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Doing Good
Doing Good
Racial Tensions and Workplace
Inequalities at a Community Clinic
in El Nuevo South
Natalia Deeb-Sossa
tucson
© 2013 The Arizona Board of Regents
All rights reserved
www.uapress.arizona.edu
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Deeb-Sossa, Natalia.
Doing good : racial tensions and workplace inequalities at a community clinic
in El Nuevo South / Natalia Deeb-Sossa.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8165-2132-6 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Social status—Health
aspects—North Carolina. 2. Equality—Health aspects—North Carolina.
3. Community health services—North Carolina—Employees. 4. Discrimination
in employment. 5. Hispanic Americans—North Carolina. I. Title.
RA418.5.S63D44 2013
331.7’61362109756—dc23
2012030853
Publication of this book is made possible in part by the proceeds of a permanent
endowment created with the assistance of a Challenge Grant from the National
Endowment for the Humanities, a federal agency.
Manufactured in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper
containing a minimum of 30% post-consumer waste and processed chlorine free.
18 17 16 15 14 13 6 5 4 3 2 1
Well, believe it or not, I was sitting in church one Monday night
and I had been praying about a job, been praying and been praying
for a clinical job. This is something I’ve always wanted to do, was
work in the clinic. I always wanted to work with babies. Really with
people, but babies particularly. So, one Monday night at church I
didn’t cut my cell phone off. I normally do. My cell phone rung
and it was a friend of mine called me and says “Look, I got a phone
call from a friend saying her friend has a job opening where she
worked at. If you want the job, you need to go.” And that’s how
I got the job. . . . I got the call that Monday night. I was there on
the Tuesday and hired on Tuesday. . . . And where I work at it’s
mostly Latino, Spanish-speaking people. I do not speak Spanish,
but I understand it very well. And I still enjoy working with them.
A lot of the patients there now have gotten comfortable with me
and they know that I don’t speak it. So, it still makes it all good.
Yeah. . . . And it’s a good place to come to because our doctors
are very good. They’re very good doctors to work for. . . . I think
the clinic is a good clinic. A lot of people that doesn’t have the
money, that can’t afford it, [the clinic] helps those people and I
think that’s a wonderful thing. It’s a wonderful thing to work here
and be a part of this.
—From an interview with African American Medical
Assistant (II), “Eva”
Contents
List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xi
1. Introduction: Meaningful Work and Moral Identity 1
2. “El Nuevo South”: The Case of North Carolina and
the Community Health Center Program 21
3. Threats to Moral Identity and Disparity in
“Moral” Wages 44
4. Moral Identity and Racial Solidarity: How Lower-Status
Workers Fashion a Superior Self 61
5. “Neediest of the Needy”: How Midlevel-Status Workers
View Their Work as “Moral” 84
6. “Working in the Trenches”: How “Doing Good” Helps
Higher-Status Staffers Build Their Moral Identity 107
7. Moral Identity Construction and New Ethnic Relations 126
References 145
Index 157
Illustrations
1. Care Inc.’s organizational structure 35
2. Care Inc.’s floor plan 39
ix
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Acknowledgments
Comunidad (community) and amistad (friendship) helped me bring
this book to completion. It has been a long haul, and I am grateful to
all who have supported me all these years converting my dissertation
research into a publishable manuscript. ¡Mil Gracias!
My deep thanks go to Sherryl Kleinman, my advisor and dissertation
chair, for her insights, conscientiousness in reading and commenting
on numerous drafts, and mentorship while I was a graduate student
at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I am indebted to
Krista McQueeney, Matt Ezzell, and Ken Kolb for their unflagging
support and valuable feedback and editing on the multiple drafts
of my dissertation. I am also grateful to Heather Kane and Michael
Schwalbe for their insightful comments on drafts of my dissertation,
and to LeAnna Lang for her transcription assistance and continued
friendship. I also want to thank my committee members, Karen M.
Booth, Kathleen Harris, Karolyn Tyson, and Thomas Konrad for
their guidance, support, and feedback.
