Queen Gertrude wife of Andreas II

was the daughter of the Bavarian Count Berthold IV of Andechs, Margrave of Carniola and Istria,[2] and
his wife Agnes from the Saxon House of Wettin. Gertrude's elder sister was Agnes of Merania, a famous
beauty, who married King Philip II of France. Her younger sister was St. Hedwig of Silesia, wife of the
Piast duke Henry I the Bearded, the later High Duke of Poland. Their brothers were Otto, who inherited
the title of Duke of Merania and succeeded their father in his Bavarian domains, Henry who took over
the rule in Carniola and Istria, and Berthold who became a close advisor to Gertrude and was named
Archbishop of Kalocsa.

Ambitious Gertrude exerted much political influence over her husband. It was probably she who
persuaded Andrew to conspire against his brother again, but when King Emeric, who had realised that
Andrew's troops outnumbered his armies, went unarmed, wearing only the crown and the sceptre, to
Andrew's camp near Varasd, Andrew surrendered voluntarily in the spur of the moment. The king had
his brother arrested, but Andrew managed to escape shortly afterwards. During this time, Gertrude was
sent back to her father.

Gertrude's parents arranged political marriages for their daughters, creating alliances for her father,
Duke Berthold. Gertrude married the Árpád prince Andrew II, younger son of late King Béla III of
Hungary, before 1204.[2] Andrew thereby took sides in the conflict over the German throne, joining his
father-in-law in his support of Duke Philip of Swabia, while his elder brother King Emeric of Hungary
backed King Otto IV of Germany.

Gertrude and Endre II (Andreas or Andrew) had children:

Anna Maria of Hungary (c. 1204 – 1237), wife of Tzar Ivan Asen II of Bulgaria[3]

King Béla IV of Hungary (1206 – 3 May 1270)[4]

Saint Elizabeth of Hungary (1207 – 10 November 1231), wife of Landgrave Louis IV of Thuringia[5]

King Coloman of Galicia-Lodomeria (1208 – June 1241)[6] died in his wound during Mongol invasion.

Prince Andrew II of Halych (c. 1210 – 1234)[6]

Gertrud was a good girl, a good sister, she wanted her parents and siblings to share in all the good things
that her country could give, to admire her in her greatness and power. We have already seen that he

1
made his younger brother Berthold archbishop of Kalocsa. Pope Incze did not want to confirm him, as
he is not even remotely familiar with canon law and religious preaching, and is still far from the canon
age. 9 However, later, at the end of 1207, he confirmed him in the office of chief pastor(achbishop). It
was nice of the new high priest that he then went to school in Vicenza and worked hard to learn the first
elements. But Endre deserved Incze's bitter rebuke for calling him the master of masters, who cannot
even be a disciple of the disciples. The pope was also hurt by the fact that the duke, instead of studying
quietly at home, wandered outside and showed his utter ignorance in the open market. He also ordered
him to go home to Kalocsa immediately. But the patronage of the queen did not reach even that. This
lecherous young man appears in documents as a ban in 1209 and as a voivode in 1212

Berthold was then only a leech, but the other brother, Ekbert, bishop of Bamberg, was a public villain.
King Philip, Barbarossa's son, was killed in his palace by Otto Wittelsbach. The evil deed could only
succeed because of the patronage of the host and therefore the counter-king himself, IV. Together with
the murderer, Otto put the bishop under an imperial curse. Where would he have had better shelter
and protection than with his loving brother and gentle brother-in-law. And with the help of the two
brothers, the whole flock of fortune hunters overran the country that had been given to them as prey.
There may have been worthy people among them, such as the provost Adolf, to whom, together with
his sister, he gave land lying below the Tatras, in the Poprád valley,10 but even rewarding them hurt the
no less worthy compatriots, on whom the royal grace did not cast its rays. German settlement in
Transylvania was very strong anyway. Since the time of Géza. Now the king donates the whole of
Barczasag, on the border of the Kunos, to the Teutonic Order, "which was once in Jerusalem, but
because of our sins is now forced to Acre". They rule that land with complete freedom and tax-free,
only the king's supreme court right is retained.11 We can already recognize this as the work of Berthold,
who will soon become voivode of Transylvania, even more so with the intention of raising the
provostship of Nagyszeben(today Sibiu) to a bishopric. This would have been made clear by setting up a
separate German bishopric, to the great detriment of the Transylvanian bishopric, and III. At the same
time, Incze contradicted this plan when he annulled the contract of the archbishops of Kalocsa and
Esztergom.

The charters reserved only some cases;12 but like immigration, donations had to be massive. Even far
away in Alsace, they knew that the Queen of Hungary was very generous and giving to the Germans and
pleased them in everything.13

This was more than the desolation of the country's assets, the neglect of Hungarian lords and heroes. A
conflict arose between those who served the king personally and those who served the cause of the
nation. This did not happen under the Hungarian king, but it did happen during the time of Péter of
Venice, who gave the Spanish estates and officers to foreigners and wanted to hand over the rule of
Hungary to foreigners. Even then, the first-ranked interest: that of Christianity, he proposed this
favoring of foreigners; now the Christian Hungarian only saw his old enemy in the German, whom he
was trying to suppress. The misery and dissatisfaction of the people, the wounded pride and interest of
the lords, merged in a common feeling, in the hatred of the foreigners and their patrons against the

2
queen. And this emotion gained wings, suppressing all other views due to the conviction that this is
about the liberation and independence of the homeland, just like in the days of king Peter Orseolo.

