 286 с.
ISBN 5-691-00014-4.

В учебнике описана английская фонетическая система. Он состо­

ит из 6 глав, библиографического списка, включает схемы и таблицы.
Материал изложен с точки зрения профессиональной направлен­
ности курса. Новым является раздел фоностилистики; другие разделы
учебника учитывают до гических иссле­
дований.

ББК 81.2 Англ-923

т 4602020102(4309000000) — 16
Без объявл 4И (Англ)
14 К (03) — 96

ISBN 5-601-00014-4 © Коллектив авторов, 1996

© “Гуманитарный издательский
центр ВЛАДОС", 1996
 CONTENTS

F o re w o rd ..................... ......................................................................................... 5
In tro d u c tio n ...........................................................................................................6
C h a p t e r I. Problem s of P honostylistics..............................................18
C h a p t e r II. The Functional A spect of Speech S o u n d s...................39
T he P h o n e m e ........................................................................................... 39
N o ta tio n .....................................................................................................47
M ain Trends in Phonem e T h e o r y ...................................................... 49
M ethods of Phonological A n a ly sis ....................................................51
T he System of English P h o n e m e s ...................................................... 59
1. C o n s o n a n ts .................................................................................... 60
2. M odifications of C onsonants in C o n n ected S p e e c h ...........71
3. V o w e ls..............................................................................................78
4. Modifications of V ow els in C on n ected S p e e c h ...................88
S ound A lte rn a tio n s.................................................................................90
Stylistic M odifications of S o u n d s .....................................................100
C h a p t e r III. Syllabic Structure of English W o r d s .........................112
C h a p t e r IV. A ccentual Structure of English W o rd s .................... 121
C h a p t e r V . In to n a tio n ......................................................................... 185
Structure an d F u n c tio n ............................................................. ..........135
N o ta tio n .............................................................................................. ...1 4 5
R h y th ip ................................... :.............................................................. 163
Stylistic Use of Intonatioh ..'........ .................... ................................. 184
1. Inform ational S ty le ..................................................................... 186
2. Academic S ty le ............................................................................ 215
3. Publicistic S t y l e ........................................................................... 221
4. D eclam atory S ty le ...................................................................... 226
5. C onversational S t y l e .................................................................232
Chapter VI. Territorial V arieties of English P ro n u n ciatio n ......247
Functional Stylistics an d D ialectology........................................... 247
Spread of E n g lish ..................................................................................252
English-Based Pronunciation Standards of E nglish .................... 253
British E ng lish............. ......................................................................253

3
 I. English E n g lish ............................................................................. 254
A. RP (Received P ro nunciation).............................................254
C h an ges in th e S ta n d a rd ........................... .............................. 255
B. Regional Non-RP Accents of E n g la n d ............................ 262
II. W elsh E nglish........ ......................................................................270
III. Scottish E n g lish .......................................................................... 271
IV. N orthern Ireland English........................................................ 274
Am erican-B ased Pronunciation S tandards of E n g lish ............... 276
A m erican E n g lish ............................................................... ............ 276
List of W orks C o n su lte d ...............................................................................284
 FOREWORD

P h o n e tic 7 s tru c tu re of E nglish is ra th e r a v a s t a re a of s tu d y for

teach ers of th is lan g u ag e. T he p u rp o se of o u r b o o k is to describe th e
sy stem of p h o n etic functional units an d their u se in th e process of s6-
cial com m unication.
T he plan of this b o o k is organized accordingly. Introduction m akes
som e pleas for th e v alu e of phonetics for foreign language teaching and
study, view s phonetics as a branch of linguistics, establishes its connec­
tion w ith oth er fields of science, etc. C h ap ter I introduces th e functional
a p p ro a c h to th e p ro n u n c ia tio n of E nglish in use. C h a p te r II is c o n ­
cerned w ith segm ental phonem es. C h ap ters III, IV, V discuss supraseg-
m ental asp ects including accentual structure, syllabic structure an d in­
to n atio n . C h a p te r VI is d e v o te d to territorial varieties of English an d
its teaching norm .
T h e a u th o rs h o p e th at during this course th e stu d en ts will b e e n ­
couraged to e n te r into a dialogue w ith our b o o k a n d savour th e e n d ­
less fascination of this asp ect of linguistic organization.
 INTRODUCTION

This book is aimed at future teachers of English. The teachers

of a foreign language are definitely aware of the existence of
phonetics. They are always being told, that it is essential that
they should be skilful phoneticians. The reaction may be differ­
ent. Some teachers meet it with understanding. Some protest
that it is not in their power, for various reasons, to become pho­
neticians, others deny that it is really necessary.
"Is it in fact necessary for a language teacher to be a phoneti­
cian? I would reply that all language teachers willy-nilly are
phoneticians. It is not possible, for practical purposes, to teach a
foreign language to any type of learner, for any purpose, by any
method, without giving some attention to pronunciation. And
any attention to pronunciation is phonetics" (42, p. 28).
W hat do we mean by phonetics as a science? Phonetics is
concerned with the human noises by which the thought is actu-
alised or given audible shape: the nature of these noises, their
combinations, and their functions in relation to the meaning.
Phonetics studies the sound system of the language, that is seg­
mental phonemes, word stress, syllabic structure and intonation.
It is primarily concerned with expression level. However, pho­
netics is obliged to take the content level into consideration too,
because at any stage of the analysis, a considerable part of the
phonetician's concern is with the effect which the expression
unit he is examining and its different characteristics have on
meaning. Only meaningful sound sequences are regarded as
speech, and the science of phonetics, in principle at least, is con­
cerned only with such sounds produced by a human vocal appa­
ratus as are, or may be, carriers of organized information of lan­
guage. Consequently, phonetics is important in the study of lan­
guage. An understanding of it is a prerequisite to any adequate
understanding of the structure or working of language. No kind
of linguistic study can be made without constant consideration
of the material on the expression level.
6
 It follows from this, that phonetics is a basic branch — many
would say the most fundamental branch — of linguistics; neither
linguistic theory nor linguistic practice can do without phonet­
ics, and no language description is complete without phonetics,
the science concerned with the spoken medium of language.
That is w hy phonetics claims to be of equal importance with
grammar and lexicology.
Phonetics has two main divisions; on the one hand, phonolo­
gy, the study of the sound patterns of languages, of how a spo­
ken language functions as a “code", and on the other, the study
of substance, that carries the code.
Before analysing the linguistic function of phonetic units we
need to know how the vocal mechanism acts in producing oral
speech and what methods are applied in investigating the m ate­
rial form of the language, that is its substance.
Human speech is the result of a highly complicated series of
events. The formation of the concept takes place at a linguistic
level, that is in the brain of the speaker; this stage may be called
psychological. The message formed within the brain is transmit­
ted along the nervous system to the speech organs. Therefore
we may say that the human brain controls the behaviour of the
articulating organs which effects in producing a particular pat­
tern of speech sounds. This second stage may be called physio­
logical. The movements of the speech apparatus disturb the air
stream thus producing sound waves. Consequently the third
stage may be called physical or acoustic. Further, any communi­
cation requires a listener, as well as a speaker. So the last stages
are the reception of the sound waves by the listener's hearing
physiological apparatus, the transmission of the spoken message
through the nervous system to the brain and the linguistic inter­
pretation of the information conveyed.
Although not a single one of the organs involved in the
speech mechanism is used only for speaking we can, for practi­
cal purposes, use the term “organs of speech" in the sense of the
organs which are active, directly or indirectly, in the process of
speech sound production.
In accordance with their linguistic function the organs of
speech may be grouped as follows:
The respiratory or power mechanism furnishes the flow of air
which is the first requisite for the production of speech sounds.
This mechanism is formed by the lungs, the wind-pipe and the

7
bronchi. The air-stream expelled from the lungs provides the
most usual source of energy which is regulated by the power
mechanism. Regulating the Torce of the air-wave the lungs pro­
duce variations in the intensity of speech sounds. Syllabic pulses
and dynamic stress, both typical of English, c.re directly related
to the behaviour of the muscles which activate this mechanism.
From the lungs through the wind-pipe the air-stream passes
to the upper stages of the vocal tract. First of all it passes to the
larynx containing the vocal cords. The function of the vocal
cords consists in their role as a vibrator set in motion by the air-
stream sent by the lungs. At least two actions of the vocal cords
as a vibrator should be mentioned.
The opening between the vocal cords is known as the glottis.
W hen the glottis is tightly closed and the air is sent up below it
the so-called glottal stop is produced. It often occurs in English
when it reinforces or even replaces [p], [t], or [k] or even when it
precedes the energejtic articulation of vowel sounds. The most
important speech function of the vocal cords is their role in the
production of voice. The effect of voice is achieved when the vo­
cal cords are brought together and vibrate when subjected to the
pressure of air passing from the lungs. This vibration is caused
by compressed air forcing an opening of the glottis and the fol­
lowing reduced air-pressure permitting the vccal cords to come
together again.

Glottal positions. Diagraihs of some of the possible settings of the vocal cords:
a — tightly closed as for the glottal stop; b — wide-о] >en as for breath;
с — loosfJy together and vibrating as for v'oice.

The height of the speaking voice depends on the frequency

of the vibrations. The more frequently the vocal cords vibrate
the higher the pitch is. The typical speaking voice of a man is
higher than that of a woman because the vocal cords of a wom­
an vibrate more frequently. We are able to v.iry the rate of the
vibration thus producing modifications of the pitch component
of intonation. More than that. W e are able to modify the size of
the puff of airw hich escapes at each vibration of the vocal cords,
that is we can alter the amplitude of the vibration which causes
changes of the loudness of the sound heard by the listener.
From the larynx the air-stream passes to supraglottal cavi­
ties, that is to the pharynx, the mouth and the nasal cavities.
The shapes of these cavities modify the note produced in the lar­
ynx thus giving rise to particular speech sounds.1
W e shall confine ourselves here to a simple description of the
linguistic function of the organs of speech, and refer the reader
for further information to any standard handbook of anatom y
and physiology, or, rather, to books on general linguistics.
There are three branches of phonetics each corresponding to
a different stage in the communication process mentioned above.
Each of these branches uses quite special sets of methods.
The branch of phonetics that studies the way in which the air
is set in motion, the movements of the speech organs and the co­
ordination of these m ovem ents in the production qf single
sounds and trains of sounds is called articulatory phonelics.
Acoustic phonetics studies the way in which the air vibrates
between the speaker's mouth and the listener's ear. Until recent­
ly, articulatory phonctics has been the dominating branch, and
most descriptive work has been done in articulatory terms. Fur­
thermore, there has appeared no need to alter the balance in any
substantial way, especially for the purpose of teaching, acoustic
phonetics presenting special interest for research work and ap­
plied linguistics. Nevertheless, in the nearest future it may start
to play a constantly growing part in teaching pronunciation. W e
may hope that the development of computing technique will
give rise to all sort of teaching machines.
The branch of phonetics investigating the hearing process is
known as auditory phonetics. Its interests lie more in the sensa­
tion of hearing, which is brain activity, than in the physiological
working of the ear or the nervous activity between the ear and
the brain. The means by which we discriminate sounds — quali­
ty, sensations of pitch, loudness, length, are relevant here. Ib is
branch of phonetics is of great interest to anyone who teaches or
studies pronunciation.

1 For a detailed description see: Практическая фонетика английского язы­

ка: Учеб. для фак. англ. яз.'пед. ин-тов / Соколов М.А., Гинтовт К.П., Кан-
тер Л.А. и др. — М.: Высшая школа, 1984.
9
 It is interesting now to consider the methods applied in in­
vestigating the sound matter of the language.
It is useful to distinguish between phonetic studies carried
out without other instruments of analysis than the human senses
and such as are based upon the witness of registering or com put­
ing machines and technical analysing or synthesizing devices.
The use of such a device as the tape-recorder does not of course
imply in itself any instrumental analysis of the speech recorded,
but simply serves the purpose of facilitating the speech analysis
and conserving a replica of the speech the informants use.
From the beginning of phonetics the phonetician has relied
mainly on what he could feel of his own speech and on what he
could hear both of his own and the informant's speech. By train­
ing and practice he gains a high degree of conscious control over
the muscular functioning of his vocal apparatus, and by experi­
ence he may acquire considerable skill in associating the quali­
ties of the heard sound with the nature of the articulations pro­
ducing it. These skills are obligatory for phoneticians and make
phonetics an art rather than a science, an art whicji must be spe­
cially learned.
Instrumental methods deriving from physiology and physics
were introduced into phonetics in the second half of the last cen­
tury in order to supplement and indeed to rectify the impressions
deriving from the human senses, especially the auditory impres­
sions, since these are affected by the limitations of the perceptual
mechanism, and in general are rather subjective.
The use of instruments is valuable in ascertaining the nature of
the limitations and characteristics of the human sensory appara­
tus by providing finer and more detailed analysis against which
sensory analysis can be assessed. In a general way, the introduc­
tion of machines for measurements and for instrumental analysis
into phonetics has resulted in their use for detailed study of many
of the phenomena which are present in the sound wave or in the
articulatory process at any given moment, and in the changeis of
these phenomena from moment to moment. This is strictly an in­
strumental method of study. This type of investigation together
with sensory analysis is widely used in experimental phonetics.
The results available from instrumental analysis supplement
those available from sensory analysis. Practically today there are
no areas of phonetics in which useful work can and is being
done without combining these two ways of phonetic investiga­
10
tion. The "subjective" methods of analysis by sensory impression
and the "objective" methods of analysis by instruments are com­
plementary and not oppositive to one another. Both "objective"
and “subjective" methods are widely and justifiably used in mod­
ern phonetics. Articulatory phonetics borders with anatom y and
physiology and the tools for investigating just what the speech
organs do are tools which are used in these fields: direct observa­
tion, wherever it is possible, e.g. lip movement, some tongue
movement; combined with x-ray photography or x-ray cinema­
tography; observation through mirrors as in the laryngoscopic
investigation of vocal cord movement, etc.
Acoustic phonetics comes close to studying physics and the
tools used in this field enable the investigator to measure and an­
alyse the movement of the air in the terms of acoustics. This
generally m eans introducing a m icrophone into the speech
chain, converting the air movement into corresponding electrical
activity and analysing the result in terms of frequency of vibra­
tion and amplitude of vibration in relation to time. The use of
such technical devices as spectrograph, intonograph and other
Sound analysing and sound synthesizing machines is generally
combined with the method of direct observation.
The pictures on p. 11 may be a good illustration of the use of
such a device as the intonograph.
The methods applied in auditory phonetics are those of ex­
perimental psychology.
As was stated above, phoneticians cannot act only as de­
scrib es and classifiers of the material form of phonetic units.
They are also interested in the way in which sound phenomena
function in a particular language, how they are utilized in that
language and what part they play in manifesting the meaningful
distinctions of the language. ТЪе branch of phonetics that studies
the linguistic function of consonant and vowel sounds, syllabic
structure, word accent and prosodic features, such as pitch,
stress and tempo is called phonology.
In linguistics, function is usually understood to mean discrim­
inatory function, that is, the role of the various elements of the
language in the distinguishing of one sequence of sounds, such
as a word or a sequence of words, from another of different
meaning. Though we consider the discriminatory function to be
the main linguistic function of any phonetic unit we cannot ig­
nore the other function of phonetic units, .that is, their role in the
ll
formation of syllables, words, phrases and even texts. This func­
tional or social aspect of phonetic phenomena was first intro­
duced in the works by I.A.Baudouin-de-Courtenay. Lat^r on
N.S.Trubetskoy declared phonology to be a linguistic science
limiting articulatory and acoustic phonetics to anatomy, physiol­
ogy and acoustics only. This conception is shared by many for­
eign linguists who investigate the material form and the function
of oral speech units separately. Soviet linguists proceed from the
truly materialistic view that language being the man's medium
of thought can exist only in the material form of speech sounds.
That is why they consider phonology a branch of phonetics that
investigates its most important social aspect’. Phonology pos­
sesses its own methods of investigation which will be described
later in the course.

130 m

The intonogramme of the English phrases “Yes." "Yes?"

Apart from its key position in any kind of scientific analysis

of language phonetics plays an important part in various appli­
cations of linguistics. A few may be mentioned here.
A study of phonetics has, we believe, educational value for
almost everyone, realizing the importance of language in human
communication. It is fair to mention here that though language
is the most important method we have of communicating, it is
manifestly not the only, method. We can communicate by ges­
tures, facial expressions, or touch, for instance, and these are not
language. The study of the complex of various communication
techniques is definitely relevant to teaching a foreign language.
1 In the following chapters we shall sometimes traditionally use the term
"phonetic" meaning non-phonological distinctions.
12
Through study of the nature of language, especially of spoken
language, valuable insights are gained into human psychology
anti into the functioning of man in society. That is why we dare
sa^i that phonetics has considerable social value.
'As regards the learning of specific foreign languages, there
hast never been a time in the world when the ability of growing
numbers of people to speak one another's language really well
has been of such significance as now. Some training in linguistics
and phonetics in general, and in the pronunciation of particular
language is coming more and more to be considered equipment
for a teacher of foreign languages in school or special faculties
making him more efficient in his routine work on the spoken
language, as well as in the variety of other things, such as cop­
ing with audio-visual aids like tape-recorders and language labo­
ratories or in knowing what to do about any of his pupils who
have defective speech.
A knowledge of the structure of sound systems, and of the
articulatory and acoustic properties of the production of speech
is indispensable in the teaching of foreign languages. The teacher
has to know the starting point, which is the sound system of the
pupil’s mother tongue, as well as the aim of his teaching, which
is a mastery of the pronunciation of the language to be learnt.
He must be able to point out the differences between these two,
and to arrange adequate training exercises. Ear training and ar­
ticulatory training are both equally important in modern lan­
guage teaching. The introduction of technical equipm ent —
disks, tape-recorders, language laboratories, etc. — has brought
about a revolution in the teaching of the pronunciation of foreign
languages.
In our technological age phonetics has become important in a
number of technological fields connected with communication.
On the research side much present-day work in phonetics entails
the use of apparatus, and is concerned with the basic characteris­
tics of human speech. Much basic research is to be done with the
phonetician working alongside the psychologist on auditory per­
ception as such and on the perception of speech in particular. The
phonetician is further needed to work in conjunction with the
mathematician and the communications engineer in devising and
perfecting machines that will understand, that is respond to hu­
man speech, for the simpler programming of computers, m a­
chines that will produce with a high degree of intelligibility recog-
13
 J
nizable human speech synthetically, machines that will reliably
distinguish and identify individual speakers, machines for repro­
ducing human speech in audible or visible forms. For instance, in
the experimental stage are devices for "reading" the printed page,
that is for converting the printed symbols or letters into synthetic
speech. A little further away as yet, but apparently well wjthin
the bounds of possibility is the automatic or phonetic typewriter,
which will convert speech directly into printed words on paper.
Because of the obvious practical importance of advances in these
fields it is certain that further collaboration will develop between
phonetics and sound engineering, to the mutual benefit of each.
For those who work in speech therapy, which handles patho­
logical conditions of speech, phonetics forms an essential part of
the professional training syllabus. Phonetics also enters into the
training of teachers of the deaf and dumb people and can be of
relevance to a number of medical and dental problems.
An understanding of phonetics has proved extremely useful
in such varied spheres as the following: investigations in the his­
torical aspects of languages, and in the field of dialectology; de­
signing or improving systems of writing or spelling (orthogra­
phies for unwritten languages, shorthand, spelling reform), in
questions involving the spelling or pronunciation of personal or
place names or of words borrowed from other languages.
Our further point should be made in connection with the re­
lationship between phonetics and social sciences. A cardinal
principle underlying the whole linguistic approach is that lan­
guage is not an isolated phenomenon; it is a part of society, and
a part of ourselves. It is a prerequisite for the development of
any society. From the above you may see that phonetics enters
into a number of specialized fields and that it is not possible to
restrict the investigation of any phonetic phenomenon by the
methods of linguistics only. No branch of linguistics can be stud­
ied without presupposing at least the study of other aspects of
society. The way in which phonetics overlaps in its subject m at­
ter with other academic studies has become well appreciated
over the last few years, and in the past two decades we have
seen the development of quite distinct interdisciplinary subjects,
such as sociolinguistics (and sociophonetics correspondingly),
psycholinguistics, mathematical linguistics and others. These, as
their titles suggest, refer to aspects of language which are rele­
vant and susceptible to study from two points of view (sociology
14
anti linguistics, psychology and linguistics and so on), and
which thus requires awareness and development of concepts and
the techniques derived from both.
aociophonetics studies the ways in which pronunciation in­
teracts with society. It is the study of the way in which phoneti^
structures change in response to different social functions and
the deviations of what these functions are. Society here is used
in its broadest sense, to cover a spectrum of phenomena to do
with Inationality, more restricted regional and social groups, and
the specific interactions of individuals within them. Here there
are innumerable facts to be discovered, even about a language as
well investigated as English, concerning, for instance, the nature,
of the different kinds of English pronunciation we use in different
situations — when we are talking to equals, superiors or subor­
dinates; when we are "on the job", when we are old or young;
male or female; when we are trying to persuade, inform, agree
or disagree and so on. W e may hope that very soon sociopho­
netics may supply elementary information about: "who can say,
what, how, using what phonetic means, to whom, when, and
why?" In teaching phonetics we would consider the study of so­
ciolinguistics to be an essential part of the explanation in the
functional area of phonetic units.
Finally, we would like to mention one more example of inter­
disciplinary overlap, that is the relation of linguistics to psychol­
ogy. Psycholinguistics as a distinct area of interest developed in
the early sixties, and in its early form covered the psychological
implications of an extremely broad area, from acoustic phonetics
to language pathology. Nowadays no one would want to deny
the existence of strong mutual bonds of interest operating be­
tween linguistics, phonetics in our case and psychology. The ac­
quisition of language by children, the extent to which language
mediates or structures thinking; the extent to which language is
influenced and itself influences such things as memory, atten­
tion, recall and constraints on perception; and the extent to
which language has a certain role to play in the understanding
of human development; the problems of speech production are
broad illustrations of such bounds.
The field of phonetics is thus becoming wider and tending to
extend over the limits originally set by its purely linguistic appli­
cations. On the other hand, the growing interest in phonetics is
doubtless partly due to increasing recognition of the central posi­
tion of language in every line of social activity. It is important,

15
however, that the phonetician should remain a linguist and look
upon his science as a study of the spoken form qf language./ft is
its application to linguistic phenomena that makes phonetics a
social science in the proper sense of the word, notwithstanding
its increasing need of technical methods, and in spite of its prac­
tical applications. I
At the faculties of foreign languages in this country! two
courses of phonetics are introduced: \
Practical or normative phonetics that studies the substance,
the material form of phonetic phenomena in relation to meaning.
Theoretical phonetics which is mainly concerned with fhe
functioning of phonetic units in the language. Theoretical p -
netics, as we introduce it here, regards phonetic phenomena
synchronically without any special attention paid to the histori­
cal development of English.
This course is intended to discuss those problems of modern
phonetic science which are strongly concerned with English lan­
guage teaching. The teacher must be sure that what he teaches
is linguistically correct. W e hope that this book will enable him
to work out a truly scientific approach to the material he intro­
duces to his pupils.
In phonetics as in any other subject, there are various schools
of thought whose views sometimes coincide and sometimes con­
flict. Occasional reference is made to them but there is no at­
tempt to set out all possible current approaches to the phonetic
theory because this book does not seem to be the place for that.
We shall try here to get away from complex sounding prob­
lems of theoretical phonetics by producing thumb-nail defini­
tions, which will provide an easier starting point in this subject.
The authors will try to explain exactly why it is important to em­
phasize that phonetics should be studied scientifically, and follow
this up by analysing the object of study, pronunciation, in some
detail. All of this assumes, we hope, a considerable amount of in­
terest to the future teacher of English. However, it would be
naive of an author to expect anyone to work system atically
through so many pages of the text without there being some ad­
vance interest or special reason for doing so. This introductory
course will be accompanied by further reading, on the one hand,
and with a system of special linguistic tasks, on the other, which
will enable the students to approach professional problems; to
satisfy their applied interest in the scientific study of their subject.
As you see from the above, this book is intended to consider
16
trie role of phonetic means in the act of communicat'on, to serve
as\a general introduction to the subject of theoretical phonetics
of English wjtiich will encourage the teacher of Eng'ish to consult
more specialized works on particular aspects.
(The authors of the book hope that the readers have sufficient
knowledge of the practical course of English phoneiics us well as
of the course of general linguistics, which will serve as the basis
for jhis course.
Phonetics is itself divided into two major components: seg­
mental phonetics, which is concerned with individual sounds
(i.e. "segments" of speech) and suprasegmental phonetics whose
domain is the larger units of connected speech: syllables, words,
phrases and texts. The way these elements of the phonetic struc­
ture of English function in the process of communication will be
the main concern of all the following chapters.
The description of the phonetic structure of English will be
based on the so-called Received Pronunciation which will be
specified in Chapter VI.
The present volume attempts to survey the system of phonet­
ic phenomena of English giving priority to those which present
special interest to teaching activity. To start with it is necessary to
realize what kind of English is used in the process of teaching. We
all agree that we are to teach the "norm" of English, as a whole,
and the "norm” of English pronunciation in particular. There is no
much agreement, however, as far as the term "norm" is con­
cerned. This term is interpreted in different ways. Some scholars,
for instance, associate "norm" with the so-called “neutral" style.
According to this conception stylistically marked parameters do
not belong to the norm. More suitable, however, seems to be the
conception put forward by Y. Screbnev, who looks upon the
norm as a complex of all functional styles (27). We have given
priority to the second point of view as it is clearly not possible to
look upon the pronunciation norm as something ideal which does
not, in fact, exist in objective speech. We look upon the norm as a
complex unity of phonetic styles realized .in the process of com­
munication in accordance with varying extralinguistic and social
factors.
In the following chapter we are going to dwell on the prob­
lems concerned with stylistic variation of oral speech including
the analysis of the conditions under which the utterance is pro­
duced, the relationship between the utt^remee-afid-the extralin­
guistic and social situation, etc. s
 Chapter I
PROBLEMS OF PHONQSTYLISTICS

As was mentioned in the introduction, pronunciation i

no means homogeneous. It varies under the influence of nu
ous factors. These factors lie quite outside any possibility of sig­
nalling linguistic meaning so it is appropriate to refer to these
factors as extralinguistic. The chapter that follows is based on
the idea that information about Stylistic variations in learning,
understanding and producing language is directly useful for the
design, execution and evaluation of teaching phonetics. The
branch of phonetics most usually applied for such information is
phonostylistics. It is the purpose of this chapter to offer brief,
readable and scholarly introduction to the main themes and top­
ics covered by current phonostylistic studies.
W e should point out right at the beginning that phonostylis­
tics is a rapidly developing and controversial field of study
though a great deal of research work has been done in it. It
would not be accurate to say that phonostylistics is a new
branch of phonetics.. It is rather a new way of looking at phonet­
ic phenomena. Linguists were until recently not aware of this
way of analysis and awareness came only as a result of detailed
analysis of spoken speech.
Before we go on to describe in detail what the problems and
tasks of phonostylistics are we should want to give you some
understanding of what gave a mighty impulse to this new way
of looking at phonetic phenomena. The point is that during the
first half of our century linguists have shown interest in written
form of the language and so the emphasis in language study was
laid on analysing written speech. It is only during the last thirty-
five years that the situation has changed. It may be said that it
was the invention of the tape-recorder and other technical aids
that was the real turning point in phonetics and linguistics in
general. Linguists got a good opportunity of studying the other
form of language realization — spoken speech — the variety
which had hitherto been largely or completely ignored. It is not
only the absence of mechanical aids which accounts for the lack
of linguistic research that has been carried out into this variety of
language and the procedure difficulty of obtaining reliable data
to investigate. There is, however, a further reason. Until quite re- «
cently theory and research on language was based on the as­
sumption that it is only the written form of language realization
that can serve a reliable object of investigation, while the spoken
form is not worthy of scientific analysis because it produces de­
viations from the literary norm.
Nobody would want to deny the fact that spoken speech is
the primary medium of language expression. So when linguists
became involved in investigating language in use they realized
that language is not an isolated phenomenon, it is a part of soci­
ety. In real life people find themselves in various and numerous
situations. In these situations language is used appropriately, i.e.
people select from their total linguistic repertoires those elements
which match the needs of particular situations.
This fact changed the whole approach to the language. Rath­
er than viewing language as an object with independent exist­
ence, a thing to be described for its own sake, it became evident
that it must be seen as a tool, a means to an end outside itself.
That end is, of course, communication and it is only in the con­
text of communicative situation that the essential properties of a
linguistic system can be discovered and analysed.
So it is taken to be reasonably obvious that much of what
people say depends directly or indirectly on the situation they
are in. The nature of this dependency is fairly complicated and it
would be quite unrealistic to attempt to analyse all aspects of it.
W e would like to point out two things that matter for the de­
scription that follows and stand out clearly. On the one hand,
variations of language in different situations it is used in are vari­
ous and numerous but, on the other hand, all these varieties
have much in common as they are realizations of the same sys­
tem. That means that there are regular patterns of variation in
language, or, in other words, language means which constitute
any utterance are characterized by a certain pattern of selection
and arrangement.
The principles of this selection and arrangement, the ways of
combining the elements form what is called “the style". Style in­
tegrates language means constructing the utterance, and at the
same time differs one utterance from another.

19
 It must be noted that the category of style is not new in lin­
guistics. The branch of linguistics that is primarily concerned
with the problems of functional styles is called functional stylis­
tics. Stylistics is usually regarded as a specific division of linguis­
tics, as a sister science, concerned not with the elements of the
language as such but with their expressive potential.
W e should point out here that we are not going into details
as to the problems of stylistics. W e shall only try to show how
phonostylistics overlaps with functional stylistics and to explain
why there is no simple correspondence between functional and
phonetic styles.
It has been suggested that a functional style can be defined
as a functional set of formal patterns into which language means
are arranged in order to transmit information. A considerable
number of attempts have been made in recent years to work out
a classification of functional styles. But in spite of this fact it is
still an open question in linguistics. In other words, there is no
universal classification that is admitted by all analysts.
This fact can be accounted for by the following reasons. As
was pointed out earlier, language events take place in situations.
The factors that determine the usage of certain language means
are quite numerous and various. Their interdependence and in­
terconnection are of complex nature. Consequently it is difficult
to decide which of the factors are of primary importance and
should be considered the most reliable criterion.
In addition, language as a means of communication is known
to have several functions. In the well-known conception sug­
gested by academician V.V.Vinogradov (10), three functions are
distinguished, that is the function of communication (colloquial
style), the function of informing (business, official and scientific
styles.) and the emotive function (publicistic style and the belles-
lettres style). Classification of this kind actually reflects some of
the aspects of stylistic phenomena. However, the criterion of dis­
tinguishing styles does not seem accurate enough. It is obvious
that what is called the emotive function is the general task of lit­
erature but not of style. Besides, the language of fiction should
not be treated on the same footing with the functional style of a
language.
The other two above-mentioned functions cannot serve as a
basis for distinguishing functional styles because there is no sim­
ple correspondence between the function and the style. For ex­
20
ample, scientific style is used not only for informing people but
also for communication of scientists in discussions, talks, speech­
es and so on./Colloquial speech, in its turn, always combines
those two functions. W hat is to be taken into account here is the
difficulty of distinguishing those two functions, which is one of
the basic problems. In fact communication is the process of ex­
changing information. The actual difference between communi­
cating and informing can be marked primarily in a dialogue —
monologue opposition.
As was mentioned above, there exist various classifications
of functional styles. The terms that are most commonly dealt
with are: scientific style, publicistic style, business style, belles-
lettres style and colloquial style. The latter functions predomi­
nantly in everyday oral speech, though most scholars share the
opinion that there is no simple correspondence between the
styles and the forms of language realization.
W e should note here that in the process of studying the
characteristics of functional styles phonetic level of analysis has
been completely ignored.
However, nobody would want to deny now that oral speech
has its own specific characteristics and the quality of various
forms and kinds of oral speech is by far larger than in written
speech. So it is quite clear that description and comparison of all
these variations is a matter of severe complexity as, on the one
hand, each form is specific and, on the other hand, there are re­
gular patterns of partial likeness between them. Now one thing
is evident, that the sets of phonetic style-forming features do not
correspond to functional styles in pure linguistic approach. They
are characterized by different qualities.
W e have mentioned above that certain nonlinguistic features
can be correlated with variations in language use. The latter can
be studied on three levels: phonetic, lexical and grammatical.
The first level is the area of phonostylistics.
Summarizing, we may say that phonostylistics studies the
way phonetic means are used in this or that particular situation
which exercises the conditioning influence of a set of factors
which are referred to as extralinguistic. The aim of phonostylis­
tics is to analyse all possible kinds of spoken utterances with the
fld^in purpose of identifying the phonetic features, both segmen­
tal and suprasegmental, which are restricted to certain kinds of
contexts, to explain why such features have been used and to

21
classify them into categories based upon a view of their function.
Before describing phonetic style-forming factors it is obvious­
ly necessary to try to explain what is meant by extralinguistic
situation. We should note here that if a systematic exhaustive
and ultimately realistic view of phonostylistic differentiation of
oral speech is to be attained an orderly analysis of the communi­
cative extralinguistic situation appears to be mandatory. The
analysis shows that it can be defined by three components, that
is purpose, participants, setting. These components distinguish
situation as the context within which interaction (communica­
tion) occurs. Thus a speech situation can be defined by the co­
occurrence of two or more interlocutors related to each other in a
particular way, having a particular aim of communicating, com­
municating about a particular topic in a particular setting.
Firstly, a situation is connected with the purpose and the
topic of the communication. For us purpose can be defined as
the motor which sets the chassis of setting and participants go­
ing, it is interlinked with the other two components in a very in­
tricate way. The purpose which is of interest to us here directs
the activities of the participants throughout a situation to com­
plete a task. Such purposes can be viewed in terms of general
activity types and in terms of the activity type plus specific sub­
ject matter.
There appear to be a considerable number of quite general
types of activities, for example: working, teaching, learning,
conducting a meeting, chatting, playing a game, etc. Such activi­
ty types are socially recognized as units of interaction that are
identifiable.
It is reasonable to assume that activity types available to
members of a society are not simply random lists of all possibili­
ties but are organized into clusters of activities that seem to be of
the same order. So we might suggest that academic activities
such as university lecturing, high-levelled school teaching, scien­
tific reports, discussions, etc. as related to activity types are op­
posed to other groups of activity types, such as, for example,
casual chat, whether of dentist and patient to schoolmates or
neighbours. (One of the bases of such an opposition might be the
degree of spontaneity or degree of preparedness of speech that
would reveal clusters of pronunciation markers.)
It should be noted that activity type alone does not give an
adequate account of the purpose in a situation. It only specifies
22
 the range of possible purposes that participants will orient to­
ward in the activity but not which specific one will be involved.
People do not s^t out to lecture or to chat on something, they
intend to lecture on physics, or literature, or art, to chat on
weather or a book they have read. The notion of purpose re­
quires the specification of contents at a more detailed level than
that of activity type. This we shall call "subject matter" or “top­
ic" and we shall assume isomorphy between subject matter of
the speech activity and topic of speech ignoring such situations
when, for example, participants might be cooking while chatting
about their work. But we should like to point out here that sub­
ject matter, in large part, will determine the lexical items encoun­
tered, the pronunciation being very slightly affected. That is why
when the study of functional variants of pronunciation is con­
cerned it is activity types that form the notion of the purpose of
communication.
Now let's consider another component of situation that is
participants. Speech varies with participants in numerous ways.
It is a marker of various characteristics of the individual speakers
as well as of relationships between participants. Characteristics
of individuals may be divided into those which appear to charac­
terize the individual as an individual and those which character­
ize the individual as a member of a significant social grouping.
The individualistic characteristics are not a primary focus of this
volume. So let us turn our attention to social relationships. The
taking on of roles and role relations is commonly confounded
with settings and purposes. When Dr. Smith, for instance, talks
like a doctor and not like a father or someone's friend it is likely
to be when he is in a surgery or a hospital and is inquiring aboiit
the health of a patient or discussing new drugs with a colleague.
Such confounding may well be more true of occupational roles
than of non-occupational roles such as strangers or friends,
adults or older and younger children, etc.
Usually age of participants is also an important category for
social interaction. Among other things age is- associated with the
role structure in the family and in social groups, with the assign­
ment of authority and status, and with the attribution of different
levels of competence. The speech behaviour of a person not only
conveys information about his or her own age but also about the
listener or the receiver of the verbal message. Thus, old people'
speak and are spoken to in a different way from young people.

23
For instance, an elderly person usually speaks in a high-pitched
voice, people generally use higher pitch-levels speaking to
younger children.
There is another factor, which is included into the "partici­
pants" component of a speech situation. That is the sex of the
speaker. Sex differences in pronunciation are much more numer­
ous than differences in grammatical form. For instance, there is a
consistent tendency for women to produce more standard or rhe­
torically correct pronunciation which is’generally opposed to the
omission of certain speech sounds. Girls and women pronounce
the standard realization of the verb ending in -ing (reading, visit­
ing, interesting) more frequently than boys and men who realize
•in (readin, visitin, interestin) more often; female speakers use a
more "polite" pattern of assertive intonation (*Yes. Wes, I sknow.)
while male speakers use a more deliberate pattern (vYes. vYes.
I ^know.); women tend to use certain intonation patterns that
men usually do not (notably "surprise" pattern of high fall-rises
and others).
It should be noted here that the capacity of phonetic means
to realize sex differences is undoubtedly of immense importance
and interest. But further clarification of rather intricate questions
can only come from more observations of living speech and
would naturally require a detailed examination of a much larger
corpus.
Talking about "participants" component we should add one
more characteristic that needs consideration. That is the emo­
tional state of the speaker at the moment of speech production
which is likely to reveal pronunciation markers which would be
a fascinating problem of research.
The last component we have to consider is called setting, or
scene. It is defined by several features. The first of them is a
physical orientation of participants. This is to some extent deter­
mined by the activity they are engaged in; thus in a lecture the
speaker stands at some distance from and facing the addressees
whereas in a private cfiat they are situated vis-a-vis each other.
It is quite obvious now that speech over an intercom and speech
in face-to-face communication is obviously phonologically dis­
tinguishable in a number of ways.
Scenes may be arranged along dimensions: public — private,
impersonal — personal, polite — casual, high-cultured — low-
cultured, and many other value scales. In large part these diverse
24 I
scales seem to be subsumed — for participants as well as ana­
lysts — ujider one bipolar dimension of formal — informal. The
kind of language appropriate to scenes on the formal or "high"
end of the scale is then differentiated from that appropriate to
those on the informal or “low” end. From the acquaintance with
English and Russian we can speculate that such differentiation
follows universal principles, so that high forms of language share
certain properties, such as elaboration of syntax and lexicon,
phonological precision and rhythmicality, whereas “low" forms
share properties including elipsis, repetition, speed and slurring.
If this is so we may expect pronunciation features to be markers
of the scene or at least of its position in the formal — informal
dimension.
W e have attempted to show what is generally understood by
an extralinguistic situation and what components may be con­
sidered as its constituents. It is, perhaps, easy to see how num er­
ous the main factors determining variation in language usage
are. W hat we are interested in here is variations of phonetic
means. A framework for understanding and describing them has
to deal with the constant and decisive features of t,he situational
circumstances of language event that are relevant for phonetic
level of analysis. It would be true to say that this problem was
given a good deal of attention and there is a lot of data obtained
with the help of special investigation. It allows us now to single
out, a number of factors which result in phonostylistic varieties.
They are:
1) the purpose, or the aim of the utterance;
2) the speaker's attitude;
3) the form of communication;
4) the degree of formality;
5) the degree of spontaneity (or the degree of preparedness
or the reference of the oral text to a written one).
It should be mentioned right here that the purpose or the aim
of the utterance may be called a phonetic style-forming factor.
All other factors cause modifications within this or that style and
tKat is why may be referred to as style-modifying factors.
There is one more thing that should be pointed out here. All
these factors are interdependent and interconnected. They are
singled out with the purpose of describing phonetic phenomena
so that to give a good idea of how the system works.

25
 Now we shall try to consider each of the above-mentioned
factors and to explain what sort of phonetic variations may cor­
relate with each of them.
The first factor we should consider is the purpose of the utter­
ance and the subject matter. As was m entioned earlier, we
should assume isomorphy between these two constituents. As
the subject matter in large part determines the lexical items, it is
the aim of the utterance that affects pronunciation. So in this re­
spect the aim could be spoken of as the strategy of the language
user and so it may be called a style-forming factor. On the pho­
netic level there are variations related to describe what language
is being used for in the situation: is the speaker trying to per­
suade? to exhort? to discipline? Is he teaching, advertising,
amusing, controlling, etc.? Each of the above-mentioned variants
makes the speaker select a number of functional phonetic means
with the purpose of making the realization of the aim more effec­
tive. In terms of phonostylistics we may analyse various phonet­
ic ways of reflecting the speaker's purposive role in the situation
in which the text occurred.
Another extralinguistic factor most often referred to is the
speaker's attitude to the situation or to what he is saying or
hearing. It is common knowledge that a communicative situa­
tion is part of a human being's everyday life situation. So it is
natural for a language user to consider the situation from his
point of view, revealing his personal interest and participation in
what he is saying. The thing he is talking about may satisfy him
or not, may please him or not, may elicit his positive or negative
response, his emotions. This factor forms a complex bundle with
another characteristic feature of oral speech. It is no new notion
that any oral text is addressee-oriented. This means that the lis­
tener is always concrete, no m atter w hether communication
takes place in public or private atmosphere. This factor can well
be said to greatly differ oral form of language realization from its
written form. In sum, this factor can be considered a relevant fea­
ture of oral speech. Its most common linguistic realization is in­
tonation varieties which can be numerous like varieties of atti­
tudes and emotions an individual can express in various life situ­
ations. Concluding we might say that subjective colouring of
oral speech is one of its most integral characteristics.
Considering the form of communication we should say that
nature of participation in the language event results in two pos­
26
sible varieties: a monologue and a dialogue. It should be m en­
tioned here that a distinction between a monologue and a dia­
logue is a fairly conditioned one but we note this distinction for a
number of reasons.
Monologuing is the speaking by one individual in such a way
as to exclude the possibility of interruption by others. Dialoguing
(conversing) is speaking in such a way as to invite the participa­
tion of others. It is quite possible for one person to communicate
with another and to be the only speaker. Similarly two people can
monologue at each other. Monologuing is taken to be the user's
medium relationship in those speech situations in which the other
people present do not join in or at least are not meant to, except,
perhaps, to show approval or disapproval. From the linguistic
point of view only one feature is considered to be relevant, i.e. the
length of the utterance. Monologues are usually more extended.
They are also characterized by more phonetic, lexical and gram­
matical cohesion. This means that monologues usually have more
apparent continuity and self-containedness than conversation.
Phonetic organization of either of the two varieties cannot he ana­
logical since each kind is characterized by specific usage of lan­
guage means of all the three levels.
If we look upon a dialogue and a monologue from psycholin­
g u ists point of view it turns out that the latter are more complex
units. It can be proved by the fact that people who find them­
selves abroad learn dialoguing quite easily, while monologuing
requires special training even in the native language. There are a
lot of people who use their native language while dialoguing
quite adequately but who fail to produce an extended utterance
in case they are supposed to.
Among the social factors determining the usage of stylistic
means it is the formality of situation which is very often referred
to.
It is obvious that the process of speaking is very often a recog­
nition of social roles and relationship. The interaction of individu­
als depends upon their learning and accepting the roles of social
behaviour. A certain individual may possess a certain rank in an
organization which entitles him to be addressed in a certain fash­
ion by his subordinates, in another way by his equals and in a
third way by his superiors. So to come to terms with how roles
and relations are realized in language we speak of formality of
discourse. Formality reflects how the addresser (the speaker) in­

27
teracts with the addressee (the listener). The relationship is the
situational category, the extralinguistic reality.
Formality results from mutual relations among participants in
language events. W hen the relationship is considered on the
personal axis, variations ranging from extreme degrees of for­
mality to extreme degrees of informality are relevant. So we
might say that spoken language shapes relationships, it defines
and identifies them, and it is the category of formality which
marks speaking "the right" kind of language.
Considering a communicative situation from the point of
view of sociolinguistics we would have to admit that it makes
the language user realize the importance and necessity of stylis­
tic demands for his language consciousness. So the dichotomy
formal — informal (official — unofficial) can be understood here
as the absence or presence of socially realized necessity to follow
certain rules while generating an utterance. Informal communi­
cation does not make the speaker use obligatory forms, it allows
to use them. In discussing this factor we have to admit that the
category of formality is generally included into the set of style-
differentiating factors applied. It suggests that a language user
possesses the ability to speak in different styles. It is the case
with people whose professions are highly verbal ones. Such peo­
ple usually have a very cultural background. In the opposite
case the linguistic behaviour of a speaker in a formal situation
does not differ from his behaviour in an informal situation.
The influence of this factor upon the phonetic form of speech
is revealed by variations of rate of articulation. So we might say
that the variable along which styles of speaking differ is mainly
sounds. In a formal situation the language user tends to make his
speech distinct, thorough and precise. His conscious attention to
the form of production makes him choose the full style of pro­
nunciation. The notion of the appropriateness of speaking slow
enough is presumably part of the cultural code which insists that
it is rude to talk "fast and less explicit in such situation. In an in­
formal situation he would prefer less explicit and more rapid
form because this form would be more appropriate and would
function efficiently as a mode of communication.
It would be a vast oversimplification to assume that there are
only two varieties of pronunciation. There are, certainly, many
more of them. Indeed there is an infinite number and they have no
definable boundaries, each merges imperceptibly into the next.
28
The two polar varieties that have been mentioned above illustrate
the role of degree of formalily as an extralinguistic category.
W e should point out here that there is another factor which is
very often referred to as the one related to degree of formality.
W hat we mean is the quantity of addressees. This factor deter­
mines the distinction of public and non-public oral texts (14,
c. 82). Speech is qualified as public when a speaker is listened to
by a group of people. Non-public communication occurs in face-
to-face situations. It would be fair to mention that there are no
direct correlations between the formality of situation and public —
non-public character of presentation.

Linguistic realization of the formality on both segmental and

suprasegmental levels is very important for a student of another
language. He brings to his-learning task all the habits and
knowledge of his mother tongue and his culture. Learning a for­
eign language involves suspending these and acquiring others.
The student, however, will often continue to interpret situations
as he would in his own culture. In other words his grasp of for­
mality of situation is incomplete. He may often have a formal
way and perhaps a relatively informal one but he may not know
the gradation in between the extremes. The result may be an un-
appropriate usage of intonation structure with the wrong m ean­
ing. For example, in Russian the leave-taking До свидания can
be pronounced both with low rising and low falling tone, which
sounds neutral, while in English Good-byel pronounced with a
low falling tone sounds fairly rude, while rising tone makes it
neutral.
Analysing extralinguistic factors we should add some more
to the above-mentioned ones. They are: the speaker's individu­
ality, temporal provenance, social provenance, range of intelligi­
bility, sex and age of the speaker. The first thing to know about
them is that they are incidental, concomitant features. They are
characteristic of a language user and can not vary, with very lit­
tle exception, like all the above-mentioned ones. So they are not
deliberately chosen by the speaker at the time of text produc­
tion, though they may very well serve as his identifying fea­
tures, thus from this point of view they may be considered in­
formative.
One of the most important style-modifying factors is the de­
gree of spontaneity. So if we examine the situations in which

29
people speak rather than write from the point of view of psy­
chology we can distinguish between those in which they are
speaking spontaneously as opposed to those in which they are
speaking non-spontaneously as the actor and the lecturer are
most often doing. The types of speech situations which lead to
spontaneous speech include classroom teaching, television and
radio interviews, sporting commentaries on radio and television
of an event actually taking place, conversation between experts
in a particular field of everyday conversations. W e should real­
ize, of course, that between two poles of spontaneity there are a
number of more delicate distinctions. For example, the sporting
commentator has studied notes and has described this sort of
thing before; the people whose professions are highly verbal
ones such as the journalist, the politician, the teacher, the lawyer
and the stage entertainer become accustom ed to producing
spontaneous texts and are very often called upon to speak spon­
taneously about the same area of expferience. This means that al­
though they have no written text in front of them there are ele­
ments of preparation and repetition in their speaking perform­
ances which give them some of the characteristics of written
modes. These characteristics are most clearly identified at the
phonetic level of analysis.
If an utterance is qualified as fully spontaneous from linguis­
tic point of view it means that its verbal realization is taking
place at the moment of speaking, though, of course, it could be
thought over in advance. There are situations where this kind of
speech activity is not possible. The reason that accounts for that
results from three things: a) the utterance is too long to be re­
membered because, as we know, there are memory constraints;
these are utterances produced in the form of lectures, reports,
etc.; b) the time of the speaker is limited, so the message has to
be conveyed without any hesitation; for example, news over the
radio and TV; c) the speaker is realizing somebody else's utter­
ance, for example, reading a piece of prose, quoting, etc. In the
above-mentioned cases the utterance or rather its verbal realiza­
tion is prepared in advance, i.e. written on a sheet of paper. This
script version is used at the moment of production — it is read.
This type of presentation is qualified as fully prepared. The
speaker may use the written variant just to help himself remem­
ber the logic succession of the uttered contents. In this case the
speech is also fully prepared. In either of the above-mentioned
no
cases a written text was made with the purpose of being pro­
duced orally. \y serves as a means of optimization of the process
of transmitting the message. This kind of written text should be .
distinguished from literary written texts which are not to be read
aloud though such possibility is not completely excluded. The
latter differs from the former in fairly specific organization of lexi­
cal and grammatical means which is one of the most important
characteristics.

Now if we look upon the degree of spontaneity as a style-

modifying factor we should admit that it has a decisive influence
on the phonetic organization of an oral text. In other words, the
primary distinction that should be drawn is the distinction be­
tween two kinds of speech activity, i.e. speaking and reading
(speech without and with reference to the written text). This dis­
tinction is included by most phoneticians into the set of influenc­
ing factors no matter what aspect of speech is analysed. Actually
the two kinds of oral texts differ quite-considerably in the way
the phonetic means of the language are used. If we want to de­
scribe the difference we would have to admit this is where pho­
netics overlaps with psycholinguistics, a new interdisciplinary
subject.

Psycholinguistics as a distinct area of science developed in

early sixties though the contact of linguistics and psychology is
known to have lasted for more than a hundred years. Language
is considered to be an instrument of human psychics and so in­
formation from psychology plays an important and practically
useful part in the development of linguistics.
It is true that investigation of speech cannot be carried out
without considering the structure and organization of activities
due to which production and perception of speech take place,
the latter being psycholinguistics study area. Language is known
to be a human activity. Any human activity can exist in two
forms, i.e. in the form of the process and in the form of the prod­
uct as the result of the process. So it is perfectly clear that it is
impossible to interpret phonetic characteristics of living speech
without having an idea of the psychic laws of speech perception
and speech production.
Before we go on to describing phonetic characteristics of the
above-mentioned kinds of speech realizations we would like to

31
give an idea, a very sketchy one, of what these two processes
are like.
The point is that speaking and reading being processes of
communication and varieties of speech activity are two different
psychic processes, i.e. the sounding utterance is generated in
quite different ways. W hen a written text is being read aloud, a
reader has got a verbal realization before his eyes, the script
which has been prepared in advance either by himself or by an­
other person. So he need not think of what to say or rather of
how to put the ideas into words. The only thing he has to do is
to make the graphic symbols sound, i.e. to realize orally the ide­
as verbally expressed by means of lexics and grammar of the
language. Oral realization should be made according to pronun­
ciation rules of a particular language. Besides, if he is to read
with comprehension the graphic symbols of the language he
must learn to supply those portions of the signals which are not
in the graphic representation themselves. He must supply the
significant stresses, pauses and tone sequences. In short, the
reader should learn to use the phonetic means of a language to
be able to express the ideas of the written text adequately. If he
has acquired this sort of habit, psychologically he is quite sure of
what he is going to produce. As a result the usage of phonetic
means is characterized by a very high degree of regularity. Me­
lodic, temporal, rhythmic organization of the text is even; paus­
es are made at syntactical junctures within and between the sen­
tences. The text sounds loud and distinct (both sounds and into­
nation' are meant).
While spontaneous speech is taking place (when no notes
are used) the process of psychic activity consists of two equally
important items, i.e. a) the process of searching (remembering)
information and the ways of expressing it verbally and b) the
process of giving (transmitting) information. The speaker has got
an intention to express some ideas and he should choose an ade­
quate linguistic form to express these ideas and in this way to
generate the utterance.
Naturally the psychic mechanisms of generating the spoken
utterances are quite different. Consequently, phonetic means of
the language are also used differently, the difference being the
marker of the form of speech activity.
Analysing most important characteristics of a spoken sponta­
neous text we should first of all mention a phenomenon called
32
hesitation. The point is that while generating a text a speaker
has no time or rather not enough time to make sure of the cor­
rect form of the expression he has chosen, because he is simulta­
neously planning what he is going to say next and also monitor­
ing what he is saying. The wording is taking place simultane­
ously with pronouncing. Consequently, the speaker hesitates.
He hesitates to remember a further piece of information, to
choose a correct word, a correct grammar structure and so on.
This hesitation phenomenon breaks the regularity and evenness
of phonetic form. There appear micropauses, pauses of different
length and quality which seldom occur at the syntactic juncture;
lengthening of sounds within the words and in the word final
position. A spontaneous text is characterized by a number of rel­
evant features both on segmental and suprasegmental levels:
various kinds of assimilation, reduction, elision which manifest
simplification of sound sequences; uneven rhythm, fragments
melody contour, abundance of pauses, varying loudness (from
very loud to very low), narrow range of voice, varying tempo
(from very fast to very slow).
Among the features distinguishing the two described kinds of
speech realization there is one that needs a more detailed de­
scription. That is the delimitation. In reading pauses occur at the
syntactic junctures, so an intonation group coincides with what
is called a "syntagm(a)". In a spontaneous text hesitating often
prevents the speaker from realizing a full syntagm(a). There may
appear a hesitation pause which breaks it, so an intonation
group does not coincide with a syntagm(a). Pauses at the end of
the phrase are often optional, because the speaker does not real­
ize the rules of phrasing, i.e. of making pauses at the moment of
speaking. For example:

Many slang words are invented to cover new situations ...

which people feel that the traditional type of words doesn't cover
... phrases that you often find among the teenagers today ... They
want to have new styles of dress, new hair styles ... and ... they
want to call it something, their own words so that they can identi­
fy it in a group.

Summarizing we may say that all the above-mentioned fea­

tures may be referred to as the main phonetic markers of a spon­
taneous text. It should be borne in mind that phonetic peculiari-
2 З а к. 1457
33
ties are noticeable together with specific grammatical, mainly
syntactical, structures of the utterance.
In teaching English, especially spoken English, one should be
well aware of specific phonetic markers of living speech. They
are its integral and most natural characteristics. A student of
English should be specially taught such peculiarities. Otherwise
a spoken text would sound like a read one which would be un­
natural and wrong.
Summarizing briefly we may say. that we have tried to de­
scribe the main extralinguistic situational factors that make the
language user choose the appropriate code of phonetic realiza­
tion of the generated text. The ones that are proposed here are
not all that need to be considered. They will, howeveru_form a
temporary framework for the description of phonetic styles. We
should point out here that their role as style-modifying factors is
different. Some of them, spontaneity, for example, play the deci­
sive role, others, for example, the number of listeners, seem to
have less marking power. The idea that should be realized is that
in everyday life situations all of them are interconnected and in­
terdependent and it is normally the combination of several of
them that determines the style.
W e have established so far that certain non-linguistic fea­
tures can be correlated with variations of phonetic means. Now
we turn to discuss what patterns of variation are interpreted by
the listener as modifying a given utterance. In other words what
perceptional characteristics of an oral text §hould be considered
to have a style-differentiating value. Here we should note that
while comparing things or phenomena we are first of all attract­
ed by differentiating features while common characteristics are
taken for granted.
It may be well to begin with a special voice colouring which is
sometimes called speech tamber. The speaker's attitude to the
communicative situation, to what he is saying, the relationships
of the partners are revealed by tamber. Tamber combined with
non-verbal system of communication, kinesic system, is a marker
of some specific attitude, or emotion which would be a permanent
characteristic of a language user in a given communicative act.

Delimitation is another characteristic which is commonly re­

ferred to as a style-differentiating feature on the perceptive level.
As was mentioned earlier, it is the extralinguistic factors, mostly
M
of psycholinguistic character, that determine the laws and pho­
netic means of delimitation. Among the latter pauses should be
considered and described independently.
There are different patterns of phonetic delimitation of an oral
text. The terms m ost oft^n referred to denote fragm ents of
speech continuum into which the whole text is naturally divided
are as follows: a phonopassage (in monologues), a semantic
block (in dialogues), a phrase, an intonation group.
A third characteristic which is usually referred to the set of
style-differentiating ones is the accentuation of semantic centres.
By semantic centres we mean parts of the utterance that have a
considerable value in realization of functional utterance perspec­
tive, i.e. in expressing the main contents of the utterance. It is for
the m ost part intonation that permits to do this. Intonation
marks those parts of the utterance contrasting them to the rest of
the text. The degree of contrast can vary, the variable being the
marker of the style. For example, in spontaneous speech the
contrast between accented and non-accented segments of an ut­
terance is greater than in reading, due to the fact that in speech
the unaccented elements are pronounced at a lower pitch.
In describing phonetic style-differentiating characteristics
(both on segmental and suprasegmental level) we would have to
deal with a certain amount of notions such as variations of pitch
direction, pitch range, pitch, level, loudness, tempo (which in­
cludes both pauses and speech rate), rhythm and some others,
the meaning of which will become clear as the book proceeds.
Talking about style-differentiating means of phonetic level
we should remember that their usage is no aim in itself. Phonetic
means of the language in interacting with lexics and grammar
optimize the process of realization of ideas by verbal means.
Now that we have described style-forming factors and style-
differentiating characteristics it seems logical enough to give a
bird's eye view on the problem of classification of phonetic
styles.

It would be an oversimplification to say that there is a classi­

fication admitted by most analysts. However, there is one thing
that stands out clearly: while classifying various speech realiza­
tions from phonostylistic point of view an analyst should single
out criteria that are different from the ones used as a basis for
distinguishing functional styles of language. We make it clear by

35
means of an example. W e might suggest that various speech re­
alizations can be grouped on the basis of some most general
common phonetic characteristics. Thus such speech realizations
as informative reading over radio and TV, a text produced be­
hind the screen, lectures, reports, etc. can be grouped together
since they are monologues with reference to written texts. From
the point of view of functional stylistics they are referred to dif­
ferent styles: reading over the radio is qualified as a text belong­
ing to the functional sphere of publicistics, while a lecture is re­
ferred to scientific functional style. So we may see that the kinds
of oral texts traditionally referred to different functional styles are
characterized by common phonetic features.
There could be brought about examples of the opposite kind.
Texts that are traditionally referred to different functional styles
turn out to have identical phonetic organization. For example,
the phonetic experiments carried out recently show that texts
belonging to different functional styles (an extract from prose —
an extract from a guide for tourists) read with identical pragm at­
ic aim do not reveal any difference in phonostylistic aspect.
Among the well-known classifications of phonetic styles we
would like to mention the following two. One of them belongs to
S.M.Gaiduchic. He distinguishes five phonetic styles: solemn
(торжественный), scientific business (научно-делозой), official
business (официально-деловой), everyday (бытовой), and fa­
miliar (непринужденный). As we may see the above-m en-
tioned phonetic styles on the whole correlate with functional
styles of the language. They are differentiated on the basis of
spheres of discourse. The other way of classifying phonetic
styles is suggested by J.A.Dubovsky who discriminates the fol­
lowing five styles: informal ordinary, formal neutral, formal offi­
cial, informal familiar, and declamatory. The division is based on
different degrees of formality or rather familiarity between the
speaker and the listener. Within each style subdivisions are ob­
served. But as the author himself writes it is Tather the principle
of presenting the texts for description and analysis because "no
theory has yet created a completely symmetrical classification of
speech acts" (14, p. 6).
Our approach is slightly different. W hen we consider the
problem of classifying phonetic styles according to the criteria
described above we should distinguish so far between segmental
and suprasegmental level of analysis because some of them (the
36
aim of the utterance, for example) result in variations of mainly
suprasegmental level, while others (the formality of situation, for
example) reveal/segmental varieties. So for the sake of describ­
ing and explaining phonostylistic varieties it seems preferable to
consider each level separately until a more adequate system of
correlation is found.
The style-differentiating characteristics mentioned above give
good grounds for establishing intonational styles suitable not
only for sociolinguistic research but also for the purpose of learn­
ing and teaching a foreign language.
It might be generally assumed that there are five intonational
styles singled out mainly according to the purpose of communi­
cation and to which we could refer all the main varieties of the
texts generated in everyday communication of a modern man.
They are as follows:
1. Informational style.
2. Academic style (Scientific).
3. Publicistic style (Oratorial).
4. Declamatory style (Artistic).
5. Conversational style (Familiar).
But differentiation of intonation according to the purpose of
communication only is definitely not enough. As was mentioned
above, there are other factors that affect intonation in various ex­
tralinguistic situations.
W e could add that any style with very little exception is sel­
dom realized in its pure form. Each generated text is likely to in­
clude phonetic characteristics of different styles. In such cases we
talk about overlapping (fusion) of styles.
To summarize we could say that the distinction of phonetic
styles is a purely formal one because any particular theory while
in use should control and give meaning to the descriptive state­
ment. So in this respect the suggested classification is near to ad­
equate way of reflecting numerous speech realizations, on the
one hand, and on the other, it is the way to understand and in­
terpret the system. If we attempted to systematize all our obser­
vations and account for all the options the task would prove
daunting. W hat we need to do in teaching is simply to call at­
tention to the most marked features of the style ignoring the rel­
atively stable features.
W e might conclude by saying that we hope this will be a

37
useful piece of knowledge for a learner because both the foreign
student and the would-be teacher of English need to develop the
awareness of different phonetic styles of the language. He should
be taught to analyse and describe the speaking habits of English
people. He should learn to discover the patterns which differenti­
ate style varieties to explain as far as possible why people speak
in a certain way and to determine what form of phonetic expres­
sion they may choose because the style should be as natural as
dress and fit the time, the place and the person. Besides he
should be able to teach other people the same things because
teaching a spoken foreign language means teaching the ability
to communicate, the art of communication being part of the indi­
vidual's culture. It is for this reason that this textbook includes
this chapter. The chapters that follow will be based on the idea
that stylistic differentiation of oral speech cannot be ignored in
teaching both a foreign language and a mother tongue.
 C h a p t e r II
THE FUNCTIONAL ASPECT OF SPEECH SOUNDS

This chapter is concerned with the linguistic function of indi­

vidual sounds that is "segments of speech".
W e are going to discuss here the definitions of the phoneme,
methods used in establishing the phonemic structure of a lan­
guage, the system of English phonemes, modifications of sounds
in connected speech and stylistic differentiation of vowels and
consonants in English.

