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Encyclopedia of
White Power
Dedication

To Buitre
 Encyclopedia of
White Power

A Sourcebook on the
Radical Racist Right

ee,
ZALTAMIRA
PRESS

A Division of
ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.
Walnut Creek @ Lanham ¢ New York ¢ Oxford
ALTAMIRA PRESS
A Division of ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.

Published in the United States of America

by AltaMira Press
A Division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
1630 North Main Street, #367
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Copyright © 2000 by AltaMira Press

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recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kaplan, Jeffrey
Encyclopedia of white power : a sourcebook on the radical racist right / edited by
Jeffrey Kaplan.
p- cm. '
Includes bibliograph?geaemee ae
ISBN 0-7425-03863 cloth : alk. paper)
1. White supre , vementss—Encyclopedias. 2. ex tremists—
Encyclopedia 33 Kaplan, Jeffrey, 1954-< 0 ee

HT1523 .E53 2000

305.8'003—dc21 99-059698

Printed in the United States of America

™

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library
Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.

Editorial Management by Erik Hanson

Project Management and Production Services by ImagelInk, San Francisco
Cover Design by Raymond Cogan
Table of Contents

Glossary
Preface.
Introduction .

American Nazi Party .

Arya Kriya
Aryan Nations .
Dave Barley
Bathory .
Louis Beam
Don Black .
Black Metal
James Burford
Dan Burros. rate
Richard Girnt Butler.
California Rangers
Willis Carto
Else Christensen
Christian Defense Tone ae
Christian Identity .
Church of the Creator .
Church of Israel.
Church of Jesus Christ Guinean.
Frank Collin .
Committee of the ees
Rick Cooper
Father Charles oreenin ;
Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord
Harold Covington .
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Savitri Devi 91
Elizabeth Dilling 96
David Duke 98
James Ellison . 107
Ralph Forbes 1T1
Joseph Franklin . 112
William Potter Gale. 115
Dan Gayman 117
Kenneth Goff . 120
George Eric Hawthorne . 123
Hembygdspartiet [Native Place Party! : 130
Adolf Hitler . 130
Internet Recruiting . 141
Colin Jordan. 145
Jost ; 149
Keep Sweden Swedish. 153
Matthias “Matt” Koehl 153
Kreativistens Kyrka 158
Ole Krogstad 158
Vaino Kuisma . 160
Ku Klux Klan . 163
David Lane . 167
Katja Lane 169
Gary “Gerhard” Tene. 170
Leaderless Resistance . 173
Bruno Armin Ludtke . 186
Charles Manson . 189
James Mason 193
Robert J. Mathews . 199
Ron McVan . 201
Tom Metzger 203
Robert Miles. 209
Jack Mohr ae 215
David Wulstan Myatt . 216
National Alliance. 219
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

National Socialist Kindred .

National Socialist Liberation Front .
National Socialist Vanguard . :
National Socialist White People’s Party .
Odinism
The Order. bret
Order of Nine Angles .
Pete Peters .
Phineas prissiliueas
William Pierce .
Reichsfolk .
Religion of Nature
Thom Robb . :
George Lincoln Rockwell.
Tommy Rahowa Rydén
Scriptures for America
Skinheads (Origins and riser
Skinheads (Norwegian) .
Gerald L. K. Smith .
Richard Wayne Snell .
Rudy Stanko.
Wesley Swift
Joseph Tommasi .
Universal Order .
Valkyria
Russell Veh .
Varg Vikernes .
Vitt Ariskt Motsand
Waco.
James Warner .
Randy Weaver . ee
White Aryan Resistance .
White Nationalism .
White Power Music (Aka White NoiseeMaciey:
Gerald Winrod .
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Women (Norwegian) 349

World Union of National Socialists 352
Wotanism (Jungian) 360
Wotansvolk. 361
Francis Parker Yockey 363
Zionist Occupation Government (20G) . 367
 TABLE OF CONTENTS ix

ResOreULCG
eg se 4kSeay
ye coe coe.
s 378
PartI Movement Reports... . ses we OtO
Deguello Report on the American Right Wing i ees. SIRO
A Brief History of White Nationalism. . ..... . 417

Part II Various Movement Documents ..... . 439

Pn F10C SimMonVincesmame) ww. 6 6 ee ome 489
The WhiterPartykiepottinim Amud’.. . . » sa =< 458
Aryan Nations Creed ..... $e e eo clots.
Foundations Biography of Aryan Nations
PUCHATOA GO URIOrE Bvetins aU. Wee wy co ey 2 AT
The Sixteen Commandments .......... . 473
The Movement’s Fatal Fascination. . . . lene ea
David Duke: The Messenger and His Mates Se N hekey
Aryan Destiny: Backtothe Land ........ . 488
SSPE TOCODUS ear i Me ate eat is ore ts eg 4 PAOD
Leaderless Resistance . . . es ae
Reichsfolk—Toward aNew Elite. .......... 512
Why I AmA National-Socialist ......... . 516
Declaration Of Wane. clk e os eS ee 2
ettem Lonnie ruc tCOnwe mc etn i ee. oa, BOLO
Alert-Update and Advisory « . 2 «<<. « « « « » + 580
What We Believe As White Racists. . . .... . . 537
Open Letter to Minister Louis Farrakhan. . . . . . 554
James K. Warner Open Letter 1968 ....... . 557

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Glossary

ADL Anti-Defamation League

AGV Aryan German Brotherhood
AJC American Jewish Committee
ANP American Nazi Party
ARA Aryan Revolutionary Army
BIWF British Israel World Federation
CDL Christian Defense League
CNP Canadian Nazi Party
Col Church of Israel
COTC Church of the Creator
CPDL Christian Patriots Defense League
CPUSA Communist Party USA
CSA Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord
ELF European Liberation Front
FMI People’s Movement Against Immigration
HP Hembygdspartiet (Native Place Party)
IHR Institute for Historical Review
JOG Jewish Occupation Government
KKK Ku Klux Klan
NAACP National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People
NAAWP National Association of the Advancement of
White People
NS National Socialist
NSDAP/AO National Sozialistische Deutsch Arbeiter
Partei/Auslands Organisation (National Socialist
German Workers Party/Overseas Organization)
NSL National Socialist League
NSLF National Socialist Liberation Front
NSPA National Socialist Party of America
NSV National Socialist Vanguard

xi
xii * GLOSSARY

NSWPP National Socialist White People’s Party

NUNS 88 Norske unge nasjonalsosialister 88 (Norwegian
Young National Socialists 88)
NYA _ National Youth Alliance
NYO National Youth Organization
ONA Order of the Nine Angles
SD Swedendemocrats
SFA Scriptures for America
SPLC Southern Poverty Law Center
UKA United Klans of America
VAM Vitt Ariskt Motsand (White Aryan Resistance)
WAR White Aryan Resistance
WUFENS International Secretary of the World Union of Free
Enterprise National Socialists
WUNS World Union of National Socialists
YAF Young Americans for Freedom
ZOG Zionist Occupation Government
 The book passes no judgments, and expresses no
preferences. It merely tries to explain; and the
explanations—all of them theories—are in the nature of
suggestions and arguments even when they are stated in
what seems a categorical tone. I can do no better than to
quote Montaigne: “All I have to say is by way of discourse
and nothing by way of advice. I should not speak so boldly
if it were my due to be believed.”
Eric Hoffer, The True Believer
(New York: HarperPerennial, 1951), p. xiii

Seekers of this world are like dogs,

wandering from door to door in wonder.
Their attention is riveted on a bone,
their lives wasted in bickering.
Short on intelligence and unable to understand,
they set out in search of water.
Apart from recollection of the Lord, Bahu,
all else is idle chatter.
Sultan Bahu [d. 1691. Sultan Bahu,
Death Before Dying, trans. by Jamal J. Ellias,
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998]

Among those who know them well, the Gerhardt boys are
referred to as the “dingaling brothers.” Without meaning
to do so, they carry on a continuous Bud Abbott and Lou
Costello routine, continually bumping into each other and
falling over each other’s feet and doing all that they can
(quite unintentionally) to convince any chance observer
that United States Nationalists must all be insane.
“Deguello Report on the American Right Wing” (1976)

xiii
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Preface

uring both the research and the writing phases, this project
was enriched by the participation of numerous scholars,
observers, and activists. Many of these submitted signed entries.
To each of these contributors, I offer my thanks and gratitude.
Many others, both in the United States and in Europe, were of
great help as well in reading, critiquing, and offering insights on
individual entries. To each of these individuals, too, I offer my
appreciation. In this regard, I would like to thank especially Rick
Cooper for allowing me to reprint his “Brief History of White
Nationalism” in the “Resources” section of this volume; to Michael
Moynihan of Blood Axis for his material on the Norwegian Black
Metal scene; to James Mason and Tommy Rydén for their assis-
tance and participation at a very early stage of this project, as well
as for sharing their insights and experience; and to Harold
Covington for his much-appreciated barbed humor. Special
thanks, too, must be extended to scholarly participants on both
sides of the Atlantic, including Heléne Léow, Katrine Fangen, Fred
Simonelli, Mattias Gardell, and Edvard Lind, to name but a few.
Thanks are also extended to the staff at the Wilcox Collection at
the University of Kansas for their tolerance of my rather anarchic
approach to research in the Special Collections section of the
library. In this regard, I am most grateful to Ilisagvik College for
its generosity in allowing me time to conduct this research, both in
the United States and in Scandinavia, during my long sojourn in
Barrow, Alaska, which I still think of in many ways as home.
To Laird Wilcox I owe thanks and more for his assistance and for
his friendship, not only in this research, but throughout my aca-
demic career.
Most of all, however, I want to thank my wife, Eva Maria, for her
extraordinary support and forbearance.

XV
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Introduction

\ Vers I was first approached with the idea of producing an

encyclopedia dealing with the radical-right-wing, one of the
first questions I had to deal with was, “what else is out there?” It
was a good question, to which I soon added, “what would make the
volume you now hold in your hands different from anything that
has come before?” This introduction will seek to acquaint you with
what is to follow by endeavoring to answer both of these questions.
The first is answered easily enough. There is only one volume in
English that covers the radical right in encyclopedic form. This is
the excellent, but sadly out of print, Phillip Rees, Biographical Dic-
tionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890 (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1990). A more narrowly focused encyclopedia, Michael
Newton and Judy Newton, Ku Klux Klan: An Encyclopedia, Garland
Reference Library of the Social Sciences, vol. 499 (New York:
Garland, 1991), concentrates on the Ku Klux Klan. It too, however, is
out of print and extremely difficult to find. Laird Wilcox publishes
annually the Guide to the American Right (Editorial Research
Service, P.O. Box 2047, Olathe, KS 66061), but this is simply a direc-
tory consisting of addresses of extant groups throughout the United
States. Gordon Melton, in his series of encyclopedias of American
religion, covers a few of the more overtly religious groups and leaders
emanating from the far-right-wing. For example, Gordon Melton,
The Encyclopedia of American Religions, 3 vols. (Tarrytown, NY:
Triumph Books, 1991), provides some coverage of both the Christian
Identity Church of Jesus Christ Christian (Aryan Nations) and Dan
Gayman’s Church of Israel, an entity that Pastor Gayman insists is
no longer part of the Christian Identity community. However, the
radical right is lightly represented in Melton’s work.
There are, of course, a number of academic, trade, and journalis-
tic works that treat some facet of the radical-right-wing. Of these,
however, only one, John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Commu-
nists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1992), and its nearly identical follow-up, John George
and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists, Supremacists, Klansmen,
Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996),
seek to present a panoramic view of the far right in the manner of
an encyclopedic work. Other attempts at such grand surveys have
fared less well. Virtually all—like the prototype of the genre,

xvii
xviii » INTRODUCTION

Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason, 2d

ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970)—either seek to
make the case for a grand sociological or political theory, or fall into
what may be termed “watchdog” literature that tries to warn the
public of the dangers posed by the radical right. The latter includes
the World War II-vintage efforts of the pseudonymous John Roy
Carlson, Under Cover (New York: Dutton, 1943) and The Plotters
(New York: Dutton, 1946); the most important of the 1950s-era
texts, Ralph Lord Roy, Apostles of Discord (Boston: Beacon Press,
1953); and a more recent manifestation of the watchdog syndrome
that had widespread impact, Ken Stern, A Force Upon the Plain:
The American Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate (New
York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). Such watchdog literature, how-
ever, was not designed to further a historical understanding of the
phenomenon of far-right-wing activism. Rather, its objective is to
warn the public about the perceived dangers emanating from the
radical right, to mobilize support, and (especially) to raise funds to
oppose radical-right-wing activism.
On specific aspects of the far-right-wing, there are a number of
good academic studies and journalistic efforts to choose from. In the
academic realm, Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The
Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1994), provides a fine history of Identity
Christianity. James Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Chris-
tian Patriotism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990), is
another good study of the milieu of the far right in the state of Idaho,
while Aho’s “greatest hits” volume, This Thing of Darkness: A Sociol-
ogy of the Enemy (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994),
seeks to gather his work into a focused, sociological perspective. My
own Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from the
Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse Univer-
sity Press, 1997), brings a number of movements into focus via the
lens of Colin Campbell’s 1970s-era cultic milieu theory.
A number of academic anthologies are available treating vari-
ous aspects of the far right. Tore Bjgrgo and Rob Witte, eds., Racist
Violence in Europe (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1993); Peter H.
Merk] and Leonard Weinberg, eds., Encounters with the Contempo-
rary Radical Right (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1993); Tore Bjgrgo, ed.,
Terror from the Extreme Right (London: Frank Cass, 1995);
Michael Barkun, ed., Millennialism and Violence (London: Frank
Cass, 1996); and Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and
Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston:
 INTRODUCTION xix

Northeastern University Press, 1998), to name but a few—all con-

tain articles that recommend them.
Finally, a few high-quality journalistic studies of specific cases
in the radical right have appeared in recent years. Of these, two in
particular come to mind. The most recent, Jess Walter, Every Knee
Shall Bow: The Truth and Tragedy of Ruby Ridge and The Weaver
Family (New York: ReganBooks, 1995), is a sensitively crafted and
well-balanced study of the Randy Weaver tragedy, which was
instrumental in the formation of the American militia movement.
Of earlier vintage, Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent
Brotherhood (New York: Signet, 1990), is an equally good study of
the American revolutionary movement called the Silent Brother-
hood (the Order).
As this brief review of the literature suggests, there is a demon-
strable need for an encyclopedia treating the radical-right-wing.
The only comparable volume on the market, Rees’s Biographical
Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, is no longer in print.
Moreover, that volume was oriented more toward European fas-
cism than the American radical right. It thus had few entries on
Americans, and in truth only a small percentage of the entries could
be thought of as in any sense contemporary. Given the time of its
publication, this European focus is understandable. However, in
recent years, there appears to have been a sea change in the world
of the radical-right-wing. Heretofore, ideas and leadership had
flowed from east to west, from the fascist movements of Europe to a
small but enthusiastic audience of American aficionados who were
drawn into the dream by shared political beliefs or by ties of ethnic-
ity to their nations of origin.
More recently, however, American ideological and theological
exports such as the Ku Klux Klan, Christian Identity, and the
Church of the Creator have made strong inroads into the European
radical right. Moreover, even such distinctly European ideologies
as National Socialism are, with due reverence paid to the shade of
Adolf Hitler, being reexported to Europe not only in the form of agit-
prop materials, but also through the leadership of such American
adherents as the late George Lincoln Rockwell, Gerhard Lauck,
and William Pierce.
Clearly, something new was stirring in the milieu of the trans-
atlantic radical right. This shift is considered in some depth in
Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a
Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University
Press, 1998). For the present, however, the increasing influence of
XX » INTRODUCTION

the American movements and leaders in the world of the trans-

atlantic radical-right-wing testifies to the need for a volume that
would complement Rees’s work through a focus on the American
scene, albeit with a considerable European component as well.
The concentration on the contemporary United States, however,
is not the only thing that makes this volume unique. When prelimi-
nary discussions began on the possibility of creating this encyclope-
dia, I suggested that, in my view, the study of the radical right in fact
suffered from an overabundance of ethnographic works of wildly
varying qualities, enough watchdog materials to stock a library, and
a small but growing body of useful scholarly literature. Then there is,
as if in a parallel universe, the esoteric world of the primary source
data consisting of a relative handful of books; a mountain of pam-
phlets, fliers, and letters; cassette and videotape recordings; and, of
late, Internet postings so voluminous as to be almost beyond reckon-
ing. This plethora of material is described best by Ross Upton, head
of the Jonathan Swift Society, who wrote in 1992:
...there is more to learn...mountains of paperwork, hundreds of
audio cassettes, many video cassettes, books beyond counting all
circulating within the patriotic underground. Either we will restore
our constitutional form of government or we will be the best edu-
cated slaves in the history of mankind.

And then there are the adherents themselves, often written

about, though seldom allowed to speak in their own voices. Given
the widely held belief—fostered by the symbiotic interactions of the
mass media and the watchdog groups—that the denizens of the
radical right are dangerous, irrational, and violently unstable indi-
viduals, this is hardly a surprising state of affairs. But what, I won-
dered, would they say if given the opportunity to speak directly to a
sophisticated mainstream readership? What light could (or would)
they shed on their own world that no outsider, regardless of how
knowledgeable he or she might be, could hope to provide?
Having interviewed a number of individuals over the years rep-
resenting a wide variety of nonmainstream perspectives—from the
radical right to the worlds of explicit Satanism, from the deeply
committed Christianity of the pro-force end of the pro-life rescue
movement to the gentle believers in a variety of Wiccan and
neopagan belief systems, and indeed, among the numerous watch-
dog groups—I knew that each of these true believers has much of
value to say, if only one were prepared to listen. In this book I
wanted to give them a chance to speak.
 INTRODUCTION Xxi

This volume thus features not only my own writing, and that of
scholars on both sides of the Atlantic, but also the words of activists
in the United States and in Europe as well. Thus, in these pages
you will read, for example, several entries by veteran American
National Socialist James Mason, whose pedigree in the movement
dates back more than three decades and whose current mission is to
introduce Charles Manson as the natural leader of the global
National Socialist movement through the vehicle of the Universal
Order. Other activists, men such as the long-time American
National Socialist Rick Cooper and the former head of the Swedish
Church of the Creator, Tommy Rydén, speak candidly of the history
of their respective movements with an insight born of often-bitter
experience. And for the cutting-edge subject of the Internet as a
recruiting tool by radical-right-wing groups, Milton Kleim, Jr., one
of the primary theorists of the effort before leaving the racialist
movement, explains how the ideas were formulated and candidly
discusses their prospects for success. Moreover, many of the entries
in this volume offer quotations from the writings of numerous
groups and individual leaders so as to better provide the reader
with a glimpse of the world as seen through the eyes of the adher-
ents themselves. It is this kaleidoscope of perspectives that makes
this volume truly unique.
The suggestion that the subjects of the volume might be allowed
to be, in a very real sense, its creators may come as something of a
surprise. To accomplish this ideal of allowing the subject to speak to
the reader in the first person obviously raises important ethical
questions and comes freighted with certain responsibilities. Having
asked academic contributors from Europe and the United States to
submit, to the greatest extent possible, detached and value-free
analyses of their individual topics, no less could be required of the
activists themselves. But would such a detached perspective really
be possible for people who, after all, had dedicated their lives to a
belief system that had marked them as pariahs in the eyes of the
mainstream culture? And, should they succeed in providing a rea-
sonably detached analysis of their lives and works, would a main-
stream audience be prepared to put aside its own preconceptions
and listen to what the activists themselves have to say? In truth, I
suspected that this was doable, but I could not really be sure. To my
knowledge it had not been attempted before.
So, borrowing the motto of the American Academy of Religion’s
Fundamentalism Project, in which I had participated at the
University of Chicago in the early 1990s, I offered all potential
xxii * INTRODUCTION

contributors, activists, and academics alike a paraphrase of the

philosopher George Santayana’s (1863-1952) dictum that we are
here “neither to laugh nor to cry, but to understand.” Each contrib-
utor was thus asked to write an entry that would “neither demonize
nor proselytize, but would leave an accurate and unbiased histori-
cal record.” Remarkably, virtually every contributor took the oppor-
tunity seriously, and sought to provide the reader with a window of
understanding into movements and belief systems that are ban-
ished to the furthest reaches of the American and European politi-
cal fringes. To better alert the reader to the identity of a guest
author, each such entry will be signed by the writer, and a very
brief identification will be provided. Further information on guest
authors will be provided in a separate list of contributors as well.
Having settled the question of who will be contributing to this
encyclopedia, we must turn to the more difficult question of what
will be included under the heading of “radical right.” Put another
way, how far out on the axis of right-wing ideology must we go
before we enter the territory of the “radical right,” as the term is
understood in the context of this volume? Is the Christian Coali-
tion, for example, sufficiently right wing as to be considered radi-
cal? The John Birch Society? Or the current media caricature of the
irrational gun-toting right winger, the American militia move-
ment? Or, as Russ Bellant argues in Old Nazis, the New Right and
the Republican Party (Boston: Southend Press, 1991), a faction of
the Republican Party itself?
Clearly, no definitive answer to this question will satisfy all
readers. The criteria for inclusion in this volume must therefore be
somewhat subjective, but criteria there are nonetheless. First, the
movements and individuals you will find in these pages are
strongly racialist. They see themselves, and they identify friend
and foe, primarily on the basis of race and an assumption—often
erroneous, as it happens—of a shared history and common culture.
For many of these figures, nationalism and the kind of
ultrapatriotism that was typical of the right wing in the postwar
era has given way to a resigned acceptance that their countries of
origin have become irredeemably lost—utterly hostile to their ideas
and values and, moreover, under the control of a triumphal Jewish
conspiracy that has been reified into the redolent epithet of ZOG,
the Zionist Occupation Government.
The primacy of race is the chief litmus test for inclusion in this
volume. It is this issue that separates the subjects of this volume
from such candidates as the Christian Coalition, which at this writ-
ing is attempting to build bridges to the Black community in the
 INTRODUCTION XXxili

hope of creating a larger, multiracial coalition to work toward a res-

toration of what its members understand to be traditional values in
the United States. Put to the test of a primary emphasis on racial-
ism, the militia movement too was eliminated from discussion in
these pages. While the militias contain more than their fair share of
racists, and some militia leaders do have demonstrable ties to
racialist organizations ranging from the Aryan Nations to the Ku
Klux Klan, these individuals in fact represent a distinct minority of
a movement that has so far spurned the attentions of the racial
right, concentrating instead on such issues as Second Amendment
protections to keep and bear arms, fear of foreign subversion, and
the grand-conspiracy scenario of the New World Order discourse.
Readers desiring coverage of the militia movement might be
directed to Neil A. Hamilton’s contribution to the ABC-CLIO Con-
temporary World Issues series, Militias in America (Santa
Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1996), or the more recent (and more use-
ful) D. J. Milloy, ed., Homegrown Revolutionaries: An American
Militia Reader (Arthur Miller Center: University of East Anglia,
Norwich, 1999).
Racialism, therefore, is a necessary but not a sufficient test for
inclusion in these pages. While those who would define themselves
as racist activists form a tiny percentage of the population in either
Europe or the United States, they are nonetheless too numerous to
hope to cover adequately in a single encyclopedic work. As a result,
secondary criteria were needed. The most important of these attitu-
dinal variables are the closely intertwined elements of a revolution-
ary rather than a conservative outlook, together with a strong
streak of religiosity. The key question in this context is this: How is
it that the true believer in a racialist worldview can see himself as
part of a tiny, powerless, and much persecuted “righteous remnant”
in a nation that he has long since despaired of reclaiming to the
truth as the believer understands it? And how is it, moreover, that
such a tiny group—or, more commonly, a loose network of isolated
individuals—can dare to dream of a revolutionary change whose
outcome would see the believers actually triumph against all odds?
To answer this question, it is important to understand the reli-
gious zeal that lies so much at the heart of even the most avowedly
secularist of racialist-right-wing ideologies. The dream is thus
frankly apocalyptic, and the outcome of the timeless struggle
between good and evil that the faithful see as the true reality
underlying the dross of everyday events is invariably interpreted in
a way strikingly similar to the Christian apocalyptic scenario of the
XXxiv ~ INTRODUCTION

Bible’s Book of Revelation. In this vision, God will rescue His faith-
ful remnant at precisely the time when sin is at its apogee and the
world is so oppressed under the weight of accumulated evil that a
just and righteous God will bear no more. Thus, the best of times is
always the worst of times, and, for the true believer, the most
unpromising of strategic situations is ironically the situation that
is most fervently desired.
All of this is not to say, however, that the groups and individuals
you will meet in these pages are irrational. Quite the opposite. They
are, for the most part, canny judges of the prevailing balance of
forces and are thus loath to act on their revolutionary impulses
until the signs of the End are unmistakable. Thus, while a few of
the individuals and organizations covered in this encyclopedia have
turned to violence, most are content to watch and wait. Accordingly,
it is not necessarily the violent act that qualifies one for inclusion
herein, but the revolutionary dream—a dream that in the context of
the contemporary world is in and of itself an ultimately revolution-
ary statement.
Having established this set of criteria for inclusion, the most vex-
ing aspect of the creation of an encyclopedic work must be dealt with
next: whom of this now drastically reduced universe of activists and
organizations to include, and, more to the point, whom to exclude?
While there is inevitably an element of subjectivity in making these
choices, more winnowing clearly must be done. The most important
of these choices was for the contemporary over the historical. How-
ever, while the preponderance of entries here are contempo-
rary—that is, from the 1980s to date—some historical figures are of
such overwhelming import that it would have been unthinkable to
exclude them. Such vital historical figures as Adolf Hitler, Gerald L.
K. Smith, Gerald Winrod, or Savitri Devi, for example, are discussed
both within the context of their own times and in terms of the influ-
ence they exert and the various interpretations to which their lives
and works are subjected by activists of the present day.
The selection of contemporary figures, organizations, and belief
systems presented a number of dilemmas. The task was simplified
by the rather arbitrary division of the radical right into eight major
categories: Christian Identity; National Socialism; Ku Klux Klan;
Reconstructed Traditions (a catchall category for attempts to recon-
struct movements based on a “Golden Age” fantasy such as the
neopagan Odinism, the Phineas Priesthood, and the like); Dema-
gogues and Right-Wing Populists; Single-Issue Constituencies and
 INTRODUCTION XXV

Tightly Focused Racialist or Anti-Semitic Appeals; Violent Revolu-

tionaries and Terrorists; and the Youth Scene (skinheads, White
noise bands, and the virtual race warriors of the Internet). Within
these categories, leading figures and organizations from North
America and Europe were selected. So too were some lesser-known
groups and individuals whose lives and activities were felt to be
illustrative of important trends within the radical right.
It is hoped that the kaleidoscope of viewpoints represented in this
volume will allow the reader to come to a greater understanding of
the Euro-American White Power subculture. To facilitate this
understanding, some rather unorthodox strategies are attempted in
this volume. The most important of these is, of course, opening the
book to a number of guest entries written by activists themselves.
But there is more. The reader need only leaf through these pages to
realize that some of the entries are far lengthier than one would
expect in an encyclopedic work. For these entries, a good deal of
interview material, primary source writings, and in-depth discus-
sion of pertinent issues are included so as to provide the reader with
a more global perspective than a brief encyclopedic notation would
have made possible. “Black Metal,” for example, is included as a way
of introducing the reader to an entire subculture in a form that indi-
vidual entries on figures unfamiliar to most readers outside of
Norway could not hope to convey. The Black Metal underground was
the breeding ground for church burning, several murders, and—of
central importance to the subject of this encyclopedia—a racialist
message that would adapt National Socialism and Odinism into a
syncretic ideology attractive to a youth-culture following far beyond
the borders of its Norwegian birthplace. Several of the longer essays
in this volume adopt this strategy as a method of acquainting the
reader in some depth with unfamiliar topics and rather obscure fig-
ures from the world of racialist occultism.
Along the same lines, a comprehensive “Resources” section is
provided in this volume. This section includes two internal move-
ment histories: the anonymous “Deguello Report” and veteran
American National Socialist Rick Cooper’s “Brief History of White
Nationalism.” The Deguello Report was circulated in the mid-1970s
and is offered to provide the reader with the rather jaundiced view
the American radical right have of themselves—with accusations of
rival leaders as being “secret” Jews, “secret” communists, or
“secret” homosexuals (or, more often, varying combinations of the
three) being the essence of much internal movement discourse.
Xxvi * INTRODUCTION

“A Brief History of White Nationalism” was first published a

decade later in Cooper’s publication, the National Socialist
Vanguard, and since then has circulated to a somewhat wider audi-
ence via the Internet. For this encyclopedia, Cooper himself made
slight revisions and allowed it to be published in this forum in the
hope that its internal view of the American radical right would, in
Cooper’s words, be of value to “scholars, researchers, book authors,
historians and sociologists” as a counterweight to the received
wisdom of “the establishment educational system and any combi-
nation of government agencies such as the Justice Department, the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI and various law enforcement
agencies, most of which get their information directly or indirectly
from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of the B’nai B’rith and
other anti-White groups.” It is offered, from the perspective of this
volume, as a forum through which the reader might gain some
insight into how the radical-right-wing faithful see themselves.
Also appended is something of a catchall repository for move-
ment documents, intended as a supplement to the main body of
entries. Here can be found key movement documents such as “The
White Party Report,” which appeared in 1968 and was addressed to
American National Socialists; the foundational documents for the
Aryan Nations; and many more. These documents are referenced in
the main entries and appear in the order in which they appear in
the entry section of the encyclopedia.
The insider/outsider approach of this volume invariably raises a
question in the minds of readers: just how great a threat does the
radical right present? This question is particularly apropos in the
wake of the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, and even more so fol-
lowing the senseless attack on children in a Los Angeles Jewish
Community Center in August 1999. Yet it is a question that is diffi-
cult to assess with any accuracy. To the watchdog movement, and to
a lesser extent in government reports, the radical-right-wing is an
arena of undifferentiated evil—a world powered by the emotions of
hate, anger, and resentment. It is a milieu, moreover, inherently
given to violence. The picture thus painted is tautological and, like
all tautologies, contains an element of truth. A tautology, after all,
is defined as “an empty or vacuous statement composed of simpler
statements in a fashion that makes it logically true whether the
simpler statements are factually true or false.”
Acts of violence have emanated from the radical right in recent
years. Of those listed in this encyclopedia, for example, the Order
embarked on a course of revolutionary violence that culminated in at
 INTRODUCTION XXxVii

least one murder (though probably more). National Socialist Joseph

Franklin became the model of the lone-wolf assassin lionized in
William Pierce’s novel Hunter. Franklin is thought to have commit-
ted roughly 20 racially motivated murders. Racist skinhead groups
have a well-deserved reputation for random and occasionally deadly
violence. And Timothy McVeigh, whose lack of a racialist emphasis
precluded his inclusion in these pages, was responsible for the single
most destructive terrorist incident in American history in the bomb-
ing of the Federal Building in Oklahoma City.
Yet it is also true that, as demonstrated by the Randy Weaver
incident at Ruby Ridge, Idaho; the Waco conflagration (which,
while unconnected to the radical right in itself, was subsequently
adopted as a symbol of government persecution of dissident views
by the radical right); and a long series of increasingly deadly con-
frontations between the radical-right-wing and the state, the
racialists whom you will meet in these pages may as often be the
victims of violence as they may be perpetrators. In the self-view of
the movement, much of the violence that has engulfed the radical
right in recent years is reactive and defensive. Readers are left to
judge this issue for themselves.
The next issue that must be addressed is the problem of tonality.
If there is one unifying thread that runs through the numerous
books, articles, and reports dealing with the radical right, it is this:
virtually all take on a tone remarkable for dour humorlessness.
Much of this is more than echoed in the publications and public pro-
nouncements of the radical right-wingers themselves. Yet in their
offstage behavior, the outside observer is often struck by the
self-deprecating humor with which many of the activists view
themselves and the even more caustic eye that they turn upon their
erstwhile comrades. With this in mind, and while fully realizing the
gravity of the issues raised by the racialist right, the reader will
find an insider/outsider approach in this volume that provides an
opportunity for some decidedly tongue-in-cheek observations in
several of the entries. Once again, no better example might be cited
than the entry on Harold Covington.
A final issue that may be of importance to readers of this ency-
clopedia is perhaps the most elemental: where do I stand in relation
to this material? In academic conferences and public lectures, the
author-versus-content question is, in one form or another, the most
often-raised question I am asked. Certainly, it has been the most
difficult for me to answer. It was to these questions, and to the very
difficult issues that these questions raise, that I focused a formal
XXVili ~* INTRODUCTION

address, given at the University of Helsinki on November 3, 1998.

The relevant portions of this address, “Racism, Anti-racism, and
the Americans: Reflections on the European Year Against Racism,”
should help to clarify these questions:
Racism, Anti-racism, and the Americans:
Reflections on the European Year Against Racism
I would like to do something this afternoon that I have never
had the opportunity to do before. In my field of study—contempo-
rary apocalyptic religious movements, modern millennialism and
religious violence—it is imperative to separate intellect and emo-
tions. The head and the heart. In doing fieldwork among racist and
anti-Semitic groups in particular, this dichotomy of head and heart
is as necessary for success as a working tape recorder, a pen and
paper, and a sympathetic but not overly curious dean. This after-
noon however, I would like to step out of the role of detached
observer and try, if only for a moment, to speak to you from the
heart about my work.
The title and the topic of today’s address, “Racism, Anti-racism,
and the Americans: Reflections on the European Year Against Rac-
ism,” were born of a remarkable conference held in Stockholm last
year to mark the European Year Against Racism. The adjective
“remarkable” is here not taken lightly, for the conference was
remarkable on a number of levels. The conference itself was struc-
tured in such a way as to bring together academic specialists from
around the world with a cross-section of young European anti-racist
activists. After the formal opening however, the two conference con-
stituencies were, much to the relief of the academics and the con-
sternation of the activists, rather rigorously separated.
But this was not really the remarkable feature of the confer-
ence. Rather, in the academic section of the European Year Against
Racism conference, it soon became clear that the largest national
contingent came not from any European nation, but from the
United States! Indeed, such epicenters of European racial strife as
Germany, England or Sweden, were represented only by a single
scholar, while the United States was represented by no less than
three academic researchers. This is all the more remarkable in light
of the fact that, of the more than one hundred anti-racist activists
invited to Stockholm, not a single representative of the well funded
and highly active American groups was present. This was an impor-
tant statement on the part of the organizers of the conference that
the problem of European racism could not be addressed without rec-
ognizing the important role played by the American movement.
 INTRODUCTION Xxix

As you can imagine, the Americans present were somewhat

bemused by our sudden prominence in the European Year Against
Racism. Certainly, Americans do have a certain expertise in the
area of racism, and perhaps some of our unhappy experiences could
be of benefit to Europeans as they enter into a period of increasing
multiculturalism. Yet the American participants could think of few
precedents for such European solicitude for American input into
European social problems.
...[As the conference sessions] wore on, the collected activists
vented their frustrations, not so much with the racist groups who
were hardly mentioned, as with the Swedish state. The complaints
were many, but the consistent theme was the failure of European
nations to readily adapt to multiculturalism which, in the vision of
the participants, should be fashioned on the*American model and
implemented immediately by government decree. Toward the close
of the increasingly impassioned workshop, the Swedish discussion
facilitator noted as an aside that Swedes too have a culture, and
that the assembled activists might take this insight into consider-
ation in presenting their case to the government and to the wider
Swedish public. At that moment, the many issues dividing the par-
ticipants from each other dissolved as if by magic, and the [facilita-
tor] was roundly denounced....
The altogether unremarkable observation that anti-racist activ-
ists can be, and usually are, as intolerant of dissenting views as are
racist activists, brings us back to our topic of “Racism, Anti-Racism
and the Americans.” When I took up this research almost a decade
ago, this observation from the American perspective was anything
but obvious. This is not to say that the idea was in any way new. In
1951, Eric Hoffer made precisely this point in The True Believer:
Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements. But even then, only a
half dozen years since the defeat of Nazi Germany, and at the dawn
of the first phase of the Cold War and the McCarthy period of
anti-Communist hysteria in the United States, Hoffer was careful
to avoid mentioning specific movements. And what’s more, Hoffer
anticipated the reception his carefully balanced descriptions of the
extremist personality would evoke in academia, when he intro-
duced his book with a quote from Montaigne:
All I can say is by way of discourse, and nothing by
way of advice. I should not speak so boldly if it were
my due to be believed.

In this, Hoffer was prescient, for when I began my own research

almost four decades later, a considerable—but utterly
XXX s INTRODUCTION

predictable—evolution had taken place. In the wake of the revela-

tions of the horrors of the Holocaust, the success of the Civil Rights
Movement, the fall of Joseph McCarthy and the subsequent dis-
crediting of the anti-Communist right, and the massive social
transformations of the 1960s, the American radical right had been
banished to the most distant fringes of American culture.
This is where I found them when I began my own research.
There, in angry isolation froin the dominant culture, they existed in a
seemingly separate universe of newsletters and booklets, of cassette
tapes and small rural enclaves, which kept contact with each
other—and with other oppositional belief systems as well. But for all
we in the dominant culture knew of this world, it might as well have
been, in Martin Marty’s imagery, the terra incognita which medieval
maps depicted as inhabited by the monsters of our deepest fears.
Prof. Marty’s conception is important here, for what I expected
to find when I set out on my own voyage of discovery were precisely
these kind of monsters—angry and violent men, so consumed by
hatred that they could scarcely have resembled human beings at
all. And I was not alone in this conception, for it was a vision widely
shared among my graduate student peers, and among each and
every one of my professors.
That we all shared this vision is hardly remarkable, as for a
number of years the information filtering back to the dominant cul-
ture about these distant figures, was supplied by a network of
watchdog groups whose mission it was to keep tabs on the doings of
the far right. Some of these watchdogs came from religious commu-
nities such as the American Jewish Congress and the Anti-
Defamation League of the B’nai B’rith. Others came from smaller,
private groups with a more left wing political orientation. But in
either case, the reports which these groups issued were largely in
agreement, and it was these, as filtered through the news media,
that provided the stuff of dreams of which the monsters of terra
incognita were constructed.
For my part, I did not question the validity of the construction of
the radical right wing “other”, to borrow from James Aho’s work on
reification, or the construction of cultural enemies. But I was deter-
mined in any event to carry out the research, for there was at that
time a gap in the academic literature which I hoped that my work
would fill. While there were a number of political and sociological
studies of the American radical right, there was virtually nothing
dealing with their millennialist religiosity. And even the briefest
glance at the movement’s literature would suggest that, for many in
 INTRODUCTION XXXi

this sub-culture, a powerful apocalypticism was very, very close to

the surface, and in fact seemed to be a primary force driving the
movement.
Here I must confess that I was in those days very much under
the spell of Norman Cohn’s work on medieval millenarian revolu-
tionary movements, and I felt that the American radical right
would make a perfect case study of contemporary millenarian revo-
lutionary activism. That religiosity is a key characteristic of Ameri-
can radical activism is hardly a fresh insight. Eric Hoffer had made
the same observation in The True Believer. To again quote Hoffer:
It is necessary for most of us these days to have some
insight into the motives and responses of the true
believer. For though ours is a godless age, it is the very
opposite of irreligious. The true believer is everywhere
on the march, and both by converting and antagoniz-
ing he is shaping the world in his own image. And
whether we are to line up with him or against him, it is
well that we should know all we can concerning his
nature and potentialities.

If a single quotation could be said to encapsulate both the moti-

vation and the methodology of my work, it is this one. So armed
with my trusty tape recorder, a pen and paper, a sympathetic but
not overly curious dissertation committee, and a singularly forbear-
ing spouse, I set off for the particular portion of terra incognita occu-
pied by the anti-Semitic and racist Christian Identity faith.
I spent some considerable time in this nether region. I spoke to
leaders and simple true believers in the Identity creed, read a
mountain of Identity materials and received enough tape recorded
sermons to keep a radio station in programming for a month. Fortu-
nately, this was still in the pre-Internet stone age of academic
research, which made it possible to work with a finite number of
published sources rather than an endless backlog of messages on a
computer screen.
Ultimately, I did find as expected a millenarian sub-culture
with at least the potential, fortunately only rarely actualized, of
millenarian violence on the Norman Cohn model. These findings
were duly published in my first academic article in the Journal of
Terrorism and Political Violence. This was, I believe, the first aca-
demic article on the topic of right wing millennialism to appear in
the academic literature.
But I found something else as well, and it took a considerable
amount of time before I was able to fully understand it’s import.
XXXii ‘ INTRODUCTION

What I found most puzzling was that the monsters of terra incog-
nita, upon closer examination, were not really monsters at all. They
held political views which were repugnant, and religious views
based on fantastically eccentric interpretations of sacred text. But
whatever their belief structure, these were not monsters. They
were not the violent and hate filled people I had expected to find.
More than anything else, they struck me as dispirited and con-
fused. They were genuinely unable to understand the social
changes that had in their life times reshaped America, and indeed
the world. So they fell back for support on the starkly dualistic bat-
tle of good and evil which they had been taught since childhood from
the “Book of Revelations,” and upon the apocalyptic sermons which
since the time of the Puritans have been a staple of American Chris-
tianity. This is the stuff upon which they had drawn to construct
their enemies-—the Jews, racial minorities, communists, ad infini-
tum. They saw themselves in biblical terms, as a tiny and powerless
“righteous remnant” whose faith and perseverance would be
rewarded with terrestrial peace, power and plenty when Jesus
returned to put the world to right.
Far from monsters, these strange and isolated people seemed, if
anything, to feel too much and understand too little. In their words
and deeds they harmed mainly themselves and their families.
But in these early days of my research, I was not at all sure
what to make of this dissonance between what I had expected to
find, and what I actually experienced in the field. Perhaps [ had
simply stumbled on the wrong millenarians and the monsters lay
still further into the depths of terra incognita. Yet as the years went
by, and I followed one idea to the next, one movement to another,
and went ever deeper into the oppositional subculture of America,
what I found was not remarkably different from the Identity sect,
save that Identity believers tend to be much older and many of the
groups with which I came into contact in America, and later in
Europe, could be better characterized as youth sub-cultures.
If this finding could be given a name, it would be this: the shock of
shared humanity. And in truth, this bothered me greatly. How could
such people be so much like us? And why would this seem so obvious
to me, and so opaque to the wider culture and the academic world
alike? Surely I felt, the problem must lie with me. It was at this point
that I seriously thought of finding some other avenue of research.
It was at this nadir that a colleague and good friend, Doug
Milford of Wheaton College in Illinois, made an off-hand observa-
tion that would in a significant way change the course of my work.
 INTRODUCTION XXXili

Wheaton is a Christian college and Doug himself is a devout evan-

gelical Christian. Thus, when he observed in the context of suggest-
ing that perhaps aspects of my research—specifically, those dealing
with Satanism and the occult, would be better left untouched—that
the real problem was that I had been given a gift of discernment
which allowed me to find, at the deepest level, the spark of good-
ness, of humanity, in even the most lost of souls, it caused me to
reflect deeply on the implications of the idea.
In the evangelical worldview, evil is a literal, ever-present real-
ity in the world. And discernment is understood as one of the gifts of
the spirit which God grants to allow the faithful to discern between
truth and deception. Thus the force of the idea. This after all is at
the core of all of the great religious traditions. In Judaism, it is con-
ceived as the Sacred Spark and in Christianity it is the human soul.
In Buddhism, it is the Buddha nature. But by any name, and in any
tradition, it is the power of discernment, the search for the core of
humanity and the spark of the divine, that unites us all in the
human family. And it is this universal truth of the oneness of all
human creation which we so often forget in dealing with those with
whom most violently disagree. It is this recognition of shared
humanity which is so lacking in the popular constructions of the
radical right, and it is precisely the lack of this recognition of shared
humanity that allows for the creation of the imaginary monsters of
terra incognita. There are real world implications of all this.
Before considering these real world consequences however, it is
important to note at this point that none of this is said to condone
racism as “just another idea” or, more subtlety, to rationalize evil.
Rather, this is to suggest that all human beings can be approached
on a human level. That contact can be made. This human contact
will in turn invariably neutralize the caricatures which skew schol-
arly analysis and distort the historical record.
Eric Hoffer’s warning, issued some forty-eight years ago, still
rings true today:
The true believer is everywhere on the march, and
both by converting and antagonizing he is shaping
the world in his own image. And whether we are to
line up with him or against him, it is well that we
should know all we can concerning his nature and
potentialities.