At the age of four, he betrothed his daughter, Elizabeth, to Louis, the son of Duke Hermann (Landgraf) of
Thuringia, and sent her to Germany with a huge dowry and money to be brought up at the court of her
future father-in-law, in the famous Wartburg. "Because the queen was a powerful woman, who
managed the affairs of the empire with a manly mind and prepared everything for the care of her
daughter. He showered those who came for him with royal gifts and gave his little daughter to his noble
attendants, swaddled in gold, silver, and silk, in a silver cradle. He sent with him numerous and very
different gold and silver vessels, besides very expensive jewels, rings, bracelets, with many kinds of
clothing, a silver chest for the bath, bed linen, blankets, quilts made of silk, a lot of purple and silk cloth
with countless other expensive things. For this he added another thousand marks of silver, and
promised even more if he lived. They have never seen so many beautiful and elegant people in
Thuringia as those who were sent by the queen's daughter. But he could not forget that this treasure,
since the royal treasury was already empty, had to be met with unbearable taxes. And while grievances
and poverty were common in the country, the queen amassed greater and greater treasures for herself
and her family.

In the past, people who were dissatisfied with the king and his government, or whose interests were
violated, expected a claimant to the throne to remedy their problems. They are still looking for one: for
Géza, III. Béla's younger brother's sons, who were hiding in Greece. Envoys were sent to them with
letters. However, these letters came into Endre's hands through the ispan of Sebenico, and the
conspiracy could not have conceived of them. It is true that its members were severely punished, it is
certain that the effort to get rid of Gertrud's yoke did not stop. As there was no other remedy, the
whole movement went straight against the queen.

The assassination became one of the most high-profile criminal cases in the history of Hungary, and
caused widespread astonishment across Europe in the 13th century. Despite a relatively diverse and
large number of domestic and foreign sources, the motivation of the killers is unclear. According to
contemporary sources, Gertrude's blatant favoritism towards her German kinsmen and courtiers had
stirred up discontent among the native lords and prompted her murder. Later tradition says that
Gertrude's brother Berthold raped the wife of Bánk Bár-Kalán, one of the lords, who, along with his
companions, took revenge for the grievance. This story inspired many subsequent chroniclers and
literary works in Hungary and the rest of Europe.

Background

edit

3
Gertrude was born into the House of Andechs as the daughter of Berthold, Duke of Merania. The Duchy
of Merania, a fiefdom of the Holy Roman Empire, laid in the peninsula of Istria and also had nominal
suzerainty over the coast of the Adriatic Sea. Merania was located in the neighborhood of Dalmatia,
belonging to Croatia in personal union with Hungary, which was ruled by Emeric from 1196 to 1204. His
younger brother Andrew constantly rebelled against him. Following a victory against the king, he forced
Emeric to cede Croatia and Dalmatia as an appanage to him in 1197. In practice, Andrew administered
the provinces as an independent monarch. Although Emeric defeated his brother after another
conspiracy in 1199, Andrew was allowed to return to his duchy in 1200.[1] Andrew married Gertrude of
Merania sometime between 1200 and 1203; Gertrude's father Berthold owned extensive domains in the
Holy Roman Empire along the borders of Andrew's duchy. Gertrude's influence and political
involvement, already in the years before Andrew's reign as king, are clearly shown by the fact that when
Emeric defeated his brother again in 1203, he found it necessary to send Gertrude back to her native
land of Merania.[2]

1213

Andrew II ascended to the Hungarian throne in 1205. As queen consort, Gertrude had unusual (but not
unprecedented; see Helena of Serbia) influence over governmental affairs. Theodoric of Apolda, in his
hagiography of Elizabeth of Hungary, emphasizes Gertrude's "masculine characteristics".[2] Two sources
testify that Gertrude exercised power as regent during the king's absence on military campaigns. When
Andrew II launched a campaign against the Cuman chieftain Gubasel in Bulgaria, Gertrude performed a
judicial activity over a lawsuit between Abbot Uros of Pannonhalma and the castle serfs of Pressburg
(present-day Bratislava, Slovakia) around 1212 or 1213. Another note mentions that when Gertrude was
assassinated, the royal seal was lost. Both remarks imply that Gertrude acted as royal governor both
times when Andrew led campaigns in Bulgaria and Halych, respectively,[3][4] which caused resentment
among the local elite.[5]

Gertrude also expressed blatant favoritism towards her German kinsmen and courtiers, which may have
stirred up discontent among the native Hungarian lords.[5][6] Her younger brother Berthold was
appointed Archbishop of Kalocsa in 1206 and was made Ban of Croatia and Dalmatia in 1209. Two other
brothers, Ekbert, Bishop of Bamberg, and Henry II, Margrave of Istria, fled to Hungary in 1208 after they
were accused of participating in the murder of Philip, King of the Germans. Andrew granted large
domains to Ekbert in the Szepesség region (now Spiš, Slovakia).[7] Andrew's generosity towards his
wife's German relatives and courtiers added to the discontent of the local lords. According to historian
Gyula Kristó, the anonymous author of The Deeds of the Hungarians referred to the Germans from the
Holy Roman Empire when he sarcastically mentioned that "now ... the Romans graze on the goods of
Hungary."[8] However, there is no source suggesting that Gertrude ever appointed German courtiers in
her queenly court.[6] Although it is possible that the 26th article of the Golden Bull of 1222, which
prescribed that Hungarian properties could not be given to foreigners, and the 23rd article of the Golden
Bull of 1231, which prescribed that foreigners could only be appointed to court positions if they
remained in Hungary (because such people only "take the country's wealth [abroad]"), may reflect a