THE PHONEME

To know how sounds are produced by speech organs is not

enough to describe and classify them as language units. W hen
we talk about the sounds of a language, the term "sound" can be
interpreted in two rather different ways. In the first place, we can
say that [t] and [d] are two different sounds in English, [t] being
fortis and [d] being lenis1 and we can illustrate this by showing
how they contrast with each other to make a difference of mean­
ing in a large number of pairs, such as tie — die, seat — seed, etc.
But on the other hand if we listen carefully to the [t] in let us and
compare it with the [t] in let them we can hear that the two
sounds are also not the same, the [t] of let us is alveolar, while
the [t] of let them is dental. In both examples the sounds differ in
one articulatory feature only; in the second case the difference
between the sounds has functionally no significance. It is perfect­
ly clear that the sense of "sound" in these two cases is different.
To avoid this ambiguity, the linguist uses two separate terms:
"phoneme" is used to mean ''sound" in its contrastive sense, and
"allophone" is used for sounds which are variants of a phoneme:

1 The voiceless sounds require greater energy of articulation because they

do not have th e support of Voicing to amplify the sound wave: so |f] for
example, is a more energetic sound than Ivj, as it is implied by the terms
“fortis" (= strong) and "lenis" (= weak) which are regularly correlated with
voiceless and voiced sounds respectively.
39
they usually occur in different positions in the word (i.e. in differ­
ent environments) and hence cannot contrast with each other,
nor be used to make meaningful distinctions.
As you probably know from the course of general linguistics,
the definitions of the phoneme vary greatly.
The truly materialistic view of the phoneme was originated
by the Soviet linguist L.V.Shcherba1. According to L.V.Shcherba
the phoneme may be viewed as a functional, material and ab­
stract unit. These three aspects of the phoneme are concentrated
in the definition of the phoneme suggested by V.A.Vassilyev,
who looks upon the phoneme as "...a dialectical unity of these
aspects because they determine one another and are thus inter­
dependent" (79, p. 141).
V.A.Vassilyev defined the phoneme like this:
"The segmental phoneme is the smallest (i.e. further indivisi­
ble into smaller consecutive segments) language unit (sound
type) that exists in the speech of all the members of a given lan­
guage community as such speech sounds which are capable of
distinguishing one word of the same language or one grammati­
cal form of a word from another grammatical form of the same
word" (79, p. 136).
The only drawback of this definition is that it is too long and
complicated for practical use. The concise form of it could be:
The phoneme is a minimal abstract linguistic unit realized in
speech in the form of speech sounds opposable to other pho­
nemes of the same language to distinguish the meaning of mor­
phemes and words.
1 «... в живой речи произносится значительно большее, чем мы обыкно­
венно думаем, количество разнообразных звуков, которые в каждом данном
языке объединяются в сравнительно небольшое число звуковых типов, спо­
собных дифференцировать слова и их формы, т.е. служить целям человечес­
кого общения. Эти звуковые типы и имеются в виду, когда говорят об от­
дельных звуках речи, м ы будем называть их фонемами. Реально произноси­
мые различные звуки, являющиеся тем частным, в котором реализуется об­
щее (фонема), будем называть оттенками фонем» (40, с. 19).
And further on:
«Чем же определяется это общее? Очевидно, именно общением, которое
является основной целью языка, т.е. в конечном счете смыслом: единый
смысл заставляет нас даже в более или менее разных звуках узнавать одно и
то же. Но и дальше, только такое общее важно для нас в лингвистике, кото­
рое дифференцирует данную группу (скажем разные 'а') от другой группы,
имеющей другой смысл (например, от союза и1, произнесенного громко, ше­
потом и т.д.). Вот это общее и называется фонемой. Таким образом, каждая
фонема определяется прежде всего тем, что отличает ее от других фонем
того же языка. Благодаря этому все фонемы каждого данного языка образу­
ют единую систему противоположностей, где каждый член определяется се­
рией различных противоположений как отдельных фонем, так и их групп».
40
 Let us consider the phoneme from the point of view of its
three aspects. Firstly, the phoneme is a functional unit. As you
know from ;the above in phonetics function is usually under­
stood to mean discriminatory funclion, that is, the role of the
various components of the phonetic system of the language in
distinguishing one morpheme from another, one word from an ­
other or also one utterance from another.
The opposition of phonemes in the same phonetic environ­
ment differentiates the meaning of morphemes and words, e.g.
said — says, sleeper — sleepy, bath — path, light — like.
Sometimes the opposition of phonemes serves to distinguish
the meaning of the whole phrases, e.g. He was heard badly — He
was hurt badly. Thus we may say that the phoneme can fulfil the
distinctive function.
Secondly, the phoneme is material, real and objective. That
means that it is realized in speech of all English-speaking people
in. the form of speech sounds, its allophones. The sets of speech
sounds, that is the allophones belonging to the same phoneme
.are not identical in their articulatory1 content though there re­
mains some phonetic similarity between them.
As a first example, let us consider the English phoneme [d],
at least those of its allophones which are known to everybody
who studies English pronunciation. As you know from the prac­
tical course of English phonetics, [d] when not affected by the ar­
ticulation of the preceding or following sounds is a plosive, fore-
lingual apical, alveolar, lenis stop. This is how it sounds in isola­
tion or in such words as door, darn, down, etc., when it retains its
typical articulatory characteristics. In this case the consonant [d]
is called the principal allophone. The allophones which do not
undergo any distinguishable changes in the chain of speech are
called principal. At the same time there are quite predictable
changes in the articulation of allophones th a t occur under the in­
fluence of the neighbouring sounds in different phonetic situa­
tions. Such allophones are called subsidiary.
The examples below illustrate the articulatory modifications
of the phoneme [d] in various phonetic contexts:
[d] is slightly palatalized before front vowels and the sono-
rant [j], e.g. deal, day, did, did you.

1 In view of the lack of any convenient and generally accepted description of

acoustic aspect of speech sounds we shall describe allophones in this chapter and
elsewhere, in articulatory terms.
41
 [d] is pronounced without any plosion before another stop,
.e.g. bedtime, bad pain, good dog-, it is pronounced with the nasal
plosion before the nasal sonorants [n] and [m], e.g. sudden, admit,
could not, could meet; the plosion is lateral before the lateral sono-
rant [1], e.g. middle, badly, bad light.
The alveolar position is particularly sensitive to the influence
of the place of articulation of a following consonant. Thus fol­
lowed by [r] the consonant [d] becomes post-alveolar, e.g. dry,
dream; followed by the interdental [8], [d] it becomes dental, e.g.
breadth, lead the way, good thing.
W hen [d] is followed by the labial [w] it becomes labialized,
e.g. dweller.
In the initial position [d] is partially devoiced, e.g. dog, dean;
in the intervocalic position or when followed by a sonorant it is
fully voiced, e.g. order, leader, driver; in the word-final position it
is voiceless, e.g. road, raised, old.
These modifications of the phoneme [d] are quite sufficient to
demonstrate the articulatory difference between its allophones,
though the list of them could be easily extended. If you consider
the production of the allophones of the phoneme above you will
find that they possess three articulatory features in common, all
of them are forelingual lenis stops.
Consequently, though allophones of the same phoneme pos­
sess similar articulatory features they may frequently show con­
siderable phonetic differences.
It is perfectly obvious that in teaching English pronunciation
the difference between the allophones of the same phoneme
should be necessarily considered. The starting point is of course
the articulation of the principal allophone, e.g. /d-d-d/: door,
double, daughter, dark, etc. Special training of the subsidiary allo­
phones should be provided too. Not all the subsidiary allo­
phones are generally paid equal attention to. In teaching the
pronunciation of [d], for instance, it is hardly necessary to con­
centrate on an allophone such as [d] before a front vowel as in
Russian similar consonants in this position are also palatalized.
Neither is it necessary to practise specially the labialized [d] after
the labial [w] because in this position [d] cannot be pronounced
in any other way.
Carefully made up exercises will exclude the danger of for­
eign accent.
Allophones are arranged into functionally similar groups,
42
that is groups of sounds in which the members of each group are
not opposed to one another, but are opposable to members of
any other Qrpup to distinguish meanings in otherwise similar se-
qucences. Consequently allophones of the same phoneme never
occur in similar phonetic contexts, they are entirely predictable,
according to the phonetic environment, and thus carry no useful
information, that is they cannot differentiate meanings.
But the phones which are realized in speech do not corre­
spond exactly to the allophone predicted by this or that phonetic
environmenit. They are modified by phonostylistic, dialectal and
individual factors. In fact, no speech sounds are absolutely alike.
Phonemes are im portant for distinguishing meanings, for
knowing whether, for instance, the message was take it or tape it.
But there is more to speaker — listener exchange than just the
"message” itself. The listener may pick up a variety of information
about the speaker: about the locality he lives in, regional origin,
his social status, age and even emotional state (angry, tired, excit­
ed), and much other information. Most of this other social infor­
mation comes not from phonemic distinctions, but from phonetic
ones. Thus, while phonemic evidence is important for lexical and
grammatical meaning, most other aspects of a communication are
conveyed by more subtle differences of speech sounds, requiring
more detailed description at the phonetic level. There is more to a
speech act than just the meaning of the words.
The relationships betw een the phonem e and the phone
(speech sound) may be illustrated by the following scheme:

Thirdly, allophones of the same phoneme, no matter how dif­

ferent their articulation may be, function as the same linguistic
unit. The question arises why phonetically naive native speakers
seldom observe differences in the actual articulatory qualities be­
tween the allophones of the same phonemes.
43
 The native speaker is quite readily aware of the phonemes of
his language but much less aware of the allophones: it is possi­
ble, in fact, that he will not hear the difference between two allo­
phones like the alveolar and dental consonants [d] in the words
bread and breadth even when a distinction is pointed out; a cer­
tain amount of ear-training may be needed. The reason is that
the phonemes have an important function in the language: they
differentiate words like tie and die froin each other, and to be able
to hear and produce phonemic differences is part of w hat it
means to be a competent speaker of the language. Allophones,
on the other hand, have no such function: they usually occur in
different positions in the word (i.e. in different environments)
and hence cannot be opposed to each other to make meaningful
distinctions.
For example the dark [f] occurs following a vowel as in pill,
cold, but it is not found before a vowel, whereas the clear [1] only
occurs before a vowel, as in lip, like. These two vowels cannot
therefore contrast with each other in the way that [1] contrasts
with [r] in lip — rip or lake — rake, there are no pairs of words
which differ only in that one has [J] and the other — [1].
So the answ er appears to be in the functioning of such
sounds in the language concerned. Sounds which have similar
functions in the language tend to be considered the- "same" by
the community using that language while those which have dif­
ferent functions tend to be classed as “different”. In linguistics, as
it has been mentioned above, function is generally understood as
the role of the various elements of the language in distinguishing
the meaning. The function of phonemes is to distinguish the
meaning of morphemes and words. The native speaker does not
notice the difference between the allophones of the same pho­
neme because this difference does not distinguish meanings.
In other words, native speakers abstract themselves from the
difference between the allophones of the same phoneme because
it has no functional value. The actual difference between the al­
lophones of the phoneme [d], for instance, does not affect the
meaning. That's why members of the English speech community
do not realize that in the word dog [d] is alveolar, in dry it is
post-alveolar, in breadth it is dental. Another example. In the
Russian word посадит the stressed vowel [aj is more front than
it is in the word посадка. It is even more front in the word ся­
дет. But Russian-speaking people do not observe this difference
44
because the three vowel sounds belong to the same phoneme
and thus the Changes in their qualily do not distinguish the
meaning. Sp we have good grounds to slate that the phoneme is
an abstract linguistic unit, it is an abstraction from aclual speech
sounds, that is allophonic modifications.
As has been said before, native speakers do not observe the
difference between the allophones of the same phoneme. At the
same time they realize, quite subconsciously of course, that allo­
phones of each phoneme possess a bundle of distinctive features,
that makes this phoneme functionally different from all other
phonemes of the language concerned. This functionally relevant
bundle of articulatory features is called the invariant of the pho­
neme. Neilher of the articulatory features that form the invariant
of the phoneme can be changed without affecting the meaning.
All the allophones of the phoneme [d], for instance, are occlu­
sive, forelingual, lenis. If occlusive articulation is changed for
constrictive one [d] will be replaced by [z], cf. breed — breeze,
deal — zeal ; (d] will be replaced by [g] if the forelingual articula­
tion is replaced by the backlingual one, cf. dear — gear, day —
gay. The lenis articulation of [d] cannot be substituted by the for­
tis one because it will also bring about changes in meaning, cf.
dry — try, ladder — latter, bid — bit. That is why it is possible to
state that occlusive, forelingual and lenis characteristics of the
phoneme [d] are generalized in the mind of the speaker into
w hat is called the invariant of this phoneme.
On the one hand, the phoneme is objective real, because it is
realized in speech in the material form of speech sounds, its allo­
phones. On the other hand, it is an abstract language unit. That
is why we can look upon the phoneme as a dialectical unity of
the material and abstract aspects. Thus we may state that it ex­
ists in the material form of speech sounds, its allophones. Speech
sounds are necessarily allophones of one of the phonemes of the
language concerned. All the allophones of the same phoneme
have some articulatory features in common, that is all of them
possess the same invariant. Simultaneously each allophone pos­
sesses quite particular phonetic features which4 m ay not be
traced in the articulation of other allophones of the same pho­
neme. That is why while teaching pronunciation we cannot ask
our pupils to pronounce this or that phoneme. W e can only
teach them to pronounce one of its allophones.

45
 The articulatory features which form the invariant of tl'8
neme are called distinctive or relevant. To ex^ract ге1еу/ 1 *ea'-
ture of the phoneme we have to oppose it to some P^°*
neme in the same phonetic context. If the opp^se(j soun^ differ
in one articulatory feature and this differer^ce bringg a'3° ut
changes in the meaning of the words the contr^stjng feati)fes are
called relevant. For example, the words port ^ n(j comt J'ffer in
one consonant only, that is the word port has t^e conso‘
nant [p], and the word court begins with [к]. Bcv^ sounds ‘,Г6 OC"
elusive and fortis, the only difference being th ^ t [pj js ja^ ant*
[k] is backlingual. Therefore it is possible to s ^ v t^ at anc*
backlingual articulations are relevant in the SySjem 0f
consonants.
The articulatory features which do not sei^g tQ dist)1^ 11*5*1
meaning are called non-distinctive, irrelevant re(jund/t; ^or
instance, it is impossible in English to oppose a n aspirate^ ^ t0
a non-aspirated one in the same phonetic cont^xt t0 disti^11*5*1
meanings. That is why aspiration is a non-dist^nctjve feature °*
English consonants.
As it has been mentioned above any chang^ jn t^e jnVar‘ant
of the phonem e affects the meaning. N atura^jy anv0I/ w ^ °
studies a foreign language makes mistakes in t ^ e' qrticul/’° n
particular sounds. L.V.Shcherba classifies the J^ronunciat>on er”
rors as phonological and phonetic.
If an allophone of some phoneme is replace^ an а п ^ Ь о п е
of a different phoneme the mistake is called P^Yionoloqi^
cause the meaning of the word is inevitably aff^cte(j jt j^PPens
when one or more relevant features of the p h o n em e are rea^"
ized, e.g.:
W hen the vowel [i:] in the word beat becoirles s\iqhtW more
open, more advanced or is no longer d ip h th o ^ aizej ^ word
beat may be perceived as quite a different word ^ jt js ^ffectly
clear that this type of mistakes is not admitted in’teaching pro
nunciation to any type of language learner.
If an allophone of the phoneme is replaced an o th / a^ °
phone of the same phoneme the mistake is c ^ jje{j Dhon^ c - ^
happens when the invariant of the pboneme is modifi/* anc*
consequently the meaning of the word is not a f f ^ , ^ e .
W hen the vowel [i:] is fully long in such a Wvorcj as s^eP ' for
instance, the quality of it remaining the same, the mean>n9 of
the word does not change. Nevertheless langu age ]eam/ s are
40
advised not to let phonetic mistakes into their pronunciation. If
they do make them the degree of their foreign accent will cer­
tainly be an obstacle to the listener's perception.

NOTATION

It is interesting at this stage to consider the system of phonetic

notations which is generally termed as "transcription". Transcrip­
tion is a set of symbols representing speech sounds. The symboli­
zation of sounds naturally differs according to whether the aim is
to indicate the phoneme, i.e. a functional unit as a whole, or to
reflect the modifications of its allophones as well.
The International Phonetic Association (IPA) has given ac­
cepted values to an inventory of symbols, mainly alphabetic but
with additions. "Agreed values" means, for example that the
symbol [g] represents a lenis backlingual stop as in gate and not
the orthographic "g" of gin, which is notated as [cfc].
The first type of notation, the broad or phonemic transcrip­
tion, provides special symbols for all the phonemes of a lan­
guage. The second type, the narrow or allophonic transcription,
suggests special symbols including some information about ar­
ticulatory aclivity of particular allophonic features. The broad
transcription is mainly used for practical expedience, the narrow
type serves the purposes of research work.
The striking difference among present-day broad transcrip­
tions of British English is mainly due to the varying significance
which is attached to vowel quality and quantity. Now we shall
discuss two kinds of broad transcription which are used for prac­
tical purposes in our country. The first type was introduced by
D.Jones. He realized the difference in quality as well as in quan­
tity between the vowel sounds in the words sit and seat, pot and
port, pull and pool, the neutral vowel and the vowel in the word
earn. However, he aimed at reducing the number of symbols to a
minimum and strongly insisted that certain conventions should
be stated once for all. One of these conventions is, for instance,
that the above-mentioned long and short vowels differ in quality
as well as in quantity. D.Jones supposed that this convention
would relieve us from the necessity of introducing special sym ­
bols to differentiate the quality of these vowels. That is why he
used the same symbols for them. According to D.Jones' notation

47
English vowels are denoted like this: [i] — [i], [e] — [ж], [л] —
[a], [o] — [o:], [u] — [icl, [э] — [э:]. This way of notation disguises
the qualitative difference between the vowels [i] and [k ], [d ] and
[o:], [u] and [vc], [э] and [з:] though nowadays most phoneticians
agree that vowel length is not a distinctive feature of the vowel,
but is rather dependent upon the phonetic context, that is it is
definitely redundant. For example, in such word pairs as hit —
heat, cock — cork, pull — pool the opposed vowels are approxi­
mately of the same length, the only difference between them lies
in their quality which is therefore relevant.
More than that. Phonetic transcription is a good basis for
teaching the pronunciation of a foreign language, being a power­
ful visual aid. To achieve good results it is necessary that the
learners of English should associate each relevant difference be­
tween the phonemes with special symbols, that is each phoneme
should have a special symbol. If not, the difference between the
pairs of sounds above may be wrongly associated with vowel
length which is non-distinctive (redundant) in modem English.
The other type of broad transcription, first used by V.A.Vas-
silyev, causes no phonological misunderstanding providing spe­
cial symbols for all vowel phonemes: [i], [i:], [e], [ae], [cu], [a], [d],
[o:J, [и], [а-], [з:], [в]. Being a good visual aid this way of notation
can be strongly recommended for teaching the pronunciation of
English to any audience.
But phonemic representation is rather imprecise as it gives
too little information .about the actual speech sounds. It incorpo­
rates only as much phonetic information as it is necessary to dis­
tinguish the functioning of sounds in a language. The narrow or
phonetic transcription incorporates as much more phonetic infor­
mation as the phonetician desires, or as he can distinguish. It
provides special symbols to denote not only the phoneme as a
language unit but also its allophonic modifications. The symbol
[h] for instance indicates aspirated articulation, cf. [kheit] —
[skeit]. This type of transcription is mainly used in research work,
Sometimes, however, it may be helpful, at least in the early stag­
es, to include symbols representing allophones in order to em­
phasize a particular feature of an allophonic modification, e.g. in
the pronunciation of the consonant [1] it is often necessary to in­
sist upon the soft and hard varieties of it by using not only (1]
but also [I] (the indication of the hard variant).
48
 MAIN TRENDS IN PHONEME THEORY

Now that we know w hat the phoneme is let us view the

main trends of the phoneme theory. Most linguists have looked
upon the phoneme as one of the basic language units. But not all •
of them have described it in the same way. The majority of them
agree that the phoneme serves to distinguish morphemes and
words thus being a functional unit. However, some of them de­
fine it in purely "psychological" terms, others prefer physically
grounded definitions. Some scholars take into consideration only
the abstract aspect of the phoneme, others stick only to its mate­
riality. This has divided the various "schools" of phonology
some of which will be discussed below. Views of the phoneme
seem to fall into four main classes.
The "mentalistic” or "psychological" view regards the pho­
neme as an ideal "mental image'' or a target at which the speak­
er aims. He deviates from this ideal sound partly because an
identical repetition of a sound is next to impossible and partly
because of the influence exerted by neighbouring sounds. Ac­
cording to this conception allophones of the phoneme are vary­
ing materializations of it. This view was originated by the found­
er of thg phoneme theory, the Russian linguist I.A.Baudauin de
Courtenay (6) and something like it appears to have been adopt­
ed by E.D.Sapir. The same point of view was shared by other lin­
guists, Alf. Sommerfelt (76) for one, who described phonemes as
"models which speakers seek to reproduce."
The "psychological", or "mentalistic" view of the phoneme
was brought back into favour by generative phonology, and the
idea of the phoneme as a "target" has recently been revived, al­
beit under different terminology by M.Tatham (77).
It is definitely not possible to establish such ideal sounds
which do not exist in reality. For this reason the American lin­
guist L.Bloomfield (46) and his followers rejected the view and
the English phonetician D.Jones (64), while basically favourable
to the view preferred in practice to take a "physical'' view. This
approach to the phoneme as a clearly idealistic one cannot be
taken up by Soviet linguists.
The so-called "functional" view regards the phoneme as the
minima] sound unit by which meanings may be differentiated
without much regard to actually pronounced speech sounds.
Meaning differentiation is taken to be a defining characteristic of

49
phonemes. Thus the absence of palatalization in [1] and palatali­
zation of [1] in English do not differentiate meanings, and there­
fore (I] and [1] cannot be assigned to different phonemes but
both form allophones of the phoneme [1]. The same articulatory
features of the Russian [л] and [л' ] do differentiate meanings, and
hence [л] and [л'] m ust be assigned to different phonemes in
Russian, cf. мол — моль, лог — лёг. According to this conception
the phoneme is not a family of sounds, since in every sound
only a certain number of the articulatory features, that is those
which form the invariant of the phoneme, are involved in the dif­
ferentiation of meanings. It is the so-called distinctive features of
the sound which make up the phoneme corresponding to it. For
example, every sound of the English word ladder includes the
phonetic feature of lenisness but this feature is distinctive only in
the third sound [d], its absence here would give rise to a different
word latter, whereas if any other sound becomes fortis the result
is merely a peculiar version of ladder. The distinctiveness of such
a feature thus depends on the contrast between it and other pos­
sible features belonging to the same set, that is the state of the
vocal cords. Thus when the above-mentioned features are dis­
tinctive, lenisness contrasts with fortisness. Some approaches
have taken these oppositions as the basic elements of phonologi­
cal structure rather than the phonemes in the way the phoneme
was defined above. The functional approach extracts non-dis-
tinctive features from the phonemes thus divorcing the phoneme
from actually pronounced speech sounds. This view is shared by
many foreign linguists: see in particular the works of N.Trubet-
skoy (34), L.Bloomfield (46), R.Jakobson (62), M.Halle (62).
The functional view of the phoneme gave rise to a branch of.
linguistics called "phonology" or "phonemics" which is con­
cerned with relationships between contrasting sounds in a lan­
guage. Its special interest lies in establishing the system of dis­
tinctive features of the language concerned. Phonetics is limited
in this case with the precise description of acoustic and physio­
logical aspects of physical sounds without any concern to their
linguistic function. The supporters of this conception even rec­
ommend to extract phonetics from linguistic disciplines which
certainly cannot be accepted by Soviet phoneticians.
A stronger form of the “functional" approach is advocated in
the so-called "abstract" view of the phoneme, which regards
phonemes as essentially independent of the acoustic and physio­
50
logical properties associated with them, that is of speech sounds.
This view of the phoneme was pioneered by L.Hjelmslev and his
associates in /the Copenhagen Linguistic Circle, H.J.Uldall and
K.Togby. ,
The views of the phoneme discussed above can be qualified
as idealistic since all of them regard the phoneme as an abstract
conception existing in the mind but not in the reality, that is in
human speech, speech sounds being only phonetic manifesta­
tions of these conceptions.
The "physical" view regards the phoneme as a “family" of re­
lated sounds satisfying certain conditions, notably:
1. The various members of the "family" must show phonetic
similarity to one another, in other words be related in character.
2. No member of the "family" may occur in the same phonetic
context as any other.
The extreme form of the "physical" conception as propound­
ed by D.Jones (64) and shared by B.Bloch and G.Trager (45) ex­
cludes all reference to non-articulatory criteria in the grouping of
sounds into phonemes. And yet it is not easy to see how sounds
could be assigned to the same phoneme on any other grounds
than that substitution of one sound for the other does not give
rise to different words and different meaning. This approach may
seem to be vulgarly materialistic since it views the phoneme as a
group of articulatorily similar sounds without any regard to its
functional and abstract aspects.
Summarizing we may state that the materialistic conception
of the phoneme first put forward by L.V.Shcherba may be re­
garded as the most suitable for the purpose of teaching.

METHODS OF PHONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

Now that you have a good idea of what a phoneme is we

will try to show what the aim of phonological analysis of speech
sounds is; what methods can be applied to this sort of analysis
and w hat characteristics of the quality of sounds are of primary
importance in grouping them into functionally similar classes,
that is phonemes.
As was stated in the introduction to the course, any phoneti­
cian should look upon his science primarily as a study of the
spoken form of the language. To study the sounds of a language

51
from the functional or phonological point of view means to
study the way they function, that is, to find out which sounds a
language uses as part of its pronunciation system, how sounds
are grouped into functionally similar units, termed phonemes.
The final aim of the phonological analysis of language is the
identification of the phonemes and finding out the patterns of re­
lationship into which they fall as the sound system of that lan­
guage.
Here we should note that there are two ways of analyzing
speech sounds. For example, if we define [s] from the phonologi­
cal point of view it would be constrictive, forelingual, fortis. This
would be quite enough to remind us of the general class of reali­
zation of this segment. For articulatory description we would
need much more information, that is: what sort of narrowing is
formed by the tip of the tongue and the alveolar ridge, what is
the shape of the tongue when the obstruction is made (a groove
in the centre of the tongue while the sides form a closure with
the alveolar ridge) and so on. So if the speech sounds are studied
from the articulatory point of view it is the differences and simi­
larities of their production that are in the focus of attention,
whereas phonological approach suggests studying the sound
system which is actually a set of relationships and oppositions
which have functional value.
It is common knowledge that different languages have a dif­
ferent number of phonemes and different allophones represent­
ing them. So each language has its own system of phonemes.
Each member of the system is determinated by all the other
members and does not exist without them. The social value of
articulatory and acoustic qualities of sounds for the language as
a means of communication is different in different languages. In
one language community two physically different units are iden­
tified as "the same" sound, because they have similar functions
in. the language system. In another language community they
may be classified as different because they perform different lin­
guistic functions. This statement can be illustrated by the follow­
ing example. Despite their articulatory difference the two English
[1] and [t] sounds (clear and dark) are identified by English peo­
ple as one phoneme because the articulatory difference between
them does not affect the meaning. W e shall most probably find
that the native speakers are not normally aware of the difference
between these two sounds. This would come as a surprise to na­
52
tive speakers that they have difference in English. English speak­
ers do not hear the difference because it is of no importance in
the communication process.
In the Russian language a similar, though not identical differ­
ence between [л'] and [л] affects the meaning. If [л] in лук is re­
placed by [л'] the result will be a different word люк. So the Rus­
sian [л] and [л'1 sounds different on the articulatory level are
identified by speakers of Russian as two different phonemes. An­
alogically, the speakers of Syrian notice a difference between the
[th] of English ten and the [t] of letter, a difference which is pho­
nemic in Syrian but only allophonic in English.
There are many other differences which are unimportant on
the phonological level of analysis. For example, the realization of
the [p] phoneme in the words pie, spy, lamp-post. They are all dif­
ferent because of the phonetic context in which they occur: in
the word spy the sound [p] loses its aspiration, in the word lamp­
post the first sound [p] is replaced by a glottal stop. But phono-
logically these sounds are the same. Thus a very important con­
clusion follows: where languages are concerned everything is
relative and statements concerning phonological categories and
allophonic variants can usually be made of one variety of a par­
ticular language.
So the aim of the phonological analysis is, firstly, to deter­
mine which differences of sounds are phonemic and which are
non-phonemic and, secondly, to find the inventory of the pho­
nemes of this or that language.
It should be noted that a number of principles have been es­
tablished for ascertaining the phonemic structure of a language.
For an unknown language the procedure of identifying the pho­
nemes of a language as the smallest language units has several
stages. The first step is to determine the minimum recurrent seg­
ments (segmentation of speech continuum) and to record them
graphically by means of allophonic transcription. To do this an
analyst gathers a number of sound sequences with different
meanings and compares them. For example, the comparison of
[stik] and [stask] reveals the segments (sounds) [i] and [ae], com­
parison of [stik] and [spik] reveals the segments [st] and [sp] and
the further comparison of these two with [tik] and [task], [sik]
and [sask] splits these segments into smaller segments [s], [t], [p].
If we try to divide them further there is no comparison that al­
lows us to divide [s] or [t] or [p] into two, and we have therefore

53
arrived at the minimal segments. From what we have shown it
follows that it is possible to single out the minimal segments op­
posing them to one another in the same phonetic context or, in
other words, in sequences which differ in one element only.
The next step in the procedure is the arranging of sounds
into functionally similar groups. W e do not know yet w hat
sounds are contrastive in this language and what sounds are
merely allophones of one and the same phoneme. There are two
most widely used methods of finding it out. They are the distri­
butional method and the semantic method. The distributional
method is mainly used by phoneticians of "structuralist" persua­
sions1: the fact is that the structuralist model of languages which
flourished from the 1930s to the 1950s emphasized "the facts
about the language" approach. In fact, these phoneticians under­
estimated the distinctive function of the phoneme. They consider
it possible to discover the phonemes of a language by the rigid
application of distributional method, that is to group all the
sounds pronounced by native speakers into phonemes according
to the two laws of phonemic and allophonic distribution. These
laws were discovered long ago and are as follows.
4 1. Allophones of different phonemes occur in the same pho­
netic context. ^
2. Allophones of the same phoneme never occur in the same
phonetic context.
The fact is that the sounds of a language combine according
to a certain pattern characteristic of this language. Phonemic op-
posability depends on the way the phonemes are distributed in
their occurrence. That m eans that in any language certain
sounds do not occur in certain positions. For example, [h] in
English never occurs word finally, while [r>] never occurs word
initially, or [th] never occurs word finally or never follows [s]
while [t] (unaspirated) never occurs word initially before stressed
vowels. Such characteristics permit identification of phonemes
on the grounds of their distribution. For example, if a sound oc­
curs in a certain phonetic context and another one occurs only
in a different context no two words of a language can be distin­
guished solely by means of the opposition between these two.
The two sets of phonetic contexts are complementing one another
and the two sounds are classed as allophones of the same pho­

1The most outstanding among them is Z.Harris.

54
neme. They are said to be in complementary distribution. For
example, if we fully palatalize [1] in the word let it may sound
peculiar to/native speakers but the word is still recognized as let
but not pet or bet. The allophones lack distinctive power because
they never occur in the same phonetic context and the difference
in their articulation depends on different phonetic environment,
that is why the two phonetically different sounds are perceived
as identical ones. To be able to distinguish the meaning the same
sounds must be capable of occurring in exactly the same envi­
ronment as [p] and [b] in p it and bit or [1] and [d] in lay and day.
Thus two conclusions follow:
1. If more or less different sounds occur in the same phonetic
context they should be allophones of different phonemes. In this
case their distribution is contrastive.
2. If more or less similar speech sounds occur in different po­
sitions and never occur in the same phonetic context they are al­
lophones of one and the same phoneme. In this case their distri­
bution is complementary.
W e would point out here that the identification of phonemes
on the ground of complementary distribution is not without its
problems. There are cases when two sounds are in complemen­
tary distribution but are not referred to the same phoneme. This
is the case with the English [h] and [rj]. [h] occurs only initially
or before a vowel while [q] occurs only medially or finally after a
vowel and never occurs initially. In such case the method of dis­
tribution is modified by addition of the criterion of phonetic simi­
larity/dissimilarity. The decisions are not made purely on distri­
butional grounds. Articulatory features are taken into account as
well.
As we know allophones are supposed to share distinctive
features. But the problem is that there is no obvious criterion for
deciding whether the two sounds are sufficiently similar or not;
how similar they must be in order to qualify them as a single
phoneme. Alternatively, how different must they be before we
say the sound X and the sound Y cannot be possibly allophones
of the same phoneme. Let us consider sounds which are similar
on the articulatory level in the words.
[khaeph] — aspirated [p] — [khaeph]
[khasp°] — unreleased voiceless (loss of plosion) — [khas?]
[khaeb°] — unreleased voiced (loss of plosion) — [khas?]

55
 Here the articulatory difference between [ph] and [p] is great­
er than between [p] and [b]. Yet the native speaker associates the
former pair as allophones of [p] but distinguishes the latter pair
as two phonemes [p] and [b] (ca p — cab). To understand what is
happening here we must briefly examine speech as a communi­
cative process and we shall see that phonetic similarity can be
viewed from two perspectives: one concerning the speaker, the
other the listener. For example, [ph] and [p] are treated by the
native speaker as allophones of the same phoneme though both
on the auditory and the articulatory levels they are different.
Phonetic similarity can be determined either on tfie auditory
or on articulatory basis. Looking again at the case of [h] and [rj]
in English we can see now that these sounds are dissimilar both
in articulation and in perception, and therefore have no basis at
all for being treated as phonetically similar. That makes it very
unlikely that they could be members of the same phoneme,
though they never occur in the same phonetic context.
So far we have considered cases when the distribution of
sounds was .either contrastive or complementary. There is, how ­
ever, a third possibility, namely, that the sounds both occur in a
language but the speakers are inconsistent in the way they use
them, as for example in the case of the Russian шкаф — шкап,
калоши — галоши. In such cases we must take them as free vari­
ants of a single phoneme. But since the situation seems some­
what unusual we would take some trouble to find the reason for
the variation in the realization of the same phoneme. W e could
explain it on the basis of "dialect" or on the basis of sociolinguis­
tics. It could be that one variant is a "prestige" form which the
speaker uses when he is constantly ''monitoring” what he says
while the other variant of pronunciation is found in casual or less
formal speech. If all explanations fail then we have truly free var­
iants, but this statement is in a sense of admission that the criti­
cal factors at work have not yet been explained..
It would be unfair to imply that phoneticians of "structuralist"
persuasions take no account of native speakers’ opinion. W hen
purely distributional approach failed they considered native
speakers' opinion to know if the analyzed words differed in m ean­
ing (the so-called differential meaning). So in practice they usually
admitted consulting a native speaker. But in their anxiety to em­
phasize the need for proper (scientific) method and procedures
some of them come to regard the procedures as ends in them ­
selves, rather than a means towards understanding language.
 There is another method of phonological analysis widely used
in Soviet linguistics. It is called the semantic method. It is applied
for phonolbgical analysis of both unknown languages and lan­
guages already described. In case of the latter it is used to deter­
mine the phonemic status of sounds which are not easily identi­
fied from phonological point of view. The method is based on a
phonemic rule that phonemes can distinguish words and mor­
phemes when opposed to one another. The semantic method of
identifying the phonemes of a language attaches great signifi­
cance to meaning. It consists in systematic substitution of the
sound for another in order to ascertain in which cases where the
phonetic context remains the same such substitution leads to a
change of meaning. It is with the help of an informant that the
change of meaning is stated. This procedure is called the commu­
tation test. It consists in finding minimal pairs1 of words and their
grammatical forms. For example, an analyst arrives at the se­
quence [pin]. He substitutes the sound [p] for the sound [b]. The
substitution leads to the change of meaning. This would be a
strong evidence that [p] and [b] can be regarded as allophones of
different phonemes. Minimal pairs are useful for establishing
quickly and simply the phonemes of the language. If we continue
to substitute [p] for [s], [d], [w] we get minimal pairs of words with
different meaning sin, din, win. So, [s], [d], [w] are allophones of
different phonemes. But suppose we substitute [ph] for [p] the pro­
nunciation of the word would be wrong from the point of view of
English pronunciation norm, but the word would still be recog­
nized as pin but not anything else. So we may conclude that the
unaspirated [p] is an allophone of the same [p]-phoneme.
As was mentioned earlier, the phonemes of a language form a
system of oppositions in which any phoneme is usually opposed
to other phonemes in at least one position, in at least one minimal
pair. So to establish the phonemic structure of a language it is
necessary to establish the whole system of oppositions. All the
sounds should be opposed in word-initial, word-medial and word-
final positions. There are three kinds of oppositions. If members of
the opposition differ in one feature the opposition is said to be
single, e.g. pen — ben. Common features: occlusive — occlusive,
labial — labial. Differentiating feature: fortis — lenis.

1 By a minimal pair we mean a pair <?f words ot morphemes which are differ-
entiated by only one phoneme in the sairie position.

57
 If two distinctive features are marked, the opposition is said to
be double, e.g. pen — den. Common features: occlusive — occlu­
sive. Differentiating features: labial — lingual, fortis voiceless —
lenis voiced.
If three distinctive features are marked the opposition is said
to be triple, e.g. pen — then. Differentiating features: occlusive —
constrictive, labial — dental, fortis voiceless — lenis voiced.
W e should remind you here that the features of a phoneme
that are capable of differentiating the meaning are termed as rel­
evant or distinctive. The features that do not take part in differ­
entiating the meaning are termed as irrelevant or non-distinc-
tive. The latter may be of two kinds: a) incidental or redundant
features, for example, aspiration of voiceless plosives, presence
of voice in voiced consonants, length of vowels: b) indispensa­
ble or concomitant features, for example, tenseness of English
long monophthongs, the checked character of stressed short
vowels, lip rounding of back vowels. It is well to remember that
a single opposition remains single if its members differ from each
other not only in a distinctive feature alone, but also in distinc­
tively irrelevant both incidental and concomitant features.
It would be a mistake to assume that the use of commutation
test is without its problems. The difficulty is that the theory is
based on the assumption that sounds in any sequence are discrete
replaceable units. But a phonemic analysis needs to take account
of the overall pattern of sounds and their structural relationship in
the language concerned: phonemes are not isolated, unrelated
phenomena in the same environments. In reality speech sounds
are modified under the influence of context in which they are
used. For example, in such sequences as [aekt] and [aept] the reali­
zation of the allophones of [k] and [p] are alike: acoustically on the
perception level it is silence of the same duration. Although the
two phonemes are in mutual opposition they are not capable of
distinguishing the meaning of these two words in a straightfor­
ward way. It is the character of transition from [ae] to [k] in the first
case, and from [ae] to [p] in the second, that differentiates the
meaning. The two opposed phonemes fulfil their distinctive func­
tion in an indirect way, that is the differentiation of meaning is
provided not by the phonemes themselves but by the adjacent
sound. Another example: [bed] — [bet]. In this pair of words it is
mainly the length of the proceeding vowel [e] that provides the
differentiating characteristic of the word because normally distinc-

58
tive opposition between voiced and voiceless consonants is neu­
tralized.
Semantic n^ethod of phonological analysis is now widely
used in Soviet linguistics as well as by overwhelming majority of
foreign analysts.
W e have indicated so far that the phonological analysis of
the sounds of a language is based on such notions as contrastive
distribution, complementary distribution, minimal pairs, free var­
iation, phonetic similarity. To these we must add one more con­
cept, that is of native speaker's knowledge. The fact is that all
the rules referred to above should account for the intuitions of
the native speaker and that is the real reason why we adopt
them, for the aim of linguistic analysis is to explain and to take
account of native speaker's feelings about his language as far as
this is possible. For example, that [r)] and [h] are in contrastive
distribution is a fact about the language but it would be of little
interest in itself and that is not the real reason why we treat
these two sounds as separate phonemes. The real reason is that
the native speaker feels they are different phonemes.
In the final summing up we might say that the phonemic
system of a language is patterned. It is the aim of phonological
analysis to attempt to systematize the sounds of a language, that
is to group them into functionally similar classes. It is of primary
importance for learning and teaching a foreiqn language because
the more consistent, logical and concise the description of the
phonetic system of a language is the more effective its acquisi­
tion will be.

THE SYSTEM OF ENGLISH PHONEMES

The previous section has been concerned with the aims and
methods of phonological analysis. In this section we are going to
give a brief and readable description of the problems which
scholars face trying to describe the English sounds from the func­
tional point of view. W e shall try to explain what is understood
by quality of a sound, what articulatory characteristics may be
considered constituents of quality and to determine which of
them are important enough to arrest our attention as phonologi-
cally relevant.
By way of introduction we would like to remind you that

59
there are two major classes of sounds traditionally distinguished
by phoneticians in any language. They are termed consonants
and vowels. It would be fair to mention that the distinction is
based mainly on auditory effect. Consonants are known to have
voice and noise combined, while vowels are sounds consisting of
voice only. From the articulatory point of view the difference is
due to the work of speech organs. In case of vowels no obstruc­
tion is made. In case of consonants various obstructions are made.
So consonants are characterized by so-called close articulation,
that is by a complete, partial or intermittent blockage of the air-
passage by an organ or organs. The closure is formed in such a
way that the air-stream is blocked or hindered or otherwise gives
rise to audible friction. As a result consonants are sounds which
have noise as their indispensable and most defining characteristic.
W hat we have said makes it logic enough to consider each
class of sounds independently. So we shall start with consonants.

1. Consonants

On the articulatory level each consonant may be identified

by stating two general facts about it:
1 ) what sort of articulatory posture it is formed by;
2 ) whereabout in the mouth (or pharynx) it is produced.
Besides these major characteristics the particular quality of a
consonant may depend on a lot of other factors, that is by what
articulatory organ (or organs) an obstruction is made, how vocal
cords work at the moment of production, what cavity is used as a
resonator, what is the force of articulatory effect and many others.
So in our view the particular quality of a consonant would be best
thought of as a complex bundle of features. Each sound is known
to have three aspects: acoustic, articulatory and auditory and
therefore can be studied on these three levels. For the sake of anal­
ysis each aspect can be considered and described independently
though we should take it reasonably obvious that there is no
sharp dividing line between them. Trying to work out a classifica­
tion of such complex units as speech sounds an analyst should
specify those properties of sounds which are relevant to the sub­
ject under discussion, so the attempts to classify sounds should
have a theoretical foundation. Besides, each classification should

60
not only aim at linguistic description but it should be justified from
"teaching of a language" point of view. Therefore it should try to
include, if possible, both the principal relevant features and the
ones that are redundant from phonological point of view but are
considerably important for the articulation of the sound. Here we
should note that phonological description of sounds will be made
in terms of articulatory level.
As to the classification of English consonants there are few
ways of seeing the situation.
According to V.A.Vassilyev (79) primary importance should
be given to the type of obstruction and the manner of produc­
tion of noise. On this ground he distinguishes two large classes
of consonants:
a) occlusive, in the production of which a complete obstruc­
tion is formed;
b) constrictive, in the production of which an incomplete ob­
struction is formed.
The phonological relevance of this feature could be exempli­
fied in the following oppositions:
[ti] — [si;] tea — sea (occlusive — constrictive)
[std] — [si:z] seed — seas (occlusive — constrictive)
[pul] — [ful] pull — full (occlusive — constrictive)
[b3ut] — [v3ut] boat — vote (occlusive — constrictive)
Each of the two classes is subdivided into noise consonants and
sonorants. The division is based on the factor of prevailing either
noise or tone component in the auditory characteristic of a
sound. In their turn noise consonants are divided into plosive
consonants (or stops) and affricates. The following scheme might
be helpful to understand the system built in accordancc with the
above-mentioned order of articulatory characteristics:

61
 Another point of view is shared by a group of Soviet phone­
ticians (authors of the book among them). They suggest that the
first and basic principle of classification should be the degree of
noise. Such consideration leads to dividing English consonants
into two general kinds:
A — noise consonants
В — sonorants
It is easy to see that the term "degree of noise" belongs to
auditory level of analysis. But it is hardly necessary to point out
that there is an intrinsic connection between articulatory and au­
ditory aspect of describing speech sounds, such that sometimes
it is impossible to account for the former except in terms of the
latter. In the above-mentioned case it is the term of auditory lev­
el that defines the characteristic more adequately.
Talking about sonorants it is necessary to mention that they
are consonants that phoneticians have traditionally a lot of argu­
ment about. The point is that sonorants are sounds that differ
greatly from all other consonants of the language. This is largely
due to the fact that in their production the air passage between
the two organs of speech is fairly wide, that is much wider than
in the production of noise consonants. As a result, the auditory
effect is tone, not noise. This peculiarity of articulation makes so­
norants sound more like vowels than consonants. On this
ground some of the British phoneticians refer some of these con­
sonants to the class of semivowels, [r], [j], [w], for example.
Acoustically sonorants are opposed to all other consonants be­
cause they are characterized by sharply defined formant struc­
ture and the total energy of most of them is very high. However,
on functional grounds, according to their position in the syllable,
[r], 01- lw] ar© included in the consonantal category, but from the
point of view of their phonetic description they are more perfect­
ly treated as vowel glides.
According to the Soviet phoneticians sonorants are consid­
ered to be consonants from articulatory, acoustic and phonologi­
cal point of view and can be classified according to all the princi­
ples of classification of consonants.
Looking back on the problem of providing an accurate criteri­
on for estimating classificatory value of various properties dis­
played by sounds we may say that the great articulatory and
acoustic difference of noise consonants and sonorants could be
very well relied upon in this respect. The phonological relevance

62
of this factor (the degree of noise) could be proved by the follow­
ing oppositions:
[beik — meik] bake — make (noise consonant — sonorant)
[vi:l — wi:l] veal — wheel (noise consonant — sonorant)
The following scheme may illustrate the point of view shared
by the authors of this book:

Summarizing briefly we may emphasize the fact that the two

above-mentioned characteristics, that is the degree of noise and
the manner of articulation are considered essential enough from
the classificatory point of view, no matter which of them comes
first in the description of the system. W e could add that any par­
ticular point of view will be judged by its effectiveness. Both
above-mentioned classifications are valid, consistent and com ­
plete though we could assume that the latter is more preferable
for teaching purpose because it is more concise and symmetrical.
The place of articulation is another characteristic of English
consonants which should be considered from the phonological
point of view. The place of articulation is determined by the ac­
tive organ of speech against the point of articulation. According
to this principle the English consonants are classed into:
1 ) labial,
2 ) lingual,
3) glottal.
The class of labial consonants is subdivided into: a) bilabial;
b) labio-dental; and among the class of lingual consonants three
subclasses are distinguished; they are: a) forelingual, b) medio-
lingual and c) backlingual. The classification of consonants ac­
cording to this principle is illustrated in the following scheme:

63
 The importance of this characteristic as phonologically rele­
vant could be proved by means of a simple example. In the sys­
tem of English consonants there could be found oppositions
based on the active organ of speech and the place of obstruction.
[paen] — [tasn] pan — tan (bilabial — forelingual)
[wai] — [lai] why — lie (bilabial — forelingual)
[weil] — [jeil] weil — yale (bilabial — mediolingual)
[pik] — [kik] pick — kick (bilabial — backlingual)
[les] — [jes] less — yes (forelingual .— mediolingual)
[del] — [gei] day — gay (forelingual — backlingual)
[sai] — [hai] sigh — high (forelingual — glottal)
[fi:tj — [si:t] feet — seat (labio-dental — forelingual)
Our next point should be made in connection, with another
sound property, that is voiced — voiceless characteristic which
depends on the work of the vocal cords. W e should note that it
has long been believed that from the articulatory point of view
the distinction between such pairs of consonants as [p, b], [t, d],
[k, g], [s, z], [f, v], [f, 3], [tf, <&] is based on the absence or pres­
ence of vibrations of the vocal cords, or on the absence or pres­
ence of voice or tone component. However, a considerable body
of experimental work on physiological and acoustic aspects of
these sounds showed that this is not the only difference between
them. It is obvious now that there is also energy difference. All
voiced consonants are weak (lenis) and all voiceless consonants
are strong (fortis). It is worth noticing that now there is a consid­
erable controversy about what phonetic feature is involved in
the above-mentioned oppositions. In the intervocalic position,
for example, latter — ladder, the voicing difference is important,
since it is the distinctive feature of the consonants. In word-initial
and final positions the pronunciation of consonants traditionally
considered to be voiced may well be voiceless. In these positions

64
it is the energy difference that serves as a differentiating feature.
For example, "cap" — "cab", "nof" — "nod", "pidc" — “pic/1- In ini­
tial position aspiration would be a more important feature for
stops, for example "tick" — ".Dick", "cap" — "(jrap", "pit" — "bit".
In a word-final position it is the length of the proceeding vowel
that would constitute the chief difference (the vowel of "bead" is
longer than that of “beet").
In ^iew of what has just been said it is perfectly obvious that
the presence or absence of voice in the above-mentioned opposi­
tions is not a constant distinctive feature. Thus it may be said that
the oppositions [p — b], [t — d], (k — g], [f — v], (s — z], [f — 3],
[tf — are primarily based on energy difference, that is on
fortis — lenis articulation, which are their phonologically relevant
features. It is for this reason that such characteristics as voice­
less — voiced have given place to “fortis" — "lenis" terms.
There is one more articulatory characteristic which is usually
included into the set of principles on the basis of which the Eng­
lish consonants are classified, that is the position of the soft pal­
ate. According to this principle consonants can be oral and na­
sal. There are relatively few consonantal types in English which
require the lowered position of the soft palate. They are the na­
sal occlusive'sonorants [in], [n] and [13]. They differ from oral plo­
sives in that the soft palate is lowered allowing the escape of air
into the nasal cavity.
It is a well-known fact that no differences of meaning in Eng­
lish can be attributed to the presence or absence of nasalization
(there are no two consonants in English which differ in the posi­
tion of the soft palate). It is for this reason that it cannot be a
phonologically relevant feature of English consonants, so it is an
indispensable concomitant feature of English nasal consonants.
So far we have attempted to show the way the basic articula­
tory characteristics can be interpreted from the phonological
point of view and what classificatory value these characteristics
may possess as items of a system.
There are, however, other problems of a phonological char­
acter. In the English consonantal system it is the problem of af­
fricates, that is their phonological status and their number. It
would be true to say that though it is a long-standing problem it
is obvious to anyone who is acquainted with the state of current
general theory that its importance is not lessened, nor is the ana­
lysts' concern for it diminished.
Л 1457
65
 The question is: what kind of facts a phonological theory has
to explain?
1) Are the English [tf, <%] sounds monophonemic entities or
biphonemic combinations (sequences, clusters)?
2) If they are monophonemic, how many phonemes of the
same kind exist in the system of English consonants, or, in other
words, can such clusters as [tr, dr], [ts, dz] and [t9, d3] be con­
sidered affricates?
To define it is not an easy or obvious matter. If we tried to
analyse all the theories concerning the problem, the task would
prove daunting. So we shall try to direct our attention to essen­
tials.
One thing is clear, that is the above-mentioned sounds are
complexes because articulatorily and acoustically we can distin­
guish two elements. The articulatory difference between [tf, cfj]
on the one hand, and [t, d] on the other is based on the speed of
releasing the obstruction. When [tf, cfe] are pronounced the re­
leased stage is performed slower than in case of [t, d]. But this is
not the only difference between an affricate and a plosive. Spe­
cial instrumental analysis shows that there is no synchrony in
releasing the obstruction by the central part of the tongue and its
sides. It is the centre of the front part of the tongue that comes
first in release stage while the sides of the tongue still form a clo­
sure. At the next stage the obstruction is released by the sides of
the tongue while the central part of the tip forms a narrowing
against the alveolar ridge through which the air escapes. The ar­
ticulatory movement of the parts of the tongue is smooth and
continuous. It is difficult to say where the bordering line between
the first and the second stage could pass.
Considering phonemic duality of affricates it is necessary to
analyze the relation of affricates to other consonant phonemes to
be able to define their status in the system of consonants. As
you know from the course of practical phonetics, traditionally it
is the type of obstruction that serves a basis of comparison. The
two main types of obstruction are complete and incomplete. In
accordance with such classification affricates cannot be referred
to either of the groups, since they are known to consist of both:
the closure and the narrowing. That is why it seems justified to
single out a group of affricates, or occlusive-constrictive conso­
nants.
Theoretically in each language there might be as many

66
affricates as there are fricatives but in reality the number of them
is limited and there are languages where there are none.
As was mentioned above, the problem of affricates is a point
of considerable controversy among phoneticians. According to
Soviet specialists in English phonetics, there are two affricates in
English, they are: [tf, cfc]. D.Jones'points out there are six of
them: [tf, <%], [ts, dz] and [tr, dr] (64). A.C.Gimson increases their
number adding two more affricates: [t0, dd] (57).
W e could ask, what might account for such a difference in
their opinions?
The fact is that Soviet phoneticians look at English affricates
through the eyes of a phoneme theory, according to which a
phoneme has three aspects: articulatory, acoustic and functional,
the latter being the most significant one. As to British phoneti­
cians, their primary concern is the articulatory-acoustic unity of
these complexes, because their aim is limited by practical rea­
sons of teaching English.
Before looking at these complexes from a functional point of
view it is necessary to define their articulatory indivisibility. This
procedure is generally carried out according to the rules worked
out by N.S.Trubetskoy (34). According to his point of view a
sound complex may be considered nonphonemic if:
a) its elements belong to the same syllable;
b) it is produced by one articulatory effort;
c) its duration should not exceed normal duration of either of
its elements.
Now let us try to apply these criteria to the above-mentioned
sound complexes.
Rule I. Syllabic indivisibility. If we compare the following
words:
butcher ['butf-э] — lightship ['lait-Jip]
mattress ['maetr-is] — footrest ['fut-rest]
curtsey [’k3:-tsi] — out-set ['aut-set]
eighth [eit6] — whitethorn ['wait-0o:n]
we could see that in the words given in the left column the
sounds [tf], [tr], [ts], [t©] belong to one syllable and cannot be di­
vided into two elements by a syllable-dividing line. W e could
compare these complexes to the Russian [ц] phoneme which
also cannot belong to different syllables. Cf. [иай-'цо], но
[съ-'вет-ский]. W e could assume that the articulation of the
voiced counterparts does not differ from the voiceless ones.
 Rule II. Articulatory indivisibility. W e might say that special
instrumental analysis shows that all the sound complexes in
question are homogeneous and have the maximum of articulato­
ry features in common; that is at the beginning of the articula­
tion the organs of speech are in the position of the second frica­
tive element [f], [r], [s], [0 ] or [3], [z], but there is a complete ob­
struction (a closure) formed by the tip and the sides of the
tongue against the alveolar ridge and the side teeth. Then the
closure is released and the air escapes from the mouth cavity,
producing audible friction. In other words the above-mentioned
complexes are produced by one articulatory effort.
Rule III. Duration. W e should note here that the available
data of that kind is not reliable enough. Moreover [tf,<fe] com ­
plexes which are considered phonemes by all phoneticians, are
not defined properly as to their length or quantity. W ith
G.P.Torsuev (32), we could state that length of sounds depends
on the position in the phonetic context, therefore it cannot serve
a reliable basis in phonological analysis. He writes that the
length of English [tf] in the words [tfea] chair and [mastf] match is
different, [tf] in match is considerably longer than [t] in mat and
may be even longer than [f] in mash. This does not prove, how­
ever, that [tf] is biphonemic.
N.S.Trubetskby himself admits that this condition is less im­
portant than the two previous ones (34).
From what we have said it follows that this rule has no deci­
sive value. That is why we could be certain that the analysed
sounds are articulatively indivisible. So potentially they can be
considered monophonemic. But in fact they could be considered
monophonemic on condition they could enter the "phonological
model of the language" (58).
The rules suggested by N.S.Trubetskoy (34) are based on ar­
ticulatory and phonological indicators. They may well be called
the grounds of phonology, because in great many instances they
permit us to define the phonemic status of sound complexes.
However, doing credit to articulatory and phonological criteria
applied in the interpretation of such entities, scholars seem to at­
tach decisive importance to morphonological criterion. Accord­
ing to this criterion a sound complex is considered to be mono­
phonemic if a morpheme boundary cannot pass within it, be­
cause it is generally assumed that a phoneme is morphologically
indivisible. If we consider [tf], [<fc] from this point of view we
68
could be secure to grant them a monophonemic status, since
they are indispensable. As to [ts], [dz] and [t0], [d0] complexes
their last elements are separate morphemes [s], [z], [0 ], so these
elements are easily singled out by the native speaker in any kind
of phonetic context. So these complexes do not correspond to
the phonological models of the English language and cannot ex­
ist in the system of phonemes. The case with [tr], [dr] complexes
is still more difficult. According to morphonological criterion
they have more grounds than the above-mentioned [ts], [dz],
[t0 ] and [d0 ] to be considered monophonemic because they very
often belong to the same morpheme. In such situations analysts
apply the native speaker’s knowledge, which might serve an ad­
ditional criterion, for any linguistic analysis can be largely based
on intuition about the rules to be recognized, combinations to be
noted and results to be obtained. So talking about [tf], [<&], if we
assume that in the word chair [t] is dispensable leaving share
[fea] and [f] is dispensable leaving tear [tea] and therefore it is a
sequence of [t] + [f], the native speaker’s feeling cannot accept
it as anything but a unit. Perhaps the reason is partly to do with
[<&] which cannot be treated so easily as [tf]. If we dispense [d] in
[cfeei], for example, we could get [3ei], but [3] is not a permitted
initial phoneme in English because it occurs only in a few bor­
rowed words. So it is not satisfactory, because it would be odd to
treat one of the correlated pairs as a sequence, and the other as
a unit. Another reason: if we treat [tf], [ф] as sequences what
other sequences of this type would we find in the system of En­
glish consonants? Parallel to the [dr] complex there are [kr], [pr],
[©г]. But there is nothing parallel to [tf] and similarly to [<fe]. So it
may be said that the native speaker does not regard [tf], [(&] as
composite sounds, that is composed of distinctive elements. On
the other hand, [tr], [dr] are not normally regarded as anything
but sequences. A.C.Gimson himself admits that he grants them
monophonemic status on the basis of the articulatory criterion
(57).
By w;ay of conclusion we could say that the two approaches
that have been adopted towards this phenomenon are as fol­
lows: the finding that there are eight affricates in English [tf], [<fc],
[tr], [dr], [ts], [dz], [t0 ], [d0 ] is consistent with an articulatory
and acoustic view, because in this respect the entities are indivi­
sible. This is the way the British phoneticians see the situation.
This point of view underestimates the phonological aspect and is
in a way an extremity.