The demonization of the radical right ill serves us when now,

more than ever before, it is vitally important to know all we can
about this esoteric milieu’s nature and potentialities.
XXXiV » INTRODUCTION

Moreover, at the end of this quest, I did find something even more
remarkable than the fact that “we” and “they” are both human
beings and have important commonalties. This discovery was more
unsettling still, for just as Doug Milford had warned, I found that
there IS genuine evil in the world. It is rare. It is subtle. But it is real.
By so demonizing the many, we cloak the few, and, however
unwittingly, ourselves facilitate the existence of evil in the world.
We do this in two ways. First, by failing to recognize the human-
ity which binds us together, we lose the opportunity to do what
anti-racism should be about: to try to bring the angry and the out-
cast back into our midst.
More subtlety, by condoning the use of stereotypes and carica-
ture, we virtually invite a new generation of seekers to reject our
own wisdom, our own way of seeing the world, when they discover
for themselves that those whom we had portrayed as the embodi-
ment of all modern evil are simply people like ourselves. People
whose own journey into the terra incognita of racism often began
with the dissonance produced by questioning received wisdom
which, on closer examination, proved to them to be either exagger-
ated or simply false.
It is through such disillusionment that those few whose hatred
is truly dangerous find followers, and new generations of the disap-
pointed fill the ranks of the hate movement.
I have over the years seen what I believe to be genuine evil of
this sort only twice. Both times, it was a considerable shock, and
both times it was a frightening experience. But in both cases, it
would have been impossible to discern what I believe is a genuine
threat to society, if | had accepted the stereotypical view that ALL
of the denizens of this milieu are equally bad.
As promised, there is a practical application to all this. Over the
course of the last decade, I have in the US and in Europe done a
number of formal interviews, and had innumerable conversations,
with people from these oppositional subcultures. In virtually all of
the interviews with core members of these groups, and in a number
of more casual conversations as well, not one person who had
reached adulthood did not report that, at some time or other, he or
she had not harbored the dream of living a normal life in main-
stream society. Peripheral adherents come and go all the time. But
core members of these groups, people who are known to the police
and the watchdogs and the general public, seldom have this option.
Yet on a few occasions several of these core members with whom
I had dealt did leave the movement. Indeed, one of the primary
 INTRODUCTION XXXV

subjects of my early Christian Identity research—a man who had

been one of the two or three primary theorists of the American Iden-
tity creed, and who had, moreover, been in the milieu of the radical
right for more than forty years, quietly left the movement. Even
more remarkable, his Church newsletter which by the 1970s had
become one of the most strident sources of religiously based
anti-Semitic rhetoric in the nation, began in the 1990s to suggest
that perhaps Jews were not really the servants of Satan on earth
after all, but a people from whose survival and current prosperity
we could learn much.
Well, if a loss to my research is a gain for society, I can hardly
complain. But I can note that what I referred to as the shock of
shared humanity is not a one way street. Rather, the discovery can
be, for the denizens of the racist and anti-Semitic terra incognita, a
shattering experience.
Which at last brings us back to the Stockholm conference and its
American participants. Each of us, representing three very differ-
ent generations of American academia, and coming from very dif-
ferent political and religious perspectives, did believe that
Europeans could find some value in the American experience. From
the theoretical perspectives brought by my American colleagues,
and through my own experiences of fieldwork, we each in our own
way stressed two overriding points.
First and foremost, America has over the years dealt with
oppositional subcultures in three ways. The most successful strat-
egy is, in the present era, no longer much of an option. That is, we
had plenty of land and few laws, so virtually any oppositional
group, so long as they were reasonably circumspect, could go west
and establish their own enclaves. America today has far less avail-
able land, and far more laws, and so this is hardly more an option
for us than it is for Europeans.
Second, as a long line of moral crusades of which the McCarthy
era is only the most recent demonstrates, the option of suppression
has been remarkably unsuccessful. By driving a movement under-
ground, we have found that we have increased its virulence without
markedly lessening its appeal. In fact, it is the aura of the forbidden
which most attracts young people to oppositional movements in the
first place! Indeed, my findings and those of a number of colleagues
working on the skinhead and the Satanist subcultures in particu-
lar, indicate that it is the simple availability of an oppositional
milieu, rather than an attraction to any particular ideology, which
first brings young people into a radical group.
XXXVi » INTRODUCTION

What then did we suggest? To us, the protections of speech and

action as embodied in the First Amendment to the American Con-
stitution seemed to be a far more promising avenue than outlawing
speech or non-violent action. This appeared to us to be a necessary
precondition to the kind of engagement that, recognizing the Sacred
Spark that exists in us all, may allow even the most seemingly lost
of souls to return to mainstream society.
The second suggestion follows naturally from the first.
Anti-racism as embodied in government programs and private ini-
tiatives is extremely important. Such programs can help to break
down the barriers of misunderstanding and mistrust which have
prevented the successful integration of immigrant and refugee pop-
ulations into the life of the nations of Western Europe. Indeed, the
universities must play a central role in the design and the imple-
mentation of these programs. But the American experience of
multiculturalism has taught again and again that the success of
government and private initiatives depends on the cooperation and
good will of all concerned—public and private institutions, citizens
and newcomers, activists and the general public. The success of the
multicultural project can not be achieved overnight, and to attempt
to produce significant changes in public attitudes by official dictdt
can be counter-productive, and may in fact swell the ranks of the
racist movements.”

Finally, this encyclopedia will have succeeded in its intent if, to

some degree, it brings to life for the reader not only the beliefs but
also the personalities of the individuals who comprise the trans-
atlantic radical right. In writing these words, I have had ample
occasion to reflect on the words of Montaigne: “All I have to say is by
way of discourse and nothing by way of advice. I should not speak so
boldiy if it were my due to be believed.”
I hope that, in reading this volume, the reader too will bear in
mind Santayana’s cautionary dictum: that we are here neither to
laugh, nor to cry, but to understand.

Jeffrey Kaplan
Helsinki, Finland
1999
American National Party See Burros, Dan.

AMERICAN NAZI PARTY The American Nazi Party (ANP) was

founded in 1959 by George Lincoln Rockwell as the first explicitly
postwar American National Socialist group. It was built on the
corpse of the National Committee to Free America from Jewish
Domination, which Rockwell had run under the patronage of
Harold Noel Arrowsmith. Early adherents of the uniformed ANP
cadre represented a cross-section of the American radical right,
infiltrators from both government and private watchdog groups,
defectors from the New York-based National Renaissance Party,
and other idiosyncratic extremists. The American Nazi Party soon
moved into a house in Arlington, Virginia, which came to be dubbed
alternately “Hate House” or “Hatemonger Hill.” They would remain
at this address until 1965, when the chronically underfunded orga-
nization would lose possession of the property to the Internal Reve-
nue Service in lieu of back taxes.
The party was never large. Estimates of actual ANP member-
ship (as opposed to names on the mailing list) range from 100 to 150
at its height. The core of the party resided with Rockwell in
Virginia, although a strong if highly divisive group was centered
in California, and other dues-paying adherents were scattered
throughout the country.
Beyond the problem of numbers, Rockwell was _bedeviled
by the wildly uneven quality of the American Nazi Party’s
“Stormtroopers,” as he dubbed them. For every William Pierce—a
Ph.D. mathematician—there were a number of followers who
would aptly fit Rockwell’s description in his autobiography, This
Time the World: “90 percent [are] cowards, dopes, nuts, one-track
minds, blabbermouths, boobs, incurable tight-wads and—worst of
all—hobbyists....” Indeed, even the rising stars of the movement
Z “AMERICAN NAZI PARTY

would often prove to have feet of clay. One such case, that of Dan
Burros, was particularly tragic. Lt. Burros, who rose to become the
ANP’s Political Education Officer and the author of the basic train-
ing document for recruits, the Official Stormtrooper’s Manual, com-
mitted suicide on learning that the New York Times was about to
write an exposé revealing him to be Jewish.
Be this as it may, the hallmark of the American Nazi Party was
from the beginning high-profile activism. Headline-grabbing pub-
licity stunts, street brawls, and histrionically racialist and
anti-Semitic rhetoric were the ANP’s tactics of choice. The aim was
to garner as much publicity as possible. Rockwell shrewdly grasped
the fact that America in the early 1960s had entered a new media
age and that any publicity, however negative, was both a useful
weapon and an invaluable recruiting tool. The ebullient Rockwell
confidently predicted that the ANP would rise to power in the 1972
elections, following which a bloody reckoning would be had with the
American Jewish community, and with racial minorities as well.
While much of the ANP’s public energy was given to street the-
ater, the group had a more lasting impact on the global radical right
wing through the publication of its party newspaper and support-
ing newsletters. The Stormtrooper, the Rockwell Report, and other
American Nazi Party publications would have a considerable
impact throughout the milieu of the international radical right.
However, the American Jewish community quick!y took action to
silence Rockwell and his ANP to the greatest degree possible.
Adapting a policy that had proved effective in dealing with Depres-
sion-era demagogues such as Gerald L. K. Smith, the American Jew-
ish Committee’s expert on anti-Semitism, Rabbi Solomon Andhil
Fineberg, championed a policy he called “Dynamic Silence.” This was
aimed both at lobbying newspaper editors and broadcast stations to
sway them to avoid reporting on Rockwell and the ANP and at per-
suading such activist Jewish groups as the Jewish War Veterans of
America to cease confronting the ANP at their rallies and media
events. It was these confrontations that drew the media to the scene
in the first place. Rabbi Fineberg’s policy was a success, and the
American Nazi Party gradually disappeared from the headlines.
Ironically, 1966 would mark both the high point of American
Nazi Party activism and the dissolution of the organization. In
that year, Rockwell would at last break out of the media quaran-
tine to express his views in a wide-ranging interview in Playboy
magazine. The interviewer, Alex Haley, would go on to write
the best-seller Roots about his search for his African family tree. As
 AMERICAN NAZI PARTY 3

an organization, the ANP succeeded, in the face of intense opposi-

tion, in conducting a uniformed march in Chicago. The highly publi-
cized march capped the career of George Lincoln Rockwell as the
head of the American Nazi Party.
Little known to the outside world, a deepening split had occurred
in party ranks. Rockwell sought a more “ecumenical” racialist plat-
form than was possible under the swastika banner in America. True
believers, led by Matt Koehl, held fast to National Socialist purism.
Most ANP members, however, followed Rockwell’s lead, and Koehl
remained loyal. As a result, in 1966 the American Nazi Party was
renamed the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP) in
conscious imitation of the Black civil rights group named the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP). This brought an end to the American Nazi Party.
The NSWPP soon turned in on itself, and most of the remaining
American Nazi Party veterans quickly resigned or were expelled by
Koehl. Rockwell himself was assassinated by disgruntled ANP vet-
eran John Patler on August 25, 1967. The American Nazi Party
name has been taken up by a number of tiny—usually one-man—
organizations such as James Burford’s Chicago-based American
Nazi Party and the short-lived, lowa-based American Nazi Party of
John Bishop’s.
See also: Burros, Dan; Koehl, Matt; National Renaissance Party; National
Socialist White People’s Party; Pierce, William; Rockwell, George Lincoln;
Smith, Gerald L. K.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996); William L. Pierce, Lincoln Rockwell: A National Social-
ist Life (Arlington, VA: NS Publications, 1969); George Lincoln Rockwell,
This Time the World! (Arlington, VA: Parliament House, 1963); George Lin-
coln Rockwell, White Power (n.p., 1967, 1977); A. M. Rosenthal and Arthur
Gelb, One More Victim: The Life and Death of a Jewish Nazi (New York: New
American Library, 1967); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George
Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of
Illinois Press, 1999).

Harold Noel Arrowsmith See American Nazi Party; Rockwell,

George Lincoln.
4 . ARYA KRIYA

ARYA KRIYA A system of Aryan meditation, Arya Kriya was for-

mulated by Jost, the former head of the National Socialist Kindred
in northern California. Arya Kriya itself barely had time to get off
the ground before Jost’s untimely death in 1996. In essence, Arya
Kriya was a holistic discipline, the practice of which, in Jost’s view,
was “slowly & quietly bringing about a major change in the evolu-
tion of this world.” Arya Kriya, a program whose roots (according to
Jost) may be traced back to time immemorial, begins with a course
of internal purification, including a vegetarian diet and the use of
meditation and mantra techniques. The benefits of this regime may
seem somewhat ironic, given the circumstances of Jost’s death. In
his own words:
Our Arya Kriya training course covers natural diet, which is of
course vegetarian. I have been a vegetarian since 1970 and am in
the best of health. Our children have never eaten dead animals, and
they are really very radical about it. We always refuse any food
which has meat.

The training program itself was distributed in segments via the

“Arya Kriya Initiate’s Letter.” The benefits of the training, in Jost’s
view, constituted a weapon of supreme power in the arsenal of the
race movement. Arya Kriya is in essence an adaptation of the
Hindu Vedanta, whose efficacy is demonstrated in a series of exam-
ples that culminate in the tantalizing possibility of the White race
activists finding within themselves the power to overcome their
infinitesimally tiny numbers and current sense of vulnerability to
the overwhelming power of the state. As Jost explains:
Our first subject was a German-American activist who, during a
trip to Germany to see his family, had been jailed and charged with
the usual hate crime nonsense. He was an older man who was prob-
ably not up to the rigors of a German prison, and his chances
against the German legal establishment looked pretty hopeless. We
began transmitting a Ganesha Mantra to him each day. It was some
time before we got word about his situation, and we were astounded
to learn that when he got to court, the judge, against all precedence
and very strong objections from the prosecution, granted him bail
on his own recognizance! Naturally the activist hightailed it for the
USA and out of reach of the German puppet regime. Although we
had no idea at the time, we began our transmissions about two
weeks before his court appearance. The activist noted that about
two weeks before his court appearance he began to have the feeling
that he was going to get out of prison (he had been in prison for
 ARYA KRIYA 5

many months). We knew that this could be just a simple coinci-

dence, and so we began a second experiment.
Our second subject was a German-Canadian who was faced
with being charged under the new Canadian hate crimes law. He
had been prosecuted earlier and convicted, but on appeal the law
was ruled unconstitutional and his conviction reversed. This time,
however, the prosecutors had made sure that the law would stand
up under appeal, and under the pressure of powerful Jewish inter-
ests, prepared to charge him again. We began our daily transmis-
sions with the same Ganesha Mantra. After some time, we learned
that the prosecution had suddenly, completely unexpectedly, and in
the face of hysterical remonstrations by the Jewish pressure
groups, decided to drop all charges against him for lack of evidence.
The activist, amazed at the turn of events, called it divine interven-
tion. Now, this too could have been merely a coincidence, but, since
our earlier experiments were beyond any probability of coincidence,
it seems reasonable to believe that our efforts had some effect. And
this brings us to the possibility of using the ancient Aryan science
as a defensive weapon, as did our Aryan forefathers thousands of
years ago.
If myself and two small children can have results of this sort,
what would be possible for ten, twenty, fifty or a hundred individuals
trained in Mantras? Could we not protect our activists from legal
harassment from such creatures as Morris Dees or Janet Reno?
Could we insure the success of honest political ventures? This is why
I decided to introduce the science of Mantras to Arya Kriya initiates,
in hope that some of you would like to join us in our experiments, and
begin focusing our energy as a group to benefit some of our activists.

It is too soon to judge the post-Jost fate of Arya Kriya. Tommy

Rydén continues the work of translating Arya Kriya materials into
Swedish for distribution throughout Scandinavia under the impri-
matur of his DeVries Institute, although he does not plan to carry
the work forward himself. It is likely that Arya Kriya will remain a
dream unrealized.
See also: Jost; National Socialist Kindred; Rydén, Tommy.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a

Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998).
6 * ARYAN NATIONS

ARYAN NATIONS’ The Aryan Nations is both a national Chris-

tian Identity movement organization and a communal settlement
centered in Hayden Lake, Idaho, which came into being with Pastor
Richard Butler’s 1973 move from multiracial southern California to
the primarily White region of northern Idaho near Cour d’Alene.
The founding premise of the Aryan Nations movement is a simple
statement of Identity theology:
...We believe in the preservation of our race, individually and collec-
tively, as a people as demanded and directed by Yahweh. We believe
our Racial Nation has a right and is under obligation to preserve
itself and its members. We believe that Adam, man of genesis, is the
placing of the White Race (sic) upon this earth. Not all races descend
from Adam. Adam is the father of the White Race only.... We believe
that the true, literal children of the Bible are the twelve tribes of
Israel, now scattered throughout the world and now known as the
Anglo-Saxon, Germanic, Teutonic, Scandinavian, Celtic peoples of
the earth.... We believe that there are literal children of Satan in the
world today.... We believe that the Cananite Jew is the natural
enemy of our Aryan (white) Race. We believe that there is a battle
being fought this day between the children of darkness (today known
as Jews) and the children of light...the Aryan race, the true Israel of
the Bible.... We believe that there is a day of reckoning. The usurper
will be thrown out by the terrible might of Yahweh’s people, as they
return to their roots and special destiny....

The Aryan Nations would attract a disparate group of disaf-

fected young White men, particularly recently released prison
inmates, as a result of its prison outreach ministry spearheaded by
the Aryan Nations prison journal The Way. Other Aryan Nations
publications over the years have include the periodicals Calling
Our Nation and Aryan Nations. The Aryan Nations outreach fea-
tures the effective use of Pastor Richard Butler’s sermons on cas-
sette tape as well.
Relations with the citizens of Cour d’Alene have been rocky at
best, reaching their nadir in 1986-1987 with a series of bombings of
the homes of local human rights activists. Following the bombings,
an unspoken truce of sorts emerged, with both sides choosing to
leave each other well alone. This unwritten mutual tolerance pact
was broken in 1998 when the Aryan Nations, over fierce local opposi-
tion, applied for a permit to hold a march in downtown Cour d’Alene.
Tiring of the uproar, the Aryan Nations were given their permit, but
a public holiday was declared on the same day, ensuring that the
 ARYAN NATIONS 7

march would take place in a ghost town of shuttered shops and

empty streets. Relations nonetheless continued to worsen, and in
June 1998 a minor confrontation between police and Aryan Nations
members on church property escalated to the point that the aged
Butler was sprayed with pepper gas and four church members
were arrested. By 1999, with an influx of undisciplined young skin-
heads and the further deterioration of Pastor Butler’s leadership
because of age and infirmity, a series of violent incidents in the
streets of Cour d’Alene have served to strain to the breaking point
the tolerance of townsfolk for their Aryan Nations neighbors.
The most complete program of the Aryan Nations is found in the
eponymous premier edition of the organization’s newsletter. This
foundational creed provides a remarkable insight into the mind-set
of the separatist aspirations of the movement in the mid-1970s
through the 1980s. Opening with a detailed explanation of the sym-
bolism of the swastika-like Aryan Nations emblem, which is redo-
lent with the arcane beliefs of the Identity creed, the document then
segues into a detailed political manifesto that begins, fittingly
enough, with the question of “population and race.” Here, Identity’s
emphasis on the descent of Caucasian man from Adam is blended
with the “science” of eugenics as exemplified by the nineteenth cen-
tury figure of Sir Francis Galton and the contemporary lightning
rods of the field, William Shockley and E. O. Wilson. In particular,
miscegenation (marriage between a White person and a member of
another race) is expressly forbidden.
Next, the Aryan Nations turn to the problem of private property.
Here, what is demanded is a utopian socialism in which the nation’s
productive capacity in the forms of agriculture and industry will be
placed under communal control, to be administered “in the national
and racial interest.” This is followed by a brief section on industry
and finance in which the “financial system of International Jewish
Capitalism” is to be abolished, all adults are expected to be produc-
tive contributors to society, and loaning money at interest is
forbidden.
The subject of Aryan youth follows and is given more attention.
Here the model is platonic by way of National Socialist Germany.
Youth movements for both boys and girls are mandated. The ideal
for the young Aryan male is held to be “physical and athletic fitness,
reliability and determination of character, proficiency in chosen
livelihood-occupation, and general usefulness to the community.”
For girls, the accent is “primarily on fitness for mother-hood and
home-making, but also on athletics and arts.”
8 ~ ARYAN NATIONS

For the rest, the Aryan warrior ideal is touted, as is a call for dis-
cipline, race consciousness, and obedience to the laws of God. The
role of women is of particular concern to the Aryan Nations. Here,
an Aryan woman’s primary duty is clear: “Every child that an
Aryan mother brings into the world is a battle waged for the exis-
tence of her people. The program of the National Aryan Women’s
Movement has a truly a single point—the child.”
Then, among idealized calls for feminine purity and paeans to
the complementary nature of the separate roles for the Aryan male
and female, the manifesto cannot resist the passing observation
that it is far better to be “the mother of healthy Aryan children than
to be a clever woman lawyer.”
When the document turns to more global questions, much of the
specificity found in discussions of social relations vanishes. In a for-
mulation that would appall the narrowly legalistic militia movement
of the 1990s, Aryan law is described as something that is to be fol-
lowed more in spirit than in the letter, and Aryan judges are given
wide latitude to apply the law in both the racial and the national
interest. Much the same applies to the formation of the Aryan armed
forces. Here, the central concept is this motto: “At the beginning of
our struggle there stood a people; at the end of our struggle there will
once more stand a people.” The underlying concept here is that the
battle is for race and not territory. The Aryan army is to defend
“Aryan freedom” and the “whole of the Aryan state.”
But what constitutes the Aryan state? What are its borders? The
section that follows, “Constitution and World Outlook,” seeks to
elaborate. First, the primacy of the leadership principle is affirmed.
The putative Aryan state will be explicitly National Socialist in
structure. Thus, the constitution will reflect the divinely ordained
interests of the Aryan people, and will brook no dissent, for “Intoler-
ance of opposing ideas is necessary to strength.” But in 1979, the
movement’s vision had yet to disengage from the central paradigm
of the nation-state. World leadership in the Cold War world was
vested in the United States, and thus leadership of the world to
come would rest with the Aryan United States. But the seeds of
something greater are nonetheless present.
The sections that follow, on culture and education respectively,
are both of a piece. On the one hand, they contemptuously reject
“intellectualism” in favor of spirit. On the other hand, culture
(which remains largely undefined) is seen as the genetic possession
of the Aryan people. No other racial group, the creed posits, is capa-
ble of possessing this priceless gift from God to the Aryan folk. The
 ARYAN NATIONS 9

education system is therefore geared primarily toward inculcating

the young with this amorphous, divinely mandated Aryan culture.
Surprisingly, the only section dealing explicitly with religion is
one of the document’s briefest. The entire exposition is neatly
summed up in the opening sentences, for which little follow-up is
(or need be) attempted: “Christianity for the Aryan is Race; and
Race is Christianity. Race is Soul seen from without; and Christian-
ity is Soul seen from within.” With this genetic vision of religion, all
that need be added is the rather self-contradictory assertion that to
be truly Aryan, Christianity “must be purged of all remnants of
Jewish thought.”
What is perhaps most important in the Aryan Nations’ founda-
tional document is its generic nature. There is little in it that is so
specifically of a Christian Identity character that other sectors of
the race movement would be put off from becoming associated with
the organization. If anything, National Socialism rather than Iden-
tity Christianity provides the document’s primary thrust.
The appeal thus attracted many of the disaffected. Most were
content to attend the annual Aryan Nations Congress, although a
few of the most committed donned Pastor Butler’s snappy imitation
Nazi uniforms and became full-time residents of the compound. It
was here that men such as Robert Mathews, Gary Yarbrough, and
Frank Silva talked late into the night of their hopes and dreams,
and thus gave birth to the Order (also called the Silent Brother-
hood). But the Order’s emergence and brief but violent revolution-
ary career owed much to the frustration of Aryan Nations residents
with the steady diet of dreamy promises of impending apocalypse
and White renaissance that contrasted so sharply with Richard
Butler’s cautious disinclination to go beyond words to the propa-
ganda of the deed.
Other contradictions ate away at the Aryan Nations’ base of
support among its resident faithful, making all but hopeless the
outlook for the movements following Butler’s demise. There has, for
example, been in recent years a fruitless search for a successor to
Butler that has, not coincidentally, coincided with the defection of
several senior followers. The most interesting of these defections is
arguably that of Floyd Cochrane, to whom the implications of the
Aryan Nations’ fixation with race eugenics was graphically driven
home in bunkhouse conversation when a fellow race warrior casu-
ally noted that Cochrane’s own son, born with a cleft palate, would
probably have to be eliminated under the New Order! This seems to
have brought home the practical implications of the ideology for the
10 » ARYAN NATIONS

first time, whereupon Cochrane not only left the movement but
renounced his racialist beliefs as well. Carl Franklin, a man who
was widely expected to succeed Butler, also departed, forming the
New Church of Jesus Christ Christian of Montana.
Throughout the 1980s, not only did the Aryan Nations’ residen-
tial population decline, but the attendance at the Annual Congress
dropped precipitously as well. Part of the problem was that in the
wake of the successful efforts of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL)
to outlaw paramilitary training at such gatherings, they simply
weren’t as much fun anymore. Moreover, acutely aware of the pres-
ence of federal agents and private spies working for groups like the
ADL, the ever-cautious Butler had allowed little of the kind of fiery
rhetoric that had once typified the Congress.
Thus it was probably something of a pleasant surprise in the late
1980s when Butler, searching for new ways to make his organization
relevant, hit on the then-novel approach of inviting skinheads and,
more precisely, skinhead rock bands, to perform at the Congress.
The Aryan Nations regulars were, however, less than thrilled by the
musical efforts of the White noise bands and were appalled by the
skins’ penchant for beer-drinking and hell-raising. The ploy did,
however, bring a much-welcomed jolt of new life to the movement.
Therefore, it must have seemed like old times in 1986 when
a young skinhead named Gregory Withrow, founder of the White
Students’ Union, mounted the podium to make a brief, four-minute
speech calling for the “total extermination of all subhuman, non-
Aryan peoples from the face of the North American continent: men,
women, and children, without exception or appeal.” The skinhead
youth culture, however, has done little to halt the Aryan Nations’
slide into oblivion. In recognition of their incompatibility with the
older Aryan Nations regulars (in the best of times, composed of true
racialist believers, federal agents and informants, and Jewish
agents and informants), by the early 1990s skinheads had estab-
lished Hitler’s birthday, April 20, as the occasion for a skin-
heads-only birthday bash for the Fiihrer. Tellingly, Withrow had by
then left the movement and was literally crucified on a wooden
board by his former comrades for his apostasy.
Efforts by such movement luminaries as Louis Beam, Tom
Metzger (who was primarily responsible for bringing in the skin-
head contingent), and Don Black (whose Stormfront web site has
helped to create an Aryan Nations web site) have not succeeded in
reviving the fortunes of the Aryan Nations.
 ARYAN NATIONS 11

Although the Aryan Nations appears to be in permanent eclipse,

it is nonetheless of considerable importance. It provided a relatively
stable communal experiment that outlived more radical contempo-
raries such as the Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord. Pastor
Butler established important connections with European move-
ment activists, especially in Germany, that will continue to flourish
long after the Hayden Lake compound is but a memory. Perhaps of
greatest importance, the Aryan Nations spawned the Order, whose
martyred leader, Bob Mathews, is lionized in the United States and
Europe in song and story and whose imprisoned members—men
such as Gary Yarbrough and David Lane—have become icons of the
international race movement.
See also: Butler, Richard; Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord; Lane,
David; Mathews, Robert; Order.

Further reading: James A. Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Chris-

tian Patriotism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990); James A.
Aho, This Thing of Darkness: A Sociology of the Enemy (Seattle: University
of Washington Press, 1994); Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right:
The Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1994); Raphael Ezekial, The Racist Mind (New York:
Viking, 1995); Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood
(New York: Signet, 1990); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emer-
gence of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University
Press, 1998); James Ridgeway, Blood in the Face (New York: Thunder’s
Mouth Press, 1990).
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 B
DAVE BARLEY A moderate Christian Identity pastor, Dave Barley
inherited the Heirs of the Promise, the ministry of famed Identity
minister Sheldon Emry. Emry, a Phoenix-based Identity preacher,
was a prolific author and propagandist for the Identity faith in the
crucial decades of the 1960s and 1970s as the doctrines of anti-
Semitism and racism were becoming the dominant features of the
Identity world. Emry’s writings, such as the seminal booklet
“Billions for Bankers,” remain important texts in Identity circles to
this day. With Emry’s death in 1985, Barley eventually took over the
Lord’s Covenant Church in Phoenix, the America’s Promise newslet-
ter, and the all-important mailing list. Barley moved the ministry to
Sand Point, Idaho, in 1991. There, he weathered considerable local
opposition, based on fears that his ministry would prove as trouble-
some as the Aryan Nations had turned out to be for Cour d’Alene,
Idaho. When these problems did not eventuate, Barley and his
ministry were left in relative peace and caused no problems to
the local citizenry.
Barley’s primary distinction in the Identity world comes from
his strong rejection of the violent currents flowing in the Identity
world in the last decade as well as from his pioneering use of mod-
ern technology, particularly satellite television, to propagate the
Identity creed. He continues the America’s Promise newsletter and
runs a thriving cassette tape ministry.
See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian Identity.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse,

NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997).

BATHORY The Swedish group Bathory, along with Venom, are

torchbearers in the evolution of modern Black Metal. Bathory takes
its name from the “Blood Countess” Erzebet Bathory, a Hungarian
noblewoman in the 1700s who was put on trial for the murder of

13
14 5 BATHORY

hundreds of young girls, in whose blood she allegedly bathed to

maintain her youthful beauty. It is highly probable that an early
Venom number, “Countess Bathory” on the Black Metal album,
may have provided the direct inspiration for the name, as Bathory
owes much of its initial sound and look to the English founders of
Black Metal. The driving force behind the group is Pugh Rogefeldt,
who uses the more exciting stage name of “Quorthon” (though, in
fact, Bathory has never in their career played a live concert before
the public).
Bathory’s first three albums follow a similar mode of expression
as Venom, though the music is made even more vicious by a potent
arsenal of noisy effects and distortion. The hyperkinetic rhythm sec-
tion blurs into a whirling maelstrom of frequencies— a perfect back-
drop for the barked vocals of an indecipherable nature. Much of the
explanation for this sound was simply the circumstances of record-
ing an entire album in two and a half days on only a few hundred dol-
lars. The end result was more extreme than anything else being done
in 1984 (save maybe for some of the more violent English Industrial
“power electronics” bands like Whitehouse, Ramleh, and Sutcliffe
Jugend) and made a huge impact on the underground Metal scene.
In retrospect Quorthon says of Bathory’s first self-titled album, “If
you listen to it today, it doesn’t make you tickled or frightened, but in
those days it must have made a hell of an impression. Thinking back
on how it was recorded, it’s amazing how big things can be made with
small measures sometimes.” The lyrics were centered on black magic
and Satanism a la Venom, though funneled through a bit of Scandi-
navian innocence and teenage melodrama, which made them come
off as even more extreme in the end. Quorthon is very honest in his
assessment of the Satanism on the early records:
Well, at the time it was very serious, because today, ten years later,
I don’t think I know anything more about it than I did then. I’m not
one inch deeper into it than I was at that time, but your mind was
younger and more innocent and you tend to put more reality
towards horror stories than there is really. Of course there was a
huge interest and fascination, just because you are at the same time
trying to rebel against the adult world, you want to show everybody
that I’d rather turn to Satan than to Christ, by wearing all these
crosses upside down and so forth. Initially the lyrics were not trying
to put some message across or anything, they were just like horror
stories and very innocent. But nevertheless at the time you thought
that you were very serious, and of course you were not.
 BATHORY 15

As Bathory matured over the course of its subsequent records,

The Return... (1985) and Under the Sign of the Black Mark (1987),
the music slowed down noticeably, songs became more elaborate,
and the subject matter began to convey a degree of subtlety and
ambiguity that was a far cry from the earliest singles. At this point
came a marked shift of focus that, like its early primitivity, would
also become influential on the Black Metal scene of the future. Blood
Fire Death, Bathory’s fourth LP, hit record shops in 1988 and was
eagerly grabbed by extreme Metal fans around the world. Instead of
the B-grade horror cover art of the previous album, an entirely differ-
ent image greeted them: a swarming, airborne army of enraged
Valkyries on black horses, spurred on by the Nordic god Thor, ham-
mer held aloft in righteous defiance as a wolf skin—cloaked warrior
drags a naked girl up from the scorched earth below. This remark-
able romantic painting by Norwegian artist Peter Nicolai Arbo,
depicting the infamous “Wild Hunt” or Oskorei of Scandinavian and
Teutonic folklore, was the ideal entryway into Bathory’s new sound,
which lay on the vinyl inside it. More accessible than the band’s pre-
vious noise fests, the new album was, nevertheless, just as brutal.
Blood Fire Death employed the same amount of raw aggression, but
channeled it through orchestrated songs and understandable vocals,
which were helped along by more realistic and thoughtful lyrics. The
first track was an evocative instrumental, “Oden’s Ride Over
Nordland,” which re-creates the soundtrack of sorts to the cover art,
with the father of the Norse heathen gods, Odin (also called Oden,
Wotan, and other names, depending on the Germanic language), rid-
ing his eight-legged horse, Sleipnir, across the heavens.
With Blood Fire Death Bathory had forsaken the childish and
foreign Satanism of its original inspiration but uncovered some-
thing just as compelling and fertile—the heathen mythological leg-
acy of its own forefathers. The tapping of ancestral archetypes
would become a matter of primary importance for the generation of
Black Metal to follow, and an essential component of the genre.
The same inspiration resurfaced intensely on the next release,
1990’s Hammerheart, with the songs written from a more personal
point of view. On Hammerheart, Bathory’s music undergoes an epic
restructuring. Most of the songs clock in at ten minutes apiece; the
vocals are clearly sung and even surrounded by chanted choral
backdrops. Richard Wagner is thanked in the credits. The cover art,
another romantic oil painting titled “A Viking’s Last Journey,”
depicts a Viking ship burial of a nobleman, where the corpse is
pushed to sea in a longship, set alight by torches.
16 : BATHORY

The final release in Bathory’s “Asatru trilogy” came with 1991’s

Twilight of the Gods, which further emphasized the musical ele-
ments of European classical composition. Lyrical themes were
drawn from Nietzsche’s dire warnings about the spiritual malady
afflicting contemporary mankind. Beside this came veiled references
to the SS divisions of World War II Germany in the song “Under the
Runes,” which Quorthon admits was a deliberate provocation. This
was not the first time Bathory trod questionable ground with sym-
bolism. Hammerheart featured a sunwheel cross emblazoned on its
back cover, an oft-used icon of radical-right-wing organizations.
Quorthon professes some naiveté in the matter, but it’s hard to
believe he wasn’t aware of the full potency of such visual elements.
Although not conscious of its influence, Bathory managed to cre-
ate the blueprint for Scandinavian Black Metal in all its myriad fac-
ets: from frenzied cacophony to orchestrated, melodic bombast;
reveling in excesses of medieval Devil worship to thoughtful explora-
tions of ancient Viking heathenism; drawing inspiration from Euro-
pean traditions to deliberately flirting with the iconography of
fascism and National Socialism. Bathory’s first six albums encapsu-
lated the themes that would stir unprecedented eruptions from the
youth of Scandinavia and beyond.
Bathory’s bizarre bloodline of demonic inheritance—and that of
Black Metal itself—can be traced straight back through Venom,
Mercyful Fate, and other darker-themed Metal bands of the early
80s, to the Heavy doom-ridden sounds of Black Sabbath and the
mystical Hard Rock of Led Zeppelin, to their bluesy antecedents the
Rolling Stones, and all the way to Robert Johnson, a poor Black gui-
tarist from the American South who may have sold his soul to
Satan in a lone act of desperation. An unlikely Black Metal pedi-
gree, but there it stands, helped along the way by countless others
who poured their own creative juices into an evolving witches’ brew.

—Michael Moynihan, Blood Axis

See also: Black Metal; Odinism.

Further reading: Michael Moynihan and Didrik S¢gderlind, Lords of Chaos

(Venice, CA: Feral House, 1998); Janne Stark, The Encyclopedia of Swedish
Heavy Metal 1970-1996 (Stockholm: Premium Publishers, 1996).
 LOUIS BEAM iz

LOUIS BEAM Unique in the world of the contemporary Ku Klux

Klan, Louis Beam is a capable and talented ideologue who, despite
being identified with the most radical factions of the racist right,
has managed to avoid serious jail time through a combination of
luck, audacity, and intelligence. These qualities, however, cannot
obscure the essential futility of Beam’s quest: to modernize the
Klan and bring it kicking and screaming into the modern world as a
serious racialist organization capable of posing a significant chal-
lenge to the American status quo.
For Louis Beam, the world is a starkly divided battleground in
which the forces of good and evil, light and dark, wage a timeless
battle for dominance:
Throughout the millenniums of warfare between the Aryan and the
Jew, neither we nor they have ever “won.” The victories each has in
turn known, when spread over the centuries, equal stalemate. How-
ever, Aryan technology has shrunk the whole earth to the size of
one battlefield. The eternal war, which can most properly be called
a Conflict Of The Ages, has taken a final turn. The age-long conflict
approaches, the last battle—Ragnarék, Armageddon—is about to
be fought, and there will be only one survivor of this struggle.