4
negative response to Gertrude's favoritism,[9] the few surviving royal donation letters from the period
do not prove the mass acquisition of land by the Germans either; the local provost Adolph was granted
lands in Szepesség due to the intervention of Gertrude and his brothers in 1209, while a certain Lenguer
was granted a small portion in the village of Szántó upon the request of Archbishop Berthold. Both
donations are considered insignificant gains compared to other acquisitions of the period, the
beneficiaries of which were members of the native Hungarian elite. Officials of the queen's court (for
instance, its count or head), including the future assassin Peter, were in all cases Hungarian magnates.
[10]

In order to support his protege Danylo Romanovich against Mstislav Mstislavich, Andrew II departed for
a new royal campaign against the Principality of Halych in the summer of 1213. During his absence,
Hungarian lords captured and murdered Gertrude and many of her courtiers. Late 19th-century
Hungarian historian Gyula Pauler was the first scholar, who compiled a professional synthesis, as well as
a detailed examination of the circumstances of the murder, based on comprehensive source research
and considering the conditions of the era. His findings were unanimously accepted by Hungarian
historiography in the following decades.[11]

According to Pauler, Queen Gertrude and her escort, also attending by his brother Archbishop Berthold
and the reigning Austrian duke Leopold VI, took part in hunting in the Pilis Hills in late September 1213,
when a group of Hungarian lords stormed the queen's tent and assassinated her partly for political
reasons, partly because of personal grievances. Among the perpetrators were the queen's former
confidant Peter, son of Töre, brothers Simon Kacsics and Michael Kacsics and a certain Simon, son-in-law
of Palatine Bánk Bár-Kalán. It is possible, as Pauler considered, that the palatine himself and John,
Archbishop of Esztergom were also involved in the planning of the conspiracy, but they remained in the
background at the time of the assassination. Gertrude was brutally slaughtered, while Berthold and
Leopold were physically assaulted, but they were released subsequently and managed to flee the scene.
[12]

Based on new sources and philological considerations, historian Tamás Körmendi reexamined the
circumstances of the assassination in his 2014 study.[11]

Date and location

Regarding the year, the contemporary and near-contemporary sources place the assassination in many
different years, within a wide range between 1200 and 1218. However, Gertrude was firmly alive in
1211, when she sent her daughter Elizabeth with a substantial dowry to the Landgraviate of Thuringia in
that year. On the other hand, her widower Andrew II mourned her death in his two surviving royal
charters issued in 1214. Most of the narrative sources put the date of the murder to the year 1213.

5
Tamás Körmendi accepted this year, since the majority of these works are the earliest and seemingly
most authentic chronicles, including the Annals of Göttweig (Annales Gotwicenses) and the Annals of
Salzburg (Annales Salisburgenses). 1213 is the only year, which appears in works that cannot be
compared or related philologically, which makes it beyond doubt that the murder took place at that
time.[13]Only three sources mentions the proper date of the murder. A 15th-century section of a
Bavarian source, the Founders of the Monastery of Diessen (De fundatoribus monasterii Diessenses)
refers the date to 28 September but with the year 1200, and cannot be considered an authentic report.
[14] The Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna (Annales Praedicatorum Vindobonensium) from the late
13th century preserved the exact date of assassination, 28 September, but without adding the year.[15]
Historian László Veszprémy accepted the date as authentic, since the annals also used necrologies as
source, which always focused on the specific month and day instead of the year.[16] The Aschaffenburgi
Psalterium, which was compiled for Gertrude of Aldenberg, the queen's granddaughter, lists the time of
death of various members of the House of Andechs; accordingly Queen Gertrude died on 28 September
(the year is not given).[13] The three unrelated sources confirm that the assassination did indeed take
place on 28 September 1213.[17]

Based on the narrations of the Austrian Rhyming Chronicle (Chronicon rhytmicum Austriacum) and the
aforementioned Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna, which write that Gertrude was killed in her "field
tent", and the fact that the queen was buried in the Pilis Abbey thereafter, Gyula Pauler claimed the
assassination took place in the nearby Pilis royal forest on the occasion of a royal hunting.[12] The
subsequent Hungarian historiography accepted the theory without any reservations.[17][18] Tamás
Körmendi emphasized the speculative nature of this data; he emphasized, other sources say that the
queen was assassinated either in her palace, bedroom or the royal military camp. The Galician–
Volhynian Chronicle writes that Gertrude was murdered in the Premonstratensian monastery of Lelesz
(present-day Leles, Slovakia), while accompanying her husband into the royal campaign against Halych.
A royal charter from 1214 refers to that "a certain part of her [Gertrude's] body" was buried in Lelesz.
Pauler argued Andrew II on his way to Halych was caught at Lelesz by the messenger who brought the
news of her death, who presented a piece of the queen's corpse as evidence, which was subsequently
buried there. In contrast, Körmendi considered the non-transportable pieces of the mutilated queen
were quickly buried in the Lelesz monastery, near which the assassination could have taken place,
perhaps in the Patak royal forest along the river Bodrog.[19]