I am also grateful to Vicki Smith, Carole Joffe, Diane Wolf, and
Jennifer Bickham-Mendez for the detailed and thoughtful feedback
that they offered on earlier versions of this book. I also want to thank
the faculty and staff of the Chicana/o Studies Department at the
University of California at Davis for their mentorship, support, and
colleagueship, from which I have benefited much. Gracias Adela,
Miroslava, Yvette, Angie, Sergio, Malaquias, Carlos, Maceo, Gloria,
Kevin, Osa Bear, Alma, Roxana, Kathy, Letty, and Alyssa.
In addition, I want to thank Acquiring Editor Kristen Buckles at
the University of Arizona Press and the three anonymous reviewers
for the time and resources they invested in this book. The book is
xi
xii Acknowledgments
stronger than it was before the review process. I also want to thank
John Sullivan and Susan Campbell for their help in editing.
Many thanks to the staff and clients of Care Inc. for their trust
and for letting me hang around for a year and a half; gracias for their
generosity and willingness to share their experiences with me.
Finally, I dedicate this book to my family, my first teachers. They
have always supported me in my daily struggles for justice, dignity,
and universal health care. This book is for you, Mom (Clara Inés),
Dad (Alejandro Mauricio), Gelica (my sister), Abuelita Ana María
(grandmother), Tío Julio Ricardo (uncle), and all my other family
in Colombia too extensive to list. This book is also dedicated to my
adoptive family here in the United States: Caleb, Adriana Elisa, Fred,
Erna, Melissa, Steve, Ixchel, Ruby, Orion, Rick, Donna, Badiah,
Gloria, Rosana, Kerry, Lori, and Cayce, whose daily examples of
courage gave me the confidence to finish this project.
Doing Good
1
Introduction
Meaningful Work and
Moral Identity
In the following analysis of the construction and maintenance
of “moral identity” (Kleinman 1996) by health-care providers at a
community clinic in North Carolina (pseudonymously referred to as
“Care Inc.”), I explore the ways that workers’ race, class, gender, and
nationality shape their fashioning of a superior self-image. I exam-
ine how workers, like Eva above, construct a moral identity in the
context of reconfigured race relations resulting from rapid Latina/o
immigration to North Carolina, a new destination for these people.
The mobilization of Mexican immigrants and other Latinas/os in
sizable numbers to North Carolina altered the white–African Ameri-
can racial proportion of the state, transformed the ethnic makeup
of social classes (in particular the working class of North Carolina),
changed local politics, and affected both public and private institu-
tional dynamics as organizations incorporated newcomers (Zúñiga
and Hernández-León 2005). The arrival of Mexicans and other
Latinas/os also transformed what Zúñiga and Hernández-León
call “the symbolic definition of receiving localities,” as Catholicism,
Spanish language, Latina/o music, and Latina/o cuisine became part
of public spaces (i.e., shopping centers, street corners, and com-
mercial storefronts) and of the region’s socioeconomic landscape.
The presence of these newcomers created interethnic and linguistic
tensions—as residents and public officials discussed the pros and
1
2 doing good
cons of bilingual education—as well as economic tensions and new
economic dynamics, through the rise of immigrant entrepreneurship
(187–274).
Throughout this book I address the question: How do workers
maintain a sense of value about their work while long-standing race
relations are reconfigured in the context of hyper-immigration? I
highlight the dynamic nature of racialized relations, as well as the
gender-based, class-based, and citizenship-based systems of oppres-
sion that shape the construction and maintenance of the health-care
providers’ moral identity. For the health-care providers at Care Inc.,
the worth of Care Inc.—and their worth as health-care workers—
depended on whether they believed they were “doing something
good,” a phrase I heard repeatedly throughout my research. But
there were different definitions for “doing good” and different moral
foundations underlying those definitions, depending on the work-
ers’ gender, class, race/ethnicity, and citizenship status. Most impor-
tantly, these health-care providers failed to see how, in constructing
and maintaining their own positive moral identity, they were led to
treat each other and their patients unequally, and thus to contradict
their ideals of doing good. Furthermore, the staffers denied that the
ways they acted had hurtful consequences or reinforced race, class,
and gender inequality. As Kleinman (1996, 11) writes, “We become
so invested in our belief in ourselves as . . . ‘good people’ that we
cannot see the reactionary or hurtful consequences of our behaviors.”
Meaningful work can aid in safeguarding a positive moral identity.