Louis Beam, the author of this manichaean and apocalyptic

analysis of contemporary history, has lived the life that many
Klansmen and would-be Klansmen fantasize over. A Vietnam vet-
eran, Beam preaches the dream of revolutionary violence and has
himself not been loath to take up the dangerous existence of the
underground fugitive. The most celebrated of Beam’s exploits may
well be the shoot-out in which Mexican federal officers attempted to
take Beam and his wife into custody. In the ensuing confrontation,
Beam’s wife managed to pin down the arresting officers, allowing
her husband to make good his escape. Beam’s charmed life did not
end with his return to the United States. Here, he and his fellow
defendants were acquitted of all charges in an ill-starred 1989 sedi-
tion trial held at Fort Smith, Arkansas. He remains free today.
Beam’s personal successes should not, however, obscure the fail-
ure of his quest to modernize the Ku Klux Klan by unifying its
many disparate factions and forging the organization into an effec-
tive vanguard revolutionary force. The theory, put together with
the help of the late Robert Miles and others, was called the “Fifth
Era Klan”—a Klan capable of a clear-eyed analysis of the incompe-
tence and treason that has been the history of the Klan since the
original movement was disbanded in 1869, as well as capable of an
18 ~ LOUIS BEAM

honest appraisal of the remarkably poor quality of recruits that the

present-day Klan organizations have managed to attract.
Only when these difficulties are addressed and rectified will
Beam’s ecumenical call be more than a distant dream—a call, that
is, to take up arms, overthrow the current socio-political order, and
ruthlessly take vengeance on (in his words) “lying politicians, crim-
inal bureaucrats, racial traitors, communists, assorted degener-
ates, culture distorters, and those who resist the implementation of
lawful constitutional government.” In the meantime, Beam’s ecu-
menism is aptly demonstrated in his extra-Klan contacts, ranging
from his close association with Richard Butler’s Christian Identity
Aryan Nations compound in Idaho to the sort of generic Odinism
alluded to in his equating of the Christian apocalypse with the
Norse apocalyptic scenario of Ragnarék in the quotation above.
Beam’s career in the world of the organized radical right began
conventionally enough. Returning in 1968 from Vietnam where he
served as a helicopter pilot, Beam took up residence in his native
Texas where, in the early 1970s, he acted on a long-standing racial
animus by joining the United Klans of America. From that organi-
zation he joined David Duke’s Knights of the Ku Klux Klan where
he led the Knights’ Texas branch. The match with the mediagenic
Duke appeared viable for a time, with Duke providing the smooth
public face of the group and the less flamboyant Beam taking
charge of paramilitary training. It did not take long for Duke to
begin to eye greater horizons than would be possible for a Klans-
man. Beam, for his part, remained a Klansman to the end, and the
two would soon go their separate ways.
Beam emerged as a public figure in 1981 as a result of violent pro-
tests against Vietnamese shrimp fishermen who were in competition
with native Texans in Galveston Bay. Violence flared, a Vietnamese
boat was burned, and the resulting national publicity made Beam a
well-known figure in right-wing circles. This was hardly a develop-
ment that would endear him to David Duke, and it was at this point
that the split occurred. Beam simply formed his own Klan faction
and began his long-term association with Richard Butler and the
Aryan Nations.
In 1987, Beam met and married Sheila Toohey, a Sunday school
teacher from Sante Fe, Texas. The match was fateful, for it was not
long after the wedding that news of Operation Clean Sweep began
to make the rounds of the radical right. Operation Clean Sweep was
a federal government operation, undertaken following the defeat of
Robert Mathews and the Order, that intended to utilize the
 LOUIS BEAM 19

conspiracy laws to incarcerate the leadership of the American

racialist right wing. Federal agents fanned out across the country
arresting or serving with subpoenas everyone targeted by Opera-
tion Clean Sweep, including Louis Beam, along with such move-
ment elders as Robert Miles and Richard Butler and surviving
members of the Order.
For his part, Beam knew that while a conspiracy to overthrow the
government is a thing much to be desired, in the context of the divi-
sive and thoroughly infiltrated world of the radical right, it was at
best a fantasy and at worst evidence of a government conspiracy
against dissident citizens. Either way, Beam didn’t care to ride the
legal railroad into the prison system, and so he and Sheila fled to
Mexico. It was here that the shoot-out with the federales occurred,
resulting in Sheila’s capture and incarceration under extremely
harsh conditions in that country. Following the shooting, Beam was
quickly captured by a combined force of Mexican federales and FBI
agents. The story of what followed is an interesting one and it is
taken up by J. B. Campbell in an essay found on Beam’s web site
titled “Louis & Sheila.”
Sheila was ultimately freed and sent back to the United States,
and whatever the circumstances of her release, Beam’s future
looked decidedly unfavorable as the Fort Smith sedition trial got
under way. In the event, however, the government case at Fort
Smith turned out to be a fiasco. Not only were all defendants acquit-
ted of all charges, but in a suitably crowning irony one of the jurors
ended up marrying David McGuire, one of the defendants. In a sec-
ond irony, in the wake of the unsuccessful prosecution, the FBI
agent who had arrested Beam lamented to him after his acquittal
“My marriage broke up over this case,” to which Beam replied, “I
guess I did your wife a favor.” Ironically, Beam’s first serious brush
with the law had been a bitter 1981 divorce and custody battle in
which he fled with his infant daughter, rather than the Galveston
Bay protests.
With Fort Smith out of the way, Beam made his most important
contributions to the movement. Although very much a man of
action, it is for his writings that he will be best remembered. His
early prose is showcased in the collection Essays of a Klansman,
which, as the title suggests, contains meditations on race and on
the Klan as a vehicle for addressing the decline of Western civiliza-
tion. The Seditionist, Beam’s quarterly journal, appeared in winter
1988. In its pages over the next three years of its life would appear
many of the most important essays to emerge from the radical right
20 ; LOUIS BEAM

wing. In this lies the central contradiction of Beam’s life: on the one
hand his thinking is years ahead of that of many of the radical-right
faithful, yet on the other his loyalty to the Klan concept is such that
he has never been able to widen his influence, as did, for example,
Richard Butler from the world of Christian Identity or the late
Robert Miles, a Klansman whose eclecticism provided a big tent
under which any racialist could comfortably shelter. Be this as it
may, two of Beam’s cutting-edge ideas are what most concern us
here: the use of computers as a weapon in the racial struggle, and
the concept of leaderless resistance that defines the movement’s
approach to revolutionary violence today.
By the time the alarum was sounded by the Anti-Defamation
League in 1985, the movement had begun with limited success to
take up the possibilities offered by the computer and modem
through the construction of two national computer BBS (bulletin
board) sites. Of these, the most influential BBS was sponsored by
the Aryan Nations under the tutelage of Louis Beam. According to
the ADL, it was Beam who was a guiding force in bringing the
American movement from the age of the Xerox to the computer age.
Beam for his part is more modest than the ADL, noting that the
existence of movement BBS sites dates back to 1964. The reference,
however, is to telephone-based rather than computer-based tech-
nology. Indeed, when Beam began to publicize the Aryan Nations’
leap into the world of high tech in the early 1980s, he was con-
strained not only to explain what a computer is, but also to urge on
his fellow Patriots, assuring them that the technology is so simple
that, of the approximately 40 then-active BBS sites throughout the
United States: “One of the forty is run by a thirteen-year-old child!”
It was indicative of the movement’s adaptability to the new technol-
ogy, however, that nearly a decade later, Beam would still feel the
need to explain again the basics of the computer—in even simpler
terms than before. Rather than wait for the movement to adapt to
the new technology, the Aryan Net BBS was forced to operate a
telephone-based message system that allowed the noncomputer lit-
erate to listen to menus of recorded messages, albeit at the price of
an expensive long distance phone call. By 1995, however, Don
Black, a former Klansman and associate of Louis Beam, used these
ideas to create his Stormfront web site, which launched the move-
ment into the innovative use of computers.
Government and private watchdogs alike consider Beam’s lead-
erless resistance concept to be far more ominous than any uses to
which he could put the computer. Beam’s original “Leaderless
 LOUIS BEAM 21

Resistance” essay was first publicized in Pastor Pete Peters’s report

on a meeting of Identity Christians that was convened to discuss
the Randy Weaver drama. Suddenly, leaderless resistance, which
had been an idea floated among the far right ever since 1962, was
no longer an isolated theory. Following the Weaver killings and the
Waco, Texas, holocaust, it was seen as a matter of survival in the
face of a government now determined to eradicate once and for all
the righteous remnant of the Patriot community. Beam was quick
to comprehend the dire strategic situation of the far right at the end
of the 1980s and he was eager to seek some way to keep burning the
flame of violent opposition.
Louis Beam’s writings show a serious interest in history and
evince an academic’s care to identify his sources. Thus, Beam takes
no credit for coining either the concept or the term “leaderless resis-
tance.” Rather, he traces its origin to one Col. Ulius Louis Amoss,
the founder of the Baltimore, Maryland—based International Ser-
vice of Information Incorporated, who published an essay titled
“Leaderless Resistance” in April 1962. Col. Amoss was suggesting
guerrilla tactics in case of a communist invasion and conquest of
America, but the scenario did not eventuate and so the essay was
forgotten. Such might have been the fate of Beam’s essay as well,
had it not been written a mere few months before the events of
Ruby Ridge, Idaho. As noted above, Beam’s essay was included in
Pete Peters’s report on the Weaver tragedy, and suddenly the term
“leaderless resistance” was on everyone's lips. The movement, see-
ing in Ruby Ridge and far more so in Waco evidence of a long-feared
government plot to eliminate the Patriot community, and under-
standing full well the weakness and isolation of the movement,
began to think of leaderless resistance as the only hope of striking a
last, despairing blow before inevitable defeat.
In this supercharged atmosphere, Beam’s essay seems some-
what discordant, given its despairing tone and limited expectations
for success. The essay, however, perfectly reflected the mood of the
late 1980s and the pre-Waco 1990s. The tone throughout the essay
is hardly of a man confident in ultimate victory—Beam is too canny
a judge of the prevailing balance of forces for such unwarranted
optimism—but the essay is most notable for its exhortations to
simply persevere. The essay is reproduced in part below:
In the hope that, somehow, America can still produce the brave sons
and daughters necessary to fight off ever increasing persecution and
oppression, this essay is offered. Frankly, it is too close to call at this
point. Those who love liberty, and believe in freedom enough to fight
22 i LOUIS BEAM

for it are rare today, but within the bosom of every once great nation,
there remains secreted, the pearls of former greatness. They are
there. I have looked into their sparking eyes; sharing a brief moment
in time with them as I passed through this life. Relished their friend-
ship, endured their pain, and they mine. We are a band of brothers,
native to the soil gaining strength one from another as we have
rushed head long into a battle that all the weaker, timid men, say we
can not win. Perhaps...but then again, perhaps we can. It’s not over
till the last freedom fighter is buried or imprisoned.
The concept of Leaderless Resistance is nothing less than a fun-
damental departure in theories of organization. The orthodox
scheme of organization is diagrammatically represented by the pyr-
amid, with the mass at the bottom and the leader at the top. The
Constitution of the United States, in the wisdom of the Founders,
tried to sublimate the essential dictatorial nature of pyramidal
organization by dividing authority into three: executive, legislative
and judicial. But the pyramid remains essentially untouched.
This scheme of organization, the pyramid, is however, not only
useless, but extremely dangerous for the participants when it is uti-
lized in a resistance movement against state tyranny. Especially is
this so in technologically advanced societies where electronic sur-
veillance can often penetrate the structure revealing its chain of
command. Experience has revealed over and over again that
anti-state, political organizations utilizing this method of command
and control are easy prey for government infiltration, entrapment,
and destruction of the personnel involved. This has been seen
repeatedly in the United States where pro-government infiltrators
or agent provocateurs weasel their way into patriotic groups and
destroy them from within.
An alternative to the pyramid type of organization is the cell
system. In the past, many political groups (both right and left) have
used the cell system to further their objectives.
The efficient and effective operation of a cell system after the
Communist model, is of course, dependent upon central direction,
which means impressive organization, funding from the top, and
outside support, all of which the Communists had. Obviously,
American patriots have none of these things.
Since the entire purpose of Leaderless Resistance is to defeat
state tyranny (at least insofar as this essay is concerned), all mem-
bers of phantom cells or individuals will tend to react to objective
events in the same way through usual tactics of resistance. Organs of
information distribution such as newspapers, leaflets, computers,
 DON BLACK 23

etc., which are widely available to all, keep each person informed of
events, allowing for a planned response that will take many varia-
tions. No one need issue an order to anyone. Those idealists truly
committed to the cause of freedom will act when they feel the time is
ripe, or will take their cue from others who precede them....

With this formulation, the theory of leaderless resistance was

presented in its most complete form. It would amplify other calls for
lone-wolf tactics in the movement, with William Pierce’s novel,
Hunter, based on the original National Socialist leaderless resistor
Joseph Franklin’s 1970s era actions, as the best example.
Beam remains today one of the most important strategists and
thinkers in the American race movement.
See also: Aryan Nations; Black, Don; Butler, Richard; Christian Identity;
Duke, David; Franklin, Joseph; Mathews, Robert; Miles, Robert; Order;
Peters, Pete; Pierce, William; Weaver, Randy.

Further reading: Louis Beam, “On Revolutionary Majorities,” Inter-Klan

Newsletter and Survival Alert 4 (1984); Louis Beam, “Computers and
Patriots,” The Seditionist 10 (summer 1991); Louis Beam, “Leaderless Resis-
tance,” in Pete Peters, n.d., “Special Report on the Meeting of Christian Men
Held in Estes Park, Colorado, October 23, 24, 25, 1992, Concerning the Kill-
ing of Vicki and Samuel Weaver by the United States Government,”
Laporte, CO: Scriptures for America (n.d.); Louis Beam, Essays of a Klans-
man (Hayden Lake, ID: AKIA Publications, 1983); John C. Calhoun and
Louis R. Beam, “The Perfected Order of the Klan,” Inter-Klan Newsletter
and Survival Alert 5 (1984); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America:
Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syra-
cuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard
Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ:
Rutgers University Press, 1998); Bill Stanton, Klanwatch: Bringing the Ku
Klux Klan to Justice (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1991).

DON BLACK Before 1995 Don Black’s primary claim to fame was
his role as David Duke’s right-hand man in the Knights of the Ku
Klux Klan—a group that he inherited in 1980 when Duke left the
Klan for better things as a semirespectable politician. Black proved
to be a capable enough Klan leader, though in the America of the
1980s that in itself was hardly a claim to fame. The Klan today has
hit hard times and shows no signs of recovery any time soon. In any
case, Black’s reign ended ingloriously within a year.
24 » BLACK METAL

In 1981, Black was arrested along with a group of Klansmen and

National Socialists—the most notable of whom was Wolfgang
Droege of the Canadian Western Guard. As befits so singular a
group of defendants, the charges were suitably strange. It was
alleged that, acting apparently as mercenaries, the would-be
Rambos intended to invade the Caribbean island of Dominica, to
overthrow the government there, and presumably to eventually
turn the island into a racialist redoubt cum vacation paradise.
Black was convicted for his role in the fiasco and was incarcerated
for three years in late 1982.
On his release in 1985, Black drifted into various racialist activ-
ities, the high point of which was an abortive run for the U.S. senate
under the Populist Party banner in his native Alabama. Failing
this, he returned to the Duke orbit and cast about for a way to make
his mark on the American racialist scene.
In 1995, Black came on an idea whose time had come. Seizing
the promise of the Internet, Black set up Stormfront, the first and
still the premier racialist World Wide Web site. Stormfront offers
files from a number of racialist groups, hypertext links to a number
of others, and several! e-mail discussion and news lists that allow
the White nationalist community to discuss issues of interest. Don
Black moderates the site to prevent the risk of threats of violence
that could result in action being taken by its Internet service pro-
vider, by the government, or by various watchdog groups, all of
whom monitor the discussion.
Stormfront put Don Black in the spotlight, both for racialists
throughout the world and for a number of watchdog groups— most
notably the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the Anti-Defamation
League. The efforts of these opponents have thus far proved ineffec-
tual, and Stormfront remains at this writing the cyberspace flag-
ship of the racist right.
See also: Duke, David; Internet Recruiting.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a

Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998).

BLACK METAL A genre of music rather than a group, Black Metal

traces its roots back to Death Metal and Heavy Metal, and its lyrical
themes reflect on Satanism (frequently of a very primitive variety),
neo-pagan Odinism, and, in certain examples, National Socialism.
Some trademarks of typical Black Metal include shrieking,
 BLACK METAL 25

high-pitched songs played at breakneck speed, with band members

generally wearing “corpse paint” makeup and spiked armor and
brandishing weapons in promotional photos. It is today the basis of a
musical subculture that is global in scope, but is most readily identi-
fied with Scandinavia—particularly Norway. From the ranks of the
first generation of Black Metal came the young people involved in
burning a number of Norway’s churches, which included one medi-
eval “stave” church—a national historical treasure. Many of the first
generation of Black Metal musicians have left the Norwegian scene,
because of suicide, incarceration, or, in the case of one of the founders
of the genre, Oystein Aarseth (stage name “Euronymous”), through
murder. His killer, Varg Vikernes, whose influential one-man band
Burzum was on Aarseth’s record label, proved to be the guiding force
behind the church burnings. Nonetheless, the influence of Norwe-
gian Black Metal is now global, and what follows is a detailed history
of the genre.
It is difficult to offer an explanation of how Norway, a country on
the outskirts of Europe with fewer than 4.5 million people, should
become the epicenter of Black Metal, at least in the musical sense.
The theories range from prosaic to spectacularly speculative. For
example, one of the reasons suggested for why so many churches
burned in Norway is that, compared to other Scandinavian coun-
tries, a much higher percentage of Norwegian churches are con-
structed of wood. It is much easier to set fire to a wooden church than
one of stone—but even then it is not an entirely simple affair, as
many failed arson attempts have proven.
The cultural legacy of Norwegian folktales presents a grotesque
world of trolls, witches, and foreboding forests. These have had a
profound influence on many younger Black Metal groups. Some
bands, like Ulver, have altogether dropped traditional Black Metal
imagery and symbolism for “Trollish” atmospheres. Today there
even exists a band called Troll.
Modern folklore has had a more difficult time in Norway, and
horror culture has never been allowed a place there. While America
has figures like Edgar Allan Poe as a part of the literary heritage,
and slasher movies are screened on national TV, Norway’s other-
wise highly prolific movie industry has produced only one horror
film in its 70-year history. Horror films from abroad are routinely
heavily censored, if not banned outright. This taboo against vio-
lence and horror permeates every part of Norwegian media. In one
case, Norwegian National Broadcasting stopped a transmission of
the popular children’s TV series Colargol the Singing Bear on the
grounds that the particular episode featured a gun.
26 : BLACK METAL

The resulting void from cultural censorship of violence and the

macabre may have made a significant contribution to Black Metal’s
overweening appetite for such imagery. When denied something,
one tends to gorge on it when access is finally gained. Black Metal
adherents tend to be those in their late teens to early twenties who
have recently gained a relative degree of freedom and independence
from their parents and other moral authorities. They are finally in
a position to indulge their own interests without the interference of
those who might frown on such behavior.
The cultural distance from Europe could be part of the explana-
tion why Black Metal was carried to its logical, or illogical, conclu-
sion in Norway. Early Black Metal bands like Venom might not have
been very serious about their image, but many young Norwegians
may have been unable to realize this. So when Venom was
tongue-in-cheek, Norwegian kids took them dead seriously. Similar
cases have happened before. The Sex Pistols, for example, were the
product of a smart manager who knew how to make a buck off Rock
music; it spawned a generation of bands who took Punk Rock, and
the anarcho-politics that had been convenient slogans for the Pistols,
very earnestly indeed. One weird aspect of the Black Metal mental-
ity of the earlier days was the insistence on suffering. Unlike other
belief systems, where damnation is usually reserved for one’s ene-
mies, the Black Metalers thought that they, too, deserved eternal
torment. They were also eager to begin this suffering long before
meeting their master in hell.
This gave rise to popular jokes like “Why don’t Satanists drive
cars? Because walking is really hellish.” Funny enough, to be sure,
but reality was more bizarre. In an interview in the February 1993
edition of the now-defunct Norwegian magazine Rock Furore, Varg
Vikernes told the story about his arrest for suspected church burn-
ing. When asked if this world wasn’t already hellish enough, and
therefore no grounds existed for romanticizing a metaphysical Hell,
Vikernes lashed out against the prison system:
It’s much too nice here. It’s not hell at all. In this country prisoners
get a bed, toilet, and shower. It’s completely ridiculous. I asked the
police to throw me in a real dungeon, and also encouraged them to
use violence.

Because of its excesses, Black Metal has become synonymous

with Scandinavia, and Norway in particular. Somehow, through a
combination of subtle and not-so-subtle factors, it coagulated and
took shape. The drive toward violence could have just as easily been
dissipated in less cathartic ways if the same people had become
 BLACK METAL 27

involved in an already established genre like Hardcore Punk

instead. But this was not to be. With an icy but fertile garden in
place, all it took was the effort of a few visionaries to sow the seeds
of barbarity.
Beyond doubt, the scene owes itself to Euronymous more than
anyone. As he is no longer here to speak, we shall never know how
deeply or seriously aware Wystein Aarseth was of the monster he
was bringing to life. But animate it he did, and therefore his activi-
ties and associations deserve a closer scrutiny, to reveal the path of
the sparks igniting the blaze in the northern sky.
In the realm of Black Metal, so thoroughly impregnated with
the iconography of the occult by its perpetrators, names and pseud-
onyms appear to achieve a magical significance, becoming indelibly
welded to the personalities of their bearers. This can be a blessing
or curse, depending on the elements involved. In the case of Oystein
Aarseth and his band Mayhem, the connection between such ele-
ments and outcomes is startling.
Mayhem began in 1984, inspired by the likes of Black Metal pio-
neers Venom, and later Bathory and Hellhammer. Judging from an
early issue of Slayer magazine, Aarseth initially adopted “Destruc-
tor” for his stage name as guitarist. The other members of the earli-
est incarnation of the band were bassist “Necro Butcher,”
“Manheim” on drums, and lead vocalist “Messiah.” Not long after
this, Aarseth took on “Euronymous” as his own personal man-
tle—presumably it sounded less comical and more exotic than his
previous pseudonym. His new name was allegedly Greek for “the
prince of death.”
In early interviews, members of Mayhem always refer to them-
selves as “Total” Death Metal, though in the fashion of many other
Norwegian groups Aarseth would later claim the band exclusively
played Black Metal from the beginning. Mayhem had no religious
angle, beyond members sprinkling their signatures with
upside-down crosses. Their image mainly emphasized an obsession
with death, violence, and having “a fuckin’ good time.”
Mayhem played its first show in 1985. Its debut demo tape, Pure
Fucking Armageddon, appeared a year later in a limited edition of
numbered copies. By 1987 someone called “Maniac” replaced the
previous singer, whom Aarseth henceforth referred to as a “former
session vocalist,” despite his appearance on the demo as well as the
first proper release, that year’s Deathcrush mini-LP. Released in an
edition of ten on its own label, Posercorpse Music, the vinyl sold out
fairly soon, demonstrating Mayhem’s small but increasing position
28 * BLACK METAL

of importance in the underground. Aarseth commanded a powerful

role among disenchanted younger music fans in Norway, as May-
hem was considered the most extreme band existing in an other-
wise quiet, conservative land.
After the release of Deathcrush, vocal duties were exchanged
once again and Dead, the distinctive singer for the Stockholm cult
act Morbid, joined Mayhem and moved to Oslo. A new drummer
was found in Jan Axel “Hellhammer” Blomberg, one of the most tal-
ented musicians in the underground. Even with the mini-LP selling
briskly, and Mayhem’s bestial reputation increasing, the band and
its members remained dirt poor.
By early 1990 the modern face of Black Metal had now reared its
grimly “corpse painted” face. It was a far cry from the vintage days
of Venom concerts with their banks of flashing strobe lights, pyro-
technics, and cheesy outfits fashioned of studs and spandex. Nor-
wegian Black Metal had found its soul and was happy to just settle
for a few decapitated heads, self-mutilation, and an opposition to
everything considered “good” or life-affirming.
Fanciful stories have circulated about Euronymous setting up a
laboratory of sorts in the basement of the house he shared with
Hellhammer and Dead. Supposedly he would descend into the cel-
lar for hours, concocting recipes with volatile chemicals, attired ina
white lab coat. Some of Euronymous’s experiments were rumored
to have caused dangerous combustions, creating fiery results. The
same could be said of his Helvete record shop, though the conse-
quences would reach far beyond the black walls that enclosed it.
The combinations of impetuous personalities and impatient enthu-
siasms would play off each other in an escalating drama that
quickly made national headlines.
Smaller “actions” escalated, until someone in the scene decided
to torch the ancient Fantoft Stave Church in Bergen. Aarseth
proudly alluded to church break-ins done to provide interior deco-
rating props for the record shop, and a few such minor crimes were
probably committed from mid-1991 onward.
In late 1991 an Oslo concert by the popular Satanic Death Metal
band Morbid Angel was a meeting point for fans who would become
integral to the inner core of the Black Metal scene. It was also
linked to a rash of cemetery grave desecrations. The media would
later paint a picture of the profanations occurring as a result of the
excitement generated by the concert, but Vikernes clarified, “It
wasn’t after the concert, really it was the day before. I was accused
of it, but they didn’t have any witnesses. The witness withdrew his
testimony, so I was actually freed of the charge.”
 BLACK METAL 29

Other small, fledgling crimes included a threatening attack

against Stian “Occultus,” a temporary member of Mayhem whom
Kuronymous later disowned entirely. In an old German fanzine
interview from 1991, Vikernes boasted, “Under a full moon of June
a cross was burnt in Occultus’ garden. His window shattered under
the raging storm clouds by the hands of evil beings tossing an iron
crucifix. The false will be given a sign before they DIE! One night!”
When recently asked about the nature of the incident, Vikernes
explains there was “some idiot who said, ‘T’ll kill you.’ We just took a
cross which said “My girl’ on it, put it in his garden with gasoline all
over it and lit it, and threw rocks through his bedroom window.
Nothing came of it.”
News of the destruction of Fantoft church, one of Norway’s cul-
tural landmarks, made national headlines. It would not be long
before other churches began to ignite in nighttime blazes. On
August 1st of the same year the Revheim Church in southern
Norway was torched; 20 days later the Holmenkollen Chapel in
Oslo also erupted in flames. On September 1st the Orm @ya Church
caught fire, and on the 13th of that month Skjold Church likewise.
In October the Hauketo Church burned with the others. After a
short pause of a few months’ time, Asane Church in Bergen was
consumed in flame, and the Sarpsborg Church was destroyed only
two days later. In battling the blaze at Sarpsborg a member of the
fire department was killed.
Beginning with a small, ineffectual fire at Storetveit Church in
the month preceding the Fantoft blaze, there have since been a
total of at least 45 to 60 church fires, near-fires, and attempted
arson attacks in Norway. Roughly a third have a documented con-
nection to the Black Metal scene, according to Sjur Helseth, Direc-
tor of the Technical Department of the Directorate for Cultural
Heritage. The authorities are reluctant to discuss the details of
many of these incidents, fearing that undue attention may literally
spark other firebugs or copycats to join the assault that Vikernes
and his associates began in 1992.
The city of Oslo took Varg Vikernes to court to reclaim damages
for the burning of Holmenkollen Chapel. The insurance company
Gjensidige did the same for Skjold church and Asane Church. The
original charge was that Vikernes should compensate the entire
cost of rebuilding the churches, which amounted to nearly 40 mil-
lion kroner ($5 million). Later, however, the sum was reduced so
that Vikernes would not have to pay for the actual consecrations of
the rebuilt churches. Still, around 37 million kroner remained to be
30 a BLACK METAL

paid, and Vikernes, unsurprisingly, did not accept the charges. He

would have to go through the court system again.
In the courtroom, Vikernes once more played the role of Public
Enemy Number One, wearing green fatigues and leering, just as he
had in his criminal trial. A certain tone was also set by the fact that
those admitted to the courtroom were searched with metal detec-
tors (not a common practice in Norway). During the trial,
Vikernes’s defense attorney claimed that he had been wrongly con-
victed of the church burnings, the charges were outdated, and fur-
thermore, his client had no money to pay the damages. He pressed
for acquittal on all counts.
Vikernes’s protestations of innocence were not accepted by the
court, and in December 1997 he was ordered to pay 8 million kroner
($1 million) in damages. Vikernes would also have to endure a 12
percent interest rate on the money owed, calculated from the sum-
mer of 1996. By the time of the trial the interest alone had already
amounted to nearly 1 million kroner.
Churches were not the only things being disturbed by the mid-
dle of 1992. On July 26th, an 18-year-old girl, Suuvi Mariotta
Puurunen, nicknamed “Maria,” crept up to a quiet house belonging
to Christopher Jonsson in Upplands Vasby, near Stockholm,
Sweden. She attempted to set the domicile on fire and left a note
tacked to the door with a knife, reading, “The Count was here and
he will come back.” Someone inside the house awakened at the smell
of smoke and the fire was quickly put out before any serious harm was
done. Jonsson is the front man of the Death Metal band Therion. He
had been involved in an argument with Vikernes. Shortly after the
attempted arson on his house, Jonsson received a letter from Norway:
Hello victim! This is Count Grishnackh of Burzum. I have just come
home from a journey to Sweden (northwest of Stockholm) and I
think I lost a match and a signed Burzum LP, ha ha! Perhaps I will
make a return trip soon and maybe this time you won’t wake up in
the middle of the night. I will give you a lesson in fear. We are really
mentally deranged, our methods are death and torture, our victims
will die slowly, they must die slowly.

The actual perpetrator of the attack, Maria, would later be

arrested and her diary discovered by the Swedish authorities. In
speaking of her actions, she wrote, “I did it on a mission for our
leader, The Count. I love The Count. His fantasies are the best. I
want a knife, a fine knife, sharp and cruel...he-he.” She would later
be sentenced to one year’s observation in a mental hospital for her
activities in connection with the Black Circle. Vikernes for his part
 BLACK METAL 31

would dismiss her with a contemptuous “Dirty gypsy, she wasn’t

even white,” and would deny any relationship with her whatsoever.
It was only a matter of time before church burnings and threats
of murder led inevitably to real killing. Several murders were
attributed to the Black Circle of the Norwegian Black Metal scene,
but the most famous was that for which Varg Vikernes was tried
and convicted.
On August 10, 1993, Oystein Aarseth was found slaughtered in
the stairwell of his apartment building. The death of “Euronymous”
shook the Black Metal scene to its core. Until that point, many felt
they could continue to escape the repercussions of their deeds
unscathed—deeds that by now had become a veritable shopping list
of church arson, murder, burglary, death threats, grave desecra-
tion, and vandalism. ‘
It didn’t take long, however, for the police to piece together what
had actually transpired. After only four days of investigative work,
the police had enough evidence and testimony to confidently make
their move against the slayer of Oystein Aarseth. In August 1993
they arrested Varg Vikernes in Bergen. As the case unfolded, they
would eventually be able to bring charges against him for far more
than just the killing. Vikernes claimed self-defense, arguing that
he’d simply made a preemptive strike against Aarseth, who was
already planning to kill him, but the story was unconvincing and
Vikernes was convicted both of murder and of several of the church
burnings. He was sentenced to 21 years—an extremely heavy pun-
ishment in the lenient Norwegian court system. Arrests of those
close to Vikernes proceeded apace, and thus ended the first wave of
the Norwegian Black Metal scene.

—Michael Moynihan, Blood Axis

See also: Odinism; Vikernes, Varg.

Further reading: Martin Alvsvag, Rock og satanisme—destruktive elementer

itungrocken (Oslo: Credo, 1995); Michael Moynihan and Didrik Sgderlind,
Lords of Chaos (Venice, CA: Feral House, 1998).

British Movement See Jordan, Colin.

32 » JAMES BURFORD

George Burdi See Hawthorne, George Eric; White Power Music.

JAMES BUREORD Another of the American National Socialist

leaders, James Burford has a following no more substantial than a
limited mailing list composed primarily of the curious, the watch-
dogs, and a handful of National Socialists. What distinguishes
Burford somewhat from the pack is that he was audacious enough
to adopt the name American Nazi Party. The original American
Nazi Party was the name of George Lincoln Rockwell’s prototype
American NS group of the late 1950s and 1960s.
Burford, like most National Socialists of his generation, began
his active career under the banner of Matt Koehl’s National Social-
ist White People’s Party (NSWPP). Burford joined the NSWPP in
1974. And like most ranking members of the National Socialist
White People’s Party, Burford’s break with Koehl was acrimonious.
In his May 1981 letter of resignation, Burford states:
As for me, I would rather shoulder axe (sic) & musket & march off
into the savage wilderness to face unknown terrors, than to remain
a part of an organization that is solely run by your personal whim
and fancy. You say you are a leader, but you cannot make decisive
decisions. You print that Matt Koehl is National Socialism, but
refuse to reunify the entire movement, the reason is that you are
the man who splintered it to start with. Your paranoic (sic) refusal
to delegate authority has insured the Party’s future to be that of a
3rd rate mail business, which is constantly on the brink of disaster.
I CHARGE YOU WITH TREASON TO THE MOVEMENT.

A National Socialist true believer, Burford refused to let his

unfortunate experiences with Koehl’s National Socialist White Peo-
ple’s Party destroy his faith, and so joined the National Socialist
Party of America, then headed by Frank Collin. Michael Allen and
Harold Covington were ranking officers in the group. This associa-
tion, too, proved short-lived. Frank Collin, who had been identified
by the NSWPP as the son of a Jewish Holocaust survivor, was
ousted from the leadership and incarcerated for homosexual
pedophilia. Photographic evidence for the latter charge was sup-
plied to the police by his NSPA comrades, most notably Covington.
Burford then moved into a leadership position when Allen was
exposed as an informant for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and
 DAN BURROS 33

Firearms in 1982. This glory was fleeting, however, as the group

folded shortly thereafter.
Burford’s American Nazi Party is based in Chicago, where he at
times cooperates with, and at other times competes with, Arthur
Jones’s equally minuscule—but no less audaciously named—New
America First Committee, which is itself a fanciful revival of the
Depression-era populist movement of the same name formed
around aviator Charles Lindbergh.
Burford’s American Nazi Party’s annual Christmas Party is a
major event on the Chicago NS calendar.
Burford publishes the ANP Newsletter.
See also: American Nazi Party; Collin, Frank; Covington, Harold; Koehl,
Matt; National Socialist Party of America; National Socialist White People’s
Party; Rockwell, George Lincoln.

Further reading: ANP Newsletter; John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis,
Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus
Books, 1992).

DAN BURROS_ Acore member of George Lincoln Rockwell’s origi-

nal American Nazi Party (ANP), Lt. Dan Burros was a violently
anti-Semitic soap box orator, the author of the American Nazi
Party’s Official Stormtrooper Manual, which served as the basic
training document for all ANP recruits, and a dabbler in such racist
belief systems of the early 1960s as the Ku Klux Klan, the National
Renaissance Party, and Odinism. His story may have been one of
the most tragic yet instructive cautionary tales to arise out of Amer-
ican National Socialism. For on a night in October 1965 a dis-
traught Burros, in the course of a visit to fellow Klansman (and,
unbeknownst to Burros, government informant) Roy Frankhouser,
put a pistol to his own head and bid a messy farewell to the world of
the living. The source of Burros’s despair was an upcoming New
York Times exposé that contained definitive evidence that Dan
Burros was, like a surprising number of American National Social-
ists, Jewish.
Shortly after his suicide, in the pages of the October-November
issue of The Rockwell Report, George Lincoln Rockwell reminisced
about the career of his one-time follower and later bitter enemy
Daniel Burros. In his recollection, Burros made contact with the
American Nazi Party in 1960 after a correspondence with ANP
34 j DAN BURROS

member James Warner. Fascinated by the uniforms as much as the

ideology, Burros filled out the standard membership form, swear-
ing his family roots were “German,” and moved into the chaotic and
impoverished barracks in Arlington, Virginia. It was during this
residence that Burros’s fellow Stormtroopers were to become inti-
mately acquainted with the new recruit’s eccentricities.
To his new comrades, Burros confided that while in the Navy he
had undergone psychiatric treatment for what Rockwell described
as “sadistic tendencies and Nazi leanings.” Specifically, Burros had
strangled an eagle, which was the mascot of the 101st Airborne
Division. He later earned the enmity of many in the ANP headquar-
ters when he attempted to do the same to the Party’s pet dog, affec-
tionately named “Gas Chamber.” His free time would be spent
regaling his disgusted comrades with his fantasies for designing
new and ingenious tortures for Jews (with his piéce de résistance a
kind of piano in which wires would be attached to sensitive parts of
the victim’s body and Burros, acting as the maestro, could then
“play the organ and make the victims scream in various keys”) and
collecting pornography. It speaks volumes for the condition of the
American Nazi Party that, despite abnormalities that were striking
even by American Nazi standards, Burros rose to become National
Party Secretary before his break with Rockwell in 1962.
Following his defection from the American Nazi Party, Burros
returned to New York, formed the American National Party, and
published Kill!, a viciously racist and anti-Semitic journal. In its
second issue, published in September 1962, Burros writes of his for-
mer mentor:
Without the swastika, Rockwell would be nothing. He uses a sym-
bol for which millions of men died. Men from whom Rockwell now
steals glory. Rockwell could never make it on his own, as we are.
Also, I managed to expose Mr. Rockwell in the newspapers as a
nigger loving liberal—a fact which his followers will soon discover
for themselves!

Before long, however, rumors surrounding his Orthodox Jewish

background began to surface. Many believe, and Rockwell fully con-
curs, that the information about Burros originated in one of the
Jewish watchdog agencies that stumbled on Burros while investi-
gating the Ku Klux Klan in the early stages of the civil rights move-
ment. Whatever their source, Rockwell could only express
amazement that “a man as brilliant as Burros [could] not to have
foreseen the day when he would read about his Bar Mitzvah and his
synagogue days all spread in the nation’s press.” Moreover,
 RICHARD GIRNT BUTLER 35

Rockwell is surely correct when, in the midst of an anti-Semitic dia-

tribe, he notes that:
Burros hated himself and his Jewishness, and went a step further,
planning to MURDER them all.
It killed him.

In 1967, New York Times columnist A. M. Rosenthal and Arthur

Gelb wrote a book on the tragedy of Dan Burros titled One More Vic-
tim: The Life and Death of a Jewish Nazi.
See also: American Nazi Party; National Renaissance Party; Odinism;
Rockwell, George Lincoln; Warner, James.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klans-
men and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992); A. M.
Rosenthal and Arthur Gelb, One More Victim: The Life and Death of a Jew-
ish Nazi (New York: New American Library, 1967).

RICHARD GIRNT BUTLER Founder of the Church of Jesus Christ

Christian and of the Aryan Nations (the prototype Christian Iden-
tity compound in Hayden Lake, Idaho), Richard Butler became in
the 1980s the ubiquitous example of what the Anti-Defamation
League (ADL) dubbed the “Theology of Hate.” Butler’s influence,
however, has waned considerably in the 1990s as age, infirmity, the
death of his wife, and his own innate caution in a milieu that was
becoming increasingly radical, all took their toll.
As his full biography as published by the Aryan Nations may be
found in the “Resources” section, this entry will note only the brief
highlights of Butler’s eventful life. In the late 1960s, Richard Butler
was a settled family man with a promising engineering career with
Lockheed Corporation. Then, in 1968, he suddenly resigned his job
and determined to follow a new course in his life. Behind this dra-
matic change was an association with Dr. Wesley A. Swift, the
patriarch of racialist Christian Identity, which in Butler’s recollec-
tion began in 1961. It was the course of study of religion, current
events, and, most of all, the perceived menace of “Jewish commu-
nism” that lay behind Butler’s determination to dedicate his life to
the Identity cause.
As Pastor Butler’s official biography takes pains to note, it is the
student/teacher relationship with Wesley Swift that forms the basis
of Butler’s claims to the mantle of that preeminent Identity figure.
This is no small claim, for Christian Identity in the post-Swift era
36 RICHARD GIRNT BUTLER

has no center of authority, no hierarchy, and indeed few dogmas on

which all Identity pastors would agree. That Butler would for a
decade be the most visible face of Christian Identity was no small
accomplishment. While other Identity figures would reject Butler’s
claims to have succeeded to Swift’s role as the central figure in the
Christian Identity movement, there is no question that Butler was
mesmerized by Swift and that their association constituted a
life-changing event for Butier.
Butler’s first public appearance as an Identity figure was in the
1960s-era Christian Defense League (CDL). The CDL was one of
many organizational vehicles associated with Wesley Swift, though
William Potter Gale (who for many years would vie with Butler for
the claim to be Swift’s successor), S. J. Capt, and Bertrand
Comperet were instrumental in the organization as well. Each of
these has offered differing accounts of the genesis of the group, but
what is not in dispute is the fact that Richard Butler was the CDL’s
first president. The goals of the CDL included Christian (read:
Identity Christian) unity in the face of perceived Jewish hostility
and proselytizing for the Identity creed. When Butler departed
California for Idahe in 1973, the CDL was taken over by James
Warner, a younger Swift protégé.
Butler’s move to Hayden Lake outside Cour d’Alene, Idaho, was
undertaken for a number of reasons. Identity being an apocalyptic
millenarian belief system, northern Idaho was deemed a safer place
to be than southern California when the expected Soviet nuclear
attack took place. Moreover, the demographics of the area—nearly
all White in the towns with small but significant pockets of Native
American tribes at a safe remove in the hinterlands—was consid-
ered more amenable to the growth of the movement than multira-
cial Los Angeles. Finally, land in the northern Idaho area in the
1970s was remarkably inexpensive. Thus, upon these rocks Pastor
Butler built his church, the Church of Jesus Christ Christian,
which was so named to distinguish it from the dread hybrid of
“Judeo-Christianity” that Identity theology sees as the dominant
religion in America today. In this way was the Aryan Nations born.
Relations with the citizens of Cour d’Alene were less cordial
than Pastor Butler had hoped. Despite leafleting, proselytizing,
and by 1986-1987 a series of bombings of the homes of local human
rights activists, the people of Cour d’Alene not only proved unrecep-
tive to Butler’s message, but over time became downright hostile to
their Aryan neighbors. Following the bombings, however—events
that Butler neither authorized nor condoned—an unspoken truce of
sorts emerged, with both sides choosing to leave each other alone.
 RICHARD GIRNT BUTLER 37

Richard Butler and his Aryan Nations compound quickly

evolved into a communal society with marked National Socialist
elements. Barracks were constructed and young men were outfitted
in snappy brown quasi-Third Reich uniforms. Church services
were recorded, and a booming tape ministry resulted. Of greatest
import for the future of Aryan Nations, a mail-order prison minis-
try was established. The premier issue of Butler’s prison outreach
newsletter, The Way, appeared in June 1987, proudly featuring a
long letter from imprisoned Order veteran David Tate. The Aryan
Nations’ prison ministry was forced to compete with other racialist
appeals—most notably that of Robert Miles’ Mountain Church—
but it was influential on two levels. First, it brought the Aryan
Nations a steady stream of alienated young recruits who had been
recently released from prison. Second, the ministry may have been
of some importance in the formation of a national White prison
gang, the Aryan Brotherhood, which was formed by White prison-
ers as a counterweight to other ethnic prison gangs.
While the prison ministry was the flagship project of the Aryan
Nations’ outreach ministry, the group also published newsletters,
including Calling Our Nation and Aryan Nations. Pastor Butler,
however, was slow to realize the potential of the Internet, and for a
long time had only the most basic web site, through the auspices of
Don Black’s Stormfront site.
The signature activity of Richard Butler and his Aryan Nations
is the annual Aryan Nations Congress, which brings together Iden-
tity Christians, National Socialists, Ku Klux Klansmen, and other
denizens of the disparate tribes of American racialist thought with
a few foreign colleagues, a legion of federal agents and informants,
and, reportedly, enough agents of the Anti-Defamation League and
other Jewish watchdog groups to form an Aryan Nations’ Jewish
caucus. Highlights of these gatherings in the late 1970s and early
1980s were weapons and survivalist workshops and an evening
cross-burning performed by Robert Miles and other well-known
Klan figures, to which all were cordially invited.
However, the adoption by many state legislatures of the
Anti-Defamation League’s “Model Paramilitary Legislation” pre-
cluded the pleasures of weekend warrior training, making such
events less attractive. So too did the suspicion that friendships
formed at the Congress could as easily be with federal or ADL
agents or informants as with fellow racialists—a point that was
driven home by the Randy Weaver tragedy when a “friend” from the
Congress entrapped Weaver into selling him illegal sawed-off
38 RICHARD GIRNT BUTLER

shotguns in an unsuccessful effort to “turn” Weaver into a govern-

ment informant, leading directly to the bloody confrontation at
Ruby Ridge, Idaho. For all these reasons and more, the Aryan
Nations Congress became steadily less attractive until, in recent
years, the event was fortunate to draw as many as 100 people.
To inject new life into the Congress, Richard Butler made the
decision in 1988 to invite National Socialist skinheads to the event.
The youthful skins did inject some needed excitement, but their
predilection for guzzling large quantities of beer appalled the puri-
tanical Identity faction, and their ear-splitting White Noise music
proved less than popular fare with the Aryan Nations regulars. So
negative was the reaction that a young skinhead named John W.
Bangerter was constrained to write a heartfelt two-page article
entitled “Skinheads—Why?” (Aryan Nations #56, 1988), which
attempted to bring about some understanding on the part of older
racialists of the trials and tribulations of urban White youth in mul-
tiracial American cities. Understanding, however, did not make the
mix more comfortable, and as a result in the 1990s Butler elected to
hold a separate but equal get-together for the skins every April
20th in honor of Adoif Hitler’s birthday. Bangerter himself would
later enjoy a moment of national celebrity for his bizarre standoff
against a nonexistent government siege of his home, which caught
the fancy of the national media in 1998.
Despite the avalanche of publicity that Richard Butler courted
and received, by the mid-1980s a number of events contributed to
the decline of both the Aryan Nations and Butler’s standing in the
movement. The most important of these was the formation of the
Order, a violent revolutionary movement led by Robert Mathews.
At the core of the Order were residents of Aryan Nations who
had grown increasingly frustrated with the dissonance between
Butler’s incendiary rhetoric and his ultracautious actions. The
Order’s revolutionary career was brief but spectacular, and with
the discovery that the group not only emerged from the Aryan
Nations compound but had been using the Aryan Nations’ printing
press in an attempt to produce counterfeit currency, Butler, who
knew nothing of any of this, found himself with a lot to answer for.
The answers came in the course of the 1989 sedition trial at Fort
Smith, Arkansas, in which an aged Richard Butler was a star
defendant. The prosecutors were unable to convince the jury to con-
vict Butler and his codefendants. However, Butler received the
message loud and clear, and in the 1990s Aryan Nations gatherings
were notable for their comparatively tame rhetoric; the movement’s
 RICHARD GIRNT BUTLER 39

publications reflected this caution as well. The trial was a close

call—Butler surely believed that he would be found guilty, and with
the verdict’s reprieve, he was not about to press his luck further.
Moreover, when the Order’s fanciful successors, the Order Strike
Force II, emerged from the Aryan Nations’ ranks, Butler lost no
time in disassociating himself from their actions.
By the 1990s, the decline of both the organization and its aging
pastor was irrevocable. A series of high-profile defections hit the
movement hard. Security chief Floyd Cochrane left the movement
and publicly renounced his racist views, and heir apparent Carl
Franklin too departed, forming the New Church of Jesus Christ
Christian of Montana. Ku Klux Klan figure Louis Beam tried to
shore up the group as the Aryan Nations’ Ambassador at Large, but
seemed to have little interest in replacing Butler. Indeed, so low
had Richard Butler’s fortunes sunk that at the 1993 Aryan Nations
Congress, fewer than 100 people made the trek to Hayden Lake.
There appear to be few realistic prospects for the movement to long
survive Butler’s demise.
See also: Aryan Nations; Beam, Louis; Black, Don; Christian Defense
League; Christian Identity; Church of Jesus Christ Christian; Gale, Wiliam
Potter; Hitler, Adolf; Mathews, Robert; Miles, Robert; Order; Swift, Wesley;
Warner, James; Weaver, Randy.