Perpetrators

edit

Peter, son of Töre, a former confidant of Gertrude, was the only sure participant in the assassination.
One of the earliest records, the all three manuscripts of the Annals of Salzburg (its main corpus was
written before 1216) contain that element which say the "queen of the Hungarians [...] was slaughtered
by a certain count Peter". When Béla IV (the eldest son of Andrew and Gertrude) donated Peter's former

6
lands to the newly founded the Cistercian Bélakút Abbey, the king states that these estates were
confiscated from Peter, who "committed the crime of high treason by murdering our mother".
[20]Subsequent Hungarian royal charters also refer to brothers Simon and Michael Kacsics as leading
instigators of Gertrude's assassination. When Duke Béla, gaining power over the royal council, started
reclaiming King Andrew's land grants throughout Hungary, he forced his father to confiscate the estates
of those noblemen who had plotted against his mother one and a half decade earlier. Accordingly,
Simon Kacsics lost his lands and villages in Transylvania and Nógrád County which were granted by Denis
Tomaj and his clan. In his charter, Andrew II referred to Simon's active participation in the murder of his
consort. Accordingly, Simon "by a new and unheard-of kind of wickedness and vileness, cruelly and
horribly armed for hateful machinations, conspiring with his accomplices: bloodthirsty and treacherous
men, to the shame and dishonor of our royal crown, was involved in the death of the well-remembered
Queen Gertrude, our dearest consort".[21] The land confiscation in 1228 might be a sign of the
subsequent retaliation after an increased role in national politics by princes Béla and Coloman since the
early 1220s, as historian Gyula Pauler argued.[22] Körmendi argued, it is quite unrealistic that Andrew II
appointed Simon to baronial dignities after the murder, even his few opportunities for punish the
perpetrators, as Pauler had claimed. Accordingly, Simon was not considered among the assassins of
Gertrude immediately after the murder. As Simon was mentioned as armed participant in the act, it is
presumable that he became a victim of power intrigues and accused of conspiracy purely out of political
reasons.[21] Simon's brother, Michael Kacsics is also listed among the perpetrators by a royal charter of
Ladislaus IV from 1277, when returned the lands to the sons of the aforementioned Denis Tomaj from
Michael's descendants.[21]Subsequent Hungarian royal charters also refer to brothers Simon and
Michael Kacsics as leading instigators of Gertrude's assassination. When Duke Béla, gaining power over
the royal council, started reclaiming King Andrew's land grants throughout Hungary, he forced his father
to confiscate the estates of those noblemen who had plotted against his mother one and a half decade
earlier. Accordingly, Simon Kacsics lost his lands and villages in Transylvania and Nógrád County which
were granted by Denis Tomaj and his clan. In his charter, Andrew II referred to Simon's active
participation in the murder of his consort. Accordingly, Simon "by a new and unheard-of kind of
wickedness and vileness, cruelly and horribly armed for hateful machinations, conspiring with his
accomplices: bloodthirsty and treacherous men, to the shame and dishonor of our royal crown, was
involved in the death of the well-remembered Queen Gertrude, our dearest consort".[21] The land
confiscation in 1228 might be a sign of the subsequent retaliation after an increased role in national
politics by princes Béla and Coloman since the early 1220s, as historian Gyula Pauler argued.[22]
Körmendi argued, it is quite unrealistic that Andrew II appointed Simon to baronial dignities after the
murder, even his few opportunities for punish the perpetrators, as Pauler had claimed. Accordingly,
Simon was not considered among the assassins of Gertrude immediately after the murder. As Simon was
mentioned as armed participant in the act, it is presumable that he became a victim of power intrigues
and accused of conspiracy purely out of political reasons.[21] Simon's brother, Michael Kacsics is also
listed among the perpetrators by a royal charter of Ladislaus IV from 1277, when returned the lands to
the sons of the aforementioned Denis Tomaj from Michael's descendants.[21]Two royal charters of Béla
IV narrate that Bánk Bár-Kalán had participated in the assassination. In 1240, Béla IV donated Bánk's
former lands, which he had lost for "his sin of high treason", since "he conspired to murder our dearest
mother [Gertrude] — he lost all his possessions, not exactly unjustly, for he would have deserved more