Analyzing how workers maintain a sense of value about their work,
despite difficult working conditions, falls in the tradition of Everett
C. Hughes (1958, 1971) and the Chicago School of Sociology.
For example, Joffe (1978) found that abortion counselors at Urban
Clinic, a private nonprofit family planning agency, wanted their cli-
ents to perceive and acknowledge abortion as morally problematic,
something that clients were less and less willing to do. The clients’
behavior was important to counselors because they felt ambivalent
about abortion: they were pro-choice, but their involvement in the
abortion process became troubling to them. Joffe found that clients’
attitudes, in large part, determined whether counselors experienced
their work as “heroic” or “suspect.” Counselors were more likely
to see their work as suspect when counseling cynical or detached
Introduction 3
women, hostile clients, and women who acted bored when discussing
future contraceptive plans.
In her later work, Joffe (1986) analyzed how birth control and
abortion counselors at a women’s health clinic responded to difficult
working conditions. The administrators of the clinic saw counsel-
ing as time-consuming and expensive, and as a potential Pandora’s
box, because the clinic would have to provide for all clients’ needs.
Counselors used coping strategies to deal with their highly intense
and low-paying jobs, including being pro-natalist. To avoid present-
ing an anti-natalist image, abortion-clinic employees gave pregnant
staffers special attention.
Others document how difficult it is for abortion providers to feel
good about their work. Simonds (1996) found that workers had dif-
ficulty assisting in second-trimester abortions. These health-care work-
ers questioned why women would wait so long. Yet these providers’
strong belief in a woman’s right to choose to have an abortion (even
a late one) helped them come to terms with and justify what they did
on the job.
Even in “moral” work, such as volunteering at a homeless shel-
ter, certain conditions can threaten volunteers’ positive sense of
self. Holden (1997, 125) found that one shelter’s hierarchy and job
requirements diminished the volunteers’ sense of moral integrity.
Managers instructed volunteers to “spy on,” “tell on,” and “order
around” guests in the shelters. According to Holden, “the more
rigorously the volunteers acted in their capacity as rule enforcers and
shelter functionaries, the more likely it was that the guests would
show hostility toward them.” Volunteers fashioned a moral identity
as “egalitarian” by acting as friends to guests and enforcing rules at
their discretion. Their success at feeling egalitarian depended on their
ability to pretend that they were unaware of the status differences
between themselves and their clients.
In a related vein, Stein (1989) found that volunteers in soup
kitchens and food pantries expected their clients to express at least
benign neutrality, and preferably thankfulness, toward them. Clients’
expressions of gratitude confirmed the volunteers’ generosity and
their self-concept as caring people. Clients’ expressions of anger,
hostility, arrogance, defiance, or resentment challenged volunteers’
beliefs that they were doing good work.
4 doing good
Allahyari (2000) explored how people develop “moral selves”
through acts of service to the needy and how an organization’s
“vision of charity” informs both the type of services offered to their
guests and also the way the staff and volunteers view their own activi-
ties. Allahyari studied two Sacramento religious organizations, the
Catholic Loaves and Fishes and the Salvation Army Shelter Service
Center. The largely white, female, middle-class workers at Loaves and
Fishes were committed to helping the poorest and most helpless of
society and were dedicated to making the larger society more just
and equitable. They worked under the assumption that each guest,
no matter how apparently unappealing, ungrateful, and unworthy,
was an ambassador of God. Each guest was to be welcomed as an
equal and as a soul of incalculable value. The most difficult aspect
of this work, according to the Loaves and Fishes volunteers, was
overcoming their tendency to judge the poor as inferior and to with-
draw from them. The Salvation Army, on the other hand, worked
for the salvation of the “sinking classes” by strongly emphasizing
the duty of each individual client to take responsibility for bettering
himself or herself. As a result, the organization stressed hierarchy
and the moral boundary between the clients and those who cared
for them. The majority of the workers at the Salvation Army were
“drafted volunteers,” who were performing mandated community
service under California’s Alternative Sentencing Program, or who
were residents of the center’s “in-house” shelter. The majority of
these drafted volunteers were working-class males, often non-white;
a significant percentage of the staffers had themselves once been
clients at the center, and these men served as role models for the
drafted volunteers. Paradoxically, the staff and volunteers were actu-
ally close to the poor they served, making it difficult to establish and
maintain the hierarchy and boundary between staff and clients that
the organization valued.