Further reading: James A. Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho

Christian Patriotism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990);
James A. Aho, This Thing of Darkness: A Sociology of the Enemy (Seattle:
University of Washington Press, 1994); Michael Barkun, Religion and the
Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Raphael Ezekial, The Racist
Mind (New York: Viking, 1995); Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent
Brotherhood (New York: Signet, 1990); James Ridgeway, Blood in the Face
(New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1990).
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CALIFORNIA RANGERS The California Rangers was founded in
the early 1960s by William Potter Gale and several associates. In
Gale’s version of events, the Rangers were a civil defense group
formed to protect the California shores from possible communist
invasion. In his memory, the group was duly registered with the
California secretary of state as a civil defense organization. and it
was only the malign machinations of the Anti-Defamation League
that created the entirely misleading public perception that the
Rangers were a paramilitary tax resistance group.
According to a report published in 1965 by Thomas Lynch, Cali-
fornia’s Attorney General, however, the Rangers were portrayed as
a potentially violent “secret guerrilla force” that constituted a
“threat to the peace and security of the state.” Both sides agree that
one Ranger, George King, Jr., was convicted of selling illegal weap-
ons to government undercover agents, but the Rangers had no
other serious legal entanglements.
Whatever the truth of the situation, the California Rangers sim-
ply became too notorious to be useful, and faded away. They were,
however, an important group that mirrored on the state level much
of the activity and ideology of the more ambitious national paramil-
itary group of the day, the Minutemen, led by Robert DePugh.
Because of its localist orientation and the status of William Potter
Gale in the American racialist movement, the Rangers spawned a
number of imitators in the tax protest movement of the 1980s and
provided an important organizational model for the contemporary
Patriot or militia movement.
See also: Gale, William Potter.

Further reading: Cheri Seymour, Committee of the States: Inside the Radical
Right (Mariposa, CA: Camden Place Communications, 1991).

41
42 - WILLIS CARTO

WILLIS CARTO For more than forty years, Willis Carto has had a
remarkable career as a publisher of anti-Semitic and racist litera-
ture, financier to racialist appeals, the founder of the Holocaust
revisionist Institute for Historical Review, and head of the populist
Liberty Lobby, which publishes the right-wing weekly Spotlight.
Moreover, Carto has been remarkably consistent. None of his innu-
merable associations over the years has ended amicably. Rather,
bitter splits and even more bitterly contested lawsuits have long
been the lot of the irascible Carto.
Carto’s first foray into anti-Semitic publishing was with the 1955
appearance of Right, a periodical that reprinted articles from a vari-
ety of sources. Right had little impact on the American right, but not
so Carto’s next project. In 1960, Francis Parker Yockey was arrested
on a technical charge of passport violation. Yockey, under the name
Ulick Varange, had written the massive Imperium—a book that in
movement circles is considered either a brilliant analysis of the mal-
aise of Western civilization (that is, the Jews are the root of all evil)
or the impenetrable ramblings of a madman. Willis Carto was decid-
edly in the former camp.
The first edition of the sprawling work was issued in two
volumes under the imprimatur of something called Westropa
Press. It attracted a small but fanatical following, the most impor-
tant of whom would be the fledgling American publisher Willis
Carto. Carto picked up the rights to Imperium and published a com-
prehensive edition in 1948. When Carto created his Noontide Press
over a decade later, Imperium was one of its featured offerings,
with the first Noontide edition appearing in 1962. By then, how-
ever, Yockey had committed suicide by ingesting a cyanide pill in
his San Francisco jail cell in 1960. Willis Carto was the last man to
see the imprisoned Yockey alive, and there has been a persistent
but probably untrue rumor in movement circles to the effect that
Carto had somehow assisted Yockey in obtaining the poison pill. In
any case, Carto to this day remains enamored of Yockey and his
magnum opus.
The Liberty Lobby remains Willis Carto’s most important flag of
convenience. It was founded in 1957 as an umbrella for Carto’s
diverse publishing and organizational interests. The Liberty Lobby
published a monthly newsletter, the Liberty Letter, and soon diver-
sified with such publications as the Liberty Lowdown (an in-house
organ for Liberty Lobby contributors), Western Destiny, and the
Washington Observer. In 1966 Carto acquired the crown jewel of his
publishing empire, the venerable American Mercury, which was the
most important right-wing publication of its day.
 WILLIS CARTO 43

Like many racialists of the day, Carto joined the George Wallace
presidential campaign in 1968. There, the 42-year-old Carto ran a
student group called Youth for George Wallace. Carto must have
enjoyed the company of young people, for with the defeat of the
Wallace candidacy Carto converted the Youth for George Wallace
organization into the National Youth Alliance (NYA). The National
Youth Alliance is of some importance, for as a national chairman
Carto recruited none other than William Pierce, author of the
Turner Diaries and one of the most important National Socialist
figures in the country.
Pierce, a key figure in George Lincoln Rockwell’s American
Nazi Party, had by 1968 run afoul of Rockwell’s successor, Matt
Koehl. The American Nazi Party had by then become the National
Socialist White People’s Party and was busily engaged in the round
of Koehl-inspired purges and forced resignations that would cripple
the organization in the post-Rockwell era. Pierce was looking
for a port of call, and in turn Carto was looking for a dynamic
young leader for the National Youth Alliance. The match
appeared perfect.
Under the imprimatur of the National Youth Alliance, Pierce
published Attack/, the first issue of which appeared in the fall of
1969. At its inception Attack! was not explicitly National Socialist.
Instead, it featured articles by writers like Revillo P. Oliver, graphic
Israeli atrocity pictures, and critical articles about hippies.
The National Youth Alliance never amounted to much, but unlike
so many later far-right-wing “organizations,” it did have an organi-
zational existence. The NYA elected officers and had several con-
gresses—funded, of course, by Willis Carto. In reality, however, the
National Youth Alliance foundered under the smothering attentions
of the meddlesome Carto. William Pierce’s bitter split with Willis
Carto took place in 1970 or 1971, but not before he had written the
Turner Diaries and published it in installments in Attack!
Despite all, the Liberty Lobby carried on, publishing an array
of literature and holding occasional conventions. 1975 was a partic-
ularly important year for Carto and the Liberty Lobby. In that
year, the Liberty Lobby ceased publication of the long-running
Liberty Letter and premiered the National Spotlight. The National
Spotlight, later renamed simply Spotlight, became the most impor-
tant right-wing newspaper in the country, and even today it
remains on sale in vending machines at major airports through-
out the nation—a remarkable degree of market acceptance for
a racialist publication. Moreover, much of the Spotlight’s material
44 : WILLIS CARTO

is currently available in ZIP-compressed packages on a year-

by-year basis over the Internet.
Throughout the mid-1970s, the Liberty Lobby increased its
influence, culminating in a syndicated radio program, This Is
Liberty Lobby. That was too much for the Anti-Defamation League,
which in 1974 began a concerted campaign to curtail Carto’s activi-
ties. The ADL’s campaign succeeded in getting This Is Liberty
Lobby off the air in most markets, much to Carto’s disgust. Carto’s
subsequent lawsuit failed to reverse the stations’ decision to cancel
the radio show, and This Is Liberty Lobby faded away.
Carto, however, was not about to be beaten so easily, and in
1979 he struck a telling blow in his personal war against the Jews.
In that year, Carto organized and funded the Institute for Histori-
cal Review (IHR), an organization that soon became a global clear-
ing house for Holocaust revisionist studies. The Institute for
Historical Review was organized as a mirror-image of an academic
think tank, with a board of directors, a central institute in Los
Angeles, and, most important, a serious-looking, pseudo-academic
journal, The Journal of Historical Review.
The Institute for Historical Review would have a checkered his-
tory, but by the 1980s the IHR began to take itself seriously as a
research organization until Willis Carto and his outspoken
anti-Semitism became an embarrassment to it. Harsh words and
lawsuits fell like rain until The Journal of Historical Review in its
November/December 1993 issue at last published an official repudi-
ation of their founder:
WILLIS CARTO AND THE IHR

Willis Carto is perhaps best known as the founder and director of

Liberty Lobby, an organization based in Washington, DC that pub-
lishes a weekly tabloid paper, The Spotlight. Carto has also been
affiliated with the Institute for Historical Review since its founding
in 1978. As those who have attended recent IHR conferences know,
the IHR staff acknowledges the many hours of volunteer help that
he and his wife Elisabeth have contributed over the years.
Neither, however, contributed financially to the IHR. Neither
was involved in the IHR’s day to day operations, nor was either ever
a paid employee. Willis Carto did, however, occasionally act as an
“agent” for the Institute and its non-profit corporate parent, the
“Legion for the Survival of Freedom, Inc.”
During the past several months, facts have come to light to per-
suade the IHR senior staff that Carto’s relationship with the IHR
had become a liability. After much careful deliberation, and on
 WILLIS CARTO 45

advice of legal counsel, the Institute resolved to terminate this rela-

tionship. Accordingly, the corporate Board of Directors, meeting on
September 25, voted unanimously to end its relationship with the
Cartos. This decision has the full support of the IHR staff, including
Director Tom Marcellus and editors Mark Weber, Theodore O’Keefe
and Greg Raven.

This nasty public divorce is simply par for the course for most of
Willis Carto’s associations.
As Willis Carto’s relationship with the Institute for Historical
Review was souring, he was already involved with a new endeavor.
In the early 1980s, Carto was the leading force in putting together
the Populist Party to contest the 1984 presidential election. As a
candidate, Carto sought a figure untainted by a public image of
anti-Semitism or racism. In Bob Richards, a former Olympic
pole-vaulting champion, he seemed to have found the ideal candi-
date. The relationship was short even by Carto’s standards, though.
Failing to make a discernible dent in the popular vote, Carto and
Richards ended up in court in a lawsuit following accusations of
campaign funding irregularities emanating from the Federal Elec-
tion Commission.
Never one to be daunted by a fiasco, Carto carried on with
the Populist Party. Its 1988 presidential candidate was Nazi cum
Klansman cum politico David Duke. Polling a pathetic 47,047 votes,
Duke and the Populist Party came to a parting of the ways. And,
unsurprisingly, the Populist Party broke with Willis Carto as well.
Out of the welter of charges and countercharges stemming from
Carto’s latest failed organizational romance came a March 1991
issue of the Populist Observer that devoted five pages to anti-Carto
invective. John George and Laird Wilcox in their book American
Extremists, Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others
reprint a key section of one such article, “Carto’s Endless Feuds.”
The article reads like a virtual Who’s Who of the American right:
Although probably not more than one in a hundred Spotlight read-
ers is even aware of who he is, the shadowy Carto has clashed with
an impressive list of conservatives, nationalists, populists,
racialists, and religious conservatives. Although the following list is
not complete, it gives a good idea of some individuals and organiza-
tions Carto has clashed with or attacked over the years.
Eustace Mullins, Harold Covington, Tom Metzger, George Dietz,
Dr. Revilo Oliver, Dr. Edward Fields, Ben Klassen, David McCalden,
Michael Hoffman, Robert DePugh, Dr. William Pierce, the John
Birch Society, John Reese, William F. Buckley, Robert Bork, Reed
46 ELSE CHRISTENSEN

Irvin, Human Events, Richard Vigurie, Rep. Vin Weber, Rep. Robert
K. Dornana, Rep. Newt Gingrich, Jerry Falwell, Moral Majority, Pat
Robertson, Jim Yarbrough, Bob Richards, Don Kimball, Don
Wassall, Pat Buchannan, and David Duke.

One suspects the erstwhile authors of this impressive but far

from complete name check of Willis Carto’s legion of enemies may
have run out of energy long before they ran out of names. Be this as
it may, Willis Carto, now in his 70s, shows no signs of fatigue in his
often lonely battles against the Jews, racial minorities, and his
erstwhile allies of the racialist right wing.
See also: American Nazi Party; Covington, Harold; Duke, David; Klassen,
Ben; Koehl, Matt; Metzger, Tom; National Socialist White People’s Party;
Pierce, William; Rockwell, George Lincoln; Yockey, Francis Parker.

Further reading: Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood
(New York: Signet, 1990); John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Commu-
nists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books,
1992); Deborah Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust (New York: The Free Press,
1993); Nizkor, Holocaust FAQ: Willis Carto & The Institute for Historical
Review (e-text available from Nizkor web site).

ELSE CHRISTENSEN In late 1970 or early 1971 Else Christensen

founded the Odinist Fellowship in Crystal River, Florida, as the
first organizational expression of racialist Odinism in the United
States. Her discovery of Odinism was somewhat accidental. In the
course of reading such right-wing staples as Francis Parker
Yockey’s Imperium and Oswald Spengler’s Decline of the West,
Else Christensen and her late husband Alex discovered a copy of
Alexander Rud Mills’s book: The Odinist Religion: Overcoming
Jewish Christianity. Mills, an eccentric Australian admirer of
Hitler’s rising National Socialist party in the 1920s-era Weimar
Republic, wrote The Odinist Religion as a religious alternative to
what he saw as the root of the malaise of Western society: the
Jews and Christianity, which emerged from Judaic roots. Mrs.
Christensen recalis:
When confronted with Rud Mills’ ideas and the political atmosphere
of the time, I suppose that I finally realized that the problems were
more of a spiritual nature than political. We chose the Scandinavian
mythology as, at the time, the animosity between Anglo Saxons and
Teutons (aftermath of WWII) was still lingering; Scandinavian was
neutral; a rational choice, not because I’m Danish.
 ELSE CHRISTENSEN 47

Mrs. Christensen is said to remain so enamored with Mills’s

work that she has obtained a complete collection of A. Rud Mills’s
writings and effects.
It was this strain of right-wing thought that inspired the wid-
owed Else Christensen to form the Odinist Fellowship. The publica-
tion in 1971 of the first issue of the Fellowship’s journal, The
Odinist, coincided with the discovery of the Norse pantheon by
other seekers, most notably Steve McNallen, who would at virtu-
ally the same time found the Asatru Free Assembly. The Odinist
Fellowship, however, from its inception would focus to a far greater
degree on politics than any Asatrt organization.
The premier issue of the Odinist Fellowship’s journal, The
Odinist, appeared in August 1971 with the banner headline “New
Values from the Past.” The essay set the tone for the next 20 years
of The Odinist. The central themes focus on the decline of Western
civilization, the erosion of the values and ideals that had existed in
the Golden Age past of the Viking era, the relationship between the
gods and humankind, and a powerful invocation of a religion of
nature. Over the next two decades of publication, The Odinist
would concentrate rather more on politics and philosophy than on
theological speculation.
From its inception, the Odinist Fellowship was seen primarily
as a mail-order church with a national outreach. Nonetheless, a few
believers did visit Else Christensen in Crystal River, and on occa-
sion she traveled throughout the United States and Canada. Here
she played an important role in the lives of many contemporary
Odinists and Asatrters. For example, the current head of the
Asatrti Alliance, Michael Murray, was an early director of the
Odinist Fellowship, but as his spirituality deepened, he went on to
join Steve McNallen in the Asatri Free Assembly. It was Murray
who would be the driving force behind reconstituting the Asatri
Free Assembly as the Asatra Alliance—an organization that flour-
ishes to this day.
More ominously, Else Christensen focused a good deal of the
Odinist Fellowship’s outreach on prisons. Here, she sees her role as
entirely positive, attempting to channel the anger of White prison-
ers into more constructive avenues than violence. Mrs. Christensen
asserts that her constant counsel is for patience:
When letters come in full of anger about obvious discrimination
(and there is a lot!) (funny enough, the Blacks say the same!), I act
as a conductor. I do not deny the problems, that would be stupid, but
in some prisons I have suggested that our men get together with the
48 CHRISTIAN DEFENSE LEAGUE

Muslims to keep order on the compound and/or to negotiate with

the administration; a few times it has worked.
I try to get them to use logic and understand that working
together is a lot more productive than fighting...

It is important to note, however, that Odinism for Mrs.

Christensen is a warrior religion, and she thus holds in contempt the
Christian concept of turning the other cheek. Nonetheless, extreme
anti-Semitism or derogatory language “alienates those who might
otherwise work with us, and...will put even more people into the jails
and prisons.”
It was ultimately the prison outreach that brought an end to the
long-running saga that was the Odinist Fellowship. In 1993 the
octogenarian Else Christensen was arrested and sent to prison
after being caught in a car filled with marijuana. The car belonged
to one of her less successfully rehabilitated alumni of the prison
system. In the end, her refusal to testify was the cause of her incar-
ceration, and by 1997 deportation proceedings were reportedly
under way as well. Soon after her imprisonment, she gave the
Odinist Fellowship’s mailing list to Steve McNallen as the basis for
his present organization, the Asatri Folk Assembly.
See also: Hitler, Adolf; Odinism; Religion of Nature.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian

Movements from the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY:
Syracuse University Press, 1997); A. Rud Mills, The Odinist Religion: Over-
coming Jewish Christianity (Melbourne, Australia: self-published, c. 1930);
The Odinist.

CHRISTIAN DEFENSE LEAGUE The Christian Defense League

(CDL) was created in 1964 as one of many organizational initiatives
credited to the Christian Identity patriarch Wesley Swift. While
the idea for the CDL probably originated with a Swift associate,
San Jacinto Capt, it was Swift who soon took the initiative in bring-
ing together the core figures to make the dream a reality. Swift
selected a young California engineer, the then-unknown Richard G.
Butler, who would go on to fame if not fortune as the head of the
Aryan Nations, as its National Director. From 1964 to 197 3, the
CDL was very much a Christian Identity vehicle, led by Butler with
a core group consisting of such Identity stalwarts as William Potter
Gale and Bertrand Comperet.
 CHRISTIAN DEFENSE LEAGUE 49

Under Butler, the Christian Defense League was envisioned as

an activist organization. Its early public activities included oppos-
ing integration, fighting any initiatives emanating from the orga-
nized Jewish community, or simply trying to awaken White
Americans to the perceived Jewish control of the nation, which by
the early 1960s had become a Christian Identity dogma. An infor-
mational CDL pamphlet titled “Why What Who Where When?”
stated this focus clearly:
If you join the Christian Defense League, you must be prepared
to do something. You may be asked to distribute pamphlets in the
streets, to picket, to speak to a group, to manage a meeting, to talk
to your neighbors about the CDL. You surely will be asked to sacri-
fice financially.

According to such sources as the Anti-Defamation League and

the author of Power on the Right, William Turner, the Christian
Defense League in these years also had a paramilitary function.
While many of the exploits attributed to the CDL by these
sources—dark tales of stolen explosives and a plot to assassinate
Martin Luther King, Jr.—sound more than a bit fanciful and in any
case are impossible to confirm, it is not unlikely that, given the pres-
ence of William Potter Gale on the scene, some CDL involvement in
one of Gale’s various paramilitary endeavors did take place.
With Butler’s 1973 departure for Idaho, the Christian Defense
League passed to James K. Warner. Warner, a native of Wilkes-
Barre, Pennsylvania, was a longtime National Socialist figure and
a veteran of George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party. Hav-
ing broken with Rockwell’s successor, Matt Koehl of the National
Socialist White People’s Party, Warner began an ideological drift
that saw him take up Christian Identity and later Odinism.
Warner, however, was a less charismatic figure than Butler and a
figure viewed with considerable suspicion among many in the
racialist right.
Under Warner, the Christian Defense League was moved to his
new home base in Baton Rouge (and later Metterie), Louisiana,
where it was ultimately merged with his New Christian Crusade
Church and mail-order book business. Warner continued to pub-
lish the CDL Report, which over time came to be virtually indistin-
guishable from his own Christian Vanguard, organ of the New
Christian Crusade Church. In practice, the Christian Defense
League became simply another of the radical right’s many mail-
order organizations.
50 _ CHRISTIAN IDENTITY

A sharp controversy erupted in 1979 between the Christian

Defense League and John Harrell and Jack Mohr, two more-
moderate Identity figures who had founded an organization that
they dubbed the Christian Patriot’s Defense League. In a sharp
series of letters, Harrell responded to accusations of stealing the
CDL’s name with unconvincing denials of ever having heard of the
Christian Defense League. Pointing to invitations to the Christian
Patriot’s Defense League’s annual Flora, Illinois, gathering, which
both Warner and Butler accepted, Harrell noted that neither raised
the issue in person.
In the end, both sides agreed to disagree, and both confusingly
named organizations were forced to live in uneasy proximity. By
the 1990s, neither group appeared to be more than a mail-order
franchise for their aging leaders.
See also: American Nazi Party; Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian
Identity; Gale, William Potter; Koehl, Matt; Mohr, Jack; National Socialist
White People’s Party; Odinism; Rockwell, George Lincoln; Swift, Wesley;
Warner, James.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Kevin Flynn and Gary
Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New York: Signet, 1990); Cheri Seymour,
Committee of the States: Inside the Radical Right (Mariposa, CA: Camden
Place Communications, 1991); William W. Turner, Power on the Right
(Berkeley, CA: Ramparts Press, 1971).

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY A contemporary religious movement,

Christian Identity is centered in North America but has scattered
adherents in Europe, southern Africa, and Oceania. It was named for
its identification of the Anglo-Saxon, Germanic, Scandinavian, and
other European peoples with the ten tribes of Israel who did not
return to the Holy Land from the Assyrian Captivity of 740-721 B.C.
Modern Christian Identity evolved from the nineteenth century
doctrine of British Israelism. The ideological transformations that
would arise from this heretofore philo-Semitic (that is, favorable to
the Jews) theology into the racist and anti-Semitic doctrines of
Christian Identity took place in the interwar years of the twentieth
century, primarily in the western United States and Canada, when
many Americans were alarmed by profound changes in American
social mores, perceived international entanglements, economic dis-
ruption, and a massive wave of immigration, particularly of eastern
European Jews.
 CHRISTIAN IDENTITY 51

While it is impossible to locate the precise moment at which mod-

ern Identity Christianity was born, several key events are particu-
larly notable. A 1930 Bible conference brought together a number of
leading American British Israelites, including Howard Rand, the
head of the Anglo-Saxon Federation of America, and William J.
Cameron, the spokesman for Henry Ford, Sr., and the driving force
behind the publication of the Dearborn Independent newspaper’s
anti-Semitic series of articles (1923-1925), which is today available
as the four-volume set of books collectively known as The Interna-
tional Jew. The Independent’s series Americanized the motifs of the
most prominent anti-Semitic tract of the day, the spurious European
forgery called the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion. The Proto-
cols and the International Jew series won widespread support in
American British—Israel circles, convincing Rand and his more mod-
erate followers of the truth of a Jewish conspiracy theory of history.
This conspiritorialism mixed easily with more militant British Isra-
elites such as Reuben H. Sawyer, who in the 1920s was the first to
combine leadership in the Ku Klux Klan with the newly emergent
doctrines of Christian Identity.
This mixture of British—Israel theology, anti-Semitism, and rac-
ism was further systematized at a series of prophesy conferences
involving adherents from the United States and Canada that began
in 1937 and was attended by such notable figures as Rand and
Sawyer. By the end of World War II, however, the development of ©
Christian Identity doctrine shifted to California, with the coterie
surrounding Gerald L. K. Smith as the key figures.
No systematic dogma is universally accepted among contempo-
rary Identity Christians, though there are some constants. The most
important of these is the “two-seeds doctrine,” which is the corner-
stone of Identity theology. Identity has evolved several versions of a
“two-seeds doctrine” in its approach to the centrality of the Jews. The
two seeds refer to the belief that the Jews are the product of a liter-
ally satanic line of descent whose origins are posited as springing
from the unholy sexual union of Satan (in the form of the serpent)
with Eve in the Garden of Eden. Cain, the demonic issue of this mat-
ing, is thus believed to be the progenitor of the Jews.
In this view, the Bible is held to be the history of only one people,
the descendants of the race of Adam, the true Israelites who are in
reality the White race. The Jews, in this view, are not truly Israel-
ites; rather, they are the Synagogue of Satan (Rev. 2:9 and 3:9), who
are believed to have dispossessed the true Israelites from their
identity as God’s covenant people. Other races are identified with
52 CHRISTIAN IDENTITY

the “beasts of the field” (Gen. 2:19-2:20), who took human form as a
result of illicit matings with the Jews. In a later elaboration of the
two-seeds theory, some Jews are held to be the descendants of the
conversion of the barbaric Khazar tribe to Judaism, a scenario
drawn from Arthur Koestler’s book The Thirteenth Tribe.
Overlaying the scripturalism of modern Christian Identity are
other identifiable strands of belief. From British Israelism comes a
marked strain of occultism, including pyramidology and homeopa-
thy. Also found in modern Christian Identity are elements of
Mormonism and fundamentalist Protestantism, shorn of its opti-
mistic doctrine of rapture in which, during the worst times of the
apocalypse, the faithful would be lifted into the air to wait at Jesus’
side the moment of His return and judgment. The loss of faith in
rapture explains the marked affinity of Identity Christians for stor-
ing private arsenals of weapons and stocks of food for use in the
years of universal, apocalyptic chaos.
In the decades of the 1940s and 1950s, several key Identity
figures gathered around the movement of the xenophobic orator
Gerald L. K. Smith, learning in the process the techniques of orga-
nizing and managing a mass movement of national scope. These
individuals, including Wesley Swift, William Potter Gale, and
Kenneth Goff, emerged from Smith’s movement with a confirmed
sense of militancy. They would act as teachers for a new generation
of Identity ministers, ordaining men such as Dan Gayman, Richard
Butler, and Thom Robb. This generation of leaders would serve to
illustrate the compatibility of Identity theology with other belief
systems, including the Ku Klux Klan (Swift and Robb), National
Socialism (Butler), the antitax Posse Comitatus (Gale), and a num-
ber of other right-wing movements. Today, Identity has a presence
in these and other right-wing ideologies such as National Socialism
and the skinhead movement, to name but a few.
The Christian Identity movement of the 1960s and 1970s is based
on a post—Gerald L. K. Smith model. Ministries often locate their
churches in isolated rural locations and form small congregations.
These churches tend to be concentrated in the Pacific and mountain
west and, increasingly, in the northeastern United States. From
these local bases, leading Identity ministers rely on mailing lists to
disseminate their teachings via publications, cassette recordings,
and, increasingly, on the Internet. Radio time has been difficult to
obtain, but Pete Peters in Colorado, among others, has managed to
buy radio time, while Dave Barley from Idaho pioneered the use of
satellite television. Shortwave radio is becoming an increasingly
attractive medium for Identity ministries as well.
 CHRISTIAN IDENTITY 53

Christian Identity today is a deeply divided movement with no

center of orthodoxy and a number of competitive ministries riven by
disputes over doctrine and interpretation as well as by their suscep-
tibility to violent discourse. Like those in earlier oppositional or
millennial religious movements, Identity Christians are currently
faced with two choices: either withdraw from society (primarily
through individual survivalism or retreat into isolated rural com-
pounds) or engage selectively with the dominant culture. While the
vast majority of the faithful have opted for the latter, a further
choice must be made. That is, either heed the counsel of the radical
fringe of the movement and adopt a theology of violence, or submit
to government authority and maintain their chosen way of life with
as much autonomy as is feasible for an unpopular minority religion
in the United States. This dichotomy of active/revolutionary vs.
withdrawal/submission to authority constitutes the primary cleav-
age among Identity Christians today. However, the actions of most
Identity Christians have changed little from the peaceful mission-
ary imperative formulated by the late Howard Rand, who sought to
awaken the Anglo-Saxon and kindred peoples to their true identity
as Israelites and thus as heirs to the covenant. Success in this
endeavor would, in the Identity view, constitute nothing less than
universal redemption—a peaceful revolution that would change
every aspect of the life of this world.
See also: Aryan Nations; Barley, Dave; Butler, Richard; Church of Israel;
Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord; Gale, William Potter; Gayman, Dan;
Goff, Kenneth; Peters, Pete; Robb, Thom; Smith, Gerald L. K.; Swift, Wesley.

Further reading: James Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Christian

Patriotism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990); Michael
Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity
Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Howard
Rand, “The Servant People: A Brochure on Anglo-Saxon Identity and
Responsibility,” undated pamphlet distributed by Destiny Publishers.

Christian Patriots Defense League See Christian Defense League;

Ellison, James; Mohr, Jack.
54 CHURCH OF THE CREATOR

CHURCH OF THE CREATOR The Church of the Creator (COTC)

is a church with roots in the early 1970s, though by its own official
history it was founded in North Carolina in March 1982 by its
self-proclaimed Pontifex Maximus, the late Ben Klassen. The
Church of the Creator propounded an extreme antitheology that
combined a violent abhorrence of Jews and non-White races with a
complete rejection of Christianity as being a conscious Jewish plot
to subjugate the White race. In place of Christianity, Klassen
offered a religion that replaced worship.of God with the veneration
of the White race itself. The essence of Creativity as propounded in
its creedal statement, the Sixteen Commandments of Creativity, is
a blend of secularized Christianity, health faddism, conspiri-
torialism,and histrionic racism. (The Sixteen Commandments
are reproduced in the “Resources” section of this volume.) Klassen
was a prolific writer, producing lengthy albeit repetitive texts that
were disseminated—often free of charge—to the small band of
the faithful.
Klassen’s dream for his church is encapsulated in the title of one
of these tomes, RaHoWa, The Planet Is Ours, which is an acronym
for Racial Holy War and spells out the Pontifex Maximus vision of,
in COTC terms, “a whiter, brighter world.” Following a period of
instability in which an aging Klassen cast about for a successor, the
Church was shattered following Klassen’s 1993 suicide and for a
time existed as a scattered group of would-be leaders lacking a sig-
nificant following. In 1995, the church began to reunite under the
leadership of Matt Hale in Wisconsin, and today as the World
Church of the Creator it is showing signs of vibrancy that were
sorely lacking in Klassen’s final years.
The COTC’s organizational problems were obvious from the
movement’s inception. While Klassen was willing to dedicate a good
deal of his personal fortune to building a global organization, he
realized that no one person could hope to both underwrite and orga-
nize a religion (or antireligion) on the scale at which he intended to
operate. Therefore, much of his energy was diverted from the
COTC’s earliest days to searching for both “a financial angel” to
help bear the costs of running the organization and printing its
voluminous literary output and a young man capable of handling
the administrative details of the organization while possessing the
patience to work closely with the irascible Klassen.
Both efforts were ill-starred. Only one potential “financial
angel” was identified—a middle-aged gentleman from New Orleans
for whom the COTC sought desperately to obtain a Swedish wife.
 CHURCH OF THE CREATOR bo

No willing women were found, and the recruiting effort foundered

as the individual in question soon fell out with Klassen, who
dedicated a chapter in his final autobiographical work, Trials,
Tribulations and Triumphs, to castigating the “perfidy” of the
lonely bachelor from the South.
The search for office help fared no better. A succession of
eager—and often dissolute—young men tried, with varying degrees
of success, to impose order on the chaotic Church of the Creator. All
would fail in the end, and in the process manage to antagonize both
Klassen and the widely scattered COTC “reverends.” These inter-
nal problems prevented the COTC from taking on more than a rudi-
mentary organizational structure.
This diffuse organizational structure, combined with COTC’s
histrionic racialist appeal, brought the COTC a scattered group
of adherents worldwide, which at its height (according to Gordon
Melton) probably numbered no more than 3,000, of whom about 100
were “ordained ministers.” Throughout the COTC’s more than 20
years of tumultuous existence, Creators have been implicated in a
number of acts of racially motivated violence. This violence is at
once encouraged by the tone of COTC literature and overtly dis-
couraged by the cautious Klassen’s practice of framing the most vio-
lently racialist prose with disavowals of any intent to foment
violent behavior among his church’s “ministers.”
Theologically, the COTC accepts the nearly universal percep- —
tion that Christianity is built on the foundation of Judaism, and
that Jesus himself was a Jew. Thus, Christianity itself is Jewish
and therefore anathema—as is the society that would embrace such
a Jewish religion (styled JOG, or Jewish Occupation Government).
Following this line of reasoning, the Pontifex Maximus deduced
that as Christianity is built on a lie, so then must all religions be
false. Moreover, as the Jews are the font of all the lies of this world,
it therefore stands to reason that all religions are Jewish creations
constructed to enslave the world.
Having rejected the existence of God or any other supernatural
being, the COTC has erected in His place a program that is primar-
ily negative. Thus, COTC publications attack every belief system
from Mormonism to Odinism, but it is Christianity that comes in
for particular vilification:
Where did the idea of Christianity come from?...[from] the Jews,
who were scattered throughout the Roman Empire, [who] have
been Master Mind-manipulators of other peoples from the earli-
est beginnings of their history. They have always been at war
56 CHURCH OF THE CREATOR

with the host peoples they have infested like a parasite.... They had
tried military opposition and failed miserably, being no match for
the superlative Romans. They looked for an alternative—
mind-manipulation through religion—and they found the
right creed in a relatively unimportant religious sect called the
Essenes....
So let us proceed further...exposing the ridiculous Jewish story
known as Christianity, which I prefer to call the “spooks in the sky”
swindle, the greatest swindle in history. -

With so much time devoted to attacking other religious faiths,

little wonder that Creativity provides little by way of a creed of its
own. What passes for a COTC creedal statement is contained in the
Sixteen Commandments of Creativity and a number of “credos”
that do little more than recycle the aphorisms abounding in
Klassen’s writings.
Ben Klassen’s suicide in 1993 capped a chaotic period in the
existence of Creativity. Formed as either the fruition of a burst of
religious illumination or a tax dodge, the Church of the Creator by
then had come to appeal to an audience increasingly composed of
skinheads and prisoners. The COTC had by the late 1980s enjoyed
considerable growth while in the process gathering more than its
share of enemies in the competing camps of the radical right. By
1992, however, the COTC had begun to falter. Klassen’s advanced
age and failing health—and at the end perhaps the death of his wife
of many years—necessitated a search for a new Pontifex Maximus.
In rapid succession, Klassen named as his successors Rudy Stanko,
Charles Altvatar, Mark Wilson, and Dr. Rick McCarthy. Attacks on
Klassen mounted, usually in the stereotypical form of far-right
invective: with accusations that Klassen was a homosexual and a
Jew. Finally, on August 6, 1993, Klassen took a number of boxes of
documents to a local recycling center, returned to his home, and
ingested the contents of four bottles of sleeping pills. He reportedly
left behind a suicide note that referred to a passage in The White
Man’s Bible that asserted suicide was an honorable way to end a life
no longer worth living.
Creators were officially notified of Klassen’s demise through a
letter dated August 12, 1998, from the COTC’s successor of the
moment, Dr. Rick McCarthy. That letter said, in brief:
In the early hours of Sunday, August the 8th our beloved founder
and friend Mr. Ben Klassen passed away. I learned of this from
Klassen’s daughter Monday morning. She told me his last thoughts
 CHURCH OF ISRAEL 57

were about you. How important and significant each one of you are
in the survival of our race and religion. The faith he has in each of
you to continue with the courage you have always shown. To make a
stand and not to back down. To take up the banner of the COTC and
to carry it to victory...

In his last book, Trials, Tribulations and Triumphs, Klassen

wrote: “At 75, this is undoubtedly the last book I will write. I have
dedicated the last twenty years of my life and all my worldly
resources to try and awaken the White Race to its impending peril,
and I have done all I can. Now the younger generation must pick up
the torch and fight the battle.”
See also: Hawthorne, George Eric; Klassen, Ben; Kreativistens Kyrka;
Stanko, Rudy.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse,

NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard
Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ:
Rutgers University Press, 1998); Ben Klassen, The White Man’s Bible (Otto,
NC: COTC, 1981); Ben Klassen, RaHoWa! The Planet Is Ours (Otto, NC:
COTC, 1989); Ben Klassen, Trials, Tribulations and Triumphs (East Peoria,
IL: COTC, 1993).

CHURCH OF ISRAEL The Church of Israel (COD) is the ecclesiasti-

cal organization presided over by Dan Gayman in Schell City,
Missouri. The COI was for many years a primary source of Chris-
tian Identity theology in America. Since the mid-1990s, however,
the Church has shunned the Identity label, believing it to be
tainted by the violent activities of some Identity adherents and the
antigovernment rhetoric of many Identity pastors.
The Church of Israel emerged from the Gayman family church,
which was affiliated with the Church of Christ (Temple Lot), a dis-
sident Mormon sect. The impact of Dan Gayman’s increasing inter-
est in racialist Identity theology and his crusading zeal had by 1972
split the Church, creating a divisive lawsuit pitting Dan Gayman
and his faction against a faction championed by his brother Duane.
The resulting court case cost Dan Gayman all but 20 acres of the
Church’s property.
From its inception, the COI’s distinctive brand of Identity theol-
ogy centered on an apocalyptic analysis of American society—a view
that defines the Church of Israel to this day. This view is clear from
58 CHURCH OF ISRAEL

the March 5, 1972, resolution through which Dan Gayman sought to

effect the takeover of the Church. This resolution vowed to:
1. prepare a people for the return of Jesus Christ to earth;
2. establish [the Church] as a place of retreat for God’s people;
3. establish a storehouse of the Lord as the economic order of God
in these latter days; and
4, bring...Adam’s race under the influence of the Gospel of the
Kingdom of Jesus Christ...under the administration of...the
Gospel as contained in the Articles of Faith and Practice.

The Church of Israel has been divided into 12 dioceses, each

named for one of the tribes of Israel. Pastor Gayman heads the
Diocese of Manasseh, named for the son of Joseph and covering the
United States. How many of these dioceses are operational is
unclear, though there is evidence of COI activity in Great Britain
and South Africa. The congregation of the Church of Israel is at pres-
ent about 100 individuals residing in the vicinity of Schell City, with
an international mailing list of subscribers to the Watchman and a
large cassette tape ministry that the church opened in 1977. The COI
operated a Christian Day School in the late 1970s, but recent move-
ment literature has stressed home schooling (as well as home
birthing) and the operation of home churches presided over by the
family patriarch where an Israelite congregation is unavailable.
By 1987, in the wake of the order’s violent activities and with
indictments in the Fort Smith, Arkansas, sedition trial on the
horizon, Dan Gayman began to seriously reconsider the militant
direction of the Church of Israel’s stridently racialist and anti-
Semitic stance. The Church of Israel passed a resolution on Janu-
ary 15 of that year:
The CHURCH OF ISRAEL, realizing that the religious and political
right in America is charged with many diverse ideologies, feels an
urgent need to point those who desire to be Christians toward a
Christ-centered walk in this evil world.
In order that all may clearly understand the position of the
CHURCH OF ISRAEL in the midst of this unsettled time in history, be it
hereby known that the CHURCH OF ISRAEL has no mission apart from
the above stated commitment, and the Board of Trustees, the Pastor,
and the congregation of the same in America and throughout the
world do not offer this Church as a sanctuary, cover, or “safe house”
for any person or persons, organizations or groups, that teach civil
disobedience, violence, militant armed might, gun-running, para-
military training, hatred of blacks, reprisals against the Jews, posse
 CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST CHRISTIAN 59

comitatus, dualist, odinist, Ku Klux Klan, Neo-Nazi, national social-

ism, Hitler cult, stealing, welfare fraud, murder, war against the gov-
ernment of the United States, polygamy, driving unlicensed vehicles,
hunting game without proper licenses, etc.

The capture of the Order and the resultant 1989 Fort Smith
sedition trial had a devastating impact on Dan Gayman and the
Church of Israel. Forced by the FBI to return some $10,000, which
had apparently been given to him by the Order, and to testify as a
prosecution witness at Fort Smith, Gayman suffered irreparable
harm to his reputation in the radical right and among the increas-
ingly militant Identity faithful. These events served to expedite the
already ongoing process of alienation that by the 1990s saw
Gayman and the Church of Israel publicly disassociate themselves
from the Christian Identity world.
Today, the COI’s theology is most noted for its withdrawal, to
the greatest extent possible, from a society and culture that they
see as facing Divine chastisement, urging self-sufficiency, and, in
accordance with the Bible’s Romans 18, obedience to duly consti-
tuted secular authority. In recent years as well, COI literature has
avoided any overtly racialist or anti-Semitic material.
See also: Christian Identity; Gayman, Dan; Hitler, Adolf; Order.