7
severe revenge by the judgment that common sense had brought upon him". When Béla granted
another landholdings in 1262, the king noted too that those estates escheated to the crown from "our
disloyal, Ban Bánk".[23] The fact that Bánk held court positions even after the assassination questions
the authenticity of the above accounts, or at least his leading role in the conspiracy. Historian Gyula
Pauler considered Bánk managed to survive the subsequent retaliation, because Andrew II was not
strong enough to punish one of the most powerful barons, while the main assassin Peter, son of Töre
was executed.[12] According to János Karácsonyi, Bánk supported the conspiracy, but he did not
mastermind the crime. Historian Erik Fügedi argued Bánk was the most prestigious member of the
conspiracy, which in the following decades magnified his role and thus became the executor and chief of
the assassination in the later narratives.[24] Tamás Körmendi emphasized the late 19th-century
historiography incorrectly considered Andrew II as a weak ruler. Körmendi argued Bánk was accused of
involvement in the assassination sometime only between 1222 and 1240. Along with other charged
barons – Simon Kacsics, Michael Kacsics and Bánk's son-in-law Simon – it is presumable that Bánk
became a victim of power intrigues and political purge, and accused of conspiracy purely out of political
reasons, while Peter, son of Töre indeed assassinated the queen.[25]According to a royal charter of
Duke Stephen from 1270, the lands of Bánk's son-in-law, a certain Simon in Bereg and Szabolcs counties
were also confiscated prior to that.[26] Early historiography identified Bánk's son-in-law with Simon
Kacsics, however, as historian Gyula Pauler proved, while Simon Kacsics had descendants (his last known
offspring was still alive in 1299), Bánk's son-in-law, Simon died without issue prior to 1270. Pauler
considered Simon was among the killers, and his involvement caused his father-in-law's political
downfall years later.[12] Veszprémy argued there is no record of Simon's active involvement in the
murder, according to the unclear term of the medieval legal system.[27] Körmendi emphasized Simon's
lands escheated to the crown because of his death without issue and not for his alleged involvement in
the assassination.[23]

The participation of John, Archbishop of Esztergom in the conspiracy also arose. His involvement is
mentioned by Italian scholar Boncompagno da Signa's tractate Rhetorica novissima, Alberic of Trois-
Fontaines' Chronica and Matthew of Paris' Chronica Majora and Historia Anglorum.[28] These works
unanimously note John's famous phrase in his letter to Hungarian nobles planning the assassination of
Gertrude: "Reginam occidere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consentiunt ego non contradico", can be
roughly translated into "Kill Queen you must not fear will be good if all agree I do not oppose". The
meaning is highly dependent on punctuation: either the speaker wishes a queen killed ("Kill Queen, you
must not fear, will be good if all agree, I do not oppose") or not ("Kill Queen you must not, fear will be
good, if all agree I do not, oppose").[28] László Veszprémy considered the anecdote first appeared in the
Annals of Salzburg after an oral spread among the lower clergymen.[27] On the other hand, Tamás
Körmendi argued the ambiguous letter was subscribed as a result of a subsequent insertion. It is
possible that Boncompagno heard the story in the Roman Curia and incorporated it into his rhetoric
dissertation and textbook (published in 1235, the first written source of John's alleged letter). Both
Boncompagno and Alberic mention that Andrew accused John of participating in the murder before the
Holy See. However Pope Innocent III, pointing out the correct use of commas, acquitted the archbishop

8
from the charges. These references emphasize the letter's unintended ambiguity and, thus, John's
approval of murder.[28] Körmendi emphasized the historiographical doubts regarding the authenticity
of the letter, as John retained his influence in the upcoming years after the assassination. The historian
also argued the preservation of the letter would have been irrational step, moreover the majority of the
Hungarian nobility were illiterate during that time.[29]Witnesses

edit

The various sources mention only four people who were present as eyewitnesses during the
assassination, but due to the differing credibility of the sources, it is certain that not all of them were
actually present. A group of works (see below) marks Archbishop Berthold, Gertrude's brother as a key
figure in the case. However, only the Galician–Volhynian Chronicle states that Berthold was present
during the assassination. Despite the doubtful authenticity of the chronicle's report, historian Tamás
Körmendi accepted the information on Berthold's presence, since a letter of Pope Innocent III to
Archbishop John of Esztergom in January 1214 refers to the physical assault on Berthold. According to
the pope's letter, during the rebellion many clergy and monks in the Archdiocese of Kalocsa suffered
physical insult and material damage. Innocent instructed John to excommunicate the perpetrators. In
addition, the pope also sent a letter to the "dukes of Poland" not to give any refuge to the perpetrators
who might flee abroad.[30

The Annals of Admont (Annales Admontenses) and the 15th-century historian Thomas Ebendorfer's
Austrian Chronicle (Chronicon Austriae) mention the presence of the Austrian duke Leopold VI too.
Despite relevant factual errors (e.g. the date), Tamás Körmendi accepted the information of the mid-
13th-century annals, since the work provides a very detailed and authentic account of the activities of
the Austrian dukes. Accordingly, Leopold arrived to Hungary after his return from Calatrava la Vieja
during the Albigensian Crusade. The Annals of Admont claims that the assassins intended to kill Leopold
too, but Körmendi refused this, considering the monks of the Admont Abbey (its right of patronage was
possessed by the duke) sought to increase the importance of Leopold.[31]

The continuation of the Royal Chronicle of Cologne (Chronica regia Coloniensis) and three other works –
Annals of Admont, Rainer of Liége's annals (Reinerus Leodiensis) and the Galician–Volhynian Chronicle –,
which used its text, claim that Andrew II was present during the assassination of his wife, the Galician–
Volhynian Chronicle even states that the real target was actually the king. In contrast, the Annals of
Salzburg and four derivative texts refer to the fact that the assassination took place when Andrew II led
a campaign into Halych. Körmendi emphasized there is no sign of a nationwide rebellion against the king
in 1213 and the subsequent royal charters do not mention that the conspirators attempted to murder
Andrew himself. Andrew refers to conspiracies against him in 1209–1210 and 1214 too, but not in 1213.
[32]