In spite of challenges, some workers constructed a positive self-
image, a “moral identity” (Kleinman 1996) that helped them per-
severe under difficult circumstances. These workers believe they are
good people because they think their deeds and responses are con-
sistent with that identity. Kleinman (5) defines “moral identity” as:
“An identity that people invest with moral significance; our belief in
ourselves as good people depends on whether we think our actions
Introduction 5
and reactions are consistent with that identity. By this definition,
any identity that testifies to a person’s good character can be a moral
identity, such as mother, Christian, breadwinner, or feminist.”
Sociologists have studied identity—the meanings through which
we and others define ourselves—since the 1930s. For interactionists,
identities are not set; they are socially constructed and shaped by life’s
social and cultural conditions (Blumer 1969; Mead 1934). Different
groups (e.g., Latina; woman; foreign born; sociologist; recovering
Catholic; single; queer identified) and different positions and roles
in these groups create differences in identities. These identities are
shaped by and reshape the world around us, and they impact how we
interpret it (Blumer). They are performed, constructed, and nego-
tiated in everyday social interactions (Goffman 1959; McCall and
Simmons 1978) and may vary over time and place. Individuals create
identity as they create new meanings, behaviors, and organizational
arrangements through individual or joint action. These identities,
altered and refined through interaction with others, have social and
material consequences (Howard 2000).
Feminists of color have called attention to the need to understand
how numerous identities—race, ethnicity, gender, class, and national-
ity—are experienced in daily life and how these identities intersect
with and shape each other. Intersectional feminist theorists argue
that identities are shaped by the multiple, interconnected, oppressed
and privileged groups we belong to (Anzaldúa and Moraga 2002).
As Collins (2000, 11) explains, intersectional theorists “view race,
class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and age, among others, as mutually
constructing systems of power. [And] . . . these systems permeate
all social relations.”
Mies (1986, 6–14), for example, noted the importance of taking
into account the divisions among women to understand how those
living under patriarchy also have cultural, social, economic, and polit-
ical circumstances that differentiate their experience of sexism from
that of other women. Mies argued that these divisions are found not
only in different sets of women separated along national, class, race,
or ethnic lines, but also within sets of women in the same category.
Intersectional theory calls upon interactionists to study moral iden-
tity to analyze how individuals’ positions within multiple interlocking
systems of inequality shape their identities and their construction of
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6 doing good
a moral identity (Roth 2004). In my analysis, I highlight how inter-
sectionality works “on the ground” and plays out in the everyday
interactions of these workers.
Building on Anzaldúa’s conceptualization of “borderlands,” I
analyze how “borders” of social membership are constructed and
enforced in “el Nuevo South.” Anzaldúa’s Borderlands/La Frontera
(1987, 1) highlights the changing consciousness (what Anzaldúa
describes as “perspective from the cracks”) of those who reside in la
frontera. The border is “‘una herida abierta’ where the Third World
grates against the first and bleeds” (25) and “the lifeblood of two
worlds” merges “to form a third—a border culture” (3). Borderlands
are sites that enable people to negotiate the contradictions and ten-
sions found in diverse cultural, class, and other forms of differences.
Anzaldúa writes of the diversity of cross-border migrants and border
dwellers, and the painful process associated with mestiza conscious-
ness in her poems, including “Sus plumas el viento,” “Sobrepiedras
con lagaritjos,” and “El sonavebitch.” She understands that not all
border crossers and border dwellers develop similar analyses of their
experiences and social location.
Drawing on data collected from a year and a half of participant
observation and interviews at Care Inc., I illustrate how an inter-
sectional perspective deepens our understanding of moral identity:
in this case, the moral identity of health-care providers who worked
with the underserved in North Carolina. These health-care provid-
ers crafted a moral identity by drawing on ways of understanding
and knowing—the “cultural toolkit” (Swidler 1986)—or on cul-
tural resources (Einwohner, Hollander, and Olson 2000; Williams
1995) available to them. Each group used these cultural resources
for “claims-making activities” (Holstein and Miller 1993; Schneider
1985) and for developing credible rhetoric (Pedriana and Stryker
1997) regarding controversial issues. Claims-making is successful, in
part, to the extent that framing of issues (Goffman 1974) builds upon
a “stock of folk ideas and beliefs” (Snow and Benford 1988, 204).