Further reading: Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood
(New York: Signet, 1990); Dan Gayman, “The Bible and Civil Disobedience” °
(Schell City, MO: COI, 1989); Dan Gayman, “Apocalyptic Millenarianism”
(Schell City, MO: COI, 1991); Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Context of American
Millenarian Revolutionary Theology: The Case of the ‘Identity Christian’
Church of Israel,” Journal of Terrorism and Political Violence 5:1 (spring
1993); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements
from the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse Univer-
sity Press, 1997); J. Gordon Melton, American Religious Creeds, vol. II (New
York: Triumph Books, 1991); Zions Watchman.

CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST CHRISTIAN The Church of Jesus

Christ Christian was founded by Wesley Swift as a Christian Iden-
tity ministry in Lancaster, California, in 1948 under its original
name, the Anglo-Saxon Christian Congregation. The 1940s was a
period in which Identity Christianity was becoming distinct from
its origins in British Israelism, primarily over the issues of racism
and anti-Semitism rather than of theology. Wesley Swift was the
seminal figure in this transformation.
60 FRANK COLLIN

The Church soon attracted a small but loyal following, among

whom were the core leaders of the next generation of Identity
Christianity. These men included Bertrand Comperet, William
Potter Gale, and, of greatest importance, Richard Butler. When
Swift died in 1970, the first of anumber of struggles took place over
his mantle of preeminence in the Identity world, pitting Butler
against Gale. Despite the opposition of Swift’s widow and the origi-
nal board of directors of the Church, Butler gained the upper hand,
finding himself in control of two of Swift’s projects, the Christian
Defense League and the Church of Jesus Christ Christian. Butler
left California for Kootenai County, Idaho, in 1973.
Today, the Church of Jesus Christ Christian remains the official
title of Richard Butler’s ministry, though it is better known as the
Aryan Nations. The official postal address for the group therefore
reads “Church of Jesus Christ Christian, Aryan Nations.”
See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian Defense League; Chris-
tian Identity; Gale, William Potter; Swift, Wesley.

Further reading: James A. Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Chris-

tian Patriotism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990); Michael
Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity
Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).

Floyd Cochrane See Aryan Nations.

FRANK COLLIN One of the stranger, and sadder, life stories of the
American National Socialist movement is that of Frank Collin. In
the late 1960s, Collin was a promising member of the National
Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP). He rose to become mid-
west coordinator and had responsibility for the key headquarters,
in Chicago. As with so many promising adherents, it wasn’t long
before he ran afoul of NSWPP leader Matt Koehl, who arranged for
his dismissal in 1970. With that, a lifelong enmity was born, and
Collin moved on to found the National Socialist Party of America
(NSPA), whose chief appeal was to other disillusioned former
NSWPP members.
The National Socialist Party of America was an immediate
success—inasmuch as success is a relative concept in the National
Socialist world. It quickly attracted a capable core leadership in
 FRANK COLLIN 61

Michael Allen and Gary Lauck, and soon Harold Covington brought
his considerable writing talents and his not inconsiderable inheri-
tance to the leadership as well. With Covington’s funds, the group
purchased a building in Chicago, which they dubbed Rockwell Hall,
after the late Commander, George Lincoln Rockwell. They set to
refurbishing Rockwell Hall, to serve as both headquarters and bar-
racks for the group. In the end, it became a fatal source of embar-
rassment as well.
Collin ran for the powerful post of city alderman in Chicago in
1975 and actually garnered 16 percent of the vote, though how
many of the voters knew that Collin was a Nazi is hard to gauge.
The high point of the National Socialist Party of America’s activ-
ism, however, came when Collin announced a uniformed march
through the streets of the heavily Jewish Chicago suburb of Skokie,
Illinois, in 1977. This brought an avalanche of publicity to the tiny
party and to its leader, as the city fathers of Skokie attempted to
prevent the march. To Collin’s delight, civil libertarians jumped to
his defense, and with backing from the American Civil Liberties
Union, a Jewish lawyer named David Goldberger took the case on
the NSPA’s behalf.
Collin, always one to hedge his bets, had in the meantime
announced a rally in Chicago itself. The event would have been
nearly a decade after George Lincoln Rockwell’s march through the
Chicago suburb of Riverside in protest against Martin Luther King,
Jr.’s civil rights activities and another Rockwell event that ended
up in a riot in Chicago’s Marquette Park. The Chicago Park District
was in no mood to risk a replay of these events, and it was only after
Collin was refused permission to march in Chicago that he took up
the Skokie case seriously. In the event, Collin and the National
Socialist Party of America won their case, and the march through
Skokie was held on July 9, 1978. Collin and 25 uniformed followers
marched through a gauntlet of thousands of jeering spectators and
into National Socialist legend.
In the zero-sum world of American National Socialism, no good
turn goes unpunished. In that same year of 1978, Matt Koehl and
the National Socialist White People’s Party opened a full-scale
attack on Collin in the pages of their newspaper, White Power.
There had been in the movement long-standing rumors that Collin
was in fact of Jewish blood. The charge had some credibility despite
the stereotypical use of the term “Jew” to smear opponents in inter-
nal movement discourse. Indeed, the movement well remembered
the scandal when another former American Nazi Party stalwart,
62 _ FRANK COLLIN

Dan Burros, was shown to be a Jew. Koehl went one better, how-
ever, offering a $10,000 reward to anyone who could disprove the
charge about Collin. Proving a negative being impossible by defini-
tion, no one claimed the reward, but the charge was not found terri-
bly credible either, until White Power published what it claimed
were the naturalization records of Frank Collin’s father, Max. Max
Cohen, that is. The photostats certainly looked real enough, despite
the cries from Collin, Covington, and Allen of forgery and fraud.
Collin and the National Socialist Party of America were left reeling
by the onslaught from Koehl and company in the National Socialist
White People’s Party’s redoubt in Arlington, Virginia. But worse
was yet to come.
Through a combination of circumstances that are still far from
clear, the NSPA leadership discovered in Collin’s living quarters an
archive of photographs of nude and seminude young boys, some-
times posed in uniforms or with weapons, which commemorated
Frank Collin’s frequent forays into the world of homosexual
pedophilia. It seems the half-Jewish leader of the National Socialist
Party of America had for several years been luring young boys into
party headquarters for these photographic sessions, and, as it
turned out, for sexual activities as well. It was too much for one and
all, and a plot code-named “Operation Bobby Brown” was hatched
to get rid of Collin. The police were duly summoned, and Collin was
ultimately convicted and sentenced to a seven-year prison term.
Harold Covington, from the remove of two decades, is still dubi-
ous of the charge that Collin is a Jew:
As odd as it may seem despite what it eventually turned out that he
WAS, there was never any documented proof that Frank Collin was a
Jew. [Chicago newspaper columnist] Mike Royko never actually
produced any proof and simply repeated the allegation parrotwise
from time to time; there were in fact some serious discrepancies in
Royko’s accounts over the years regarding when Max Collin came to
this country, whether or not he was a so-called “concentration camp
survivor”, etc. The “immigration papers” alleged to be those of
Collin’s father published by the Arlington group were a clumsy forg-
ery, and were created by a man named John Logan who was later
expelled by Cedric Syrdahl when he was revealed to be a homosex-
ual himself. (No, that is not me being “obsessed” with homos in the
Movement, it is simply the truth. One reason I am “obsessed”, if you
want to call it that, is because we have attracted so many god-
damned fruits in the past.)
 COMMITTEE OF THE STATES 63

I am one of the few people in the Movement who actually had

occasion to meet Max Collin, and he did not strike me as particularly
Jewish. I am well aware that this “Collin was a Jew” thing has
assumed the status of a holy and sacred doctrine among the Move-
ment and the Antifa [anti-fascist] industry alike, and like all reli-
gious doctrines it is based on faith and [it’s] pointless for me to
dispute it, but like so much you people believe about us, it seems to be
one of your own hoaxes which has been enshrined as fact through
constant monotonous repetition and assumed a life of its own. Collin
was unfortunate in his physiognomy—he actually did NOT have the
classically Jewish features, he was just a damned ugly little cuss
with a big nose. All of the preceding is moot, of course, in view of his
habit of buggering little boys.

The National Socialist Party of America:did not long survive the

leadership change, however. Harold Covington took over and
moved the party to North Carolina, but without Lauck and Allen,
both of whom had leadership aspirations of their own. Under
Covington’s command, the NSPA soon dissolved.
See also: American Nazi Party; Burros, Dan; Covington, Harold; Gale,
William Potter; Koehl, Matt; Lauck, Gary; National Socialist White People’s
Party; Rockwell, George Lincoln.

Further reading: Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others

on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992).

Combat 18 See Covington, Harold; Hawthorne, George Eric; and

White Power Music.

COMMITTEE OF THE STATES The Committee of the States was

founded in California in 1984 by William Potter Gale and a
lesser-known group of associates. The Committee was one of
the most audacious (or foolhardy, depending on one’s point of view)
radical-right-wing initiatives of the 1980s. Harking back to a
preconstitutional document called the Articles of Confederation, the
Committee of the States announced its purpose as unseating the
U.S. Congress and assuming power in its stead. Toward this end,
letters were duly dispatched to every American congressperson and
senator, as well as several federal judges, advising them to resign or
64 RICK COOPER

face indictment by popular grand juries and risk a possible death

sentence for treason. The recipients of the letters were not amused,
interpreting (correctly) the letters as terrorist threats and triggering
a wide-ranging crackdown code-named Operation Clean Sweep.
Operation Clean Sweep targeted not only the Committee of the
States, but*the radical right as a whole. The operation was spear-
headed by the Internal Revenue Service with the help of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and
Firearms. The leadership of the Committee of the States was
indicted, tried in Las Vegas, and convicted on a variety of charges,
including making terrorist threats against the lives of IRS agents
and a judge, as well as violation of the tax laws. William Potter
Gale’s death in 1988 spared him the prison sentences meted out to
his associates.
Ideologically, the Committee of the States brought together a
number of the strands of the 1980s vintage far-right-wing while
providing a bridge to the activism of the 1990s. From another Gale
vehicle, the Posse Comitatus, the Committee adopted a radical
localism that saw the county sheriff as being the highest legitimate
government authority, as well as a view of states’ rights that would
virtually eliminate the need for the federal government to carry out
any functions beyond national defense. From the tax protest move-
ment’s most extreme reaches in such organized armed guerrilla
forces as the California Rangers (yet another Gale initiative), there
came an aggressive rejection of the legitimacy of the IRS, the Fed-
eral Reserve Bank, and indeed the U.S. monetary system as a
whole. In all of this, as well as in its veneration of the instruments
of governance such as the U.S. Constitution and the aforemen-
tioned Articles of Confederation, the Committee of the States may
be seen as a precursor to the most extreme sectors of the contempo-
rary Patriot or militia movement.
See also: California Rangers; Gale, William Potter.

Further reading: Cheri Seymour, Committee of the States: Inside the Radical
Right (Mariposa, CA: Camden Place Communications, 1991).

RICK COOPER A career National Socialist, Rick Cooper’s NS

activities date back to 1970 when he set up a White Power tele-
phone message service in Fresno, California. He joined the
National Socialist White People’s Party when the NSWPP leader,
Matt Koehl, personally offered him membership in 1975 in Tracy,
 RICK COOPER 65

California. Cooper remained with the party’s fractious West Coast

branch until 1978, when he became the National Socialist White
People’s Party’s business manager at its national headquarters in
Arlington, Virginia.
Like virtually all NSWPP officers, he eventually ran afoul of
Koehl and was transferred to Chicago in 1980. The immediate issue
between Koehl and Cooper involved the former’s sale of “victory
certificates”’—essentially National Socialist savings bonds, which
would be redeemed following the institution of a National Socialist
government in the United States. As relations with Koehl worsened,
Cooper filed a lawsuit to recover his investment, and the National
Socialist White People’s Party responded by suspending Cooper’s
membership. In a letter in June 1980 from Dominic Lewitzke,
NSWPP membership secretary, Cooper was advised that he faced
three categories of charges:
a) Coprolagnia—i.e., you have an unhealthy interest in vile and
disgusting things, bordering on obsession;
b) Personal habits and public actions which embarrass the Move-
ment and bring it into disrepute—e.g., your rummaging
through trash bins across the street in broad daylight, and talk-
ing to Party comrades and business associates about your obses-
sions mentioned above;
c) Lack of proper understanding and appreciation of the National
Socialist world view and the objectives of our movement.

Within 24 hours, Cooper responded to this letter with an

11-page, single-spaced missive that furiously refuted each charge—
and, pointing out the dictionary definition of “coprolagnia,” he
replied to this particular charge with an incredulous: “YOU’VE GOT
TO BE KIDDING ME!!!” The letter went on to recount Cooper’s decade
of service to the cause. Lewitzke’s reaction to Cooper’s letter is hard
to gauge as, in Cooper’s recollection: “within 24 hours after
Lewitzke read my letter, he became so demoralized and depressed
that he shot himself in the head with the duty officer’s 0.45 caliber
hand gun. Even Matt Koehl admitted to his close associates that
Lewitzke was mentally ill.”
With such an introduction to the ways of American National
Socialism, Cooper’s next moves were eminently logical. Along with
disgruntled fellow National Socialist White People’s Party veterans
Dan Stewart and Fred Surber, Cooper formed the National Social-
ist Vanguard effective New Year’s Day 1983 in Salinas, California,
and began publication of the long-running NSV Report, a breezy
66 RICK COOPER

commentary on the White Nationalist Movement in America.

Simultaneously, Cooper, Stewart, and Surber founded ST Enter-
prises, a business venture that aimed to finance the National
Socialist Vanguard (NSV) and to provide jobs for activists. The NSV
took seriously the sad lessons of the National Socialist White Peo-
ple’s Party‘and from the outset announced that it neither sought
nor would accept members. Moreover, the ultimate goal of the NSV
was unabashedly separatist. Several businesses were in various
ways associated with the three activists, though only some were
under the aegis of ST Enterprises directly. These included Nordic
Carpet and Upholstery Cleaning, Hessian Janitorial Service, Quar-
termaster Laundry, and the Galactic Storm Troop Amusement
Center, all in Salinas, California. The National Socialist Vanguard
ultimately hoped to create a separatist enclave for White refugees
from what was perceived as an increasingly crime ridden multicul-
tural America, to be named Wolf Stadt. While Wolf Stadt would
never materialize, it did anticipate the turn to White separatism in
the racialist movement in America.
In the bitter battle with Matt Koehl, Cooper would have the last
word, however. In his 1990s vintage “Brief History of the White
Nationalist Movement,” Cooper would publish and distribute via
the Internet a devastating critique of Matt Koehl’s character and
leadership. (A slightly updated version of this history is presented,
in its entirety, in the “Resources” section of this encyclopedia.)
Rick Cooper remains one of the most accessible, and generally
amiable, National Socialist survivors in the United States, and his
NSV Report continues publication 15 years on—a remarkable
accomplishment in the world of American National Socialism.
See also: American Nazi Party; Koehl, Matt; National Socialist Vanguard;
National Socialist White People’s Party; Rockwell, George Lincoln.

Further reading: Rick Cooper, “Brief History of the White Nationalist Move-
ment,” NSV Report (“Resources” section); John George and Laird Wilcox,
Nazis, Communists, Klansmen and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY:
Prometheus Books, 1992); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America
(Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997).

Cosmotheism See Pierce, William; Rydén, Tommy.

 FATHER CHARLES COUGHLIN 67

FATHER CHARLES COUGHLIN Charles Coughlin was a Catholic

priest who, from his Detroit church, the Shrine of the Little Flower,
in the 1930s became the nation’s most readily identifiable public
source of anti-Semitic rhetoric through his highly popular nation-
ally syndicated radio show. Ironically, Father Coughlin’s activism
began in 1926 in response to the wave of nativist sentiment that
swept the country in the decade of the 1920s. Those years saw a
surge of immigration, not only of Jews from Eastern Europe, but
also of Catholics from Ireland and southern Europe. In reaction, the
Ku Klux Klan was reborn and became highly influential in the
political life of a number of northern states. At the crest of that
nativist wave, in 1926 the Klan burned a cross in front of Father
Coughlin’s church.
The Church of the Little Flower was located in Royal Oak, Mich-
igan, a working-class suburb of Detroit. Royal Oak in the 1920s was
a hotbed of Ku Klux Klan activity, and, in reaction to the
anti-Catholic bigotry of the 1920s-era Klan and the cross burning
in front of his church, Father Coughlin in 1926 took to the air-
waves on Detroit station WRJ with a message of tolerance and reli-
gious brotherhood. He proved to be an exceptionally effective
speaker, and the number of stations carrying his presentations
grew quickly.
As a social and political thinker, Coughlin had been influenced
by papal encyclicals such as Rerum Novarum (“Of new things,” »
1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (“After forty years,” 1931) that
expressed concern for the sufferings of the poor in an industrial
society. Rerum Novarum was an encyclical issued by Pope Leo XIII
that was of considerable importance to the American Catholic faith-
ful. Breaking with the church’s withdrawal from the world of secu-
larism and modernism, with which the United States in particular
was seen to be deeply infected, Rerum Novarum upheld the right to
private property and strongly condemned socialism, but at the
same time confirmed the rights of workers to unionize and to live at
a decent standard, with fair wages and under reasonable working
conditions. Quadragesimo Anno, the Depression era follow-up to
Rerum Novarum, upheld the principles of the 1891 encyclical, but
strongly condemned both communist tyranny and capitalist greed.
Significantly, no mention was made of European fascism in this
document. Father Coughlin’s early broadcasts were not marked by
significant or controversial political commentary. Following the
pattern of a number of American populist voices, however, the
Depression changed this.
68 FATHER CHARLES COUGHLIN

At first, Coughlin, like many an American populist, expressed

strong support for Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal. Indeed,
he was initially welcomed by the Roosevelt White House, and
Coughlin in return signed his letters to the new president with the
declaration “I love you” and publicly blessed the New Deal as
“Christ’s Deal.” However, like his close associates Gerald L. K.
Smith and the apostle of the universal pension system Dr. Francis
P. Townsend, Father Coughlin felt the need to explain the suffering
of the Depression to his ever-growing audience. This explanation
was not long in coming. By 1934, Coughlin had declared America a
Christian nation, and he went on to endorse the Protocols of the
Elders of Zion. This transformation from a moderate, left-wing pop-
ulism to singling out Jews as the primary cause of the nation’s suf-
fering was heralded by his public assertion that the continuing
Depression was the product of flaws in the monetary system and
the machinations of “international bankers.”
On the radio waves, however, Father Coughlin was still circum-
spect with regard to overt public expressions of anti-Semitism at this
stage of his career. By the mid-1930s, however, he began to take a far
more critical attitude toward Roosevelt, especially after the presi-
dent rebuffed his attempts to gain a direct influence on public
policy-making. Growing increasingly frustrated by developments in
Washington—for example, adamantly opposing the administration’s
attempt to have the United States join the World Court—Coughlin
created the National Union for Social Justice. At the time, 1935, he
claimed no fewer than 8.5 million active supporters, though he later
offered the more realistic figure of 1.6 million active members and 6
million “passive supporters.” He hoped to mobilize this vast audience
on behalf of issues and candidates he favored. Coughlin went on pub-
lic speaking tours to raise support for his social justice agenda. In
1936 he also promoted the third-party presidential candidacy of
Congressman William “Liberty Bell” Lemke. When Lemke, in the
context of the Roosevelt landslide, failed to win a significant percent-
age of the vote, Father Coughlin informed his followers that he was
retiring from public life.
But less than two months later he resumed his career by deliver-
ing Sunday sermons on the CBS radio network. By 1938 and
increasingly thereafter, the tone of Coughlin’s remarks became
stridently anti-Semitic, linking Jews to the spread of communism
and to the nefarious activities of international bankers. He began to
see virtues in the Nazi and Fascist dictatorships that he had over-
looked in the past. Social Justice, the Coughlinite periodical,
 FATHER CHARLES COUGHLIN 69

serialized the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and Coughlin himself

attacked the role of Jews in the Roosevelt administration.
It is also at this stage of his career that Coughlin urged his fol-
lowers to create paramilitary units under the name Christian
Front, to combat a largely imaginary communist menace. Obvi-
ously modeled after European fascist groups, Christian Front orga-
nizations were established in New York, Boston, Hartford, and a
few other East Coast cities. The Christian Front groups, composed
largely of young toughs, carried out street-corner attacks on Jews
and other passersby in these communities. One of these local
groups, the Christian Mobilizers led by Joe McWilliams, achieved
some prominence in New York City in the summer of 1939 when it
held a rally and paramilitary display jointly with Fritz Kuhn’s
German American Bund.
With the outbreak of World War II in Europe, Coughlin urged
American neutrality and blamed Jews for seeking to drag the coun-
try into the conflict. He also praised the kind of “New Order” that
Hitler was seeking to impose on the Continent. A few months after
Pearl Harbor, Coughlin’s public career was brought to an end when,
with the threat of church prosecution hanging over his head, the
Detroit Archdiocese officially demanded his silence.
In this sudden withdrawal from public life, Coughlin narrowly
avoided being dragged into the widening net of conspiracy and sedi-
tion charges that were being filed against a number of figures in the »
American radical right of the day. By 1940, 17 members of his
Christian Front were not so fortunate. Father Coughlin was thus in
an agonizing dilemma. On the one hand he had been ordered to
remove himself from politics by his superiors, on the other he none-
theless felt torn by loyalty to the men of his Christian Front. Out of
this came a strange and compelling document, “I Take My Stand,”
which Father Coughlin published in January 1940. In it, he bal-
ances the interests of his movement with the discipline of the
Roman Catholic Church—noting in the process the considerable
support he had always enjoyed from his ecclesiastical superiors:
This address then, is designed by me not to wash my hands, Pontius
Pilate-like, of the Christian Front and its members, be they in jail
or out of jail. But it is designed to notify those responsible for Mr.
Hoover’s [director of the FBI] descent upon a group of Christian
young men—among whom it is possible that there is at least one
borer-from-within—that the real Christians of this nation will not
beat a retreat.
70 FATHER CHARLES COUGHLIN

And why will we not beat a retreat? Because the Christians of

America are asking themselves this question: “Why did not Attor-
ney General Murphy and Mr. Hoover swoop down months ago upon
the Communist organizations whose leaders, publicly and admit-
tedly, proposed to overthrow the government?”
When I encouraged and still encourage the formation of a Chris-
tian Front, I did not stand alone in doing so, for the Christian Front
movement was endorsed by many thousands of decent citizens who
were and are heartsick as a result of the unimpeded and cultured
growth of Communism in this nation over a period of years.
I speak of these things to indicate the need for establishing a
genuine Christian Front, modeled upon the principles of Christ and
encouraged by the words of the Venerable Pontiff to whose writings
I formerly referred—a Christian Front that is tolerant with saint
and sinner, with Catholic, Protestant and Jew; but a Christian
Front that is not tolerant with the propagation of ideologies of sedi-
tion and treachery aimed at the destruction either of our form of
government or our Christian ideals.
At this point may I quote for public record what [Pope] Leo XIII
said about tolerance. He advised us “to cut off familiar intercourse
not only with the openly wicked, but with those who hide their real
character under the mask of universal tolerance—of the mania for
reconciling the maxims of the gospel with those of the revolution,
Christ and Belial, and the Church of God and the state without God.”
(Pope Leo XIII’s Letter to the Italian People, December 8, 1892.)
When tolerance is so misinterpreted as to imply that we must
shake hands with Satan, extend to him our friendship, become
his bedfellow, and sit back complacently while communism is
countenanced in the highest and lowest circles of government, the
courageous Christians of America will not be intimidated by name
calling such as “anti-Semitic” or the threats of investigation by a
prejudiced press. And by no means am I including all newspapers in
that category.

Father Coughlin’s defense of the Christian Front was unstint-

ing but, in the end, unavailing. Ecclesiastical pressure on him to
pull back became irresistible until in 1942, following the Japanese
attack on Pearl Harbor, he was at last ordered by his bishop to
cease and desist from all political activities. At the same time, the
U.S. Postmaster-General moved to ban Father Coughlin’s primary
publication, Social Justice, from the mails. Thus, the loss of the
radio show and the inability to disseminate his ideas via the
 COVENANT, SWORD, AND ARM OF THE LORD 71

written word silenced Coughlin’s voice as effectively as did the

orders of his ecclesiastical superiors.
Father Coughlin returned to the life of a parish priest, far
from the limelight, in suburban Detroit. He died in obscurity in
October 1979.
See also: Hitler, Adolf; Smith, Gerald L. K.

Further reading: David H. Bennett, Demagogues in the Depression (New

Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1969); Alan Brinkley, Voices of
Protest (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1982); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard
Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ:
Rutgers University Press, 1998); Seymour Lipset, “Three Decades of the
Radical Right,” in Daniel Bell, ed., The Radical Right (New York: Doubleday
& Co., 1963); Martin E. Marty, Modern American Religion Volume 2: The
Noise and the Conflict 1919-1941 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1991); Richard McBrien, ed., Encyclopedia of Catholicism (New York:
HarperCollins, 1995); Phillip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme
Right Since 1890 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990); Leo Ribuffo, The Old
Christian Right (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1983); Donald
Warren, Radio Priest (New York: Free Press, 1996).

COVENANT, SWORD, AND ARM OF THELORD- The Covenant,

Sword, and Arm of the Lord (CSA) was founded in 1976 under the
leadership of James Ellison in a rural redoubt that hugged the Mis-
souri border with Arkansas and that the biblically minded founders
dubbed Zarephath-Horeb. Interestingly, the communal group that
evolved into the CSA originated as a charismatic Christian commu-
nity with no overt racial or anti-Semitic overtones. Rather, mem-
bership was composed of disaffected refugees from the Children of
God and followers of the controversial evangelist William
Branham, as well as an ever-changing number of other religious
seekers who drifted into and out of the Zarephath-Horeb orbit. It
was not until James Ellison’s fortuitous discovery of a cassette ser-
mon by long-time Missouri Identity preacher Dan Gayman that the
Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord as an Identity End-Time
enclave (that is, a refuge for the faithful at the apocalyptic End of
Days as foretold in the Book of Revelation) came into being. With
this conversion to Identity beliefs—a process that took more than
six months of argument and prayer—CSA emerged as a kind of
final refuge for the Christian Identity faithful in the times of the
oncoming apocalypse. Until the onset of the darkest days of the
Te COVENANT, SWORD, AND ARM OF THE LORD

Tribulation (the seven-year period of suffering under the reign of

the Antichrist), however, the CSA came to fill the role of elite
armorer and training ground for the most militant members of the
American radical right. This powerful sense of mission is made
clear in a statement published in the CSA Journal in 1982:
In the early days of 1981, we received a prophesy [sic] form [sic] the
Lord saying that as He established our name locally, so He would
establish our name across the United States, to be a Beacon of Light
unto Him and His people, that others could see what a Christian is
to be. Two weeks later, we were on the NBC Nightly News.

This would not be the last evening news appearance for the
CSA, though that publicity would not be as felicitous as this
NBC report.
Throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, James Ellison was a
charismatic, if highly divisive, figure in the American radical-
right-wing scene. He attended and addressed numerous movement
gatherings, including the Aryan Nations’ annual meeting in Idaho
and the Christian Patriots Defense League Freedom Festivals in
upstate Illinois. As a result of these appearances and of the CSA’s
publications, a smali but steady stream of seekers made their way
to the CSA property on the Missouri—Arkansas border, often living
in trailers or sharing quarters until such time as permanent hous-
ing could be found. To the frustration of the founders who saw the
CSA as the “city on a hill,” which would serve as a beacon for the
White remnant community during the “soon-coming” horrors of the
Last Days, many of those attracted to the CSA’s various seminars
and training sessions, as well as to the community itself, were moti-
vated more by the violent message preached in the CSA’s publica-
tions than by the religious faith that fired the original residents of
the Zarephath-Horeb community. In this sense, the violence that
followed was as much a response to the demands of the faithful as it
was a result of the will of the leadership.
By 1981, sufficient interest in the doings of the CSA had been
expressed that the group felt constrained to publish a 15-point
statement of beliefs. These, together with what would prove to be a
deeply ironic “Declaration of Non-Surrender,” were duly published
in the same 1982 edition of the CSA Journal. Based on James
Ellison’s interpretation of the Bible, these included:
1. Statements of belief in the Bible as the “inspired (though
not necessarily perfect) Word of God”.
2. Belief in the oneness of God.
 COVENANT, SWORD, AND ARM OF THE LORD 73

Faith that Jesus Christ is the Son of God.

Faith that “the white race is the Israel race of God and is
the superior race on this earth.”
Belief in the “Born Again” experience, including thiePente-
costal gifts of healing and speaking in tongues.
. Belief that God is actively saving a remnant of the (White)
nations, or, in Identity parlance, the nations or tribes of bib-
lical Israel.
Faith that God is about to visit a wrathful judgment on the
earth in these, the Last Days.
Faith that “the commonly-called Jews of today are not God’s
chosen people, but are in fact an anti-Christ race, whose
purpose is to destroy God’s people and Christianity, through
its Talmudic teachings, forced inter-racial mixings, and
perversions.”
Belief that miscegenation is a sin and (again) in the domin-
ion of the White race.
10. Belief in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitu-
tion as divinely inspired documents that “have become a
farce today because of evil forces in our government.”
itaBe Belief in a dispensational reading of history in which all
things would in the fullness of time be gathered unto
Christ.
12. Belief in the reality of the devil and his demons as spiritual
beings who are nonetheless under the dominion of God.
13. A belief that “the Scandinavian-Germanic-Teutonic-
British-American people [are] the Lost Sheep of the House
of Israel which Jesus was sent for.”
14. Belief in the God-given right of self-defense against the ene-
mies of God and a conviction that the time is almost come
for the people of God to take possession of the earth.
15. Belief that [it] is “mandatory to come out of the confusion of
Babylon and its political, religious, worldly, city, sinful sys-
tems, and not to touch these unclean things.”
All of this is standard Identity fare. What distinguished the CSA
from even so histrionically racialist and militant an Identity com-
munity as the Aryan Nations, however, was the lack of a cautious
elder statesman such as Richard Butler to curb the enthusiasm of
such as Ellison. Thus, the CSA’s rhetoric became increasingly
revolutionary in the early 1980s, and its side business of gun
smithing for the movement’s firebrands boomed. Such was the
74 COVENANT, SWORD, AND ARM OF THE LORD

bravado of the times that the CSA would boldly state in its “Decla-
ration of Non-Surrender” that its members would “refuse any
treaty, pact or declaration of surrender” with the hated “Babylon”
government of the United States.
The population at Zarephath-Horeb/CSA reached almost 200 at
its peak. Yet by the time the community turned to serious revolu-
tionary violence in the early 1980s, the resident population was
only about a quarter of that number. Moreover, the 50 to 60 people
who remained at CSA were almost all newcomers, interested in the
violent racialist message rather than what the leadership felt was
the vital biblical foundation of the group’s beliefs. In 1982, a mass
exodus occurred in which almost two-thirds of the community
parted ways with the group over the question of polygamy. When,
over the virtually unanimous objections of the church elders, James
Ellison insisted on taking a second wife, the original Zarephath-
Horeb community fragmented, opening the way for the violent radi-
calism that was to follow.
Even before the polygamy controversy, though, all was not
well at the CSA. Disaffected adherents began to filter out of
Zarephath-Horeb with lurid stories of sexual improprieties and
fraudulent dealings with members’ property and finances. Ellison,
in particular, was charged with interpreting scripture to suit his
whims and with forming a cult of personality, and the group in gen-
eral was charged with such un-Christian activities as shoplifting in
local stores. The latter charge was particularly teiling in that it
indicated the dire state of the group’s finances as well as the CSA’s
convenient code of morality. The charges were taken seriously by
the Identity community, while Ellison’s constant battles with rival
leaders and his polygamous lifestyle had already clouded the CSA
with an aura of considerable suspicion. Moreover, some among the
CSA faithful took Ellison’s violent rhetoric more seriously than did
the leader himself. A few, most notably Richard Wayne Snell,
would become notorious in their own right for crimes up to and
including murder (a charge for which Snell would be executed on
the very day of the Oklahoma City bombing of the federal building,
April 19, 1995).
The CSA’s course of revolutionary violence took place between
1982 and 1984. As with everything else at the Covenant, Sword,
and Arm of the Lord, the violence was incremental, resulting from
the group’s increasing impatience with the Lord to fulfill the
group’s prophesies of imminent apocalypse. The ingredients for vio-
lence were there from the beginning. The group, living in isolation
 COVENANT, SWORD, AND ARM OF THE LORD 75

and under the authority of a charismatic and highly eccentric

leader who was convinced of his role as a prophet of God in the Last
Days, had amassed a considerable stockpile of illegal automatic
weapons. Further, the group was “blessed” by the presence of no
fewer than two experts in armaments and explosives, and soon the
group boasted of a remarkable stockpile of weaponry. The CSA
emerged in the early 1980s as the elite training ground of the radi-
cal right, and its CSA Survival Manual remains the standard work
on irregular warfare to emerge from the American radical right.
Thus armed, it was only a matter of time before petty shoplifting
and various forms of fraud evolved into more serious crime. One
such, an armed robbery of a pawnshop in Texarkana, Arkansas,
resulted in the murder of its owner by Richard Wayne Snell, who
felt the man “looked Jewish” and thus needed to die. Other actions
included an attempted arson of a gay church in Springfield,
Missouri, and the bombing of a Jewish community center in
Bloomington, Indiana, both in 1983.
Fortunately, CSA’s more grandiose schemes were not carried out.
One such, the bombing of a gay church during services, was aborted
when the putative bomber, Kerry Noble, sat in the church with the
bomb and then decided, for both instrumental and emotional rea-
sons, that he simply could not do it. A hit list of assassination victims
was drawn up but not acted on. And the most ambitious plot of
all—the blowing up of the Oklahoma City Federal Center—was ulti-
mately deemed too dangerous, and it too was forgotten.
While all of this was going on, the drumbeat of criticism of
Ellison and the CSA from movement circles had, if anything,
increased in intensity. As Ellison and the CSA leadership struggled
to defend themselves in movement circles from the swirl of charges
and countercharges, more serious problems loomed on the horizon.
By 1984, the federal government began a series of prosecutions of
the CSA membership that would culminate in the seizure of the
property itself. Ellsion, Noble, and the CSA hard core, in keeping
with their own “Declaration of Non-Surrender,” vowed to defend
the compound to the death, if need be. Given the large cache of
armaments and supplies at their disposal, the threat was not taken
lightly by the government, and in April 1985 the compound was
besieged with a force of some 300 FBI agents. After an initial show
of bravado, Ellison meekly surrendered without a shot being fired.
Some residents were allowed to remain on the property after the
arrests of the leadership, but the faithful soon dwindled to fewer
than 30. With the news that Ellison had betrayed the movement
76 HAROLD COVINGTON

and would testify for the government at the Fort Smith, Arkansas,
sedition trial, the embers of the once-powerful Covenant, Sword,
and Arm of the Lord flickered and died. Today, Ellison resides at
the Elohim City Identity enclave in Oklahoma, while Kerry Noble
has left the movement and renounced his racist beliefs.
See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian Identity; Church of
Israel; Ellison, James; Gayman, Dan; Snell, Richard Wayne.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The
Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1994); CSA Journal; CSA Newsletter; CSA, C.S.A.
Survival Manual (n.p., n.d.); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America
(Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Kerry Noble, Tabernacle
of Hate: Why They Bombed Oklahoma City (Prescott, Ontario: Voyageur
Publishing in Canada, 1998).

HAROLD COVINGTON Veteran National Socialist Harold

Covington is perhaps the most talented writer and propagandist
that American National Socialism has produced. Indeed, even the
writings of the Commander himself, George Lincoln Rockwell, were
but candles in the wind before the blast of Covington’s purple prose.
Had this talent not been put to such effective use in the ongoing
internecine wars of the racial right wing, Covington may well have
realized his life’s ambition of taking up Rockwell’s torch and unit-
ing the many disparate American National Socialist groups under
his leadership. This was not to be.
Covington’s writings are voluminous, and his unusual capacity
for self-analysis offers an unparalleled view of the psychology and
outlook of an American National Socialist. For this reason, as well
as for the fact that Covington has for some two decades been a
weathervane of doings of the American National Socialist subcul-
ture, this entry will be of unusual length, and will feature
Covington’s own words and ideas in an effort to render a National
Socialist world view in a form that would be comprehensible to the
uninitiated.
Covington comes from comfortably middle class circumstances.
His grandfather, A. B. Glass, founded the Dixie Bedding Company
in Greensboro, North Carolina. This company manufactured Serta
mattresses, and it was his inheritance from this company that was
to play a prominent role in Covington’s early NS career. In common
with a number of baby-boomer converts to National Socialism,
 HAROLD COVINGTON Tie

Covington’s racial consciousness was born of the clash of Black and

White cultures in the newly integrated school systems of the 1960s.
In an interview with the French zine 14 Mots [14 words],
Covington, who closely guards his age, described this awakening:
I was born and raised in North Carolina. When I was 15 I got my first
dose of racial reality when my family moved to the leftist university
town of Chapel Hill and I was thrust into an integrated high school. I
left high school with a personal vow that I would devote my life to
making sure that someday no White boy or girl would have to go
through what I witnessed during those three years. I had always had
a very strong attraction to National Socialism and the Third Reich
but it was kind of instinctive; I didn’t fully understand that NS was
the racial solution I was looking for. I joined the United States Army
at age 17 and while I was in the military I did a lot of private reading
and research into racial matters. One of these was a superficially
anti-NS book by a German named Heinz Hohne about the SS called
The Order of the Death’s Head. Once I had finished that I realized
that National Socialism was it. I was able to get in touch with the old
Franklin Road NSWPP and I joined when I was 19 years old.

While at Chapel Hill High School, Covington won a place at the

annual Governor’s School for Gifted Boys. However, a 1980 Raleigh
News and Observer article quotes an exasperated but prophetic
Chapel Hill High School teacher to the effect that: “Harold is a
bright, creative boy. But his intelligence should be channeled—
before he does something destructive to society.” That undirected
destructive streak would mark not only Covington’s relationship to
society, but his many movement associations as well.
Covington’s early association with Matt Koehl’s National
Socialist White People’s Party was ill-fated, but that could be said
for a considerable number of NSWPP alumni. What set Covington
apart, though, was the intensity of his antipathy for the NSWPP
leader, Matt Koehl—a hatred that has hardly mellowed with time.
While with the NSWPP, Covington’s first official posting was with
the El Monte, California, unit led by Joseph Tommasi. Tommasi’s
break with the NSWPP was even more spectacular than
Covington’s, and would cost him his life. Before these events,
however, Koehl had recognized Covington’s considerable gifts
as a propagandist and recalled him to the NSWPP’s Arlington
headquarters to edit the party paper, White Power. It was not long
before Covington became one of Koehl’s most bitter enemies and a
tireless purveyor of the long-time movement belief that Koehl is a
homosexual. Darker plots, too, were attributed to Koehl, including
78 HAROLD COVINGTON

using the NSWPP as a personal piggy bank and, through the circu-
lation of a 1968 letter attributed to the pseudonymous Max Amman
(a Texas follower of George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi
Party), the strong implication that Koehl was involved in
Rockwell’s 1967 murder.
Estranged from the NSWPP, Covington was associated with
veteran National Socialist George Dietz before returning to North
Carolina—a pattern of retreat to that state that would recur
throughout Covington’s career. This period in the late 1970s
through the early 1980s saw Covington operating on the fringes of
the political system. Still a committed National Socialist,
Covington nonetheless ran for several state and local offices. The
most successful of these electoral endeavors was a run in the
Republican primary for the office of state attorney general.
Covington garnered no less than 43 percent of the vote in a losing
effort. Other elections were less kind, with Covington garnering an
anemic 172 votes in the Raleigh mayoral race and 885 votes for a
seat in the state legislature. Covington also authored two books, the
movement manual and autobiography The March Up Country and
the historical novel Rose of Honor.
This same period was spent in building the North Carolina
branch of the National Socialist Party of America (NSPA). The
association promised much, but turned out to be one of the greatest
disasters of Covington’s long career—and that is saying much,
given Covington’s unfortunate organizational history. The NSPA
was founded and led by Frank Collin in Chicago, another disgrun-
tled NSWPP veteran, with Michael Allen as second in command
and the ultimate American Germanophile Gerhard (Gary) Lauck—
replete with his mock German accent—on the scene and vying for
the leadership post as well. Once again, Covington’s talents were
quickly recognized, and he became part of the leadership group.
This rapid rise had unfortunate consequences for both the North
Carolina unit and the national headquarters.
Covington’s North Carolina NSPA group held a bizarre collec-
tion of activists, even by the standards of American National Social-
ism. Best known of the group was Glenn Miller, whose primary
claim to fame (before he became a government informant and
entered the witness protection program) was to help update the Ku
Klux Klan by outfitting his Klan group in camouflage fatigues and
engaging in armed paramilitary maneuvers. Less famous, but no
less colorful, was the head of the Raleigh headquarters before his
expulsion from the party on the grounds of gross mental instability,
 HAROLD COVINGTON 79

Stephen Daryl “Steph” Sumrall. Recruited from Philadelphia,

Sumrall moved into the North Carolina headquarters with his
invalid mother, a small menagerie of pets, and a not insignificant
cache of firearms. The obese adjutant wore out his welcome, how-
ever, by flying into unpredictable rages, spreading hostile rumors,
threatening other party members, and throwing tantrums that
according to witnesses were like unto a “a bearded Gerber baby ona
rampage.”
Nor was this all. Prominent members of the North Carolina unit
were Frank and Patsy Braswell. In Covington’s recollection, Frank
was “the quintessential wild eye,” a lunatic whose dreams were of
extravagant terrorist exploits of no particular operational value,
but with the potential for collateral casualties of the magnitude of
the Oklahoma City bombing. Patsy Braswell was beautiful in a
Patsy Cline sort of way, and thus, in a movement as bereft of
women as American National Socialism, had instant star quality.
She supported Frank’s grandiose schemes to the hilt. Covington
seems to have tried to assert some control over this idiosyncratic
crew, even issuing a three-page order in November 1980 noting
that, as a result of alcohol and collective idiocy, there had been two
accidental discharges of firearms in the headquarters in the previ-
ous two weeks—the last narrowly missing a woman—and that the
situation was not improved by the slovenly condition of the building
or the constant backbiting of its habitués. Steph Sumrall, the cor-
pulent rampaging Gerber baby, was assigned the thankless task of
restoring order on the premises. After the disaster that was inevita-
ble with this company did eventually come to pass, Covington
would opine in an essay entitled “Seigfried’s Jabberwocky”:
Why did I tolerate Braswell if he was such a loon? The answer is
simple and tragic. I liked him. I knew he was crazy, but he was
crazy in an engaging sort of way. Both Frank and Pat have a per-
sonal charm which tends to mask their character defects, and this
charm has allowed them to pull the wool over many a White
patriot’s eyes for some time. In this way they have had the opera-
tional assistance of a number of enthusiastic proponents, including
me. I am as much responsible as anyone else for the Braswells’
inflated reputations in the Movement. I covered their flamboyant
gunfights in NS publications, neglecting to mention that the assail-
ants were not Israeli commandos or gin mad niggers but the irate
relatives of Braswell’s first wife and his daughter’s jilted boyfriend.
Many people, like me, found the image of “feudin’, fightin’, fussin’
~ Nazi mountain folk” titillating, and so we built up a completely
80 HAROLD COVINGTON

false image for these people as being the Hatfields in brown shirts
when in fact they were dangerously unstable nut cases. A lot of peo-
ple, not the least myself, were to pay dearly for that indulgence.