9
A single source, the Chronicle of the Anonymus of Leoben (Chronicon Leobiense) claims that Gertrude's
other brother, Ekbert was the one who forced the wife of a Hungarian lord to commit adultery, which
resulted the assassination. The chronicle says Ekbert was present during the crime. It is plausible that
the anonymous author confused Ekbert with Berthold. Although Ekbert resided in Hungary for a while,
but departed for Austria long before the assassination.[33][34]With the beginning of the narration of
the Annals of Göttweig, several contemporary and near-contemporary works mark the queen's pro-
German attitude as a motive for her assassination. A side note from the Hungarian chronicler Anonymus
(see above) strengthens this standpoint.[8] However, as mentioned in the background section, there is
no trace of the beneficiary status of the Germans in the sources and royal donations of the time.[10]

The Austrian Rhyming Chronicle is the earliest known work, which preserved the alleged story of that
Archbishop Berthold raped Bánk Bár-Kalán's wife, which was the immediate cause of the assassination
of the queen, who acted as a procuress in the adultery. According to this narration, Bánk led the
conspirators and stabbed Gertrude with a sword personally. The chronicle was compiled by a Hungarian
cleric in Klosterneuburg Abbey, Lower Austria around 1270. The chronicle claims that Béla IV ordered to
slaughter all participants of the assassination, after he ascended the Hungarian throne in 1235.[35] Its
text was utilized by the Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna at the end of the 13th century. In addition,
the annals used other source too, since, unlike the Austrian Rhyming Chronicle, it mentions Bánk's
alleged German name ("Prenger") and the exact date of the assassination.[15] The 14th-century
Illuminated Chronicle (Chronicon Pictum) took over the story too, which then made a decisive
contribution to making the story rooted in the Hungarian chronicle and historiographical tradition and,
subsequently, the Hungarian-language literature and culture.[36] Other works, which spread this
narration too, emphasize the innocence of Gertrude regarding the adultery between Berthold and
Bánk's wife.[37]The Annals of Admont, the Royal Chronicle of Cologne, Rainer of Liége's annals and the
Galician–Volhynian Chronicle claim the real target of the assassination was King Andrew II himself.
Historian Bálint Hóman assumed the conspirators attempted to oust Andrew from power in order to
replace him with his heir, the seven-year-old Béla. However, since Andrew led a campaign to Halych
during the assassination, killing the queen certainly would not have caused his downfall.[38] Gertrude's
active role in the government as a queen was an unusual phenomenon in Hungary, which could be
opposed by a group of barons.[4] Tamás Körmendi does not reject the possibility of personal revenge as
a motivation for the assassination. It is possible that Peter, who was considered still the queen's
confidant in early 1213, became involved in an undefined personal conflict with Queen Gertrude, but its
nature, due to lack of resources, remained obscure.[39.

When Andrew II heard the news of his wife's murder, he interrupted the campaign in Halych and
returned home. He ordered the execution of the murderer, Peter, son of Töre, who was impaled "along
with others" in the autumn of 1213, according to the Annals of Marbach (Annales Marbacenses).[40]
The Annals of Salzburg says that Peter and others were beheaded the night after the assassination.[41]
The continuation of Magnus von Reichersberg's chronicle narrates that Peter was executed along with
his wife and entire family the day after the assassination.[42] The Anonymus of Leoben narrates that
Peter's lands were also confiscated and Béla IV, now as king, donated Peter's former lands – including

10
the eponymous Pétervárad ("Peter's Castle", present-day Petrovaradin, part of the agglomeration of
Novi Sad, Serbia) – to the newly founded Cistercian Bélakút Abbey, which belonged to the Archdiocese
of Kalocsa. A royal charter from 1237 confirms this narrative.[43]

According to a mainstream view of Hungarian historiography, Peter's accomplices, including Palatine

Bánk, did not receive severe punishments, due to the current political situation and Andrew's power
instability. Only Duke Béla, son of Andrew and Gertrude took revenge after he was appointed Duke of
Transylvania and started to revise his father's policy. In 1228, he confiscated the estates of Bánk and the
Kacsics brothers, who had plotted against his mother.[12] Tamás Körmendi believed that they were all
victims of power intrigues and political purge, and accused of conspiracy purely out of political reasons.
[25].

In accordance with her will, Gertrude was buried in the Pilis Abbey, while certain parts of her body were
buried in the monastery of Lelesz. Andrew II ordered that two priests of the monastery pray for his
wife's spiritual salvation.[44] The ruins of her tomb were discovered during the excavations carried out
by László Gerevich in the Pilis Abbey between 1967 and 1982. Art historian Imre Takács considered the
French Gothic style of Gertrude's tomb to be similar to the drawings of Villard de Honnecourt, who
spent a considerable time in Hungary in those years, but Takács did not attribute the sculptures to him.
It is possible that one of the excavated skeletons (that of a 30-40 year old woman) is Gertrude's remains.
[45]