Analyzing cultural resources (Einwohner, Hollander, and Olson
2000; Williams 1995) and constructing moral identity are important
for understanding the world and for building movements (Scott 1998;
Taylor 1999). In her study of the postpartum depression self-help
movements, Taylor highlights the extent to which gender—images
of femininity and masculinity—are reproduced in the language used
Introduction 7
by members of these self-help movements to frame their activism. As
Taylor (21) notes, “[t]he language of gender difference and power is
pervasive in contemporary women’s self-help and serves as a major
framework for understanding the problems that trouble women.”
In her study of two feminist organizations, West Coast Women
and El Refugio, Scott (1998, 409) explores how categories of racial-
ethnic identity are constructed and how women negotiate the com-
plexity of racial-ethnic identity in alliance-building in the day-to-
day reality of feminist activism. Scott highlights how the members/
activists, in their daily work of providing services to battered women
and rape victims, began to “deconstruct the essentialism” of the dis-
cursive scripts and challenge the validity of their preconceived ideas
that categorized “whites” as potentially racist and “people of color”
as probable allies. Scott concludes that the scripts used by activists
“are not so self-consciously created [and] such scripts are emerging
in sites of grassroots feminism as well.”
Kleinman, in her ethnography of the alternative health-care center
Renewal (1996), found that the men practitioners were at the top,
while the staff and volunteer women were at the bottom, of what was
supposed to be a nonhierarchical organization. The men at Renewal
had most of the power and influence and were revered by the staff
and volunteer women. These women were grateful to have the
opportunity to care for and work under the men, who benefited from
these arrangements. Kleinman found that inequities were masked, in
part, because members shared a moral identity that made them feel
good about themselves. All members of Renewal shared a vision and
a mission. Their shared racial and class identities also helped them
maintain their moral identity. All of the practitioners and staff were
white and had access to middle-class resources (their sacrifices for the
organization were a conscious decision that could be reconsidered if
need be). Kleinman concludes that the (white) men “saw themselves
as having transcended the divisions created by gender, credentials,
and social class. . . . But . . . social and economic arrangements . . .
as well as ingrained ideas about gender and credentials led members
to treat each other unequally” (124).
Similarly, Schwalbe (1996) examines how men in the mythopo-
etic movement—a self-help group that critically interpreted fairy
tales as a tool for personal insight—tried to fashion the concept of
“man” as a moral identity, but in the process they drew upon and
8 doing good
reinforced the ideology of male supremacy. Heath, in her study of
men in the Promise Keepers movement (2003), examines how their
identities promote and/or impede social change. She also explores
how race, class, gender, and sexual orientation shape identities in the
movement. Heath uses Taylor and Whittier’s conceptualization of
collective identities (1992), which lists three factors—boundaries,
consciousness, and negotiation—that shape the formation of identity
within groups, such as the Promise Keepers movement, that have
contradictory gender and racial ideologies. Heath’s study shows
how this movement fosters men’s growth by encouraging them to
embrace a caring and expressive masculinity, while reinforcing the
gender and racial privilege accorded white men (439–442).
Scott’s study of two activist organizations (2000), El Refugio and
West Coast Women, examined how understandings of racism and
activist practices “emerge as a product of what social movement actors
do in their pursuit of social change” (785). Members of El Refugio
and West Coast Women articulated and integrated two different
understandings of racism: a structural view of racism as well as an
individual view of racism. As Scott notes (812–13): “By deploying
both meanings of racism, these actors implicitly refused the historic
dichotomy that has characterized these approaches. In their actions,
they suggested that racism is both a matter of face-to-face interaction,
beliefs, and attitudes, as well as a matter of structures of power and
inequality.” Scott explains that activists both express values using the
worldviews available to them and create alternative meanings as they
address racism and racial representation within their organizations
and within the services provided to rape victims and battered women:
Human beings (and the groups they form) are not entirely self-
defining agents or purely rational actors. . . . [T]hey are strategic
actors loosely guided by the schemas relevant to their cultural
context and structural location. Movements and activists are
both the products of culture and the creators of culture. They
express the values and beliefs of their cultural contexts, as well
as perform the rituals and practices available therein. Activists
choose from what Ann Swidler calls a “toolkit” of available
worldviews and ways of doing things when they define problems
and construct strategies of action. They do not create mean-
ings and practices entirely anew, but rather to do so are both
Introduction 9
constrained and enabled by the cultural and structural resources
available to them in a particular historical moment. However,
activists in social movement contexts are also “knowledgeable”
agents who take informed action based on shared understand-
ings of intended outcome. Their “knowledge” derives from the
cultural milieu, but it can be used in creative ways. . . . They
interpret and use the cultural resources available to them, and
perhaps transform them. (787)
The new understandings of racism, Scott explains, are an unintended
consequence of the anti-racist activists’ actions (813). Maintaining
a moral identity often involves perpetuating racist concepts, even
subconsciously or in the guise of upholding some other ideal.