This passage is more revealing of Covington’s modus operandi

than he would probably care to admit. As a dedicated student of
Joseph Goebbels and the art of propaganda, Covington too often
sacrificed literal truth to the greater good of the cause. This ten-
dency, coupled with his admittedly sometimes childish weakness
for the snappy one-liner at the expense of others, has time and
again come back to haunt him.
Covington’s tribulations with his erstwhile North Carolina unit
began in 1979 with the now infamous Greensboro, North Carolina,
shoot-out between Ku Klux Klansmen and members of the Commu-
nist Workers’ Party, which left five of the communists dead. Two of
the “Greensboro 16” were NSPA members, and, worse, the violence
appears to have been precipitated by a federal agent whom
Covington was blamed for having introduced into the movement.
Although Covington seems to have urged that no weapons be pres-
ent at the site of the confrontation, weapons were brought—legally,
under North Carolina law—in the trunks of the Klansmen’s cars.
While the “Greensboro 16” were ultimately acquitted of murder
charges, stories of this time are legion, and the truth at this remove
is hard to determine with absolute accuracy. But what is clear is
that from this time forward the suspicion that Covington was an
informer or agent of either the FBI or the ATF became widespread
in the movement.
As if this were not enough, the North Carolina unit of the NSPA
hatched a mad plan in 1980 that seems to have been intended to
somehow divert attention from the Greensboro fiasco. Very much a
Frank Braswell operation, the idea appears to have been to bomb a
busy shopping center—at Christmas time, no less—with incendi-
ary napalm bombs. The lunatic adventure seems to have been
undertaken without the approval—and probably without the
knowledge—of Covington, who expressed probably sincere horror
at the prospect of the White women and children who would die in
the conflagration. Fortunately, the NSPA was apparently so thor-
oughly penetrated by federal agents that the Brasswells’ plan was
circumvented by the arrests of the so-called “Ashville 6”: Frank and
Patsy Braswell, Joseph Gorell Pierce, Raeford Milano Caudle,
James “Shorty” Talbot, and Roger Pierce. The case became a cause
celebré in the radical right as Willis Carto’s Spotlight newspaper
 HAROLD COVINGTON 81

took up the case on the side of the Braswells, who like the other
plotters blamed Covington for the fiasco. By now the “Covington as
agent” label, fairly or unfairly, became accepted movement dogma.
Covington’s response was typical. On the one hand, he wrote to
the Braswells, especially Patsy, whom he considered the more
rational of the two. As in this March 1981 missive, the letters were
alternately belligerent:
You have finally succeeded in hurting both me and the Party. The
public reaction to your arrest has been exactly the opposite of the
reaction to the Greensboro killings. When we were greasing com-
munists, everybody cheered for us. Now that we have been arrested
for allegedly planning to blow up a crowded shopping center at rush
hour, killing God knows how many innocent WHITE people, children,
etc.; and other acts of absolutely imbecile terrorism, the public reac-
tion is summed up by one phone call I got from a WHITE WORKING
person: “Serves you bastards goddammed right!”

Or practical:
The first thing we must do is get our act together and present a
UNITED FRONT TO THE ENEMY. I am restoring the Party membership
of Frank and yourself, for the duration at least. You were techni-
cally Party members while you were engaging in this shenanigan
and we will not deny you, however much that tempting thought
might occur. I learned a lot from the Greensboro 16 case and I
believe I can put this to use in the “Carolina 6” campaign. That is
your official designation, and you'd best get used to it. That is you,
like it or not my lady, you and your husband and the four other good
men you dragged in with you are the first martyrs of Carolina’s
independence.

Or conciliatory:
I will forward you a check as soon as we can accumulate about fifty
bucks or so.

But Covington would not be Covington if he could resist an

opportunity for a gratuitously nasty gesture (one no less amusing
for all that). Thus, the movement was entertained with an epic
poem that Covington titled “The Braswell Rap.” Again, the poem
was classic Covington, for at the same time he and his North
Carolina unit were promoting a fanciful plan to turn North
Carolina and its White masses into a magnet for other White
racialists who were urged to immigrate to the “Carolina Free
82 -HAROLD COVINGTON

State,” Covington publicly lampooned the Braswells, two of the few

local followers he had managed to attract:
Well, hello, y'all my name is Frank
My feet are smelly and my breath is rank.
My breath is rank and my feet are smelly,
And my brain consists of petroleum jelly!
I live in the mountains around Spruce Pine,
And the folks up there think I’m outta my mind,
And they’re right, you know—I’m crazy as a cootie
But now I’m in the hoosegow a-gin’ up the booty!
Had a really swingin’ little gal named Tina,
Who did things very bizarre and obscena,
Then my cousin Jack, who was always high
On chemicals nobody sane would try,
Used to sit around shooting at leprechauns
Who came out of the walls singing Gaelic songs.
He plugged his old lady right between the eyes,
And when she dropped dead, man was he surprised!
Yea, shot his old lady right in the ass,
And he took another slug of laughing gas!

While the North Carolina fiasco was unfolding, the national

NSPA under Frank Collin was faring no better. Collin had recently
been revealed in the pages of the NSWPP paper, White Power, to be
the son of a Jew whose real name was Cohen and who was allowed
into the country as a refugee, having survived the Dachau concen-
tration camp. Complete with immigration records and Collin/
Cohen’s birth certificate, the evidence appeared to be indisputable.
Worse, Covington and several confederates, in a search of Collin’s
quarters, discovered significant quantities of homemade pornogra-
phy detailing homosexual pedophilia. It seems Commandant Collin
had been entertaining young boys on the NSPA premises over the
course of several years, and photographing these dalliances for pos-
terity. Thus a coup, code named “Operation Bobby Brown,” was
engineered with Covington and Lauck among the leading figures.
The operation was a success (it could hardly fail, after all), and
Collin was turned over to the police and ultimately sentenced to
seven years in prison. Covington assumed the leadership in 1980,
but, according to Lauck, Covington had promised the coveted posi-
tion to him. Whatever the truth of the claim, another coup was
staged in December of that year and Covington was forced to sub-
mit his resignation—a particularly bitter blow, given the fact that
he had invested his $90,000 inheritance in the NSPA’s Chicago
 HAROLD COVINGTON 83

headquarters, which was dubbed Rockwell Hall in honor of the late

Commander, George Lincoln Rockwell.
Today, Covington still refuses to accede to the received wisdom
of the movement concerning the Collin fiasco:
As odd as it may seem despite what it eventually turned out he WAS,
there was never any documented proof that Frank Collin was a
Jew. The “immigration papers” alleged to be those [of] Collin’s
father published by the [NSWPP] were a clumsy forgery.

In any case, after Ashville the heat was becoming too much for
Covington, and whether as a result of death threats (as he claimed),
or fear of prosecution in the North Carolina cases (as many
thought), or because he was an agent protected by the witness pro-
tection program (as his legions of enemies believed), Covington fled
the country in 1982. In Covington’s own rendition, he left the coun-
try when “I received a credible threat against my life from FBI Spe-
cial Agent Richard Goldberg and BATF Special Agent Bernard
Butkovich, who hand delivered my U.S. passport to me in
Charleston, South Carolina, in September of 1981 and ordered me
to use it or be dragged into the forthcoming Greensboro Federal BS
[bullshit] and subsequently destroyed.”
He spent time in the United Kingdom (particularly Ireland and
the Isle of Man), but he had already made his greatest mark in the
mid-1970s in Rhodesia, then fighting a doomed war to preserve
White control of the country. Covington served as a quartermaster
in the Rhodesian Army Services Corps, “then as an ammunition
and ordnance storeman and technician, then as a driver and convoy
NCO, and finally in air supply during the beginning of the Angola
war in 1976.” In these years, he was one of the first American
racialists to cast his lot with the battle against the African majori-
ties in the countries of southern Africa. Even this epiphany was
short-lived, however. Covington was expelled from Rhodesia when
he was linked to a National Socialist group calling itself the Rhode-
sia White People’s Party—a Bulawayo-based organization best
known for issuing Nazi literature and threatening the local Jewish
community. The group had in 1976 sent a missive to the Bulawayo
Hebrew Congregation, assuring them of “an Eden-like future for all
Rhodesians of the Jewish faith—free meals and accommodation at
government expense in a healthy outdoor environment, bracing
exercise and uplifting, character-building labour close to the soil:
when National Socialism assumes power in Rhodesia, we'll make
you an offer you can’t refuse.” The White government was not
84 HAROLD COVINGTON

amused, Covington was declared a prohibited immigrant, and in

1976 he was on the road to North Carolina again.
The years that followed were lean times for Harold Covington.
He certainly had his fans and followers, but organized NS groups
were intensely wary of his cautious feelers. This is hardly surpris-
ing, for, as‘one of the recipients of these cautious missives, William
Pierce of the National Alliances, pointed out, it was hard to envision
Covington as a member after his multitudinous negative comments
about the group and its professorial leader. Thus Covington turned
with a passion toward intrigue and remarkably vicious battles
against other movement leaders. Matt Koehl was of course a favor-
ite target of Covington’s lethal wit, but the most intense battle of
Covington’s long career was waged with the Church of the Creator
(COTC) and its no less divisive leader, the Pontifex Maximus (or in
Covingtonese, the Gluteus Maximus), Ben Klassen.
The battle with the COTC was intensified by the presence of
Will Williams, then the second in command to Klassen with the
title “hasta primus” (spear point). Williams, another native North
Carolinian from equally affluent circumstances, was an old friend
and neighbor of Covington and a partner in one of his earliest ven-
tures, an effort to utilize local public access television to broadcast
racist programs such as Tom Metzger’s “Race and Reason.” So vin-
dictive did the Covington—COTC contest become that, following two
viciously pejorative anti-Covington articles in the COTC paper
Racial Loyalty, Covington filed a libel suit against the COTC,
Klassen, and Williams. The suit was later dropped. However, as
Covington would later ruefully admit, Klassen and the superior
economic resources at his disposal got the better of the exchange, at
least in the short term, tarring Covington not only with the label of
“government agent” but with a number of other charges as well.
Indeed, when belatedly convinced that the lawsuit was not simply
a figment of Covington’s ever-active imagination, Klassen and
Williams struck back by having a few words with Covington’s
employer, resulting in the loss of his job. So intense was the overt
and covert barrage coming out of the COTC that Covington was
constrained to issue two circular letters in the summer of 1989,
refuting Klassen’s voluminous charges point by point. Covington
was thus forced to deny that he was a government agent, a secret
Jew, a closet Jewish rabbi, the perpetrator of the Greensboro fiasco,
an Anti-Defamation League operative, a Mossad agent, and, best of
all, a practitioner of black magic who ate his kitty cat in an occult
ritual, among other assorted slanders. Covington’s sole satisfaction
 HAROLD COVINGTON 85

from the exchange was to outlive Klassen, an elderly man who com-
mitted suicide in 1993. In a mocking eulogy, Covington could crow:
Benny Klassen is dead, and it’s a Whiter and Brighter world with-
out him. The founder of the “Church of the Creator” sodomy cult,
the man whose deviate sexual lifestyle was so notorious that Ameri-
can Skinheads nicknamed him “Old Benny Buttfuck”, the self-
proclaimed greatest Aryan genius who ever lived—most probably a
rabbi’s son from Vilna—came crawling back to his cult’s ashram in
Otto, North Carolina in the early weeks of July.
For twenty years, Benny Klassen performed one gigantic act of
psychological and political sodomy on us all. He never had any real
religious or political message. It was all a gull, warmed-over classi-
cal anti-clericalism framed in the manner of Talmudic response,
mixed with crude race baiting and pseudo-scholarship, garnished
with soft core pornography and served up on a bed of crap....
Yet the turgid gibberish in his interminable books was reverenced
as inspired wisdom; the most arrant nonsense in his so-called theol-
ogy was seriously debated; and flaming bird-brained idiots that we
are, all but a few of us accepted the liver-lipped old baboon at his own
estimation of himself. The reason is simple and shameful: money.
Klassen was a millionaire, and with pitifully few exceptions Move-
ment people and Movement leaders in particular genuflect in the
presence of wealth. Our public spokesmen and most prominent per-
sonalities are largely self-seeking, venal frauds who are incapable of
distinguishing between the cool riffle of a roll of hundred dollar bills
and the Voice of God. I'd give anything if it weren’t so. But it’s true.

The intensity of the battle with Klassen overshadowed for a

time the long-running feud with Covington’s ultimate nemesis,
Matt Koehl. Koehl, for his part, had no intention of so conveniently
leaving the scene as had Klassen. Thus, beginning in the early
1980s, Covington—often in loose partnership with other angry
NSWPP veterans such as Rick Cooper—made serious attempts to
stir up a palace revolt against Koehl within NSWPP ranks. The
most articulate such effort was a nine-page open letter in February
1982 that urged the NSWPP to depose Koehl, detailed his numer-
ous failures, reviewed the various charges against him (especially
his alleged homosexuality), and offered a number of possible sce-
narios by which Koehl could be induced to step down or be removed.
Covington even recognized his own tenuous standing in the move-
ment and promised to stay out of the newly resuscitated NSWPP.
Covington, of course, was at the same time communicating with
Koehl, offering condolences on the 1980 suicide of NSWPP officer
86 HAROLD COVINGTON

Dominic Lewitzke (whom Covington was concurrently suggesting

Koehl had a hand in killing), and broaching various olive branches
under the banner of National Socialist reunification. Koehl’s replies
ranged from a sincere thanks for the Lewitzke condolences to
contemptuous refusals to discuss reunification in the light of
Covington’s decade of vilification of Matt Koehl and all his works.
By the end of the 1980s, Covington was a tired and bitter man,
but he was no less a true believer in the National Socialist dream
than he had been in his youth. Now long estranged from his family
and on speaking terms with only a few members of the American
NS community, Covington desperately needed a change. Thus, the
1990s saw yet a new initiative, plus a new identity to go with it.
Caught up in the movement dream of establishing a White home-
land in the Pacific Northwest, Covington moved to Seattle, adopted
the name Winston Smith after the hero of George Orwell’s novel
1984, and published his newest and most successful newsletter,
Resistance. Of course, the feuds were hardly a thing of the past.
William Pierce and the National Alliance became Covington’s iat-
est béte noire, and a lawsuit may or may not have been filed against
Covington from those quarters, depending on whose version of
events one finds most credible. But the most noteworthy activity to
take place in Seattle was the 1994 initiative of forming a new
National Socialist White People’s Party under the leadership of the
erstwhile Winston Smith. Having for the better part of 20 years
failed to wrest Rockwell’s legacy from the tenacious grip of Matt
Koehl, Covington/Smith decided to pretend that Koehl’s organiza-
tion had simply ceased to exist. Indeed, Covington argues in a 1997
letter that the original NSWPP had ceased to exist “on January Ist,
1983 when Koehl changed the name to ‘New Order’ and retired to
Milwaukee, where he still issues periodic fund appeals out of force
of habit. Koehl’s literature mostly consists of bizarre stuff advocat-
ing the worship of the number ‘8’.”
Thus in Resistance #46 (1995), Covington could boast:
History must record that the Aryan racial resistance movement’s
break with lies and corruption and cowardice finally began on April
20th, 1994 and was cemented in 1995 with the creation of a true rev-
olutionary Party. Future chroniclers of our people must someday
write: “...just when all seemed lost and it appeared that no effective
Aryan resistance to racial destruction would be attempted, in the
mid-1990’s the National Socialist White People’s Party was resur-
rected virtually out of thin air by a small band of dedicated men and
women who finally decided that it was time for the nonsense to stop.
 HAROLD COVINGTON 87

However, as with so many of Covington’s initiatives, the north-

west migration too was short-lived and by 1997, Covington was
back in North Carolina, using the Internet to spread the message
via a private NSWPP mailing list. At the same time, Covington’s
opponents in the movement struck back. Hoisting Covington by
his own satirical petard, a web site and the “Weird Harold” mail-
ing list was inaugurated. The site was replete with files detailing
all of the long-standing charges against the man they referred to
as “Rabbi Covington” and news photos such as President Bill
Clinton’s swearing-in ceremony with the added caption, “I swear to
pay Harold Covington on time and help him destroy the White
Resistance.”
Covington’s long history in the American National Socialist
movement may be thought of as something of a cautionary tale, and
certainly he is far from the end of his colorful career. What will fol-
low is anyone’s guess—certainly Covington, least of all, could pre-
dict his next initiative. But if Covington’s history is a cautionary
tale, it is a deeply revealing one. In today’s American National
Socialist subculture, Harold Covington shares with his most bitter
enemy of the moment, William Pierce, that rarest of combinations:
long experience in the movement and incisive intelligence. Yet
where the cautious Pierce carefully guards his private thoughts,
Covington writes first and regrets later. Therefore, it is Covington
who does the most to answer the question that has most puzzled
even the most neutral of outside observers: how does an intelligent
man persevere in a milieu so viciously divisive and, truth be told, so
filled with madness and despair? In answering this question,
Covington’s internal and public expressions, for once, are in perfect
accord. First and foremost, the activist must be ready to sacrifice
everything to the cause. No greater example could be offered than
the all-too-typical scenario of failed marriages and estrangement
from family and friends. Covington has indeed suffered familial
ostracism, but it is his two marriages that concern us here. Once
again, no better source could be offered than Harold Covington’s
own mordant reflections on these tragicomic affairs:
My first marriage was at age 19; she was 18. It was a teenaged mis-
take. We neither of us had any business getting married, and we
damned sure had no business getting married to each other. My
habit of dragging her halfway around the world to Rhodesia, South
Africa, and other strange places certainly didn’t help, neither did los-
ing two children, one through miscarriage and the other through crib
88 HAROLD COVINGTON

death at four months. We were divorced in 1978 and I last saw her in
1980 when we spent the weekend together in Raleigh, and we parted
more or less amicably along the “chalk it up to experience” line.
My second marriage in Ireland was a far more complex situa-
tion which I don’t propose to get into, but it was one of those cases
where the good times were really good, the bad times were hellish,
and although the bad times were starting to outnumber the good we
still might have made it were it not for certain outside forces
interfering.
Louise was an Irish redhead of the crockery-throwing, pictur-
esque brogue dialect-cursing Maureen O’Hara type. She was not a
feminist bitch, she was just a bitch, the kind who used to be called a
“scold” and for whom our ancestors used to have ducking stools and
tongue clips. Her favorite benediction was “Begob, that square
Protestant head of yours would look good on the end of a pike!” I
never hit her except in self-defense, and no, that is not a joke. (She
tried to kick me once while barefoot, missed me and hit a solid oak
table and broke her big toe, which got her ROYALLY pissed off, I can
tell you!) She once told me that as a child in Dublin she lived down
the street from the young Bob Geldof [of the rock band the Boom-
town Rats] and used to beat up on him and take his toys, on one
occasion knocking him unconscious with a camogie stick, which I
can well believe.
She filed for the divorce in the Isle of Man, ironically after
voting AGAINST divorce in an earlier referendum in Ireland because
she said she was afraid I might divorce HER against her will if it
were legalized. [“...A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little
minds.”—Emerson] The divorce was pretty rancorous, but then
everything Louise did was rancorous. She told a lot of lies about me
in the petition but no more than is customary, and after a time I
don’t really hold it against her.

Where most activists become frustrated, lonely, or simply dis-

gusted with the “movement” and, giving in to despair, quietly
disengage from the scene, Harold Covington has steadfastly
refused to try to find a way out. As he wrote in a letter to a financial
supporter in 1980:
I for one, can’t give up even if I wanted to. The Jews are the most
cruel, vindictive, and viscous [sic] people on the face of the earth.
They never forgive and never forget, and even if I tried to flee they
would hound me and harass me and never rest until they had
destroyed me. But what is more, I don’t want to give up. I refuse to
accept this incredibly evil world as it is. I refuse to accept the
 HAROLD COVINGTON 89

destruction of my race and my civilization. I refuse to lie down and

die like a slave.

What then is left but the dream that is the one thing that serves
to unite the fratricidal world of American National Socialism? It is
the timeless dream that was given flesh by the Fiihrer, and is a
vision of hope and despair that the American movement shares
only in its most private moments.
In the same 1980 letter, Covington asserts:
Does anybody really believe we can someday take over and put all
the niggers on boats and send them back to Africa? Do you believe
it? I don’t. The niggers simply will not go—even if we could take
power legally, we would have to kill them all. Do you have any idea
how many men it would take to track down and wipe out thirty mil-
lion jungle bunnies, fifteen or so million spics, plus all the Jews,
Filipinos, Haitians, boat people, etc.? Is there any realistic chance
that we are going to assemble that type of following in our lifetime?

Undoubtedly not, but what other vision could be so powerful as

to sustain Harold Covington and the tiny community of the Ameri-
can National Socialist faithful in the distant dream of an apocalyp-
tic New Dawn? How can they look beyond the madness and
mediocrity that so defines the modern “movement”? In a 1998 mes-
sage to the National Socialist White People’s Party faithful,
Covington tells of his own despair and determination in a form that
may be thought of as universal to the battle-scarred veterans of the
wars of the right-wing:
On December Ist, 1996, a Sunday morning, I stepped out of the door
of my apartment in Carrboro, North Carolina, and almost stepped
right into a mound of clearly human feces. I know to a moral cer-
tainty that this act was committed by the National Alliance, and
since then I am told that a certain individual living in Raleigh,
North Carolina, has boasted of committing this act, cackling with
demented laughter as he did so; his demeanor as he told this jolly
little anecdote caused a woman NA member to resign from the
group, and she subsequently reported this incident to me. (By the
by, the feces were on a piece of cardboard; no one actually dropped
his drawers on my doorstep. The man responsible for this does not
have the physical courage to remain that long in close proximity to
me, as he has proven over the past nine years, and I personally dis-
believe his claim to have personally delivered the “package”. I think
he probably incited someone else to do it while he waited in the car.
But I digress.)
90 HAROLD COVINGTON

I have been accused of harping on this incident and being

“obsessed” by it. Well, maybe there’s something to that, although
not in the sense that my critics mean. I happen to believe that as
disgusting as it is, this is one of the most vitally significant experi-
ences I ever underwent. It was, for me, a kind of epiphany.
I understood in a flash of comprehension who had placed the
object there, and in one mind-expanding moment I understood what
it all meant. There before me under my poised shoe was twenty-five
years of my life. From 1971 until 1996 I served The Movement with
my entire being, and there waiting for me to step forward was the
cosmic commentary on my whole adult life. What I had been risking
my life, my freedom and my future for was indeed the Move-
ment—the Bowel Movement. I threw the filthy thing away, went
and got my Sunday paper, washed and scrubbed my hands and
arms to the elbows until they were almost scalded, sat down witha
cup of coffee and marveled at my life.
I knew then—and I know now—that if I stay with this, it will
always be the Bowel Movement. There will be no change. It is NOT
going to get better. Twenty-five years later, in the year 2021, when I
am 68 years old, I will one day step out of my door and find turds
placed on my doorstep by deranged, dysfunctional morons who
claim to speak for the Aryan race. Probably from that same walking
cockroach over there in Raleigh, if he’s still alive in 2021. It is writ-
ten in the stars. I am quite mad, of course. Only a madman would
stay with it. But I can’t leave. Because the IDEA—the SPIRIT—the
SOUL of National Socialism is a thing of such beauty, such intense
power, such glory, that it is to me the very essence of life.
That’s how crazy I am, people. I am willing to accept the turds on
the doorstep in order to continue even the most tenuous, faintest con-
tact with that wonderful, unspeakably beautiful and life-giving ideal
of Adolf Hitler.

See also: American Nazi Party; Carto, Willis; Church of the Creator; Collin,
Frank; Cooper, Rick; Hitler, Adolf; Klassen, Ben; Koehl, Matt; Lauck,
Gerhard; Metzger, Tom; National Alliance; National Socialist Party of
America; National Socialist White People’s Party; Pierce, William; Rockwell,
George Lincoln; Tommasi, Joseph.

Further reading: Harold Covington, Rose of Honor (Pittsburgh, PA:

Dorrance & Co., 1980); Harold Covington, The March Upcountry (Reading,
PA: Liberty Bell, 1987); Elizabeth Wheaton, Codename Greenkill—The 1979
Greensboro Killings (Atlanta: University of Georgia Press, 1987).
 D
SAVITRI DEVI Born Maximiani Portas, Savitri Devi was one of
the most compelling figures to emerge from the wreckage of post-
war National Socialism. More than any single figure, it was Devi
who would carry the torch of occult National Socialism through the
grim period following World War II. Through her writings and her
personal example, she would inspire a new generation of National
Socialists to explore the occult byways of racial mysticism that were
once blazed by such nineteenth-century German figures as Guido
von List and such Third Reich figures as Heinrich Himmler.
Originally a French citizen, Devi was born in 1905 of Greek and
British parents. Educated in France and Greece, Devi earned mas-
ter’s degrees in philosophy and science in France in the 1920s and
received a Ph.D. in chemistry on the basis of her dissertation, La
Simplicité Mathématique, in 1931. Mathematics and science, how-
ever, held less allure for Devi than did contemporary politics, reli-
gious speculation, and (of greatest import) the Aryan philosophical
and religious traditions of ancient India. India, in fact, would be her
home for much of her life.
Before embarking on her spiritual quest, however, Devi took an
active interest in politics. Even as a young girl, she was much
attracted to Germany and to the German philosophical and intel-
lectual traditions. Appalled by the betrayal of Germany at
Versailles following World War I, as well as by the treatment of
Greek refugees in the same period, Devi determined to learn more
of what she instinctively felt were the deeper realities that deter-
mined the seemingly chaotic course of world events. It was during
this youthful quest for knowledge both hidden and suppressed that
Devi acquired her lifelong aversion to Judaism.
Devi’s anti-Semitism was fed by several currents. First, there
was the Bible, and in particular the Old Testament, which she felt
was rife with examples of Jewish perfidy. This feeling would be con-
siderably reinforced by reports of Zionist actions in Palestine in the
1920s. In 1929—the year of Arab riots and the killing of a number of
Jews in Hebron—she visited Palestine and confirmed for herself the

91
92 SAVITRI DEVI

truth of these reports. Her studies brought her into contact with the
intellectual anti-Semitism that was the common coin of the realm in
the French academy, and this too seems to have been a factor. In
this, the work of the intellectual anti-Semite Ernst Renan would be
an important influence both in confirming her dim view of the Jews
as racial and cultural outsiders and in fixing India and the Aryan
myth of origins as the central interest of her life. Of considerable
importance, too, was what she perceived to be the malign role Jews
played in the defeat of Germany in World War I. This latter stream
would come to dominate Devi’s view of the Jews, as her admiration
for Hitler and the Third Reich grew in the 1930s through World War
II. Here, Devi seems to have been one of the select few to actually
read Alfred Rosenberg’s verbose and turgid 1930 opus The Myth of
the Twentieth Century. Even the Fiihrer would confide that, though
he displayed this book prominently on his bedside table, he found it
unreadable; Devi, however, was enchanted by it.
In the 1930s Devi moved to India and undertook what would
prove to be a lifelong study of the classic Indian texts, the Vedas and
the Upanishads. From these sources, and from their contemporary
manifestations in the caste system, Devi felt that she had found the
true sources of the once-and-future greatness of the Aryan race.
In 1940, Devi married a pro-Nazi Indian nationalist named A. K.
Mukherji. This gave her a British passport and the possibility of
deepening her work for the Third Reich. In Calcutta, the Mukherji
home became something of a salon for Allied diplomats and military
officers, and whatever intelligence could be gathered found its way
quickly to the German consulate. Devi felt her greatest service to the
cause, however, would be in her ongoing research and the book she
was writing, which would set out a blueprint for the new Aryan reli-
gion that she believed would be instituted in Germany after the inev-
itable Nazi victory.
In the event, of course, Germany was defeated. Devi’s dream of a
global Aryan racial paradise would now never be realized, but
through considerable adversity, she held fast to her ideals until her
death in 1982. She returned to Europe in 1945, settling in England
where her book on the religious heritage of ancient Egypt, A Son of
God, was published and well received in British intellectual and
occult circles.
It was the work that followed, however, titled Impeachment of
Man (finished in London and published in 1946), that stands as a
classic in the current world of National Socialism. Radical environ-
mentalism, amounting indeed to a religion of nature, has always
been strong in National Socialist thought and, with the wartime
 SAVITRI DEVI 93

defeat, has become as much a trademark of the movement as

anti-Semitism and racialist thought. Impeachment of Man remains
the strongest statement of the National Socialist nature religion
that may be found today. Opening with epigraphs from Alfred
Rosenberg (“Thou shalt love God in all things, animals and plants”)
and Josef Goebbels (who in a diary entry quotes the Fihrer’s
resolve to create a postwar society that would eschew the eating of
meat), the book is a passionate treatise on the rights of animals and
of plants, as contrasted with humans’ egocentric consumption and
destruction of the natural world. The argument is couched in reli-
gious terms, and the proof texts are drawn from the Aryan Golden
Age. The book, long out of print, underwent a revival when Willis
Carto released a new Noontide Press edition in 1991.
In 1946, Savitri Devi moved from England to Iceland. There, the
ancient Norse pantheon joined the ancient Indian heritage as a
source for her Aryan religiosity. Here, too, Devi anticipated by
decades Odinism’s popularization of the Norse/Germanic pantheon
as a fitting Aryan racial religion in the postwar movement.
Two years later, Devi undertook a more open pro-Nazi course of
activism, traveling to occupied Germany and distributing propa-
ganda leaflets. This resulted in her incarceration in 1949. While in
jail, Devi expanded one of her leaflets into the book that she consid-
ered her magnum opus, Gold in the Furnace. In it, at once an auto-
biography and a dreamy meditation on what could have been, she
states explicitly that which until 1948 she had never dared to pub-
licly utter:
I love this land, Germany, as the hallowed cradle of National Social-
ism; the country that staked its all so that the whole of the Aryan
race might stand together in its regained ancestral pride; Hitler’s
country.
Because for the last twenty years I have loved and admired
Hitler and the German people, I was happy—oh so happy!—thus to
express my faith in the superman whom the world has misunder-
stood and hated and rejected. I was not sorry to lose my freedom for
the pleasure of bearing witness to his glory, now, in 1948.

Devi was released from prison after six months, and then
entered her most productive literary period. The autobiographical
Defiance appeared in 1950. Devi’s example served as an inspiration
to a new generation of National Socialists when a portion of the
book was published in the winter 1968 edition of the American Nazi
Party’s intellectual journal, the National Socialist World, edited
by the American Nazi Party’s only intellectual, William Pierce.
94 SAVITRI DEVI

Gold in the Furnace came out in 1952, followed by another memoir,

Pilgrimage, in 1958 (though some sources give the publication date
as early as 1953).
Her most important work, The Lightning and the Sun, appeared
in 1956, and a condensed version was published in the premier edi-
tion (spring 1966) of the National Socialist World. The Lightning
and the Sun is a remarkable exposition of occult National Socialism
that explicitly deifies Hitler as the savior of the Aryan people. The
first words of the book read:
To the godlike individual of our times; the Man against time; the
greatest European of all times; both Sun and Lightning: ADOLF
HITLER.
The Lightning and the Sun ranges through the ages, suggesting
a religious and political history in which the Third Reich is both the
apex and the natural culmination of Aryan development. The book
ends with at once a cry of despair and an affirmation of hope:
Kalki will lead them through the flames of the great end, and into
the sunshine of the new Golden Age.
We like to hope that the memory of the one-before-the-last and
most heroic of all our men against time—Adolf Hitler—will survive
at least in songs and symbols. We like to hope that the lords of the
age, men of his own blood and faith, will render him divine honors,
through rites full of meaning and full of potency, in the cool shade of
the endless regrown forests, on the beaches, or upon inviolate moun-
tain peaks, facing the rising sun.

As if to belie the heroic tones of her National Socialist dream,

Devi found the 1950s an empty time. While she could escape into the
world of her literary dreams, and while she traveled intensively in
these years, a terrible void remained in her life. The “man against
time” and his iron heroes were gone—many were dead, others living
in hiding, still others captured and brought to the bar of Allied jus-
tice. It was not until the 1960s that Devi could allow her hopes of a
National Socialist revival to live again.
Through the jungle telegraph linking European Nazis, Devi
soon got wind of a rising young star on the American scene, George
Lincoln Rockwell. Rockwell, whe founded the American Nazi Party
in 1959, began to correspond with Devi in 1960. It was Devi who
introduced Rockwell to the man who would quietly become a men-
tor, the unreconstructed German National Socialist Bruno Ludtke.
Together with Britain’s Colin Jordan, the three became the core of
the World Union of National Socialists—an organization that
 SAVITRI DEVI 95

sought, with little success, to link the far-flung National Socialist

tribes from throughout the world. The high point of their effort was
a 1962 meeting at Cotswold, England, that resulted in the Cotswold
Agreement, the World Union of National Socialists’ founding docu-
ment that served as a theoretical blueprint for the revival of a
global neo-Nazi movement. Cotswold, in which Savitri Devi served
as the representative of France, was the first and last time that
Devi and Rockwell would have the opportunity to meet.
By all reports, Rockwell was mesmerized by Devi. Here was a liv-
ing link to the original font of National Socialism—Nazi
Germany—and here too was a visionary whose religious vision of
National Socialist revival immeasurably deepened and enriched
Rockwell’s more narrowly political conception of the movement.
Moreover, the fact that Devi was the only woman in the upper eche-
lons of National Socialism at that time was no small matter either.
In the end, it mattered little. The World Union of National Social-
ists never rose above the level of squabbling “leaders” more engaged
in internecine plotting than in serious pursuit of revolutionary
change and the institution of a neo-Nazi New Order. Worse, only five
short years after Cotswold, Rockwell was dead, felled by bullets from
the gun of a disgruntled former follower. The World Union of
National Socialists soldiered on for decades, but as a mere shell of
the organization envisioned by Rockwell, Ludtke, Devi, and Jordan.
Devi’s remaining years were bleak. Much of her time was spent
back in mother India with her husband, writing, corresponding,
and marking time. She was an early convert to the field of Holo-
caust denial, and it was under her influence that such well-known
Holocaust revisionists of the present day as Ernst Zundel were
introduced to the faith. Indeed, Devi’s chief contribution to the
movement to which she had dedicated her life in the 1970s was her
tireless correspondence with true believers throughout the world.
Her personal circumstances did not fare so well, however, and at
her death in 1982 she was reportedly penniless.
In the course of her life, Savitri Devi’s achievements were mea-
ger, if measured on the scale of her dreams of re-creating a National
Socialist revival. At her death, the world of explicit National Social-
ism was, if anything, more fragmented and powerless than ever
before. But her writings, together with the powerful dream of a
religio-mystical Aryan Golden Age that they so eloquently convey,
are having a powerful impact on the movement, and indeed reach-
ing beyond the narrow confines of the radical right and into the
realms of radical ecology and New Age thought.
96 ELIZABETH DILLING

See also: American Nazi Party; Carto, Willis; Hitler, Adolf; Jordan, Colin;
Ludtke, Bruno; Odinism; Pierce, William; Religion of Nature; Rockwell,
George Lincoln; World Union of National Socialists.

Further reading: Savitri Devi, “The Lightning and the Sun (A New Edition),”
National Socialist World 1 (spring 1966); Savitri Devi, “Gold in the Fur-
nace,” National Socialist World 3 (spring 1967); Savitri Devi, “Defiance,”
National Socialist World 6 (winter 1968); Savitri Devi, Impeachment of Man
(Costa Mesa, CA: Noontide Press, 1991); Nicholas Goodrick-Clark, Hitler's
Priestess: Savitri Devi, the Hindu-Aryan Myth, and Occult Neo-Nazism
(New York: New York University Press, 1998); Fritz Nova, Alfred
Rosenberg: Nazi Theorist of the Holocaust (New York: Hippocrene Books,
1986); Phillip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990); Frederick J. Simonelli, American
Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Cham-
paign: University of Illinois Press, 1999).

ELIZABETH DILLING In her later years, Elizabeth Dilling played

the role of the grandmotherly, blue-haired old lady who could
always be counted on to respond to a mail solicitation with a
few dollars for a variety of anti-Semitic causes. Older members
of the American racist movement knew better, however. Dilling
was the author of several of the most scurrilous attacks on Franklin
Roosevelt and his administration to appear in the interwar years.
Moreover, she apparently drew blood from the thin-skinned presi-
dent, according to the official reaction to her “revelations.” Her
career spans two generations of the American radical right, and her
influence is still felt somewhat today.
Elizabeth Dilling graduated from the University of Chicago, and
after a visit to the Soviet Union in 1931 her life changed. The expe-
rience made of her a passionate anticommunist. She soon became
convinced that Jews were responsible for the communist move-
ment, and a fanatical anti-Semite was born. Dilling, a strikingly
beautiful redhead in her youth, was married twice. Both her hus-
bands would figure prominently, albeit indirectly, in her political
activities. Albert Dilling, her first husband, was an attorney by
whom she had a daughter; she would refer to him in public as “Mr.
Dilling” even before their divorce. Albert left her in good financial
condition, and when she was indicted in the Sedition Trial of 1942,
he served as her lawyer. Her second husband, Jeremiah Stokes,
shared her politics if not her activism and on his death left Dilling
with a comfortable nest egg that allowed her to carry on her work
virtually until her own death in Lincoln, Nebraska, in 1966.
 ELIZABETH DILLING o7,

Dilling’s primary claim to historical fame stems from two books

that she authored in the early years of the Roosevelt administration.
To Dilling, Franklin Roosevelt was in all likelihood a Jew and his
administration a Trojan horse for international communism. To pub-
licize these views, she authored and published at her own expense
two of the more vituperative books of the era. The Red Network: A
“Who's Who” and Handbook of Radicalism for Patriots was published
in 1934. Red Network opened with a primer on the horrors of social-
ism (seen as synonymous with communism), proceeded to an ency-
clopedic listing of organizations Dilling believed to be communist
fronts, and then culminated with a list of no fewer than 1,300 promi-
nent Americans connected in some way to the Roosevelt administra-
tion whom she felt to be active communists or “fellow travelers.”
Never a woman given to subtlety, Dilling followed this tome
with The Roosevelt Red Record and Its Background in 1936. The
Roosevelt Red Record carried the attack to FDR himself and mem-
bers of his inner circle, accusing them of being active communists.
These literary efforts, together with a brief prewar visit to Nazi
Germany, brought Dilling the distinction of being the only woman
to be charged in the 1942 sedition trial.
Unlike many of her aging and insolvent codefendants, Dilling
had the financial wherewithal to move to a small apartment in
Washington, D.C., where she remained with her daughter and a
typewriter throughout the long years of the trial. Her running com-
mentary on the proceedings, carried in her Chicago-based Patriotic
Research Bureau newsletter and promulgated in her private corre-
spondence to a number of supporters around the country, remains
the best defendant’s-eye record of the proceedings available today.
After the war, Dilling remained active. She moved from Chicago
to Kansas to Nebraska, increasing her output of anti-Semitic propa-
ganda at each stop. Her anti-Semitism, in fact, became too extreme
for many in the American race movement. She declined, for example,
to become involved in the Korean War era movement to draft
General Douglas MacArthur as a Republican candidate for president
because of her suspicions that the general too may have harbored
some Jewish blood.
Elizabeth Dilling is best remembered in the movement today for
one of her last works, The Plot Against Christianity, published in
1964. The book may best be seen as an updated and Americanized
Protocols of the Elders of Zion. It juxtaposes anti-Semitic texts with
selectively chosen passages from the Babylonian Talmud to further
the thesis that Jews are engaged in an age-old plot to destroy the
98 DAVID DUKE

Christian religion, to murder Christians, and thus to inherit the

earth. Renamed The Jewish Religion: Its Influence Today, the book is
currently available from Willis Carto’s anti-Semitic Noontide Press.
See also: Carto, Willis.

Further reading: Elizabeth Dilling, The Red Network: A “Who’s Who” and
Handbook of Radicalism for Patriots (Elizabeth Dilling, 1934); Elizabeth
Dilling, The Roosevelt Red Record and Its Background (Elizabeth Dilling,
1936); Elizabeth Dilling, The Jewish Religion: Its Influence Today (Torrance,
CA: Noontide Press, 1983); John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Commu-
nists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books,
1992): Leo Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right (Philadelphia: Temple Univer-
sity Press, 1983).