Shortly after the Gertrude's assassination, Andrew II married Yolanda of Courtenay in February 1215.
The king did not intend for the new wife to have a governmental role, experiencing the previous sharp
opposition from the Hungarian elite. When Andrew left Hungary to fight in the Fifth Crusade in 1217–
1218, he entrusted the regency to Archbishop John and Palatine Julius Kán, instead of to Yolanda, who
remained passive in political matters throughout her life. Andrew's third wife Beatrice d'Este had a
similar concept of role.[4] According to Gyula Kristó, Gertrude's unpopular pro-German attitude
negatively affected the portrayal of Blessed Gisela, the consort of the first Hungarian king Saint Stephen
I (r. 1000–1038) in the contemporary Hungarian chronicles, which in fact described Gertrude's activity.
The Illuminated Chronicle says that Gisela "determined to appoint as king the queen's brother, Peter the
German or rather Venetian, with the intention that Queen Gisela might then according to her desire
fulfill all the impulses of her will, and that the kingdom of Hungary might lose its liberty and be subjected
without hindrance to the dominion of the Germans". In fact, Gisela had tense relationship with
Stephen's nephew and successor Peter, the son of the Venetian doge Otto Orseolo. To avoid
persecution, the contemporary chronicles narrated Gertrude's assumed pro-German influence inserted
between the events of the 11th century.[46] The death of Gertrude and the "negative experiences"
associated with her resulted the decline of a separate queenly court with own courtiers and partisans in
the 13th-century Hungary. Even the 1298 laws prescribed that only Hungarian-born barons can hold
positions and offices in the queen's court.[6]

11
Beside the 14th-century Illuminated Chronicle and six royal charters, approximately 60 medieval
external sources – before the era of Renaissance – refer to the assassination of Queen Gertrude. Among
them, only 28 sources contain more information and details beyond the fact of the murder.[47] While
Flórián Mátyás was the first scholar, who collected the narrations in the early 20th century, historians
László Veszprémy then Tamás Körmendi organized the sources according to content, determining the
philological relationship between them and the time of their origin.[27]

Group A – Pro-German attitude

edit

This group contains those narrations which mark Gertrude's favoritism towards her German or
Meranian courtiers as the cause of her assassination. These are the earliest sources on the murder, the
texts were created within a few years in the territory of the Holy Roman Empire.[16]

Annals of Göttweig (Annales Gotwicenses): the earliest foreign record of the assassination, this section
written in the Benedictine Göttweig Abbey in Lower Austria, around the same time as the assassination.
Accordingly, the magnates of Hungary, "uniting their armed and violent hands", murdered Gertrude
because of their "hatred towards Germans".[48]

Annals of Marbach (Annales Marbacenses): written in the Augustinian Marbach Abbey in Alsace around
1230. Körmendi considered the friars were informed through Cistercians from Hungary via the monks of
Neuburg Abbey. The annals write that Gertrude was assassinated because of her "largesse and
generosity" towards her German entourage. It narrates that one of the murderers, ispán Peter was
impaled "through his belly" by Andrew II. Unidentified others were also captured and executed with
different penalties. Körmendi argued this note is one of the most reliable and trustable written sources
of the murder.[40]

Annals of Admont (Annales Admontenses): its first continuation (in the period 1140–1257) contains
unique elements on the assassination. Accordingly, Gertrude was murdered because of the Hungarians'
"hatred towards Germans" in the presence of King Andrew II. The text also emphasizes that Duke
Leopold was present during the assassination. It incorrectly put the date of the crime to the end of the
year 1211. Regarding the assassination, the text may have been revised and rewritten at least once.[49]

Royal Chronicle of Cologne (Chronica regia Coloniensis): The text, its continuation (written from 1202 to
1220), places the date of the murder to the year 1210. It contains a multi-distorted narration; Andrew
was unable to capture a fort with his army. Upon Gertrude's advice, he hired German knights from her
entourage, who successfully besieged this fort. The Germans were granted many gifts and positions. The
jealous Hungarians intended to assassinate Andrew II, but Gertrude warned her husband. Andrew and
his men left the camp, but Gertrude remained, and, thereafter, was brutally slaughtered with spears and
stakes. Andrew captured all conspirators, along with their supporters, and ordered to execute them.[50]

12
Rainer of Liége's annals (Reinerus Leodiensis): the Benedictine author (1157 – after 1230), who
continued the annals of the St. James Abbey in Liège, used the same source as the Royal Chronicle of
Cologne regarding the assassination. According to the text, Andrew II, the real target, narrowly escaped
from the palace, where Gertrude was assassinated.[51]

Group B – Andrew's absence

edit

Veszprémy listed those sources within the group, which refer to Peter, son of Töre as the assassin,
mention Andrew departure to the Principality of Halych and Archbishop John's famous letter.[16]
Considering the latter as later insertions, Körmendi separated those texts where the prelate's role is
appeared.[41]

Annals of Salzburg (Annales Salisburgenses): its main corpus was written before 1216. It narrates that
while Andrew led a campaign into Halych, the queen was murdered by Peter "as revenge for her sin".
Peter himself, along with others, was captured and beheaded the next night. Its other text variant
(compiled after 1222) contains John's letter, which is a subsequent insertion.[41]

Continuation of Magnus von Reichersberg's Chronicle: the unidentified author took over the text from
the Annals of Salzburg. Accordingly, during the king's absence, Peter and others assassinated the queen.
He was executed together with his wife and others.[52]

Annals of Hermann of Altach (Annales Hermanni): Its author, the Abbot of Niederaltaich, used the text
of the Annals of Salzburg. Hermann writes that Gertrude, "the mother of Saint Elizabeth", was
assassinated by a certain ispán Peter, while the Hungarian king led a campaign against the Rus'. Peter
and his accompanies were beheaded the next night. The text also contains the story of the letter of the
bishop of Esztergom (sic!).[53]