69
 On the other hand, Soviet phoneticians are consistent in
looking at the phenomenon from the morphological and the
phonological point of view which allows them to categorize [tf],
[<%] as monophonemic ynits and [tr], [dr], [ts], [dz], [t0 ], [d0 ] as
biphonemic complexes. However, this point of view reveals the
possibility of ignoring the articulatory and acoustic indivisibility
of the complexes. In this case the pronunciation peculiarities of
these complexes are not analysed properly. It must be distinctly
understood that that is a genuine articulatory difference between
phonemes [t], [d] pronounced in combination with other sounds
and the [t], [d] as parts of clusters [tr], [dr]. It requires special at­
tention and trajning. On this account textbooks in practical pho­
netics should include effective instructions on teaching the pro­
nunciation of these sound complexes.
So far we have attempted to show how a fairly general prob­
lem of interpreting the system of English consonants is solved,
what essential complication exists and what kind of criteria can
be used in solving these problems.
Summarizing what have been described we could state that
with the majority of Soviet specialists in English phonetics we
consider relevant the following articulatory features:
1 ) type of obstruction,
2 ) place of obstruction and the active organ of speech,
3) force of articulation.
As was mentioned in the previous section, the phonetic sys­
tem of a language is patterned. So we have tried to show what
articulatory features could serve as a criterion for grouping con­
sonants into functionally similar classes. The above-mentioned
articulatory characteristics are undoubtedly the prime ones as
they specify the essential quality of a consonant which is
enough to describe it as an item of a system. On this level of
analysis it is the point where the distinction between consonants
becomes phonemic that matters. However, if we approach the
matter from "teaching pronunciation" point of view it is natural
we should want to gain some additional information about the
articulation of a consonant, about such delicate distinctions that
make the description complete from the articulatory point of
view, for example, if the consonant is apical or dorsal; if it is
dental, alveolar, post-alveolar, or palato-alveolar; if it is oral or
nasal; if the narrowing is flat or round and a lot of others. These
characteristics are of no importance from phonological point of

70
view but they provide necessary and instructive information for
comparison between the English consonants and those of the
mother tonfgue and so are considerably important for teaching
purposes. It is for this reason that these characteristics are nor­
mally included into the classification.

2. Modifications of Consonants in Connected Speech

Hitherto, we have looked at sounds individually. But lan­

guage in everyday use is not conducted in terms of isolated, sep­
arate units; it is performed in connected sequences of larger
units, in words, phrases and longer utterances. Now we shall be
concerned with what happens to sounds not only within words,
but also when the words are connected into larger units. There
are actually some remarkable differences between the pronuncia­
tion of a word in isolation and of the same word in a block of
connected speech. These changes are mostly quite regular and
predictable. Still the problem of defining the phonemic status of
sounds in connected speech is by far too complicated because of
the numerous modifications of sounds in speech. These modifica­
tions are observed both within words and at word boundaries.
As you may know from the practical course of phonetics, speech
sounds influence each other in the flow of speech. As a result of
the intercourse between consonants and vowels and within each
class there appear such processes of connected speech as assimi­
lation, accommodation, vowel reduction and elision which is
sometimes termed deletion.
The adaptive modification of a consonant by a neighbouring
consonant in the speech chain is known as assimilation, e.g the
alveolar [t] followed by the interdental [0 ] becomes dental:
eighth, at three.
The term accommodation is often used by linguists to denote
the interchanges of "vowel + consonant type" or "consonant +
vowel type", for instance, some slight degree of nasalization of
vowels preceded or followed by nasal sonorants: never, men; or
labialization of consonants preceding the vowels [o] and [y] in
Russian: больно, конь, думать, лучше.
One of the wide-spread sound changes is certainly vowel re­
duction. Reduction is actually qualitative or quantitative weak­
ening of vowels in unstressed positions, e.g. board — blackboard,
man — postman.
71
 Elision or complete loss of sounds, both vowels and conso­
nants, is often observed in English. Elision is likely to be minimal
' in slow careful speech and maximal in rapid relaxed colloquial
forms of speech.
The processes involved cannot be neglected in defining the
phonemic status of speech sounds. These phenomena manifest
the economy of pronouncing efforts on the part of the speaker.
The speaker and the listener are two participants of communica­
tion. The addresser's aim is to inform the addressee of some­
thing. The letter’s wish is to comprehend the idea. The simplifi­
cations themselves go quite unnoticed by the listener, as they do
not affect the meaning. The listener is mainly interested in the
meaning the speaker aims to convey and not in the precise pho­
netic organization of a block of connected speech. So long as the
meaning is recognizable, the listener is satisfied. W e have to re­
gard the omissions and reductions then as a kind of economy on
the part of the speaker, who aims not to give .more information
than necessary. The speaker assumes usually correctly that the
listener will not notice the omissions. A question then arises
whether such kind of simplification leads to excessive ambiguity.
On the face of it, one would expect a great deal of ambiguity to
arise, particularly in cases where a whole word is reduced
(weakened) to a single sound, for example, [z] for the whole
word has. The load carried by a single sound can become enor­
mous. [z], for example, can represent the reduced forms of has, is
and even does, the plural and possessive for nouns, the third per­
son singular for verbs. The sound [э] can represent the reduced
forms of are, or, her and sometimes o f (as in six o'clock), as well
as the indefinite article a, the comparative degree of adjectives
(shorter), the suffix of a noun (teach-er), etc. But in spite of the
meaning load carried by the same sounds, ambiguity rarely
arises because the syntactic functions are quite different and the
context makes the intention clear. On hearing a sequence like
[z’nik ’клпиг)] the listener unmistakably reconstructs: Is Nick
coming?; in [5э ‘baiz ’skeit] the sound [z] must be the plural form,
while in [дэ ‘boiz ’ёлп it] it must be derived from has.
Now let us see which qualitative features of consonant
sounds may be changed in the process of their interrelation in a
speech chain.
Consonants are modified according to the place of articula­
tion. Assimilation takes place when a sound changes its charac­

72
ter in order to become more like a neighbouring sound. The
characteristic which can vary in this way is nearly always the
place of articulation, and the sounds concerned are commonly
those whi^h involve a complete closure at some point in the
mouth that is plosives and nasals which may be illustrated as
follows:
1. The dental [t], [d], followed by the interdental [0], [5]
sounds (partial regressive assimilation when the influence goes
backwards from a "later" sound to an "earlier" one), e.g. "eighth",
"at the", "breadtfi", “said that".
2. The post-alveolar [t], [d] under the influence of the post-
alveolar [r] (partial regressive assimilation),, e.g. "ft-ee", "true",
"thaf right word", "dry", "dream", "the third room".
3. The post-alveolar [s], [z] before [f] (complete regressive as­
similation), e.g. horse-shoe ['ho:tfu:], this shop [QiJ'Jbp], does she
['dAjJi:).
4. The affricative [t + j], [d + j] combinations (incomplete re­
gressive assimilation), e.g. graduate ['graetfcueit], congratulate*
[ken'graetfuleit], did you ['dicfcu:], could you ['ku<feu:], what do you
say ['wDt3u:'sei].
It is easy to see from the examples above that the sounds
commonly changing their place of articulation are alveolar stops.
Kasai consonants are not less susceptible to assimilation. The
place of articulation of nasals also varies according to the conso­
nant that follows, e.g.
In camp [m] remains bilabial before another bilabial as well as
in man before'a vowel.
Similarly in cent [n] is alveolar before another alveolar as well
as in net.
But in "symphony" [m] is actually labio-dental followed by
the labio-dental [f].
In "seventh" [n] becomes dental, before the interdental [0].
In "pinch" [n] is palato-alveolar corresponding to the follow­
ing affricate [tf].
In "thank" [n] assimilates to the velar consonant becoming
velar [r)]-
W e should like to note here that by analogy with alveolar
consonants nasal assimilation operates not only within the mor­
pheme as in "thanfc" but also across syllable boundaries as in
"symphony", across morpheme boundaries, for example, in pre­
fixes in-, un- as in "incomplete", "ungrateful"; “impractical",

73
where [n] assimilates to [p] and becomes bilabial [m], in the
stressed prefix con- as in "conquer ". Assimilation of nasals seems
to be also optional across word boundaries, e.g. in case, in fact.
The manner of articulation is also changed as a result of as­
similation, which may be illustrated as follows:
1. Loss of plosion. In the sequence of two plosive consonants
the former loses its plosion: glad to see you, great trouble, and old
clock (partial regressive assimilations).
2. Nasal plosion. In the sequence of a plosive followed by a
nasal sonorant the manner of articulation of the plosive sound
and the work of the soft palate are involved, which results in the
nasal character of plosion release: “sudden", “not now", "at
night", “lef me see" (partial regressive assimilations).
3. Lateral plosion. In the sequence of a plosive followed by
the lateral sonorant [1] the noise production of the plosive stop is
changed into that of the lateral stop: “settle", “table", "at iast"
(partial regressive assimilations). It is obvious that in each of the
occasions one characteristic feature of the phoneme is lost.
The voicing value of a consonant may also change through
assimilation. This type of assimilation affects the work of the vo­
cal cords and the force of articulation. In particular voiced lenis
sounds become voiceless fortis when followed by another voice­
less sound, e.g.:
1. Fortis voiceless/lenis voiced type of assimilation is best
manifested by the regressive assimilation.in such words as news­
paper (news [z] + paper); goosebeny (goose [s] + berry). In casual
informal speech voicing assimilation is often met, e g. have to do
it ['haef ta 'du:|, five past two ['faif past 'tu:]. The sounds which as­
similate their voicing are usually, as the examples show, voiced
lenis fricatives assimilated to the initial voiceless fortis consonant
of the following word. Grammatical items, in particular, are most
affected: [z] of has, is, does changes to [s], and [v] of of, have be­
comes [f], e.g.
She's/ive. Of course.
She has fine eyes. You've spoiled it.
Does Pete like it?
2. The weak forms of the verbs is and has are also assimilated
to the final voiceless fortis consonants of the preceding word thus
the assimilation is functioning in the progressive direction, e.g.
74
Your aunt's coming.
What's your name?
(partial progressive assimilation)
3. English sonorants [m, n, r, 1, j, w] preceded by the fortis
voiceless consonants [p, t, k, s] are partially devoiced, e.g.
"smart", "snake”, "tray", "quick", "twins", "play", "pride" (partial
progressive assimilation).
The voiced/voiceless type of assimilation is well developed
in the Russian language, e.g. сдавать, сбросить, французский,
абсолютный. The positional devoicing of final consonants is es­
pecially constant, e.g. клуб, снег, мороз.
It should be noted that the interference of the Russian voi­
ced/voiceless regressive type of assimilation results in a typical
mistake in English: "blade dog", "this day", "gets dark", "much bet­
ter", "let’s go". In English assimilation usually results in changing
voiced lenis consonants into voiceless fortis, e.g. o f course
[afko:s]. The change of voiceless fortis consonants into voiced
lenis as a result of assimilation is not typical. Thus teachers of
English should be aware of it and be ready with special exercises
to prevent the errors.
Lip position may be affected by the accommodation, the in­
terchange of consonant + vowel type. Labialisation of conso­
nants is traced under the influence of the neighbouring back
vowels (accommodation), e.g. pool, moon, rude, soon, who, cool,
etc. It is possible to speak about the spread lip position of conso­
nants followed or preceded by front vowels [i:], [i], e.g. tea —
beat; meet — team; feat — leaf, keep — leak; sit — miss (accom­
modation).
The position of the soft palate is also involved in the accom­
modation. Slight nasalization as the result of prolonged lowering
of the soft palate is sometimes traced in vowels under the influ­
ence of the neighbouring sonants [mj and [nj, e.g. and, morning,
men, come in (accommodation).
To summarize so far, assimilation affecting the place of arti­
culation is considered to be most typical of the English sound
system and assimilation affecting the work of the vocal cords
(voiced/voiceless type) is most typical of the Russian speech.
It is to be noted that the described allophonic realizations of
phonemes are marked in Received Pronunciation as obligatory
and stable for all the members of the speech community in every

75
 /
phonetic style. It is perfectly natural that all sorts of sound adaptaj-
tion are more frequent in ihformal colloquial flow of speech thah
in formal speech. This tendency is a matter of style, not correct­
ness. In informal casual discourse assimilation involves the alveo­
lar stops [t], [d] before another stop at border junctions, e.g.
that place [Эаер “pleis] Or: hard problem ['ha:b 'probtam]
that book ['daep lbuk] hard blow ['ha:b 'Ызи]
that kind ['баек 'kaind] hard case ['ha:g 'keis]
that golfer ['daek 'gDlfa] hard ground ['ha:g 'graund]
In these examples [t] retains its voicelessness, [d] accordingly
retains its voiced character, but both of them shift their articula­
tion in symphony with the articulation of the following stop. It
should be noted that the velar stops [k], [g] are not subjected to
the assimilation of this kind.
The alveolars [s], [z] and [t], [d] assimilate in informal casual
speech more often than in slow careful speech to palato-alveo-
lars when followed by the palatal 0], e.g.
face your friend ['feij p 'frend]
as you like [93 ju 'laik]
can't you do it ['ka:ntjb 'du: it]
on duty [Dn '<%u:ti]
The examples above illustrate the changes affecting the place
of articulation.
In informal casual speech complete type of assimilation is
often observed, e.g.
ten minutes [Чёт 'minits]
nice shoes ['naif 'Ju:z]
one more ['wAm 'mo:j
good-bye j'gub 'bai]
let me [lem mi-]
W e would like to point out right here that elision or com ­
plete loss of sounds, both vowels and consonants, is observed in
the structure of English words. It is typical of rapid colloquial
speech and marks the following sounds:
1. Loss of [h] in personal and possessive pronouns he, his, her,
him and the forms of the auxiliary verb have, has, had is wide­
spread, e.g. What has he done? ['wDt az i- xdAn].
2 . [1] tends to be lost when preceded by [a], e.g. always
[’o:wiz], already [o.'redi], all right [a 'rait].
76
\ 3. Alveolar plosives are often elided in case the cluster is fol­
lowed by another consonant, e.g. next day ['neks 'dei], just one
[W5as ’wAn], mashed potatoes [‘maej p9'teit3uz]. If a vowel follows,
the consonant remains, e.g. first o f all, passedin time. Whole sylla­
bles may be elided in rapid speech: library flaibri], literary flitri].
! Examples of historical elision are also known. They are initial
consonants in write, know, knight, the medial consonant [t] in
fasten, listen, whistle, castle.
In sum, we may say that in the process of speech the degree
of sound modifications may be different, varying from partial as­
similation, when one sound feature is modified, like in “tenth"
(alveolar [n] becomes dental) to actual loss of a sound. For
example: listen ['hsn], next day ['neks ‘dei], complete sound adap­
tation being the intermediate state: ten minutes [‘tem 'minits], nice
shoe [‘naif'Ju:].
Describing the interrelation of sounds in cannected speech
we would like to mention one more remarkable phenomenon.
While the elision is a very common process in connected
speech, we also occasionally find sounds being inserted. When a
word which ends in a vowel is followed by another word begin­
ning with a vowel, the so-called intrusive "r" is sometimes pro­
nounced between the vowels, e.g.
Asia and Africa ['ei/эг and ’asfrika]
the idea of it [dfcai'diar av it]
ma and pa ['ma:r and ‘pa:]
The so-called linking “r," is a common example of insertion,
e.g. clearer, a teacher o f English.
Thus it is clear that the linking and intrusive [r] are both part
of the same phonetic process of [r] insertion.
When the word-final vowel is a diphthong which glides to [i]
such as [ai], [ei] the palatal sonorant [j] tends to be inserted, e.g
saying [’seijirj]; trying ['trajir»].
In case of the [uj-gliding diphthongs [зи], [au] the bilabial
sonorant [w] is sometimes inserted, e.g. going [‘g3uwii}), allowing
[a'lauwirj].
The process of inserting the sonorants [r], [j] or [w] may seem
to contradict the tendency towards the economy of articulatory
efforts. The explanation for it lies in the fact that it is apparently
easier from the articulatory point of view to insert those sounds
than to leave them out.

77
 The insertion of a consonant-like sound, namely a sonorant/
interrupts the sequence of two vowels (VV) to make it a more
optional syllable type: consonant + vowel (CV). Thus, insertion
occurs in connected speech in order to facilitate the process ®f
articulation for the speaker, and not as a way of providing extifa
information for the listener. j
Now by way of conclusion we should like to say that we un­
derstand the sound quality as a set of characteristics which are in
constant interrelation and compensation. In case one of the fea­
tures of a phoneme is lost there remains a sufficient number of
characteristics of a phoneme and its status and function are not
lost. Thus modifications of sounds in a speech chain are of allo­
phonic character, that is they are realizations of allophones of
phonemes.

3. Vowels

Talking about vowels requires first to specify their articulato­

ry and acoustic characteristics. As was mentioned earlier, vowels
unlike consonants are produced with no obstruction to the
stream of air, so on the perception level their integral characteris­
tic is naturally tone, not noise.
It would be interesting to know that a minimum vowel sys­
tem of a language is likely to take the form of

The most important characteristic of the quality of these

vowels is that they are acoustically stable. They are known to
be entirely different from one another both articulatorily and
acoustically. Consequently they m ay well be said to form
boundaries of "phonetic field of vowels" in a modern man's life.
Thus they display the highest degree of unlikeness and so maxi­
mum of abilities of people as regards to vowels. W e could add
that the commonest vowel system adds two other vowels to this
minimum triangle to give a five vowels system of the type:

78
 1 In the matter of the English language it would be fair to men­
tion that due to various reasons it has developed a vocalic sys- t
teijn of a much larger number of phonemes.
1 The quality of a vowel is known to be d eterm in ed by the
size, volume, and shape of the mouth resonator, which are modi­
fied by the movement of active speech organs, that is the tongue
and the lips. Besides, the particular quality of a vowel can de­
pend on a lot of other articulatory characteristics, such as the rel­
ative stability of the tongue, the position of the lips, physical du­
ration of the segment, the force of articulation, the degree of
tenseness of speech organs. So vowel quality could be thought
of as a bundle of definite articulatory characteristics which are
sometimes intricately interconnected and interdependent. For
example, the back position of the tongue causes the lip round­
ing, the front position of the tongue makes it rise higher in the
mouth cavity, the lengthening of a vowel makes the organs of
speech tenser at the moment of production and so on. From
what we have said it follows that isolation and distinctions of the
above-mentioned articulatory features are done only for the sake
of analysis with the purpose of describing the vocalic system of
the English language.
The analysis of the articulatory constituents of the quality of
vowels allowed phoneticians to suggest the criteria which are
conceived to be of great importance in classificatory description.
First to be concerned here are the following criteria termed:
a) stability of articulation;
b) tongue position;
c) lip position;
d) character of the vowel end;
e) length;
f) tenseness.
In the part that follows, each of the above-mentioned princi­
ples will be considered from phonological point of view.
Stability of articulation specifies the actual position of the ar­
ticulating organ in the process of the articulation of a vowel.
There are two possible varieties: a) the tongue position is stable;
b) it changes, that is the tongue moves from one position to an-
other. In the first case the articulated vowel is relatively pure, in
the second case a vowel consists of two clearly perceptible ele­
ments. There exists in addition a third variety, an intermediate
case, when the change in the tongue position is fairly weak. So
according to this principle the English vowels are subdivided
into: |
a) monophthongs, j
b) diphthongs,
c) diphthongoids.
Though the interpretation we have just given is an obvious
matter for Soviet phoneticians it does not mean that this way of
seeing the situation is shared by British phoneticians. A.C.Gim-
son, for example, distinguishes twenty vocalic phonemes which
are made of vowels and vowel glides (57). Seven of them are
treated as short phonemes: [i], [e], [ae], [о], [и], [л], [э] and thir­
teen as long ones: [а:], [о:], [з:] [i:], [u:j, [ei], [30], [ai], [au], [t>u],
[is], [еэ], [иэ] five of which are considered relatively pure: [a:],
[о:] [з:], [i:], [u:]; the rest are referred to long phonemes with dif­
ferent glides: [ei], [a1], [oi] with a glide to [1]; [зи], [au] with a
glide to [u]; and [is], [еэ], [иэ] with a glide to [э]. It is easy to see
that this way of presenting the system does not reveal the actual
difference between long monophthongs and long diphthongoids
and consequently we could say that it fails to account adequate­
ly for more delicate distinctions. Here we have to admit that
though it is not a decisive difference this is the case when expli­
cit information about distinguishing between different degrees of
instability is practically useful for teaching purpose. For the
learner of English it is important to know that the vowels [i:] and
[u:] are diphthongized in modern English and the tendency for
diphthongization is becoming gradually stronger.
At this point we are ready to consider the question of the
phonemic status of English diphthongs. Diphthongs are complex
entities just like affricates described in the previous section, so
essentially similar complications are known to exist with them.
The question is whether they are monophonemic or biphonemic
units. It is not the lack of evidence that does not enable to an­
swer it. W e might say that now there is much available data ob­
tained with the help of the computer equipment. Though the
problem has been given a lot of attention up to now it has been
neither completely discounted nor salisfactorily explained. The
reason that accounts for the present situation could be formu­

80
lated in the following way: it is impossible to find a simple and
logic criterion which might serve as a basis for a decision.
I Soviet scholars grant the English diphthongs monophonemic
istatus on thd7basis of arliculatory, morphonological and syllabic
indivisibility as well as the criteria of duration and commutability.,
I As to articulatory indivisibility of the diphthongs it could be
broved by the fact that neither morpheme nor syllable boundary
that separate the nucleus and the glide can pass within it, for
example: ['sei-irj] saying, ['krai-iij] crying, [in-'cfeoi-ir)] enjoying,
['sbu-э] slower, ['р1зи-ц)] ploughing, ['кЬэ-гэ] clearer, [‘еэ-пг)]
airing, ['риэ-гэ] poorer. The present study of the duration of diph­
thongs shows that the length of diphthongs is the same as that
that characterizes the English long monophthongs in the same
phonetic context, cf. [salt — sfct], [k3ut — ko:t]. Finally the applica­
tion of commutation test proves the monophonemic status of
diphthongs because any diphthong could be commutated with
practically any vowel. It could be exemplified in the following
oppositions:
[bait — bit] bite — bit
[bait — bAt] bite — but
[bait — [tf] bo:t] bite — bought
and so on.
Monophonemic character of English diphthongs is proved by
native speakers' intuition, who perceive these sound complexes
as a single segment.
The above-mentioned considerations make Soviet linguists
V.A.Vassilyev (79), L.R.Zinder (16) treat English diphthongs as
monophonemic entities.
The suggestion that English diphthongs are monophonemic
is necessary not only for linguistic purpose; accepting, that fin­
ding is also of practical importance in teaching English as
a foreign language, since in Russian there are no diphthongs
or diphthongoids as phonemic entities. Such combinatibns of
sounds as [йа, йо, йу], [ой, ай], [ay, уа] (яд, йод, юг, рой, край,
мяукать1вуаль), and others are biphonemic clusters, consisting
either of a vowel and the Russian sonorant [й] or two vowels.
Both elements in the clusters are equally energetic and distinct.
So special attention should be given to the pronunciation of En­
glish diphthongs which consist of two elements, the first of
which, the nucldus, being strong and distinct and the second, the
glide, being very weak and indistinct.
81
 Another principle we should consider from phonological
point of view is the position of the tongue. For the sake of con­
venience the position of the tongue in the mouth cavity is cha­
racterized from two aspects, that is the horizontal and vertical
movement.
According to the horizontal movement Soviet phoneticians
distinguish five classes of English vowels. They are: J
1) front: [L], [ej, [ei], [ae], [е(э)];
2 ) front-retracted: [i], [i(»)],'
3) central: [л] {з:] [э], (з(и)], [е(и)];
4) back [о], [о:], [и:], [а];
5) back-advanced: [и], [и(э)].
A slightly different approach seems to have been taken by
British phoneticians. They do not single out the classes of front-
retracted and back-advanced vowels. So both [i:] and [i] vowels
are classed as front, and both [u:j and [uj vowels are classed as
back. The latter point of view does not seem to be consistent
enough. The point is that the vowels in these two pairs differ in
quality which is partially due to the raised part of the tongue. So
in this case a more detailed classification seems to be a more pre­
cise one since it adequately reflects the articulatory distinction
actually present in the language.
The other articulatory characteristic of vowels as to the
tongue position is its vertical movement. The way British and
Soviet phoneticians approach this aspect is also slightly different.
British scholars distinguish three classes of vowels: high (or
close), mid (or half-open), and low (or open) vowels. Soviet pho­
neticians made the classification more detailed distinguishing
two subclasses in each class, i.e. broad and narrow variations of
the three vertical positions of the tongue. Thus the following six
groups of vowels are distinguished:
1 ) close a) narrow: [i:] [u:];
b) broad: fij, [и], (ф )], (и(э)];
2 ) mid a) narrow: [ej, [з:], [э], [e(i)J, (з(о)|;
b) broad: [э], [л];
3) open a) narrow; [ф )), [э:], fo(i));
b) broad: [ae], [a(i, и)], [о], [a:]
The phonological relevance of the criterion under discussion
can be easily discovered in the following oppositions:

82
\[pen — paen] pen — part [кэер — ka:p] cap — carp
ilpen — pm] pen — pin [kasp — клр] cap — cup
[bin — bi:nj bjn — been [Ьлп — ba:n] bun — barn
I Another feature of English vowels which is sometimes in­
cluded into the principles of classification is lip rounding. Tradi­
tionally three lip positions are distinguished, that is spread, neu­
tral and rounded. For the purpose of classification it is sufficient
to distinguish between two lip positions: rounded and unround­
ed, or neutral. In English lip rounding is not relevant phonologi-
cally since no two words can be differentiated on its basis. Lip
rounding takes place rather due to physiological reasons than to
any other. The fact is that any back vowel in English is produced
with rounded lips, the degree of rounding is different and de­
pends on the height of the raised part of the tongue; the higher it
is raised the more rounded the lips are. So lip rounding is a pho­
neme constitutive indispensable feature, because no back vowel
can exist without it.
Our next point should be made about another property of
English vowel sounds that is traditionally termed checkness.
This quality depends on the character of the articulatory transi­
tion from a vowel to a consonant. This kind of transition (VC) is
very close in English unlike Russian. As a result all English short
vowels are checked when stressed. The degree of checkness may
vary and depends on the following consonant. Before fortis
voiceless consonant it is more perceptible than before a lenis
voiced consonant or sonorant. All long vowels are free.
It may be well to mention that though this characteristic has
no phonological value it is of primary importance for Russian
learners of English. It should be remembered that since all Rus­
sian vowels are free special attention should be drawn to making
English short vowels checked. It is not the length of vowels that
should be the point of attention but the character of the transi­
tion of a vowel into a consonant. Such words as body, seven, bet­
ter, matter should be divided into syllables in such a way that
the vowels should remain checked unlike Russian Боря, Сев'а,
бита, мята.
At this point we are ready to consider another articulatory
characteristic of English vowels, that is their length or quantity.
The Enplish monophthongs are traditionally divided into two
varieties according to their length:

83
 a) short vowels: [i], [e], [ж], [о], [и], [л], [э];
b) long vowels: [i:], [а], [о:], [з:]„ [u:]. I
W e should point out that vowel length or quantity has for i
long time been the point of disagreement among phoneticians. J
It is common knowledge that a vowel like any sound ha|s
physical duration — time which is required for its production (ar­
ticulation). When sounds are used in connected speech they
cannot help being influenced by one another. Duration is one of
the characteristics of a vowel wljich is modified by and depends
on the following factors:
1 ) its own length,
2 ) the accent of the syllable in which it occurs,
3) phonetic context,
4) the position of the sound in a syllable,
5) the position in a rhythmic structure,
6 ) the position in a tone group,
7) the position in a phrase,
8 ) the position in an utterance,
9) the tempo of the whole utterance,
10 ) the type of pronunciation,
1 1 ) the style of pronunciation.
The problem the analysts are concerned with is whether v a­
riations in quantity or length are meaningful (relevant), that is
whether vowel length can be treated as a relevant feature of
English vowel system.
Different scholars attach varying significance to vowel quan­
tity.
\ The approach of D.Johes, an outstanding British phonetician,
extends the principle, underlying phonological relevance of vow­
el quantity (64). That means that words in such pairs as [bid] —
[bi:d], [sit] — [sfct], [ful] — [fu:l], [’fo:w3:d] (foreword} — ['fo:wod]
(forward) are distinguished from one another by the oppositon of
different length, which D.Jones calls chronemes. The difference in
quantity is considered to be decisive and the difference in quality
(the position of the active organ of ,speech) is considered to be
subordinate to the difference in quantity. According to the point
of view of the outstanding Soviet phonetician V.A.Vassilyev,
English is not a language in which chronemes as separate proso­
dic phonological units can exist (79, p. 204).
If a phonetician wants to approach this aspect from phono­
logical point of view he should base his theoretical conclusion on
the two laws characterizing any system:

84
 1. A relevant feature must characterize a number of units. Let
us take a sample of palatalization in Russian. Compare: ел —
ель, р а д — ряд/нов — новь and so on. These oppositions form a
correlation system. Any correlation should have a number of op­
positions. A sign of correlation (palatalization in the above-men­
tioned example) is a distinctive feature of a number of pho­
nemes. The analysis of English vowels shows that they can
hardly form quantitative correlation. For the sake of economy
the following correlation is often brought about.
Let us analyze each of these pairs.
In actual speech the sounds [i:] and [u:] are normally realized
in RP as diphthongized vowels. So [i] and [u] are opposed to
diphthongoids but not to long monophthongs..
The opposition [з:] — [э] is a fairly specific one because the
[э] phoneme never occurs in a stressed syllable and forms the
core of unstressed vocalism in English. The phoneme [з:] seldom
occurs in an unstressed syllable.
The opposition [a:] — [л] is arbitrary. As a result there is only
one pair of opposed phonemes remaining, e.g. [o:] — [d J. That
means that quantitative correlation exists only in one opposi­
tion, so on this ground it cannot be treated as a phonologically
relevant feature.
2. A feature can be systemic if it does not depend on the con­
text. As to the absolute length of English historically long and
historically short vowels it varies and depends on a lot of factors,
the first being phonetic context. A.C.Gimson, for example,
points out that [i:] in beat is only half about as long as the [i:] of
bee and may approximately have the same duration as the [i]
vowel of bid because it is generally known that a voiced conso­
nant following a vowel increases its length (57). But still the
words bid and bead are perceived as different words because the
vowels are different in quality, [i] being front retracted, a pure
monophthong, 'and [i:] being front close (narrow) and a diph­
thongized vowel. The conclusion that follows is that vowel
quantity cannot be considered a minimal distinctive feature since
it varies under the influence of different phonetic context. So it is
an incidental feature that characterizes sounds of a certain quali­
ty. It is worth noting here that an element accompanying anoth­
er element cannot be a sign itself and therefore cannot be classed
as part of a system. This is one of the basic laws of any system.
Summarizing we may say that this is the approach to quantity

85
of English vowels from phonological point of view. It is shared
by all Soviet specialists in English phonetics as well as by most
modern British phoneticians.
It may be well to mention that the [ae] vowel being classed as
historically short tends to be lengthened in Modern English, espe­
cially before lenis consonants [b], [d], [g], [<fe], [m], [n], [z]. In this
position [аг] has the same quantity as long vowels [£], [a:], [o:],
[u:], [з:]. This extra length, as A.C.Gimson points out, serves an
additional distinctive feature and the qualitative — quantitative
relation of [ae] — [e] tends to become of the same type as [i:] — [i]
(57). From this point of view [ae] can possibly belong to the sub­
class of long vowels, and consequently the twelve English long
vowel phonemes may be divided into six phonemic pairs which
members differ both in quality and in quantity, and of the two
factors it is likely that the quality carries the greater contrastive
weight.
There is one more articulatory characteristic that needs our
attention. That is tenseness. It characterizes the state of the or­
gans of speech at the moment of production of a vowel. Special
instrumental analysis shows that historically long vowels are
tense while historically short vowels are lax. This characteristic
is of extraphonological type so tenseness may be considered as
indispensable concomitant feature of English long vowels. On
this ground it may be included into classificatory description of
vowels because it might be helpful in teaching the students of
English since there are no tense vowels in Russian.
Summarizing we could say that phonological analysis of ar­
ticulatory features of English vowels allows to consider function­
ally relevant the following two characteristics:
a) stability of articulation,
b) tongue position.
The rest of the features mentioned above, that is lip position,
character of vowel end, length, and tenseness are indispensable
constituents of vowel quality. Though they have no phonologi­
cal value they are considerably important in teaching English
phonetics.
So far we have given a lot of attention to the problems of
classifying English vowels. Vowels as items of vocalic system
were analyzed as if pronounced in a stressed position in a word.
At this point we should discuss various properties displayed by
vowels in unstressed positions and consider them from articula­

86
tory and phonological point of view. It is well-known that a
vowel in an unstressed syllable is perceived as very short, weak
end in distinct .7 The unstressed syllables are usually associated
with vowels 6f central or centralized quality [э], [i], sometimes
\u] and the diphthongs [зи], [ai] (or a syllabic consonant), e.g. *
among [э'тлг)], before [bi'fa], useful f'juisful], tomato [t3‘ma:t3u],
exercise [’eksssaiz], sudden ['sAdn],
Also vowels of full quality sometimes occur in unstressed po­
sitions, often in borrowed words of Latin and Greek origin, e.g.
architect [’akitekt], paragraph fpaeragraf], canteen [kasn'tin].
These nonreduced vowels in unstressed syllables are typical
of all styles of pronunciation.
It is important to mention here that in the Russian language
a vowel never preserves its full quality in unstressed position, it
is usually reduced. So the English vowels of full quality in
unstressed syllables require the teachers' special attention. Cf.:
transport [4rsenspo:t] — транспорт ['трансггьрт].
Then again partially reduced sounds are found in unstressed
positions. They appear in more formal and careful style of pro­
nunciation instead of the neutral sound used in informal casual
;peech. Cf.: phonetics [f3o'neliks — f3*netiks — fa’netiks].
Our next point should be made in connection with the phone­
mic status of the neutral sound [э]. The phonological analysis
narks the opposition of the neutral sound to other unstressed
vowels, the most common among them being [1]. In the minimal
>irs: officers f'Dfissz] — offices ['nfisizj; accept [ak'sept] — except
1ik’sept], armour ['a: 1113j — army ('a:mi] the neutral sound is phono-
;ogically opposed to the phoneme (ij with its own distinctive fea­
tures capable of differentiating the meaning of lexical units! So the
seutral sound [э] in officers, accept, armour is an independent pho­
neme opposed to the fi] phoneme of the minimal pairs given
.hove.
On the other hand, the problem of the phonemic status of the
neutral sound has a morphological aspect. In English as well as
n Russian there are numerous alternations of vowels in stressed
id unstressed syllables between the derivatives of the same
>oot or different grammatical forms of the same word. Cf.:
!;ej — [э] man — sportsman
M — [э] some — wholesome
i!)] — [э] combine n — combine v
!">] — [э] operation — operative
I .!) — [э] post — postpone

87
 The alternated sounds are allophones of one and the same
phoneme as they are derivatives of the same lexical units, the
same morphemes. Thus the neutral sounds in the examples
above are the neutralized allophones of the nonreduced vowels
of full formation; so [э] in sportsman is an allophone of the [ae]
phoneme as in man; [э] in photography is an allophone of the
[зи] phoneme as in photograph.
W e might conclude by saying that we have tried to look at
the consonantal and vocalic systems of the English language
from phonological point of view. Applying this sort of analysis
enables us to define what properties displayed by English sounds
are significant in making them items of a system. It is worth
saying that phonologically relevant articulatory features should
attract direct attention of a would-be teacher of English because
they form the basis of the pronunciation system of the language.
Non-relevant but indispensable features should also be acquired
being both phonetically correct and necessary for teaching pur­
poses. If we want to speak a foreign language in an objectively
correct way it is natural we should pay attention to the quality
of our sounds which is constituted by articulatory features of
both kinds.

4. Modifications of Vowels in Connected Speech

In discussing vowels we should now turn to vowel reduction

as it is one of the factors that condition the defining of the pho­
nemic status of vowel sounds in a stretch of speech. The modifi­
cations of vowels in a speech chain are traced in the following
directions: they are either quantitative or qualitative or both.
These changes of vowels in a speech continuum are determined
by a number of factors such as the position of the vowel in the
word, accentual structure, tempo of speech, rhythm, etc.
The decrease of the vowel quantity or in other words the
shortening of the vowel length is known as a quantitative modi­
fication of vowels, which may be illustrated as follows:
1. The shortening of the vowel length occurs in unstress
positions, e.g blackboard [o:], sorrow [зи] (reduction). In these
cases reduction affects both the length of the unstressed vowels
and their quality.
Form words often demonstrate quantitative reduction in un­
stressed positions, e.g.

88
Is ->he or tshe to blame? — [hi]
But:
At last he hds vcome. — [hi]
2. The length of a vowel depends on its position in a word. It
varies in different phonetic environments. English vowels are
said to have positional length, as you probably remember from
your practical course of phonetics, e.g. knee — need — neat (ac­
commodation). The vowel [i:] is the longest in the final position,
it is obviously shorter before the lenis voiced consonant [d], and
it is the shortest before the fortis voiceless consonant [t].
Qualitative modification of most vowels occurs in unstressed
positions. Unstressed vowels lose their "colour", their quality,
which is illustrated by the examples below:
1. In unstressed syllables vowels of full value are usually sub­
jected to qualitative changes, e.g. man [masn] — sportsman
['spo:tsman], conduct ['kundakt] — conduct [kan'dAkt]. In such cases
the quality of the vowel is reduced to the neutral sound [э].
These exam ples illustrate the neutralized (reduced) allo­
phones of the same phonemes as the same morphemes are op­
posed.
The neutral sound [a] is the most frequent sound of English.
In continuous text it represents about eleven per cent of all
sounds. And if we add the occurrence of [i] which is closely re­
lated to [a] in unstressed positions we get a figure close to twen­
ty per cent — nearly one sound in five is either [a] or the un­
stressed [1]. This high frequency of [a] is the result of the rhyth­
mic pattern: if unstressed syllables are given only a short dura­
tion, the vowel in them which might be otherwise full is re­
duced. It is common knowledge that English rhythm prefers a
pattern in which stressed syllables alternate with unstressed
ones. The effect of this can be seen even in single words, where
a shift of stress is often accompanied hy a change of vowel quali­
ty; a full vowel becomes [a], and [a] becomes a full vowel. Com ­
pare: analyse ['aenalaiz] — analysis [a'naehsis]; in both words full
vowels appear in the stressed positions, alternating with [a] in
unstressed position. It would be impossible to have [a] in a
stressed syllable, and almost as impossible to have a full vowel
111 every unstressed syllable.
W e should point out that in Russian there is a well-deve­
loped system of unstressed vowels. All the Russian vowels are
regularly subjected to reduction, the vowels [o] and [и] more

89
often than others. The degree of sound weakening depends on
the place of the unstressed vowel in relation to the stressed one.
The farther the unstressed syllable is from the stressed one the
weaker the vowel in the unstressed syllable is, e.g. молоко
[мъллко].
2. Slight degree of nasalization marks vowels preceded or fo
lowed by the nasal consonants [n], [m], e.g. "never", "no”,
"then", "men" (accommodation). >
The realization of reduction as well as assimilation and ac­
commodation is connected with the style of speech. In rapid col­
loquial speech reduction m ay result in vowel elision, the com­
plete omission of the unstressed vowel, which is also known as
zero reduction. Zero reduction is likely to occur in a sequence of
unstressed syllables, e.g. history, factory, literature, territory. It
often occurs in initial unstressed syllables preceding the stressed
one, e,g. correct, believe, suppose, perhaps.
The example below illustrates a stage-by-stage reduction
(including zero reduction) of a phrase.
Has he done it? [haez hi- /1лп it]
[hsz hi /dAn it]
[az i / 1лn n]
[z i ;dAn it]
W e would like to conclude that certain interrelation which
we observe between the full form of a word and its reduced
forms is conditioned by the tempo, rhythm and style of speech.

SOUND ALTERNATIONS

In the previous section we saw how the pronunciation Of

speech sounds can vary according to their position in the word,
and that the variation is usually quite regular and can be stated in
the form of "rules" which predict the variants or allophones, that
will occur in each position. In this scction we shall look at varia­
tion of a different kind, involving not only interchange between
sounds, but also between related phonemes. W e shall now touch
upon the sound variations in words, their derivatives and gram­
matical forms of words. These variations are known as sound al­
ternations. It is perfectly obvious that sound alternations are
caused by assimilation, accommodation and reduction in speech.
Alternations of consonants are mainly due to contextual assimila­
tions: the dark [i] in spell alternates with the clear [1] in spelling.
Vowel alternations are the result of the reduction in unstressed
90
positions: combine ['kombain] (n) combine [кзшЪат] (v) where
[d] in the stressed syllable of the noun alternates with the neutral
sound in the unstressed syllable of the verb. In Russian alternation
may be illustrated by the following pair of words: роса [рлса] —
росы [росы]. The [л] sound in the unstressed syllable of the word *
роса alternates wilh the [o] sound in the stressed syllable of the
plural form росы. To approach the matter from the phonological
viewpoint it is important to differentiate phonemic and allophonic
alternations. Some sound alternations are traced to the phonetic
changes in earlier periods of the language development and are
known as historical.
In this section we are concerned with typical, well-docu­
mented sound changes. A thousand years ago, the English spoke
a language which was the direct ancestor of the English we
speak today. Yet this language which we call Old English, or
Anglo-Saxon, is not intelligible to present-day speakers in the
written forms in which it has been handed down to us, nor
would it be intelligible, if it were spokeft: it has to be learned as if
it were a foreign language. There are many reasons for this:
there have been changes in the vocabulary, and changes in the
grammar, but the primary reason for the differences between Old
and Modern English is the sound changes which have taken
place over the intervening period. Sound changes occur gradual­
ly; the time scale for significant changes is usually measured in
hundreds of years, rather than decades. The English spoken in
the 1930s sounds old-fashioned, but the changes are in details
only. For two stages of "the same" language to resemble different
languages require a much longer period. English speakers need
assistance in reading C haucer (fourteenth century), just as
Greeks today study the Classical Greek of the fifth century BC as
if it were a foreign language. Historical alternations distinguish
grammatical forms of words and lexical units in the process of
word-building, e.g. provide — provision (provide was at one time
pronounced with [i:]). The [L] was converted to [ai] by complex
rules of diphthongization and vowel shift. These changes, it
should he noted, reflect actual changes in the history of English.
Here is another example: the OE [k] phoneme split into two se­
parate phonemes, modem [k] and [tf]. Thus alongside cat, cool,
from the OE catt, col, we have choose, chin from OE ceosan, cinn.
Minimal pairs such as kin — chin; care — chair establish that
Modern English has the two sounds as separate phonemes.

91
 The alternations exemplified above are quite regular. Histori­
cal alternations mark both vowels and consonants, though the
alternating sounds are not affected by the phonetic position or
context, neither are they subjected to stylistic modifications. To
sum up, the sound chanqes which occurred in the process of his­
torical deveiopment of the English language are reflected in
present-day English as alternations of phonemes differentiating
words, their derivatives and grammatical forms. W e are going to
introduce here phonetic realizations of the most common histori­
cal alternations and their functions in word building and word
formation. The alternations are often supported by suffixation.
The following list of examples presents the most common types
of alternations.
1. Vowel Alternations
1. Distinction of irregular verbal forms:
[i: — e — e]: mean — meant — meant
[ i — л — л]: dig — dug — dug
[ai— зи — i]: write — wrote — written
[i — эе — л]: sing — sang — sung
[еэ — o: — o:]: wear — wore — worn
[ai — i — i]: hide — hid — hidden
[i: — з и — зи]: speak — spoke — spoken
[зи — u: — зи]: know — knew — known
[i — ei — i]: give — gave — given
[e — d — d]: get — got — got «•
[i: — o: — o:]: teach — taught — taught
[ae — и — и]: understand — understood — understood
[ei — v — ei]: take — took — taken
[ei — з и — зи]; wake — woke — woken
[u: — d — d]: shoot — shot — shot
[e — зи — зи]: tell — told — told
[i — ae — ae): sit — sat — sat
[i — o: — o:]: think — thought — thought
[л — ei — л]: become — became — become
[ai — зи — i]: rise — rose — risen
[зи — u: — зи]: grow — grew — grown
[u: — зи — зи]: choose — chose — chosen
[ai — u: — зи]: fly — flew — flown
[ai — o: — o:]: fight — fought — fought

92
[ai — av — au]: find — found — found
[t — o: — £]: see — saw — seen
[la — з: — з:]: / hear — heard — heard
and some other less common verbal alternations of this type.
2. Distinction of causal verbal forms:
[i — e]: sit — set
[ai — ei]: rise — raise
[o; — e]: fall — fell
3. Distinction of singular and plural forms of nouns:
[ae — e j : man — men
[u — i:j: foot — feet
[u; —гi:]: tooth — teeth
[au — ai]: mouse — mice
[u — i]: woman — women
[ax — i]: child — children
4. Distinction of parts of speech in etymologically correlated
words:
[i- — ej: feast — festive
[a- — as]: class — classify
[d — ej: long — length
[o: — e]: broad — breadth
[ei — as]: nation — national
[ai — i]: wise — wisdom
[d — i-]: hot — heat
This type of alternation is often strengthened not only by
suffixation but also by the shifting of stress like in: part —
particular, 'climate — cli'matic.
2. Consonant Alternations
1. Distinction of irregular verbal forms:
[d — t]: send — sent, lend — lent
2. Distinction of parts of speech in etymologically correlated
words:
[s — z]: advice — advise, house — house, use — use
[s — d]: defence — defend
[t — d]: intent — intend
[k — tf]: speak — speech
[t — s]: important — importance

93
3. Vowel + Consonant Alternations (often supported by suffoca­
tion and the shifting of stress)
[i — ai] + [v — f): live — life
[a: — ei] + [0 — 0]: bath — bathe
[e — i:] + [0 — 5]: breath — breathe
[d — u:] + [s — z]: loss — lose
In the Russian language there are numerous types of vowel
and consonant alternations illustrated by the examples below:
сидеть — сядь резать — режу
плыть — сплав лететь — лечу
судить — суж у плакать — плачу
Sound alternations are also widely spread on the synchroni-
cal level in the present-day English and are known as contextu­
al. In connection with contextual sound alternations there arises
a problem of phonemic identification of alternated sounds. The
functioning of sounds in different grammatical forms and deriva­
tives of words seems very complicated and flexible. The study of
the relationship between phonemes and morphemes is called
morphophonemics. The interrelation of phonology and morphol­
ogy in linguistics' investigations is also known as morphopho­
nology or morphonology which is actually the phonology of
morphemes. Morphonology studies the way in which sounds
can alternate as different realisations of one and the same mor­
pheme. A morpheme is a minimal unit of meaning. W e would
all agree that such words as windy, dusty, sunny consist of two
morphemes. Similarly, demonstration, alternation have two com ­
ponent morphemes. The meanings of wind, dust, sun as well as of
demonstrate, situate are obvious. But what function do the mor­
phemes -y and -ion perform? On the basis of the examples, it ap­
pears that the function of -y is to convert a noun into an adjec­
tive. Similarly -ion converts a verb into a noun. These m or­
phemes have a grammatical meaning, their main purpose is to
convert one part of speech into another. Now then what is
meant by the identification of alternated sounds? Each set of data
below exemplifies a sound alternation in one and the same mor­
pheme of two different parts of speech,
malice ['mselis] — malicious [ma'lifas]
active ['asktiv] — activity [sk'tiviti]
abstract [‘aebstraekt] — abstract [aeb'straskt]
conduct [ktmdokt] — conduct [kan'dAkt]
contrast ['kontraest] — contrast [kan'trsest]
94
 W e are interested now in the sound in its weak position.
Vowels are said to be in their strong position when they are in
stressed syllables and in the weak position when they are in the
unstressed ones. Consonants may well be said to be in their
strong position before vowels and in the intervocalic position; *
they are in weak positions when they are word final or precede
other consonants.
There may be different solutions to the problem of phoneme
identification in weak positions of alternated words. The ques­
tion arises whether the sound [э] in the words activity and
con'trast is a neutral phoneme or it is an allophone of the [ae] or
[o] phonemes (as in active, ’contrast) which loses some of its dis­
tinctive features in the unstressed position. The difference is
quite essential as in the first case the neutral sound is identified
as an independent neutral phoneme, in the second — it is a neu­
tralized allophone of the [ae] or [d ] phonemes of the correspond­
ing alternated words.
It is fair to mention here that the problem is by far more sig­
nificant for the Russian language because of the widely spread
voiced/voiceless assimilation and vowel reduction in the lan-
guage, e.g.
а) мороз [млрбс] — морозы [млрбзы]
город [горът] — города [гърлда]
зуб [зуп] — зубы [зубы]
b) коса [клса] — косы [косы]
слон [слон] — слоны [сллны]
сторона [стърлна] — стороны [стбръны]
Scholars of different trends are not unanimous in solving the
problem. Though the discussions of the problem are dying down
at present the conceptions remain determining for this or that
linguistic point of view. The so-called morphological school rep­
resented by Soviet philologists R.I.A vanesov, V.P.Sidorov,
P.S.Kuznetsov, A.A.Reformatsky supported the theory of neu­
tralization of phonemes.
The concept of neutralization, and the theory related to it de­
rives originally from the Prague School of phonology which flour-
ished in the th irties; it is p articu larly asso ciated with
N.S.Trubetskoy (34) and R.Jakobson (62). A neutralization is said
to occur when two or more closely related sounds, which are in
contrast with each other in most positions like дом — том, are

95
found to be non-contrastive in certain other positions, e.g. суд
[сут] — судить [суд'йт1]. That means that there are environ­
ments where the two sounds do not contrast with each other,
even though they normally do. When this happens, the opposi­
tion between the two sounds is said to be neutralized. The loss of
one or more distinctive features of a phoneme in the weak posi­
tion is called phonemic neutralization. In English, the voicing op­
position is neutralized after the initial [s]. W e are well aware of the
fact that the phonemes [t] and [d], for example, contrast in most
environments: initially (tick — Dick), finally {bid — bit); after nasals
(bend — bent), after [1] (cold — colt). But after [s], no contrast be­
tween [t], [d] is possible, nor, similarly, is there a contrast be­
tween [p], [b) and [k], [g] in this environment. The voicing con­
trast is neutralized after initial [s].
The sound which actually occurs in this environment does not
correspond exactly to either the voiced or voiceless sounds, but
shares the features of both of them: speak, story, sky. If we repre­
sent the [p] of peak, as [ph], the sound [p] of speak as [p = J1, and the
[b] of beak as [b], the distribution of features is as follows:
[ph] — peak [p = ] — speak [b] — beak
bilabial bilabial bilabial
plosive plosive plosive
voiceless fortis voiceless fortis voiced lenis
aspirated unaspirated unaspirated

This distribution of features shows that [p = ] is truly interme­

diate between [ph] and [b]; it shares their common properties, bi­
labial and plosive, but then it shares one feature (voiceless), with
[ph] and the other (unaspirated) with [b]. Does it belong, then,
with the phoneme [p] or with [b)? Usually phonologists have as­
signed it to [p] on the grounds that voicing is more important in
English than aspiration, or for other similar reasons. There is a
good case, however, for arguing that [p = ] belongs equally with
[p] or [b], as shown by the distribution of features, and therefore
that speak could be transcribed equally as [spi:k] or as [sbi.k]. The
choice of [p] is usually preferred, because of the spelling, as En­
glish has a long-established tradition of spelling these words
with sp, st, sk.
The Moscow philologists claim that interchange of sounds

1 (x ] — loss of inspiration.
96
manifests close connection between phonetics as the science of
the sound system and morphology of the language which stu­
dies grammatical meanings. Alternations are observed in one
and the same morphological unit, in a morpheme, and actualize
the phonemic structure of the morpheme. Thus the phonemic *
content of the morpheme is constant. It should be noted here
that alternations of morphemes cannot be mistaken for the oppo­
sitions of minimal pairs in different stems of words. For instance,
[ш] — [ж] in нож [ш] — ножик [ж] is an alternation of sounds
within the same phoneme in the same morpheme, where [ш] is
an allophonic realization of the [ж] ‘phoneme, while [in] — [ж] in
шар — жар is the opposition of two different phonemes which
differentiates the actual meaning of the words. Let us compare
the sentences: У него плохой грипп. — У него плохой гриб. The
distinction of the sentences is lost as soon as they are pro­
nounced. In the word гриб [n] the final consonant loses one of its
distinctive features (voiced/voiceless) but it is associated with
the word грибы, it is morphologically bound with them and
manifests an allophone of the [6 ] phoneme. Thus the sound [n]
may be an allophone of different phonemes: it is the principal
allophone of the phoneme [n] in the word грипп [n] and the sub­
sidiary allophone in the weak position of the phoneme [6 ] in the
word гриб [п].
In the alternation вода — воды the sounds [л] — [о] are allo­
phones of one and the same phoneme [о]. So [л] is the allophone
of the phoneme [o] in the weak position of the word вода. It
might be an allophone of some other phoneme, [a] for instance,
in the word трава. In other words one and the same sound may
belong to different phonemes.
In the English word activity the neutral sound [э] is the allo­
phonic realization of the phoneme [ae] in its weak unstressed po­
sition. It alternates with the principal allophone of the phoneme
[as] in the words of the same root-morpheme: act, active. And
[p = ] in speak is actually an allophone of the [p] phoneme.
The supporters of the morphological trend define the pho­
neme as follows: «Это функциональная фонетическая едини­
ца, представленная рядом позиционно чередующихся зву­
ков» (25, р. 107).
The notion of «фонетический ряд», suggested by R.I.Ava-
nesov ( 1 ), demonstrates positionally determined realizations of
the phoneme. Positionally alternating sounds are grouped into
1 :iaK. 1457
97
one phoneme whether they are similar or have common features
(that is common allophones) with other phonemes.
The Russian preposition с + noun may have the following
realizations:
с Колей — [с] с Шурой — [ш]
с Тимошей — [с'] с Женей — [ж]
с Галей — [з] с Чуком — [ш']
с Димой — [з' ]
In the morphological conception the alternations of the pho­
nemes are not analysed apart from the morpheme, as form and
content make dialectical unity. The phonetic system is not iso­
lated from the grammatical and lexical structure of the language,
and the unity between the form and content cannot be de­
stroyed. Yet as an answer to the problem it is not entirely satis­
factory since ordinary speakers are in no doubt that the sound
which occurs in a word like гриб is [6 ] not [n], and in the English
word speak [p = ], mentioned above, is nothing but [p]. The per­
ception of the listener makes us find the morphological concep­
tion too discrepant and conflicting.
The so-called Leningrad phonological school (L.V.Shcherba
and his followers L.R.Zinder, M.I.Matusevitch) assert that the
phoneme is independent of the morpheme. So [л] in вода be­
longs to the [a] phoneme while [o] in воды to the [o] phoneme;
[c] in the word мороз belongs to the [c] phoneme and [з] in мо­
розы — to the [з] phoneme respectively. The supporters of this
conception claim that the phoneme cannot lose any of its dis- j
tinctive features.
In the line of words of the same root-morpheme гриб — гри­
бы — грибов the sound [n] in гриб is an allophone of the [n] pho­
neme and the sound [6 ] in the derivatives manifests the pho­
neme [6 ].
Consequently, the consonants [6 ] and [n] do not lose any of I
their distinctive features and represent different phonemes: [n] in
гриб and [6 ] in грибы. They are: a plosive bilabial voiceless fortis
stop/a plosive bilabial voiced lenis stop. They are capable of
creating phonological oppositions like пыл — был, столб —
столп.
As far as the English language is concerned, the neutral sound j
[a] in the word activity and the sound [as] in the words act, active of J
the same morpheme belong to different phonemes. As a phoneme j
does not lose any of its distinctive features the sound [a] in the
98
"ч>м1 activity is an allophone of the [э] phoneme and the sound
I ' | in the words act, active is the [as] phoneme. It seems that ac-
. >ruling to this point of view the unity between the form and con-
i(ч11 is destroyed, thus phonology is isolated from morphology.
N.S.Trubetskoy (the Prague phonological school) (34) arrived
.и ,m original solution of the phonemic status of a sound in alter­
nations. To overcome the difficulty he introduced a broader pho­
nological unit than a phoneme and named it an archiphoneme.
\u .uchiphoneme combines the distinctive features of two diffe-
h iiI phonemes into one in variations when; one of the pho-
»i■■111es is neutralized in the weak position. An archiphoneme is
ili lined as a combination of distinctive features common to two
l>lioiiemes. According to Trubetskoy it consists of the shared fea-
inirs of two or more closely related phonemes but excludes the
ii .11nre which distinguishes them. The archipnoneme of [p], [b]
■'insists of the features: bilabial, plosive, but excludes voicing
vinch separates them. In our examples вида — воды [л] and [о]
m.mifest one archiphoneme as well as [n] and [6] in гриб — rpu-
cii — another archiphoneme. For transcription purposes the
mbols of capital [O] is used to represent "fhe archiphoneme
1 o] and capital [П] — of [n — 6] respectively. One of the di-
nIvantages in extending the notion of an archiphoneme is that
iin- Prague school phonologists limited neutralization to closely
M'I.iiod phonemes. A neutralization can be said to occur only if
iiii'i<> is uncertainty about the identity of the sound in the posi-
11>>ii of neutralization. Before two phonemes can be neutralized,
iin’V must have common qualities which do not occur in other
I'lumemes. Thus [p], [b] can neutralize because they are the only
IhIh.iI plosives in the language, they share these two features,
lint no other sounds share them. However, [n], [rj] cannot neu-
li.\li/.e because their common property (nasality) is also shared
In |in], so any neutralization of nasals must involve all the three
mI ihem [n], [g], [m], and there cannot be a neutralization of [f],
|li| before [1] since the features common to these, voiceless, frica-
tivi\ are also shared by other phonemes, namely [f], [s], [0].
In English initial [s] can precede a plosive, but initial [f]
iinmot. Since [s), [f] contrast in most other environments in En-
tllr.li, they share the features voiceless, fortis, constrictive, frica-
11<i‘, and are the only sounds to have these features, it may seem
*Mni(‘how that the contrast is neutralized, though no one will
ilniibt the sound that occurs in the word speak is [s] and not [f],
<•
99
 In conclusion we have to admit that the described concep­
tions are arbitrary, none is ideal. The morphological conception
as well as the theory of the archiphoneme seems complicated,
though the former appears to be most optimum for theory and
practice.