DAVID DUKE It is hard to escape the suspicion that David Duke,

if he had it to do over again, would have become a conservative pop-
ulist politician rather than a Nazi or a Klansman. Who knows how
far the mediagenic Duke might have gone? As it is, Duke is today
reduced to making high-profile but doomed crusades for statewide
office in Louisiana, tending to his web site, making speeches to the
faithful across the nation, and in his spare time taking knowing
part in the wry chuckles his name evokes by appearing on such
television programs as the satirical Daily Show on the basic cable
channel, Comedy Central, where he half-seriously answers a corre-
spondent’s query about how best to remove stubborn stains from
white sheets. Given a different set of choices as a young man, Duke
might well have achieved something better.
David Duke’s first taste of media magic haunts him to this day.
In a 1970 photo picked up by the wire services, Duke as a baby-
faced teenager is depicted in full Nazi regalia in a one-man demon-
stration holding a sign saying, “Gas the Chicago 7”—a reference to
the high-profile trial of a group of left-wing radicals in Chicago.
Duke was then a student at Louisiana State University and a
mail-order member of Joseph Tommasi’s National Socialist Libera-
tion Front (NSLF). The NSLF would later break with its parent
group, the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP), and
turn to revolutionary violence. But in 1970, it was still very much
the youth arm of the NSWPP, and its primary appeal was aimed at
earnest White college students such as David Duke. Duke, how-
ever, was one of the very few to answer the NSLPF’s call for support
in a doomed effort to stem the tide of antiwar radicalism that was
then sweeping the campuses of America.
 DAVID DUKE 99

Duke in these years drew considerable local attention handing

out National Socialist Liberation Front and National Socialist
White People’s Party propaganda on the LSU campus and enlight-
ening the student newspaper, the Reveille, with the finer points of
NSLF doctrine. A portion of this dated discourse is offered by
Michael Zatarian in his book David Duke: Evolution of a Klansman:
The NSLF has different views from the run of the mill groups on
campus, whether they support the right or the left. Their approach
to the problems confronting our civilization is completely mechani-
cal, economic and materialistic. National Socialism, on the other
hand, is unique! Instead of stressing materialistic economic dogma
as democratic-liberalism has in its Eastern version or Western ver-
sion, we believe that the quality and spirit are by far the most
important issues of our time. R
What are the goals of the NSLF? Our first goal is to break
through the communications barrier in this country and to let the
people know exactly what we stand for instead of what certain
people say we stand for. Once people hear both sides, we are confi-
dent that they will choose ours; then we can proceed to build the
leadership we need to liberate our people so that they can deter-
mine their own destiny.

Even at this young age, Duke was perfecting his ability to speak
to different audiences in strikingly different ways. The identity of
the malign cabal from which it would be necessary “to liberate our
people so that they can determine their own destiny” is left unre-
marked, and indeed in an earlier paragraph in the same letter to
the editor, Duke explicitly denies that the National Socialist Liber-
ation Front intends to “Exterminate all Jews, and with more effi-
cient methods than Hitler used! Ship all the Negroes back to Africa
in cattle boats! Exterminate all people who politically disagree.”
Yet anyone familiar with Joseph Tommasi and his extraordinarily
radical writings find plenty of support for scenarios quite similar to
these. Tommasi and the National Socialist Liberation Front fright-
ened the conservative majority of American National Socialists
with their violent rhetoric, yet, for public consumption, Duke man-
ages to render them only a shade to the right of the Young Ameri-
cans for Freedom. This is vintage David Duke.
Never one to ride a dead horse for long, Duke realized that the
National Socialist Liberation Front was going nowhere. In this he
was prescient, for the NSLF by 1974 had broken with the National
Socialist White People’s Party, and by August 1975, its charismatic
leader, Joseph Tommasi, was dead. Thus began a period of drift for
100 DAVID DUKE

Duke, in both the physical and spiritual senses. In the latter, Duke
decided to leave the United States for a time, and thus he embarked
on a brief world tour. Of this period, he was most impressed with
India, and his essay on the wonders of that mysterious civilization
and its caste system, titled “My Indian Odyssey—A Ghost from
India Haunts Me Still,” can be found today on Don Black’s
Stormfront web site and on Duke’s own home page.
Duke formed and later dumped an organization called the
White Youth Alliance, and another called the National Party. Then,
around 1972, Duke discovered the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
Duke looked nothing like the popular conception of a Klansman,
and that was the whole point. Young, telegenic, charismatic—Duke
shattered the mold of the “good ol’ boy” southern Klansman, and
he was an immediate sensation in Klan circles. He soon gathered
an influential group of supporters, including Klansmen such as
Don Black and other long-time racists who had marched under
many banners such as James Warner, a veteran of George Lincoln
Rockwell’s American Nazi Party, a short-lived Odinist ministry,
and most recently the Christian Identity New Christian Crusade
Church. Constantly at Duke’s side in these years was his young
wife, Chloe, also a White Power true believer. Taking the name
National Director of the Klan rather than the traditional Grand
Wizard, Duke set out across the South to spread the word.
The next few years were spent organizing, marching, going to jail,
getting out of jail, and, most of all, building the Knights of the
Ku Klux Klan’s organization. Almost single-handedly, David Duke
for a moment in history seemed to make the Klan almost relevant
again. For Duke, it was an exciting time, and a frightening one.
Duke’s first experience of jail in the early 1970s had been, to say the
least, unsettling. The then-unknown Duke found himself isolated
behind bars, a baby-faced young White boy in a population of mostly
Black inmates—few of whom were making their first visit to the
facility. The situation did not improve as Duke’s notoriety grew.
Duke and Chloe barnstormed through the South, and later
expanded the campaign to a national level. They worked where
they could in these years—the mailing list was hardly sufficient to
support them as yet. Unsurprisingly, the smooth-talking Duke
found an ideal job as a salesman for Kirby vacuum cleaners, and by
his own testimony he was quite good at it.
The numbers Duke could draw to Klan rallies were impressive,
occasionally gathering more than a thousand—an unheard-of num-
ber in the 1970s. As he traveled, Duke perfected the talent he had
 DAVID DUKE 101

developed in his National Socialist Liberation Front days at Louisi-

ana State University for tailoring his rhetoric to his audience and
professing to see no contradiction between the violently racialist
rhetoric spoken at a Klan meeting and the smoothly delivered
ruminations on race and history he would offer to the press and the
general public.
Duke’s media profile soared in the 1970s. In this, Duke bene-
fited from a change that was then in its nascent stages in the
media’s treatment of the radical right. In the immediate postwar
period, such Jewish watchdog groups as the American Jewish Com-
mittee (under the leadership of Rabbi Solomon Fineberg) formu-
lated a policy that came to be known successively as Quarantine
and later Dynamic Silence; it sought, with considerable success, to
isolate the voices of the radical right by convincing the mainstream
media to simply ignore their activities. This worked remarkably
well, and it was this policy that was most responsible for the
marginalization of the once-powerful voice of the Depression-era
demagogue Gerald L. K. Smith and of the angry rhetoric of George
Lincoln Rockwell in the early 1960s.
By Duke’s day, however, the advent of popular talk shows opened
a door for the walking wounded of American society to publicly air
their private demons. The medium was perfect for David Duke, and
his appearances on such late-night fare as a 1974 edition of Tom
Snyder’s Tomorrow Show on NBC allowed Duke the priceless oppor- »
tunity to present his new face of the Klan to a national audience, a
few of whom were inspired enough to become involved in the race
movement in general and Duke’s Knights of the KKK in particular.
Occasionally, the wide disparity between Duke’s movement rhet-
oric and his public professions would come back to haunt him. For
example, the transcript of a Louisiana trial for incitement to riot in
1976 contrasted statements he made at a rally with those he made
on the Tomorrow Show. More ominously, Duke’s rise was hardly
appreciated by rival Klan leaders and by less successful competitors
throughout the radical right. Thus, while he was on trial for the 1976
incitement charges (he and James Warner were ultimately convicted
and sentenced to six months and three months, respectively), Duke
was obliged to respond to charges that internal opponents circulated
in a letter-writing campaign. In an undated flier issued by the
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan titled “A Legal Lynching: A Personal
Account by David Duke,” Duke complains:
At a time when I face jail because of my work for the White race a
couple of individuals calling themselves “Klansmen” have sent out
102 DAVID DUKE

a vile smear letter against me and our Movement. The letter is

“unsigned” with the letterhead of the Invisible Empire [Bill
Wilkinson’s Invisible Empire of the KKK].
What motivates such people. Is it petty jealousy? Do they think
if I am “out of the way” in jail then Klansmen will look to them as
true leaders of our Movement? Or are the same government and
Jewish organizations that are trying to repress our movement and
put me in jail behind their efforts? I don’t know what the motivation
is, but I do know that whoever indulges in such rumor-mongering is
playing right into the Jews’ hands. Indeed if they are in our own
camp they are worse than Jews because at least Jews defend their
own and stick together while these people if they are on “our side”
have betrayed their own race, their own flesh and blood....
If indeed you receive any attacks on me or on our organization it
very likely came from the mailing list that Jerry Dutton [a reporter
who infiltrated the Klan and wrote a book based on his experience]
stole from our organization when he worked for us last October.
(Dutton had similarly stolen a copy of Edward Fields “Thunderbolt”
mailing list some time ago). A list that I had worked hard building up
for seven years.

While fighting battles in the courts and within the race move-
ment, Duke would not infrequently find his carefully tailored inter-
nal and external messages thrown back at him in public forums and
in the media. A classic example from March 28, 1991, found an
unsuspecting Duke as a guest on the David Brudnoy Show, on
Boston’s WBZ Radio. (The full transcript of this show is found in the
“Resources” section of this encyclopedia.)
The tension between the “Movement Duke” and the “Public
Duke” became unbearable, and in 1980 it finally came to a head.
Duke needed to get out of the Klan. Its constant internecine battles,
its perpetual negative public image, and the lamentable quality of its
recruits were, for a bright and ambitious young politico like David
Duke, simply more baggage than he was willing to carry.
But how to get out and start anew? Incredibly, he turned to one of
his oldest enemies, Bill Wilkinson, whose Invisible Empire of the
KKK was responsible for the internal poison-pen campaign against
Duke noted above. Duke offered to sell Wilkinson the highly prized
mailing list that he “had worked hard building up for seven years”
for the princely (by movement standards) sum of $35,000. Wilkinson,
whose own career would be cut short in a few years when it was
revealed that he had long been an FBI informant, readily agreed,
and a meeting was set up to effect the transaction.
 DAVID DUKE 103

Of course, Wilkinson did not have $35,000, but the mailing list
was not the point of the meeting. Rather, it was a marvelous chance
for Wilkinson to do-in his more successful rival, and Duke walked
smiling into the trap. Wilkinson secretly videotaped the meeting,
and soon the duplicitous Duke’s treason to his organization and his
supporters, as well as his less than charitable view of his followers,
was immortalized and gleefully repeated throughout the American
radical right.
In the end, Duke got his wish. He was out of the Klan, but his rep-
utation in the movement was indelibly tarnished. Few in the world of
the American racialist right would ever trust David Duke again.
Duke’s new vehicle was the semirespectable-sounding National
Association of the Advancement of White People (NAAWP). An
obvious takeoff on the National Association of the Advancement of
Colored People (NAACP), the group served as both a symbol of
Duke’s new approach—a civil rights organization for beleaguered
Whites rather than a racist group—and a much-needed fund-
raising center. Indeed, the early issues of the NAAWP News were
little more than a combination of fund-raising appeals and adver-
tising fliers, though each managed to include color photographs of
David Duke.
The early 1980s were a dry time for Duke. He continued to func-
tion with one foot in the movement and the other in the fringes of
mainstream politics. In 1988, however, he took the plunge into the
latter and announced his candidacy for the Democratic Party’s nomi-
nation for president. Duke’s campaign hardly caused either of the
mainstream candidates to lose any sleep, but it did give Duke a taste
for the electoral process that would have amazed the 17-year-old
member of the National Socialist Liberation Front nearly two
decades earlier. So much so, in fact, that in that same year Duke
accepted the nomination of Willis Carto’s pet project of the moment,
the Populist Party, for president.
The Populist run was a natural for Duke, whose primary support,
even as a Democratic candidate, was from the denizens of the radical
right. The campaign went nowhere, of course, but Duke learned
invaluable lessons about the nuts and bolts of running a political
campaign. It was this new-found wisdom, combined with his innate
talent for public speaking and his affinity for the media, that would
serve Duke well in the 1990s as he sought to put away the skeletons
of the radical right in a bid for mainstream acceptance.
Duke returned to Louisiana a confirmed electoral junkie, and he
wasted no time gearing up his next campaign. If the nation was not
104 DAVID DUKE

yet ready for a President Duke, why not start at the grassroots and
work up? Laboring quietly and taking full advantage of the fact
that no one really took him seriously, Duke put together a run for
the state House of Representatives and, to the shock of all, was
elected in 1989 on the Republican ticket. Duke now had what he
had always craved: a legitimate platform from which to proclaim a
suitably muted right-wing message. Today, Duke claims as his leg-
islative legacy authorship of House Bill 1013, which sought to curb
affirmative action in the state; the bill passed easily in 1990.
Duke served a single term in the legislature, but the experience
helped to make him a legitimate candidate in the eyes of many
Louisiana voters. In a state that has produced such colorful charac-
ters as Huey Long, Edwin Edwards, and Moon Landrau, what,
after all, is so unusual with electing a David Duke? And, for his
part, Duke increasingly consigned his past to the euphemistic
description of “youthful indiscretions” (though those indiscretions
had an inconvenient habit of jumping into Duke’s media events, to
his great embarrassment).
In any case, Duke made a run for the U.S. Senate in 1990, gar-
nering a more than respectable 44 percent of the vote against
incumbent Democrat J. Bennet Johnson. More to the point, Duke
received 57 percent of the White vote in an election in which the
powers that be were paying keen attention to the race and in which
Duke’s past did emerge as a major campaign issue. Duke was now
running on a straight populist appeal, opposing affirmative action,
high taxes, and social welfare programs that many White voters
believed unfairly benefited minority groups.
Undaunted by his loss, Duke jumped into the 1990 race for gov-
ernor against corruption-tinged incumbent Edwin Edwards. By
now, the anti-Duke forces had gathered and mounted a withering
press attack on him. Indeed, a bumper sticker that appeared in the
campaign may have summed up the sentiment of many: “Vote for
the Crook! It’s important.” Most held their noses and took the
advice, and Edwards was elected for another circus-like term as
governor. Duke, however, garnered an astonishing 55 percent of
the White vote.
Losses or no, the transformation of David Duke was now com-
plete. Starting out as a Nazi, Duke became a Klansman in the
1970s, metamorphosed into a national gadfly in the 1980s, and by
the 1990s had become a full-time professional candidate. The office
seems to matter less to Duke than the pure zeal he has for cam-
paigning and staying always one step in front of the next television
 DAVID DUKE 105

camera. That Duke’s vote totals seem to decline with each unsuc-
cessful run seems to mean less than the fact that he can still count
on sufficiently respectable numbers to keep him in the limelight.
Indeed, one can almost envision him in the early decades of the next
millennium as Louisiana’s answer to Harold Stassen!
Media notoriety, however, does allow him to tour the nation ina
whirlwind of speaking engagements and press interviews as he
gears up for the next campaign. In his spare time, he continues to
upgrade his state-of-the-art web site from which he hawks tapes
and videos of his appearances, offers “greatest hits” sound bites for
download to the curious, and pushes his latest publication, the
David Duke Report. What this all means in the great scheme of
American political life is probably very little. Duke’s favorite
topics—race, politics, and David Duke—hold endless fascination
for him, however, and so there is little chance that he will fade
quietly from the scene.
Duke is a man of considerable talent, charisma, and energy.
Observers may only wonder what may have been if he had not run
across a flier for the National Socialist Liberation Front in the wan-
ing days of the 1960s.
See also: American Nazi Party; Black, Don; Carto, Willis; Christian Identity;
National Socialist Liberation Front; National Socialist White People’s Party;
Odinism; Order; Rockwell, George Lincoln; Smith, Gerald L. K.; Tommasi,
Joseph; Warner, James.

Further reading: Tyler Bridges, The Rise of David Duke (Jackson: University
of Mississippi Press, 1994); Betty A. Dobratz and Stephanie L.
Shanks-Meile, White Power, White Pride! (New York: Twayne, 1997); John
C. Kuzenski, ed., David Duke and the Politics of Race in the South (Nash-
ville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 1995); Douglas D. Rose, ed., The
Emergence of David Duke and the Politics of Race (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1992); Patsy Sims, The Klan (New York: Stein and
Day, 1978); Michael Zatarian, David Duke: Evolution of a Klansman (New
York: Pelican, 1990).
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 JAMES ELLISON One of the more idiosyncratic characters to
emerge from the violent end of the Christian Identity world in the
1970s and early 1980s was James Ellison. At the height of his influ-
ence in the mid-1970s, Ellison and another Identity firebrand,
Kerry Noble, led the communal Identity group with the ungainly
title of the Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord (CSA) in a rural
redoubt that hugged the Missouri border with Arkansas and that
the founders called Zarephath-Horeb.
James Ellison today is a much reviled figure both in the Identity
world and, beyond it, in the world of the American radical right.
This was not always so, but it is true that Ellison’s path from the
beginning was somewhat singular. A believer, like many Identity
adherents, in the sacrality of the “White seed,” Ellison went beyond
mere rhetoric and actually formed a polygamous marriage with two
women, having children by each. A true believer in imminent apoc-
alypse, Ellison lived in the belief that the End was near and that it
would not be pretty. Indeed, he expected the full horrors of the apoc-
alypse, with famine, pestilence, and, in particular, racial warfare,
to be the hallmark of the Last Days.
The Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord compound was thus
seen as a fortress to preserve the “righteous remnant” of the White
race in those terrible times and as a bastion for the training of the
elite of the radical right wing in weapons and irregular tactics in
preparation for the apocalypse. Weapons held an enduring fascina-
tion for Ellison, and soon the CSA compound became the armorer
and preferred source of training for the most extreme elements of
the American radical right.
With such a perspective, and with a fiery rhetoric to match his
beliefs, Ellison did not have to wait long for trouble. Headstrong
and unwilling to listen to the counsel or criticisms of others, he soon
was embroiled in disputes with other Identity figures. This, how-
ever, is par for the course in the fractious Identity world. More seri-
ous were the complaints of defectors from the compound of the
Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord.

107
108 JAMES ELLISON

Ellison, who seems to have become somewhat unhinged as a

result of his outsized ego and the effects of both the CSA’s physical
isolation and his now unchallenged leadership, came to style him-
self “King James of the Ozarks.” While this was amusing to some,
charges of sexual immorality, common criminality, fraud, and the
abuse of his followers were not so lightly dismissed. The charges
and countercharges ricocheted through the Identity world in the
early 1980s and were most widely disseminated by John Harrell,
head of the Christian Patriots Defense League in Flora, Illinois.
Harrell, in fact, published the charges, his own correspondence
with Ellison and Kerry Noble, and the CSA’s response to the
charges. By 1984, when the federal government began the process
of charging and eventually incarcerating the CSA’s faithful, Ellison
had developed something of the reputation of a right-wing Jim
Jones in the Identity community.
Ellison’s star went into permanent decline in the wake of the
inevitable confrontation with the federal government. As late as
the winter of 1984-1985, he was vowing in the CSA Newsletter to
“fight, and die if necessary,” rather than give in to government
efforts to seize the property of the Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the
Lord. The threat was taken seriously, with good reason, given the
CSA’s considerable store of armaments, its daily military training
regimen, and years of fiery rhetoric. Thus, it was something of a
shock when, in April 1985, Ellison and company surrendered with-
out a shot being fired when surrounded by some 200 FBI agents.
Much of the credit for this peaceful denouement belongs to the
level-headed negotiating prowess of Kerry Noble, who had become
quietly disillusioned with Ellison, the radical course of the CSA,
and the right-wing in general.
Still greater surprises were in store. In the 1987 sedition trial in
Fort Smith, Arkansas, involving the members of the Order and the
most visible leaders of the American racialist right, the star witness
for the prosecution was none other than James Ellison! He testified
in return for promises of immunity, but his testimony proved of lit-
tle avail to the government, and the defendants were all acquitted.
Ellison was imprisoned from the time of the surrender of the CSA
compound until after the trial, and the experience devastated him.
His testimony at Fort Smith had made him an outcast in the world
of the far right, while endearing him not a whit to anyone else. Both
Ellison’s wives divorced him in this period.
 JAMES ELLISON 109

Ellison today lives at Elohim City, Oklahoma, a more stable,

far-right, communitarian property, whose patriarch, Robert Millar,
is the grandfather of Ellison’s current wife.
See also: Christian Identity; Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord; Order.

Further reading: CSA Journal; CSA Newsletter; CSA, C.S.A. Survival

Manual (n.p., n.d.); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse,
NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997).

Sheldon Emry See Barley, Dave.

European Liberation Front See Yockey, Francis Parker.

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 RALPH FORBES An Arkansas-based Identity minister and fre-
quent unsuccessful candidate for local office, Ralph Forbes pos-
sesses impeccable National Socialist credentials. In the 1960s,
Forbes had risen to the leadership of the fractious California con-
tingent of George Lincoln Rockwell’s original American Nazi Party
(ANP). From the beginning, however, Forbes’s strongly religious
bent contrasted with the more secular orientation of his compatri-
ots. The result was constant friction, which turned into open rebel-
lion after Rockwell’s assassination on August 25, 1967.
According to Rockwell’s biographer, Frederick Simonelli,
Rockwell early on recognized the possibilities inherent in Forbes’s
attraction to religion. The ANP’s inability to reach out to the White
masses was a problem that plagued Rockwell’s last years and, fol-
lowing an extended transatlantic correspondence with one of his
mentors in the World Union of National Socialists (WUNS), Bruno
Ludtke of Germany, he at last came to the realization that America
was a deeply religious nation, and if National Socialism were to
become a mass movement, it must be presented in religious terms.
The vehicle for this religious appeal would be Christian Iden-
tity, a theology to which Rockwell had been introduced by Wesley
Swift. The mission of packaging National Socialism in Identity garb
was secretly entrusted to Ralph Forbes in 1965. The choice was
logical—for no one else in the American National Socialist commu-
nity of the 1960s possessed as marked an affinity for the mystical as
did Forbes. However, the increasing religiosity of the California
commander served to further alienate the rank and file.
When the legitimacy conferred on Forbes as the ANP’s Califor-
nia leader was withdrawn following Rockwell’s demise, the group
fell into disarray. The California party was split by a rebellion led
by James Warner (who, ironically, would himself drift from
National Socialism to Christian Identity to neopagan Odinism in
later years) and Allen Vincent. Matt Koehl, Rockwell’s successor in
the ANP’s successor organization, the National Socialist White
People’s Party (NSWPP), was called to California to mediate the

111
112 JOSEPH FRANKLIN

dispute. When Koehl opted for Forbes, the California branch of the
party shattered and a number of micro-NS groups were the result.
If Forbes’s original conversion to Christian Identity was a clever
ruse concocted by Commander Rockwell, it did not stay that way for
long. Ousted from the California National Socialist leadership
despite Koehl’s best efforts, Forbes began an ideological and geo-
graphic drift that brought him to tiny London, Arkansas, as a
true-believing Identity minister. His long-running Sword of Christ
Good News Ministries boasts a national mailing list, if only a modest
catalog of original materials.
In truth, Ralph Forbes will not be remembered for his intellec-
tual gifts nor for his Identity writings, which read as turgid and
derivative. His appetite for politics, however, remains undimin-
ished. He has run for local office under a number of banners, most
notably the New America First Party, which boasted impressive
stationery bearing the signatures of such deceased stalwarts of the
original Depression-era America First Party as Charles Lindbergh.
He has also been active in other national campaigns under the ban-
ner of the Populist Party.
See also: American Nazi Party; Christian Identity; Koehl, Matt; Ludtke,
Bruno; National Socialist White People’s Party; Odinism; Rockwell, George
Lincoln; Swift, Wesley; Warner, James; World Union of National Socialists.

Further reading: Frederick J. Simonelli, “Preaching Hate with the Voice of

God: American Neo-Nazis and Christian Identity,” Patterns of Prejudice 30
(April 1996); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln
Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of Illinois
Press, 1999).

Henry Ford See Coughlin, Father Charles; Smith, Gerald L. K.

JOSEPH FRANKLIN Long before the contemporary radical right

(recognizing its relative weakness and the hopeless nature of any
attempt to strike a decisive blow against the state or its perceived
Jewish masters) adopted the tactic of “leaderless resistance,” there
was Joseph Paul Franklin. Franklin, aka James Vaughn, joined the
National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP) in the late 1960s
and was the archetype on which the movement’s vision of the
lone-wolf assassin was modeled. Eschewing the comforts of home
 JOSEPH FRANKLIN 113

and the love of his wife, Franklin threw himself wholeheartedly

into the work of the party.
Yet he never really fit in and was wildly unpopular among party
regulars. Why? For one thing, he made no effort to adopt the mock
Third Reich spit-and-polish look favored by American National
Socialists. Rather, he was scruffy and unkempt, reflecting the look of
the “enemy” of the day, the New Left. Moreover, his predilection for
direct action and revolution now would have no place in the conser-
vative NSWPP. It was not until the dramatic break of Joseph
Tommasi’s National Socialist Liberation Front with the National
Socialist White People’s Party that there would be an organiza-
tional vehicle for revolutionary violence in the world of explicit
National Socialism in America. By then, Franklin had despaired of
the movement and struck out on his own.
The National Socialist White People’s Party exploit for which
Franklin was best remembered concerned the 1969 New Mobiliza-
tion demonstrations in Washington, D.C., in opposition to the Viet-
nam War. In an effort to oppose the “New Mobe”—and incidentally
to prove to the media and to themselves that they remained rele-
vant in the left-wing atmosphere of the 1960s youth culture—the
party members decided to attack the enemy’s headquarters.
At first glance the operation seems unlikely. The Nazis were
vastly outnumbered, and in any case their distinctively military look
was unlikely to get them within shouting distance of their
long-haired opponents. Thus the leader of the operation, James
Mason, turned to Franklin. There was one catch, however. Not one of
the NSWPP members chosen for the “glorious mission” would deign
to take part in any operation that included Franklin. After much
cajoling, Mason at last was able to gather a group to provide a diver-
sion. Franklin, though, became part of movement mythology by sin-
glehandedly storming the New Mobe Bastille and setting off tear-gas
grenades, which forced the evacuation of the enemy headquarters.
This epiphany, however, marked the beginning of the end of
Franklin’s National Socialist White People’s Party career. He soon
disappeared, and several years later reports of mysterious killings
of African Americans began to be issued across the country. Black
cab drivers were found shot dead by a .22 caliber pistol in Buffalo. A
Jewish synagogue in Chattanooga was bombed. Black civil rights
leader Vernon Jordan was shot and wounded. So was the publisher
of the pornographic magazine Hustler, Larry Flynt. And a mixed-
race couple in Utah was shot and killed. Suspicion eventually fell
on Franklin, and in 1980 he was convicted of numerous charges
ranging from civil rights violations to murder.
114 . JOSEPH FRANKLIN

Franklin, never a popular movement figure, was quickly and

conveniently forgotten by his erstwhile comrades. Although his
movement career spanned both the National Socialist and Ku Klux
Klan groups in America, only James Mason and the National
Socialist Liberation Front saw fit to acknowledge him. For every-
one else, Franklin became an Orwellian “nonperson,” written out of
their history.
Prison life proved particularly difficult for Franklin. In the
maximum security facility at Marion, Illinois, where he had been
incarcerated since 1982, Franklin had been attacked by African-
American inmates and stabbed no fewer than 15 times. Apparently
determined to get out one way or another, Franklin began to confess
to crimes of which he had long been suspected, but which the govern-
ment could not prove in court. The Jordan and Flynt shootings were
only two of the crimes to which Franklin has confessed (Flynt was
targeted for publishing photographs depicting interracial sex). More
deadly actions—including the murder of interracial couples in Utah
and bank robberies across the country to finance his operations, as
well as several as-yet-unsubstantiated confessions to other unsolved
murders—were recounted in Franklin's statements.
As a result of these revelations and a promise he made to Indiana
jurors that he would do it again given the opportunity, Joseph
Franklin was granted his wish and sentenced to death. In a newspa-
per article recounting the case, Franklin is quoted as describing his
motivation in these terms: “I was the executioner, the judge and the
jury. I was on a holy war against evildoers.”
On June 16, 1998, the Missouri Supreme Court upheld another
death sentence for Franklin. In this case, he was convicted of killing
one man and injuring two others as they left a synagogue after a bar
mitzvah on October 7, 1977. In the 1997 trial, Franklin stated that
he had taken a position outside the building with the intention of
killing as many Jews as he could with the five bullets he had for his
newly purchased rifle.
See also: Mason, James; National Socialist Liberation Front: National
Socialist White People’s Party; Tommasi, Joseph.
Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, “Real Paranoids Have Real Enemies: The
Genesis of the ZOG Discourse in the American National Socialist Subcul-
ture,” in Catherine Wessinger, ed., Millennialism, Persecution and Violence
(Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, forthcoming); James Mason,
Siege (Denver: Storm Books, 1992).
 G
WILLIAM POTTER GALE In the recollection of senior Christian
Identity figures such as Dan Gayman, it was William Potter Gale
who, more than any other individual, played the key role in bring-
ing an element of revolutionary violence into the Identity commu-
nity. A career military man who rose to the rank of colonel and
served as an aide to General Douglas MacArthur in World War II,
Gale was no armchair warrior. His endeavors in this regard remain
controversial, however, and he managed to avoid serious legal
entanglements until his final years.
On returning to California after the war, Gale threw himself
into far-right politics with the same passion he had given the army
during his long military career. He met and became friendly with
such national figures as Henry Ford, Sr., and Gerald L. K. Smith. It
was not long before he came in contact with the coterie of Identity
figures associated with the Smith movement, including Wesley
Swift, Bertrand Comperet, and San Jacinto Capt.
Gale studied the Identity creed in California under Wesley
Swift. Despite his later bitter split with Swift, Gale would contest
with another Swift protégé, Richard Butler, for Swift’s mantle of
leadership in the divisive world of Christian Identity. In 1964,
Capt, Comperet, Gale, and Butler formed the Christian Defense
League under Swift's tutelage. Tellingly, it was Butler rather than
Gale who was selected as the CDL’s president. Butler would in fact
inherit much of Swift’s legacy and would eventually take the minis-
try to Idaho to form the Aryan Nations.
With Butler’s departure, Gale turned to a number of outlets for
his unabashedly revolutionary racialist and anti-Semitic message.
The first, and perhaps one of the most influential, of these efforts
was the California Rangers, founded roughly contemporaneously
with the Christian Defense League.
The Rangers in many ways mirrored on a state level the organi-
zation of Robert DePugh’s Minutemen. That is, it was a secre-
tive, armed group that benefited considerably more from Gale’s

115
116 WILLIAM POTTER GALE

knowledge of irregular warfare than the Minutemen did from

DePugh’s inspired but amateurish training regimen. The Rangers
remain controversial. In the view of California’s attorney general,
who issued a report on the group in 1965, it was a terrorist organi-
zation. Gale recalled it years later as a civil defense unit duly regis-
tered with California’s secretary of state. By either name, the
California Rangers would provide an organizational model for the
tax protest movements of the 1980s and the militia movement of
the 1990s.
More influential still was Gale’s next venture, the Posse
Comitatus. With the Posse, Gale achieved the dream—and the
nightmare—of every far-right revolutionary: he managed to
frighten not only the press and the public, but the federal govern-
ment itself. The Posse was actually formed in 1969 by Gale and
Henry Beach, but it was not until almost a decade later that, under
the leadership of James Wickstrom, it would make much impact on
public consciousness. The Posse combined a radical localism (no
authority higher than the county sheriff was to be recognized as
legitimate), a tax protest, and a deep sense of rural grievance fos-
tered by the farm crisis of the early 1980s into a powerful ideologi-
cal cocktail whose punch is still felt today.
The organization exploded into prominence with the 1983
shoot-out with police that left North Dakota farmer Gordon Kahl
dead. The government mobilized, with the Internal Revenue Service
taking the lead, and a severe crackdown on the far-right, code-
named Operation Clean Sweep, followed in the mid-1980s. Unsur-
prisingly, it was Wickstrom rather than the more-sophisticated Gale
who would suffer the legal ramifications of the crackdown.
Gale’s final organizational effort was the Committee of the
States in 1984. The Committee’s brief was either audacious or ridic-
ulous, depending on one’s point of view. Based on the Articles of
Confederation, which preceded the U.S. Constitution, the Commit-
tee sought members in each state who would act as a body to form
the “legitimate” Congress of the United States.
Given the Committee’s pronounced radical localism A la the
Posse Comitatus, the first function of the Committee of the States
would logically have been to dissolve itself. Instead, letters were
sent to each U.S. senator and congressperson informing them that
they had been indicted and faced trial by a popular Grand Jury of
the people. This would be common fare in the most extreme sectors
of the common-law wing of the 1990s Patriot Movement, but in the
mid-1980s it was considered nothing less than a terrorist threat, so
 DAN GAYMAN UA

the government reacted accordingly. Gale and the rest of the Com-
mittee’s leadership were indicted on a variety of charges, including
making terrorist threats against the lives of IRS agents and a
judge, plus violation of the tax laws. Gale and his codefendants
were ultimately convicted in a Las Vegas trial. Once again, how-
ever, Gale avoided prison. He died in April 1988 and was buried
with full military honors.
See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; California Rangers; Christian
Defense League; Committee of the States; Gayman, Dan; Smith, Gerald L.
K.; Swift, Wesley.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The
Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1994); James Coates, Armed and Dangerous: The
Rise of the Survivalist Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1987); John George
and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen and Others on the Fringe
(Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion
in America: Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to the Children of
Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Cheri Seymour,
Committee of the States: Inside the Radical Right (Mariposa, CA: Camden
Place Communications, 1991).

DAN GAYMAN | The pastor of the Church of Israel (COD in Schell

City, Missouri, Dan Gayman was from the 1960s to the 1980s consid-
ered one of the leading Christian Identity theologians in the United
States. Gayman was born in Denver in 1937 to a family associated
with the Church of Christ (Temple Lot), a dissident Mormon sect
with centers in Denver and three other cities. He was raised by his
mother. An honors graduate of Southwest Missouri State University
in 1964 with a major in history, and residing since 1967 in Schell
City, Gayman undertook a career in public education, eventually
becoming the teacher-principal of Walker High School, before opting
in 1976 for a full-time career in the ministry.
His interest in British Israelism, the genteel forerunner of
Christian Identity, dates from the early 1950s by way of Herbert W.
Armstrong’s Plain Truth Magazine and Howard Rand’s Destiny
publications. Gayman later sent for British Israel World Federa-
tion (BIWF) material and soon veered away from the mild doctrines
of British Israelism, opting instead for the racialist and anti-
Semitic wing of the movement. In this, he was much influenced by
the Dearborn (Michigan) Independent’s “International Jew” series.
118 DAN GAYMAN

In his more than 30 years of involvement with the Identity

movement, Dan Gayman has come to know and be associated with
nearly every major figure in the White supremacist constellation in
the post—Gerald L. K. Smith era. Gayman was in fact the National
Youth Chairman for Smith’s movement. The names of his associ-
ates, or even mere contacts, in these years read as a veritable Who’s
Who of the White supremacist subculture and include such major
figures as William Potter Gale, Buddy Tucker, Thom Robb, Richard
Butler, Sheldon Emry, James Warner, and many more.
Dan Gayman received his primary training in Identity theology
under the Denver-based Identity minister Kenneth Goff, a teacher
to many current figures in the movement, at Goff Soldiers of the
Cross Training Institute in Denver in 1964-1965. Immediately
prior to this education, however, Gayman took his first substantive
step toward racialist activism, unsuccessfully attempting to turn
the family’s Schell City church youth camp into something of a
Christian Identity adult seminary, which would provide, besides
theological education, training in weapons and survivalism.
Armed with Goffs teachings and a much-strengthened sense of
mission, Gayman returned to Schell City to win election as the
Church of Israel’s pastor and the editor of its newspaper, Zion’s
Restorer, which henceforth would become a stridently racialist organ.
The transition of the Schell City congregation into an Identity
ministry was far from smooth, however. In 1972, a lawsuit pitted
Dan Gayman against his brother Duane for control of the church
and the land on which it was built. As a result of the suit, Dan lost
control of the original church and all but 20 acres of the adjacent
land. The family feud culminated in June 1976, with Dan Gayman,
Buddy Tucker, and others entering the church, which had been lost
as aresult of the court case, sporting a banner of the organization to
which both Tucker and Gayman belonged, “The National Emanci-
pation of our White Seed.” In the ensuing confrontation, a large
number of policemen and state highway patrolmen entered the
building, arresting both Gayman and Tucker, among others.
What is clear in retrospect is that in the wake of this arrest,
Gayman had begun to rethink his position. The demonstration had
accomplished nothing save to incur further legal fees. Indeed, the
fanciful uniform adopted by Gayman and Tucker for the action,
described by the local paper in Nevada, Missouri, the Nevada
Herald, as “a white uniform, with knee length storm trooper boots,
and an empty pistol holder and belt slung over one shoulder,” could
not have brought about a desirable public effect. And from Pastor
 DAN GAYMAN 119

Gayman’s recollections, there appears to have occurred in the

course of this imbroglio an attempt by the Rev. Tucker to “steal”
Gayman’s congregation by preaching ever-greater militancy.
Gayman would eventually break with Tucker over these strident
calls for violence.
The key events in turning Dan Gayman and the Church of Israel
away from confrontation with secular authorities and toward
quietism appear to have been the violent activities of the Order, the
revolutionary organization headed by Robert Mathews, in the early
1980s, plus the 1989 Fort Smith, Arkansas, sedition trial, which
followed in its wake. Dan Gayman was called as a prosecution wit-
ness at Fort Smith, ostensibly to testify about the $10,000 allegedly
passed to him by the Order. This event would lead to Gayman’s ulti-
mate break with both Christian Identity and the radical right.
Until Fort Smith, Gayman was a figure of considerable respect
throughout the American radical right. Through his Church of Israel
outreach ministry, which consisted of cassette tapes and the COI
newsletter, Zions Watchman (later shortened to the Watchman), he
attracted a number of followers in Europe and southern Africa as
well. However, he became alienated by Christian Identity’s drift
toward increasingly violent antigovernment rhetoric in the 1980s and
the appearance of the Order, and even before the Fort Smith fiasco,
he had been leading his flock into a more passive, withdrawn mode in
accordance with the teachings of Rom. 13 to obey state authority.
By the mid-1990s, this withdrawal was complete. Gayman
today asserts that he is no longer a part of the Identity movement,
and current Church of Israel publications eschew expressions of
racism or anti-Semitism, concentrating instead on home birthing,
home schooling, and other such apolitical pursuits.
See also: Butler, Richard; Christian Identity; Church of Israel; Gale, William
Potter; Goff, Kenneth; Order; Robb, Thom; Smith, Gerald L. K.; Warner,
James.

Further reading: Dan Gayman, “The Bible and Civil Disobedience” (Schell
City, MO: COI, 1989); Dan Gayman, “Apocalyptic Millenarianism” (Schell
City, MO: COI, 1991); Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Context of American Millenar-
ian Revolutionary Theology: The Case of the ‘Identity Christian’ Church of
Israel,” Journal of Terrorism and Political Violence 5:1 (spring 1993);
Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from
the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University
Press, 1997); Zions Watchman.
120 _ KENNETH GOFF

German American Bund See Hitler, Adolf.

KENNETH GOFF One of the most colorful personalities to emerge

from the world of Christian Identity in the 1950s and 1960s was
Kenneth Goff. The 1944 national chairman of Gerald L. K. Smith’s
Christian Youth for America group, and a self-proclaimed reformed
communist, Goff emerges from the literature and the reminiscences
of those who knew him as a decidedly equivocal man, described
alternately as a brilliant preacher, a mentally unstable individual,
a great patriot, and a shady character, often all in the same breath.
Separating historical fact from Goff’ epic self-mythologizing is no
easy task. Indeed, this difficulty is compounded by Goff’s rigorous
separation of his identity as an Identity minister and his
better-known public persona as an anticommunist crusader. The
latter role is far better documented.
In a short biographical extract provided to the media and as an
advertisement for his numerous speaking engagements, Kenneth
Goff dates his early membership in the Communist Party from May
2, 1936, to October 9, 1939. This gift for precision was brought into
play in 1939 when he testified before the congressional Dies Com-
mittee investigating the threat of communist subversion in Amer-
ica. Goff told Congress tales of derring-do he performed on behalf of
the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), including infiltrating youth
organizations, activities he conducted on behalf of communist front
groups, his involvement with the “special branch which laid the
groundwork for Communist revolution in the United States,” and
close contacts he had with communist leaders both in the United
States and the Soviet Union. Turning to anticommunism with the
same missionary zeal that seems to have marked his years in the
party, Goff claims with precision that his testimony “aided in
removing 169 Communists from the federal payrolls.” However, he
said that, like all former communists, he was “a marked man, and
has received many bodily injuries.”
The latter claim appears unlikely, given Goffs peripatetic
speaking tours (he appeared in every state of the union over the
course of his long career). Goff was a productive writer as well,
claiming to have authored 28 books, innumerable tracts, a periodi-
cal called The Pilgrim Torch from 1962 to 1967, a newsletter named
Christian Battle Cry from 1966 through 1971, and finally a series of
bizarre newsletters pitched to a particular theme (for instance, hip-
pies are a communist plot) that were distributed as fund-raisers.
 KENNETH GOFF 121

Goffs books make for some of the more eccentric prose to emerge
from the radical right of his day. In his 1954 tome, Hitler and the
Twentieth Century Hoax, for example, he asserted both that Hitler
was a communist agent (hinting all the while that he was of Jewish
ancestry and may not have been a real anti-Semite after all) and that
he may not really be dead, but would make a dramatic reappearance
when the time was right, to advance communist plans. In Red
Shadows, Goff unveils the World War IJ-vintage conspiratorial
history of the communist plan for world domination. And in Reds
Promote Racial War, he makes a biblically based plea for segregation
and claims, unsurprisingly, that integration is a communist plot.
Goff more enduring contributions to the racial right wing stem
more from his religious affiliations, however, than from his anti-
communism. In 1943, he became the chairman of the newly formed
National Youth Organization (NYO). The group grew out of a loose
coalition of conservative Protestant churches. The NYO had three
primary aims, in his words:
1. All out effort to win the war.
2. Wehold that the regenerating power of the Lord Jesus Christ is
the cure for Juvenile Delinquency.
3. To combat communistic plots among our Youth.

However, also in Goff’s words:

By 1950, those who launched the organization were no longer
youth, and therefore a new group called “Soldiers of the Cross” was
formed with Christian Youth for America as their youth auxiliary.