Chronicle of Osterhofen (Chronicon Osterhoviense): the chronicle from the Osterhofen Abbey (written
around 1306) contains the same text as in Hermann of Altach's annals.[53]

Benedictine Annals of Augsburg (Annales Sanctorum Udalrici et Afrae Augustenses): compiled by the
Benedictine monks of the St. Ulrich's and St. Afra's Abbey in Augsburg. It contains the same text as in
Hermann of Altach's annals.[53]

Foundations of Monasteries in Bavaria (Fundationes monasteriorum Bavariae): the compilation contains

the same text as in Hermann of Altach's annals, but with wrong year (1211). It also mentions the queen's
death in an earlier entry, under the year 1200.[53]

Chronicle of the Anonymus of Leoben (Chronicon Leobiense): the unidentified author writes about the
assassination twice, under the years 1213 and 1217 (the latter is just a four-word marginal note). It
narrates that "the mother of Saint Elizabeth" was murdered by a noble, a certain "Peter of Várad",

13
because the queen's brother Ekbert committed adultery with Peter's wife with Gertrude's knowledge.
Subsequently, Béla, the queen's son confiscated Peter's castle and established a Cistercian abbey in its
place. The manuscript also mentions "a bishop"'s letter. The untrustworthy text contaminates parallel
oral traditions into a single text, but the information of the foundation of Bélakút Abbey is authentic.[43]

Group C –

Reginam occidere

edit

These sources only contain the alleged letter of John, Archbishop of Esztergom in connection with the
assassination of Queen Gertrude. The story was later also included in a second-hand manuscript of the
Annals of Salzburg and its derivative texts (see above).

The Latest Rhetoric (Rhetorica novissima): Boncompagno da Signa's rhetoric textbook, written before
1235, is the earliest work, which contains the story of the letter. Accordingly, King Andrew accused
Archbishop John of participating in the murder before the Holy See. However Pope Innocent III, pointing
out the correct use of commas, acquitted the archbishop from the charges. These references emphasize
the letter's unintended ambiguity and, thus, John's approval of murder. Boncompagno resided in the
papal court from 1229 to 1234, it is plausible he heard the story during his stay there.[54]

Alberic of Trois-Fontaines' Chronicle (Chronica Albrici Monachi Trium Fontium): the chronicler refers to
the history of John's ambiguous letter as "well-known", as a result of which the archbishop was
acquitted, "it is said". It is possible that Alberic used oral reports from Cistercian monks.[55]

Major Chronicle (Chronica Majora): it is possible that Matthew of Paris used Boncompagno's rhetoric
textbook.[56]

The History of England (Historia Anglorum): Matthew of Paris' other work mentions that the assassins
carried out the murder with the approval of the archbishop. The reinterpretation of the letter praises
Pope Innocent's ingenuity.[56]

Group D – Bánk's revenge

edit

Those sources belong to this group, where Gertrude's alleged role of procuress in the adulterous affair
between her brother and Bánk Bár-Kalán's wife appear.[16]

Austrian Rhyming Chronicle (Chronicon rhytmicum Austriacum): it was written by a Hungarian-born

cleric in Klosterneuburg Abbey around 1270. According to several German and Austrian historians (e.g.
Wilhelm Wattenbach and Karl Uhlirz), the author used only verbal or oral notifications, while Ernst
Klebel argued the Annals of Heiligenkreuz was available to the chronicler. Gerlinde Möser-Mersky

14
considered the author used the lost annals of the Schottenstift in Vienna.[35] According to Gyula Pauler,
the Hungarian cleric witnessed the fall of Bánk Bár-Kalán and the subsequent political purges after Béla
IV ascended the Hungarian throne in 1235, and connected these with the retaliation for the
assassination of Queen Gertrude.[57] Körmendi considered the author maybe used the mid-13th-
century edition of the Hungarian chronicle composition. The Austrian Rhyming Chronicle is the earliest
known work, where the Bánk story is appeared: Berthold persuaded the queen, his sister, to help him
seduce the wife of Bánk. Gertrude was initially hesitant but, eventually, assisted her brother. In
retaliation, Bánk and his confidants conspired against the queen, beheading her at a "field tent". The
assassins were held accountable only after Béla was crowned.[35]

Annals of the Dominicans of Vienna (Annales Praedicatorum Vindobonensium): the first work (late 13th
century), which provides the exact date of the assassination.[16] Accordingly, Gertrude was murdered in
a "field tent" on 28 September, because she helped her brother, the Patriarch of Aquileia (anachronism)
to seduce the wife of Bánk, also called Prenger. Körmendi argued the manuscript used the text of the
Austrian Rhyming Chronicle, in addition to necrologies.

Reinhardsbrunn.[63]

Chronicle of Thuringia (Düringische Chronik): the author is Johannes Rothe (c. 1360–1434), chaplain of
Anna of Schwarzburg-Blankenburg, the spouse of Frederick IV, Landgrave of Thuringia. He finished his
German-language work in 1421. Regarding the assassination of Gertrude, the chronicle provides a
unique story: Hungarian lords conspired against the "pious" Gertrude in 1212, because one of them
intended his own daughter to be the queen of the country. As a result of their intriques, the king
ordered to decapitate his queen but the daughter of the Hungarian lord never became queen.[63]

15