Stylistic Modifications of Sounds

So far we analysed sound modifications typical of connected

speech mostly within the norm of the English sound system but
without any reference and special attention to their stylistic
distinctions. It is generally known that variability in the sound
realizations is caused by the environment, distribution of sounds
in a speech chain, the accentual and the rhythmical structures of
the utterance and other linguistic factors and extralinguistic fac­
tors. Phonetic distinction marks different forms of communica­
tion: monologue, dialogue and polylogue; reading and spontane­
ous speaking and also forms of speech activity.
Stylistic oppositions have long been observed in linguistic li­
terature in the two marginal types of pronunciation: formal and
informal. Formal speech suggests dispassionate information on
the part of the speaker. It is characterized by careful articulation
and relatively slow speed. A.C.Gimson defines it as careful collo­
quial style (57), G.Brown describes it as formal slow colloquial
style of speech (48). V.A.Vassilyev labels it normal-speed collo­
quial style of speech (79). Other Soviet field researchers call it
full style (9). Informal speech implies everyday conversation.
The following definitions are also used: rapid colloquial speech,
conversational style.
As was mentioned earlier, stylistic modifications of intona­
tion do not coincide with those of sounds.
It is not always easy to draw a borderline between different
stylistic realizations as within each style speech may differ in ac­
cordance with extralinguistic factors. For instance, it is generally
known that spontaneous form of speech differs greatly from
reading on the phonetic level. The character of the outcome of
speech in reading and speaking results in different phonation.
Tbe difference seems to be basically in the prosodic parameters.
Spontaneous speech is usually characterized by the variations of
pitch, tempo, loudness and delimitation of phrase, numerous

100
hesitation devices. Segmental modifications are less recogniza­
ble. The same sound modifications often mark both speech acti­
vities, reading and speaking, though the use of the simplified
sound form is often more typical for speaking than for reading;
that means that in speaking it is more frequently used than in
reading.
Now let us turn to different forms of communication. As has
already been mentioned, a monologue often presupposes public
speaking with a considerable distance of the addresser (the
speaker) from the addressee (the listener) or a piece of calm nar­
rative. Dialogues are more often private, personal and intimate.
Monologuing is characterized by more phonetic precision. On
the other hand speech may vary in numerous ways. The interac­
tion of the extralinguistic factors may arrange the opposite situa­
tion: the speaker's highly excited narration of some critical situa­
tion will become full of slurring while a dialogic discussion of
problems between colleagues will be phonetically most precise.
Stylistic sound variations seem to have the tendency towards
the increase of the sound modifications in speech with the
quickening of its tempo and the .weakening of the carefulness,
e.g. government ['gAvanmant -» 'gAvam nt -» 'gAvmnt -» 'gAbmnt],
Phonetic means which are stylistically relevant depend on
the extralinguistic situation of the discourse.
The first thing that counts in the stylistic modifications of
sounds is the character of relationship between the speaker and
the listener and the degree of formality in their discourse. Speech
continuum reflects the amount of attention that the speakers
give to their speech. It is assumed that in formal situations the
participants will monitor their linguistic behaviour. If the speaker
wants to be clearly understood (like while producing a lecture
with an educational aim), he should sound explicit and his pro­
nunciation may be characterized as supercorrect. In informal si­
tuations, where speakers are more relaxed, less attention will be
given to speech and more natural and simplified it will sound.
Consequently, the degree of simplification of speech (assimila­
tion, reduction, elision) may be looked upon as a style forming
means.
W e should admit that the character of sound modifications in
relation to situational factors of speech communication is only
beginninq to be the object of thorough instrumental analysis to­
day. The investigations are usually based on the contrastive

101
principle, and we shall follow the same principle in our descrip­
tion of sound modifications. W e would like to illustrate sound
simplifications in informal conversational speech, which are not
registered in the listener's mind but actually occur in the speak­
er's discourse. The listener is not usually aware of the changes
since they do not affect the meaning. If you look at the tran­
scribed variant of the text you will observe the actual phonation
in informal speech. Mind not all the stages of assimilation, reduc­
tion and especially accommodation can be reflected in the sym­
bols of the transcription. Here is an extract from a conversation
of two friends in a restaurant:
Brenda: Ah, right, here we are!
Ца: |xrait i ~*hi(e) wi: ^a]
Bob: This is the place I was telling you about.
[“‘dis iz дэ tpleis э wz telirj js sba(o)t]
Br.: Yeah, could you ask the waiter if we can sit near the
window?
[Jtt |vkud3u а-sk дэ 'weits if wi kn ,si(t) ш(э) дэ ,wind3-]
Waiter: Good evening, sir.
[god xi:vnio ss]
B.: W e'd like to sit near the window if that's possible.
[wid “4ai(k) t(3) si(t) ш(э) дэ vwind3(u) J if _*daets
,p D S lb l]

W .: Er... Ah! ... er... I’m afraid all the tables there are
taken. Would you mind sitting near ... nearer the bar?
[> з: j f > з: m -»fre(i)d э! дэ .teiblz деэ vteikn ||
vwod3u -* main sitin > ш(э) $ шэгэ дэ ,Ьа:]
В.: Oh, yes, all right. That suit you?
[V3U f jes o.yait ||dst 's(j)u:tfu]
Br.: Mm, fine.
[> m: xfam]
B.: Good.

Now let us pass over to a brief observation of the possible

sound modifications which occur in oral speech.
W e shall try to illustrate the existing marginal varieties of the
sound modifications which appear regularly in informal speech,
the slow formal English being taken as the starting point in the

102
comparison. W e would like to start the description with vowel
sounds.
Typical character of sound simplifications in relation to the
degree of formality is the great qualitative stability of vowels in
slow formal speech and more frequent sound variability in infor-.
mal spoken English. Both front and back vowels in less explicit
articulation tend to be changing towards neutralized sounds,
especially in grammatical words.
Spelling Formal Informal
it's not its ’not ats 'not
because bi'kDZ bikaz
according to a'kaidir) ta akadig ta
I think he was ai'Oirjk hi- waz л 'Oiijk i wz
The historically long vowel [i:] tends to lose its diphthongiza-
tion; as the next stage it undergoes quantitative reduction and
finally changes its quality as well.
Spelling Formal Informal
I don't believe it ai 'd3unt bi'lLv it л d3un(t) ba'liv it
it seems to be it 'slmz ts bi- it 'simz ta bi
The similar process of reduction is likewise observed in [u:]
simplified to [и].
Spelling Formal Informal
a few more words a 'fju: ’mo: 'w3:dz э fju mo- 'w3:dz
a new aspect a ‘nju: 'aespekt э 'n(j)u 'sespekt
As to labialization of vowels the amount of rounding varies
greatly between the individual speakers. The vowel [o:J seems to
retain lip rounding as a rule. The vowels [d] and [oi] have very
little, if any, rounding at all in informal speaking. The vowels
[u:], [u] seem to lose the rounding altogether.
Diphthongs are very often monophthongized in informal
speech.
The diphthong [еэ] tends to be simplified to [e(:)], e.g.
Spelling Formal Informal
where wеэ we
here and there Чпэг and 'Эеэ ’hi(э)г эп 'дс
In an unstressed position it is further modified to [e], e.g.
there is an opinion [der iz эп э'рифп].
юз
 The diphthong [ia] often gets a sort of central vowel realiza­
tion [з].

Spelling Formal Informal

really strange 'riali 'stremd3 'гз11 ‘streind3
serious action 'siarias 'aek/n 's3ri(a)s 'aekjn
experienced worker iks'piarianst 'w3:ka iks'p3ranst 'w3:ka

The [u] ending diphthongs [au) and [зи] are simplified into [a]
and [3] accordingly. The various stages of their realizations are
found both in stressed and unstressed positions. The quality of
the initial element is retained and the second element, the glide,
is obscured or lost. I

Spelling Formal Informal

now they 'паи dei 'na 5e(i)
South of Italy 'sao9 av 'itali 'sa0 av 'itali
going ahead 'дзшг) a'hed 'дз!) a'hed
yes or no 'jes э'пзи 'jes а'пз

Unstressed positions are sometimes marked by the next

stage of qualitative reduction. The diphthong [au] is realized as
some kind of [л].

Spelling Formal Informal

and now we've and 'паи wi v an пл wi v
come to 'клт ta 'клт ta
mark how different 'т а к hau 'difarant 'т а к lu 'difrant
it is it jz it iz

The diphthong [зо] is sometimes completely neutralized in

the unstressed position.
Spelling Formal Informal
so we've discussed S3U wi v dis'kASt sa wiv dis’Lvst
hope to settle it Ьзир ta 'setl it ha ta 'setl it

Vowel elision is very frequent in informal conversational

style. It often goes with other processes involving assimilation
and elision of consonants. Elided neutral sound [a] is very com­
mon in the unstressed syllables of polysyllabic words, like:

104
Spelling Formal Informal
collective ka'lektiv 'klektiv
different / 'difarant 'difrant
prisoner 'prizana 'prizna
political pa'litikl 'plitikl
phonetically fa'netikali 'fnetikali
In the last three examples the loss of [a] in the initial un­
stressed syllable of a word causes the initial consonant form a
cluster with the consonant of the stressed syllable. Vowel reduc­
tion m ostly occurs in extended utterances in sequences of
words. The loss of the neutral sound [э] in the preposition to or
the particle to preceded by a consonant is a very common pat­
tern.
Spelling Formal Informal
next to Liverpool 'nekst ta 'livapu:l 'nekst 'thvapu:l
back to London Ъэек ta 'Lvndan 'baek 'tL\nd(a)n
to see them ta 'si: Sam 'tsi: dam
future situation 'fju:tfa .sitju'eifn 'fju:tfa 'sitjueifn
this afternoon dis. ‘a:fta'nu:n dis ‘a:ftnu:n
after all 'a:ftar 'o:l 'a:ft'ro:l
In the majority of spoken utterances beginning with its the
initial [i] is elided when the phrase runs on without a marked
pause after the previous saying.
Spelling Formal Informal
it's paid well its 'peid wel ts ’peid wel
it's necessary its 'nesasari ts 'nesasari
it's counted as its 'kauntid az ts 'kauntid az
Likewise in polysyllabic words beginning with the unstressed
ex- it is often simplified to [ks].
Spelling Formal Informal
extremely iks'tri:mli 'kstri:mli
extraordinary iks'tro:dnri 'kstro:dnri
excluded iks'klu:did 'ksklu:did
As we have already mentioned vowel reduction often results
in regular consonant clusters like [tr], [fr], [pi], [kl] typical for the
English sound system. Cf. tram, try, tree and interesting, aft(e)r
а]Г, please, play and p(o)litical; clay, cloud, circle and c(o)llective\
friend, from and diff(e)rence.
105
 Alongside with regular clusters in informal careless speech we
find phonetic facts which seem impossible for the English pronun­
ciations namely consonant sequences [tsn], [tsk], [tsp] and others.
Spelling Formal Informal
it's not exact its 'nDt ig'zaekt ts 'nut ig'zaekt
it's close to its'kbos ta ts 'khus ta
it's perhaps you its pahaeps'ju: ts pahasps 'ju:
These sequences never occur in speech where the words are
uttered clearly and explicitly but in the stream of informal
speech in the least prominent parts of the utterance. These facts
represent the natural process of compression, or simplification
which are known in other languages. In the Russian language,
for example, the number of consonant clusters as a result of
vowel reduction increases in informal spontaneous speech.
Spelling Formal Informal
пожалуйста плжалустъ плжалстъ
сейчас с' иэч' ас ш' ас
хорошо хърлшо хрлшо
In the normal course of conversation the reductions them­
selves go quite unnoticed by the listener as the distinctive features
of phonemes are not lost. The listener is mainly interested in the
meanings the speaker aims to convey and not in the precise pho­
netic detail with which he conveys them. So long as the meaning
is recoverable, the listener is satisfied. W e have to regard the
omissions and reductions then as a kind of economy on the part of
the speaker who aims not to give more information than is neces­
sary. The speaker assumes usually correctly that the listener will
not notice the omissions. Paradoxically, this makes the omissions
difficult to observe, being so used to ignoring it.
W e shall now turn to the most common ‘tendencies in the
stylistic modifications of consonants. The process of different
sorts of assimilations typical for the English language is usually
not so simple as the replacement of one member of phoneme by
another. The mechanism of assimilation is a complex of alterna­
tions of segmental realizations within the cluster, which is diffi­
cult to exemplify in the symbols of the accepted form of tran­
scription, especially when the described sound is only partially
"there".

106
 The assimilations of consonants according to voiced (lenis) —
voiceless (fortis) principle are not so common in English as they
are in Russians/Still the degree of voicing or devoicing of conso­
nants increases passing gradually through several stages from
slow careful reading before a large audience to informal careless
conversation and ends with the elision of the sound, e.g. must be
[mAst bi- -> mAst bpi- -> nust pi- -♦ n u s pi ]; don't get [ d 3 u n t g e t -»
d 3 u n t kg e t -> d 3 u n t k e t].
In the intermediate stages the cluster is represented by a se­
ries of sound alternations which reflect the adaptation to the
neighbouring sound. The elision of "t" is often met in the posi­
tion between two consonants.
The consonants are also markedly different in informal con­
versational style according to their place of articulation. Word fi­
nal consonants [t], [d], [n], sometimes [m], [s], [ z ] immediately
followed by a velar or labial consonant undergo a sort of adapta­
tion.
Spelling Formal Informal
g re a t b u rd en 'g r e i t 'b 3 :d n 'g r e i p 'b 3 :d n
th a t m a n 'd s e t ‘m a e n 'd a e p 'm a e n
American a'meukan э'тепкэц
government 'gAvnmant 'gAV(a)mant
h u n d re d p la c e s 'l u n d r i d 'p l e i s i z 'h A n d r a b 'p l e i s i z
ta k e n g la d ly 't e i k n 'g la e d li 'te ik r » 'g la e d li

Instead of the closure for the [t] a marked glottal stop [?] is
also observed before the modified plosive consonant.
Spelling Formal Informal
Great Britain 'greit 'britn 'grei? 'pbribn
didn't go 'didnt'дзи 'didrj?'кдзо
couldn't come 'kodnt 'клт 'kudo?'клт

The illustrated modifications could be summarized in the fol­

lowing way.

/ [p] before [p], [m] that place ['daep 'pleis]

[t]<^ that might ['5aep 'mait]
\ [k] before [k] don't question ['d3ur)k 'kwest/(a)n]

107
 [b] before [p], [b], [m] good morning ['gob 'тэ:шг)]
would be ['wub bi:]
[d]
[g] before [k], [g] Good God ['gug 'god]
good cook ['gug ’kuk]

[m] before [p], [b], [m] on me [pm ‘mi]

in business [im 'biznis]

[k] before [k], [g] in quite [ig 'kwait]

can get [kar) 'get]
W e should strongly emphasize the idea that the students are
not recommended to imitate these extreme forms of the existing
ways of adaptation in very rapid careless speech.
A definite and very frequent process of assimilation is ob­
served when [s], [z] sounds are followed by the palatal [j] in the
unstressed part of the phrase. The alveolars tend to become pala-
to-alveolar in informal conversational style.
Spelling Formed Informed
this year 'dis 'jia '9if 'jia
as you az ju: 33 ju:
as yet az jet 33 jet
The palatal [j] is strong enough to affect the manner of articu­
lation of the preceding ft J, [d] sounds. In accordance with the
tempo and style of speech, individual fluency, number of reci­
pients and other situational factors the assimilated segment
preceding [j] may consist of several sections with gradually
changing features. The process most often leads to an affricate:
w o u ld y o u [ w o d ju : - » w u d lj u -> w u < fcu ]
c o u ld y o u [ k u d ju : - * k u d 'j u < k u e fc u ]
m in d y o u [ m a i n d ju : -♦ m a i n d lj u -> m a in c & u ]
c a n 't y o u [ k a n t j u : -♦ k c u n t fju -> k a :n t f o ]
about you [ a b a u t ju : -> a b a u t J j u -» a b a t r ^ u ]

The elision of consonants is no less frequent process in infor­

mal speech than a vowel elision. The most common consonants
to find involved in elision are [t] and [d]. Elision usually occurs
in a syllable final sequence when the sound stands between two
consonants. It is said to be more common for [t] and [d] to be
elided between the other two consonants than it is for them to
be pronounced.
108
Spelling Formal Informal
second group 'sekand 'gritp 's e k a n 'g r m p
first five 'f3:st 'faiv 'f3:s 'faiv
next point 'nekst 'point ‘n e k s 'p o i n t
best judge *best 'cl3Ad3 'b e s 'd 3A d3
the fact that бэ 'faekt dat б э 'fa e k d a t
second term 'sekand 't3:m 's e k a n 't 3 . m

[d] elides even more readily than [t]. W e find the loss of [d]
in a syllable final sequence preceding another consonant but im­
mediately following a vowel.
Spelling Formal Informal
that it would be 6 9 t it wud 'bi: 6 at it wo 'bi
he said some words hi- 'sed SAm 'w 3:dz (h)i 'se в э т 'w3:dz
about abaut abaut

Other consonants tend to be elided in some definite environ­

ments. For instance, the consonant [v] is often elided when it is
final in an unstressed form word have or o f and immediately pre­
cedes another consonant.
Spelling Formed Informal
lists of the 'lists 3V бэ 'l i s t s э б э
students 'stju:dants 's t ( j ) u : d ( 9 ) n t s

we've been studying wi-v bi n 'sudiio w i b i n 's U d n i )

of course av'ko:s, of'ko:s 3'kDS

The definite article [бэ] is often realized as the neutral sound

alone. It occurs in cases when the definiteness of the noun is
clearly established and [э] can only be interpreted as the realiza­
tion of the definite article [бэ].
Spelling Formal Informal
and the way he and 03 'wei hi- an(d) a Svei (h)i
did it 'did it 'did it
and the reason for it and 6 9 'ri:zn far it an(d) a 'rfczn frt
and the Scotchman and бэ 'skDtfman an(d) a 'sko^man

The elision of [1] is restricted to the position after the vowel

[0:]. This process was established in the earlier periods of the
English language which is reflected in the pronunciation of the
words talk, walk ; sometimes in the word certainly.
109
Spelling Formal Informal
all right o:l 'rait o.'rait
already Dil'redi o.'redi
always 'o:lwiz 'o:wiz
also *0:1S30 'o:s3u
The elision of [1] in words beginning with all is typical even
for slow full speech style.
W e have tried to exemplify the extreme variants of sound
modifications in the informal conversational style to help
Russian learners comprehend spoken English. It is hardly a
teachable model. The junior trainees should not be required to
produce the extreme forms given in this section but to recognize
them and understand sequences of words in which they occur.
Refinements of pronunciation of this kind should be left for ad­
vanced students to adopt by themselves. W e should like to
make it quite clear that the beginners are not supposed to be
taught the extrem e forms of careless speech like [тле pi ] for
must be but that they should properly use the established forms
of sound modifications (reductions, assimilations) of connected
speech and articulate must be with the loss of plosion.
The described stylistic variability conditioned by the extralin­
guistic factors has a certain theoretical aspect. It concerns the
problem of a subtle structural relationship of phonetic units: a
phoneme, an allophone, a phone. The phoneme is viewed as the
smallest indivisible phonetic unit, it is the smallest contrastive
unit, a unity of co-existing distinctive features, e.g. [ted] — [ded].
As you know, an allophone preserves all the distinctive features
of a phoneme but acquires additional non-distinctive contextual
features, which are predictable as they are received in various
positions of sounds in connected speech in different phonetic
context, e.g [ded] — [dred], [ten] — ['i:tn], [keik] — [skeit]. They
are universal since they are obligatory for all people of English-
speaking community in any form of presentation and style. An
allophone differs from a phoneme in the degree of abstraction.
Still allophonic variations do not cover all segmental modifi­
cations observed in a speech discourse. There exist sound modi­
fications due to extralinguistic factors of communication. For in­
stance, in spontaneous speech of relatives or intimate friends the
meaning of the phrase "I think so" is absolutely clear to the lis­
tener. He perceives it as [ai ’Gigk взи] though the speaker actual­

110
ly pronounces [л *0irjk S3]. The [л] realizition here is a stylistic 4
variant of the phoneme [ai].
The analysis of stylistic modifications of sounds allows us to
speak of an intermediate stage between an allophone and a
phone (a sound realization) that is a variant which implies allo-
phonic and stylistic variations of sounds. The term "variant" sug­
gests the realization of stylistic features which are universal for
every speaker in any type of discourse.
W e cannot deny that every actual sound realization is a
unique and individual ideophone. Apart from the distinctive,
contextual and stylistic features it differs in the timbre and per­
sonal voice qualities of every speaker which make his speech
recognizable though we may not see the speaker but only hear
him over the radio or in a telephone talk. Thus the sound realiza­
tions of phonemes are marked by personal features in addition to
distinctive, contextual and stylistic. In the most general way the
relationship between these phonetic units may be illustrated in
this scheme.

Phoneme -» Allophone -> Variant -» Phone

Distinctive Distinctive Distinctive Distinctive

features features features features
Contextual Contextual Contextual
features features features
Stylistic Stylistic
features features
Personal
features

So, a phoneme, an allophone, a variant and a phone form a

kind of hierarchy of phonetic units in discourse.
As was mentioned at the start of this section, the degree of
formality or in other words the character of relationship between
participants of the discourse proves to be most significant in the
stylistic modifications of sounds. The role of extralinguistic fac­
tors as style forming ones seems to be different on segmental
and suprasegmental levels and wants further investigation.
 Chapter III

SYLLABIC STRUCTURE OF ENGLISH WORDS

This chapter will be concerned with the syllable as a phonet­

ic and phonological unit. W e will attempt to show what is in­
cluded into the notion of the syllable and what are the approach­
es to the problem of the syllable. Finally we will try to describe
the essential characteristics of the English syllabic system with
the aim of providing a useful piece of information on the subject
for the would-be teachers of English.
It is generally known that speech is a continuum. However,
it can be broken into minimal pronounceable units into which
sounds show a tendency to cluster or group themselves. These
smallest phonetic groups are generally given the name of sylla­
bles. Being the smallest pronounceable units, the syllables form
language units of greater magnitude, that is morphemes, words
and phrases. Each of these units is characterized by a certain syl­
labic structure. Consequently we might say that a meaningful
language unit has two aspects: syllable formation and syllable
divisipn which form a dialectical unity.
Before we look at the English syllable in detail let us consider
a fairly general problem of the syllable. Here we should note that
the study of the syllable has for a long time occupied an impor­
tant place in linguistics as a field of theoretical investigation. Be­
sides, a considerable body of experimental work has been done.
But though phonetics has progressed far enough the problem of
the. syllable is still an open question in phonetics.
It is necessary to mention that the syllable is a fairly compli­
cated phenomenon and like the phoneme it can be studied on
four levels: acoustic, articulatory, auditory and functional, which
means that the syllable can be approached from different points
of view. The severe complexity of the phenomenon gave rise to
many theories. Let us consider some of the most current ones.
Talking about the analysis of articulatory or motor aspect of
the syllable we .could start with the so-called expiratory, or chest

112
pulse or pressure theory -which was experimentally based by
R.H.Stetson (74). This theory is based on the assumption that ex­
piration in speech is a pulsating process and each syllable should
correspond to a single expiration so that the number of the sylla­
bles- in an utterance is determined by the number of expirations *
made in the production of the utterance. This theory was strongly
criticized by Soviet and foreign linguists. G.P.Torsuev, for exam ­
ple, writes that in a phrase a number of words and consequently
syllables can be pronounced with a single expiration (31). This
fact makes the validity of the pulse theory doubtful.
Another theory most often referred to is the theory of sylla­
ble put forward by O.Jespersen. It is generally called the sonori­
ty theory and is based on the concept of sonority. According to
OJespersen each sound is characterized by a certain degree of
sonority which is understood as acoustic property of a sound
that determines its perceptibility. According to this sound pro­
perty a ranking of speech sounds could be established. This
starts with the open vowels as the most sonorous, continues
through the close vowels, the sonorants, the voiced fricatives,
the voiced plosives, the voiceless fricatives and ends with the
voiceless plosives as the least sonorous. In any sequence the
most sonorous sounds tend to form the center of the syllable and
the least sonorous — the marginal segments. Thus in the word
plant, for example, the sequence passes from the minimally so­
norous [p], through [1] with a greater degree of sonority to the
maximum sonorous [a:]. It continues with decreasing sonority
through [n] to a second minimum with [t]:

p "7 a: n t
It is true that this principle seems to be very general but
there are, on the other hand, syllables in many languages which
contradict it. In terms of sonority variation a sequence such as
an English [stops] stops should have three syllables instead of its
actual one. According to V.A. Vassilyev, the most serious draw­
back of this theory is that it fails to explain the actual mecha­
nism of syllable formation and syllable division (79). Besides, the
concept of sonority with which the theory operates is not very
clearly defined, which makes it still less consistent.
Further experimental work aimed at the description of the
syllable as a phonetic phenomenon resulted in a lot of other the­

из
ories, such as F. de Saussure's theory, the theory of the Rumani­
an linguist A.Rosetti, and the theory of the Czech linguist
B.Hala. The existence of such a variety of approaches to the
problem of the syllable means that it is not an easy matter to de­
scribe it. That is why the theories referred to above are unable to
explain more than a restricted aspect of the phenomenon, for ex­
ample, the sonority theory accounts only for perceptibility of
sounds, the pulse theory takes into consideration only the force
of expiration, etc. Summarizing could state that the question
of articulatory (or physiological) mechanism of syllable forma­
tion is still an open question in phonetics. W e might suppose
that this mechanism is similar in all languages and could be re­
garded as phonetic and physiological universal.
In Soviet linguistics there has been adopted the theory of the
syllable sketched in a very general way by L.V.Shcherba (40). It is
called the theory of muscular tension. ТЪе point is that in most
languages there is a syllabic phoneme in the centre of the syllable
which is usually a vowel phoneme or, in some languages, a spno-
rant. The phonemes preceding or .following the syllable peak are
called marginal. The energy, that is the tension of articulation, in­
creases within the range of prevocalic consonants and then de­
creases within the range of postvocalic consonants. Therefore the
syllable can be defined as an arc of articulatory (or muscular) ten­
sion.
It is worth noticing that the theory has been modified by
V.A.Vassilyev (79). The point is tjhat the syllable like any other
pronounceable unit can be characterized by three physical pa­
rameters: pitch, intensity and length. Within the range of the
syllable these parameters vary from minimum on the pi'evocalic
consonants to maximum on the centre of the syllable, then there
is another decrease within the postvocalic consonants. So the
conclusion follows: if we take into consideration the tension of
articulation and the above-mentioned acoustic data on the
speech production level the syllable can be treated as an arc of
articulatory effort, .for example:

Up till now we have spoken about theories which try to define

the syllable on either of the two levels of production or percep­
tion. The Soviet linguist and psychologist N.I.Zhinkin has sug-

114
gested the so-called loudness theory which seems to combine
both levels (15). The experiments carried out by N.I.Zhinkin
showed that the arc of loudness on perception level is formed due
to variations of the volume of pharyngeal passage which is modi­
fied by contraction of its walls. The narrowing of the passage and
the increase in muscular tension which results from it reinforce
the actual loudness of a vowel thus forming the peak of the sylla­
ble. So according to this theory the syllable'could be thought of as
the arc of loudness which correlates with the arc of articulatory
effort on the speech production level since variations in loudness
are due to the work of all the speech mechanisms.
It is perfectly obvious that the syllable is by no means a sim­
ple concept. No phonetician has succeeded so far in giving an
exhaustive and adequate explanation of what the syllable is.
The difficulties seem to arise from the various possibilities of ap­
proach to the unit. W e could say there exist two points of view:
1. Some linguists consider the syllable to be a purely articula­
tory unit which lacks any functional value. This point of view is
defended on the grounds that the boundaries of the syllable do
not always coincide with those of the morphemes.
2. However the majority of linguists treat the syllable as the
smallest pronounceable unit which can reveal some linguistic
function.
W e should note here that while trying to detine the syllable
from articulatory point of view we may talk about universals,
that is categories applicable for all languages. When we mean
the functional aspect of the syllable it should be defined with ref­
erence to the structure of one particular language rather than in
general terms with universal application because, as A.C.Gim-
son points out, it may be found appropriate to divide a similar
sound sequence differently in different languages (57).
The definition of the syllable from the functional point of
view existing in modern linguistics tends to single out the fol­
lowing features of the syllable:
a) a syllable is a chain of phonemes of varying length;
b) a syllable is constructed on the basis of contrast of its con­
stituents (which is usually of vowel-consonant type);
c) the nucleus of a syllable is a vowel, the presence of conso­
nants is optional; there are no languages in which vowels are
not used as syllable nuclei, however, there are languages in
which this function is performed by consonants;

115
 d) the distribution of phonemes in the syllabic structure fol­
lows the rules which are specific enough for a particular lan­
guage.
Syllable formation in English is based on the phonological
opposition v o w el — consonant. V ow els are usually syllabic
while consonants are not, with the exception of [1], [m], [n],
which becom e syllabic if they occur in an unstressed final posi­
tion preceded by a noise consonant, for example ['litl] little,
['blDssm] blossom, ['ga:dn] garden.
The structure of the syllable is known to vary because of the
number and the arrangement of consonants. In English there are
distinguished four types of syllables.
1) open [пзи] no CV
2 ) closed [od] odd VC
3) covered [пзт] note CV(C)
4) uncovered [зи], [зик] oh, oak V(C)
It should be pointed out here that due to its structure the
English language has developed the closed type of syllable as
the fundamental one while in Russian it is the open type that
forms the basis of syllable formation. The number of syllable va­
rieties from the point of view of their structure is 23. The struc­
ture of the English syllable reveals variations in the number of
pre-vocalic consonants from 1 to 3 and post-vocalic consonants
from 1 to 5.
As to the number of syllables in the English word it can vary
from one to eight, for example [клт] come, ['siti] city, ['faemili]
family', [s im 'p lis iti] sim plicity, ['An'nastfarali] unnaturally,
['inkDm,paeti'biliti] incompatibility, ['Anin.telicfei'bihti] unintelligi­
bility.
So far w e have described som e of the aspects of syllabic
structure of English. As was mentioned earlier, the other aspect
of the dialectical unity which characterizes the speech continu­
um is syllable division. The linguistic importance of syllable di­
vision in different languages is in finding typology of syllables
and syllabic structure of meaningful units of a language, that is
morphemes and words. It is the syllable division that determines
the syllabic structure of the language, its syllabic typology.
It is easy to understand that syllabic structure of a language
like its phonemic structure is patterned, which means that the
sounds of language can be grouped into syllables according to

116
certain rules. The part of phonetics that deals with this aspect of
a language is called phono tactics. Phono tactic possibilities of a
language determine the rules of syllable division.
As the phoneticians point out, in the English language the
problem of syllable division exists only in case of intervocalic
consonants and their clusters like in the words ['siti] city, [a'gri:]
agree, fekstrs] extra and others. In such cases the point of sylla­
ble division is not easily found. Let us consider the first case.
Theoretically two variants are possible:
a) the point of syllable division is after the intervocalic conso­
nant;
b) the point of syllable division is inside the consonant.
In both cases the first syllable remains closed according to
phonotactic rules of the English language, because the short
vowel should remain checked. The results of instrumental analy­
sis show that the point of syllable division in words like ['piti]
pity, ['tDpik] topic, ['тезэ] measure, ['bDbi] Bobby is inside the int­
ervocalic consonant (19). This conclusion is of great impor­
tance for Russian learners of English. They should keep in mind
that in the Russian language the stressed syllable in the structure
(C)VCV(C) is always open, for example, y-xo, ня-та, о-бувь,
while in English this kind of syllable is always closed if the syl­
labic vow el is short and checked. So to be able to pronounce the
English words of this type correctly it is necessary to make tran­
sition from a vowel to a consonant very close.
Now let us examine another type of intervocalic consonant
clusters. It is the VCCV(C) type, for exam ple [a'gri:] agree,
[a'brApt] abrupt and so on. To be able to determine the syllabic
boundary in words of this type it is necessary to apply phono­
logical criteria, the first of which might be the distribution of seg­
mental phonemes. In the abovementioned examples the words
should be divided into syllables in the following way: [э-'gri:],
[э-'brApt] because such combinations of consonants as [gr], [br]
are permissible initial clusters for the English language. On the
other hand, there are clusters that can never be found in the
word initial position and consequently should be broken by syl­
labic boundary, for example: [ad-'maia] admire, [эЬ-Ъэ:] abhor.
It should be pointed out that there are cases when the distri­
butional criteria may fail. In this case when the number of inter­
vocalic consonants is three as in the word ['ekstra] extra we have
to state the possible points of syllable division:

117
 a) ['ek-stra] — back street
b) ['eks-traj — six try
c) ['ekst-гэ] — mixed ray
In such cases it is the native speaker's intuition that could be
relied on. The subconscious feeling of a new pronunciation effort
makes him divide the words of such types into [’ek-stra], This
natural way of division is fixed in the pronunciation dictionary.
In compound words like [43ustraek] toast-rack it is the mor­
phological criterion that counts because the boundaries of the
syllable should correspond to morpheme boundaries and so such
cases present no difficulty from this point of view.
N ow we shall consider two very important functions of the
syllable.
The first function we should mention is known to be the con­
stitutive function of the syllable. It lies in its ability to be a part
of a word or a word itself. The syllable forms language units of
greater magnitude, that is words, morphemes and utterances. In
this respect two things should be emphasized. First, the syllable
is the unit within which the relations between the distinctive fea­
tures of the phonemes and their acoustic correlates are revealed
(15). Second, within a syllable (or a sequence of syllables) pro­
sodic characteristics of speech are realized, which form the
stress-pattern of a word and the rhythmic and intonation struc­
tures of an utterance. In sum, the syllable is a specific minimal
structure of both segmental and suprasegmental features.
The other function of the syllable is its distinctive function. In
this respect the syllable is characterized by its ability to differen­
tiate words and word-forms. To illustrate this a set of minimal
pairs should be found so that qualitative and/or quantitative pe­
culiarities of certain allophones should indicate the beginning or
the end of the syllable.
So far only one minimal pair has been found in English to il­
lustrate the word distinctive function in the syllable, that is
[nai-'treit] nitrate — [nait-'reit] night-rate.
The distinction here lies in:
a) the degree of aspiration of [t] sounds which is greater in
the first member of the opposition than in. the second;
b) allophonic difference of [rj: in the first member of the oppo­
sition it is slightly devoiced under fhe influence of the initial [t];
c) the length of the diphthong [aij: in the second member of
the opposition it is shorter because the syllable is closed by a
voiceless plosive [t].

118
 It can be easily seen from the example that syllable division
changes the allophonic contents of the word because, as it is
generally kno\vn, the realization of the phonem e in different
positions in ,a syllable (initial, medial, final) results in different
allophones.
The analogical distinction between word combinations can
be illustrated by many more examples:
an aim — a name
mice kill — my skill
an ice house — a nice house
peace talks — pea stalks
plat rack — play track
Sometimes the difference in syllabic division might be the ba­
sic ground for differentiation sentences in such minimal pairs as:
I saw her eyes. — I saw her rise.
I saw the meat. — I saw them eat.
Here w e should mention another phenom enon in English
which sometimes illustrates the linguistic value of the syllable.
The fact is the majority of phoneticians regard the length of the
syllabic vow el to be a defining characteristic of the syllable. It
has been proved experimentally that the duration of a vow el in­
creases when a rising nuclear tone occurs within it. In such cases
the vowel becomes free enough to indicate the syllabic bounda­
ry line, for example:
Isn't this day .hotter?
The "Mays are getting hotter.
The word hotter in the sentence pronounced with the falling
tone has the syllabic boundary within the consonant [t] because
of the checked character of the [d ] vow el. W hen pronounced
with a rising tone the vowel is prolonged so that it becomes free
enough to indicate the syllabic boundary between [d] and [t]. In
such cases w e might say that the syllable division here is one of
the factors that differentiate the communicative types of sentenc­
es. Yet the difference is not always regularly displayed because,
as was mentioned above, duration of vowels in English depends
on a lot of other factors. Therefore this aspect of the problem
needs some further, more detailed investigation.
Summarizing we might say that at the functional level of de­
scription the syllable could be conceived of as a smallest pro­
119
nounceable unit with potential linguistic importance. That is
why it reveals its functional value only occasionally.
By way of conclusion w e could enumerate the following pe­
culiarities of the syllabic structure of English which should arrest
the learner's attention:
1) syllabic boundary is inside intervocalic consonant preced­
ed by vowels, for example: Betty, racket, money, hotter,
2 ) syllabic boundary is before an intervocalic consonant if it
is not preceded by the above-mentioned vowels, for example:
later, speaker;
3) the sonorants [1], [m], [n] are syllabic if they are preceded
by noise consonants, for example: little, blossom, sudden;
4) there cannot be more than one vowel (a diphthong or a
monophthong) within one syllable;
5) the typical and most fundamental syllabic structure is of
(C)VC type;
6) word final consonants are normally of weak-end type.
Russian learners of English as well as would-be teachers of
English should be well aware of the regularities governing the
structure of monosyllabic and polysyllabic words as well as the
syllabic structure of the utterance. W hat matters here is that
wrong syllable division on the articulatory level leads to inade­
quate perception of phrases and consequently to misunderstand­
ing.
 C h a p t e r IV
ACCENTUAL STRUCTURE OF ENGLISH WORDS
/

In this section we shall focus our attention on the accentual

patterns of English words. The sequence of syllables in the word
is not pronounced identically. The syllable or syllables which are
uttered with more prominence than the other syllables of the
word are said to be stressed or accented. The correlation of vary­
ing prominences of syllables in a word is understood as the ac­
centual structure of the word or its stress pattern.
It would be perfectly natural to begin this section with the
nature of word stress. According to A.C.Gimson, the effect of
prominence is achieved by any or all of four factors: force, tone,
length and vowel colour (57). The dynamic stress implies greater
force with which the syllable is pronounced. In other words in
the articulation of the stressed syllable greater muscular energy
is produced by the speaker. European languages such as English,
German, French, Russian are believed to possess predominantly
dynamic word stress. In Scandinavian languages the word stress
is considered to be both dynamic and musical. For instance, in
Swedish, the word komma (comma) is distinguished from the
word komma (come) by a difference in tones. The musical (or
tonic) word stress is observed in Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese.
It is effected by the variations of voice pitch in relation to neigh­
bouring syllables. In C hinese the sound sequence chu pro­
nounced with the level tone means "pig", with the rising tone —
"bamboo", with the falling tone — "to live".
The English linguists (D.Crystal (50), A.C.Gimson (57)) agree
that in English word stress or accent is a complex phenomenon,
marked by the variations in force, pitch, quantity and quality.
The dynamic and the tonic features of English word stress pre­
vail over the others. It should be noted that when the tonic or
musical component of word stress is involved it is the change of
pitch level that is significant in making the syllable prominent,
but not the type of tone direction.

121
 Let us turn to some examples. If the words 'import (n) and
im'port (v) are said on a level tone and each vowel with its own
length, it is rather difficult to distinguish them. The tonic or mu­
sical component may be helpful in defining the place of stress in
a word as it is observed within the syllable marked by the pitch
change, which contributes to the syllable prominence.

'Import. ~~4. Im'port. . s

The placement of the pitch change marks the seat of the
stress. It should be noted here that the very type of pitch
change, its direction, does not influence the word stress, e.g.

'Import. Л . 'Import? _•
The pitch direction is changed but the stress remains un­
changed.
On the other hand, a whole idea may be conveyed by utter­
ing a single word (one-word phrase). Then w e shall deal with
the sentence stress and the musical component of intonation.
There is undoubtedly a close interrelation between word stress
and sentence stress.
The nature of word stress, the interrelation of its components
is still a problem which is awaiting its solution.
, As to the quantitative and qualitative components of word
stress they are also significant. Certain distinctions of the vowel
length and colour are reduced or lacking in unstressed syllables.
The fact strengthens the idea that the accentuation is influenced
by the vowel length and quality. The vowel of the stressed sylla­
ble is perceived as never reduced or obscure and longer than the
same vowel in the unstressed syllables. Thus, the word "stress"
or "accent" is also defined as qualitative where the vowel colour
or qualily is a means of stress and quantitative with relatively
increased length of the stressed vow el. Compare the quality
(colour) and quantity (length) of the same vowel in a word, e.g.
abstract,'car-park; иди, или, уму.
It js fair to mention that there is a terminological confusion in
discussing the nature of stress. According to D.Crystal (50) the
terms "heaviness, sound pressure, force, power, strength, intensi­
ty, amplitude, prominence, emphasis, accent, stress" tend to be

122
used synonymously by most writers. The discrepancy in termi­
nology is largely due to the fact that there are two major views
depending oji whether the productive or receptive aspects of
stress are discussed. The main drawback with any theory of
stress based on production of speech is that it only gives a partial *
explanation of the phenomenon but does not analyse it on the
perceptive level. Instrumental investigations study the physical
nature of word stress. On the acoustic level the counterpart of
force is the intensity of the vibrations of the vocal cords of the
speaker which is perceived by the listener as loudness. Thus the
greater energy with which the speaker articulates the stressed
syllable in the word is associated by the listener with greater
loudness. The acoustic counterparts of voice pitch and length are
frequency and duration respectively.
The nature of word stress in Russian seems to differ from that
in English. The quantitative component plays a greater role in
Russian accentual structure than in English word accent. In the
Russian language we never pronounce vowels of full formation
and full length in unstressed positions, they are always reduced.
Therefore the vowels of full length are unmistakably perceived
as stressed. In English the quantitative component of word stress
is not of primary importance because of the nonreduced vow els
in the unstressed syllables which sometimes occur in English
words, e.g. 'architect, 'transport, 'partake.
Russian phoneticians (L.V.Zlatoustova; 17, L.L.Bulanin, 9) in­
sist on the-quantitative character of the Russian word stress as
its principal feature, though other components of word stress
in Russian are not denied.
W e would like to dwell on the term prominence here. It seems
to cause som e ambiguity when related to word stress. The
stressed syllables are often said to be the most prominent sylla­
bles in the word. According to G.P.Torsuev the notions "stressed"
and “prominent" should not be used synonymically (31). The ef­
fect of prominence is created by some phonetic features of sounds
which have nothing to do with word or sentence stress. It is com ­
mon knowledge that sounds of speech have different degrees of
sonority. Vowels are more sonorous than consonants. Open vow ­
els are more sonorous than close ones. Sonority is the inner quali­
ty of vowels which is not directly connected with the accentual
structure of words but with other articulatory characteristics, it
contributes to the effect of prortiinence.

123
 Another characteristic of a vowel which also adds to the ef­
fect of prominence but is not connected with the word stress is
historical (traditional) length of vowels. The presence of a tradi­
tionally long sound in the stressed syllable and a traditionally
short vow el in the unstressed syllable adds to the effect of the
prominence of the stressed syllable, e.g. [in'kri:s], [bi'lfcv], ['fczi].
Naturally the historical length of vowels is the vowel inner
quality which should not be mixed with the quantitative charac­
teristics of word stress.
To sum it up prominence in speech is a broader term than
stress. It is obtained by the components of word stress, such as
the loudness, the length, the quality of the vowel plus the inher­
ent sonority of the vowel and its historical length. In a discourse
the effect of prominence may be strengthened by the melody
which is the component of intonation.
Languages are also differentiated according to the placement
of word stress. The traditional classification of languages con­
cerning place of stress in a word is into those with a fixed stress
and those with a free stress. In languages .with a fixed stress the
occurrence of the word stress is limited to a particular syllable in
a multisyllabic wofd. For instance, in French the stress falls on
the last syllable of the word (if pronounced in isolation), in Fin­
nish and Czech it is fixed on the first syllable, in Polish on the
one but last syllable. Some foreign words borrowed into Russian
and proper names retain the original stresses and give an idea of
the fixed word stress, e.g.
French: Париж, кашне, партер
Finnish: Хельсинки, сауна
Czech: Злата Прага, Карловы Вары
Polish: Варшава, Катовице, Познань.
In languages with a free stress its place is nol confined to a
specific posilion in the word. In one word it may fall on the first
syllable, in another on the second syllable, in the third word —
on the last syllable, etc.
The free placement of stress is exemplified in the English and
Russian languages, e.g.
English: 'appetite — be'ginning — balloon
Russian: озеро — погода — молоко

124
 The word siress in English as well as in Russian is not only
free but it may also be shifting, performing the semantic function
of differentiating lexical units, parts of speech, grammatical
forms. It is woith noting that in English word stress is used as a
means of word-building, in Russian it marks both word-building
and word formation, e.g.
'contrast — con'trast
'habit — ha'bitual
'music — mu'sician
дома — дома; чудная — чудная
воды — воды; козы — козы
There are actually as many degrees of stress in a word as
there are syllables. A.C.Gimson, for example, shows the distri­
bution of the
3 2 4 1 5

degrees of stress in the word examination. The opinions of phone­

ticians differ as to how many degrees of stress are linguistically
relevant in a word. The British linguists usually distinguish three
degrees of stress in the word. The primary stress is the strongest,
it is marked by number 1 in the, word examination, the secondary
stress is the second strongest marked by 2. All the other degrees
are termed weak stress, unstressed syllables are supposed to have
weak stress. The American scholars B.Bloch and G.Trager find
four contrastive degrees of word stress, namely: loud, reduced
loud, medial and weak stresses (45). Other American linguists
also distinguish four degrees of word stress but term them: prima­
ry stress, secondary stress, tertiary stress and weak stress. The
difference between the secondary and tertiary stresses is very
subtle and seems subjective. The criteria of their difference are
very vague. The second pretonic syllables of such words as
Jibe'ration, ,recog'nition are marked by secondary stress in RP, in
General American they are said to have a tertiary stress. In GA a
tertiary stress also affects the suffixes -ory, -ary, -ony of nouns and
the suffixes -ate, -ize, -y of verbs, which are considered unstressed
in RP, e.g. 'territory, 'cere,топу, 'dictionary; 'dem onstrate,
'organize, 'simplify.
British linguists do not always deny the existence of tertiary
stress as a tendency to use a tertiary stress on a post-tonic sylla­
ble in RP is also traced. However, the British conception of three
degrees of word stress is accepted as the teaching norm.

125
 W e would like to point out right here that the accentual struc­
ture of English words is liable to instability due to the different
origin of several layers in the Modern English wordstock. In Ger­
manic languages the word stress originally fell on the initial sylla­
ble or the second syllable, the root syllable in the English words
with prefixes. This tendency was called recessive. Most English
words of Anglo-Saxon origin as well as the French borrowings
(dated back to the 15th century) are subjected to this recessive
tendency. Unrestricted recessive tendency is observed in the na­
tive English words having no prefix, e.g. mother, daughter, brother,
swallow, in assimilated French borrowings, e.g. reason, colour, res­
taurant. Restricted recessive tendency marks English words with
prefixes, e.g. foresee, begin, withdraw, apart. A great number of
words of Anglo-Saxon origin are monosyllabic or disyllabic, both
notional words and form words. They tend to alternate in the flow
of speech, e.g. I 'don't be'lieve he's 'right.
The rhythm of alternating stressed and unstressed syllables
gave birth to the rhythmical tendency in the present-day English
which caused the appearance of the secondary stress in the multi­
syllabic French borrowings, e.g. fevo'lution, prgani'sation, as,si­
mulation, etc. It also explains the placement of primary stress on
the third syllable from the end in three- and four-syllable words,
e.g. 'cinema, 'situate, ar'ticulate. The interrelation of both the reces­
sive and the rhythmical tendencies is traced in the process of
accentual assimilation of the French-borrowed word personal on
the diachronic level, e.g. perso'nal — 'perso'nal — 'personal.
The appearance of the stress on the first syllable is the result
of the recessive tendency and at the same time adaptation to the
rhythmical tendency. The recessive tendency being stronger, the
trisyllabic words like personal gained the only stress on the third
syllable from the end, e .g .'family, ’library, 'faculty, 'possible.
The accentual patterns of the words 'territory, 'dictionary,
'neces,sary in GA with the primary stress on the first syllable and
the tertiary stress on the third are other examples illustrating the
correlation of the recessive and rhythmical tendencies. N ow a­
days w e witness a great number of variations in the accentual
structure of English multisyllabic words as a result of the interre­
lation of the tendencies. The stress on the initial syllable is
caused by the diachronical recessive tendency or the stress on
the second syllable under the influence of the strong rhythmical
tendency of the present day, e.g. 'hospitable — ho'spitable,

126
'distribute —- As'tribute, 'aristocrat — a'ristocrat, 'laryngoscope —
la'ryngoscope.
A third tendency was traced in the instability of the accentu­
al structure of English word stress, the retentive tendency: a de­
rivative often retains the stress of the original or parent word,
e.g. 'similar — as'similate, ,recom'mend— /ecommen'dation.
The numerous variations of English word stress are system a­
tized in the typology of accentual structure of English words
worked out by G.P.Torsuev (31). He classifies them according to
the number of stressed syllables, their degree or character (the
main and the secondary stress). The distribution of stressed syl­
lables within the word accentual types forms accentual struc­
tures of words, e.g. the accentual type of words with two equal
stresses may be presented bv several accentual structures: 'well-
'bred [ и и ], 'absent-'minded [ }, or 'good-looking [ u u - ].
Accentual types and accentual structures are closely connected
with the morphological type of words, with the number of sylla­
bles, the semantic value of the root and the prefix of the word.
The accentual types are:
I. [ j.~ ]. This accentual type marks both simple and com ­
pound words. The accentual structures of this type may include
tw o and more syllables, e.g. 'fafher, 'possibly, 'mother-in-law,
'gas-pipe.
П. [ ]. The accentual type is commonly realized in com ­
pound words, most of them are with separable prefixes, e.g.
'radio-'active, 're'write, 'diso'bey.
Ш. [ ] and IV. J ]. The accentual types are met in
initial compound abbreviations like 'U'S'A, 'U'S'S'R.
V t-*r - l . The type is realized both in simple and com ­
pound words, very com m on am ong com pound words, e.g.
'hair-tdresser, 'substructure.
VI. [r -* -]. The accentual type marks a great number of
simple words and som e compound words as well. In simple
words the stresses fall onto:
1. the prefix and the root: ,maga'zine;
2 . the root and the suffix: ,hospi'tality;
3. the prefix and the suffix: fUsorgani'zation.
VH. [-*r - c _ l. The type includes rather a small number of
simple words with the separable prefixes, e.g. 'mis jepre'sent.
127
 VHT. [7- 7--* -]. The type is found in a very small number of
words, usually simple words with the stresses on the prefix, the
root and the suffix, e.g. jindi,viduali‘zation.
IX . The type is met in rare instances of compound
words with separable prefixes, e.g. 'un'sea,worthy,
X. [■*—7-7-] • The type is represented by rare instances of
simple and compound words, e.g. 'soda-,water ,bottle.
XI. lr -*rl • The type is found in rare instances of compound
words consisting of the three components, e.g. ,ginger'beer-pottle.
The data given above suggest an idea of the great variability
in the accentual structure of English words. The most widely
spread among the enumerated accentual types are supposed to
be Type I [-* _ ], Type II [ Type V [-*r ] and Type VI
[r -*l. Each type includes varieties, of definite accentual struc­
tures with different numbers of syllables and marks thousands of
words. So the four of^them cover the main bulk of most common
English words and are therefore most typical for the English v o ­
cabulary. As we may see, the typical feature of English accen­
tual structure is its instability. There is a great number of words
having variants of their accentual patterns. They may differ in:
1) number of stresses: USSR [ ] or [ j.___t j;
2 ) the’place of stress: hospitable [ _t___ ] or [ __ с__];
3) the d egree of stress: individualization \.r - r —‘ -1 or

The variability of the word accentual structure is multiplied

. in connected speech. The accentual structure of words may be
altered under the influence of rhythm, e.g.
An 'unpolished 'stone. But: The ’stone was un'polished.
'Find 'page four'teen. But: W e 'counted 'fourteen ’birds.
The tempo of speech may influence the accentual pattern of
words. With the quickening of the speed the carefulness of arti­
culation is diminished, the vowels are reduced or elided, the se­
condary stress may be dropped, e.g.
The 'whole organization of the 'meeting was faulty.

128
 The variability of the English word accentual structure
presents great difficulty for students of English. They should be
well acquainted with the four most widely spread accentual
types of words, mentioned above and be aware of the modifica­
tions of word accentual patterns influenced by rhythm and tem- *
po in connected speech.
The given examples of the accentual structure of words in
connected speech show that the word stress is closely interrelat­
ed with sentence stress. W e shall now try to see their similarity
and difference. The demarcation of word stress and sentence
stress is very important both from the theoretical and the practi­
cal viewpoint. Sentence stress usually falls on the very syllable
of the word which is marked by word stress. Thus the accentual
structure of the word predetermines the arrangement of stresses
in a phrase. At the same time the stress pattern of a phrase is
always conditioned by the semantic and syntactical factors. The
words which usually bccome stressed in a phrase are notional
words. They convey the main idea of the phrase, though any
word including form words may be marked by sentence stress, if
it has certain semantic value in the sentence.
The common character of word stress and sentence stress is
also observed in their rhythmical tendency to alternate stressed
and unstressed syllables and pronounce them at approximately
equal intervals.
N ow w e should like to distinguish the notions of word stress
and sentence stress. They are first of all different in their sphere
of application as they are applied to different language units:
word stress is naturally applied to a word, as a linguistic unit,
sentence stress is applied to a phrase.
Secondly, the distinction of the rhythmic structure of a word
and a phrase is clearly observed in the cases when the word
stress in notional words is omitted in a phrase, e.g.
I 'don't think he is 'right.
Or when the rhythmic structure of the isolated word does not
coincide with that of a phrase, e.g.
'Fifteen. 'Room Fifteen. 'Fifteen 'pages.
So in a speech chain the phonetic structure of a word obtains
additional characteristics connected with rhythm, melody, and
tempo. Though the sentence stress falls on the syllable marked
■'> .J .m /457
19.Q
by the word stress it is not realized in the stressed syllable of an
isolated word but in a word within speech continuum. Since the
spheres of word stress and sentence stress fall apart their func­
tions are actually different. Sentence stress organizes a sentence
into a linguistic unit, helps to form its rhythmic and intonation
pattern, performs its distinctive function on the level of a phrase.
In discussing accentual structure of English words w e should
turn now to the functional aspect of word stress. Word stress in
a language performs three functions.
I. Word stress constitutes a word, it organizes the syllables
a word into a language unit having a definite accentual struc­
ture, that is a pattern of relationship among the syllables; a word
does not exist without the word stress. Thus the word stress per­
forms the constitutive function. Sound continuum becom es a
phrase when it is divided into units organized by word stress
into words.
П. Word stress enables a person to identify a succession of
syllables as a definite accentual pattern of a word. This function
of word stress is known as identificatory (or recognitive). Correct
accentuation helps the listener to make the process of communi­
cation easier, whereas the distorted accentual pattern of words,
misplaced word stresses prevent normal understanding.
Ш. Word stress alone is capable of differentiating the mean­
ing of words or their forms, thus performing its distinctive func­
tion. The accentual patterns of words or the degrees of word
stress and their positions form oppositions, e.g. 'import — im'port,
'billow — be'low.
V A .V assilyev introduces the term "accenteme" for word
stress as a suprasegmental phonological unit having different
degrees and placement in a word (79). For instance the primary
accenteme is opposed to the weak word accenteme (unstressed
position), in 'import — im'port differentiating the noun from the
verb. A.C.Gimson establishes three groups of words with identi­
cal spelling representing different parts of speech which are op­
posed by means of shifting of the stress (57).
1. A small group of words where the noun is differentia
from a verb by the opposition of the accentual pattern of the
word alone, e.g.
130
increase [’inkri:s] — [in'kriis]
insult [’insAlt] — [in'sAlt]
impress / [ ’impres] — [im'pres]
inlay ['inlei] — fin’lei]
2. The second group where the shifting of the stress which
means the change of the accentual pattern of the word may be
or may not be accompanied by the reduction of the vowel in the
unstressed syllable of the verbs, e.g.
transport [4raenspo:t] — {traens'pat] or [trans'pat]
torment i'totment] — [tot'ment] or [ta'ment]
3. The largest group of such pairs of words manifests the
change of their accentual pattern together with the qualitative
reduction of the unstressed vowel, e.g.
com bine ['kombain) — [kam'bain]
conduct [’kondAkt] — [kan'dAkt]
contrast ['kontrast] — [kan'trcust]
and many others.
Oppositions of accentual types of words are also observed as
a concomitant factor in word-formation in addition to suffixation.
1. [-*— 1 — l7— *] e.g. 'organize — .organisation
'substitute — .substi’tution
2 . [-*-*.— 1 — e.g. 'reorganize — 'reorganization
'predis'pose — 'pre .disposition
3. *] e.g. 'palatalize — 'palatalization
'solemn — 'solemni'zation
4. [r —*] — U - r —t-1 e.g. .incon'siderable — 'incon.side'ration
and others.
There is also a group of accentuation oppositions where com ­
pound nouns are opposed to free word combinations, e.g.
a 'blackboard классная доска
a 'black 'board черная доска
a 'dancing-qirl танцовщица
a 'dancing 'girt танцующая девушка
As w e have already mentioned, the same distinctive function
of word stress is observed in the Russian language. It differen­
tiates words and their grammatical forms, e.g.
r >* •’

131
 The words чудная — чудная, безобразная — безобразная are
different lexical units, they differ in meaning.
The words зимы — зимы, беды — беды represent different
grammatical forms of the same lexical unit. Both in word-build­
ing'and in word-formation the shifting of stress is accompanied
by the qualitative reduction of the unstressed syllable. Word-for­
mation with the help of the shifting of stress is quite common in
Russian as well as in English.
The accentual structure of words is actually very closely in­
terrelated with their semantic value. By way of illustration we
shall now analyse a fairly large class of words in English which
are marked by two primary stresses (Accentual Type П). They
are either compounds consisting of two semantically important
stems or words with semantically relevant separable prefixes or
the suffix -teen. The accentual pattern of this group of words is
regulated by the meaningful weight of the elements of the com ­
pounds. Word stress establishes contrastive relationship of the
elements and often creates opposition to comparable words.
Most of compound adjectives have two equal stresses as both
elements in them are semantically important, e.g. 'absent-'minded,
'left-'handed, 'good-looking.
As soon as the significance of one of the elements of a com ­
pound adjective is weakened, its accentual pattern is changed.
(Accentual Type I), e.g. 'spring-like, 'nymph-like, 'powder-like',
'oval-shaped, 'bow-shaped.
The same tendency is observed in compound nouns: if their
elements are semantically important both elements are equally
stressed (Accentual Type П), e.g. 'north-'east, 'north-’west, 'south-
'west.
At the same time, as w e very well know, most of compound
nouns have one stress on the first element which is more signifi­
cant than the second one. They are sometimes opposed to other
compounds with the same second element, e.g. 'dining-room —
'bedroom — 'bathroom — 'living-room; 'shop-girl — 'ballet-girl.
Compound verbs have two equal stresses as their postposi­
tions change the actual meaning of the verb itself as it is illustrat­
ed in the following example:
What shall I do with it? — 'Put it where it vwas.
— ’Put it von.
— 'Put it voff.

132
 Oppositions are also found among compound verbs:
to 'switch 'on — to 'switch 'off
to 'turn 'on 7 — to 'turn 'off
Words with meaningful prefixes are likewise semantically *
opposed to those without prefixes. Compare:
'educated 'un'educated
'regular 'ir'regular
'please 'dis'please
'cyclone 'anti'cyclon
.understand — 'misunder'stand
C om pound numerals have naturally tw o equal stresses,
making both elements significant, e.g. 'twenty-'three, 'sixty-'five.
Numerals with the -teen suffix are marked by two stresses to
oppose them to the numerals with the unstressed suffix -ty. If the
suffix -teen is not stressed the vowel [i:] in it is shortened and ob­
scured, the sonant [n] is weakened, there is consequently a dan­
ger of misunderstanding, e.g.
— 'What xpage is it? ||
— 'Seventeen. ||
— 'Seventeen | or ^seventy? |||
The above-given illustrations show how important it is in
teaching practice to make the students realize that the accentual
structure'of words is conditioned by the semantic interrelation of
their elements. The teacher should attract the students' attention
to the correlation between the accentual and semantic structures
of words which will save the students many mistakes.
The regulation of the accentuation in the Russian language is
too complicated and is practically unpredictable. The stress may
fall on the same morpheme in the derivatives where word-forma-
tion is performed by the grammatical means alone, e.g. кожа —
кожи — кожей — кожу; год —годы — годом. In another group of
words the stress may effect different morphemes of the word par­
ticipating in the word-formation alongside with the grammatical'
means, e.g. сад — сады — садами — садом; пар — пары — пара­
ми — паром; but: пара ■—пары — парами —парам.
R.I.Avanesov considers the variability in the placement of
the Russian word stress an individual sign of every particular
word which presents a difficulty for foreign-learners and som e­
times for the natives (1).