In like manner, Bonilla-Silva (2003) understands racism to be
systemic and institutionalized. Racism, Bonilla-Silva contends, is
not mere individual prejudice. Race is a constructed social category,
which, in turn, produces a racialized social structure that promotes
and reinforces white privilege. The racialized social structure, Bonilla-
Silva argues, is maintained and reproduced by racial ideologies that
legitimize and justify the racial status quo (8–11). One important
racial ideology that promotes and reinforces racism is what Bonilla-
Silva calls “colorblind racism.”
Bonilla-Silva draws attention to the way many US citizens, in par-
ticular whites, avoid talking about race and racism by using colorblind
language, dismissing race and the racism that bubbles underneath.
He describes the hostility toward African Americans felt by many
(perhaps most) whites, due in large part to the severe misunderstand-
ing of, distance from, and animosity toward African Americans on the
part of those whites. He contends that the façade of colorblindness
defends anti–African American racism using colorblind language,
which takes different forms. Colorblind language includes the use of
and attachment to historically American ideals such as meritocracy,
individuality, and choice (which Bonilla-Silva labels as “abstract lib-
eralism”); the belief that racial segregation is a “natural” occurrence
and not a result of history, politics, or culture (which he classifies as
“naturalization”); the belief that others are culturally deficient or
have a cultural deficient mode of thinking (“cultural racism”); and
the belief that racism is no longer a strong influence on the lives of
people of color (“minimization of racism”). Understanding these
10 doing good
interrelated components of colorblind racism, Bonilla-Silva contends,
enables us to analyze different manifestations of racism and work
toward challenging them. The construction of moral identity often
falls back on racist notions: privileged whites feeling they “do good”
by helping “underprivileged” (i.e., culturally inferior) African Ameri-
cans; or African Americans feeling good about themselves because
they shield other African Americans from “lazy Latinas.”
As with colorblind racism, other forms of oppression can result
from adopting and maintaining a moral identity. McMahon’s study
(1995) of new mothers showed how their embrace of “mother” as
a moral identity led them to become invested in reproducing con-
ventional gender inequalities in their family. In the same way, Wall
(2001) studied how the experience of motherhood is shaped by
moral and cultural constructs about breastfeeding. The author notes
that the breastfeeding discourse bombards mothers with messages
moralizing pregnancy and giving the fetus personhood. The breast-
feeding discourse also values child-centered parenting and individual
responsibility. Women are also barraged, Wall notes, with messages
on the cost of social programs.
I illustrate how difficult working conditions—low pay, overwhelm-
ing pace, too many tasks to complete in a day’s work—and structural
inequalities present within Care Inc. made health-care work difficult,
in particular for the lower-status African American and Latina staffers.
These structural inequalities included the training and supervision of
Latina staff by the more senior African American staff; the “gatekeep-
ing” positions several of the African American women held that gave
them some power over the mostly Latina/o clients; and the lobbying
by some African American staff to ban Spanish language from the
workplace. I analyze how health-care practitioners—higher-status
white staffers, mid-level Latina staffers, lower-status African American
staffers, and lower-status Latina staffers—crafted a moral identity
by drawing on the cultural resources (Einwohner, Hollander, and
Olson 2000; Williams 1995) available to them, taking advantage of
constructs that fall along gender, racial, and class, as well as national-
ist lines. For example, the higher-status staffers, all but one white,
collectively interpreted their difficult conditions at work as evidence
that they were “heroic” workers. The mid- and lower-status Latina
staffers felt Latina/o clients were especially “needy” and deserving of
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