133
 It is interesting to note that Russian word stress may have
stylistic distinction and poetic usage, cf. молодец — молодец,
девица — девица, шёлковый — шелковый.
The complicated system of the accentual structure of English
words makes teacher trainees be very attentive to the subject.
The typical mistakes of Russian learners in the sphere of word
stress are the mispronunciation of: I) words with the main and
secondary stresses (,conversational); 2) words with two equal
stresses in connected speech [bp'stairs, 're'organize); 3) words
with the full vowel in the unstressed syllable ('architect).
The instability of English accentual structure of words
presents much difficulty for Russian learners. Students' attention
should be attracted to English multisyllabic words the accentual
structure of which is regulated by the rhythmical tendency and
the use of the secondary stress in those words, as it has no anal­
ogy in the Russian language, compare: 'transportation — транс­
портировка, de,mocrati 'zation — демократизация.
Anolher group of words presenting difficulty for Russian learn­
ers is large group of compounds which are marked either by two
equal stresses (compound adjectives) or by one stress (compound
nouns). The semantic factor in defining the accentual structure of
compounds should be most decisive, as it has been illustrated
above. One more group of words requires learners' attention, the
group which forms accentual oppositions of different parts of
speech by w ay of conversion accom panied by the shifting
of stress, e.g. 'combine (n) — combine (v), 'insult (n) — in'sult (v).
In case of doubt it is advisable to consult a pronouncing
dictionary.
The accentual structure of English words in speech continu­
um is inseparably connected with the rhythmic organization of
speech chain which will be thoroughly discussed in Chapter V.
 Chapter V
/ INTONATION

v STRUCTURE AND FUNCTION

After considering the system of English segmental phonemes,

the syllabic structure and the accentual structure of English
words w e are to focus on the topic of particular theoretical and
practical interest, i.e. intonation.
In this chapter our general aims will be: first, to present a con­
cise, simple, yet adequate definition of intonation; second, to de­
scribe the main structural components of the intonation pattern;
third, to present methods for transcribing intonation, that is a suit­
able way of notation; and fourth, to explore the function of into­
nation in various textual' units, looking particularly at examples
in which intonation resolves grammatical and lexical ambiguity.
Intonation is a language universal. There are no languages
which are spoken as a monotone, i.e. without any change of
prosodic parameters; But intonation functions in various lan­
guages in a different way.
What is the role intonation plays in the language?
The further our interests move towards some notion of com ­
municative competence and away from the lesser ability to pro­
duce and understand grammatical sentences, the greater is the
pressure one feels to take proper account of how intonation con­
tributes to the communicative value of the act of speech.
W e are beginning to realize more and more that engagement
with intonation is not merely a “cosmetic" or "decorative" exer­
cise, comparatively unimportant, but that in fact it leads one to a
consideration of some quite fundamental aspects of the commu­
nicative process. Unfortunately many teachers have preferred to
concentrate their attention upon the study of sounds with the re­
sult that the study of intonation is tended to lag behind. One rea­
son for this state of affairs is that a very special skill is required in
the recognition of intonation variations. This skill is more diffi­
cult to acquire than the ability to recognize strange sounds for
135
two reasons. Intonation is used by native speakers even more
unconsciously than are sounds, and — apart from an occasional
random hint thrown out by a punctuation mark or by italics —
no attempt is made in print to convey intonation, whereas even
in a language so abominably spelt as English the orthography
continually reminds the reader of the sounds he must produce.
The second reason is that we have at our disposal a far more de­
tailed analysis of the sounds of English than of its intonation.
It happened so because early phoneticians were preoccupied
with segmental phonemes rather more than with intonation.
W e would like to start with the description of intonation on
the auditory and acoustic levels and then pass over to its linguis­
tic function.
It is quite impossible to describe intonation in a word or two.
Sometimes the ups and downs of pitch and loudness are com ­
pared to the waves of the ocean. "The surface of the ocean re­
sponds to the forces that act upon it in movements resembling
the ups and downs of the human voice" (47, p. 19).
There is wide agreement among Soviet linguists that on per­
ception level intonation is a complex, a whole, formed by signifi­
cant variations of pitch, loudness and tempo (i.e. the rate of
speech and pausation) closely related. Some Soviet linguists re­
gard speech timbre as the fourth component of intonation. As a
matter of fact, up to now timbre has not been sufficiently investi­
gated yet. Neither its material form nor its linguistic function have
been thoroughly described. Though speech timbre definitely con­
veys certain shades of attitudinal or emotional meaning there is
no good reason to consider it alongside with the three prosodic
components of intonation, i.e. pitch, loudness and tempo.
Nowadays there is another term "prosody" which embraces
the three prosodic components and substitutes the term "intona­
tion". It is widely used in linguistic literature, it causes no misun­
derstanding and, consequently, it is more adequate. W e feel
strongly that this term would be more suitable for our book too,
but, unfortunately, it has not been accepted in the teaching
process yet.
W e would like to point out that many foreign scholars have
been anxious to restrict the formal definition of intonation to
pitch movement alone, though occasionally allowing in varia­
tions of loudness as well (57; 66). W e are firmly convinced that
when the question of intonational meaning is raised it is clearly

136
not possible to restrict the term "intonation" by the pitch param­
eters only because generally all the three prosodic parameters
function as a whole though in many cases the priority of the
pitch parameter is quite evident. Giving priority to pitch changes
we are not going to adopt a narrow definition of intonation and
simplify the formal description of it at the expense of the seman­
tic one and will allow intonation a wider definition trying to do
justice to the semantic value of all the three prosodic com po­
nents.
It is necessary to point out here that on the acoustic level pitch
correlates with the fundamental frequency of the vibration of the
vocal cords; loudness correlates with the amplitude of vibrations;
tempo is a correlate of time during which a speech unit lasts.
Further on w e shall describe intonation in the terms of audi­
tory level which are more suitable for the aims of teaching. The
acoustic level of prosodic parameters presents special interest for
those carrying out experimental research work in the field of the­
oretical phonetics. With the developing of cybernetics and the
constructing of teaching machines the importance of the acoustic
aspect of intonation study will definitely grow.
W e are going now to concentrate on the three prosodic com ­
ponents of intonation, that is pitch, loudness and tempo and on
the way they are realized in speech.
Each syllable of the speech chain has a special pitch colour­
ing. Some of the syllables have significant moves of tone up and
down. Each syllable bears a definite amount of loudness. Pitch
movements are inseparably connected with loudness. Together
with the tempo of speech they form an intonation pattern which
is the basic unit of intonation.
An intonation pattern contains one nucleus and may contain
other stressed or unstressed syllables normally preceding or fol­
lowing the nucleus. The boundaries of an intonation pattern
may be marked by stops of phonation, that is temporal pauses.
Intonation patterns serve to actualize syn tagm s in oral
speech. It may be well to remind you here that the syntagm is a
group of words which is semantically and syntactically com ­
plete. In phonetics actualized syntagm s are called intonation
groups1. Each intonation group may consist of one or more po­
tential syntagms, e.g. the sentence "I think he is coming soon"

1The other terms used in linguistics are "sense-groups", "tone-groups", etc.

137
has two potential syntagms: '1 think" and "he is coming soon".
In oral speech it is normally actualized as one intonation group.
The intonation group is a stretch of speech which may have
the length of the whole phrase1 But the phrase often contains
more than one intonation group. The number of intonation
groups depends on the length of the phrase and the degree of se­
mantic importance or emphasis given to various parts of it, cf.:
This Vbed was 'not 'slept vin. — .This bed } was Vnot 'slept vin.
An additional terminal tone on "this bed” expresses an em ­
phasis on "this bed" in contrast to other beds.
Another example:
"‘Last .summer | w e '’went to 'stay with my 'sister in the
Crivmea. || — "*Last .summer f we ''went to ’stay with my .sister |
in the Crim ea. ||
The phrases above might be pronounced with either two or
three intonation groups which obviously affects the meaning.
Now we shall dwell on each of the prosodic constituents of
intonation and see how they actualize such language units as
syntagms, sentences, syntactic wholes. Among the pitch param­
eters we shall concentrate on the three of them, i.e. the distinct
variations in the direction of pitch, pitch level and pitch range.
Though pitch changes are of primary linguistic significance they
should be viewed together with the variations of loudness, the
second component of intonation, since it is clearly not possible
to separate pitch and loudness in creating the effect of accentua­
tion. That is w hy our first task is to discuss the anatom y of
pitch-and-stress structure of the intonation pattern.
Not all stressed syllables are of equal importance. One of the
syllables has the greater prominence than the others and forms
the nucleus, or focal point of an intonation pattern. Formally the
nucleus may be described as a strongly stressed syllable which is
generally the last strongly accented syllable of an intonation pat­
tern and which marks a significant change of pitch direction, that
is where the pitch goes distinctly up or down. The nuclear tone
is the most important part of the intonation pattern without
which the latter cannot exist at all. On the other hand an intona­
tion pattern may consist of one syllable which is its nucleus.

1By "phrase" here we mean a sentence actualized in oral speech.

138
 According to R.Kingdon (66) the most important nuclear
tones in English and the only ones w e need to distinguish in
teaching are:
Low Fall — xNo.
High Fall — 'No.
Low Rise — 'No.
High Rise — ,No.
Fall-Rise — VN°-
The meanings of the nuclear tones are difficult to specify in
general terms. Roughly speaking the falling tone of any level
and range expresses ‘'certainty", "completeness", "indepen­
dence''. Thus a straight-forward statement normally ends with a
falling tone since it asserts a fact of which the speaker is certain.
It has an air of finality, e.g.
Where's John? — He “‘hasn't vcome yet.
What's the time? — It's Vnearly five o'xclock.
A rising tone of any level and range on the contrary express­
es "uncertainty", "incompleteness" or "dependence". A general
question, for instance, has a rising tone, as the speaker is uncer­
tain of the truth of what he is asking about, e.g.
I think I'll go now. — "*Are you .ready?
Michael is coming to London. — VIs he 'coming .soon?
Parenthetical and subsidiary information in a statement is
also often spoken with a rising tone, or a mid-level tone, because
this information is incomplete, being dependent for its full under­
standing on the main assertion, e.g.
I'm not sure I can join you now. — If you > like J w e can ''go
to the 'picnic plater.
Encouraging or polite denials, commands, invitations, greet­
ings, farewells, etc. are generally spoken with a rising tone.
What shall I do now? — ~*Do go ,on.
Could you join us? — "*Not .now.
A falling-rising tone may combine the falling tone's meaning
of "assertion", "certainty” with the rising tone's meaning of de­
pendence, incompleteness. At the end of a phrase it often conveys
139
a feeling of reservation; that is, it asserts something and at the
same time suggests that there is something else to be said, e.g.
Do you like pop-music? — vSome,times. (but not in general)
At the beginning or in the middle of a phrase it is a more
forceful alternative to the rising tone, expressing the assertion of
one point, together with the implication that another point is to
follow:
'’Those w ho 'work in the voffices | Vought to take 'plenty of
vexercise.
The falling-rising tone, as its name suggests, consists of a fall
in pitch followed by a rise. If the nucleus is the last syllable of
the intonation group the fall and rise both take place on one syl­
lable — the nuclear syllable. Otherwise the rise occurs in the re­
mainder of the tone unit, cf.:
Do you agree with him? — vYes.
What can I do to mend matters? — You could apvologize ,to her.
Where the Rise of the Fall-Rise extends to a stressed syllable
after the nucleus w e signal the falling-rising tone by placing the
fall on the nucleus and a rise on the later stressed syllable. This
will make it easier for you and your pupils to follow the intona­
tion contour in the text.
You may know that in English there is often clear evidence
of an intonation-group boundary,• but no audible nuclear tone
movement preceding. In such a circumstance two courses are
open: either one may classify the phenomenon as a further kind
of head or one may consider it to be the level nuclear tone. The
weight of evidence seems to force the second solution, for the
following reasons:
1. The final level tone is always more prominent than the
others, e.g.
I'm afraid I can't manage it. — In ''view of 'all the > circumstances |
'’why not 'try axgain?
Also the syllable on which it occurs is lengthened substan­
tially, and there is a clear rhythmic break between what pre­
cedes and what follows.
2. This tone nearly always occurs on the last lexical item
(which is not obligatory in spontaneous speech) before a phonetic
boundary and this is distributionally similar to a nuclear tone.
140
 3. In subordinate structures this tone may be replaced by a
rising-type tone.
4. In non-subordinate structures this tone has a particular
range of тёаш пд (boredom, sarcasm, etc.) which is very similar
in force to other nuclear semantic functions.
Low-Level tone is very characteristic of reading poetry.
Though occasionally heard in reading Mid-Level tone is particu­
larly common in spontaneous speech functionally replacing the
rising tone. That is why it should be by no means ignored in
teaching.
There are two more nuclear tones in English: Rise-Fall and
Rise-Fall-Rise. But adding refinement to speech they are not ab­
solutely essential tones for the foreign learner to acquire; and as
they complicate the learning of the tones it is advisable not to
teach them at any rate until the student is well advanced in his
mastery of intonation. Rise-Fall can always be replaced by High
Fall and Rise-Fall-Rise by Fall-Rise without making nonsense of
the utterance in the way in which a foreign or other unsuitable
intonation does.
The tone of a nucleus determines the pitch of the rest of the
intonation pattern following it which is called the tail, as you
probably remember. Thus after a falling tone, the rest of the into­
nation pattern is at a low pitch. After a rising tone the rest of the
intonation pattern moves in an upward pitch direction,, cf.:
vNo, Mary. — .Well, Mary.
The nucleus and the tail form what is called terminal tone.
As you know, we hope, the two other sections of the intona­
tion pattern are the head and the pre-head which form the pre-
nuclear part of the intonation pattern arid, like the tail, they may
be looked upon as optional elements, e.g.
"*Lake .District | is one of the '’loveliest 'parts of ^Britain.
The pre-nuclear part can take a variety of pitch patterns.
Variation within the pre-nucleus does not usually affect the
grammatical meaning of the utterance, though it often conveys
meanings associated with attitude or phonetic styles. There are
three common types of pre-nucleus: a descending type in which
the pitch gradually descends (often in "steps") to the nucleus; an
ascending type in which the syllables form an ascending se ­
quence and a level type when all the syllables stay more or less
on the same level:

141
Descending type Ascending type Level type

N
or:

Л
For example:
vW hy are you 'making such a xmess of it?

‘ “ Л ..

^Why are you 'making such a 'mess of it?

_»Why are you 'making such a vmess of it?

As the examples show, the different types of pre-nucleus do

not affect the grammatical meaning of the sentence but they can
convey something of the speaker's attitude.
Generalizing w e may say that minimally an intonation pat­
tern consists of one syllable, which is its nucleus, and in this syl­
lable there is a melodical glide of a particular sound. Maximally
it consists of three other segments: the head, the pre-head and
the tail.
Two more pitch parameters which can considerably modify
the pitch contour of the pitch-and-stress structure are pitch rang­
es and pitch levels of the whole intonation pattern or of each of
its sections.

142
 Variations in pitch range occur within the. normal range of
the human voice, i.e. within its upper and lower limits. For peda­
gogical expediency three pitch ranges are generally distin-
guished^normal, wide, narrow:

Normal W ide N arrow

(of low, medium
an d high levels)

The pitch range of a whole intonation unit is in fact the inter­

val between the highest-pitched and the lowest-pitched syllables.
Pitch levels may be high, medium and low.
High ______________________________ _____________________
Medium
Low___
The meaning of the intonation group is the combination of
the "meaning1' of the terminal tone and the pre-nuclear part com ­
bined with the ‘‘meaning" of pitch range and pitch level.
The parts of the intonation pattern can be combined in vari­
ous w a y s■manifesting changes in meaning, cf.: the High Head
combined with the Low Fall, the High Fall, the Low Rise, the
High Rise, the Fall-Rise in the phrase “Not at all!"
^ N ot at xall. “^Not at 'all.
(reserved, calm) (surprised, concerned)
"^Not at .all. ■*Not at 'all. W ot at vall.
(encouraging, (questioning) (intensely encouraging,
friendly) protesting)
It should be noted that the more the height of the pitch con­
trasts within the intonation pattern the more emphatic the into­
nation group sounds, cf.:

He’s won. Fantastic.

“ Fantastic.

143
 The number of possible combinations is more than a hundred
but not all of them ate equally important. Some of them do not
differ much in meaning, others are very rarely used. That is why
in teaching it is necessary to deal only with a very limited
number of intonation patterns, which are the result of a careful
choice.
The tempo of speech is the third component of intonation. The
term "tempo" implies the rate of the utterance and pausation.
The rate of speech can be norra’al, slow and fast. The parts of
the utterance which are particularly important sound slower.
Unimportant parts are commonly pronounced at a greater speed
than normal, e.g.:
“My mother thinks him to be a common labouring boy," said
Betty with a sad smile.
The word combination "...a common labouring boy" express­
es the main idea of the phrase and is the slowest part of the ut­
terance; "My mother thinks him to be" is pronounced at normal
speed; the author's words "said Betty with a sad smile" are pro­
nounced very quickly to underline their secondary importance
for the utterance.
Any stretch of speech can be split into smaller portions, i.e.
phonetic wholes1, phrases, intonation groups by means of paus­
es. By "pause" here w e mean a complete stop of phonation. For
teaching expediency it is sufficient to distinguish the following
three kinds of pauses:
1. Short pauses which may be use9 to separate intonation
groups within a phrase.
2. Longer pauses which normally manifest the end of the
phrase.
3. Very long pauses, which are approximately twice as long
as the first type, are used to separate phonetic wholes.
Functionally, there may be distinguished syntactic, emphatic
and hesitation pauses.
Syntactic pauses separate phonopassages, phrases, intona­
tion groups.
Emphatic pauses serve to make especially^prominent certain
parts of the utterance', e.g.

1 By “phonetic whoie" here we mean a chain of oral sj>eech which is semant

cally and iritonationally complete. A phonetic whole may be equal to a phrase or
include several phrases.
144
She is the most \ charming girl I've ever seen.
Hesitation pauses are mainly used in spontaneous speech to
gain some time to think over what to say next. They may be si­
lent or filled, e.g.
. She is rather a ... good student.
— Where does she live? — Um, not very far from here.
It is well to point out here that our ear can also perceive a
pause when there is no stop of phonation at all. It may happen
because a stop of phonation is not the only factor indicating an
intonation unit boundary. The first and the main factor is a per­
ceivable pitch change, either stepping down or stepping up, de­
pending on the direction of nuclear tone movement. The other
criterion is the presence of junctural features at the end of each
intonation group. This usually takes the form of a pause but
there are frequently accompanying segmental phonetic modifica­
tions (variations in tempo, aspiration etc.) which reinforce this.
So the intonation unit boundary is not necessarily indicated by a
complete stop of phonation.
The changes of pitch, loudness and tempo are not haphazard
variations. The rules of change are highly organized. No matter
how variable the individual variations of these prosodic com po­
nents are they tend to become formalized or standardized, so
that all speakers of the language use them in similar ways under
similar circumstances. These abstracted characteristics of intona­
tion structures may be called intonation patterns which form the
prosodic system of English.
Some intonation patterns may be completely colourless in
meaning: they give to the listener no implication of the speaker's
. attitude or feeling. They serve a mechanical function — they
provide a mold into which all sentences may be poured so that
they achieve utterance. Such intonation patterns represent the
intohational minimum of speech and are very helpful for begin­
ners in language learning.

NOTATION

What is the best suitable way of representing intonation in

the text?
There are a variety of methods for recording intonation pat­
terns in writing and we can look at the advantages and disad­
145
vantages of some of the commoner ones. The first three methods
reflect variations in pitch only:
1. The method introduced by Ch. Fries (56) involves drawing
a line around the sentence to show relative pitch heights:
He's gone to the | of|fice.
2. According to the second method the syllables are written
at different heights across the page. The method is particularly
favoured by D.Bolinger (47), for example:
I a bsolutely der,y it.
Bolinger’s book of reading has the cover title:

a
ton t
i
In о
n

This method is quite inconvenient as its application wants a

special model of print.
3. According to the third, "levels" method, a number of dis­
crete levels of pitch are recognized, and the utterance is marked
accordingly. This method was favoured by some American lin­
guists such as K.Pike (71) and others who recognized four levels
of pitch, low, normal, high and extra-high, numbering them from
1—4. Since most linguists who have adopted this method have
favoured low-to-high numbering, we shall use this in our exam ­
ple:
2
He’s gone to the 3o ’ffice.
This notation corresponds to the pattern of the example illus­
trating the first method.
4. The fourth method is favoured by most of the British
phoneticians such as D.Jones, R.Kingdon, J.D.O'Connor and
G.F.Arnold, M.Halliday, D.Crystal and others, as well as by So­
viet phoneticians who have successfully developed and im ­
proved it. This method has a number of advantages. Firstly, not
only variations of pitch but also stressed syllables are marked.
Secondly, distinct modifications of pitch in the nuclear syllable
are indicated by special symbols, i.e. by a downward and an up­
146
ward arrow or a slantwise stress mark. More than that. Pitch
movements in the pre-nuclear part can be indicated too. Thirdly,
it is very convenient for marking intonation in texts.
One of the disadvantages of this method is that there has
been no general agreement about the number of terminal tbnes
and pre-nuclear parts English intonation system requires in order
to provide an adequate description. So the simplest (D.Jones)
recognizes only two tones, a fall and a rise — easy to distin­
guish, but not sufficient for the phonological analysis. W e should
definitely give preference to a more complex system, such as
J.D.O'Connor and G.F.Arnold's, which has no fewer than ten
different nuclear tones. It is quite sufficient for teaching pronunci­
ation even to high-levelled learners. The most detailed indication
of the pre-nuclear part of the intonation pattern is introduced in
the textbook "Практическая фонетика английского языка"
(28) in which J.D.O’Connor and G.F.Arnold’s system has under­
gone further modification. All the relevant pitch changes in the
pre-nuclear part are indicated by arrows placed before the first
stressed syllable instead of an ordinary stress-mark, cf.:
That ’isn’t as ‘simple as That ~*isn’t as 'simple as it
it 'sounds. 'sounds.
That Visn't as 'simple as it
'sounds.
That Tisn’t as 'simple as it
'sounds.
W e believe it is clear from the above that this system de­
serves recognition not only because it reflects all relevant varia­
tions of the two prosodic components of intonation but also be­
cause it serves a powerful visual aid for teaching pronunciation.
Our further point will be the description of intonation in the
functional level. The problem that has long ago been with us be­
comes more pressing — how to capture in a meaningful and use­
ful summary, just what intonation contributes. How can teachers
and learners get a working grasp of its significance? And, finally,
what is a typical use of intonation in a language like English?
Intonation is a powerful means of human intercommunica­
tion. So w e shall consider the communicative function the main
function of intonation. One of the aims of communication is the
exchange of information between people. The meaning of an

147
English utterance, i.e. the information it conveys to a listener,
derives not only from the grammatical structure, the lexical com ­
position and the sound pattern. It also derives from variations of
intonation, i.e. of its prosodic parameters.
The communicative function of intonation is realized in vari­
ous ways which can be grouped under five general headings. In­
tonation serves:
1. To structure the information content of a textual unit so as
to show which information is new or cannot be taken for granted,
as against information which the listener is assumed to possess or
to be able to acquire from the context, that is given information.
2. To determine the speech function of a phrase, i.e. to indi­
cate whether it is intended as a statement, question, command,
etc.
3. To convey connotational meanings of "attitude1' such as
surprise, annoyance, enthusiasm, involvement, etc. This can in­
clude whether meaning are intended, over and above the mean­
ings conveyed by the lexical items and the grammatical struc­
ture. For example, the sentence: ‘Thanks for helping me last
night" can be given more than one meaning. The difference be­
tween a sincere intention and a sarcastic one would be conveyed
by the intonation. Note that in the written form, w e are given
only the lexics and the grammar. The written medium has very
limited resources for marking intonation, and the meanings con­
veyed by it have to be shown, if at all, in other ways.
4. To structure a text. As you know, w e hope, intonation is
an organizing mechanism. On the one hand, it delimitates texts
into smaller units, i.e. phonetic passages, phrases and intonation
groups, on the other hand, it integrates these smaller constitu­
ents forming a complete text.
5. To differentiate the meaning of textual units (i.e. intona­
tion groups, phrases and sometimes phonetic passages) of the
same grammatical structure and the same lexical composition,
which is the distinctive or phonological function of intonation.
6. To characterize a particular style от variety of oral speech
which may be called the stylistic function.

There is no general agreement about either the number or

the headings of the functions of intonation which can be illus­
trated by the difference in the approach to the subject by some

148
prominent Soviet phoneticians. T.M.Nikolajeva names the three
functions of intonation; delimitating, integrating and semantic
functions (24). L.K.Tseplitis suggests the semantic, syntactic and
stylistic functions the former being the primary and the two lat­
ter being the secondary functions (35); N.V.Cheremisina singles
out the following main functions of intonation: communicative,
distinctive (or phonological), delimitating, expressive, appella­
tive, aesthetic, integrating (36). Other Soviet and foreign phone­
ticians also display som e difference in heading the linguistic
functions of intonation.
Summarizing w e m ay say that intonation is a powerful
means of communication process. It follows from this that it is
definitely not possible to divorce any function of intonation from
that of communication. N o matter how many functions are
named, all of them may be summed up under a more general
heading, that is the function of communication. It should be
pointed out here that the structuring functions of intonation
mentioned above (delimitating and integrating functions) should
be viewed alongside with other functions serving the purpose of
communication.
The descriptions of intonation show that phonological facts
of intonation system are much more open to question than in
the field of segmental phonology. Descriptions differ according to
the kind of meaning they regard intonation is carrying and also
according to the significance they attach to different parts of the
tone-unit. J.D.O'Connor and G.F.Arnold assert that a major func­
tion of intonation is to express the speaker's attitude to the situa­
tion he is placed in, and they attach these meanings not to pre­
head, head and nucleus separately, but to each of ten "tone-unit
types" as they combine with each of four sentence types, state­
ment, question, command and exclamation.
M.Halliday supposes that English intonation contrasts are
grammatical. He argues first that there is a neutral or unmarked
tone choice and then explains all other choices as meaningful by
contrast (59). Thus if one takes the statement "I don't know" the
suggested intonational meanings are:
Low Fall — neutral
Low Rise — non-committal
High Rise — contradictory
Fall-Rise — with reservation
Rise-Fall — with commitment
149
 Unlike J.D.O’Connor and G.F.Amold, M.Halliday attributes
separate significance to the pre-nuclear choices, again taking one
choice as neutral and the other(s) as meaningful by contrast.
D.Crystal presents an approach based on the view "that any
explanation of intonational meaning cannot be arrived at by see­
ing the issues solely in either grammatical or attitudinal terms".
He ignores the significance of pre-head and head choices and
deals only with terminal tones. He supports R. Quirk's view that
a tone unit has a falling nucleus unless there is some specific rea­
son why it should not and illustrates this statement by observing
that non-final structures are marked as such by the choice of
low- or mid-rising or level tones (50).
There are other similar approaches which possess one feature
in common: all of them pay little attention to the phonological
significance of pitch level and pitch range.
The approach w e outline in this book is different again. On
the phonological level intonation is viewed as a complex struc­
ture of all its prosodic parameters. W e see the description of in­
tonation structure as one aspect of the description of interaction
and argue that intonation choices carry information about the
structure of the interaction, the relationship between and the dis­
course function of individual utterances, the international "given-
ness" and "newness'' of information and the state of convergence
and divergence of the participants.
N ow we shall have a brief outlook on how intonation func­
tions as a means of communication. One of the functions of into­
nation is too structure the information content of an intonation
group or a phrase so as to show which information is new, as
against information which the listener is assumed to possess or
to be able to acquire from the context.
In oral English the smallest piece of information is associated
with an intonation group, that is a unit of intonation containing
the nucleus.
There is no exact match between punctuation in writing and
intonation groups in speech. Speech is more variable in its struc­
turing of information than writing. Cutting up speech into into­
nation groups depends on such things as the speed at which you
are speaking, what, emphasis you want to give to the parts of
the m essage, and the length of grammatical units. A single
phrase may have just one intonation group; but when the length
of phrase goes beyond a certain point (say roughly ten words), it

150
is difficult not to split it into two or more separate pieces of infor­
mation, e.g.
The man told/us we could park it here.
The man told us | w e could park it at the railway station.
The man told us | w e could park it | in the street over there.
Accentual systems involve more than singling out important
words by accenting them. Intonation group or phrase accentua­
tion focuses on the nucleus of these intonation units. The nucle­
us marks the focus of information or the part of the pattern to
which the speaker especially draws the hearer's attention. The
focus of information may be concentrated on a single word or
spread over a group of words.
Out of the possible positions of the nucleus in an intonation
group, there is one position which is normal or unmarked, while
the other positions give a special or marked effect. In the exam ­
ple: “He’s gone to the office" the nucleus in an unmarked posi­
tion would occur on "office". The general rule is that, in the un­
marked case, the nucleus falls on the last lexical item of the into­
nation group and is called the end-focus. In this case sentence
stress is normal.
But there are cases when you may shift the nucleus to an
earlier part of the intonation group. It happens when you want
to draw attention to an earlier part of the intonation group, usu­
ally to contrast it with something already mentioned, or under­
stood in the context. In the marked position w e call the nucleus
contrastive focus or logical sentence stress. Here are some ex­
amples:
"Did your brother study in Moscow?” "vNo, $ he was xbom in
Moscow."
In this example contrastive meaning is signalled by the fall­
ing tone and the increase of loudness on the word "born".
Sometimes there may be a double contrast in the phrase,
each contrast indicated by its own nucleus:
Her vmother j is vRussian | but her vfather j is vGerman.
In a marked position, the nuclei may be on any word in an
intonation group or a phrase. Even words like personal pro­
nouns, prepositions and auxiliaries, which are not normally
stressed at all, can receive nuclear stress for special contrastive
purposes:
151
It's not 4her book, | it's vours.
Which syllable of the word is stressed if it has more than one
syllable, is determined by ordinary conventions of word stress:
to'morrow, 'picture, ,demons'tration.
In exceptional cases, contrastive stress in a word of more than
one syllable may shift to a syllable which does not normally have
word stress. For example, if you want to make a contrast between
the two words normally pronounced bu'reaucracy and au'tocracy
you may do so as follows: 'bureaucracy and 'autocracy.
The widening of the range of pitch of the nucleus, the in­
crease of the degree of loudness of the syllable, the slowing
down of the tempo make sentence accent emphatic:
A. "Tom has 'passed his exam.
B. Well 'fancy 'that!
W e can roughly divide the information in a message into
given, or retrievable information (or the theme) and new infor­
mation (or the rheme). Given information is something which
the speaker assumes the hearer knows about already. New infor­
mation can be regarded as something which the speaker does
not assume the hearer knows about already. Here is an example;
A. What did John say to you?
B. He was "*talking to vMary | not to vme.
In the response "He was talking" is given information; it is al­
ready given by the preceding clause; "not to me" conveys new
infolination. A new information is obviously what is most im­
portant in a message, it receives the information focus, in the nu­
cleus, whereas old information does not.
Given information suggests information which has already
been mentioned or alluded to. But this notion may be extended
by including information which is given by the situation outside
language. For ехащр1е, if a few different persons are expected
to come, the phrase “The doctor has come" is pronounced with
the nucleus on the word “doctor" though no speech context
preceded it.
By putting the stress on one particular word, the speaker
shows, first, that he is treating that word as the carrier of new,
non-retrievable information, and, second, that the information of
the other, non-emphasized, words in the intonation group is not
new but can be retrieved from the context. "Context” here is to
152
be taken in a very broad sense: it may include something that
has already been said, in which case the antecedents may be
very specific/ but it may include only something (or someone)
present in the situation, and it may even refer, very vaguely, to
som e aspect of shared k n ow ledge w hich the addressee is ’
thought to be aware of. The information that the listener needs
in order to interpret the sentence may therefore be retrievable ei­
ther from something already mentioned, or from the general
"context of situation":
from verbal context
retrievable infonnation
from situational context
Notice that the decision as to whether some information is
retrievable or not has to be made by the speaker on the basis of
what he thinks the addressee can take for granted from the situa­
tion, etc.,.T he speaker must, in framing the utterance, make
many assumptions, and he does this rapidly and to a large de­
gree unconsciously. He then arranges his intonation groups and
assigns nuclear stresses accordingly. But in any particular situa­
tion, the speaker's assumptions run the risk of being wrong;
what he takes to be retrievable information may not in fact be
retrievable for the addressee. In this case there is a breakdown of
communication, and the listener will probably seek clarification:
(A. and B. are passing the tennis courts)
A. There isn't anyone playing.
B. Who said there was?
A. Nobody.
Dialogues like this, though not uncommon, are unsatisfacto­
ry because vital information is missing. By putting the nucleus
on "isn't" speaker A took “anyone playing" as retrievable infor­
mation. В responds with a request for an explanation, which A
then fails to fulfil. If A had put the original nucleus on "playing",
the conversation could have proceeded normally.
Degrees of information are relevant not only to the position
of sentence stress but also to the choice x>f the nuclear tone. We'
tend to use a falling tone of wide range of pitch combined with a
greater degree of loudness, that is emphatic stress, to give em­
phasis to the main information in a phrase. To give subsidiary or
less important information, i.e. information which is more pre­
dictable from the context or situation, the rising or level nuclear
tone is used, £.g.
153
A. I saw your sister at the game yesterday.
main subsidiary
B. Yes, watching tennis is her favourite pastime.
subsidiary main
The English language is not only a means of giving and re­
ceiving information. As was stated above, it is more than this: it is
communication between people. It commonly expresses the atti­
tudes and emotions of the speaker and he often uses it to influence
the attitudes and behaviour of the hearer. This function of intona­
tion makes it "the salt of an utterance. Without it a statement can
often be understood, but the message is tasteless, colourless. In­
correct uses of it can lead to embarrassing ambiguities" (55).
So another use of intonation in English is that of transmitting
feelings or emotions and modality. But it is fair to note here that
language has to be conventional, it has more important business
than transmitting feelings, and this forces it to harness emotion
in the service of meaning.
As with words which may have two or more related lexical
meanings so with intonation patterns one must indicate a central
meaning with marginal variations from it. In English meanings of
intonation patterns are largely of this general type. Most phrases
and parts of them may be pronounced with several different in­
tonation patterns according to the situation, according to the
speaker’s momentary feeling or attitude to the subject matter.
These modifications can vary from surprise to deliberation, to
sharp isolation of some part of a sentence for attention, to mild
intellectual detachment. It would not be wise to associate a par­
ticular intonation pattern with a particular grammatical con ­
struction. Any sentence in various contexts may receive any of
a dozen other patterns, cf.:
When can you do it? — xNow. (detached, reserved)
When did you finish? — 'N ow . (involved)
When did you come? — ,Now. (encouraging further conversation)
You are to do it right now. — 'blow? (greatly astonished)
W e have so far confined our description to the significance of
intonation within phrases; w e now want to discuss the function of
intonation with reference to the model of discourse structure, i.e.
to handle the way in which functional units combine together.

154
 In recent years some promising attempts have been made to
describe intonation with reference to structures of discourse,
rather thaii to grammatical categories. By discourse is meant a
sequence of utterances, usually involving exchanges b etw ^ n
two or more participants, though m onologue is not excluded
from this definition.
Probably the most important grammatical function of intona­
tion in the language family to which English belongs is that of
tying the major parts together within the phrase and tying
phrases together within the text — showing, in the process,
what things belong more closely together than others, where the
divisions come, what is subordinate to what, and whether one is
telling, asking, commanding or exclaiming.
In other words, in previous sections we have considered as­
pects of meaning in isolation, but now w e shall be thinking
about how meanings may be put together and presented in an
oral discourse. W e shall start with the organization of Connec­
tions between phrases, with considering how one idea leads on
from another. Intonation is one of the means that fulfil this con­
nection or integrating function.
A phrase usually occurs among other phrases; it is, in fact,
usually connected to them in some way. A phrase is most close­
ly connected to its context phrases, which is often the one just
preceding it. It is useful to say that a phrase is a response to its
context and is relevant to that context. These notions can be il­
lustrated with the following two-line dialogue:
A. Where is John?
B. He is in the house.
In this dialogue phrase A is the context for phrase B. C on­
versely, В is a response to A and is relevant to A. This particular
relevance may be called “answer to a special question". Rele­
vance is the phenomenon that permits humans to converse. It is
clear that if we treat a phrase like В in isolation, with their con­
texts shipped away, relevance evaporates. That fact alone is a
powerful argument for the propriety of dealing with phrases in
context, for without context there is no relevance. But an even
more powerful argument is this: a context phrase acts as a flood­
light upon the response, revealing details about the response,
and clarifying its structure and meaning. If w e remove a phrase
from its context we shut off that light. The very facts that w e are
trying to understand may be obscured. Some illustrations will
show what is meant.
If w e take an utterance like "John" w e cannot discern much
about its structure or meaning. But the moment w e make it rele­
vant to a context, the structure and meaning leap into focus, as
in the following:
Who is in the house?
John.
Instantly the observer sees that the response is elliptical and
that it has the underlying structure "John is in the house"- It is
the context that allows this interpretation. But the very same
phonetic sequence "John", if taken in a different context, is re­
vealed to have a completely different structure and meaning, as
in the following:
W ho did they see?
John.
The full form of the response is "They saw John", a phrase in
which the sequence "John" is now the object. Thus two exam ­
ples of the utterance "John” appear to be identical if taken in iso­
lation, but different contexts allow us to see them as fundamen­
tally different.
One and the same word sequence may be pronounced with
different intonation being relevant to different contexts, e.g.
A. Did “'John .phone you yesterday? _»Did John phone
you yesterday?
B. vNo, Tom. vNo, 5 4Tom.
Not only the use of particular pitch changes is an important
means of tying intonation groups or phrases together.
Accents and particular positions of accents seem to be char­
acteristic of the phrase or of the text structure. W e tend to fa­
vour the two extremes of the phrase, the beginning and the end,
or, in longer phrases, the two extremes in an intonation group as
if to announce the beginning and the end. There may be inter­
mediate accents, but they are less prominent:
The ~*snow °generally °comes in N ovem ber.
Here the first strong accent is on “snow 4 and the last is on
"November".

156
 Similarly there is a tendency to arrange complete parts of the
text when the opening and the closing phonetic passages are
more prominent than the intermediate ones thus integrating
parts into a whole text, e.g. , . •
A gentlem an was much surprised w hen a good-looking
young lady greeted him by saying "Good evening". He couldn't
remember ever seeing her before.
She evidently realized that she had made a mistake, for she
apologized, and explained: “Oh, I am sorry. When I first saw you
I thought you were the father of my two children." She walked
on while the man stared after her. She didn't realize, of course,
that he was unaware of the fact that she was a school teacher.
The pitch range, the degree of loudness of the first and the
last phonetic passages are comparatively higher and the tempo
is definitely slower as compared to the second phonetic whole.
These are just some examples of how intonation is involved in
the text-structuring process which forms a good evidence of its
integrating ability.
Many linguists in this country and abroad attempt to view
intonation on the phonological level. Phonology has a special
branch, intonology, whose domain is the larger units of connect­
ed speech: intonation groups, phrases and even phonetic passag­
es or blocks of discourse.
It is still impossible to classify, in any practical analysis of. in­
tonation, all the fine shades of feeling and attitude which can be
conveyed by slight changes in pitch, by lengthening or shorten­
ing tones, by increasing or decreasing the loudness of the voice,
by changing its quality, and in various other ways. On the other
hand it is quite possible to make a broad classification of intona­
tion patterns which are so different in their nature that they ma­
terially change the meaning of the utterance to which they are
applied, and to make different pitches and degrees of loudness in
each of them. Such an analysis resembles the phonetic analysis
of sounds of a language whereby phoneticians establish the
number of significant sounds it uses. Applied to intonation it can
be of the greatest service in guiding students in the correct use of
the tones and accents they are learning.
The distinctive function of intonation is realized in the oppo­
sition of the same word sequences which differ in certain param­
eters of the intonation pattern.
Intonation patterns make their distinctive contribution at in­
tonation group, phrase and text levels. Thus in the phrases:

157
If vMary .comes \ let me -»know If -»Mary .comes \ let me
at xonce. (a few people are -*know at xonce. (no one
expected to come but it is else but Mary is expected
Mary who interests the speaker) to come)
the intonation patterns of the first intonation groups are opposed.
In the opposition ‘1 en jo y ed it" — “I en jo y ed ,it" the pitch .
pattern operates over the whole phrase adding in the second
phrase the notion that the speaker has reservations (implying a
continuation something like "but it could have been a lot bet­
ter").
In the dialogue segments which represent text units
A. You must a-»pologize at xonce. You must a'pologize at
once.
В. I Tdon’t ’see why I 'should. I _*don’t .see why I
.should.
the opposition of intonation patterns of both the stimulus and
the response manifests different meaning.
Any section of the intonation pattern, any of its three constit­
uents can perform the distinctive function thus being phonologi­
cal units. These units form a com plex system of intonemes,
tonemes, accentemes, chronemes, etc. These phonological units
like phonemes consist of a number of variants. The terminal
tonemes, for instance, consist of a number of allotones, which
are mutually non-distinctive. The principal allotone is realized in
the nucleus alone. The subsidiary allotones are realized not only
in the nucleus, but also in the pre-head and in the tail, if there
are any, cf.:
xNo. xNo, Tom. Oh, xno, Mary.
The most powerful phonological unit is the terminal tone.
The opposition of terminal tones distinguishes different types of
sentence. The same sequence of words may be interpreted as a
different syntactical type, i.e. a statement or a question, a ques­
tion or an exclamation being pronounced with different terminal
tones, e.g.
xTom saw it. ,Tom saw it?
(statement) (general question)
-♦Didn’t you en joy it? Didn't you e n jo y it?
(general question) (exclamation)

158
Will you be ,quiet? Will you be xquiet?
(request) (command)
The number of terminal tones indicates the number of into- ,
nation groups. Sometimes the number of intonation groups we
choose to use may be important for meaning. For example, the
sentence "My sister, who lives in the South, has just arrived"
may mean two different things. In writing the difference may be
marked by punctuation. In oral speech it. is marked by using two
or three intonation groups. If the meaning is: "My only sister
who happens to live in the South...", then the division would be
into three intonation groups: “My sister, $ w ho lives in the
South, £ has just arrived."
On the other hand, if the meaning is: ‘That one of my two
sisters, who lives in the South", the division is into two intona­
tion groups.
Other examples:
I didn't see the doctor | be- I didn't see the doctor
cause I was ill (and could because I was ill (but for
not go). some other reason for
example, to get my
health card signed).
Thus, in one meaning the doctor was not seen, and in the
other, he was.
Together with the increase of loudness terminal tones serve
to single out the semantic centre1 of the utterance. The words in
an utterance do not necessarily all contribute an equal amount
of information, some are more important to the meaning than
others. This largely depends on the context or situation in which
the intonation group or a phrase is said. Some words are predis­
posed by their function in the language to be stressed. In Eng­
lish, as you know, lexical (content) words are generally accented
while grammatical (form) words are more likely to be unaccent­
ed although words belonging to both of these groups may be
unaccented or accented if the meaning requires it.
Let us consider the sentence 'It was an unusually rainy day."
As the beginning of, say, a story told on the radio the last three
words would be particularly important, they form the semantic

1 By “semantic centre" we mean the information centre which may simultane­

ously concentrate the expression of attitudes and feelings.
159
centre with the nucleus on the word "day". The first three words
play a minor part. The listener would get a pretty clear picture of
the story's setting if the first three words were not heard because
of some outside noise and the last three were heard clearly. If the
last three words which form the semantic centre were lost there
would be virtually no information gained at all.
The same sentences may be said in response to the question
"What sort of day was it?" In this case the word "day" in the re­
ply would lose some of its force because the questioner already
possesses the information that it might otherwise have given
him. In this situation there are only two important words — "un­
usually rainy" — and they would be sufficient as a complete an­
swer to the question. The nucleus will be on the word "rainy".
Going further still, in reply to the question "Did it rain yester­
day?" the single word "unusually" would bear the major part of
the information, would be, in this sense, more important than all
the others and consequently would be the nucleus of the intona­
tion pattern.
Grammatical words may be also important to the meaning if
the context makes them so. The word "was", for instance, has
had little value in the previous examples, but if the sentences
were said as a contradiction in the reply to ‘It wasn't" a rainy
day yesterday, was it?", then "was" would be the most impor­
tant word of all and indeed, the reply might simply be "It was",
omitting the following words as no longer worth saying. In this
phrase the word "was” is the nucleus of the semantic centre.
These variations of the accentuation achieved by shifting the
position of the terminal tone serve a striking example of how the
opposition of the distribution of terminal tones is fulfilling the
distinctive function.
There are exceptional cases when the opposition of terminal
tones serves to differentiate the actual meaning of the sentence.
If the phrase “I don’t want you to read anything" has the
low-falling terminal tone on the word "anything", it means that
for this or other reason the person should avoid reading. If the
same word sequence is pronounced with the falling-rising tone
on the same word, the phrase means that the person must have
a careful choice in reading; or:
He's a -* French vteacher. He's a vFrench teacher.
(He comes from France.) (He teaches French.)

160
 It should be pointed out here that the most important role of
the opposition of terminal tones is that of differentiating the atti­
tudes and emotions expressed by the speaker. The speaker must
be particularly careful about the attitudes and emotions he ex­
presses since the hearer is frequently more interested in the «
speaker's attitude or feeling than in his words — that is whether
he speaks nicely or nastily.
The special question "Why?", for instance, m ay be pro­
nounced with the low-falling tone sounding rather detached,
sometimes even hostile. When pronounced with the low-rising
tone it is sympathetic, friendly, interested.
Another example. The sentence “Yes” as a response to the
stimulus "Did you agree with him?" pronounced with the low-
falling tone sounds categoric, cool, detached. Being pronounced
with the falling-rising tone, it implies quite a special shade of
emotional meaning "up to the point", sounding concerned, hurt,
tentatively suggesting.
All the other sections of the intonation pattern differentiate
only attitudinal or emotional meaning, e.g.: being pronounced
with the high pre-head, "Hello" sounds more friendly than when
pronounced with the low pre-head, cf.:
-Hel.lo! - Hel.lo!
More com m only, however, different kinds of pre-heads,
heads, the same as pitch ranges and levels fulfil their distinctive
function not alone but in the combination with other prosodic
constituents.
W e have been concerned with the relationship between into­
nation, grammatical patterns and lexical composition. Usually
the speaker's intonation is in balance with the words and struc­
tures he chooses. If he says something nice, his intonation usual­
ly reflects the same characteristic. All types of questions, for in­
stance, express a certain amount of interest which is generally
expressed in their grammatical structure and a special interroga­
tive intonation. However, there are cases when intonation is in
contradiction with the syntactic structure and the lexical content
of the utterance neutralizing and compensating them, e.g.: a
statement may sound questioning, interested. In this case into­
nation neutralizes its grammatical structure. It compensates the
grammatical means of expressing this kind of meaning:
Do you know what I'm here for? — ,No. (questioning)
i . i.iiv 1457
161
 There are cases when intonation neutralizes or compensates
the lexical content of the utterance as it happens, for instance, in
the command Phone him at vonce, please", when the meaning
of the word "please" is neutralized by intonation.
Lack of balance between intonation and word content, or in­
tonation and the grammatical structure of the utterance may
serve special speech effects. A highly forceful or exciting state­
ment said with a very matter-of-fact intonation may, by its lack
of balance, produce a type of irony; if one says something very
complimentary, but with an intonation of contempt, the result is
an insult.
There are cases when groups of intonation patterns may be
treated as synonyms. It happens when fine shades of meaning in
different situations modify the basic meaning they express, e.g.:
the basic meaning of any falling tone in statements is finality.
Low Fall and High Fall both expressing finality have their own
particular semantic shades. Low Fall is used in. final, categoric
detached statements. High Fall together with finality may e x ­
press concern, involvement:
Where's my copy? - vPeter took it for you.
or: - 'Peter took it for you.
Isn’t it a lovely view? - De Rightful.
or: - De'lightful.
Russian permits intonational patterns of a type not found in
English. It offers many examples of quite specific constituents
that is of the pre-nuclear and the nuclear parts. Intonation pat­
terns in Russian are usually called "Intonation constructions"
(интонационные конструкции abbreviated as "ИК"). There are
five main intonation constructions and two occasional ones (i.e.
emphatic variants). They are differentiated according to the type
of the nucleus, the pitch direction on the pre-nuclear and post-
nuclear syllables, the character of the word stress and the length,
tenseness and quality of the stressed vowel in syllables bearing
the nuclear tone.
The intonation constructions in the Russian language are as­
sociated with certain sentence types and the attitudinal meaning
expressed by them is termed by the purpose of communication.
W e might state that the difference between English and Russian
intonation lies both in structure and use.

162
 Our next section will Ъе concerned with rhythmic structures
of English which are formed by means of all prosodic com po­
nents described in this section.

RHYTHM

N ow w e shall focus our attention on English rhythm. We

cannot fully describe English intonation without reference to
speech rhythm. Prosodic components (pitch, loudness, tempo)
and speech rhythm work interdependently. Rhythm seems to be
a kind of framework of speech organization. Linguists sometimes
consider rhythm as one of the com ponents of intonation.
D.Crystal, for instance, views rhythmicality as one of the constit­
uents of prosodic systems (50).
W e would like to start by declaring rhythm to be a very gen­
eral term. It is understood as periodicity in time and space. W e
find it everywhere in life. The work of all kinds of machinery is
said to be rhythmical. In nature rhythm is observed in the succes­
sions of seasons, days and nights, the changes of the moon phas­
es, high and low tide. The most evident illustration of rhythm in
the physiology of living beings, is the heart beating and breath­
ing. Most of human activities appear to be rhythmical — swim ­
ming, running, skiing, knitting and other muscular movements.
W e very well feel and appreciate the artistic rhythm in music,
dance and other fields of art.
Rhythm as a linguistic notion is realized in lexical, syntacti­
cal and prosodic means and mostly in their combinations. For in­
stance, such figures of speech as sound or word repetition, syn­
tactical parallelism, intensification and others are perceived as
rhythmical on the lexical, syntactical and prosodic levels, e.g.
“But the winter has chilled my veins, and the frost has nipped my
buds, and the storm has broken my branches, and I shall have no
roses at all this year" (O. Wilde).
Here the syntactical parallelism of the homogeneous clauses
is correlated with the identical prosodic contour of the intonation
groups in the phrase and is strengthened by the repetition of the
conjunction “and", a stylistic device known as polysyndeton.
In this section we shall actually deal with the prosodic aspect
of rhythm. Speech production is naturally closely connected

163
with the process of breathing. So speech activity as well as any
other human activity is conditioned by physiological factors
among others and is characterized by rhythm. From the materi­
alistic point of view rhythm is one of the means of matter organ­
ization. The rhythmical arrangement of different phenomena of
objective reality is presented in the form of periodicity, or ten­
dency towards proportion and symmetry.
In speech, the type of rhythm depends on the language. Lin­
guists divide languages into {wo groups: syllable-timed like
French, Spanish and other Romance languages and stress-timed
languages, such as Germanic languages English and German, as
well as Russian. In a syllable-timed language the speaker gives
an approximately equal amount of time to each syllable, wheth­
er the syllable is stressed or unstressed and this produces the ef­
fect of even rather staccato rhythm.
In a stress-timed language, of which English is a good exam ­
ple, the rhythm is based on a larger unit than syllable. Though
the amount of time given on each syllable varies considerably,
the total time of uttering each rhythmic unit is practically un­
changed. The stressed syllables of a rhythmic unit form peaks of
prominence. They tend to be pronounced at regular intervals no
matter how many unstressed syllables are located between ev e­
ry two stressed ones. Thus the distribution of time within the
rhythmic unit is unequal. THe regularity is provided by the
strong "beats".
W e should like to mention here that speech rhythm has the
immediate influence on vowel reduction and elision. Form words
such as prepositions,'conjunctions as well as auxiliary and modal
verbs, personal and possessive pronouns are usually unstressed
and pronounced in their weak forms with reduced or even elided
vowels to secure equal intervals between the stressed syllables,
e.g.
V Come and 'see me toxmorrow.
V N one of them*was 'any vgood.
The markedly regular stress-timed pulses of speech seem to
create the strict, abrupt and spiky effect of English rhythm. Rus­
sian rhythm is perceived as more flexible, liquid and smooth. As
you probably remember the English language is an analytical
one. This factor explains the presence of a considerable number
of monosyllabic form words which are normally unstressed in a
164
stretch of English speech. To bring the meaning of the utterance
to the listener the stressed syllables of the notional ^words are
given more prominence by the speaker and the unstressed mon­
osyllabic form words are left very weak. It is often reflected in
the spelling norm in the conversational style, e.g.
I'm sure you mustn't refuse him.
In teaching practice it is essential not only to stress the no­
tional words properly but also to leave conjunctions, preposi­
tions, auxiliary and modal verbs, personal and possessive pro­
nouns reduced or elided.
Speech rhythm is traditionally defined as recurrence of
stressed syllables at more or less equal intervals of time in a
speech continuum. We also find a more detailed definition of
speech rhythm as the regular alternation of acceleration and
slowing down, of relaxation and intensification, of length and
brevity, of similar and dissimilar elements within a speech event.
It has long been believed that the basic rhythmic unit is a
rhythmic group, a speech segment which contains a stressed syl­
lable with preceding or/and following unstressed syllables at­
tached to it. The stressed syllable is the prosodic nucleus of the
rhythmic group. The initial unstressed syllables preceding the
nucleus are called proclitics, those following the nucleus are
called enclitics. In qualifying the unstressed syllables located be­
tween the stressed ones there are two main alternative views
among the phoneticians. According to the so-called semantic
viewpoint the unstressed syllables tend to be drawn towards the
stressed syllable of the same word or to the lexical unit accord­
ing to their semantic connection, concord with other words, e.g.
Negro Harlem | became | the largest | colony f of coloured people.
According to the other viewpoint the unstressed syllables in
between the stressed ones tend to join the preceding stressed syl­
lable. It is the so-called enclitic tendency. Then the above-men­
tioned phrase will be divided into rhythmical groups as follows,
«•g.
Negro Harlem | became the | largest | colony of | coloured people.
It seems'that the enclitic tendency is more typical of the Eng­
lish language, though in the speech flow it is sometimes difficult
in define the borders of rhythmic groups. So the division into
rhythmic groups is no easy matter. The rhythm-unit break is of­
165
ten indeterminate. It may well be said that the speech tempo and
style often regulate the division into rhythmic groups. The enc­
litic tendency is more typical for informal speech whereas the se­
mantic tendency prevails in accurate, more explicit speech.
The more organized the speech is the more rhythmical it ap­
pears, poetry being the most extreme example of this. Prose read
aloud or delivered in the form of a lecture is more rhythmic than
colloquial speech. On the other hand rhythm is also individual —
a fluent speaker may sound more rhythmical than a person
searching for the right word and refining the structure of his
phrase while actually pronouncing it.
However, it is fair to mention here that regularity in a speech
chain is not realized in its exact isochronous form. Absolutely
regular speech produces the effect of monotony. It means that
the intervals between the stressed syllables are not physically
equal. Som e "strokes" m ay often be m issing or m istim ed.
I.Lehiste claims that isochrony is largely a perceptual phenome­
non (67). Whenever short rhythmic groups are mixed with long­
er ones the speaker minim izes the differences by m eans of
changes in his rate of delivery. Any number of unstressed sylla­
bles occurring betw een the stressed ones are actually com ­
pressed to allow the next stressed syllable to com e on the regu­
lar beat. N ow the listener tends to equalize the groups he per­
ceives. In other words the length of the intervals is perceived by
the listener as. equal despite the changing number of unstressed
syllables between the peaks of the rhythmic groups, e.g.
Speech is nothing more | than a series of rough hints | which the
hearer must interpret | in order to arrive at the meaning which
the speaker wishes to convey {H. Palmer).
Learners of English should be recommended to beat the
rhythm while reading sentences of this kind.
The most frequent type of a rhythmic group includes 2-4 syl­
lables, one of them stressed, others unstressed. In phonetic litera­
ture w e find a great variety of terms defining the basic rhythmic
unit, such as an accentual group or a stress group which is a
speech segment including a stressed syllable with or without un­
stressed syllables attached to it; a pause group — a group of;
words between two pauses, or breath group — which can be u t-■
tered within a single breath. As you have probably noticed, the'i
criteria for the definition of these units are limited by physiologic

166
cal factors. The term "rhythmic group" used by most of the lin­
guists (see 67, 57, 2) implies more than a stressed group or
breath group. I.y.Zlatoustova (18) terms it "rhythmic structure".
Most rhythmic groups are simultaneously sense units. A rhyth­
mic group may comprise a whole phrase, like "I can't do it" or
just one word: "Unfortunately..." or even a one-syllable word:
"Well..."; "Now...". So a syllable is sometimes taken for a mini­
mal rhythmic unit when it comes into play. Indeed the rhythmic
tendency of accentuation in polysyllabic words helps to secure
periodicity of dynamic peaks in an utterance. K.Pike finds the
term "waves" for rhythm periodicity to be very expressive (72).
N ow we must admit that the traditional understanding of
rhythm as a regularity of recurrence of stressed syllables was
sufficient enough until the main object of linguistic investigations
was a written sentence or a phrase in oral discourse. The investi­
gation of the spoken text as a linguistic unit has contributed a lot
to the treatment of rhythm since the text as a whole grew the
object of analysts' attention. In the present-day linguistics
rhythm is analysed as a system of similar adequate elements.
A.M.Antipova (2) defines rhythm as a complex language system
which is formed by the interrelation of lexical, syntactic and pro­
sodic means. Prosody creates similarity and isochrony of speech
elements. In view of what has just been said it would be perfect­
ly natural to admit that the sphere of rhythm functioning is actu­
ally very wide. Rhythmicality marks every text segment: rhyth­
mic groups, intonation groups, phrases and phonopassages. The
recurrence of similar and commensurate text segments makes
them rhythmic units. The rhythmic effect of the text units is ob­
tained by the prosodic parameters, the pitch of the voice, loud­
ness, duration. In fact not only the actual pitch of the voice but
its level and range, pausation and other phenomena of a stretch
of speech form rhythm constituents. The detailed prosodic anal­
ysis of the oral text which is termed by O.S.Akhmanova "fra-
sirovka" reveals its rhythmicality. Combinations of fhe markers
are more frequent and effective. In her fundamental work based
on the instrumental analysis of English speech A.M.Antipova
comes to the conclusion that the rhythmic structure of speech
continuum is a hierarchy of rhythmical units of different levels.
Each text unit is capable of fulfilling the rhythmic function. It is
worth mentioning that the notion of prosodic similarity is very
flexible. The rhythm constituents vary not only in different

167
rhythm units but also in different speech realizations, different
linguistic activities.
W e undoubtedly observe the most striking rhythmicality in
poetry. You may have found from reading poetry in your own
language that you can often enjoy a poem without fully under­
standing its meaning. It is possible to pay more attention to the
way a poet says something rather than to what he actually has
to say. Enjoyment, however, must not be confused with appreci­
ation. It is one thing to gain pleasure from a poem and quite an­
other to be able to say why you liked it. It is hard to define ex­
actly why it gives us pleasure. However, the subject matter of a
poem is not necessarily the most important thing about it. Any
poem sets out to convey a great deal more than an idea and it is
this that distinguishes it from prose. The most common types of
poetry are: descriptive, reflective, narrative, the lyric and the
sonnet. The ability to distinguish between them helps to under­
stand more readily what a poet's intentions are. To demonstrate
the types of verse w e have chosen the blocks of poetry which
illustrate the stylistic devices discussed further on.
Descriptive are poems which describe people or experiences,
scenes or objects.

Lucy

She dwelt among the untrodden ways

Beside the springs of Dove,
A maid whom there were none to praise
And very few to love:
A violet by a mossy stone
Half hidden from the eye!
— Fair as a star, when only one
Is shining in the sky. (W. Wordsworth)

Reflective are thoughtful poems often containing a great deal

of description which the poet comments on or from which he
draws conclusions. Sometimes these conclusions are directly
stated, at other times implied.

168
 Mild the Mists Upon the Hilt

/Mild the mists upon the hill,

Telling not of storms tomorrow;
No; the day has wept its fill,
Spent its store in silent sorrow.
Oh, I'm gone back to the days of youth,
I am a child once more,
And 'neath my father's sheltering roof,
And near the old hall door. (E. ВгоШё)

Narrative are poems which tell a story. They tend to be long­

er than other types of poetry but it is comparatively easy to rec­
ognize the poet’s intention.

The Ancient Mariner

The fair bre-eze blew, the white foam flew,
The furrow followed free;
W e were the first that ever burst
Into that silent sea.
Down dropt the breeze, the sails dropt down,
’Twas sad as sad could be;
And we did speak only to break
The silence of the sea!... (S. Coleridge)

The Raven
...Deep into that darkness peering, long I stood
there wondering, fearing,
Doubting, dreaming dreams no mortal
ever dared to dream before;
But the silence was unbroken, and the darkness
gave no token,
And the only word there spoken was the whispered
word "Lenore"!
This I whispered and an echo murmured back
the word "Lenore".
Merely this; and nothing more.... (Edgar Allan Poe)
By the Lyric w e usually mean a short poem like a song
which is usually the expression of a mood or feeling.

169
 То

— Music, when soft voices die,

Vibrates in the memory —
Odours, when sweet violets sicken,
Live within the sense they quicken.
Rose leaves, when the rose is dead,
Are heaped for the beloved's bed;
And so thy thoughts, when thou art gone,
Love itself shall slumber on. (P£. Shelley)

A Sonnet is a poem of fourteen lines which follows a very

strict rhythm pattern. Sonnets tend to be difficult because.a great
deal of meaning is often conveyed in a few lines.

On the Grasshopper and Cricket

The poetry of earth is never dead

When all the birds are faint with the hot sun,
And hide in cooling trees, a voice will run
From hedge to hedge about the new-mown mead;
That is the grasshopper's — he takes the lead
In summer luxury — he has never done
With his delights; for when tired out with fun
He rests at ease beneath some pleasant weed.
The poetry of earth is ceasing never:
On a lone winter evening, when the frost
Has wrought a silence, from the stove there shrills
The cricket's song, in warmth increasing ever,
And seems to one in drowsiness half-lost,
The grasshopper's among some grassy hills. (J. Keats)

In verse the sim ilarity of rhythm ical units is certainly

strengthened by the metre, which is some strict number and se­
quence of stressed and unstressed syllables in a line. Strict alter­
nation of stressed and unstressed syllables in metric versification
allows us to regard a syllable as the minimal rhythmic unit in
metric verse. Then again comes a rhythmic group, an intonation
group, a line, a stanza. They all form the hierarchy of rhythmic
units in poetry. English verse is marked by a descending bow ­
shaped melody contour, decentralized stress organization. The

170
strict recurrence of such intonation patterns secures a stable peri­
odicity in verse rhythm. The basic rhythm unit in verse, how ev­
er, is a line. On the prosodic level the rhythm in a line is secured
by the similar number of syllables, their temporal similarity, de­
scending melody contour, tone and intensity maximum at the
beginning, tone and intensity minimum at the end and the final
pause. These parameters make the line a stable rhythmic unit.
It should be claimed here that the great effect produced on us
by poetic rhythm is not created by the prosody alone. The de­
light we get when reading poetry often comes from its musical
qualities, or from the striking way a poet uses words. But this
can only be a partial explanation, for poetry does not follow
hard and fast rules; every poem is unique and has special quali­
ties of its own as you could make sure yourself. Some of these,
however, are properties common to all poetry. They are struc­
tural, semantic and sound devices which help the poet to fulfil
his intentions and strengthen the prosodic means of rhythmicali­
ty. As w e have already mentioned in the analysis of the stylistic
devices that follows the examples have been drawn from the po­
ems illustrating the types of poetry given above.
W e shall naturally start with the phonetic devices to see
how they help the impression of rhythmicality. They add con­
siderably to the musical quality a poem has when it- is read
aloud.
1. First and foremost among the sound devices is the rhyme
at line endings. Most skilful rhyming is sometimes presented by
internal rhyme with two rhyming words within a single line, e.g.

The fair breeze blew, the white foam flew,

The furrow followed free;
W e were the first that ever burst
Into that silent sea. (S. Coleridge. The Ancient Mariner)

Edgar Poe also uses internal rhyming in the poem "The

Raven" in every first and third line of each stanza: peering — fear­
ing; unbroken—no token; shutter—flutter; make h e—stayed he.
2. A sson an ce occurs w hen a poet introduces imperfect
rhymes often employed deliberately to avoid the jingling sound
of a too insistent rhyme pattern, e.g. "stone" is made to rhyme
with “one” by W.W ordsworth in “Lucy"; "youth" is rhymed
with "roof' by Е.Вготё in "Mild the Mists Upon the Hill”.
171
 In this way the rhymes do not fall into a sing-song pattern
and the lines flow easily.
3. Alliteration is the repetition of the same sound at frequent
intervals, e.g.
The fair breeze blew, the white foam flew,
The furrow followed free. (S. Coleridge. The Ancient Mariner)
The repeated ‘Vs" and “f s" here make the lines run quickly
and give the impression of a ship travelling at high speed.
Or:
Open here I flung the shutter and with
many a flirt and flutter...
The same impression of quickness is created by the repetition
of the T sound.
Also:
Deep into that darkness peering, long I stood
there wondering, fearing,
Doubting, dreaming dreams no mortal ever
dared to dream before. (E. Poe. The Raven)
The repetition of the “d" sound suggests both monotony and
immobility.
4. Sound sym bolism (imitation of the sounds of animals)
makes the description very vivid. An example of sound sym bol­
ism is found in Shakespeare's verse "Winter", e.g.
Then nightly sings the staring owl,
Tu-who
Tu-whit, to-who — a merry note...
Structural or syntactical stylistic devices indicate the way
the whole poem has been built, thus helping the rhythm to fulfil
its constitutive function.
1. Repetition. Poets often repeat single lines or words at
tervals to emphasize a particular idea. Repetition is -to be found
•in poetry which is aiming at special musical effects or when a
poet wants us to pay very close attention to something, e.g.
Water, water, everywhere,
And all the boards did shrink;
Water, water, everywhere
Nor any drop to drink. (S. Coleridge. The Ancient Mariner)
172
 Also the repetition of the last words of each stanza in the
poem "The Raven" by E. Poe.
2. Syntactical parallelism helps to increase rhythmicality, e.g.
...Perched above my chamber door
Perched upon a bust of Pallas. (E. Poe. The Raven)
Or:
The poetry of earth is never dead...
...The poetry of earth is ceasing never...
(J. Keats. On the Grasshopper and Cricket)
3. Inversion, the unusual word order specially chosen to em ­
phasize the logical centre of the phrase, e.g.
Down dropt the breeze, the sails dropt down.
(S. Coleridge. The Ancient Mariner)
Or:
Open here I flung the shutter...
Not the least obeisance made he
Not an instant stopped or stayed he.
(E. Poe. The Raven)
4. Polysyndeton is a syntactical stylistic device which actual­
ly stimulates rhythmicality of a poem by the repetition of phras­
es or intonation groups beginning with the same conjunctions
"and" or "or", e.g.
When icicles hang by the wall,
And Dick the shepherd blows his nail,
And Tom bears logs into the hall,
And milk comes frozen home in pail,
When blood is nipp'd, and w ays be foul...
(W. Shakespeare. Winter)
Semantic stylistic devices impart high artistic and aesthetic
value to any work of art including poetry.
1. Simile is a direct comparison which can be recognized by
the use of the words, "like" and "as". The most striking example
of simile is found in the lines:
Day after day, day after day,
W e stuck; nor breath nor motion;
As idle as a painted ship
Upon a painted ocean.
173
 By relating the real ship to a painted one S.Coleridge enables
us to imagine just how still the ship was.
In the poem "Lucy" W.Wordsworth compares the girl to a
star:
Fair as a star, when only one
Is shining in the sky.
2. Metaphor is a stylistic figure of speech which is rather like
simile, except that the comparison is not direct but implied and
that makes the effect more striking.
In the poem “Lucy" W.Wordsworth does not say that the girl
was like a violet. He writes:
A violet by a mossy stone
Half hidden from the eye.
Lucy in these lines is a violet. The metaphor vividly repre­
sents a girl of rare beauty who lived unknown. In his sonnet “On
the Grasshopper and Cricket" J.Keats uses the words "poetry"
and "luxury" metaphorically:
The poetry of earth is never dead...
That is the grasshopper's — he takes the lead
In summer luxury.
3. Intensification is a special choice of words to show the in­
crease of feelings, emotions or actions, e.g.
Deep into that darkness peering, long I stood there
wondering, fearing,
Doubting, dreaming dreams no mortal ever dared
to dream before... (E .P o e . The Raven)
4. Personification occurs when inanimate objects are given a
human form or human feelings or actions, e.g.

...the*day has wept its fill...

[E. БтоМё. The Mild Mists Upon the Hills)

...the rose is dead; ...soft voicea die;

Love itself shall slumber on. (P. Shelley. To — )

...and an echo murmured back the word "Lenore"!

{E Poe. The Raven)

174
 W e do not aim at analysing all the numerous stylistic devic­
es known in poetry but tried to demonstrate the effect of rhythm
created by the/surprising unity of the semantic, syntactic and
phonetic means. Summarizing we can say that poetic rhythm is
a complex system with the hierarchical organization of its units •
arranged by prosody as well as lexical and syntactical means.
Our further point should concern prose. W e would like to
start with a fairy-tale which is nearest to poetry and could be
considered an intermediate stage between poetry and prose as it
is famous for its obvious rhythmicality and poetic beauty, e.g.
Once upon a time, a very long time ago, there lived an Em­
peror who loved to wear new clothes. Every spare wardrobe in
his palace was packed from ceiling to floor with gorgeous waist­
coats, tunics, and capes (The Emperor's N ew Clothes).
A fairy-tale has a specific manner of oral presentation, differ­
ent from any other sort of text. The reading of a fairy-tale pro­
duces a very strong impression on the listener. The prosodic or­
ganization of a fairy-tale creates the effect of euphony which im­
plies sound harmony, melodiousness, measured steps of epic
character of phonation. The most functional features of euphony
are rhythmicality and the melody component of intonation.
The rhythm of a fairy-tale is created by the alternations of
commensurate tone, loudness and tempo characteristics of into­
nation (70). Intonation groups are marked by similarity of tone
contour and tempo in the head and the nuclear tone. Rhythmi­
cality is often traced in alternations of greater and smaller sylla­
ble durations.
The fairy-tale narration is marked by the descending or level
tone contour in the head of intonation groups and specific com­
pound nuclear tones: level-falling, level-rising, falling-level, ris­
ing-level. The level segment of nuclear tones adds to the effect of
slowing down the fairy-tale narration and its melodiousness.
W e would like to mention right here that the reading or re­
citing of a fairy-tale is not utterly monotonous. Alongside with
the even measured flow of fairy-tale narration we find contras­
tive data in prosodic parameters which help to create vivid im­
ages of fairy-tale characters and their actions. For example, with
respect to medium parameters high/low pitch level is predomi­
nant in describing the size of a fairy-tale character (huge bear —
little bear); fast/slow tempo strengthens the effect of fast or slow

175
movements and other actions. Splashes of tone on such words of
intensification as: all, so, such, just, very make for attracting the lis­
tener's attention. Deliberately strict rhythm serves as a means of
creating the image of action dynamism so typical of fairy-tales.
It is interesting to note that though the prosodic arrangement
of English and Russian fairy-tales is universal some differences
are traced in their rhythmic and pitch characteristics. In an Eng­
lish fairy-tale the nuclear segment is characterized by the level
tone. In the Russian fairy-tale the pre-nuclear segment has the
level contour. The discrepancy in the mechanism of rhythm con­
stituents is observed mainly in the temporal characteristics of in­
tonation. As we have already said fairy-tale rhythm in English is
created by the alternations of contrastive maximum and mini­
mum syllable durations. In Russian relatively equal syllable du­
ration is typical of fairy-tale rhythm. The following table clearly
illustrates the difference:

Английский
текст опсе и pori а time there were three bears

Длительность
слога в милли­
секундах 320 40 190 40 440 90 90 270 450

Русский
текст жи ли бы ли три мед ве дя

Длительность
слога в м илли­
секундах 260 240 230 140 180 260 280 240

Due to its rhythmicality the English fairy-tale becomes an ex­

pedient material for teaching practice. A highly rhythmical fairy­
tale text could be of great help in developing the habits of ex­
pressive reading and speaking. The reading of a fairy-tale should
be anticipated by the analysis of its topic and composition as
well as lexical and structural means of expressiveness in it. In
the process of working at a fairy-tale text the listener's attention
should be attracted to the stylistic effect of rhythm in it.
N ow w e shall turn to other types of prosaic text. W e have
already mentioned the oral text units which form the hierarchy of
rhythm structure in prose. W e are going to describe their prosodic
characteristics which make them rhythmic units. As we have al­
ready said the basic rhythmic unit is a rhythmic group. It is char­

176
acterized by one stressed syllable with one-three unstressed sylla­
bles attached to it. The regular recurrence of the stressed syllables
at relatiyely isochronous intervals is perceived as rhythmicality.
Rhythmic groups blend together into intonation groups w*hich
correspond to the smallest semantic text unit — syntagm. The in­
tonation group reveals the similarity of the following features: the
tone maximum of the beginning of the intonation group, loudness
maximum, the lengthening of the first rhythmic group in compar­
ison with the following one, the descending character of the melo­
dy, often a bow-shaped melody contour. A n intonation group in­
cludes from 1 to 4 stressed syllables. Most of intonation groups
last 1—2 seconds. The end of the intonation group is characterized
by the tone and loudness minimum, the lengthening of the last
rhythmic group in it, by the falling terminal tone and a short
pause.
The similarity of the prosodic organization of the intonation
group allows us to count it as a rhythmic unit. The next text
unit is undoubtedly the phrase. A phrase often coincides either
with an intonation group or even with the phonopassage. In
both those cases a phrase is perceived as a rhythmic unit having
all the parameters of either an intonation group, or a phonopas­
sage.
A.M .Antipova finds a remarkable regularity in the sounding
of long phrases. Syntactical units like subordinate clauses, enu­
merations and other constructions are often grouped into a kind
of steps. The first intonation group of each step is pronounced on
a higher level than the final intonation group of the previous
step. Such periodicity creates a sort of background against which
the rhythm units are realized, e.g.
The British Isles |consist of England and Wales, |Scotland, |Ire­
land |and many small islands |chiefly to be found in the W est1.

The rhythmicality of a phonopassage is marked by the long­

est pause, the descending/stepping melody contour in the initial
and final intonation groups, tone maximum at the beginning and

1The example is borrowed from the book: Антипова A M . Ритмическая сис­

тема английской речи. М., 1984, с. 58.
tone minimum at the end of the phonopassage. The prosodic pa­
rameters are practically the same in every rhythmic unit but
each time they come into play on a larger scale and in a new
variety of interrelationship. Thus in prose an intonation group, a
phrase and a phonopassage seem to have similar prosodic or­
ganization:
1) the beginning of a rhythmic unit is characterized by the
tone and intensity maximum, the slowing of the tempo;
2) the end of a rhythmic unit is marked by a pause of differ­
ent length, the tone and intensity minimum, slowing of the tem­
po, generally sloping descending terminal tones;
3) the most common pre-nuclear pattern of a rhythmic unit is
usually the High (Medium) Level Head.
The prosodic markers of rhythmic units differ in number. The
intonation group has the maximum of the prosodic features con­
stituting its rhythm. The phonopassage and the rhythmic group
are characterized by the minimum of prosodic features, being
mostly marked by the temporal similarity. The following extract
may serve as a model of prosodic rhythm.

VMany of the 'old houses, round a.bout, |^speak very 'plainly

of 'those .days | when '’Kingston was a 'royal 4borough, | and
v nobles and 'courtiers xlived there, | near their vking, | and the
'’long 'road to the ’palace ,gates | was gay all >day $ with
clanking .steel | and “* prancing xpalfreys | and Vrustling 'silks
and Vvelvets, |and ~*fair vfaces. ||The Vlarge and 'spacious R ous­
es, |with their ^oriel 'latticed ^windows, |their ^huge ^fireplaces, |
and their gabled xroofs, | ^breathe of the 'days of t hose, and
vdoublet | of pearl-em'broidered ^stomachers | and complicat­
ed voaths. || (Jerome K. Jerome. Three Men in a Boat)

The description of style differentiating functions of rhythm is

at its starting point. Still it is quite clear that there are some obvi­
ous differences between the rhythmic patterns of various speech
realizations. Rhythm organization of, say, a dispassionate mono­
logue will vary greatly from that of a familiar conversation.
It should be also noted that there are many factors which can
disrupt the potential rhythm of a phrase. The speaker may pause
at some points in the utterance, he may be interrupted, he may
make false starts, repeat a word, correct himself and allow other
hesitation phenomena.
178
 Spontaneous dialogic informal discourse reveals a rich varie­
ty of rhythm organization and the change of rhythmic patterns
within a single stretch of speech. The most stable regularity is
observed on the level of rhythmic and intonation groups. They
often coincide and tend to be short. The brevity of remarks in
spontaneous speech explains the most common use of level
heads of all ranges, abrupt terminal tones of both directions. The
falling terminal tone seems to be the main factor of rhythmicality
in spontaneous speech. Longer intonation groups display a great
variety of intonation patterns including all kinds of heads and
terminal tones. The choice of the intonation pattern by the par­
ticipants of the conversation depends on their relationship to
each other, the subject matter they are discussing, the emotional
state of the participants and other situational factors. As a result
informal spontaneous conversation sounds very lively and lacks
monotony.
. The extract from a conversation between a married couple il­
lustrates the rhythm organization of spontaneous informal dia­
logue.
Wife. vCareful, Jack! ||There's a vbend over there. ||
Husband. I’ ve vseen it, dear. | D o n 't,worry. ||
Wife. Don't hit that xlorry! |^Slow vdown a little. ||
Husband. W e ’ re going 'very slowly as it xis. || Only forty miles
an 4hour. ||
Wife. Forty miles an .hour | isn’ t very vslow. || There’ s a
grossing. ^ Can’ t you see the ,sign? ||
Husband. I see it all vnght. W h y vworry? Щ1
The experimental investigations carried out in recent re­
searches give ground to postulate the differences in the prosodic
organization of prosaic and poetic rhythm:
1. In verse there are simple contours often with the stepping
head, the falling nuclear tone is more often gently sloping; there
is a stable tendency towards a monotone.
2. In verse the stressed syllables are stronger marked out by
their intensity and duration than in prose.
3. In verse the tempo is comparatively slower than in prose.
4. In verse the rhythmic units except the rhythmic group
tend to be more isochronous than in prose. The rhythmic group
presents an exception in this tendency of verse.

1Three vertical bars indicate the end of a phonopassage.

179
 W e have attempted to portray rhythmic effect in different lin­
guistic activities, different speech realizations. To sum it up, we
should say that rhythm is a complicated language system, its el­
ements being hierarchically organized. They represent hierarchy
of functional character, or to put it in more general terms, this
system comprises well-organized elements of different sizes in
which smaller rhythmic units are joined into more complex ones:
a rhythmical group — an intonation group — a phrase (a line in
poetry) — a phonopassage.
In discussing rhythm w e should emphasize its functional
aspect.
Rhythm serves to unite elements in speech: smaller units are
organized into larger ones, larger units include smaller ones. So
rhythm unites text segments into a whole and at the same time
cuts the discourse into elements. This integrative and delimita-
tive function of rhythm illustrates the dialectical unity of the
contrary manifestations of rhythm.
Rhythmically organized speech is easily perceived. From the
psycholinguistic point of view the accuracy of the temporal simi­
larity in rhythm has a definite effect on the human being. The
regularity in rhythm seems to be in harmony with his biological
rhythms. And which is by far more important the emotional ef­
fect of rhythm especially of poetic rhythm on a- human being is
very strong, its aesthetic significance is great. In the theory of
aesthetics speech rhythm is counted as one of the objective signs
of beauty.
On the linguistic level the pragmatic value of speech rhythm
is realized in its volitional function. Rhythm is capable of ex­
pressing different degrees of emotional effect on the listener, e.g.
'W ill you 'stop that 'dreadful 'noise.
By w ay of conclusion we would like to say that prosodic ele­
ments together with the lexical and syntactical means play the
role of the constituent of rhythm. Rhythm in itself is functioning
as a framework of speech organization and is a very effective
means of speech expressiveness.
Unfortunately we very often find the English rhythm to be
the stumbling point for Russian learners. Many students learn to
make the individual sounds of English correctly enough, yet
their speech remains barely intelligible to English ears. The rea­
son for this paradox is usually to be found in faulty rhythm and
intonation.

180
4
 As we perfectly know the basic rule of English rhythm is that
the stressed syllables follow each other at regular intervals of
time, that is to say there is the same amount of time between
each pair of stressed syllables in a given sentence. A simple illus­
tration of this rule is found in counting. From 1 to 6 every sylla­
ble is stressed, and they follow each other like a regular drum
beat: one, two, three, four, five, six. The number 7 has two sylla­
bles, the first of them stressed and the second unstressed and this
means that the two syllables have to be said in the same space
of time as the other single syllables. The sequence 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,
7, 8, 9, 10 has eleven syllables, but only ten rhythmical beats,
corresponding to the ten stressed syllables.
Counting is the simplest form of rhythmical exercise. Perhaps
the next simplest form is children's verses and counting games.
'’Jack and 'Jill went 'up the > hill |
To fetch a 'pail of xwater. ||
Jack fell ,down { and broke his.,crown |
And Jill came 'tumbling xafter. ||
In the foregoing examples there was one unstressed syllable
between each pair of stressed ones. The next step will be two
unstressed syllables between each pair of stressed syllables.
I ^like to go 'out in the vgarden, |
I like to get 'up on the xhill |
I like to do 'anything 4really, |
But hate to do 'nothing at xall. ||
The popular sort of comic verse called a limerick has a simi­
lar pattern. There are two unstressed syllables between each pair
of stresses. Here is an example.
T h ere'’was a Young Lady of vNiger |
W ho smiled as she 'rode on a vtiger |
They re “* turned from the ,ride |
W ith the lady in .side |
And a smile on the face of the vtiger. ||
It is fairly easy to keep the regular drum beat of stresses g o ­
ing, when there are the same number of unstressed syllables be­
tween them. It is a little more difficult to do this when there are
different number of unstressed syllables between pairs. In the
next example there are four stresses in each line, but the first line

181
has no unstressed syllables between the stresses, while the sec­
ond and the fourth have one unstressed syllable between each
pair, yet each line takes the same length of time to say as the
others.
''One, 'two, ’three, vfour, |
Mary ’at the ‘cottage xdoor. ||
vFive, ’six, 'seven, veight |
v Eating 'cherries 'off a vplate. ||
In the serious verse that follows the number of unstressed
syllables in between the pairs of stressed ones is sometimes one
and sometimes two so that the absolute regularity is missing.
Nevertheless the stresses still form a drum beat as before and this
beat must be kept going all through the lines.
vGive a 'man a 'pipe he can vsmoke |
''Give a ’man а Ъоок he can vread |
And his home is ^bright |
With a "*calm dexlight |
Though the room is ‘poor invdeed. ||
In ordinary speaking the number of unstressed syllables be­
tween each consecutive pair of stresses varies considerably. This
is one of the main differences between prose and verse, so it is
important to be able to keep the drum beat of the stresses going
regularly no matter what the number of intervening unstressed
syllables.
Here is an exercise designed to help do this.
Can Vanyone ’tell me the vtime? ||
Does anyone ‘know the vtime? ||
Does anyone "know xTom? ||
I’ m .go in g to ‘town for the xday. ||
I'm going to ‘town tovday. ||
I'm going to 'town\now. ||
I'm perfectly 'certain you're vright. |)
I'm almost 'certain you're yright. ||
Г т quite 'certain you're fright. ||
A long passage of a descriptive text may be now recom­
mended for practising rhythm. For example:
The weather in .England { can change 'very ^quickly. ||
-* One 'day last .week | I went for a 'w alk in the xcountry. ||
182
 W hen I .started \ early in the .morning | the weather
was vbeautiful. || The sun was vshining, \ the sky was
vblue | and there were ''no ‘clouds at vall. |||
C.are should be taken to leave the form words like am, is, are, ‘
were, has, have, can, etc. unstressed when necessary. As these
words generally occur in unstressed position the weak form is
more common than the strong form. It is of great importance for
all learners to use the weak forms of these words in unstressed
positions. It will improve their speech enormously, and will help
them to acquire the characteristic rhythm of spoken English. Un­
less they use weak forms of prepositions, articles, conjunction'-
auxiliary verbs and also personal and possessive pronouns cor­
rectly, their rhythm will never be right. When listening to Eng­
lish they should try to notice the weak forms, and when speak­
ing themselves, to copy the English way of using them.
A . The - » children are in the vhall. ||
B. -»So are their xparents. ||
A . -* Yes, they vare. ||

A. I ->like them xboth. ||

B. vYes, $ I ~»like them vtoo. ||
A. I'd -» rather see xthem than ^anyone. ||
Russian learners should be especially careful in rhythm-unit
break. Mention has been made that the division into rhythmic
groups does not coincide with the potential sense groups. The
unstressed syllables in between the stressed ones usually tend to
link to the preceding stressed syllable in spoken English which
Russians often neglect. For example, the typical mistake in pro­
nouncing the phrase: '' Go and \ 'tell him to \ vphone me" is
something like: " Go $ and 'tell J 'him \ to vphone me."
The attention of advanced students who have already mas­
tered the stable regularity of English rhythm should be drawn to
the rhythmic organization of large rhythmic units, such as into­
nation groups, phrases, supraphrasal blocks. The beginning of a
rhythmic unit should be said on a higher level, louder and slow­
er than the end of it; a pause and the terminal tone at the end of
the rhythmic group contribute a lot to their rhythmicality.
All you have read about intonation in this chapter is nothing
but a much needed framework for understanding its uses in par­
ticular social situations. W e are going now to refine your knowl­
edge of intonation by discussing its stylistic value.

183
 STYLISTIC USE OF INTO NATIO N

This section sets out to give a detailed description of each in­

tonational style. It also tends to be a meaningful guide to the
stylistically distinctive function of intonation. As the scope of
this course is theoretical we shall try to deal with problems con­
cerning phonostylistics in general and with reference to particu­
lar intonational style description rather than the analysis of each
style registers, so that a number of theoretical confusions may be
identified and possibly cleared. W e must admit, however, that
there are so many deviations from norms in speech reality now ­
adays that the problems of phonostylistics are nowhere near so­
lution.
It becomes necessary as a preliminary exercise to review
some of the influential ways in which the intonational styles
were described in the textbook "Практическая фонетика анг­
лийского языка" (28). The authors of this book give the follow­
ing definition of the intonational style: "An intonational style
can be defined as a system of interrelated intonational means
which is used in a social sphere and serves a definite aim of com­
munication” (28, p. 216).
The choice of an intonational style is determined primarily
by the purpose of communication and then by a number of other
extralinguistic and social factors. The achievements in experi­
mental phonetics put forward in recent years, concrete examples
and conclusions talcen from the research field work allowed the
authors of the book mentioned to single out the following into­
national styles:
1. Informational. •
2. Academic (Scientific).
3. Publicistic (Oratorial).
4. Declamatory (Artistic).
5. Conversational (Familiar).
As the chapter proceeds we shall attempt to show that both
the definition and classification of styles are not factitious ones
but concrete examples taken from experimental data.
In our view the conception that the intonational style mark­
ers are restricted to .certain kinds of situational contexts and
above all to the speakers' aim in communication is extremely
valuable. Thus an intonational style is seen as some kind of ad­
ditive by which a basic content of thought may be modified.
This view of style sees it as the variable means by which a mes­
sage is communicated.
It is already widely accepted that the purpose of communica­
tion determines the types of information conveyed in oral texts*
They may be intellectual, attitudinal (emotional, modal) and v o ­
litional (desiderative). Each of these types is realised by means of
specific prosodic parameters.
These stylistically marked modifications of all the prosodic
features represent the invariants of the style forming intonation
patterns common to all the registers of the particular style.
Thus it may be said that there is a strongly marked tendency
for suprasegmental prosodic features to form a basic set of recur­
rent patterns, which is occasionally distributed by the introduc­
tion of specific prosodic and paralinguistic effects.
The invariant of the intonation patterns circulating in certain
fields of communication at a given period of time may be treated
as the norm or the ideal of speech behaviour for these particular
spheres of communication. But the task set by phoneticians now
is not only to determine the invariants but also to note and inter­
pret various deviations from them. It should be mentioned, how­
ever, that deviations should not exceed the range of tolerance
set b y the invariant.
It has already been assumed that intonation patterns vary in
accordance with types of information present in communication.
Presumably there may be patterns used for: (a) intellectual pur­
poses, (b) emotional and attitudinal purposes, (c) volitional and
desiderative purposes, by which the substantive goals of speakers
are carried out. As any discourse carries intellectual information
intellectual intonation patterns are present in every style. The dis­
tribution of attitudinal and volitional patterns shapes the particu­
lar intonational style and distinguishes one from another. From
the point of view of this distribution the informational style seems
to be the most neutral as its main purpose is to convey informa­
tion without the speaker's concern or personal involvement. Evi­
dently, there are theoretical and procedural reasons to regard it as
the starting point of the intonational styles description and the
basic invariant for opposition as there are fewer deviations there
as in any other style from the minimal reader/speaker involve­
ment. It is the least marked kind of situationally influenced Eng­
lish and therefore it may be considered as the opening variety for
phonostylistic analysis. So w e shall begin with this style and
make an attempt to deal with it in its entirety.

185
 W e must admit, however, that any intonational style is an ex­
tremely complex and heterogeneous phenomenon. Even a single
speech act involves an extraordinary range of factors and could
be considered from any different even conflicting points of view.
Confronted with all these difficulties a phonostylist must ask
himself what the goal of his analysis is and direct his attention to
essentials. In this book the description will be focused on those
style forming features that may present certain amount of inter­
est for would-be teachers of English and find practical application
in their work. Let all the matters of controversy and major argu­
ments be reviewed and evaluated elsewhere.

1. Informational Style
This intonational style is sometimes qualified as "formal",
"neutral”, since in an ideal setting, in its pure manifestation it is
least of all influenced or correlated by extralinguistic factors.
W here is it then purely manifested? First of all, in the written
variety of an informational narrative read aloud. The majority of
these texts are of a purely descriptive character and are simply
called descriptive narratives. The written speech, the reading,
should not be subjected to the contextual variables and the com ­
monest and “ideal'' situation for this register is the reading of
such texts in class. They may be labelled as educational infor­
mational descriptive narratives.
As is widely known, spoken speech is less imperial, the spo­
ken variety of such texts expresses more personal concern and
involvement. They may be presented in different forms: m ono­
logues, dialogues, polylogues.
Press reporting and broadcasting, especially the reading of
the news coverage over the radio is very close in its manner to
this type of the style as the reader tends to sound impartial
when reporting routine news or weather forecasts, for example.
It should be noted here that the reading of news coverage in
a TV studio differs from the one over the radio as it suggests the
attempts on the side of the announcer to address the viewers, so
some emotional evaluation may appear in the information.
The n ^ s bulletin and broadcast talk have both written and
spoken existences which are of equal importance for the simple
reason that they were written specially to be read aloud. The in­
186
formational style includes other spheres of communication: busi­
ness and legal intercourse, the reading of administrative docu­
ments and §o on.
The degree of formality in the character of participants' rela­
tionship in different types of the informational style presentation
may smooth the borderline between them. Thus it would be
wrong to identify this style as formal, because the degree of for­
mality may vary. As it was stated earlier, the contours of the in­
tonational styles presentation in speech reality have not been
very definitely outlined yet. So the most informal realization of
any kind of information in the form of a dialogue may lead to a
conversational style, and, respectively, extra formal sounding of
information may lead to an academic style talk and so on.
W e shall limit our description of the style to two common
types: educational information and press reporting/broadcasting.
W e would like to specify here that types of style, i.e. certain
spheres of discourse would be called registers, the term being
widely used abroad in a broader sense, often meant as style in
general. The table below shows the correlation between the in­
formational intonational style registers, and speech typology.
Table 1

Speech Varieties Forms of Degree Number Character

typology of the communi­ of prepa­ of partici­ of parti­
language cation redness pants cipants'
involved relation­
ship

Informa­ rea­ spo­ mo- dia­ po- pre­ spon­ pub­ non- for­ in­
tional ding ken, no- lo­ ly- pa­ tane­ lic pub­ mal for­
style spea­ lo- gue lo- red ous lic mal
registers king gue gue

Educational + + + 4" + + + + + + +
information

Press + + + + + + + + +
reporting
and broad­
casting

Roughly speaking, any variety of the language, both written

and spoken, may be presented either by reading or speaking in a
prepared or spontaneous way in a formal or informal manner.

187
 Table 2

188
Spheres of discourse Varieties of the language and forms of communication
(Registers)
Written variety of the language Spoken variety of the language
(Reading) (Speaking)

a
Я

•a
Monologue Dialogue Monologue Polylogue
' ' 1 i 8* i
public non- public non­ public non­ public j non­ public non­
public i public public public public
I

i
1

Speaking Talking Talking Just i Round­

1
Educational Reading Reading

o>
information in dass to a public to a in class talking table

s j
ос £ V
listener listener 1talks
1

Talking | Talking j Com- ! Round-

1
1
Press reporting Reading Reading
and broadcasting news news­ on events | to a ! menting i table
coverage paper to over the listener 1 on the |talks of
i l i a

over the a listener TV | events, commen-

!

1
radio, TV, discus­ tators
reading sing
newspaper them
in class
 W e would like to attempt now to suggest certain spheres of
discourse in which the informational intonational style (IIS)
could be heard in relation to forms of communication and the
number of participants involved.
N ow , when w e have more or less definitely outlined the con1
tours of the style, our next step will be to analyse prosodic char­
acteristics of this particular intonational style. As it was stated in
Chapter I, the following parameters of prosodic analysis should
be applied to a text: pitch (variations of pitch direction, pitch
level, pitch range), loudness, tempo (the rate of the utterance
and pausation). It also includes rhythm and timbre as they have
very specific suprasegmental expression of various emotional,
expressive and evaluative overtones.
It would be fair to admit here that when faced with a text of
some kind — what appears to be a mass of coordinated data — a
starting point for analysis is often difficult to choose.
As it was suggested above, the ideal start is an informational,
purely descriptive text, most commonly heard in class. W e think
that it is a basic-measuring rod for the types of styles of other
situations. The analysis of it here is carried out by the procedure
of systematic phonological opposition: the phonostylistic organi­
zation of reading will be systematically compared with the spo­
ken version (in the forms of a monologue and a dialogue). The
main reason for this is that it seemed to be dictated by the re­
quirements of close study of the specimens in comparison since
the tw o varieties of the language differ greatly in sound and
have their own distinctive specifications of pronunciation and
the correspondence between them should be looked at.
The description of the informational intonational style will
proceed in the following order:
I. Informational educational texts.
1. The phonostylistic analysis of the written descriptive nar­
ratives.
2. The analysis of the spoken variety of such texts.
3. The opposition of spoken and written speech produced in
the form of a monologue.
4. The analysis of characteristic phonostylistic features of dia­
logues on the topic suggested in the monologues.
5. The opposition of the phonostylistic parameters of a mo­
nologue and a dialogue.

189
 П. Press reporting and broadcasting.
1. The description and analysis of characteristic prosodic fea­
tures of a news bulletin reading over the radio.
2. The opposition of the news bulletin and an informational
descriptive text reading characteristics.
Ш. The conclusion.

Informational Educational Descriptive Texts. Written Speech

In recent years it has become fashionable in education to ex­

tol the importance of the spoken language with a depreciation of
the values of reading, consequently skill in reading now is either
low or inadequate. This situation needs considerations. As was
stated in Chapter I, there is a gap between spoken and written
varieties of the language and the task of the teacher is to differ­
entiate these forms of the language appropriate to speech and
writing and to assign to each their "proper" sphere. It is perhaps
just to say that many teachers and lecturers recognize the gap
but are unable to improve this state of affairs because of the lack
of materials and methods.
These two varieties of the language differ psychologically
and intellectually.
Talking is easier than the laborious solitary acts of reading.
The reluctant reader will have to be given more cogent reasons
for the efforts required of him. Reading aloud is even harder. It is
neither spontaneous speech nor writing. In class it has purely ed­
ucational purposes to stimulate pupils or students for prose and
poetry appreciation and comprehension. Needless to say a writ­
ten passage does not always coincide with a phonopassage. In
reading aloud a written passage may be broken into several pho-
nopassages or, on the contrary, short passages may be com^
bined into one long lasting phonopassage.
W e would like to recapitulate here that as has been men­
tioned in Chapter I, reading and speaking differ totally in the
speech production activity as explained by certain basic psycho­
logical reasons. So in teaching to read we are simply helping to
transfer from one medium to another. Reading and speaking
each requires differently directed intensive efforts. Consequently,

190
the phonetic features of these varieties of texts would be basical­
ly different.
W e wc^uld like to start the phonostylistic analysis of the
reading, in which some customs and traditions of Cambridge
University life are described.

M A Y WEEK IN CAMBRIDGE

(Reading)

The most 'interesting and biz'zare time of the year to visit

.Cambridge | is during xM av W eek . || This is neither in M a y |,
nor it is a ,week. || For some .reason { which nobody now
re>members | 'M ay W eek is the ’name 'given to the t first 'two
'weeks in vJune}, the _♦ very end of the University 'year. Щ1
The 'paradox is ' ’pleasantly 'quaint. | but is 'also '’in a way
' apt. || VM ay W eek denotes 'not so much a par'ticular ' period of
■time |as the 'general 'atmosphere of rela'xation and unwinding
f at the end of the year's vwork. |||
A n y phonostylistic analysis falls into several steps. Obvious­
ly the first procedure will be the description of the speech situa­
tion which comprises the purpose, setting and participants. In
reference to this text w e may say that this is a descriptive narra­
tive, the main purpose of the reader being just to give informa­
tion, it has no secondary aim which creates a definite atmos­
phere of impartiality, thus the voice timbre is distinctly resonant,
the speaker sounds dispassionate and rather reserved.
The presenter of the text is a student of Oxford University
who has a clear advanced RP accent. The reading is directed to a
group of students, Russian learners of English.
The next step is to define other extralinguistic factors, the de­
gree of preparedness among them. The analyzed text may be
characterized as half prepared or quazispontaneous as it was
read through beforehand. N ow to the characteristics on the pro­
sodic level. One should undoubtedly begin with the delimita­
tion. The text is split into phonopassages, then into phrases,

— communicative centre of a phrase.

— communicative centre o f a phonopassage.

191
then into intonation groups, correspondingly, the length of paus­
es is varied according to the text units. Pauses are made at syn­
tactical junctures within the phrase and between them. H ow ev­
er, potential syntagms are also quite common. The relevant
length of pauses makes the reading careful and distinct so that
the listeners could understand it without worrying over the
meaning of a few difficult words.
Am ong the prosodic features we should mention the follow­
ing:
Loudness is relatively stable and normal, but within a phono­
passage boundaries there is a gradual decrease of it. Thus it is
easy to spot the boundaries by loudness contrasts between the
final and initial intonation groups of two adjacent phonopassag-
es. The same could be said about levels and ranges: there is a
distinctly marked decrease of them within the phonopassage.
The rate of utterances is normal or rather slow, not noticea­
bly varied. Together with the medium length of pauses the gen­
eral tempo may be marked as moderate.
The rhythm may be characterized as systematic, properly or­
ganized, interpausal stretches have a marked tendency towards
the rhythmic isochrony.
One of the main style differentiating features on the prosodic
level is the accentuation of the semantic centres. It is expressed
commonly by terminal tones, pre-nuclear patterns, pitch range
and pitch level degree of loudness on the accented syllables, and
also by the contrast between the accented and non-accented
segments of the utterance. In view of this particular text we may
say the following.
Terminal tones are commonly expressed by a low falling
tone: occasionally expressive high falls are used, this usage con­
veys the meaning directly; in non-final segments mid-level tones
and low rising ones are quite frequent:
The -♦ most 'interesting and bi'zzare time of the year to visit
.Cambridge |is during vM ay Week.
Pre-nuclear patterns are not greatly varied, falling and level
types of heads prevail. Also several falls within an intonation
group are typical for the reader:
The '’paradox is ''pleasantly 'quaint |but is '"also '’in a w ay '’apt.

192
 The contrast between accented and unaccented segments of
phrases is not great, which is known to be a marker of any read­
ing in general; the stress is decentralized, i.e. equally distributed
on accented syllables of pre-nuclear patterns.

Table 3
The Invariant of Phonostylistic Characteristics of Informational Educational
Descriptive Texts Reading

Timbre impartial, dispassionate, reserved, reso­

nant

Delimitation phonopassages — phrases — intonational

groups; pauses are mostly at syntactical
junctures, normally of medium length but
for the end of the passage

Style- Loudness normal (piano) throughout the text, varied

marking at the phonopassage boundaries
prosodic
features Levels and ranges decrease of levels and ranges within the
passage

Rate normal (moderate) or slow, not variable

Pauses mostly syntactical of normal length, occa­

sional emphatic ones for the semantic ac­
centuation

Rhythm systematic, properly organized isochroriic,

decentralized accentuation

Accentua­ Terminal tones common use of final categoric falls; in

tion of non-final segments mid-level and lo\v
semantic rising tones are often used
centres
Pre-nuclear common use of falling and level heads or
patterns several falls within one interpausal unit

Contrast between not great

accented and
unaccented
segments

K. 1457 193
 •1
Informational Educational Descriptive Monologue ,

Much has been said earlier about the differences between

reading and speaking. Our goal here is to demonstrate them on
the prosodic level by concrete examples. N o w the text "M ay
W eek in Cambridge" was reproduced spontaneously by the j
same speaker in the form of a monologue. He did it in a rather I
formal manner and directed it to the same group of students. W e 1
may specify it as a certain specialised talk intuitively associated 1
with the task set before the speaker — to give information on J
customs and traditions of university life in Britain. So it is clearly 1
restricted to a particular informational function, thus the text Я
presented seems to be most suitable for this informational style fl
register and we consequently have cause to refer to it. 1

M A Y WEEK AT CAMBRIDGE fl

(Reproduced by Roy Paully) Ж

- * As you probably ' know j the universities of 'Oxford and Щ

vCambridge |are the ^ two 'oldest universities in ' England || and Щ
be-* cause of > that, J because of their Nage |they have -» many Я
tra editions ? which to foreigners \ might _»appear to be very Щ
^strange. || "* One of these tra>ditions J is 'M a y W eek in ' С а т - Д
bridge. ||| This^is particularly .strange J as it doesn't ’happen in ■
.M ay and is not in 'fact a .w eek. || It stretches 'over ' t w o M
weeks, | the 7th and '8th weeks of the ' term. || There is 'no ‘realИ
’reason for 'calling it M ay .W eek |and per>haps f it is 'h e ra ld in g fl
the 'coming of ' M ay |-which is till then 'being ig >nored \ i n f l
'favour of ’more 'serious matters { like exami'nations. ||| There’ г е м
man^ different a c tivities f which _,go on during YM av rW eek f l
for the most 'part there are ’many >plavs |put on by indi v id u a lfl
’college so.cieties. | very often ’taking place outvdoors
in "* C ollege ' gardens. ||| There are 'also ' rowing races | w it h f l
**crews of veight J com peting in ’bumping races. ||| W h a l f l
I “*mean ^bumping races f is when the vaim is >to f >bump f j H
~*back of the boat | in vfront of you } on the -+Cam vriver. ||| M
'Personally } I come from ' Oxford University, | so -»I k n o v iB
t far more ab^rnt ' Oxford. || In >Oxford | w e don’ t have a vM a v H
■Week, tt W e work until the end of th6 ' eighth week |when e x f l
ami-* nations ' finish and J it is not till *then | that w e - » have ощ Ш
equivalent of M ay W eek |when _>similar .things take ' place.
194
 The purpose of the communication in the setting described
explains the businesslike, dispassionate, detached, impartial
voice timbre. Occasionally the speaker sounds interested, espe­
cially, when he speaks about his own experiences.
Speaking about the delimitation of spoken texts it should be
pointed out that it depends on the degree of spontaneity. The
basic unit of a monological spoken text is also a phonopassage
but its stretch is greatly varied, much greater than in reading. As
in oral speech the rules of syntax are not strictly followed, pas­
sages are broken into utterances which do not often coincide
with sentences. Pauses at the end of the phrase are commonly
optional; hesitation pauses often break a syntagm into several
intonational groups and occur both intentionally and non-inten-
tionally. They may be filled and non-filled (silent):
What I mean ^bumping races \ is when the vaim is > to \
>bump | back of the 'boat | in xfront of you £ on the
-»Cam Vriver. |||
As the addressees are a comparatively small group of people
the text on the whole is of normal loudness which is not greatly-
varied but for the decreases towards the end of the passage. The
increase of loudness is evident at the start of the phonopassage
and on its emphatic communicative centres. This may be also re­
ferred to levels and ranges. Various ranges and levels bind to­
gether several successive sequences, each having its own tone
group, into a larger unit.
The rate of utterances is remarkably varied. In the majority of
cases it is normal, but increases towards allegro on less signifi­
cant units and decreases towards lento on emphatic centres of
the phrase or supraphrasal units.
The length of pauses depends on the syntactical and seman­
tic value, the maximum length being at the passage boundaries.
This spoken monologue is characterized by non-systematic
rhythmicality, subjective isochrony; the rhythmicality within the
phonopassage is achieved by the alternation of all prosodic pa­
rameters.
Semantic centres of all segments of speech are accentuated
by the variation of all prosodic features. Terminal tones are final
nd categoric, the emphasis being achieved by the use of high
(medium) abrupt falls, or several falls within one interpausal
unit. Low rising and mid-level tones are common for initial or
i
195
 Our task now is to compare the invariant characteristics of
the two varieties of the language in this register by the systemat­
ic phonological opposition.
The results of the com parison are shown in table 5,
p. 199—200.
W e are now ready to generalize our results and make the fol­
lowing conclusion:

1. Written (read aloud) and spoken texts belonging to the

same intonational style have different prosodic realization.

2. In oral speech the means of the prosodic realization are

more vivid, expressive and' varied, especially in voice timbre,
loudness, tempo, length of pauses and rhythm.

3. The speaker often uses some hesitation phenomena (hesi­

tation pauses and temporizers) intentionally, which enables him
to obtain the balance between formality and informality and es­
tablish contacts with the public.

4. The speaker uses various hesitation phenomena uninten­

tionally which enables him to gain the time in search for suitable
expression or idea and thus not interrupt the flow of speech.

5. The speech is characterized by a greater number of intona­

tion groups, siipraphrasal units and phonopassages. In spontane­
ous speech an intonation group doesn't always coincide with a
syntagm. Pauses at the end of the phrase are optional.

6. The reading is characterized by a decentralized stress dis­

tribution whereas speaking — by a centralized one.

7. Spontaneous speech is more contrastive, communicative

centres are more vividly underlined; the emphasis is achieved by
a wider range of terminal tones, greater degree of loudness and
prominence of accented segments.

8. The reading is rhythmical, oral speech rhythm is non-sys-

tematic, unpredictable, variable.

198
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of Phonostylistic Invariant Characteristics of Informational Descriptive Monologue

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199
 Our task now is to compare the invariant characteristics of
the two varieties of the language in this register by the systemat­
ic phonological opposition.
The results of the com parison are shown in table 5,
p. 199—200.
W e are now ready to generalize our results and make the fol­
lowing conclusion:

1. Written (read aloud) and spoken texts belonging to the

same intonational style have different prosodic realization.

2. In oral speech the means of the prosodic realization are

more vivid, expressive and' varied, especially in voice timbre,
loudness, tempo, length of pauses and rhythm.

3. The speaker often uses some hesitation phenomena (hesi­

tation pauses and temporizers) intentionally, which enables him
to obtain the balance between formality and informality and es­
tablish contacts with the public.

4. The speaker uses various hesitation phenomena uninten­

tionally which enables him to gain the time in search for suitable
expression or idea and thus not interrupt the flow of speech.

5. The speech is characterized by a greater number of intona­

tion groups, supraphrasal units and phonopassages. In spontane­
ous speech an intonation group doesn't always coincide with a
syntagm. Pauses at the end of the phrase are optional.

6. The reading is characterized by a decentralized stress dis­

tribution whereas speaking — by a centralized one.

7. Spontaneous speech is more contrastive, communicative

centres are more vividly underlined; the emphasis is achieved by
a wider range of terminal tones, greater degree of loudness and
prominence of accented segments.

8. The reading is rhythmical, oral speech rhythm is non-sys-

tematic, unpredictable, variable.

198
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of Pbonostylistic Invariant Characteristics of Informational Descriptive Monologue

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199
 Table5, cont’d

200
/
CO

CN
Accen­ Terminal common use of final categoric falls; in common use of final categoric falls on sememtic centres, non-
tuation tones non-final segments mid-level and low final falls, mid-level and rising tones in non-final intonation
of se­ rising tones are quite common groups. The emphasis is achieved by the use of high falls
man­ (very abrupt for a male voice)
tic
cent­ Pre-nuclear common use of falling and level heads varied; common use of level heads with one accentuated pre-
res patterns or several falls within one interpausal nuclear syllable; descending falling heads are broken by the
unit “accidental rise"

The contrast not great great, achieved by the centralized stress pattern; increase of
between ac- loudness, levels and ranges on semantic Centres; high cate­
centedand goric falls, emphatic stress on them and other variaittons of dif­
unaccented ferent prosodic characteristics
segments
 N o w by w ay of conclusion we would advise future teachers
of English to drift from the traditional, non-stylistic approach to
the language teaching in their future practical work and pay spe­
cial attention to the differences between the two varieties of the*
language.

Informational Dialogues
Our next step in the analytic procedural style description will
be the text handled by two speakers in a rather formal manner.
But, before doing this, we would like to describe here differ­
ent types of dialogues. Firstly we must mention that dialogues of
all types are very widely used forms of speech and because of
the great flexibility of their usage there is a wide range of con­
trasts. Consequently there exists no general agreement among
phoneticians on what is meant by this or that type of a dialogue
and the results of the research carried out into this form of
speech have been yet rather sporadic in their comments. They
provide us with a great deal to discuss at all levels of analysis
(13, 30, 53).
Evidently the type of a dialogue may be primarily distin­
guished through its phonology. V ery close examination of ex­
perimental data of many researchers shows that certain prosodic
characteristics of considerable importance diagnose different
types of dialogues. "A clear central area of distinctiveness can be
defined, but there are a number of very uncertain marginal is­
sues which reflect the way in which conversation blends imper­
ceptibly into discussion and talking shop” (54, p. 116).
The following factors seem to be basical for the description in
the dialogue — monologue dichotomy:
1. the subject matter of a talk, its randomness,
2. the inexplicitness of the speech,
3. the incompleteness of utterances,
4. the redundance of vocal expression.
This gives us the reason to distinguish several types of
dialogues:
1. specialized informative talks on serious and intellectual sub­
ject matters (such as educational, psychological, political, etc.),
2. discussions on serious and weighty problems,
3. debates,
4. everyday conversations, telephone talks among them.

201
 Evidently, the major markers of these types will be on the
prosodic level.
W e do not wish to suggest that any clear lines of stylistic de­
marcation have been drawn in this classification, it is unlikely
that there is a distinct boundary between the varieties.
N ow we shall focus our attention on the first type as these
dialogues are within the sphere of the informational style dis­
course and other types can wait until later description.
W e would like to mention here that conversation will be op­
posed to the informational talks later in the course as there is
a great departure between them on all the levels of linguistic
analysis.
Also these talks should be distinguished from discussions in
terms of the degree of seriousness of the subject matter and the
formality of the occasion and probably non-segmental prosodic
correlations should be taken into account. It .is quite obvious,
however, that there are certain things common to all dialogue
talks as opposed to monologues and we would like to describe
them here.
Firstly, a dialogue is a coordinated simultaneous speech act
of two participants or rather a speaker and a listener. Thus the
factuous contact is conveyed. It is essential that in any success­
ful conversation "give-and-take" between the sender and receiv­
er should be maintained.
The attention-getting function is established by putting all
sorts of questions, agreement question tags to show the interest
and guide the course of the talk towards a given theme and also
by using all sorts of response and non-response words and utter­
ances both of verbal and non-verbal character. This factuous
communion may be so close that the speakers often talk simulta­
neously. There might be also permanent recapitulations upon
the request of the listener. The utterances on the part of both
participants tend to be incomplete since the context makes per­
fectly plain to them what was being intended thus making re­
dundant its vocal expression. )
Hesitation phenomena are of primary significance in deter­
mining acceptability or otherwise of conveyers. Hesitancy is
strongly influenced by periods of creative thinking and word
searching. Voiceless hesitation is also very -frequent, it tends to
occur relatively randomly, not just at places of major grammati­
cal junctions, which is more the pattern of written English read

202
aloud. Voiced hesitation* consists of hesitant drawls, verbal and
non-verbal fillers such as er, ehm, mm.
A n y kind of dialogue is also joined up by means of non-verbal
communication — facial expressions (a raised eyebrow, a glance
towards the partner, etc.), gestures, body movements and noises *
such as whistles, artificial clearing of the throat, snorts, sniffs,
laughs and other paralinguistic features of significance.
On the lexical and grammatical level there is a high- propor­
tion of errors which seem not to bother the speakers.
Interpolations are commonly inteijectional in character, their
function is primarily to indicate that attention is being main­
tained.
W e should also mention here all sorts of introductions, after­
thoughts, high proportion of parenthetical words which even in­
creases in a more serious type of conversation.
Dialogues are commonly characterized by a large number of
loosely coordinated clauses, the coordination being structurally
ambiguous, a series of loosely coordinated sentence-like struc­
tures. •
The phonostylistic analysis of the helpful sample of the dia-
logue-talk of the informational character will allow us to draw
the conclusions of the prosodic distinctive features, marking this
variety of dialogues.
The talk is about two oldest universities of Britain — Oxford
and Cambridge. This is a mono-thematic talk, though the speak­
ers display some obvious differences of opinion on the subject
matter.

Oxford and Cambridge Universities

Л: I think some - » people might be 'quite interested >to \

„know | what >the \ principal ' differences are \ between
the '’ sort of edu'cation you >get $ at -> Oxford and ^C am ­
bridge | and '"any 'other 'type of Uni' versitv Education. ||
B: > Um... ||
A : > What? f ''W hat's the ’sort of >thing J that you would
'highlight? ||
B: yNatura.llv \ differences \ in edu'cation... ||

203
A: 'Yes. ||
В: I sup,pose... ||
A: >W ell, | what the university ' offers one. | >W h y, \ for
example one would >choose... ||
B\ vAh, | I 4see. ||
A : vYes... to Vgo to 'one of those universities \ or app'ly to
one of those universities $ Vbother to 'take the ' extra exam. ||
В : vYes. || >Er, | vcertainly, | >er, | I think just >this { I ss'social
life in inverted 'commas >is $ >er i a >very ? >er at'tractive
thing about the university \ >which in a way's \ Vcertainly a |
part of edu'cation you re,ceive $ when you go to ' Oxford or
' Cambridge... ||
A: The tu“* torial vsystem \ I >think J is a particularly good
system J >which's been f p articu larly ' ’finely 'turned up in
Oxford and xCambridge... ||
B: xYa. ||
A: ...though it vdoes exist in vother universities. || You have a
Vgreat 'deal more ^freedom | about what you are going >to \
Vwhat 'course o f >study you are pre“*cisely goin g to >fol-
low. ||
B: ,Ya. ||
A : There's Vv e ry much 'left >to $ on e’ s ow n ^ch oice. Y o u
>have... || In ' m y course I remember | I could look up-» pages
and 'pages of things that I could potentially vdo. ||
B: .Yes. ||
A: It was _> really just a .question of .one .sitting 'out | what I
'’ really wanted to do. |||

The participants are post-graduates, students of the Russian

language of Oxford and Cambridge Universities who know each
other quite well. They are in the same age group (mid-twenties)
and share the same university educational background as ma­
ture students. '
They discuss quite spontaneously a serious topic, in which

204
they are competent or rather knowledgeable, interested, but not
emotionally involved and concerned.
The subject area specifies somewhat careful elaborated code
of the style. As the suggested theme is rather weighty the speak­
ers sound rather formal, businesslike, but occasionally interested
and even involved.
W e think that there are certain grounds for choosing this v a ­
riety of a dialogue as the most suitable for phonostylistic analy­
sis. The talk is taking place in a hostel room; the speakers are
surrounded by the same set of physical objects and aware of
each other's facial and body gestures.
The factuous contact is shown by all sorts of words like: yes,
right, sure, of course, expressing the immediate reaction on the
part of the listeners as well as all kinds of non-verbal sounds and
noises like hm, mm, uhu, aha, etc.
The speakers are relaxed and not worried about the impres­
sion they are creating unlike a lecturer or a public speaker. Slips
and errors of grammar occur and do not bother them. Similarly,
slight carelessness of pronunciation is common, thus we may
speak about occasional deviations from the elaborated code.
As any dialogue is a simultaneous act on the part of the
sender and addressee, they are both mutually dependent and
adapt to the strategies of one another and to the need of the in­
formation required. Intonation serves to establish contact be­
tween the participants thus realizing the phatic function of
speech.
On the prosodic level the dialogue falls into coordinated
blocks, split into dialogical units (stimulus — response). Then
into phrases, then into intonation groups, each unit character­
ized by semantic and phonetic integrity, by certain prosodic in­
terrelated features. Correspondingly, the length of pauses be­
tween the partners' parts serves as a marker of their contact. The
ends of utterance pauses are frequently absent due to the rapid
taking up cues:
В .: I suppose
A.: W ell, what the university offers one. W h y, for example
one would choose...
B .: Oh, I see.

Occasional silence for purposes of emphatic pause and fre­

quent use of hesitation pauses (both filled and silent) are also
characteristic of this talk:

205
В.: vYes. | > Er 14certainly, | >ег, 11 think just >this \ ss'social life
in inverted 'commas \ > J is >er \ a >very 5 a t tractive thing
about the university...

Am ong style-marking prosodic features we should mention

the following:
Loudness is normal or reduced (piano expression), varied at
the block boundaries. Important variation in loudness suggests
the degree of seriousness of the thematic information. Sometimes
the speakers lower their voices to an inaudible mumble or sim­
ply trail off into silence, which is undoubtedly connected with
changes in levels and ranges that are lowered and narrowed for
many monosyllabic responses.
The rate is flexible as the speakers wish it to be. A speaks
very slowly, В — a bit faster, but for both of them the speed is
characteristically uneven within and between utterances, varied
to outline semantic centres.
The rhythm is non-systematic, greatly varied, interpausal
stretches have a marked tendency towards the subjective rhyth­
mic isochrony; the rhythmicality within the block is achieved by
the variation of all prosodic parameters.
The accentuation of semantic centres is achieved by the use
of emphatic and compound tones (High Falls, Fall-Rises, Fall +
Rises), increase of loudness, widening of the range of nuclei,
changes in the rate of utterances and by the great contrast be­
tween accented and unaccented segments of phrases.
Pre-nuclear fragments are usually very short — heads with
one accented pre-nuclear syllable are most cofnmon. High pre­
heads occur very often.
The auditory analysis of the above examples and of a great
number of similar talks and the recent experiments of phoneti­
cians (41, 13, 29) allow us to attempt to draw the invariant of
phonostylistic characteristics of informational spontaneous dia­
logues. The results are shown in Table 6.

206
 Table 6
The Invariant of PhonoetyUstic Characteristics
of Informational Spontaneous Dialogues

Timbre businesslike, detached, occasionally interested

Delimitation coordinated block — dialogical units (stimulus —
response) — phrases — intonational groups, fre­
quent absence of end-of-utterance pauses due to
the rapid taking up of cues; frequent use of hesita­
tion pauses (filled and silent), occasional silence for
purposes of emphatic pause
Style- Loudness normal or reduced (piano expression); variation of
marking it at block boundaries and also for the aceentua- >
prosodic tion o f semantic centres; occasional inaudible
features low ered mumbles and trailing o ff into silence
occurring by the end of the segments
Levels and greatly varied, especially for the contrastive accen­
ranges tuation of semantic centres; narrowed pitch ranges
for many monosyllabic responses
Rate slow or normal, varied on the accented semantic
centres and interpolations, characteristically
uneven, as flexible as one wishes it to be
Pauses may be o f any length; their length being the
marker o f contact between the speakers; simulta­
neous speaking is quite common; silence o f any
stretch occurs for the sake of emphasis and as a
temporizer to gain some time before expressing
the view
Rhythm non-systematic, greatly varied, interpausal stretch­
es have a marked tendency towards the subjective
rhythmic isochrony; the rhythmicality within the
block is achieved by the variation o f all prosodic
parameters
Accen­ Terminal regular use of falling (high and medium) final and
tuation tones categoric tones, the increase of the range o f the
of se­ nuclei on the semantic centres; occasional usage of
mantic level and low rising tones in non-final groups, of
centres emphatic tones (High Fall, Fali-Rise, Rise-Fall) on
emphatic semantic centres; high proportion of nar­
rowed tones throughout the responses
Pre-nuclear common use of level heads, usually with one ac­
patterns cented pre-nuclear syllable and high pre-heads,
longer pre-nuclear patterns are not frequent, if
they do occur, then sudden wide pitch jumps with­
in the segments characterize them
The contrast great, achieved by the variations in all prosodic
between ac- parameters
ented and
unaccented
segments

207
 N ow by w ay of opposition of informational monologue — di­
alogue pbonostylistic characteristics we will draw the following
conclusions:
1. The structural hierarchy of a monologue is: phonopas-
sages — phrases — intonation groups; whereas the one of a
dialogue is: blocks — dialogical units — phrases — intonation
groups.
2. There is some distinction between the opposed varieties on
the part of segmental features notably in vow el length, voicing
and devoicig of consonants, assimilations and elisions, but the
phonological differences lie mainly in the use of non-segmental
features of basic prosodic configurations.
3. In a dialogue there is a wider range of contrasts in prosodic
and paralinguistic effects, thus the danger of misunderstanding is
avoided through the introduction of a large number of prosodic
contrasts.
4. The attitudes of the talkers are more variable in a dialogue,
but, since both analysed forms belong to the informational style,
impartiality prevails. Changes in the attitude condition changes
in prosodic features. They also condition variations in utterance
length. In a dialogue there is a strong tendency to keep them
short, to break up potentially lengthy intonation groups wherevei
possible. The average length of units in the majority of cases falls
within the range of 1—5 words. Relatively high proportion of in­
complete phrasal segments is noticeable. Phrases are commonly
short at the beginning, longer as topics are introduced, longer still
as argument develops and short again as the end approaches.
5. In a dialogue the rhythmicality is even more non-systemat-
ic, there is no stable pattern of rhythm.
6. The tempo (rate + pauses) in a monologue is normally
less varied but in both cases it is conditioned by the importance
of information, the fluency of speakers, their familiarity with th«
topic (theme) and experience in speaking. In general in a mono
logue less fluent speech is being the expected kind.
N o w by way of conclusion we must admit that this is in nc
sense an absolute description. More and'more research is carriec
out by scholars nowadays, which will bring, w e hope, a clearei
insight into the essential characteristics of this type of the infor
mational style.
Having determined the “ideal" norm of the style for teachers,
pf English w e must say that it is not a factitious one. It is real

208
and rather common. These carefully pronounced texts are natu­
rally attractive to teachers as their wish is to teach distinct
''good" English to their students. As their main interest is in
teaching correct accent they surely want to find a clear, Slow
model for the students to imitate. W ith reference to the degree of
carefulness, with which the sounds are articulated, this type of
the informational style may be defined as elaborate.
It is an easy repeatable and an eminently teachable model. It is
also valuable in that it ensures that the student copying it will
speak slowly and carefully.
W e would like to make it quite clear that we are suggesting
that this is the most suitable model for teaching the production
of spoken English in certain spheres of communication.

Press Reporting and Broadcasting

It has already been stated above that press reporting and

broadcasting is a rather complicated non-homogeneous phenom­
enon and may be very eclectic from the stylistic point of view. It
is common knowledge that press reporting and broadcasting is a
strong ideological weapon and is surely socially and politically
marked. The same text addressed to a foreign listener sounds
more imposing and edifying.
The events of political importance can be presented to the
public in different lights by using similar techniques, by chang­
ing the voice timbre. This only proves the statement that a jour­
nalist, a reporter cannot be completely independent in his politi­
cal views of his class, party, country and so on.
The central function of a newspaper and news bulletin is to
inform, to present a certain number of facts to a reader, listener,
or a viewer with the effect of giving the impression of neutral,
objective, factual reporting. So all types of discourse in that style
share some important prosodical features and putting them to­
gether in this chapter may not be too misleading.
It should be noted, however, that the speech of radio and tel­
evision announcers is somewhat different though they use simi­
lar techniques in the presentation, the ability to be seen on the
screen helps a T V news reader to guide the understanding to the
viewer by means of facial expressions and gestures. On the con­
trary the radio announcer, being isolated in a studio, tends to ex­

209
aggerate certain prosodic features to be better understood by a
listener.
The speech of a radio announcer is very close to the "ideal
model" and especially during news coverage when he elegantly
enunciates the news in rather chilly distant tones adopted spe­
cially for this occasion.
Here is the example of a radio news coverage. The text con­
sists of tw o items in which national news o f a rather neutral
character is described:

Thirty-five Vvehicles \ 'were invvoived in a t multiple

collision J on th e^M '1 'motorway this „morning. ||The г» acci­
dent oocu rred |about Vthree miles 'south of the Newsport Pag-
nell yservice area | when an ar-> ticulated ylorrv | '’carrying a
load of vsteel bars |'iackknifed and overturned. || A '’number of
lorry drivers and vmotorists || were unvable to pull up in time |
and ran ' into the overturned Vvehicle | -* causing a^tmaior >pile
up. HI ''Some of the ‘steel bars from the >load J were - » flung by
the vimpact | across the 'central re'serve into the 'southbound
vCarriaqeway |which was re_» stricted to 'single-lane 'working be­
cause of re'pairs and re-surfacing | >causing { '’ several ' minor
уaccidents. ||| W ith Vboth ’carriageways vblocked | police ' closed
the motorway for a .time | and diversion signs were 'posted at
the 'nearest vslip roads. |||^Breakdown Vehicles and vambulances
| had con-* siderable >difficulty \ in '’ reaching the ’scene of the
.accident |because of ' fog. ||This was ^dense in xplaces, |and the
'flashing 'amber flight signals I had been - » switched von \ fo r-»
most of the 4night. ||So ,far | there are -*no re>ports |of '’ anyone
'seriously xinjured \ in the vaccident... |||
A t the '’opening ‘meeting in ^London Jast .night | Sir - »John
vStone | ... 'criticised | the '’standard of ’motorway ’driving in this
xcountry. II) He .said | that there was .evidence | that '’many of
the Ъазгс ‘disciplines of ^motorway use | had yet to be V1earned |
by British vdrivers. |||
_»Lane .discipline | was -* much worse in this ^country | than
210
in A'merica || and the '’habits of 'drivers when vovertakina | were
parvticulariv bad. || /One 'saw tfa r too much 'dangerous ^pulling
out |without an -*adequate >signal 5 having been vgiven... (J
... The Vconference 'is con tin u in g. ||| - »N o w to Com m on
vMarket negotiations... |||

Before going into the detailed description of pbonostylistic

characteristics of the text w e would like to say here that it is de­
limited in the same w ay as any monological oral text: phonopas-
sages — phrases — intonation groups. Delimitation is different
only in the dichotomy monologue — dialogue. It is also true tor
the role of contrast between accented and unaccented segments
in the accentuation of semantic Centres.
Timbre may be characterized as unemotional, dispassionate,
reserved, but very resolute and assured, a typical case of a news­
reader's "neutral position", deliberately underlying the effect of
objectiveness on the part of the newsreader.
Loudness ranges from normal to forte; it is especially varied
at passage boundaries. As this bulletin is split into two major
items, the transfer from one to the other is very important and is
strongly identified by the splash of loudness:
1. ...The conference is continuing, (piano)
2. (forte) N o w to Common Market negotiations.
Levels and ranges are usually normal, but contrasted when
each news item is introduced and also at the semantic emphatic
centres.
Pauses tend to be rather long, especially when they occur be­
tween passages, longer still between the bulletin items. The loca­
tion of pauses is commonly predictable, syntactically or semanti­
cally determined.
Rate is not remarkably varied. It is normally slow, rarely alle­
gro; deliberately slow (lento) on communicatively important
centres, e.g.
A number of lorry drivers and motorists were unable to pull
up in time and ran into the overturned vehicle causing a may
pile up. (lento) The conference is continuing, (very slow — lentis-
simo)
Rhythm exhibits a stable pattern.

211
 Types of heads vary, the most common being descending
•{falling and stepping), very often broken by accidental rises, e.g.
Thirty-five yvehicles \ were in'" volved in a T multiple
col'lision ^ on the M ’ 1 'motorway this Omoming. ||
Another very common for the reading of news coverage phe­
nomenon is the variation of descending and ascending heads of
different levels to convey the information in a really interesting
way, especially in the enumeration of the events, e.g.
Lane .discipline | was -»m uch worse in this vcountry |
than in A'm erica || and the habits o f ‘drivers w heiv o v e r ­
taking | were particularly bad. || .One ‘saw t far too much
‘dangerous Apulling out | without an -» adequate >signal \
having been *given: ||
Also the semantic centre of the preceding intonation group
may be repeated at the beginning of the next utterance. Lexical­
ly it may be the same word or word combination or a related
one. This is done to chain the phrases tightly into a phonetic
whole (phonopassage). On the prosodic level this dose connec­
tion is expressed by the use of the Low Rising Tone in the initial
intonation group:

A t the '’opening ’meeting in ^London «last .night | Sir -*John

vStone... ||' criticized |the '’standard of ’motorway ‘driving in this
^country. HI He .said J that there was .evidence | that '’ many of
the ’basic ’disciplines of ^motorway use | had yet to be vlearned |
by British ^drivers. |J|
One can see here that in the text sentences are not excessive­
ly long, they tend not to be unduly complicated in their struc­
ture. The intonation groups are rather short, otherwise a listener
or a viewer will lose the thread of wh^t is being reported.
Terminal tones are usually final and very categoric, falls pre­
vail on communicative centres. Falling-rising tones (or even
Rise-Fall-Rises) are often heard on the initial short intonation
groups introduced for deliberate effects in drawing the listener's
attention:

A v number of lorry drivers and vmotorists | were un4able to

pull ' up in time... ||

212
 W ith ''both ‘carriageways vblocked | police ' closed the mo­
torway for a .time... |||
The phonostylistic analysis of a reading of a number of news
coverage over the radio and television and the experimental *
data of recent investigations of the style (53, 54) allow us to at­
tempt to draw the invariant of this information style register de­
scribed in Table 7.
Table 7
The Invariant of Pbonostylfetk Characteristics
of the Reading of a N ew * Bulletin
(Frets Reporting and Broadcasting)

Timbre dispassionate, impartial, but resolute and assured;

the effect of "chilly distant sounding" (usually
achieved by spedal training of the announcers)

Delimitation phonopassages — phrases — intonational groups

Style- Loudness normal or increased, contrasted at the phonopas­

marking sage boundaries
prosodic
features Levels and normal; decrease towards the end of the passage;
ranges noticeable increase at the start of any new news
item

Rate not remarkably varied; slqw, rarely allegro; de­

liberately slow (lento) on communicatively impor­
tant centres

Pauses rather long, especially at the end o f each news

item

Rhythm stable, properly organized

Accen- Terminal frequent use of final, categoric falling tones on the

tuatioh tones semantic centres and falling-rising or rising ones in
of se­ the initial intonation groups
mantic
centres Pre-nudear common use o f descending heads (very often bro­
patterns ken); alternation o f descending and ascending
heads

The contrast not great

between the
accented and
unaccented
segments

213
 N o w our next step will be the description of the results of the
phonological opposition of phonostylistic characteristics of the
reading of an informational descriptive text and a news bulletin.
1. Broadcast texts and newspaper articles read aloud convey
mainly the intellectual informatiQn as it is the language of factual
statements; thus attitudinal and emphatic funciton of intonation
is of secondary importance here.
2. The prosodic parameters are not greatly varied in both
registers of the style but for several occasions in news bulletins
when pitch levels, types of heads and pauses are alternated to
break the monotony of speech and draw the listeners' or v ie w ­
ers' attention to something very important in a message. This of­
ten happens when events are enumerated. It is a very notable
feature here — the ability of good newsreaders to mark the be­
ginning and the end of each new paragraph or topic.
3. The voice timbre is a very important marker of a news
coverage reading. It is something peculiar, very easily identified,
often labelled as “distant", “indifferent'', “impartial", “neutral". It
is true, of course, for events of a routine character. When tragic
events are broadcast, for instance, all the prosodic features are
switched to convey the meaning.
4. In the "news bulletin reading" type of the informational
style the use of broken descending heads and fall-rises on initial
intonation groups is more common.
5. Pauses tend to be longer, the general tempo is faster than
that in the descriptive reading.
6. The “broadcast" reading is more properly rhythmically or­
ganized. Highly skilled newsreaders are capable of making the
sense clear by the careful control of rhythm.
N ow for the conclusion w e would like to say that we have
described here only one type of the "language of broadcasting"
register, which is close to the “ideal" informational descriptive
text.
A ll other suggested spheres of discourse — talking on events
over the-TV, talking to a listener, discussing the political events,
commenting on them, round-table talks of commentators, and
others — do not differ greatly from those, described above in the
models of the first (descriptive) register. Or they may drift very
far from it, become very chatty or high-flown and indulge in
sudden changes of the style. For this reason it is much harder to
say with certainty what the main style characteristics of such

214
texts are. They will vary according to the type of the informa­
tion involved: intellectual, attitudinal or volitional.
And the placement of these texts in the system of intonation­
al styles should be approached with caution in mind.
As there is much stylistic freedom in broadcast talks it is diffi­
cult to make general statements, give their generalized phonos-
tylistic characteristics with any confidence. There are many
broadcast talks with an effort to communicate in a reasonably
lively and personal manner. As a consequence they may be
rather racy and have more varied prosodic characteristics and
stylistic qualities than a news bulletin while resembling it in
many respects. This is undoubtedly a very interesting and prom­
ising field of investigation and much is expected from the re­
searchers in the nearest future.

2. Academic Style

This intonational style is often described by phonostylists as

both intellectual and volitional. It is determined by the purpose
of the communication as the speaker's aim is to attract the lis­
tener's attention, to establish close contacts with the audience
and to direct the public attention to the message carried in the
contents of the text. It is frequently manifested in academic and
educational lectures, scientific discussions, at the conferences,
seminars and in classes. As the users of the style are interested in
the involvement of the audience into the talk, this intonational
style tends to be concerned and rather emotional.
The above-mentioned spheres of discourse have many fea­
tures in common which result from certain common influences
even though they may have differences according to the speak­
er, the occupation of the language user, the exact nature of the
occasion, etc.
It can be suggested here that the most pure manifestation of
the academic intonational style is realized in a lecture, though a
"lecture" is a very broad label which covers a variety of types.
Lectures may sometimes sound as oratorical performances de­
signed to entertain rather than inform, so there may be a great
deal of overlap in these cases between different registers.
W e would like to mention here that the "ideal model" of the
scientific style talk would be an academic informational lecture

215
read aloud or relied heavily upon the set of notes with the at­
tempts on the part of lecturers to get their meaning across clear­
ly. The balance between formality and informality is obtained in
favour of the former.
The types of this style realization are not so varied as of the
informational intonational style though the spheres of discourse
are rather numerous (see Table 8).
Having outlined the contours of the style w e shall focuS our
attentioff'on academic lectures or pieces of scientific prose.
It is almost certainly true that no public lecture is ever spon­
taneous, since all of them, even those in which no notes are
used, will have been to some extent prepared in advance and
therefore represent the written variety of the language read
aloud. So they have very much in common with the reading of
scientific prose.
As was already pointed out above, lecturers either read the
whole of what they wish to say from a script or speak with the
aid of the notes; and as reliance upon a written version increases
the impression of spontaneity will decrease.
Here is the example of a carefully prepared lecture read aloud
in public addressed to a fairly-sized audience.

You will '’all have 'seen from the ' handouts $ which you
have in vfront of you | that °I pro''pose to diVide this 'course of
lectures $ on the 'urban and archi’tectural developm ent of
.London | into '"three 'main ^sections || and per>haps \ I could
''just ’point ’out, 'right at the be,ginning, | that there will be a
''good ’deal of ' overlap betw een them. ||They are in_> tended to
>stand | as .separate. | self-contained vunits. ||| In'deed. J I
would 'g o as far as to >sav I that ' anyone } who tried to'deal
entirely 'separately with the .past. |the .present |and the ^.course
of developm ent in « future, | would be 'misrepresenting the
'way in which 'urban 'growth takes vplace. ||
N o w by "* w ay of introduction. | I'd like to 'try and 'give
some indication | of ''how 'London it'self originated; ||of ^.what
developmental 'trends were built ,into ,it, as it .were, | from the
-♦ very ^outset, | and of how "* these >trends { have af“* fected
its ^growth. ||
216
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Academic Style Suggested Spheres of Communication

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217
 It -» started of,course. | not as vone, |but as vtwo cities. || The
ftomans built a ^bridge a'cross the >Thames | at a '’ point where
the 'estuary was 'narrow e'nouqh to ^ make it a 'practical
‘p ro p osition | and the en^cam pment associated with this
о bridge |''grew ‘up on the ‘north 'bank of the driver.
The principal vfort of this encampment | was Von the 'site
now 'occupied by the 4Tow er. ||| Further to the vwest, | at a
''point where the ‘river was vfordable, | an Vabbev |— the Ab­
bey of ^Westminster — was „founded | and the ''tw o ‘towns
'grew ‘up „side by ^side |— ^one centred on the vRoman camp, |
and the other on the vAbbey. |||
-*N o w in m y ^next Jecture 11 Vhope to 'demonstrate in vde-
tail | that ''this ‘state of afvfairs j — this double vfocus \ as we
might .call it | was of '’crucial im'portance for the ‘subsequent
'growth of 'London as a vcity. ||

This is a public lecture about the growth and development of

London addressed or rather read aloud to a fairly-sized audience.
The lecturer is evidently a specialist on the subject, therefore he
sounds very self-assured and comfortable with the subject, rather
knowledgeable about the topic. The purpose of the lecturer is to
inform rather than entertain, his aim is to deliver a message
across to the audience, to win the attention and interest on the
part of the listener, to establish a contact in a specific and fully
premeditated way.
The result of the audience control may be seen in the tenden­
cy to adopt "rhetorical" forms of speech in which the listeners
are addressed or questioned directly so as to persuade them that
they are in contact with the speaker and to get them more readi­
ly round to his w ay of thinking:
I'd like you to consider what happened as the two towns began
to expand. What do you think the main consequences of the ex-;
pansion were? j
To guide understanding and control the audience the speaker j
outlines the points he is going to lecture about, uses all sorts ofj
phrases to clarify his position and underline each new item in the!
text:

218
You w ill all have seen from the handouts which you have in
front o f you that I propose to divide this course of lectures on the
urban and architectural development of London into three main
sections and perhaps I could just point out, right at the begin­
ning that there will be a good deal of overlap between them.
Indeed I would go as far as to say...
N o w by w ay of introduction I'd like to try and give some in­
dication of...
N o w in my next lecture I hope to demonstrate in detail...
T h e relationship between the lecturer and the public is on the
whole rather formal, the degree of formality is not varied, though
he s o u n d s enthusiastic about what he says.
T h e text is delimited in the way specific for any monological
presentation.
T h e analysis of the prosodic characteristics of the text and re­
ports on the recent research carried out in this field in the
present instance allow us to conclude that this type of the scien­
tific intonational style (lectures, reports, explanations, inter­
view s, etc.) is generally characterized by the parameters de­
scribed in Table 9.
W e would like to specify here that a certain amount of varia­
tion is a must when we perform within the register of scientific
•liscourse- but a lecturer should keep himself (or herself) from g o ­
in g to extremes, otherwise he will use patterns of a different
style (publicistic or declamatory, for instance) and we will wit­
ness th e fusion of many styles.
N o w our next procedure will be the phonological opposition
i>f the reading of an academic lecture and a descriptive text pro­
sodic characteristics.
As a result of the comparison w e would like to describe here
4 >ecific characteristics of the academic style which display fea­
tures n o t shared by others.
1. A scientific (academic) text read aloud in public in front of
n fa ir ly -s iz e d audience conveys both intellectual and volitional
in fo rm a tio n , so the attitudinal and emphatic functions of intona­
tion are o f primary importance here.
2. A lecturer always sounds self-assured, authoritative, in­
structive and edifying, because any scientific style talk should be
w e ll prepared and is often even rehearsed by a trained lecturer.

219
 Table 9

The Invariant ^ рЬ°®°**УВ*11с Characteristics of an Academic Style Reading

/
authoritative, imposing, edifying, instructive, self-
Timbre
assured

phonopassages — phrases — intonational groups

Delimitation
Lo<>dness increased, sometimes to forte
Style-
marking
. „/els and remarkably varied with the passage segments;
prosodic
gradual decrease within the supraphrasal unity
features rtf**

normal, slow on the most important parts o f the

Ra(e
lecture (rules, conclusions, examples); rate is as
flexible as the lecturer wishes it to be

pa^ e s rather long, especially between the phonopiassag-

es; a large proportion of pauses serving to bring
out communicatively important parts of utteranc­
es; occasional use of breath-taking pauses

Rjjrthm properly organized, especially while givin g the

rules, reading the laws, drawing condusions, etc.

у^ГШПд] high proportion of compound terminal tones (High

Accen­
Fall + Low Rise; Fall-Rise, Rise-Fall-Rise); a great
tuation to ^
number of high categoric falls
of se­
mantic
pjjj-riudear frequent use of stepping and falling heads; alterna­
centres
patterns tion of descending and ascending heads, espetially
in enumerations

jpe contrast not great

^tween the
R en ted and
u|[iiccented
sdments
/

3 A sciei1^ 10 ^ y le talk presenter sounds much louder than

an informati'na* style reader as any public oration is produced
face to face a fairly-sized audience. Instances of diminished
loudness are observed only in bringing out phrases expressing
forgetfulness uncertainty, word-searching:
4 The p(os°dic features of the academic style reading are
rather varied as intonation correlates the lecturer's attempts to

220
get his meaning across clearly and to obtain the balance be-
tween formality and informality. This variety is created by:
a) The alternation of pauses, types of heads, pitch levels and
terminal tones.
b) The ample use of variations and contrasts of the tempo to
help the listener to differentiate between the more and less im­
portant parts of the overall flow of speech. The speaker normally
slows down when he introduces rules, terms, scientific laws, etc.
This makes them stand out.
5. The rhythmical organization of a scientific text is properly
balanced by the alternation of all prosodic features which gives
the acoustic impression of "rhythmicality".
6. High falling and falling-rising terminal tones are widely
used as a means of both logical and contrastive emphasis.
N o w in conclusion we would like to say that when we per­
form within the academic (scientific) intonational style a certain
amount of variation of all p'honostylistic characteristics is a must
to achieve the goal of communication, but care should be taken
not to overdo this. If a segment is overloaded with contrasts of
tempo, loudness and pitch and the speaker uses all sorts of “ora-
torial tricks", then it means that the lecturer performs in a differ­
ent style with appropriate prosody and we have the transposi­
tion from one style to another.
W e have described in this chapter only one register of the ac­
ademic style. Unfortunately other spheres of discourse and inter­
course in this style have not been fully investigated yet; so this
field for experiments is still open and awaits its investigators.

3. Publicistic Style

The term ‘’publicistic” serves for many kinds of oratorial ac­

tivities, that is why this intonational style is often called "oratori-
al”. It is a very broad label because there is a great deal of over­
lap between academic, publicistic and declamatory style when
the basic aim of the speaker is to extend persuasive and emo­
tional influence on the listeners and, of course, volitional and de­
siderative infonnation is predominant in the texts. But in publi­
cistic speeches it is achieved not only through argumentation as
in the academic style or imagery as in the declamatory style, but

221
through all sorts of direct oratorial performances. These perform­
ances are designed to entertain the public thus accomplishing
the purpose of imposing the speaker's ideas on listeners.
This is especially noticeable in public political speeches of
some politicians whose appeals to the nation are overloaded
with all sorts of oratorial tricks and characterized by various con­
trasts in all prosodic features to produce a complex vocal effect,
thus making addresses more effective.
So publicistic style is commonly called by phonostylists voli­
tional and desiderative. Its manifestation can be heard in. politi­
cal, judicial, oratorial speeches, in sermons, parliamentary de­
bates, at congresses, meetings, press conferences and so on. W e
will admit here, however, that this style will be outlined here
very briefly, since would-be teachers of English will not use it ac­
tively in their teaching experience and need it only for compre­
hension.
It has long been believed that oratorial skills need special
training. Therefore special schools of public speech makers, of
professional training were established throughout the centuries
and all over the world. It is evident, of course, that intonation
has always been of primary importance there and surely needed
accurate training and exaggeration to achieve excessive emo­
tional colouring. The use pf prosodic contrasts makes the speak­
er sometimes go to extremes and become needlessly dramatic.
Another important feature of publicistic style speeches is that
they are never spontaneous. It is generally accepted that any
professional talk is a “voyage", and it should be charted, but it is
strongly advisable not to use notes during the speech perform­
ance because they destroy the listener’s interest and the ideas,
suggestions and illustrations of the speaker will not come drifting
to the audience. Thus it should be borne in mind that a publicis­
tic speech is mostly always written but rehearsed and read
aloud, cultivating, however, the apparent spontaneity to avoid
the impression of complete preparedness.
As was stated above, the purpose 6f oratorial exercises is to
stimulate, inspire the listeners, to arouse enthusiasm in them; so
the kinesic accompaniment — facial expressions, bodily m ove­
ments, gestures — is extremely important and assists to achieve
the task, to put heart into the talking. On the other hand, the
proper response of the audience inspires the speaker and stimu­
lates him for an ever more successful talk.
One would always expect a political and judicial speech to be

222
given in a forceful and lively manner because the effects of fail­
ing to be convincing is likely to be severe for speakers, politi­
cians and judges especially. Consequently they use a great vari­
ety of generally accepted for this register grammatical construc- <
tions, lexical means and intonation patterns, which identify texts
as belonging to this type of speech.
These features are absolutely predictable because they are
markers of this style. For example, a very notable and common
stylistic feature used here is parallelism — the repetition of syn­
tactical, lexical and prosodic structures.
Basically political speeches, addresses of Governments tend
to be very formal, so a great number of “high-flown" phrases, set
expressions are common to this type of the style as is seen from
an imaginary political speech taken as a model from the A d ­
vanced English Course:
The time has almost come, ladies and gentlemen, when the G ov­
ernment must ask you — the electors of Great Britain — to rene\v
its mandate. It is as a member of the Government that I stand be­
fore you this evening, and the task I have set myself is to review
many things which the Government has achieved since the last
General Election and to outline the path which we hope to follow
in the future, when, as I am confident will be the case, you re­
turn us to office with an even greater parliamentary majority.
N o one will deny that what we have been able to do in the
past five years is especially striking in view of the crisis which we
inherited from the previous Government. With wages and prices
spiralling upwards; with a record trade deficit of hundreds of mil­
lions of pounds, and with the pound sterling afflicted by the
evaporation of international confidence the country was then on
the brink of financial disaster and economic collapse...

It should be noted here, however, that in publicistic speeches

of other kind — speeches of famous writers, public figures, peace
fighters and so on there may be deviations from formality and a
contrast is often to be seen between the highly formal and rather
ordinary and in some instances even colloquial language, when
various illustrations, examples, comparisons, jokes, quotations
are produced. So a good speaker is aware of a proper balance be­
tween intelligibility, pronounceabiliiy, relative dignity, formality
and informality.
Having outlined briefly the spheres of the publicistic style
manifestation we would like to concentrate now on the phonos-

223
tylistic characteristics of a publicistic speech. Recent research in
this field allows us to generalize certain prosodic configurations
as applied to this register. These results are presented in Table 10
(p. 225).
Now, following the general scheme of a style description, we
would like to describe the results of the opposition of a publicis­
tic intonational style text and an academic lecture. W e have
chosen a lecture for the comparison because there are certain
similarities and overlaps between these registers. The results of
the opposition show that the differences which exist between
these two types of public speaking are more striking than the
similarities.
Public oratorial speeches are so removed from everyday in­
formational narratives and so vividly marked on the grammati­
cal, lexical and prosodic levels that are immediately recognized
by listeners and labelled as oratorial skills and exercises.
As there is a very strong concern on the part of the speaker
about the effects achieved by his speech on the listener, the
former uses all kinds of oratorial performances which on the pro­
sodic level are characterized by the incomparable variations and
contrasts within the systems of pitch loudness, tempo and tim­
bre accompanied by kinesic components.
These prosodic contrasts, very expressive facial mimics and
gestures identify certain oral texts as belonging to publicistic in­
tonational style.
It is undoubtedly clear that volitional .and emotional function
of intonation is predominant in this register against the back­
ground of other functions.
As any publicistic speech is fully prepared and even re­
hearsed, it usually goes smoothly and with ease, without hesita­
tion devices. It is marked by its dignified slowness, careful articu­
lation and impressive resonance on the most important communi­
cative centres and properly rhythmically organized. Of course, it
is not always uniformly so. Occasionally a speaker may drift from
the register and sound less formal or even chatty or needlessly
dramatic. On such occasions the speaker tries to entertain the
public and the speech is characterized by markers of declamatory,
academic, informational or conversational styles. There are
speakers who confess to a fierce prejudice against the discourse in
a particular style only. They usually vary the registers thus
achieving certain influential results. A certain amount of style
variations is a must when we perform within publicistic discourse.
224
 Table 10
The Invariant of Phonostylistic Characteristics of Publicistic Oratorial Speeches
Timbre dignified, self-assured, concerned and personally in­
/ volved; a variety of attitudinal and modal expressions
in the voice
Delimitation phonopassages — phrases — intonation groups
Style- Loudness enormously increased, ranging from forte to fortissimo;
mar­ sometimes instances of diminished loudness are ob­
king served to bring out words and phrases of paramount
pro­ importance and produce certain psychological effect
sodic
Ranges greatly varied; the predominant use of wide ranges
featu­
and levels witliin the phonopassage; a very high level of the start
res
of the initial intonation groups
Rate moderately slow; the public speaker slows down to
bring out communicatively important centres; less im­
portant information entails acceleration of speed
Pauses definitely long between the passages; a great number
of breath-taking pauses; pausation is commonly expli­
cable in semantic-and syntactic terms; interpausal seg­
ments are rather short, thus phrases may be overload­
ed by pauses of different length; another characteristic
feature of this register is a rather frequent stop of pho-
uation before the emphatic semantic centre; it serves
as a means of bringing out words and phrases; voice­
less hesitation pauses occur to produce the effect of
apparent spontaneity, "rhetorical silence” is often used
to exert influence on the public
Rhythm properly organized; within the speech segm ents
rhythmic groups have recurrent alternation, which
,
produces the acoustic effect of strict rhythmicality
The ac­ Terminal mostly emphatic, especially on emotionally under­
centua­ tones lined semantic centres; in non-final intonational
tion of groups tailing-rising tones are frequent; terminal
seman­ tones are contrasted to distinguish betw een the
tic cen­ formal segments of speech and less form al ones
tres (illustrations, examples, jokes, and so on)
Pre-nuclear common use of the descending sequence of stressed
patterns syllables; a large proportion of falling and stepping
heads, frequently broken by accidental rises to in­
crease the emphasis; another common “rhetorical
trick" Ls the tonal subordination when semantically
and communicatively important intonation groups
contrast with their neighbours by all prosodic features;
so the liigh level head may be alternated with the low
level head, especially in enumerations
The contrast not great
between ac­
cented and
unaccented
segments |
Paraliri- a great number of paralinguistic effects, kinesic
auistic com ponents — facial expressions, b odily m o v e ­
features ments, gestures — subjected to the main purpose
of the publicistic discourse: to influence the audi­
ence, in volve it into the talk and to exert the e x ­
pected response from it

З а к . 1457 225
 Publicistic speakers are usually very enthusiastic about what
they say and how they say, so they may go to extremes by
enormously increasing the loudness and alternate it with whis­
per or by pronouncing very long breath groups and suddenly in­
terrupt the phonation by using the rhetorical silence. These and
other prosodic contrasts produce great effects and captivate the
attention and interest of the listener.
The greatest single stylistic characteristic of publicistic
speeches is the large amount of parallelisms on any level, pro­
sodic features including.
A ll the above-mentioned general characteristics serve to pro­
duce a complex vocal effect called "oration”, designed to make
the listeners respond to the publicistic speech-maker. So a clear
phonological distinction can be drawn between this intonational
style and others in terms of markedly different prosodic struc­
tures but there is no clear boundary between certain types of lec­
tures, publicistic speeches and declamatory performances.
W e have tried to describe here only one register of the style.
There are certainly other spheres of discourse — spontaneous
speeches at the meetings, debates, theatrical oratorial procedures
at parties, anniversaries and so on. They will certainly differ
greatly on the prosodic level, but-'the volitional function of into­
nation, expressed by the contrast of all prosodic parameters, will
always be in the foreground and mark the publicistic style.

4. Declamatory Style

This intonational style is also called by some as "artistic, ac­

quired or stage". As w e see from these labels, the scholars sug­
gest that this is a highly emotional and expressive intonational
style, that is why it needs special training. Attitudinal, volitional
and intellectual functions of intonation are of primary impor­
tance here and serve to appeal to the mind, will and feelings of
the listener. Most commonly it is performed through all sorts of
image-bearing devices which require rehearsing and professionaj
skills. This intonational style can be heard on the stage, on the
screen, in a T V studio or in a classroom during verse speaking
and prose readings and recitations. Thus w e see that it is always;
a written form of the language read aloud or recited. i
However, it should be claimed here, that it is a very hard la-j
bour to give a detailed description of the stage speech in this book
as it is the stylization of all speech styles, especially conversation­
al. Conversations on the stage tend to be meant quite familiar,
but, addressed to the spectators, they produce an exaggerated,
most striking elements especially in the fields of such prosodic pa­
rameters as loudness, rate and range and could be immediately
spotted by listeners as "stage speech" characteristics.
The prosodic organization of such texts will vary greatly, de­
pending on the type of the theatrical performance — whether it
is a tragedy, drama or comedy — and, of course, on the social
factors — the social and cultural background of the play charac­
ters, their relationship, extralinguistic context, and so on.
Acting is a two-way conversation, players respond very di­
rectly and promptly to the "feedback" they get from the audi­
ence; the "feedback" in their case being almost certainly commu­
nal, collective, non-verbal language. Methods of achieving, stim­
ulating and maintaining this “conversation" with their audience
must inevitably be the mainspring of the actors' “training”.
To feel, to know, even to express the contents of their drama
is a wasted and futile activity if it is not conveyed to other par­
ticipants — the audience. Distancing, posture, gesture, facial ex­
pression and timing — all these facets of their art are as impor­
tant as the delivery of words themselves.
It is a vast area for investigation and description but w e
would like here to restrict the field of analysis to the types of the
register needed in class for would-be teachers of English. Obvi­
ously they are prose reading and verse recitations. The latter
was described above under the heading "Rhythm".
So we confine ourselves to the prose reading here. W e think
we have to be clear that to the declamatory style reading we re­
fer only certain literary (fiction) texts appealing to the readers.
The reading of informational and scientific prose has been al­
ready described in the previous sections of the chapter. Though
there are many things in common, as any reading aloud sug­
gests, the predominance of emotional function in the artistic
reading separates this kind of reading from others in a funda­
mental way.
The declamatory reading displays a great variety of intonation
property as regards to the types of written texts. There is almost
endless variety in the way writers express themselves; but no
matter how pleasurable the w ay of writing may be, meaning al-
K*
227
ways comes first. In each case style, the way something has been
written, must be adapted to suit the subject matter.
It is common knowledge that prose, which describes an ac­
tion or a series of actions to tell a story, is called narrative, e.g.
Though it was nearly midnight when Andrew reached Bryngow-
er, he found Joe Morgan waiting for him, walking up and down
with short steps between the closed surgery and the entrance to
the house. (AJ.Cronin. The Citadel)
The prose is descriptive when scenes, objects, people, or
even a person's feelings are described in such a w ay that w e can
imagine them vividly. In good descriptive writing an author
builds up a picture in words in much the same w ay as an artist
paints a landscape or a portrait, e.g.
W e got out at Sonning and went for a walk round the village. It
is a most fairy-like little nook on the whole river. It is most like a
stage village that one builds of bricks and mortar. Every house is
smothered in roses and now, in early June, they were bursting
forth in clouds of dainty splendour... (Jerome K. Jerome. Three
Men in a Boat)
In order to appreciate a prose passage it is not enough to un­
derstand its meaning: it is necessary to grasp the author's inten­
tions and the means he has employed to fulfil them. In a sense
good narrative and descriptive prose have much in common
with poetry. The writer need not always have an audience in
mind. His aim is to tell a story or describe a scene as well as he
can. The "devices" that occur arise from the prose itself and are,
as it were, coincidental with this main purpose.
It is desirable, of course, before reading aloud to appreciate
the written text. For this one should firstly read the passage
carefully without worrying over the meaning of a few difficult
words. Then, while reading it, pay close attention to the se­
quence of events described, or to the stages which lead to the
main event. See if the writer gives reasons why the event or
events described occurred. When you have read a prose passage
carefully you should be in a position to pause a little bit and try
to realize general meaning, a detailed meaning and be able to
define the intentions of the writer and state why you have liked
or disliked what you have read.
W hat makes a story a pleasure to -read is usually the writer’ s

228
w ay of telling it. The w ay scenes and people are described, the
w ay the characters think, talk or act are quite as important as
the events themselves and contribute largely to our enjoyment.
When appreciating the prose it is necessary to understand how
these qualities or devices help a story to develop and how they *
add colour to it.
One should also bear in mind that any story is a unity, though
divided into passages. It is very important to understand how
pieces of narratives are put together. A reader responds to a text,
its linguistic clues (internal evidence), but also to situational clues
(external evidence). In responding to a text a reader usually takes
into account all he knows of the environment: what is going on,
who is involved as well as what part language is playing.
Evidently the next step will be to delimit the text, to break it
into phonopassages that may not coincide with the written pas­
sages. Then the passage should be split into phrases, the latter
into intonation groups. The most necessary procedure, of course,
is to underline the communicative centres in each group and
think what prosodic features are preferable for expressing the
meaning and the emphasis.
A writer helps his characters to come alive not only by de­
scribing the w ay they act but by letting us hear them speak.
Thus a continuous prose is interrupted by a dialogue. Effective
dialogue enables the reader to feel that he is actually witnessing
what is going on.
Dialogic texts are author's reproduction of actual conversa­
tion and in reading aloud a reader should bear in mind the char­
acters of the speakers, their social background and the atmos­
phere, the environment, in which the conversation takes place.
The author sometimes provides us with clues as to how the
speech of the characters should be interpreted, e.g.

He came into the room to shut the windows while w e were still
in bed and I saw he looked ill. He was shivering, his face was
white, and he walked slowly as though it ached to move.
"What's the matter, Schatz?"
‘T v e got a headache."
“You'd better go back to bed."
"No, I'm all right."
"You go to bed. I'll see you when I'm dressed.”
But when I came downstairs he was dressed, sitting by the

229
fire, looking a very sick and miserable boy of nine years. W hen I
put m y hand on his forehead I knew he had a fever.
"You go up to bed," I said, “you're sick."
T m all right," he said.
W h en the doctor cam e he took the b o y 's temperature.
[EHemingway. A Day's W ait)

The conversations are strikingly different in style and for

their characteristics see corresponding sections of the chapter.
W e must mention here, however, that most literary texts com­
prise descriptions, narrations and dialogues.
The experimental data of the research works on the declama­
tory reading (26, 43) allow us to say that its prosodic organiza­
tion depends on the type of the literary text — descriptive, narra­
tive, dialogue; on the character of the described events, schemes
and objects (humorous, tragic, romantic, dreamy, imaginative
and so on) and of course on the skills of the reader. But it is al­
ways clearly marked and distinguished by its expressiveness,
personal involvement on the part of the author, by the empha­
sis, by the entire range of prosodic and paralinguistic effects and
it is all felt through the skilful reading (see Table 11).
W e would like to comment on the use of terminal tones in
initial and non-final intonation groups. The views of phoneti­
cians differ here. G.Pinayeva, for example, claims that the Low
Rise now loses its connective function and gains the emphatic
one. Subsequently the falling-rising tone becomes more and
more connective (26).
Other scholars write that the most typical nuclear tone used
for the connection in non-final groups is the non-final low falling
or the midlevel tone. Evidently the solution lies in new experi­
ments and the analysis of the experimental data. W e will try to
suggest, however, that the choice of the terminal tone in non-fi­
nal intonation groups is determined by the emphasis. The ex­
pressive reading suggests the Low or Medium Fall rather than
the rising tones;

VA s it was 'nearly ^midnight || when VA n drew 'reached

vBryngower... || A t the '’sight of him || the ' ’burly 'driller's face
ex'pressed revlief. ||| (A J.Cronin . The Citadel)

230
 Table 11

/ The Invariant of PhonostyUglic Characteristics

of the Declamatory Prose Reading >

Timbre concerned, personally involved, emotionally rich

Delimitation phonopassages — phrases — intonational groups

Style- Loudness varied acconling to the size o f the audience and to

marking the emotional setting
prosodic
features Levels and variable
ranges

Rate deliberately slow, necessitated b y the purpose of

the reading: the complete understanding o f the
author's message by the listener; changes in the
speed of utterances are determined by the syntac­
tic structures, importance o f information and the
degree of emphasis

Pauses long, especially between the passages. Disjunctive

pauses tend to be longer than connecting ones. In­
ternal boundary placement is always syntactically
or semantically predictable. A declamatory reading
is distinctly marked b y a great number o f pro­
longed emphatic pauses — the device used by the
reader to underline the emphasis

Rhythm properly organized, the isochronic recurrence o f

stressed and unstressed syllables

The accen­ Terminal common, use o f categoric low and high falls in final
tuation of tones and even initial intonation groups and on seman­
semantic tic centres; occasional use o f rising and level tones
centres to break the monotony and in initial groups to
connect segments of the phrase, to lead the listen­
er on the later developments

Pre-nuclear varied, contain patterns which have both common

patterns emphatic and non-emphatic usage; for the empha­
sis the follow ing patterns are most frequently
used: Low Head + High Fall
High Head + Low Fall
High Head + High Fall
Stepping Head + H igh Fall

The contrast not great

between ac­
cented and
unaccented
segments

231
 Our final procedure will be the phonological opposition of
the informational and declamatory reading.
The opposition shows that both readings differ totally in any
aspect, but primarily in the voice timbre — in the declamatory
reading the emotional colouring of the voice is very rich, varied
according to the degree of emphasis.
On the prosodic level the markers of the declamatory style
reading are:
1. Slow tempo, caused by the lento rate of utterances and
prolonged pauses, especially at the passage.boundaries.
2. Stable rhythmicality.
3. The use of the falling terminal tones in initial intonation
groups, the increase of their range with the emphasis.
N o w by w ay of conclusion we would like to say that we
have made an attempt here to describe one type of the declama­
tory style reading, which we claim to be valuable for teachers of
English.
Of course, there are as many specifications in the reading as
there are authors, script-writers, actors, verse-reciters, fable read­
ers and so on, but the lack of space in this book does not allow
us to go into more detailed analysis. Language teachers should
pay a great deal of attention to the expressive declamatory read­
ing as it enables written literature to be accessible, to broaden
the pupils’ and students' horizons, to show them the subtleties
of the author's intentions, to unlock his secrets and pave the
w ay to something new, something different.
\

5. Conversational Style

The aim of this section is to analyse variations that occur in

natural spontaneous, everyday speech. It is the most commonly
used type of intonational style and consequently a variety which
will be more familiar to the vast majority of English-speaking
people than any other. That is why it is called familiar. This kind
of English is also a means for everyday communication, heard in
natural conversational interaction between speakers. So phonetic
stylists call it conversational. Some scholars also call it informal,
because this style occurs mainly in informal external and inter­
nal relationships in the speech of relatives, friends, w ell-ac­
quainted people and so on.

232
 In informal situations," where speakers are more relaxed, less
attention is given by them to the effect they produce on the listen­
ers, because, as it has already been mentioned, in formal situa­
tions they monitor their linguistic behaviour, perhaps sometimes
unconsciously. But in everyday life a more natural and spontane­
ous style will be used. It is the style at the extreme informal end of
the stylistic linear continuum that is known as "vernacular" (48).
Thus all speakers have a vernacular style but its variations in the
use of non-standard norms depend on the social background. In
this style variation will be at its most consistent level. It is the
most situationally influenced kind of English. From pedagogical
viewpoint this English seems to be one of the most useful and
least artificial kinds of the language to teach foreign learners.
W e would also point out here that in conversational style the
emotional reaction to the stimulating speech signals is very im­
portant so the attitudinal function of intonation here comes to
the fore. Therefore one is liable to find here a wider range of con­
trasts at any level than could be expected elsewhere. W e have
already outlined specifications of different types of dialogues,
classified them according to the degree of formality, so here we
will attempt to gain some insight into everyday conversations.
W e are now to further our understanding of subtleties in varia­
tions of this type of English and provide a valid description, we
hope, on all linguistic and extralinguistic levels.
Conversations are one of the most complex forms of human
behaviour. One starts to examine in depth even apparently trivi­
al conversations, the complexity soon becomes obvious and, as
with most other aspects of language study, new dimensions to
the study appear.
Clearly, a conversation consists of more than verbal language.
Communication, to be effective, relies on other features than lan­
guage and a great deal on that is not said. A measure of common
understanding has to exist between speakers. Where this com­
mon understanding is lacking, failures in communication are apt
to occur.
In a conversation we do not just listen to words, we derive
the meaning consciously or unconsciously from a number of
other communicative systems and it could be that a lift of an
eyebrow, a twitch at the side of the mouth, or a silence tell us
more than a dozen sentences.
But undoubtedly the verbal part of the communication plays

233
a very im portant role and has its own system s too but only
linked with other effective ways contributed by the speakers.
The full effect is achieved and meanings are exchanged even
with strangers and about unfamiliar topics.
So to study conversational interactions means to study some
of the "rules" of non-verbal behaviour in relation to particular
cultures and societies and also to study the linguistic rules gov­
erning the talks. Both types of study are still in relatively early
infancy and the study of the relationship between them is even
less advanced. At the present moment it seems we just do not
have the tools, the methodology to cope with the linguistical,
psychological and sociological complexities of interaction simul­
taneously, at least with the rigour and scientific objectivity that
the social sciences like to set as their target. Thus any piece,of
research is likely to lean heavily on either linguistics, psycholo­
gy or sociology, and to run the risk of ignoring, or at least giving
insufficient weight to other factors.
Another complexity in carrying out researches in this type of
speech lies in the procedural difficulties of obtaining reliable
data. It is well-known that most people behave differently if they
are aware of being tape-recorded, but unfortunately linguists
cannot analyse everyday language without making tape record­
ings first.
So of course the recorded samples of spontaneous informal
conversations are not quite reliable. The only safe way of obtain­
ing data is through the technique of "Surreptitious" recording.
However, the transcript of these talks doesn't show non-verbal
means of communication — postures, gestures, facial expres­
sions, manners and other superficial manifestations which consti­
tute the so-called "silent language" of people. W ith the invention
of "Video" one can easily solve this problem and the fieldwork
procedures using it will be able to achieve quite realistic, objec­
tive data^and investigate the phenomena in all its complexity
and unity.
Unfortunately, in this book we rely only upon the tapescripts
of everyday informal conversations recorded for English text­
books.
Spontaneous, colloquial, informal conversations display cer­
tain common linguistic characteristics.
1. Firstly, talks of this kind are characterized by the inexpli
itness of the language as the speakers rely very much upon the
234
extralinguistic factors — context, kinesics, etc. This manifests it­
self in "incompleteness" of m any utterances as the context
makes it clear what was meant by the speaker, thus making re­
dundant its vocal expression:
Jane: Well... maybe, but... take responsibility; the... the... you
don't need as great a sense of responsibility for you... your
kind of work as you do in teaching — all those children, all
those parents...
Brenda: No, but you do have your... your... your colleagues at
work — you have a certain amount of responsibility to them.
Sometimes the speakers even abrupt the speech suddenly
and tail off into silence but the listeners understand them, catch
the meaning, because the participants have a common personal
background and the explicitness is tolerated or even taken for
granted and is diagnostic of conversation. Occasionally, the lis­
teners request recapitulation by all sorts of repeated and echoing
questions:
Richard: Well, Г т going tonight in fact.
Jane: Tonight? Oh, are you?
Richard: Yes, most nights really.
2. Secondly, conversations are characterized by the lack of
planning and the randomness of subject matter. They are very
often unpredictable, not guided to an overall theme as, for exam­
ple, in our first conversation.
This is the most changeable variety of the language. It is,
however, true that in many everyday communications certain
semantic blocks are commonly repeated. For instance, the stere­
otyped exchange of greetings, partings, pleasantries, making ac­
quaintance, starting the conversation, arresting attention, mak­
ing contacts and so on.
One can easily spot phrases of speech etiquette functioning
in colloquial talks such as questions to keep the conversation
going, asking for information, expressions leading up to ques­
tions, polite formulas for attracting attention, requesting, agree­
ing and refusing, expressing gratitude and others. These devices
and opening gambits are very helpful for speakers to build up a
conversational unity and are used by native speakers mechani­
cally. For foreign learners, however, they should be taught in an
appropriate order to help them to control and handle the speech.

235
 3. The third general feature of the conversational style talk
is "non-fluency". Informal spontaneous conversation is character­
ized by a high proportion of "errors" involving hesitation phe­
nomena, slips of the tongue and all sorts of overlapping and si­
multaneous speech:
Bob: I think I'd much prefer to go in for teaching.
Jane: Jolly good! 1 (simulta-
Bob: Because ... er ... well, you get long holidays. J neously)
The distribution of hesitancy is very significant, it is strongly
influenced by creative thinking and produces a cyclic pattern.
They are of primary significance, the avoidance of hesitation de­
vices and "errors" may produce a wrong effect and lead to a dif­
ferent type of speech style.
Some more important characteristics should be mentioned
here. Entire range of vocalic clusters, sounds, non-verbal signals
are common in conversations, e.g. тттт, sshh, ah, bn, etc.
Also, one can hear whistles, laughs, giggles, clearings of the
throat, snorts and sniffs.
The observation of "Videos" show s us the behaviour of
speakers during the conversations. In every society there are
specific rules governing the conduct of conversation. Some of
these tactics are verbal, others non-verbal, most are culturally
determined, some make individual use of cultural habits and ex­
pectations. Together with the "silent language" (posture, gesture,
facial expression and manners) the space between the speakers
also plays an important part in communication. It is a measure
of how intimate or otherwise the speakers feel, how formal or in­
formal their relationship is.
A "nose-to-nose" distance of 1,5—2 metres is considered to
be most comfortable for talks and anything nearer than this may
be unwelcome if the other is not regarded as an intimate. Of
course the "silent language" has significance at deeper levels and
in more complex ways than that exhibited in gesture or postural
language. There are more message systems but they are not ful­
ly investigated yet.
On the grammatical level informal conversation provides de­
limitation of utterances and sentences. The length of utterances
is much more variable here than in any other variety of English.
Changes in modality and status condition variations in utterance
length. There is also a problem of delimiting sentences from each
236
other as our conversations are characterized by a large number
of loosely coordinated clauses and it is very difficult to decide
whether to take these as sequences or as compound sentences,
e.g.
Jane: Well,... maybe, but... take responsibility for your kind of
work as you do in teaching — all those children, all those par­
ents...
D.Crystal suggests to refer to such a feature without using the
term "sentence" at all, talking instead of clause complexes. (54)
Minor sentences are extremely frequent in responses, many
of them are incomplete. There are a few other points to be noted
on the grammatical level:
1. High proportion of parenthetic compound types of sen­
tence introduced by you see, you know, I mean, I say and others.
2. Frequent use of interrogative sentence types and very few
imperatives.
3. Common use of vocatives, especially in initial position.
4. Rare use of nominal groups as subjects; the personal pro­
nouns are more in evidence, the informal you is quite common in
its impersonal function.
5. A great number of question tags.
6. The use of all sorts of repetitions and repetition structures.
Even adverbial intensifiers such as very may be repeated several
times.
7. The occurrence of contrasted verbal forms (he's, Г11, Tve).
8. The frequency of colloquial ellipses.
All these features and many others, not m entioned here,
would be condem ned by m any teachers of gram m ar and it
would be only just for any other speech style, but for this type of
speech it is a standard and indeed a valuable part of informal
conversation. Formal written and informal spoken English are to­
tally different varieties of the language and the criteria of accept­
able usage must not be confused.
The most noticeable aspect of everyday conversations is their
vocabulary. It is characterized by colloquial idioms, the use of
words simple in structure, the avoidance of phraseology; also the
informality of the text is achieved by the use of words and phrases
specific for such conversations, e.g. Yeah. Right. O.K. I see. Oh, yes.
Yes,yes. Oh, lovely. Oh dear. Alright. Sure. Good heavens! Thanks! Jol­
ly good! Really? Come off it! Oh, no! Hey! and others. (54)

237
 On the prosodic level the field researchers provide us with
data that help us to do some generalizations (54, 13).
1. Conversations fall into coordinated blocks, consisting of
suprasegm ental and supraphrasal units tied up by variations
within the length of pauses, speed, rhythm, pitch ranges, pitch
levels and loudness.
2. Since there are no restrictions on the range and depth of
emotions which might be displayed in conversational speech sit­
uations they will allow entire range of prosodic effects.
3. In the description of prosodic characteristics of this intona­
tional style we will begin by saying that intonation groups are
rather short, their potentially lengthy tone units tend to be bro­
ken. These short interpausal units are characterized by decen­
tralized stress and sudden jumps down on communicative cen­
tres, e.g.
Jane : “‘That's vgoing... | to "‘ make you very un'fit, you know.
4. The heads are usually level, or rarely, falling. Falling heads
occur only in groups consisting of several stressed syllables.
5. As for the nuclei, simple falling and rising tones are com­
mon. Emphatic tones occur in highly emotional contexts. High
pre-nuclear syllables are very frequent, e.g.
"— Do you think it ^matters?”
"— Г d rather be °thin than xfat.“
6. The tempo of colloquial speech is very varied. The natural
speed might be very fast but the impression of “slowness" may
arise because of a gfeat number of hesitation pauses both filled
and non-filled (hesitant drawls) within the block. However, the
speakers may have no pauses between their parts, very often
they speak simultaneously, interrupt each other.
Also a familiar point about informal conversation is the fre­
quency of silence for purposes of contrastive pause as opposed
to its being required simply for breath-taking.
Pauses may occur randomly, not just at places of grammati­
cal junctions, e.g.
Richard: xOh, || ...vlook, | you vdon't seem to | ' realize >that |||
...th a tlxlike it. ||
So, tempo is very flexible in this style. It is uneven with and
between utterances.

238
 7. Interpausal stretches have a marked tendency towards
subjective rhythmic isochrony.
Now to conclude the description of prosodic invariant chaj-
acteristics we would like to point out that the impression that
the intonation is rather "chaotic" in conversations is completely
wrong. Suprasegmental features form a basic set of recurrent pat­
terns which is occasionally disturbed by the introduction of spe­
cific prosodic and paralinguistic effects which depend upon the
modality an individual is using.
The phonological opposition of conversational (informal) and
informational (formal) dialogues shows that there is much in
common between them, but the former are characterized by a
greater variety in all linguistic and extralinguistic characteristics,
therefore much research work should be done to enable investi­
gators to have good grounds to draw the invariantal phonosty­
listic characteristics of this type of speech.
Now we shall examine another, very specific register of con­
versational style — telephone conversations. This sphere of com­
munication is limited in certain important respects by the special
situation, which imposes a number of restrictions.
The conversationalists who can see each other are able to
place a great amount of reliance on the facilities offered by such
things as gesture and the presence of a common extralinguistic
context.
Telephone conversations lack these facilities to a large extent
and so have a tendency to become more explicit than ordinary
conversations with a different use of "indicator" words such as
pronouns which may be vague in their reference if it cannot be
seen who or what is referred to.
The telephone situation is quite unique being the only fre­
quently occurring case of a conversation in which tlje partici­
pants are not visible to each other, so there is some uncertainty
in keeping up the give-and-take between the participants.
A different range of situational pressures is exerted upon the
participants, and consequently a range of linguistic contrasts
which they are permitted to choose differs somewhat.
The “talkers" avoid long utterances w ithout introducing
pauses. Pauses cannot be long, because anything approaching a
silence may be interpreted by the listener either as a breakdown
of communication or as an opportunity for interruption which
may not have been desired. Voiced hesitation introduced to fill
239
the gap (drawls, random vocalizations, repetitions of words) is
more frequent here than elsewhere. In view of the purpose of a
telephone call questions (also repeated and echoed), responses
and imperatives are very common.
Vocabulary is characterized by the use of colloquialisms, idi­
oms and vocalization. The opening and closing of a telephone
conversation are marked by the use of the same formulas, the
linguistic devices carrying out these operations are not numer­
ous and always predicted.
It is obvious that telephone conversations differ from others
mainly in degree of formality and can most realistically be seen
as a subprovince of the more general notion.
W e shall conclude this chapter by examining one more area
of conversations, namely, when partners' stretches of speech are
not equal: one is an active speaker, the other is an active listen­
er. It happens when people tell stories of anecdotal character or
in the form of long narratives. It may be the story of a film or a
book or just a story of events that have happened to us. In this
case the speech of the narrator reminds us very much of the in­
formational monologue, only differs in the degree of formality.
Correspondingly, there is a greater variety in using hesitation
phenomena (filled or non-filled), vocalizations, repetitions and so
on.
The speed of utterances and pausal contrasts vary in accord­
ance with the semantic value of the narration.
The listener responds either non-verbally by using vocaliza­
tions, gestures and facial expressions or by prompting the talk
with all sorts of phrases showing personal concern and interest,
like: What then? So what? And? Well? and so on.
Now by way of conclusion we would like to say that it is not
without significance that education is now increasingly interest­
ed in communicative studies. Teachers have to find new ways of
coming to terms with those they hope to teach and the study of
interaction is one way of trying to enable sufficient “conversa­
tion" to take place to facilitate teaching and learning.
In a study of interaction there is a real hope for improving
teacher's effectiveness. But any such study has to be highly
complex, and in view of the difficulty and complexity the ques­
tion of whether such studies can be of practical value was raised
and some useful advice for such attempts was given.
“Language" and “People" are both familiar terms and repre­
sent familiar things. But the "and" between them represents an
enormously complex relationship. This relationship involves cul­
tures and civilizations, individual human beings, their interaction
and their forms of organization, it involves values.
The book of our aim cannot pretend to explore in any depth
or with any adequacy such vast areas, but it seems worth mak­
ing attempts to trail some of the more significant strands in the
relationships and that's what we tried to do here.

INTONATION AND LANGUAGE TEACHING

It is not possible within the limited space of this book to give

a complete survey of the structure and function of English into­
nation, of various ways of its realization in English speech. W e
have so far confined ourselves, to the significance of intonation
choices not only within utterances but also viewed on a relative­
ly new linguistic level, i.e. discourse, to handle the way in which
functional units combine together.
1. All intonation choices depend ultimately on the extralin­
guistic situation the speakers find themselves in, on the speak­
er’s assessment of the state and extent of the common ground
between himself and his listener.
2. There are three very important stages especially in class­
room interaction — opening, answering and follow-up. An open­
ing phrase sets up certain constraints and expectations which
the answering phrase(s) fulfils. Answering is said to fulfil expec­
tations but to set up none itself and thus can be .followed either
by a new opening, which may be produced by tli^ same speaker
or the other one, or by a follow-up, which reacts to or comments
on the answering phrase.
— Have you got the time?
— It's three o'clock.
— Thanks.
Or:
— Have you got the time?
— It's three o'clock. Are you in a hurry?
— Thanks. I certainly am.
The opening phrase delimits a set of acceptable answering
moves; a follow-up move can do little more than hon-conten-
241
tiously reformulate or comment upon the answering move or ask
for some more information. The choice of intonation depends on
how the speaker's contribution relates to the previous message.
If no special attitudes are expressed in the microdialogues
above the opening phrase is more likely to be pronounced with
a mid pre-nuclear part + mid-rising terminal tone; the answer­
ing move repeats the level of the pre-nuclear part + low falling
or mid-level terminal tone. The second phrase may have the low
rising tone. The follow-up move is pronounced either within the
same level or lower with the low falling terminal tone. The addi­
tion of this or that attitude may change the integrating structure
of the intonation in many possible ways. The teacher must be
aware of the fact that all possible modifications of intonation are
inseparably connected with the particular speech situation and
the attitudes expressed by the participants.
3. To convey the idea adequately the speaker must be al
ways aware of the relative information load carried by particular
elements in his discourse. The distribution of prominence in each
particular phrase depends upon the speakers apprehension of
the state of convergence he shares with the hearer. W e said ear­
lier that the physiological mechanism that produces speech,
functions as a whole, and any change in the production of pitch,
loudness and duration is likely to be accompanied by comple­
mentary, perhaps compensatory, changes in the others. It would
be a mistake to underestimate the difficulty of deciding what, in
a given instance, contributes most to a hearer's recognition of a
linguistically meaningful choice. Most native speakers feel that
their ability to recognize what we call ‘‘prominence" depends as
much upon loudness and duration as upori pitch, but a phoneti­
cally untrained ear does not recognize their compensatory effect.
The learner of English must be particularly careful about the dis­
tribution of prominence among the perts of his utterance. It is
not always necessary to make prominent notional words. On the
other hand, form-words m ay be informationally loaded and
stand out rather strongly:
— W hat will John do?
— I doubt John’s coming.
— I think he’s coming.
— But he is coming.

242
 This is how an interactive theory of intonation can be ap­
plied in a speaker-to-speaker discourse. How, one may ask, can
this theory be appropriate to describe choices of intonation made
when a speaker is reading aloud a ready-made text?
W e must first emphasize that we see even silent reading as an
essentially interactive process — not however, between reader
and writer, but rather between reader and text. W hatever text he
is concerned with, fictional or factual, the reader's task is to dis­
cover not what the writer intends, for that is not recoverable, but
rather what meaning(s) the text legitimately allows. Readers do
not approach texts without a purpose or with a blank mind. Read­
ing is an active process in which they attempt to mash the ut.w
information provided by the text with their existing knowledge;
writers do not write for all possible audiences but for a particular
one and a major problem for the expository writer is to judge how
much his text can assume as common ground — each reader will
know for himself how far we have succeeded.
Given this view of the reading process one must then ask
what is the role of the reader aloud? Obviously he is translating
the written text into a spoken one, but in doing so he is forced to
make choices in the intonation system as well, and thus add
some information to the text. On what grounds does he make
these choices? It seems that he has two entirely different options:
he can either enter into the text, interpret it and "perform" it as if
he himself were speaking to the listener, saying as it were, "this
is what the text means"; or he can stand outside the text and
simply act as the medium, saying this is what the text says. It is
definitely clear that the first approach suggests more effect on
the listener's apprehension.
W e must note right here that though lexics and grammar
may sometimes determine the tone choice there is nothing deter­
ministic about the connection between lexico-grammatical de­
scription of the item on the one hand and the intonation treat­
ment on the other.
W e can postulate at least three levels of engagement with
the reading task. At the lowest level the reader makes such deci­
sions about proclaimable and referable matter as are justified by
a consideration of each successive sentence in isolation. If we
take the text: "He could have been mistaken. The books were
still lying on the desk. It must have been Peter they had seen"
we could expect a reading something like:

243
He couldn't have been mistaken. The books were still lying on the
desk. It must have been Peter they had seen.1
But if the reader makes sentence-by-sentence decisions in the
light of earlier sentences — that is to say, if he incorporates the
unfolding text into the "world" to which he orientates — then we
might expect:
He couldn't have been mistaken. The books were still lying on
the desk. It must have been Peter th^y had seen.
In this version, which is probably only one of several that
could be invented, "the books" are presented as the reason for
maintaining that "he couldn't have been mistaken", proclaim
new information and therefore are pronounced with the falling
tone; and the judgement implied by "must have been" has rising
or falling-rising tone, as a virtual reiteration of that implied by
"he couldn't". However, if the text is treated as fitting into a wid­
er context — as being related, for instance, to a tacit understand­
ing that "he" is not the kind of person who makes mistakes, and
set in a world in which objects like "the desk” can be taken for
granted — then the reading might go like:
He couldn't have been mistaken. The books were still lying on the
desk. It must have been Peter they had seen.
All the intonation groups in this interpretation are likely to
be pronounced with the falling tones.
This type of reading by an informed reader to an informed
listener could have a direct application in foreign language
teaching. One of the difficulties of reading a text in a foreign lan­
guage is seeing how the individual sentences hold together and
how they relate to other sentences, while one of the things a
reader aloud does is to highlight the information structure of the
passage. It seems to us that one could usefully teach foreign
learners the rudiments of a description of intonation and then ;
have them read following the intonationally structuring model. I
It is not possible*, within the limited space of this section, to j
give a complete survey of the most important principles of into-1
nation choice in other speech realizations. It is definitely a sub- j
ject for discussion in a special book dealing with the methods of I
teaching pronunciation. j
But there is one more point that should be mentioned right'

1Semantic centres are italidsed.

244
here. Clearly, the language interaction in which learner and
teacher engage is limited by their social roles and didactic pur­
poses do"not give the chance of realizing all the meanings,sig­
nalled by intonation. Therefore teaching material should suggest
extralinguistic situations in which role playing could expose the
learner to varieties of spoken interaction.
By w ay of conclusion we would say that there is a much
longer history behind the teaching of grammar and lexics, as
translated into classroom textbooks and general courses, than
there is behind intonation; the regular integration of it into the
language training syllabuses is something that is to come yet.
It would be perfectly natural to add that the object of linguistic
studies is verbal language as a communicative tool. At the same
time it is obvious that although verbal means (intonation among
them) form the core of most human communication situations,
the total message is actually conveyed through their interrelation
with systems other than verbal. Among them kinesics proves to
be an essential part of the human message-conveying activities of
speech and movement. Since verbal language cannot be studied
in isolation, the realistic departure in non-verbal communication
studies is the integration of human signalling systems.
Typically, in any dyadic conversation one person can be
identified as the speaker and the other as the listener. It is gener­
ally assumed that the person in the speaker role is the dominant
provider of information. However listeners quite frequently give
brief verbal responses. The contents of verbal listener responses
can range from simple "mhm" to more complex utterances such
as "I think I see what you mean". Listeners are as active kinesi-
cally as they are verbally. They engage in a wide range of visi­
ble non-verbal behaviours, some but not all of which co-occur
with their verbal listener responses. These include occasional
shift in posture, periodic changes in direction of orientation of
the head and eyes, gesticulations of the hands and arms and a
variety of affective (and emblematic) reactions involving the face
and head. Presumably many of these non-verbal activities of lis­
teners function to provide feedback about the adequacy of the
presentations of speakers. However, little concrete evidence is
available about the particular feedback functions that are served
by variations in non-verbal responses of listeners, or about how
these interact with the verbal components of listener responses.
The most commonly identified kinesic form of listener responses
245
is the head nod. Head nods may or may not accompany verbal
listener responses. In fact they occur in the absence of any verbal
component.
Attempts have been made to identify the major varieties of
speaker and listener behaviours. Among speaker's non-verbal
behaviours the following are substantively distinct.
1. "Active ending" characterized by the shifting of posture to­
wards the listener, turning and pointing the head towards the lis­
tener, small head nods, the holding of gesticulations and a clear
pause.
2. "Floor maintenance" consists of turning the head and eyes
away from the listener both prior to and during the verbal listen­
er response.
3. "Persistent display" is comprised, of eyebrow flashes and
raised brows during the end of the speaker's utterance and the
lowering of brows and termination of smiles during the subse­
quent verbal listener response phase.
4. "Deactivation ending" consists of the termination of smiles,
or frowns, and of eyebrow raises prior to the listener response.
Among listener's behaviours the following could be m en­
tioned.
1. "Normal acknowledgement" is based upon a number of
normal head nods during the verbal listener response. It appears
to be a classic indicator of attention to, and acceptance of, the
flow of the speaker's utterances.
2. "Preprocessing" is head nodding prior to the end of the
speaker’s utterance indicating that the listener is signalling u n ­
derstanding before the speaker has finished talking.
3. "Minimal recognition" is composed of brief smiles and
small head nods during the listener's verbalization.
4. ‘Interest" is based on forward posture and visual attention
prior to the verbal listener response, and the initiation of eye­
brow raises or flashes or blinks during the verbal listener re­
sponse.
5. "Disengagement" includes both gaze aversion and return
of gaze during the listener response period.
The described non-verbal behaviours and their interpretation
are presented by the first steps in the field of non-verbal commu­
nication where a thorough further research is expected, especial­
ly in the field of correlation between the use of phonetic units
and non-verbal behaviours.
246
 C h a p t e r VI
TERRITORIAL VARIETIES OF ENGLISH PRONUNCIATION

FUNCTIONAL STYLISTICS AND DIALECTOLOGY

This chapter is concerned with varieties of English in different

regions of Britain and various countries of the world. It is quite
clear of course that dialectology is inseparably connected with
sociolinguistics, the latter deals with language variation caused
by social difference and differing social needs; it studies the ways
language interacts with social reality.
W e propose now a definition of this field of science: Sociolin­
guistics is the branch of linguistics which studies different as­
pects of language — phonetics, lexics and grammar with refer­
ence to their social functions in the society. Thus sociolinguistics
explains language phenomena in connection with factors outside
the language faculty itself in terms of large-scale social structure
and in terms of how people use language to communicate with
one another.
Though in the past fifteen years sociolinguistics has come of
age and is a fast expanding and increasingly popular subject it
should be fair to mention here that language has always been
viewed as a social phenomenon, the most important means of
human intercourse. So it is evident that language is indissolubly
linked with the society; in it we can see a faithful reflection of
the society in which people live.
It is quite clear, of course, that such fields of science as linguis­
tics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics are inseparably linked in
the treatment of various language structures. For example, the
subject matter of ethnolinguistics gradually merges into that of
anthropological linguistics and that into sociological linguistics
and that into stylistics, and the subject matter of social psychology.
Some scholars consider functional stylistics to be a branch of
sociolinguistics since it studies the distinctive linguistic charac­
teristics of smaller social groupings (such as those due to occupa­
tional class, ag e‘and sex differences) (38, 68).
247
I
 In the case of English there exists a great diversity in the spo­
ken realization of the language and particularly in terms of pro­
nunciation. The varieties of the language are conditioned by lan­
guage communities ranging from small groups to nations. Now
speaking about the nations we refer to the national variants of
the language. In their treatm ent we follow the conception of
A.D.Shweitzer. According to him national language is a histori­
cal category evolving from conditions of economic and political
concentration which characterizes the formation of a nation (38).
In other words national language is the language of a nation, the
standard of its form, the language of a nation's literature.
It is common knowledge that language exists in two forms:
written and spoken. Any manifestation of language by means of
speech is the result of a highly complicated series of events.
ТЪе literary spoken form has its national pronunciation stand­
ard. A "standard" may be defined as “a socially accepted variety
of a language established by a codified norm of correctness" (68,
p. 68).
Today all the English-speaking nations have their own na­
tional variants of pronunciation and each of them has peculiar
features that distinguish it from other varieties of English.
It is generally accepted that for the “English English" it is "Re­
ceived Pronunciation" or RP; for “The American English" —
“General American pronunciation"; for the Australian English —
"Educated Australian" (we shall speak about it in detail later in
the book).
Standard national pronunciation is som etim es called an
“orthoepic norm"’. Some phoneticians, however, prefer the term
"literary pronunciation".
Though every national variant of English has considerable
differences in pronunciation, lexics and grammar, they all have
much in common which gives us ground to speak of one and the
sam e language — the English language.
It would not be true to say that national standards are fixed
and immutable. They undergo constant changes due to various
internal and external factors. Pronunciation, above all, is subject
to all kinds of innovations. Therefore the national variants of
English differ primarily in sound, stress, and intonation. It is well-
known that there are countries with more than one national lan­
guage, the most common case being the existence of two nation­
al languages on the same territory. For this Canada will be an
248
example, where two different languages — English and French —
form the repertoire of the community. In this case scholars speak
about bilingualism in contrast to monolingualism typical of a
country with one national language. Here arises the problem 6f
interference, that is "linguistic disturbance which results from
two languages (or dialects), coming into contact in a specific sit­
uation" (52, p. 254).
It may be well to state that every national variety of the lan­
guage falls into territorial or regional dialects. Dialects are distin­
guished from each other by differences in pronunciation, gram­
mar and vocabulary. W e must make clear that, when we refer to
varieties in pronunciation only, we use the word "accent"1. So
local accents may have many features of pronunciation in com­
mon and consequently are grouped into territorial or area ac­
cents. In Britain, for example, Yorkshire, Lancashire and Chesh­
ire accents form the group of "Northern accent". W e must admit,
however, that in most textbooks on phonetics the word "dialect"
is still used in reference to the regional pronunciation peculiari­
ties, though in the latest editions both in this country and abroad
the difference in terms "dialects and accents" is generally accept­
ed. As we see, those terms should be treated differently when re­
lated to different aspects of the language. It is, however, true that
there is a great deal of overlap between these terms. For certain
geographical, economic, political and cultural reasons one of the
dialects becomes the standard language of the nation and its
pronunciation or its accent — the received standard pronuncia­
tion. This was the case of London dialect, whose accent became
the "RP" (“Received Pronunciation") of Britain (57).
It has been estimated that the standard pronunciation of a
country is not homogeneous. It changes in relation to other lan­
guages, and also to geographical, psychological, social and polit­
ical influences. In England, for example, we distinguish "conserv­
ative, general and advanced RP" (57).
As a result of certain social factors in the post-war period —
the growing urbanization, spread of education and the impact of
mass media, Standard English is exerting an increasing powerful
influence on the regional dialects of Great Britain. Recent sur­
veys of British English dialects have revealed that the pressure of

1 Learners of a foreign language often use the word "accent" to describe

pronunciation features in « foreign language influenced by the mother tongue, ‘in
other words, a foreigner may be easily recognized by an accent.
249
Standard English is so strong that many people are bilingual in a
sense that they use an imitation of RP with their teachers and
lapse into their native local accent when speaking among them­
selves. In this occasion the term diglossia should be introduced
to denote a state of linguistic duality in which the standard liter­
ary form of a language and one of its regional dialects are used
by the same individual in different social situations. This phe­
nomenon should not be mixed up with bilingualism that is the
command of two different languages. In the case of both diglos­
sia and bilingualism the so-called code-switching takes place. In
recent years the effect of these forms of linguistic behaviour is
studied by sociolinguists and psychologists.
As was stated above, language, and especially its oral aspect
varies with respect to the social context in which it is used. The
social differentiation of language is closely connected with the
social differentiation of society. Nevertheless, linguistic facts can­
not be attrib u ted directly to class structure. A ccording to
A.D.Shweitzer "the impact of social factors on language is not
confined to linguistic reflexes of class structure and should be ex­
amined with due regard for the meditating role of all class-de­
rived elements — social groups, strata, occupational, cultural and
other groups including primary units (small groups)" (38).
W estern sociolinguists such as A.D.Grimshaw, J.Z.Fisher,
B.Bernstein, M.Gregory, S.Carroll, A.Hughes, P.Trudgill and
others, are oriented towards small groups, viewing them as "mi­
crocosms” of the entire society. Soviet sociolinguists recognize
the influence of society upon language by means of both micro-
and macro-sociological factors.
Every language community, ranging from a small group to a
nation has its own social dialect, and consequently, its own social
accent.
British sociolinguists divide the society into the following
classes: upper class, upper middle class, middle middle class,
lower middle class, upper working class, middle working class,
lower working class.
The validity of this classification is being debated in sociolin­
guistics. The problem of social stratification and of group theory
has only recently been tackled by the science of sociology. The
serious study of social dialects must be proceeded, or at least ac­
companied by significant advances in sociology and especially
250
in the more precise definition of the notions; such as class, na­
tion, nationality, society, language community, occupation, so­
cial group, Social setting, occupational group, and so on.
It is well worth to understand that classes are split into differ­
ent major and minor social groups (professional, educational,
cultural, age, sex and so on). Correspondingly every social com­
munity has its own social dialect and social accent. D.A. Shakh-
bagova defines social dialects as "varieties spoken by a socially
limited number of people" (73).
So in the light of social criteria languages are "characterized
by two plans of socially conditioned variability — stratificational,
linked with societal structure, and situational, linked with the so­
cial context of language use" (38, p. 6).
Having had our main terms straightened we may speak now
of the "language situation" in terms of the horizontal and vertical
differentiations of the language, the first in accordance with the
spheres of social activity, the second — with its situational varia­
bility.
It is evident that the language means are chosen consciously
or subconsciously by a speaker according to his perception of
the situation, in which he finds himself. Hence situational varie­
ties of the language are called functional dialects or functional
styles and situational pronunciation varieties — situational ac­
cents or phonostyles.
It has also to be remembered that the language of its users
varies according to their individualities, range of intelligibility,
cultural habits, sex and age differences. Individual speech of
members of the same language community is known as idiolect.
Now in conclusion it would be a perfectly natural thing to
say that language in serving personal and social needs becomes
part of the ceaseless flux of human life and activity. Human com­
munication cannot be comprehended without recognizing m utu­
al dependence of language and context. The m ystery of lan­
guage lies, if nowhere, in its endless ability to adapt both to the
strategies of the individual and to the needs of the community,
serving each without imprisoning either. This is what makes so­
ciolinguistics as a science so important. In this book, though, we
shall focus our attention on territorial modifications of English
pronunciation viewing them as an object of sociolinguistic study.

251
 SPREAD OF ENGLISH

It is common knowledge that over 300 million people, now

speak English as first language. It is the national language of
Great Britain, the USA, Australia, New Zealand and C anada
(part of it).
English was originally spoken in England and south-eastern
Scotland. Then it was introduced into the. greater part of Scot­
land and southern Ireland. In the 17th and 18th centuries it was
brought to North America (mainly from the West of England).
Later in the 18th and 19th centuries English was exported to
Australia, New Zealand and South Africa owing to the colonial
expansion. A flow of emigrants who went to invade, explore
and inhabit those lands came mostly from the south-eastern
parts of England.
English became wide-spread in W ales at about the same
time. Welsh English is very similar to southern English, although
the influence of Welsh has played a role in its formation. Then in
the 20th century American English began to spread in Canada,
Latin America, on the Bermudas, and in other parts of the world.
Thus nowadays two main types of English are spoken in the
English-speaking world: English English and American English.
According to British dialectologists (P.Trudgill, J.Hannah,
A.Hughes and others (61, 78) the following variants of English
are referred to the English-based group: English English, Welsh
English, Australian English, New Zealand English; to the Ameri­
can-based group: United States English, Canadian English.
Scottish English and Irish English fall somewhere between
the two,being somewhat by themselves.
On the whole this division seems rather reasonable and the
"English" types of English will be treated first in this book,
though it is safe to say that English English, Welsh English, Scot­
tish English and Northern Ireland English should be better com­
bined into the British English subgroup, on the ground of politi­
cal, geographical, cultural, psychological unity which brought
more similarities than differences for those variants of pronuncia­
tion.

252
 To our regrets, the lack of space gives us no chance to de­
scribe all the territorial and national variants of English pronunci-*
ation.

ENGLISH-BASED PRONUNCIATION STANDARDS OF ENGLISH

British English

As was mentioned before, BEPS (British English Pronuncia­

tion Standards and Accents) comprise English English, Welsh
English, Scottish English and Northern Ireland English (the corre­
sponding abbreviations are EE, WE, ScE., NIE).
Table 1
British English Accents

English English Welsh Scottish English Northern

English Ireland
English

Southern Northern Educated' Regional

Sc. Eng. Varieties

1. Southerly 1. Northern
2. East Anglia 2. Yorkshire
3. South-West 3. North-
West
4. West
Midland

253
 I. English English

In this chapter we are going to look in greater detail at the

Received Pronunciation (RP) and at the regional non-RP accents
of England.
Roughly speaking the non-RP accents of England may be
grouped like this:
1. Southern accents.
1) Southern accents (Greater London, Cockney, Surray, Kent, Es­
sex, Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire);
2) East Anglia accents (Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, C am ­
bridgeshire, Bedfordshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire;
3) South-West accents (Gloucestershire, Avon, Somerset, W ilt­
shire).
2. Northern and Midland accents.
1) Northern accents (Northumberland, Durham, Cleveland);
2) Yorkshire accents;
3) North-West accents (Lancashire, Cheshire);
4) W est Midland (Birmingham, Wolverhampton).

A. RP (Received Pronunciation)

It has long been believed that RP is a social marker, a pres­

tige accent of an Englishman. In the nineteenth century "re­
ceived'' was understood in the sense of "accepted in the best so­
ciety". The speech' of aristocracy and the court phonetically was
that of the London area. Then it lost its local characteristics and
was finally fixed as a ruling-class accent, often referred to as
"King' s 'English". It was also the accent taught at public schools.
With the spread of education cultured people not belonging to
the upper classes were eager to modify their accent in the direc­
tion of social standards.
W e may definitely state now that RP is a genuinely region-
less accent within Britain; i.e. if speakers have it you cannot tell
which area of Britain they come from; which is not the case for
any other type of British accents.
It is fair to mention, however, that only 3—5 per cent of the
population of England speak RP. British phoneticians (Ch.Barber

254
(44), A.C.Gimson (57), A.Hughes and P.Trudgill (61) estimate
that nowadays RP is not homogeneous. A.C.Gimson suggests
that it is convenient to distinguish three main types within it:
"the conservative RP forms, used by the older generation, and,
traditionally, by certain profession or social groups: the general
RP forms, most commonly in use and typified by the pronuncia­
tion adopted by the BBC, and the advanced RP forms, mainly
used by young people of exclusive social groups — mostly of the
upper classes, but also for prestige value, in certain professional
circles” (57, p. 88).
This last type of RP reflects the tendencies typical of changes
in pronunciation. It is the most "effected and exaggerated varie­
ty" of the accent. Some of its features may be results of tempo­
rary fashion, some are adopted as a norm and described in the
latest textbooks. Therefore, it is very important for a teacher and
learner of English to distinguish between the two. RP speakers
make up a very small percentage of the English population.
M any native speakers, especially teachers of English and profes­
sors of colleges and universities (particularly from the South and
South-East of England) have accents closely resembling RP but
not identical to it. P.Trudgill and J.Hannah call it Near-RP south­
ern. So various types of standard English pronunciation may be
summarized as follows: Conservative RP; General RP; Advanced
RP; Near-RP southern.'

Changes in the Standard

As was stated above, changes in the standard may be traced

in the speech of the younger generation of native RP speakers.
These changes may affect all the features of articulation of vowel
and consonant phonemes and also the prosodic system of the
language.
Considerable changes are observed in the sound system of
the present-day English, which are most remarkable since the
well-known Great Vowel Shift in the Middle English period of
the language development. It is a well-established fact that no
linguistic modification can occur all of a sudden. The appearance
of a new shade in the pronunciation of a sound results in the co­
existence of free variants in the realization of a phoneme. The
choice between permissible variants of [wj or [m] in wh-words is

235
an illustration of what is meant by the process of variability and
free variants. In Russian we observe free variants of the pronun­
ciation of the words of энергия, темп type: non-palatalized and
palatalized versions of [h ] — [h ’J and [t ] — [t 'J. The degrees of
variability are different. The most perceptible and stable changes
are described in the works of British linguists and have been in­
vestigated by Soviet phoneticians. The RP of recent years is
characterized by a greater amount of permissible variants com­
pared to the "classical'' type of RP described by D.Jones, L.Arm-
strong, I.Word.
The phenomenon is significant both from the theoretical and
practical viewpoint. The variability concerns mainly vowels.
M ost of English vowels have undergone definite qualitative
changes. The newly appeared variants exhibit different stability
and range.
The qualitative distinctions manifest new allophonic realiza­
tions of the vowel phonemes. Ch.Barber comes to the conclusion
that a definite trend towards centralization is observed in the
quality of English vowels at present (44).

Changes of Vowel Quality

1. According to the stability of articulation. 1) It is genera
acknowledged that two historically long vowels [i:], [u:] have be­
come diphthongized and are often called diphthongoids; the or­
gans of speech slightly change their articulation by the very end
of pronunciation, becoming more fronted. Ch.Barber tries to
draw a parallel with the Great Vowel Shift which took place in
Middle English, where diphthongization was just one part of a
complete change of pattern in the long vowels. He claims that
there is some resemblance to this process today and other pho­
nemes may move up to fill the places left vacant.
2) There is a tendency for some of the existing diphthongs
be smoothed out, to become shorter, so that they are more like
pure vowels.
a) This is very often the case with [ei], particularly in th e
word final position, where the glide is very slight: [ta'dei], [sei],
[mei],
b) Diphthongs [ai], [au] are subject to a smoothing process
where they are followed by the neutral sound Je]:
Conservative RP: [taua], [faia]
General RP: [taa], [fas]
256
Advanced RP: [ta;], [fa]
c) Also diphthongs [ээ], [оэ] tend to be levelled to [o:]. Thus
the pronunciation of the words pore, poor is varied like this:
older speakers: [рээ], [pus]
middle-aged speakers: [рэ:], [риэ]
younger speakers: [рэ:], [po:]
, It should be mentioned, however, that this tendency does not
concern the diphthong [ia] when it is final. The prominence and
length shift to the glide, this final quality often being near to [a]:
dear [die] — [duj.
2. According to the horizontal and vertical movements of the
tongue. Very striking changes occur in the vowel quality affect­
ed by the horizontal movements of the tongue. In fact the gener­
al tendency is marked by the centering of both front and back
vowels:
a) the nuclei of [ai], [au] tend to be more back, especially in
the male variant of the pronunciation;
b) the vowel phoneme [as] is often replaced by [a] by young­
er speakers: [hasv] — [hav], [send] — [and];
c) the nucleus of the diphthong [зи] varies considerably,
ranging from [ou] among conservative speakers to [зи] among
advanced ones:
Conservative RP: [sou], [foun], [nout];
Advanced RP: [s3o], [Гзип], [neot].
This tendency is so strong that the transcription symbol has
been recently changed in many British books: [ou] — [зи].
d) Back-advanced vowels [л], [и] are considerably fronted in
the advanced RP: but [bAt] — [bat], good [gud] — [gad].
It should be mentioned here that there is a tendency for all
short vowels to be made nearer the centre of the mouth, that is
to move towards [э], especially in unstressed position: honest
[’omst] — [’onast].
Thus the horizontal changes in vowel quality may be listed
like this:
Centering of short vowels:

9 З а к . 1457
257
 More back pronunciation of the nuclei of diphthongs: [ai] ->
[ai], [aul -» [au].
More advanced pronunciation of the diphthong: [ou] -> [зи].
More fronted pronunciation of the diphthongoids: [r] -» [i(j) ],
[u] -» [u(w)].
Vertical changes in vowels m ay be traced in [e] and [o:]
which tend to be closer in advanced RP. It has also been stated
above that the nuclei of diphthongs [ei], [сэ], [ээ], [иэ] become
more open when these'phonemes are being levelled, particularly
the diphthong [сэ], which is characterized by a great opening of
the first element: careful fkeaful] — ['ke:ful]. The first element of
the diphthong [иэ] can be lowered considerably. Thus several
words with [оэ] are given a shade [o9] pronunciation by some
advanced RP speakers: poor, sure [роэ, /иэ] — [рэ», /о»].
3. Combinative changes. It is general knowledge that when
sounds are in company they influence each other. These chang­
es are called combinative. They take place only in certain pho­
netic contexts. In a diacritic study, however, there is no sharp
boundary between isolative and combinative changes.
1) Changes, in (j + u:], [1 + u:]. Words like suit, student, super
may be pronounced either [sjmt] or [suit], ['stjuidant] or [’stttdnt],
[’sjupa] or ['sa-рэ]. The tendency is for middle-aged and younger
speakers to omit the [j] after [s] before [u:]. W ord-intemally [j]
tends to be retained as in assume [asjicm]. There is also fluctua­
tion after [1]: word-initially lute [lu.1] is normal, but it is possible
to pronounce [ilju-yi] in illusion, for example. These recent devel­
opments in combinative RP changes bear remarkable resem­
blance to American Standard pronunciation.
2) Change of [o:] to [»] before (f, s, 0]. W here orthographic "o"
occurs before the voiceless fricatives [f, s, 0] older speakers pro­
nounce the vowel [э:]: loss [las]. This pronunciation is currently
dying out in RP and being replaced by [o]: [Ids ].
Words like salt and fault still may be pronounced with [o:].
4. Changes in length. It is an accepted fact that English vow ­
els vary in length according to the phonetic context — the con­
sonant they are followed by (voiceless, voiced), syllabic border,
the degree of stress, the types of nuclear tone and so on.

258
 Actually nowadays there are changes in vowel length that
are influenced by other factors. There is, for example, a strong
tendency for the so-called short vowels to be lengthened, and it
is interesting to note that this lengthening can be heard sporadi-*
cally in many words in any position.
The lengthening of [i] is often heard in big, his, is; of [u] in
good; [л] in come. It should also be mentioned that [i] is often
lengthened in the final syllable, i.e. very, many: fveri:], ['meni:].
Short vowels [e, ae] are also very frequently lengthened in
yes, bed, men, said, sad, bad, bag and so on. This tendency has
considerably increased in the past few years.

Changes in Consonant Quality

1. Voicing and Devoicing. As is well known, there is no op­

position of final RP consonants according to the work of the vo­
cal cords. They are all partially devoiced, particularly stops.
Such devoiced sounds are clearly heard after long vowels and
diphthongs as in deed: [di:d]. However, these partly devoiced
consonants are never identical with their voiceless counterparts,
because the latter are pronounced with strong breath-force.
This tendency for devoicing now seems to be on the in­
crease. As soon as the opposition of voiced — voiceless is neu­
tralized in the final position, the fortis/lenis character of pronun­
ciation has become the relevant feature of consonants.
The voiced/voiceless distinction of the minimal pairs [sed] —
jset], [dog] — [dDk] may seem to be lost. Actually it does not take
place. The weak consonants are never replaced by their voiceless
counterparts, they never become strong, the stops [b, d, g], though
devoiced, never acquire aspiration. More than that. Th6 interrela­
tion of final consonants and the preceding stressed vowels is very
close. The instrumental investigation of E.G.Kuijatnikova (21)
showed that the duration of the vowel before the traditionally
called voiced consonant is 1,5 times larger than that before the
voiceless consonant. Cf.:
He saw his cap. — He saw his cab.
Describing the positional allophones of the English stops
A-.C.Gimson characterizes the initial lenis [b, d, g] as partially de-
-oiced, final lenis [b, d, g) as voiceless.
<)*

259
 The soiind [t] in the intervocalic position is made voiced, e.g.
better [*beta] — [Ъе<1э], letter [’lets] — ['leda],
2. Loss of [h]. In rapid speech initial [h] is lost in form words
and tends to die out from the language. Even most highly educat­
ed people subconsciously drop it completely. So instead of: He
wants her to come [hi- wonts h3- ta чклш] one hears: [i: wonts з- ta
уклт]. It is evident, of course, that the loss of [h] in stressed sylla­
bles sounds wrong.
3. Initial "hw". Some conservative RP speakers pronounce
words like why, when, which with an initial weak breath-like
sound [h] — [ли]. The general tendency is, however, to pro­
nounce [w].
4. Loss of final (q). The pronunciation of [m] for the termina­
tion [ig] has been retained as an archaic form of the RP: sittin' ,
lookin'. These occasional usages are not likely to become general.
5. Spread of “dark" [fl . This tendency is evidently influ­
enced by the American pronunciation and some advanced RP
speakers are often heard saying [t] instead of [1] as in believe, for
example. There is no threat in spreading it widely yet but it is
quite common for pop singers now. It should also be mentioned
that sometimes final [I] tends to be vocalized as in people, for in­
stance, but is not likely to become a norm.
6. Glottal stop. In RP the glottal stop [?] can appear only in
the following two environments: a) as a realization of syllable-
final [t] before a following consonant as in batman [’bastman] —
[’bae?mn] or not quite [‘not 'kwait] — ['no? 'kwait]; b) in certain
consonant clusters as in box, simply [bo?ks], ['si?mpli], where it is
known as "glottal reinforcements". The use of glottal stop by ad­
vanced RP speakers produces a "clipped" effect on a foreigner.
7. Palatalized final [k’J is often heard in words week, quick,
etc.: [wtk’], [kwik’].
8. Linking and intrusive [г]. It has been estimated that all
English accents are divided into "rhotic” or "r-full" and "non-rhot-
ic" or "r-less". Rhotic accents are those which actually pronounce
[r] corresponding to orthographic "r". RP is a non-rhotic accent
but most speakers of it do pronounce orthographic "r" word-fi-
nally before a vowel: It is a far-aw ay country A t is known as link­
ing "r". Failure by students to pronounce it does not usually af­
fect comprehension but may result in their sounding foreign. (

260
 As a further development and by analogy with linking "r",
"r" is inserted before a following vowel even though there is no
"r" in spelling. This "r" is known as intrusive "r". The actual situ- .
ation is that younger RP speakers do have it after [a] as in idea
of, China and.
It is said that nowadays in colloquial fluent speech there is a
strong tendency towards elision, reduction and assimilation.
This tendency is reflected in the pronunciation of the young gen­
eration: tutor [4Ju:ta], second year [’sekand 3 ia], perhaps you
[pa'haepju:], gives you I'givsa], as you know [ajju: 'пзи]; in the
transcribed texts of British textbooks: him [im], he [i:], her [з ], his
[xz], can [kn], from [frm], than [On], them [dm], some [sm], suppose
[sp3uz], have to ['hafts], usually ['ju:3wali], last time ['lastaimj, and
there was no one [an баг wz 'пзи WAn]; even in the traditional
spelling: C m on, baby, Sorry ‘bout that. Oh, le'mme see. Oh, I dunno.
Must’ve putem all together. W hy d'you ask? What dja think? Alright!
9. Combinative changes. Sound combinations [tj, dj, sj] are
pronounced as [tf, cfc, J] Respectively, e.g. actual [’aektjual] —
['aektjual], graduate [’graedjuait] — ['graedjueit], issue ['isju:] —
['ifu:].
In the clusters of two stops, where the loss of plosion is usu­
ally observed, each sound is pronounced with audible release,
e.g. active fx&iv] — [’aektiv], sit down ['sityaun] — ['sit 'daun].

Non-systematic Variations in RP Phonemes

Some free phonemes have appeared under the influence of

the written image of words, their spelling.
Unstressed prefixes ex- and con- have gained orthographical
pronunciation: excuse [iks'kjitz] — [eks'kju:z], exam [ig'zaem] —
[eg’zaem], continue [kan'tinju:] — [kon'tmju:], consent [kan'sent] —
[kun'sent].
The days of the week: Sunday ['sAndi] — ['sAndei], Monday
[’niAndi] — fniAndei].
Note also free variants in often: ['ofan] — ['oft(a)n].
Other cases: economics [.ika'nomiks] — [.eka'nomiks].
Now by way of conclusion we would like to state that not all
the changes are recognized as a norm by most affected advanced
RP speakers. Some of these changes are quite stable, some tend
to disappear. The language is a living body and its oral aspect is

261
most vitally changeable. But one should realize the importance
of most recent developments, which, in opinion of many promi­
nent phoneticians, may lead to radical changes in the whole in­
ventory of vowel and consonant phonemes.

B. Regional Non-RP Accents of England

As was stated above, we grouped regional accents of Eng­

land into southern and northern ones. This division is very ap­
proximate of course, because there are western and eastern ac­
cents but their main accent variations correspond either with
southern or northern accentual characteristics. Thus we would
like to point out here the main differences between southern and
northern accents.

In vowels
One of the main differences between these groups of accents
is in the phoneme inventory — the presence or absence of partic­
ular phonemes. Typically, the vowel [л] does not occur in the ac-
cents of the north; e.g.
South North
blood [bkd] [bludj
one [WAn] [won]
but [bAt[ [bat]
We can also note that many northern speakers while they do
not have [a] have [u:] rather than [u] in words such as hook, book,
look. They therefore distinguish pairs like book and buck, which in
the south sound [buk] and [Ьлк], in the North as [bu:k] and [buk]:
South North
book [buk) [buk |
buck [Ьлк[ [buk]
Another well-known feature which distinguishes northern
and southern accents concerns the vowels [as] and [a*].
Before the voiceless fricatives [f, 0, s] and certain consonant
clusters containing initial [n] or [m], [ae] is pronounced in the
north instead of [a:].

262
 South North
path [pa:0] [p®0]
dance [dans] [daens]
N o t e : Speakers with more strongly regional southern sub­
standard accents may not have the contrast or, at most, have a
contrast that is variable.
263
 In the south, however, [ae] is often pronounced as [a:]:
RP South
bad jbasd] jboidl
A = (ae] in path
В = (a;] in path
С = (as] — [a:] contrast absent or in doubt

264
 One more major north — south differentiating feature in­
volves the final [i:] like in words city, money, etc. In the north of
England they have [1]. In the south of England these words are
pronounced with [i:], e.g.
South North
city I'siti:] I'siti]
money j'nuni:] |'m D n i|

In consonants
It has been m entioned above that some English accents are
"rhotic" or V fu ir and other are non-rhotic or “r-less". Rhotic ac­
cents are those which actually pronounce [r], corresponding to
orthographic "r" in words like bar and farm. This [r] sound is
post-vocalic and is most often heard in Scotland, Ireland and in
the southwest of England. The map on p. 264 shows the spread
of post-vocalic [r] (A = post-vocalic [r] present, В = post-vocal­
ic [r] absent).
In most regional accents the glottal stop is more widely used
than in RP. In some areas, especially the north-east of England,
East Anglia and Northern Ireland, the glottal stop may also be
pronounced sim ultaneously with the voiceless [p, t, k], most
strikingly between vowels: p ity [*pit?i:].
Many non-RP speakers use [n] in the suffix "-ing" instead of
[r)]; sitting fsitm]. In an area of western central England which
includes Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool they pronounce
[gg]: singer ['sirjgs], wing [wirjg].
Now about [j]-dropping. In most accents [j] is dropped after
[t, s]: student ['stodsnt], suit [sirt]. In parts of the north the change
has progressed a good deal further, it has been lost after [0]: en­
thusiasm [an'0u:zi3zm].
In large areas of eastern England [j] is lost after every conso­
nant. In London [j] is lost after [n, t, d]: news [nu:z], tune [ton].

1. Southern English Accents

W e now turn to an examination of regional non-RP accents

of England and we shall first give a brief outline of the group of
Southern accents.
 As was stated above, educated Southern speech is very
much near-RP accent whereas non-standard accents are very
much near Cockney. Therefore we shall focus our attention on
the rather detailed description of uneducated London accent —
Cockney.
Cockney accent. It has been long established that Cockney is
a social accent — the speech of working-class areas of the Great­
er London. Here are some pronunciation peculiarities of it.

In vowels

[л] is realized as [aei]: blood [blAdJ — jblaeid];

1.
2. [as] is realized as [e] or [ei]: bag |basg] — [beg}, [bag];
3. [i] in word-final position sounds as [k]: city ['sitil — J'siti:];
4. when [o:] is non-final, its realization is much closer, it
sounds like [o:]: pause [po:z] — [po:z]; when it is final, it is pro­
nounced as [э:э]: paw [per.] — [рэ:э];

266
 5. the diphthong [ei] is realized as [aeij or (aij: lady fleidi] —
flaeidi:], ['laidi:];
6. RP [зо] sounds as [aeu]: soaked [s3ukt] — [saeokt];
7. RP [au] may be [аез]: now [паи] — [пгеэ].

In consonants
1. [h] in unstressed position is almost invariably absent;
2. [?] is widely spread in Cockney speech: paper ['psei?,pe]t
butterfly ['bA?taflai];
3. The contrast between [9] and [fj is completely lost: thin
[fin], booth [bicf];
4. The contrast between [9] and [v] is occasionally lost:
weather ['wevs];
5. when (5] occurs initially it is either dropped or replaced by
[d]: this [Sis], them [(d)am];
6. [1] is realized as a vowel when it precedes a consonant and
follows a vowel, or when it is syllabic: milk [mivk], table [teibv];
when the preceding vowel is [0:], [1] may disappear completely;
7. (r)] is replaced by [n] in word-final position: dancing
['damsin] or it may be pronounced as [igk] in something, any­
thing, nothing : ['плПцк];
8. [p, t, k] are heavily aspirated, more so than in RP;
9. [t] is affricated, [s] is heard before the vowel: top [tsDp],

2. Northern and Midland Accents

Midland accents, Yorkshire, for example, W est Midland and

North-West accents have very much in common with Northern
опёз. Therefore they are combined in this book into one group;
peculiar realization of vowels and consonants will be marked, of
course, when each subgroup is described separately.

267
1) Northern accents

The counties of northern England are not far from the Scot­
tish border, so the influence of Scotch accent is noticeable,
though there are of course many features of pronunciation char­
acteristic only of northern English regions’ The most typical rep­
resentative of the speech of this area is Newcastle accent. It dif­
fers from RP in the following:

In vowels
1. RP [a] is realized as [u ]: love [Lvv] — [hrv];
2. RP final [i] sounds like [i:]: city fsiti] — ['siti:];
3. words like dance, chance which in RP have [a:J are pro­
nounced with [ae]: [daens], [tfaens];
4. [ei], [зи] are either monophthongs,-or much narrower diph­
thongs than the ones in the south of England, or they may even
sound as opening diphthongs [ie], [o©]: bay [be:], [bie], plate
[pie:t], [pliet], boat [bo:t], [boot];

268
 5. words that have “al" in spelling — talk, call, all, are pro­
nounced with [a:]: [tak], [kal], [al];
6. RP wortls with [з:] are pronounced with [a:] in a broad Ty­
neside accent; first [fast], shirt [fat]; so first, forced; shirt, short*
are homonyms;
7. [ai] is [ei]: right [reit];
8. words which in RP have (au] may have [u:], e.g. about
{'abu:t].

In consonants
1. [1] is clear in all environments;
2. [h] is usually present in all positions;
3. -ing is [in]: shilling [’Jilin];
4. [p, t, k] between vowels are accompanied by glottal stop
[?]: pity ['pit?ii;
5. in parts of Northumberland and Durham [r] may be uvular
(in its production the tongue and the uvular, not the tongue and
the alveolar ridge take part).

2) Yorkshire accents

LANCASHIRE

i WESTjpRKSHME

269
 Yorkshire and Bradford accents are identical with northern
vowel features in points 1, 3, 4 (only many speakers pronounce
words which have “ow", "ou" in spelling with [зи]: know [пзи]);
with northern consonant features in point 3.
Now having accomplished the description of regional non-RP
accents of England we would like to say that we didn't attem pt
to give a detailed account of all the regional differences in ac­
cents of remote rural areas. Rather we concentrated on urban ac­
cents which can be heard w hen one travels throughout the
country and which are most likely to be encountered by foreign
tourists. Intonational features were not dealt with.

II. Welsh English

As everyone probably knows Wales is a bilingual area. This

speech situation in linguistics is known as exoglossic. In Wales
English dominates over Welsh in urban areas, in the west and
north-west of the country the balance being in favour of Welsh,
where English is learnt at schools as a second language. At the
moment nationalistic feelings are rather strong in Wales and we
are witnessing a movement in favour of the revival of the Welsh
language and its spread in all areas of Wales.
However, Welsh English at the level of educated speech and
writing is not much different from that of English English. Most
differences are found at the level of more localized dialects.
In this chapter we shall give a brief outline of Welsh English
pronunciation standard.
270
 The principal phonological differences between WE and RP
are the following:
/
In vowels
1. The distribution of [a] and [a] is as in the north of Eng­
land. Last, dance, chance, etc. tend to have [as] rather than [cu].
2. unstressed orthographic "a" tends to be [as] rather than [a],
e.g.: sofa ['so: fas];
3. there is no contrast between [a ] and [a]: rubber J'raba];
4. [i] at the end is a long vowel: city ['sitfc];
5. in words like tune, few, used we find [iu] rather than [ju]:
tune [turn];
6. [ei], [зи] may become monophthongs: bake [berk], boat
[bo:t];
7. the vowel [з:] as in girl is produced with rounded lips ap­
proaching [o:];
8. the vowels [ia], [ua] do not occur in m any variants of
Welsh English: fear is [’frja], poor is ['pu:wa].

In consonants
1. W. E. is non-rhotic, [r] is a tap, or it is also called a
flapped [r]. Intrusive and linking [r) do occur.
2. Consonants in intervocalic position, particularly when the
preceding vowel is short are doubled: city fsitti:].
3. Voiceless plosives tend to be strongly aspirated: in word
final position they are generally released and without glottaliza-
tion, e.g. pit [phit*1].
4. [1] is clear in all positions.
5. Intonation in Welsh English is very much influenced by
the Welsh language.

III. Scottish English

W e must first make clear that the status of Scottish English is

still debated. Some linguists say that it is a national variant. O th­
ers say that it is a dialect.
English has been spoken in Scotland for as long as it has
been spoken in England. In the Highlands and Islands of north­
ern and western Scotland, however, Gaelic is still the native lan-

271
guage of thousands of speakers from these regions. A standard­
ized form of this language, known as Scots, was used at the
court and in literature until the Reformation. Then it was gradu­
ally replaced by English. Incidentally a number of writers and
poets of the likes of R. Burns retained their native language.
Nowadays educated Scottish people speak a form of Scottish
Standard English which grammatically and lexically is not differ­
ent from English used elsewhere, although with an obvious Scot­
tish accent. W e must admit, however, that non-standard dialects
of Scotland still resemble Scots and in many respects are radical­
ly different from most other varieties of English. It is very difficult
to understand them for students who learn RP.
A.t the moment there is currently a strong movement in Scot­
land for the revival of Scots. Nevertheless Scojttish Standard Eng­
lish is still more prestigeous and in this book we concentrate on
Scottish English as used and spoken by educated urban Scots.
As for the status of Scottish English, in this book it will be
treated as a dialect though it is fair to say that there is much in
favour of calling it a national variant of English.

Vowels
1. Since Sc. Eng. is rhotic, i.e. it preserves post-vocalic [r
vowels such as RP [ia], [з:], [еэ], [иэ] do not occur:
RP Sc. Eng.
beer [bw] [bir]
bird [b3:d] [bird]
hurt [hs:t] [lurt]
bard [bccd] [bard]
moor [тиэ] [mur]

272
 2. Length is not a distinctive feature of Scottish vowels. So
pairs like pool — pull, cot — caught are not distinguished. It should
be noted, however, that vowels are longer in final stressed open
syllables than elsewhere.
3.'Monophthongs are pure, there is no trace of diphthongiza-
tion with the exceptions of [ai — ei], [au — cu] and [or],
4. The RP [ae — a (a)] distinction doesn't exist: hat [hat],
dance {dans].
5. [i], [и], [л], [э] may be central.
6. In non-standard Sc. Eng. accent [a] often occurs when RP
has [au]: house [haus — has]
7. It is interesting to mention that [d ] and [зи] may be not
contrasted:

8. In very many regional accents do, to are pronounced as

[da], [ta].
9. In some accents words such as arm, after, grass may have
[e] rather than [a-]: after fefte].

Consonants

1. Sc. Eng. consistently preserves a distinction between [м]

and [w]: which [Mitf] — witch [witf].
2. Initial [p, t, k] are usually non-aspirated.
3. [r] is most usually a flap.
4. Non-initial [t] is often realized.as glottal stop [?].
5. [1] is dark in all positions.
6. The velar fricative [x] occurs in a number of words: loch
pox].
7. -ing is [in].
8. [h] is present.
9. A specific Scottish feature is the pronunciation of [0r] as
[fr]: through tfru:].

273
 Non-systematic Differences

Some words have pronunciation distinctively different from

RP.
RP Sc. Eng.
length HeoQl flenej
raspberry ['razbrij ['rasberii
realise ['ridlaizj I’miaizJ
though ISsoJ ieo:l
tortoise ('tatssj ftartoizl
with fwidj | w i ©1

IV. Northern Ireland English

It should be stated first of all that English pronunciation

standards in Northern Ireland and in the Republic of Eire are dif­
ferent. The explanation lies in history.
In the Middle Ages almost the whole of Ireland w as Irish
speaking. Nowadays, however, native speakers of Irish are few

274
in number and are confined to rural areas even though Irish is
the official language of Ireland and is taught in schools. The Eng­
lish language in Southern Ireland was originally introduced from
the W est and W est Midlands of England and still shows signs of
this today. This kind of English has spread to cover most of the
Irish Republic. Naturally the pronunciation of these areas retains
features of western parts of England.
The English of northern parts of the island with its centre in
Belfast has its roots in Scotland, as large numbers of settlers came
to this part from the south-west of Scotland from the seventeenth
century onwards. Now speaking about Northern Ireland, it is true
to say that English here is not homogeneous. Areas of the far
north are heavily Scots-influenced. Other parts are marked by less
heavily Scots-influenced varieties of English. It is, of course, obvi­
ous that the language distinction is not coterminous with the po­
litical division of the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland,
some areas of the Republic, Donegal, for instance, speak N. Ir.
Eng. (Northern Ireland English), while some of the northern prov­
inces speak S. Ir. Eng. (Southern Ireland English).
In this chapter we shall'deal with Northern Ireland English
pronunciation.

Vowels

The vowel system is similar to that of Scottish accents, post­

vocalic retroflex frictionles$ sonorant [r] being used as in Scotland.
[xj: p it [pit], fir [fir], bird [bird], city [’siti], fern [firn], fm [fir];
[£]: bee [bfc], beer [bfcr], seedy fsfcdi:], meet [mfct], meat [mit];
[ej: p et [pet], bed [bed];
[ej: bay [be], bear [berj, plate [plet], weight [wet];
[ a ] : but [b A t];
[a]: pat [pat], bard [bard], hat [hat], dance [dans], half [haf];
[u]: put [pot], boot [but], pull [pul], pool [pul], poor [pur];
[oj: boat [bot], board [bord], pole [pol], knows [noz], nose
[noz], pour [por], pore [por];
[o:]: paw [рэ:], doll [do:l], pause [po:z];
[0]: cot [kot];
[ai]: buy [bai], tide [taid];
[au]: bout [baut];
[01]: boy [boi].

275
 The following notes on vowels should be read in association
with the list above.
The actual realization of a vowel may vary considerably ac­
cording to the following phoneme:
1. in words like bay, say the vowel is a m onophthong [e],
preconsonantally it may be a diphthong of the type [еэ — iej:
gate [gwt];
2. [i], [u] are fairly central;
3. [o:] and [d ] contrast only before [p, t, k];
4. [ai], [ay] are very variable;
5. realization of [a:] may vary considerably.

Consonants
1. [1] is mainly clear;
2. intervocalic Jt] is often a voiced flap [d]: city [‘sidi;];
3. between vowels [d] may be lost: mother [’таэг];
4. [h] is present.

AMERICAN-BASED PRONUNCIATION STANDARDS OF ENGLISH

American English

The American variant of English has been very thoroughly

described by many prominent scholars both in this country and
in the USA. In this book, however, we shall try to follow the
conception introduced by A.D.Shweitzer in his sociolinguistic
approach to the treatment of contemporary speech situation in
America (38).
The sociolinguistic situation in the United States is very com­
plicated. It is moulded by certain linguistic, cultural, historic, de­
mographic, geographic, political and other factors.
Generally speaking, the situation in the USA may be charac­
terized as exoglossic, i.e. having several languages on the same
territory, the balance being in favour of American.English.
It is true, of course, that the formation of the American Stand­
ard underw ent the influence of minorities' languages, but its
starting point was the English language of the early 17th centu­
ry. However, time has passed, American English has drifted con­
siderably from English English though as yet not enough to give
us ground to speak of two different languages. Thus we speak of
the national variant of English in America.
276
 American English shows a lesser degree of dialect than Brit­
ish English due to some historical factors: the existence of Stand­
ard English when first English settlers came to America, the high
mobility of population, internal migrations of different communi­
ties and so on. As regards pronunciation, however, it is not at all
homogeneous. There are certain varieties of educated American
speech. In the USA three main types of cultivated speech are
recognized: the Eastern type, the Southern type and W estern or
General American.
1. The Eastern type is spoken in New England, and in New
York city. It bears a remarkable resemblance to Southern Eng­
lish, though there are, of course, some slight differences.
2. The Southern type is used in the South and South-East of
the USA. It possesses a striking distinctive feature — vowel
drawl, which is a specific way of pronouncing vowels, consisting
in the diphthongization and even triphthongization of some pure
vowels and monophthongization of some diphthongs at the ex­
pense of prolonging ("drawling") their nuclei and dropping the
glides.
3. The third type of educated American speech is General
American (GA), also known as Northern American or Western
American spoken in the central Atlantic States: New York, New
Jersey, Wisconsin and others. GA pronunciation is known to be
the pronunciation standard of the USA. There are some reasons
for it. GA is the form of speech used by the radio and television. It
is mostly used in scientific, cultural and business intercourse.. Also
in two important business centres — New York and St. Louis —
GA is the prevailing form of speech and pronunciation, though
New York is situated within the territory where Eastern American
is spoken, and St. Louis is within the region of Southern Ameri­
can. In this chapter we shall give an outline of GA accent. W e will
then point to differences between this accent and RP.

Vowels
1. There is no strict division of vowels into long and short in
GA, though some American phoneticians suggest that certain
GA vowels are tense and likely to be accompanied by relative
length: [i:] in seat, [u:j in pool.
They also admit that a slight rise in tongue position during
the pronunciation of tense vowels leads to a diphthongal quality
277
of tense vowels which contrasts to a monophthongal quality of
lax vowels.
2. Classification of vowels according to the stability of articu­
lation is the most controversial subject in GA. Some diphthongs
are treated in GA as biphonemic combinations. The inventory of
GA diphthongs varies from three to twelve phonemes. Following
D.A.Shakhbagova (73) we distinguish here five diphthongs in
GA: [ei], [ai], [01], [au], [ou].
3. Another very important feature that causes different inter­
pretations of diphthongs and vowel length in GA is the pronun­
ciation of [r] sound between a vowel and a consonant or be­
tween a vowel and a silence: turn [t3:rn], bird [b3:rd], star [star].
It has been estimated that 2/3 of American population pro­
nounce [r] and 1/3 omit it. Thus GA is rhotic in words like far,
core, etc. (when [r] follows the vowels and ends the word), this
sound is consonantal and non-syllabic according to Ch. Thomas.
It involves the characteristic hindering of the free flow of breath
which we associate with consonants. The sound [r] in far closes
the syllable more definitely than in British Received Pronuncia­
tion of the word [fa]. On the other hand, there is a vocalic, or
vowel-like and syllabic [r], that occurs in words like bird, murmur
(after a vowel and before a consonant). Ch.Thomas writes that
in such cases we should better transcribe the words bird and
murmur like [brd] and [mrmr]. In such cases [r] is responsible for
the characteristic vowel-like quality within the syllable; it is re­
sponsible for syllabic quality as well. That's why Ch.Thomas
says that [r] syllabic in bird and [r] non-syllabic in far should be
transcribed differently. According to V.A.Vassilyev it is still the
vowel of the word .that forms a syllable ([з:] in bird, [a:] in corn,
etc.), not the syllabic [r] sound. He mentioned although that all
the vowel sounds in pre-[r] position sound more like [э]. [r]
gives the preceding vowel a retroflex colouring. It means that
the tip of the tongue glides to the retroflex position without,
however, staying there long enough to produce a full-fledged
retroflex [r] sound, [r] also prolongs the vowel a little. V.A.Vas-
silyev uses the term "[r] -compensating” vowels (suggested by
A.L.Trakhterov) for the vowels in such words in British Received
Pronunciation.
4. One more peculiar feature of pronunciation of vowels in
American English is their nasalization, when they are preceded

278
 or followed by a nasal consonant (e.g. in such words as take,
small, name, etc.). N asalization is often called an American
/tw ang. It is incidental and need not be marked in phonemic tran­
scription.
5. GA front vowels are somewhat different from RP. Vowels
[fc], [i] are distributed differently in GA and RP.
In words like very, pity GA haS [I:] rather than |i], In word fi­
nal position it is often even diphthongized.
Vowel [e] is more open in GA. It also may be diphthongized
before |p), [t], (k): let
6. There are four mixed or central vowels in GA: |э), ja), |л),
[a]. They differ markedly from RP vowels in articulation and dia-
tribution.
7. The three RP vowels [o], [*], [cu] correspond to only two
vowels in GA — {a] and [ae]. This combined with the articulatory
differences between RP [d] and GA [a] and a difference in vowel
distribution in many sets of words makes it very complicated.
The following chart vividly shows it:
RP GA
Dad [ae] И
dog N [а]
path и I*]
dance I«] И
half [a:] I*]
Besides, word distribution of [э:], [d ] in RP and GA is com­
pletely different. GA (э) is intermediate in quality between the
RP [o:] and [d ]. In its production the lips are considerably less
rounded.
8. Now to the qualities of GA diphthongs.
a) the diphthong {ei] is closer in GA as opposed to RP;
b) very front realization of (зи) such as in RP is not found in
GA;
c) the nucleus of (auj tends to be more advanced in GA;
d) since GA is a rhotic accent with non-prevocalic [r], it has
the consequence that the following RP vowels (derived histori­
cally from vowel + [r]) do not occur in GA: [ia] in dear — GA
[dir], [cs] in dare — GA [deir], [из] in tour — GA [tur].

279
 Consonants
1. The RP allophonic differentiation of [1] does not exist in
GA. In all positions [1] is fairly dark.
2. Intervocalic [t] as in pity is most normally voiced. The result
is neutralization of the distribution between [t] and [d] in this posi­
tion, i.e. latter, ladder. The original distinction is preserved
through vowel length with the vowel before [t] being shorter.
In words like twenty, little [t] may even drop out. Thus win­
ner and winter, for example, may sound identical.
3. GA [r] is articulated differently from RP one. The impres­
sion is one of greater retroflexion (the tip of the tongue is curled
back further than in RP).
4. The "wh" spelling is represented in GA by [m] sound (or
sometimes transcribed as [hwj. So most American speakers щаке
a clear distinction between "wh" and "w" words: where — ware,
which — witch.
5. The sonorant [j] is usually weakened or omitted altogether
in GA between a consonant (especially a forelingual one) and
[u:] as in the words: news [nu:z], Tuesday [4u:zdi], student
['studant], suit [su:t], tube [tub], stupid [’stupid], during ['dung].

Non-systematic Differences between General American

and Received Pronunciation

A. 1. Many differences involve the pronunciation of individ

al words or groups of words. Here are some of these:
RP GA
Asia feifa] ['ei33]
cordial ['kadial] [korjal]
either ['aida] ['iiQar]
leisure Ьезэ] ['li^r]
lever flirvd] j'levarj
schedule [’/edju:l] [’skedjal]
shone [fDn] [foun]
tomato [ta'mcutau] [ta'meitou]
vase [vaz] [veiz]
2. Words apparatus, data, status can be pronounced with
ther [ae] or [ei] in GA, but only with [ei] in RP.

280
 3. Words like hostile, missile, reptile have final [ail] in RP. In
GA they inay have [э1].
В. Stress Differences *
1. In words of French origin GA tends to have stress on the
final syllable, while RP has it on the initial one:
RP GA
ballet ['bselei] [ba'lpi]
beret [Ъеп] [ba'rei]
2. Some words have first-syllable stress in GA whereas in RP
the stress may be elsewhere.
RP GA
address [d’dres] ['«edres]
cigarette [siga'ret] [’sigsrat]
magazine [maega'ziin] i'maegazm]
research [ri's3:tf] ['risatfl
adult [s'dAlt] [’aedAlt]
inquiry [Hj'kwaian] [’iokwaiari]
3. Some compound words have stress on the first element in
GA and in RP they retain it on the second element: weekend, ice­
cream, hotdog, N ew Year.
4. Polysyllabic words ending in -ory, -ary, -mony have second­
ary stress in GA, often called "tertiary": laboratory ['laebra.tori], dic­
tionary [’dik/a.neri], secretary fsekra.teri], testimony ['testi.mouni].
C. Intonation Differences
GA intonation on the whole is similar to that of RP. But there
are, of course, some differences that should be mentioned here.
1. In sentences where the most common pre-nuclear contour
in RP is a gradually descending sequence, the counterpart GA
contour is a medium Level Head:
I don't want to go to the theatre.

RP --------N GA ------------------ ^

Its emphatic variant in Mid-wavy-level Head:

GA

28:»
 2. The usual Medium or Low Fall in RP has its rising-falling
counterpart in GA:
Come and see me tomorrow.

RP ‘ ----- GA --------------------------- -------* ^

3. The rising terminal tone in RP in GA has a mid-rising con­

tour:
Do you like it?

RP • GA _ . - *

Or it may have a level tone in GA:

4. The Fall-Rise nuclear tone is different in RP and GA:

Really?

These comparisons show that the main differences in intona­

tion concern the direction of the voice pitch and the realization of
the terminal tones. In GA the voice doesn't fall to the bottom
mostly. This explains the fact that the English speech for Ameri­
cans sounds "affected" and "pretentious” or "sophisticated". And
for the English, Americans sound “dull", "monotonous", "indiffer­
ent".
It should also be mentioned that the distribution of terminal
tones in sentence types is also different in both variants of English.
1. GA “Yes, No" questions commonly have a falling termi
tone; the counterpart RP tone would be a rising one:
Shall we stay here?

RP j GA -------

282
 2. Requests in RP are usually pronounced with a Rise, where­
as in GA tl^ey may take a Fall-Rise:
Open the door.

RP GA

3. Leave-takings are often pronounced with a high-pitched

Fall-Rise in GA:

Good night.
In conclusion we would like to say that American phoneti­
cians use a pitch contour system to mark intonation in the text:

It's a V ery ‘cold vday. It’s a very cold d ay .\

’Will you .come? Will, you jcome?

It is certain that we have not covered here all the cases of dif­
ferent intonation structures used in RP and GA. Recently there
have appeared in this country several papers and books on the
subject, so for further information see those books.

i
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 Учебное издание

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