It is the Soldiers of the Cross Training Institute for which

Kenneth Goff is best remembered in Identity circles today. While it
appears that the Soldiers of the Cross may have had some connec-
tion to Robert DePugh’s Minutemen, its primary claim to fame was
as a training school for aspiring Christian Identity ministers,
among them such high-profile leaders as Dan Gayman of the
Church of Israel.
The Institute was located in Evergreen, Colorado, and boasted
many of the accoutrements of any unaccredited Bible college. Stu-
dents were offered a range of study opportunities, from a full curricu-
lum on the semester system to short courses and night school. Unlike
Bible colleges, however, the school offered such courses as “The
Bible’s Answer to Communism,” “The Christian History and Concept
of the U.S. Constitution,” “Communism and Socialism,” “American
History,” “The United Nations and the World Revolutionary
Movement,” “Psychopolitics—the Conquest of the Mind,” “Applied
122 KENNETH GOFF

Christianity,” “Speech,” “Debate,” “Music,” “Christian Resistance,”

“Survival Judo and Karate,” and a survivalist class called “Store-
house and Christian Survival.”
See also: Christian Identity; Church of Israel; Gayman, Dan; Hitler, Adolf;
Smith, Gerald L. K.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The
Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1994); John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists,
Klansmen and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992);
Glen Jeansonne, Gerald L. K. Smith: Minister of Hate (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1988); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America:
Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to the Children of Noah
(Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Ralph Lord Roy, Apostles
of Discord (Boston: Beacon Press, 1953).
 H
Karl Hand See Mason, James; National Socialist Liberation
Front; Pierce, William; Tommasi, Joseph.

John Harrell See Christian Defense League; Ellison, James;

Mohr, Jack. <

GEORGE ERIC HAWTHORNE Had he not quietly left the move-

ment following his release from jail in 1998, George Burdi (aka
George Eric Hawthorne) may have become the kind of seminal
radical-right-wing figure of the decade of the 1990s that George
Lincoln Rockwell was of the 1960s, that Joseph Tommasi (had he
lived) could have been in the 1970s, and that Robert Mathews proved
to be of the 1980s. This is all the more remarkable, given the fact that
Hawthorne’s rise to prominence has been in the skinhead milieu—
hardly a source of great inspiration for the racialist subculture.
Hawthorne’s roots in the movement were decidedly unpromising.
His first appearance on the racialist scene was in his native Canada
as part of the latter-day Church of the Creator (COTC). Creativity
then as now attracted a tiny handful of capable and idealistic adher-
ents whose actions were lost in the violence, negativity, and outright
criminality that was more typical of COTC recruits. After Ben
Klassen’s 1993 suicide and the defection of his successor, Dr. Rick
McCarthy (who took the COTC treasury with him), the Church of the
Creator devolved into small, warring fiefdoms, and most of the first
generation of COTC alumni reluctantly left the sinking ship. Two
such alums, George Eric Hawthorne and Marc Wilson (a former
Klassen-designated heir apparent), became the nucleus of Resis-
tance Records.
Precisely where the start-up funds for Resistance were obtained is
one of the more interesting lines of speculation in the contemporary

123
124 GEORGE ERIC HAWTHORNE

racialist movement. Although it’s unprovable, many believe that the

Swedish skinhead movement provided its seed money. The Swedish
movement, well ahead of its North American counterpart, had taken
the lessons of Robert Mathews and the Order to heart, and so
embarked in the late 1980s on a course of bank robberies as a means
to fund racialist activities. In the early days, the money was squan-
dered on vacations that saw groups of Swedish skins peacefully
descending on various resorts throughout Europe where they soaked
up sun and sea and vast quantities of cheap beer like many another
Scandinavian tourist. The pointlessness of this soon stimulated some
changes in direction, however, and what emerged was a surprisingly
sophisticated investment strategy. Of greatest import, money was
invested in the music business.
In 1994 Resistance Records, headquartered in Detroit, marked
its appearance with the debut of a glossy eponymous magazine,
while the Swedish Nordland label issued its premier magazine in
January 1995. Save that one is in English and the other in Swedish,
the layout of both magazines is virtually identical, and each maga-
zine speaks warmly of its transatlantic counterpart. Moreover, prod-
uct was exchanged between the companies more on the basis of a
handshake and an e-mail message than by standard contracts—a
fact that would come back to haunt both Hawthorne and Resistance
Records. Nonetheless, Resistance proved to be a remarkable success
on this side of the Atlantic, while Nordland succeeded beyond all
expectations in Sweden, capturing a significant share of the domes-
tic music market.
In the second issue of Resistance, George Eric Hawthorne
reflected on his company’s surprising success:
I am proud to announce that instead of being a dying people with
out-dated opinions, we are actually being revitalized by hope and
promise, and finally working together for the type of future we all
deserve. It may sound like an idealistic pipe dream, and heaven
knows I have been a dreamer since I was a boy, but I can tell you
with the right combination of ideas and promotion, the White youth
of the world are capable of lifting themselves out of the quagmire of
defeat and degeneracy. There is a bold new force on the horizon—
and you guessed right—it is Resistance Records. We have proved
ourselves capable of inspiring a dying cause in what I will venture
to say was a dying movement desperately in need of a new
beginning.
The most important emotion you can feel is not hatred, nor love.
It is empowerment. Empowerment is that feeling that results from
 GEORGE ERIC HAWTHORNE 125

the positive influences, be they actions or ideas. The revolution—

any revolution—begins in the hearts and minds of the most heroic
elements of the population: the revolution begins with you. Your
ability to allow feelings of empowerment to enter your life will ulti-
mately determine your relative worth to the cause. I have said it
time and again to those of you who know me: there is no jewish [sic]
problem, there is no black problem, there is no government prob-
lem. In many ways, these factors only hold as much power over you
as you allow them to. The problem lies within White people and our
inability to recognize our uniqueness and to protect it.
So where do we stand here in 1994? It is important for you to real-
ize that you are not living in the present, but that you are a product of
the past and represent a hope for the future. You are a link in the
long, golden chain of your people, and act as.a torchbearer for all
those who came before you. I urge you not to fight your White Racial
Comrades, but to fight with them. Instead, swear an oath on the
blood of your ancestors, the blood that flows within your veins and
gives you life. Be your own god, your own master, your own leader
and your own follower. In your veins lives an army of the undead that
will give you hope and strength if you listen to your Racial soul.

To racialist ears, the words are undoubtedly stirring. The ideas

are drawn from a variety of sources ranging from explicit National
Socialism to the Church of the Creator, and even the famous
Hawthorne ego is pledged to the glory that in this vision lies the
racial past and, perhaps, the glorious future of the White race.
This remarkably positive message would be a consistent feature
of all of George Eric Hawthorne’s endeavors with Resistance
Records. For Hawthorne, the kind of aimless and senseless violence
associated with the skinhead movement is more than a negative
feature of the subculture—it is an action that is in keeping with the
self-destructive instincts he sees as inherent in the White race of
these times, and as a service to the enemies of the race (that is, to
the Jews and to their most successful creation, ZOG, or the Zionist
Occupation Government). Thus, Hawthorne’s counsel is for
patience, as in the spring 1995 issue of Resistance:
These sort of attacks accomplish absolutely NOTHING, and have cost
us hundreds of our best men who are currently rotting away in
ZOG’s dungeons because they lacked the foresight and direction
necessary to act as revolutionaries instead of reactionaries. Beating
some worthless mud [that is, a non-White person] to death is not an
act of revolution, it is an act of poor judgment. The Protocols of the
Learned Elders of Zion, which is the doctrine outlining ZOG’s plan
126 GEORGE ERIC HAWTHORNE

for global domination, says that our enemy can count on the
White man to sacrifice long term victory for short term sat-
isfaction. We must stop acting in accordance with their plans and
start acting in accordance with our own LONG RANGE PLAN FOR WHITE
REVOLUTION. This means staying out of jail whenever it is avoid-
able. Remember, this is a war and you are living behind enemy
lines. Act accordingly.

From 1995 through 1997, Hawthorne’s activities were frenetic.

Resistance expanded its format to include a remarkably advanced
web site at which Resistance bands could be sampled online and
Resistance product ordered (Visa and MasterCard cheerfully
accepted). Resistance magazine went from republishing widely cir-
culated articles in the racialist right and lightweight interviews
with lightweight bands to an expanded format that featured
cutting-edge articles and interviews with such important figures as
the imprisoned Order veteran David Lane and key movement
debates such as the attempt by James Mason and the Universal
Order to advance Charles Manson as the natural leader of the
racialist movement. Moreover, a fortnightly Resistance e-mail pub-
lication discussed issues and news of note, as well as advertising
upcoming Resistance releases.
As a record label, Resistance continued to expand apace. By
1997, Resistance had gathered an impressive roster of bands,
including Berserker, Bound for Glory, Max Resist, Nordic Thunder,
and No Remorse, to name a few. Moreover, Resistance was han-
dling product not only from the Swedish Nordland label, which fea-
tured bands such as Svastika, Division S, and the premier Swedish
White Power band Dirlewanger, but also from other labels through-
out the world. This was important in that it allowed Resistance cus-
tomers to purchase at domestic prices Ian Stewart Donaldson’s
seminal Skrewdriver catalog. Moreover, as Resistance diversified,
key CDs from beyond the “White-noise” world became available.
Thus, nonracialist but important works such as Blood Axis’s Gospel
of Inhumanity and Varg Vikernes’s one-man band effort, Burzum,
were introduced to an American White-noise audience.
But the single most important recorded work to emerge from
Resistance Records was, fittingly enough, George Eric Hawthorne’s
band, Rahowa. The name Rahowa was chosen in homage to the
Church of the Creator’s book cum slogan, Racial Holy War
(RaHoWa! The Planet Is Ours!). With the same perfectionism that
Hawthorne uses to approach any task, Rahowa’s Cult of the Holy
 GEORGE ERIC HAWTHORNE 27

War CD offers beautifully crafted songs, flawless instrumental pas-

sages, and an innovative approach that saw a mixture of such gen-
res as white noise and black metal to create a work that easily
transcended the world of White Power music. Hawthorne himself
noted that he was taking singing lessons to perfect his craft.
The Cult of the Holy War was an epiphany for Hawthorne. He
was now a media presence, being interviewed in mainstream publi-
cations from the local newspaper to the august New York Times. But
in 1997, the wheels came off the Hawthorne bandwagon. Hawthorne
was becoming a star, which brought a typically adverse reaction
from the racialist right. This went beyond the usual sniping and
backbiting in 1996 when Resistance sided with Nordland in a fierce
conflict over control of the lucrative music scene against Combat 18
(C18), the British heirs to Ian Stewart’s Blood and Honour legacy.
Several killings later, and after a rash of letter bombs were appar-
ently mailed by C18 to Sweden (including one to a cabinet minister),
the Nordland/ Resistance axis emerged victorious when C18’s lead-
ership were incarcerated on murder charges.
But of greater import, Hawthorne and Resistance were becom-
ing much too successful for comfort in official quarters. Hawthorne
himself had always been cognizant of the risks he was running, and
sought to cushion himself and his label to the extent that he could.
Part of this effort was the decision early on to operate out of the
United States rather than his native Canada. The attraction of
Canada’s southern neighbor is the First Amendment to the U.S.
Constitution, which allows considerably greater freedom of action
to racialist movements than is available under the more restrictive
hate-speech codes in Canada or Europe. It is this relative license
that explains the irony of the racialist Resistance Records label’s
operating from heavily Black Detroit rather than predominantly
White Ontario. Thus, when asked why he centers his operations in
the United States, Hawthorne candidly states:
The main reason is that we are a U.S.-based group and therefore
the U.S. Constitution protects us and lets us say what we want. We
can write our version of truth in the United States. This has
enabled racial ideologies in the States to be a lot more radical than
in Canada. You would see a lot more radical ideologies coming out of
Canada if it weren’t for the hate laws that prevent it.

There are, however, limits to even the American tolerance of a

racialist movement such as Resistance that is deemed to be overly
successful. In April 1997 Michigan state authorities descended on
128 GEORGE ERIC HAWTHORNE

the offices of Resistance Records and confiscated a considerable

quantity of CDs, computer files, and the like. Simultaneously,
Canadian authorities conducted similar raids on the more limited
Resistance Canadian operations. The raids, which were immedi-
ately lauded by the Anti-Defamation League on both sides of the
border, were officially based on tax charges and failure to pay Social
Security taxes for Resistance employees—a credible enough charge
given the loosely structured communal approach with which the
movement tends to business. Hawthorne himself, meanwhile, was
serving a year in jail in Ottawa on charges of assault.
The charges and the trial that led to Hawthorne’s incarceration
were controversial. The Resistance collective had this to say in the
February 28, 1997, issue of the Resistance Records Electronic
Newsletter:
Greetings Friends & Supporters,
The staff at Resistance Records would like to inform you of the
results of George Hawthorne’s appeal. Most of you know the details
of the case. For those of you that don’t, allow me to give them to you.
In case you're really new to all of this, George Hawthorne is the
founder of Resistance Records, the editor of RESISTANCE Maga-
zine, the founder and lead singer of the band RAHOWA, and he
puts together our email newsletter, the RREN [Resistance Records
Electronic Newsletter].
George was arrested and charged a few years ago with “assault
causing bodily harm” for an attack that occurred on an anti-racist in
Canada’s notorious “Ottawa Riots” following an aborted RAHOWA
concert. He was found guilty of not actually committing the assault,
but in “abetting”. Yes, you got it right. They basically placed the
blame of the entire riot on George’s shoulders. He was sentenced to
ONE YEAR in jail. Funny how that worked out. It was his first offense
and there was no real “proof” of anything, just hearsay.
Some guys were caught on film in the act of assaulting people
with chains and they only got 45 or 90 days. An anti-racist attacked
a police officer with a steei pipe and got no time. All he had to do was
write a 500 word essay on how kids should become “active” in pro-
moting anti-racism. Just like him. Oh, he also had to give an “apol-
ogy” to the cop. Is there any justice left in this world? You tell me.
George served 3 weeks and got out on appeal bail. He waited
almost 2 years for the appeal. The appellant court upheld both the
conviction and the sentence. So he has begun serving his 1 year sen-
tence. He “should” be released on parole in 4 months (1/3 of the
 GEORGE ERIC HAWTHORNE 129

sentence) and at most in 8 months (2/3 of the sentence). Please note

my “cynicism”. We'll keep you posted.
Regardless, we at Resistance HQ are now handling George’s
email. We will be issuing a formal letter from George on his situa-
tion with our next mailing of Resistance Magazine (due out in a few
weeks) and our next catalog mailing to non-subscribers. Sub-
scribers to RREN should also be getting something. Please note
that there hasn’t been an RREN in quite some time. With George
away, its release will be sporadic at best. We appreciate your under-
standing in this matter.
We would like to ASSURE YOU that BUSINESS WILL GO ON AS USUAL!!!
Our WEB site will still be up and running. You will still be able to
order music from it. Orders will still be processed FAST and effi-
ciently. The service you expect from us will continue to be delivered.
Also, RESISTANCE MAGAZINE WILL STILL BE PUBLISHED! It may come out
a little later, but rest assured, if you paid for a subscription for 4
issues or for 8 issues, YOU WILL GET THEM, EVEN IF IT TAKES LONGER
THAN NORMAL!

Resistance did attempt to soldier on in Hawthorne’s absence,

but the effort was, as stated, sporadic at best. With the tax raids,
Resistance was put largely out of action. For two years, Resistance
magazine failed to publish another issue, and subscribers were
eventually “compensated” with complimentary subscriptions to
Willis Carto’s excruciatingly turgid Spotlight newspaper. Appar-
ently the Swedish movement sent help, but Resistance continued to
flounder. Then, in 1998, Hawthorne was released from prison and
since then seems to have dropped out of the movement altogether.
Finally, in 1999, a new glossy issue of Resistance magazine
appeared. The new Resistance, however, is under new manage-
ment, appearing courtesy of veteran American National Socialist
William Pierce’s National Alliance.
See also: Black Metal; Carto, Willis; Church of the Creator; Klassen, Ben;
Lane, David; Manson, Charles; Mason, James; Mathews, Robert; National
Alliance; Order; Pierce, William; Rockwell, George Lincoln; Skinheads
(Origins and Music); Tommasi, Joseph; Universal Order; Vikernes, Varg;
White Power Music; Zionist Occupation Government.

Further reading: Stanley R. Barrett, Is God a Racist? (Toronto: University

of Toronto Press, 1987); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The
Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers Univer-
sity Press, 1998); Warren Kinsella, Web of Hate: Inside Canada’s Far
Right Network (Toronto: HarperCollins, 1994); Heléne Léow, “White Power
130 HEMBYGDSPARTIET [Native Place Party]

Rock ’n’ Roll—A Growing Industry,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo,
Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture
(Boston: Northeastern University Press,. 1998); Joe Pearce, Skrewdriver:
The First Ten Years (London: Skrewdriver Services, 1987).

HEMBYGDSPARTIET [Native Place Party] The Hembygdspartiet

(HP) was founded in April 1995 in Stockholm by Leif Ericsson, Leif
Larsson, and other former members of the Swedendemocrats (SD).
Tommy Rydén became the official party leader in 1996. The party
has not yet published an official program, but its internal newslet-
ters and magazine advocates an end to non-White immigration and
the deportation of those non-Whites who are already in Sweden,
opposes membership in the European Union, and wants free medi-
cal care for Swedes. The HP wants to distance itself from the Nazi
subculture groups and seeks an image similar to the Deutsche
Volks-Union in Germany. The Hembygdspartiet in 1996 has
between 200 and 300 members. Its chief publication is called
Grindvakten (Guarding the gate].

—Tommy Rydén, Swedish race activist

See also: Rydén, Tommy; Vitt Ariskt Motsand.

Further reading: Grindvakten 1 (1995); and Grindvakten 2 (1996).

ADOLF HITLER The figure of Adolf Hitler, born on April 20, 1889,
is today the colossus whose legacy for good or ill must be confronted
sooner or later by every adherent of the racialist right wing. So
great is the burden of the history of World War II and the enormity
of the Holocaust that one’s attitude toward Hitler and Nazism
serves at once as a litmus test of the faith of the far right and as a
so-far-unbreachable barrier between the racialist right and main-
stream acceptance. What concerns us here, therefore, is not so
much Hitler the historical figure as the many shades of interpreta-
tion of the figure of Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich common to the
radical right of the present day.
In the immediate postwar years, the image of “Hitler the mon-
ster” became fixed in the public mind. Ghastly images of the
stacked bodies of concentration camp victims and the haunting
images of the gaunt and emaciated human skeletons of the
 ADOLF HITLER 131

liberated survivors were disseminated around the world in news-

reel films, newspapers, and magazines. The Nuremberg Trials that
followed dissected the Third Reich in clinical detail, revealing to the
world the cool gray bureaucrats who carried out the National
Socialist policies, becoming forever (in the words of Hanna Arendt)
the living embodiment of the “banality of evil.”
In the United States, the largely German and Italian immigrant-
based movements whose members had been most notably
sympathetic—or subservient—to the wartime fascist regimes had
long since vanished from the political stage. Before the war, how-
ever, these pro-German groups were a cause for significant official
concern. A mere decade before the 1930s, though, what had been
perceived as threatening was marginal to the point of being humor-
ous. In The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right, Leonard
Weinberg of the University of Nevada—Reno reflects on this history:
The Teutonia Association was organized in 1924, shortly after the
failure of Hitler’s Beer Hall Putsch in Munich. Teutonia, centered
in Chicago, was led by Fritz Gissibl, a German national, who
extended membership both to Germans living in the United States
and Americans of German descent. In both instances there were
few takers. Teutonia had no more than 100 members by the time it
dissolved in 1932.
As the Nazi Party’s electoral fortunes in Germany rose in 1932,
the Party’s ambitious Foreign Section established an American
branch. It sent a party member, Heinz Spanknoebel, to the United
States to achieve this aim. Spanknoebel formed a group headquar-
tered in Detroit, but with locals in New York, Cincinnati, Chicago,
Los Angeles and San Francisco. Its objective was to Nazify the Ger-
man Americans (racial Germans) throughout the country.
Spanknoebel had some success in promoting National Socialist
ideas and his recruitment effort surpassed that of the old Teutonia
Association. By 1933, there were 1500 members of this Nazi move-
ment. However, its open anti-Semitic activities, including physical
attacks on Jews in a few cities and use of Nazi agents from Ger-
many brought it to the attention of the US State Department which
proceeded to lodge a complaint with its German counterpart.
Accordingly, in April 1933 the Nazi Party in Germany issued an
instruction calling for Spanknoebel’s return to the Fatherland and
the dissolution of the organization he had created.
In its place Rudolph Hess, Robert Ley and other Nazi officials in
Berlin created another American organization, the Friends of the
New Germany. As short-lived as its predecessor, Friends of the
132 ADOLF HITLER

New Germany embarked on an even more flamboyant campaign to

promote National Socialist ideas in German American communities
throughout the United States, but particularly in the Yorkville sec-
tion of New York City. Membership, estimated at approximately
10,000 in 1935 (60% of whom were German citizens), was of course
substantially higher than the earlier Nazi groupings. Correlatively,
the Friends’ newspaper and other publications achieved a wider cir-
culation and its public demonstrations, often involved street-corner
brawling which gave them a considerably higher visibility than the
earlier promotional efforts. Further, the Friends of the New Ger-
many was able to establish some links to emerging native fascist
organizations as William Dudley Pelley’s Silver Shirts.
But with Hitler firmly in power in Germany, the nature of
National Socialism was becoming increasingly clear to American
observers. Jewish groups, such as the American Jewish Committee,
along with labor unions, acting under the auspices of the American
Federation of Labor, staged their own protests, including a mock
trial of Hitler in Madison Square Garden. Further, at the urging of
Congressman Martin Dickstein, the Speaker of the House of Repre-
sentatives appointed a committee, under the chairmanship of Rep.
John McCormick, to investigate the Friends’ substantial ties to
Nazi Germany. This development along with practically unceasing
internal rivalries among the Friends’ leaders led Rudolph Hess to
issue a directive in December 1935 requiring all Reich citizens liv-
ing in the United States to withdraw their membership in the
Friends organization, thereby bringing about its disintegration.
Over the next few months, National Socialist activity in the
United States went through a period of disorientation with various
fragments of the Friends seeking to find a new format. Fritz Kuhn,
a naturalized American citizen who had fought for Germany during
World War I and had then joined the Nazi party afterward, suc-
ceeded in establishing a new Nazi organization for the American
context. At a meeting in Buffalo, New York, in March 1936, Kuhn
and representatives of various splinter groups created the German
American Bund. By contrast to its predecessors, the Bund would
appeal to Americans and emphasize its American character. Kuhn
indicated his goal was to promote German-American friendship
and understanding. Symbolically, Bund rallies would include pic-
tures of George Washington along with those of the Fuhrer and
American flags were conspicuously on display. For Kuhn and his
followers the Bund was an attempt to Americanize National
Socialism.
 ADOLF HITLER 133

Kuhn’s effort to divorce, or at least partially separate, the Bund

from its roots in Nazi Germany produced ambiguous results, to say
the least. Although its members were largely American citizens,
many of whom were of German origins (according to the Justice
Department Bund membership achieved its highest level of 8500 in
1937-38), the Bundists’ organization mimicked that of the Nazis.
Accordingly, the Bund divided the United States into three Gau or
districts (comparable to the Nazis’ format in Germany), for the East,
Midwest and West. Each Gau had its own Gauleiter and staff to
direct the Bund’s operations in his region. In addition, Kuhn pro-
moted the formation of a uniformed paramilitary unit, the Order
Service, clearly modeled after the Nazi Brown Shirt organization;
and the Bund’s Youth Division, from its public display of the Swas-
tika to the Hitler salute to the singing of the “Horst Wessel Song,”
represented a barely Americanized reproduction of the Hitler Youth.
Even Kuhn’s highly theatrical style of public speaking seemed pat-
terned after that of the German dictator. And the fact that Kuhn and
other uniformed Bund leaders were publicly photographed shaking
hands with Hitler during a 1938 visit to Germany did little to pro-
mote the organization’s reputation as an American entity.
The highlight of the German American Bund’s history was its
1939 Washington’s Birthday rally (Washington’s warning against
America entangling itself in European affairs provided the theme)
at Madison Square Garden in New York City. Although Kuhn was
able to fill the arena with 22,000 cheering supporters to hear him
speak about the virtues of Christian Americanism, the gathering
produced a massive backlash. Public officials and spokesmen for
such groups as the American Legion denounced the Bund’s alien
ideas and ties to Nazi Germany.
Within several months of his Madison Square Garden triumph,
Kuhn was indicted on charges of embezzlement for stealing funds
from the Bund treasury and using them for various private purposes,
including support for a female companion. With Kuhn’s conviction
and subsequent flight to Mexico to avoid incarceration, the Bund’s
fortunes declined rapidly; its activities were brought to an end with
the American entry into World War II. Its effort to spread National
Socialist ideas in the United States had been stymied by its transpar-
ent links to a foreign power. Nevertheless, it did achieve a few
symbolic victories in this area, most conspicuously a joint rally
with the Ku Klux Klan (at one of the Bund’s New Jersey training
camps) in 1940 and encounters with other American radical right
groups, including such leaders as William Dudley Pelley and the
Rev. Gerald Winrod.
134 . ADOLF HITLER

What was clear from the brief heyday of the Bund was that, even
in the 1930s, Adolf Hitler held little appeal to most Americans.
Alternately seen as a madman or a clown, Hitler was always looked
on with unease by Americans, whose isolationism (when considered
in the light of the Depression era’s absorption with more immediate
concerns than European instability) precluded a close examination
of the German political situation. Soon, the collective weight of neg-
ative reports from American journalists reinforced the popular
view of Hitler first as a ruthless demagogue and then, after
Crystalnacht, as a fanatic who headed a barbarous regime of thugs
and killers.
The war put an end to the activities of the explicitly National
Socialist right in America. With the indictment of a number of
radical-right-wing figures (including Pelley, Winrod, and Elizabeth
Dilling) on charges of sedition in 1942, Hitler’s American sympa-
thizers were suitably cowed. Although the trial would meander on
for years before all charges were at last dismissed, the war had by
then swept lingering pro-Hitler sympathies beyond the furthest
margins of American political life.
Given this history, it is hardly surprising that when the pseud-
onymous John Roy Carlson wrote his undercover exposés of the
American radical right, Under Cover (1943) and The Plotters
(1946), the native fascists on display were a sad and pathetic lot
who were collectively hardly worth the effort to keep tabs on.
Indeed, in Apostles of Discord, the next major watchdog text to
appear, in 1953, Ralph Lord Roy’s diatribe against the religious ele-
ments of the American radical right contained nary a reference to
serious pro-Hitler sentiment in postwar America.
This is not to say that Hitler lacked admirers on both sides of
the Atlantic in the immediate postwar years. Far from it—there
remained on both continents a core of ex-Nazis and Nazi sympa-
thizers whose adoration for the Fiihrer grew in direct proportion to
the magnitude of the German defeat. Thus, for one such as Savitri
Devi, Hitler had by the late 1940s already taken on a godlike stat-
ure. In her remarkable hagiography The Lightning and the Sun,
the Third Reich emerges as the apex and the natural culmination of
Aryan development, while Adolf Hitler is presented as the greatest
Aryan in history:
We like to hope that the memory of the one-before-the-last and most
heroic of all our men against time—Adolf Hitler—will survive at
least in songs and symbols. We like to hope that the lords of the age,
men of his own blood and faith, will render him divine honors,
 ADOLF HITLER 135

through rites full of meaning and full of potency, in the cool shade of
the endless regrown forests, on the beaches, or upon inviolate
mountain peaks, facing the rising sun.

Devi was not alone in these florid sentiments. Although they

were both numerically and organizationally insignificant, a few true
believers in the late 1940s and early 1950s began—cautiously—to
reemerge. James Hartung Madole in the United States, Bruno
Ludtke in Germany, Goran Assar Oredsson in Sweden, and Colin
Jordan in England were a few of the most important of these early
leaders. It was, however, not until the 1959 formation of George
Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party that uniformed National
Socialists owing explicit fealty to Adolf Hitler exploded back onto the
public consciousness.
The reasons for the key importance of the relative latecomer
Rockwell on the present-day centrality of the figure of Adolf Hitler
for the radical right are many and complex, but of greatest import is
the relatively open nature of the American political system. Where
most European National Socialists had to carefully tailor their
message to the anti-Nazi legislation found throughout postwar
Europe, the American First Amendment allowed Rockwell and
company to publish explicitly National Socialist literature, parade
around in authentic re-creations of Third Reich uniforms, and dis-
seminate paeans to the memory of the Fiihrer. This relative free-
dom was misinterpreted as political significance by the Europeans,
whereupon the image was born of Rockwell and his American Nazi
Party as being at the forefront of a global National Socialist revival.
Moreover, it was on this rock that the World Union of National
Socialists, with Rockwell at its head, was built.
It would be misleading to suggest that Rockwell and the Ameri-
can Nazi Party “rehabilitated” the dead Hitler so as to be acceptable
to both the mainstream political culture and, for that matter, the
radical right of the day. What Rockwell did accomplish was to
throw down the gauntlet to the racialist right in a way that forced
all to recognize that Hitler’s legacy could not be ignored. Although
both sides would be loath to admit it, the interests of Rockwell and
the American Jewish community converged on this point. The Nazi
regime and the Holocaust demonstrated, in a way that no amount
of outreach by the Anti-Defamation League or the American Jewish
Committee could, that anti-Semitism can lead to profound and
deadly consequences. Indeed, after World War II, anti-Semitism in
the United States came to be banished to the furthest reaches of the
136 7 ADOLF HITLER

American political scene, until today, as Leonard Dinnerstein notes

in Antisemitism in America:
Today antisemitism in the United’States is neither virulent nor
growing. It is not a powerful social or political force. Moreover,
prejudicial comments are now beyond the bounds of respectable
discourse and existing societal restraints prevent any overt
antisemitic conduct except among small groups of disturbed adoles-
cents, extremists, and powerless African-Americans (p. 243).

George Lincoln Rockwell was among the first in the American

race movement to recognize the problem, and his near-deification of
Adolf Hitler was one answer. Hitler, for Rockwell and for the major-
ity of American National Socialists who followed, became a kind of
religio-political savior whose life and death became a tale of selfless
sacrifice with strong parallels to the life of Jesus. Few in the radical
right were prepared to go so far, but all came to recognize the central-
ity of Hitler and the Holocaust as an obstacle to connecting with
mainstream society.
From this recognition came the widespread acceptance of Holo-
caust revisionism and ultimately Holocaust denial throughout the
Euro-American radical right from the 1970s to the present day.
Holocaust denial had a number of advantages for the racialist right.
Over time, it was hoped, the seeds of doubt that could be planted
about the historicity of the Holocaust would grow into popular
indignation at the Jews, in whose interests the “Holocaust myth”
(as the far right has come to term it) was thought to be perpetrated.
Internally, Holocaust denial serves an even more immediate
purpose—to provide a psychological bridge that allows true believ-
ers to convince themselves that the Holocaust is a vast, conspirato-
rial hoax. Every member of the radical-right-wing subculture today
was raised on the same popular images of Nazi brutality that we
all have internalized. In the process of questioning all forms of
received wisdom, which is so characteristic of the far right, the
Holocaust became one more “deception” aimed at keeping the peo-
ple in the dark and, in the same sense, one more psychological
barrier that must be breached if the seeker hopes to grasp the radi-
cal right’s esoteric “truths.”
Having accepted the message of Holocaust denial and reevalu-
ated the figure of Adolf Hitler along with the history of the Third
Reich, not every seeker, it must be stressed, will accept Hitler in the
same lofty terms as have the National Socialists. Hitler cultism,
with its uniforms, Nazi regalia, pictures of the Fiihrer, and its gran-
diose April 20th celebrations of the Fihrer’s birth, remains very
 ADOLF HITLER 137

much a minority camp within the radical right, and is today the
almost exclusive province of National Socialists (especially of the
American variety), neo-Nazi skinheads (again, not a majority of the
skinhead subculture), and a handful of other true believers on the
fringes of such other belief systems as Christian Identity.
On the other hand, the popularity of Hitler—suitably
reinterpreted—is on the rise throughout the radical right. In a
number of guises, the figure of Hitler may be found in the literature
of virtually every radical-right-wing belief system today. Much of
this discussion (or idealization, depending on one’s point of view)
has strongly millennial overtones, with Hitler emerging as an End
Time savior. This in itself is significant, for the intensity of millen-
nial hopes attached to Hitler provides a valuable insight into the
radical right’s current sense of despair at ever being able, of its own
volition, to right the course of a world that they see as utterly
hostile to their values and beliefs. In such a situation of hopeless
longing, it is not uncommon to dream of a messiah who will, at the
moment when all hope seems lost, appear and miraculously lead
the tiny, righteous remnant of the faithful to victory.
Thus, for example, Hitler becomes one of a line of warrior heroes
to racialist Odinists, a kind of doomed prophet of the Aryan race
for Identity Christians, the “greatest White man in history” for
the Church of the Creator, and to Satanists a man who more
than any human being in the modern world knew the secrets of
the art of power (though Satanists may simply be nihilists who
find Satanism a flag of convenience). This process of interpretation
and reinterpretation continues unabated to this day, as Adolf
Hitler and National Socialism become increasingly central to the
race movement on both sides of the Atlantic, despite the paltry
numbers attracted to explicit National Socialism.
Thus, in the songs and iconography of the White Power music
scene and in the web sites and zines of the racist right, no less than
in the pages of National Socialist publications, the visage of Adolf
Hitler is literally everywhere. With so profound a change in the sta-
tus of Hitler the man—from a pariah in the immediate postwar
movement to his central role as a godlike figure today—it should
come as no surprise that in the most radical reaches of the race
movement the cult of Adolf Hitler has evolved into a religion. Thus,
in a Reuters article of February 19, 1998, titled “Neo-Nazis Whose
World Began With Hitler Detained,” we read:
Nine suspected members of a neo-Nazi network who believed the
world began when Hitler was born have been detained in France
138 ADOLF HITLER

and Britain over death threats against Jewish personalities, police

said Tuesday.
They said the international network was living in year 109, as it
had made up its own calendar starting with Hitler’s birth date in
1889.
Eight people were being held in France. Another, named as
Herve Guttuso and belonging the group “Charlemagne Hammer
Skins,” was being held in Britain and expected to be handed over to
France.
They were being investigated on suspicion of making death
threats against France’s Simone Veil, a former cabinet minister
and ex-president of the European Parliament, and Anne Sinclair,
a popular journalist married to Finance Minister Dominique
Strauss-Kahn.
They were also being probed for inciting racial hatred and deny-
ing Nazi crimes against humanity, and on suspicion that they
started a fire in a Jewish-owned shop in Rouen.

See also: American Nazi Party; Christian Identity; Church of the Creator;
Devi, Savitri; Dilling, Elizabeth; Jordan, Colin; Ludtke, Bruno; Madole,
James; Odinism; Pierce, William; Rockwell, George Lincoln; Winrod,
Gerald; World Union of National Socialists.

Further reading: Hanna Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York:

Harvest, 1951); Leland Bell, In Hitler’s Shadow (Port Washington, NY:
Kennikat Press, 1973); Alan Bullock, Hitler: A Study in Tyranny (New York:
Harper and Row, 1962); John Roy Carlson, Under Cover (New York: Dutton,
1943); John Roy Carlson, The Plotters (New York: Dutton, 1946); Lawrence
Dennis and Maximillian St. George, A Trial on Trial: The Great Sedition
Trial of 1944 (Torrance, CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1945, 1984);
Leonard Dinnerstein, Antisemitism in America (New York: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1994); Robert Ellwood, “Nazism as a Millennialist Movement,” in
Catherine Wessinger, ed., Millennialism, Persecution and Violence (Syra-
cuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, forthcoming); Charles Higgham,
American Swastika (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1985); Adolf Hitler, Mein
Kampf, trans. by Ralph Manheim (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971); Jeffrey
Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University
Press, 1997); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a
Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press,
1998); Deborah Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust (New York: The Free Press,
1993); Heléne Léow, “The Swedish Racist Counterculture,” in Tore Bjgrgo
and Rob Witte, Racist Violence in Europe (New York: St. Martin’s Press,
1993); Heléne Lééw, “Wir Sind Wieder Da’—From National Socialism to
Militant Racial Ideology—The Swedish Racist Underground in an Historical
Context,” in Strommar i tiden, Mohamed Chaib, ed. (Goteborg, Sweden:
Diadalos Forlag, 1995); Phillip Reese, Biographical Dictionary of the
 ADOLF HITLER 139

Extreme Right (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990); James M. Rhodes, The
Hitler Movement: A Modern Millenarian Revolution (Stanford: Hoover Insti-
tution Press, 1980); Ralph Lord Roy, Apostles of Discord (Boston: Beacon
Press, 1953); Gaetano Salvemini, Italian Fascist Activities in the United
States (New York: Center for Migration Studies, 1977); Morris Schonbach,
Native American Fascism During the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Garland
Publishing, 1985); Fredrick J. Simonelli, “The World Union of National
Socialists and the Post-War Transatlantic Nazi Revival,” in Jeffrey Kaplan
and Tore Bjgrgo, Nation and Race (Boston: Northeastern University Press,
1998); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell
and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of Illinois Press,
1999); Gerald B. Winrod, Hitler in Prophecy (Wichita, KS: Defender Pub-
lishers, 1933).

Richard Kelly Hoskins See Phineas Priesthood.

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INTERNET RECRUITING The advent of cheap, easy access to the

international computer network known as the Internet has accorded
previously voiceless individuals and groups a powerful medium to
express their rigid opinions to a worldwide audience. Adherents of
the White Power movement were among the first to maximize the
potential of Internet access for recruiting and propaganda.
The Internet is composed of several elements, the most impor-
tant of which is the World Wide Web. The Web allows anyone with a
“webpage” to express their thoughts to anyone anywhere who
wishes to view such a page, more cheaply, more quickly, and often
with greater impact than other forms of advertising. Composed of
tens of thousands of sites, the Web is rapidly changing the method
and character of individual and business communication.
Reuben Logsdon’s Texas-based “CyberHate” (later the “Aryan
Crusader’s Library”) and Don Black’s Florida-based “Stormfront
White Nationalist Resource” page appeared first, in early 1995. The
latter continues to be the most influential of White Power pages. By
the end of 1995, the National Alliance, White Aryan Resistance,
Aryan Nations, and other groups recognized the potential of the
Web, and created their own sites. Of particular note is the rapid pro-
liferation of skinhead-oriented and White Power music sites, the
most important of which is the Detroit-based Resistance Records
site. Resistance and its imitators peddle hate- and violence-themed
music and wares worldwide on their webpages, largely to youth.
Today, there are dozens of individuals and groups who have
published webpages, of varying degrees and composition of racial
philosophy, technical sophistication, and graphical artistry, but all
share the same racist bent. Most work together for their common
benefit, usually “linking” to others; that is, each site offers the
addresses of its colleagues’ pages.

141
142 INTERNET RECRUITING

On the Internet, everyone can have an equal voice. Besides the

Web, this can be seen most clearly on the Usenet network. Usenet
comprises thousands of newsgroups, each in essence an electronic
memo board about a specific topic, where people may freely discuss,
argue, or often exchange insults about a myriad of topics, from food,
to politics, to music, to, of course, computers. Most newsgroups are
“unmoderated” (unregulated), their proper functioning dependent
on the self-discipline of participants.
Dan Gannon, a Holocaust “revisionist” and neo-Nazi sympa-
thizer who started to be noticed in 1991, is known for his early work
in spreading anti-Semitic propaganda far and wide. Gannon was
often engaged in “spamming”—excessive cross-posting of material to
inappropriate newsgroups. Eventually, Gannon resigned himself to
operating his Oregon-based BBS, which archives much of his mate-
rial, but his efforts caused much discussion regarding the right to air
highly controversial views without restraint, and led to the begin-
nings of organized anti-Nazi activism on the Internet, most notably
the creation of Ken McVay’s British Columbia—based “Holocaust and
Fascism Archives” (now the “Nizkor Project” web site).
Gannon was a beginning, with even greater White Power efforts
to come. In 1993, organized racist activism arrived with Arthur
LeBouthillier, Milton John Kleim, Jr., and Jason Smith.
Kleim took the lead in developing Usenet into one of the White
Power movement’s most profitable propaganda media, outlining his
plans in a now infamous essay, “On Tactics and Strategy for Usenet.”
Kleim and his associates became seemingly omnipresent in 1995 and
early 1996. In late 1995, in response to the O. J. Simpson verdict,
Kleim, White Aryan Resistance’s Wyatt Kaldenberg, George Burdi
(aka George Eric Hawthorne) of Resistance Records, and others
undertook an intensive but makeshift recruiting campaign on the
alt.fan.oj-simpson newsgroup, appealing to the resentment of many
toward the not-guilty verdict by arguing that the decision was based
on racial grounds.
In January 1996, Kleim single-handedly created a massive
Internet freedom of speech controversy by proposing the creation of
rec.music.white-power. The proposal, admitted by the author to be a
publicity stunt, was utterly defeated: nearly 600 “yes” votes vs. over
33,000 “no” votes. However, severe damage was done to the
“good-will” basis of Usenet newsgroup creation. Ironically, soon after
the results were announced, Kleim denounced the movement, and
eventually renounced neo-Nazism in mid-1996. In his wake, other
individuals, such as the National Alliance’s Kevin Alfred Strom, and
 INTERNET RECRUITING 143

the crude-penned Matt Giwer, have not let racist Usenet activism
fall by the wayside.
Electronic mail is one of the most accessible of Internet conve-
niences, and for White Power activists, it is indispensable. Several
electronic mail lists, such as the semipublic Stormfront mailing list,
and private lists, such as Harold Covington’s “NSNet” and Ernst
Zundel and Ingrid Rimland’s “Zgram” e-mail list, are used for infor-
mation and news distribution, and, in the case of Stormfront, dis-
cussion of movement issues. Unique among White Power mailing
lists is the “Aryan News Agency” list, founded by Kleim in 1993,
and now run by a pseudonymous editor in conjunction with the
Stormfront web site. Until pressure on its Internet provider forced
the list off the net, ANA distributed daily news bulletins compiled
from many sources. :
In the past, File Transfer Protocol (FTP) sites were instrumen-
tal for recruiting for a short time, but have been replaced by the
Web. The National Alliance and the Colorado-based Scriptures for
America were the first groups to use an FTP site.
Internet Relay Chat (IRC) is used by many White Power activ-
ists, but it is not a particularly effective vehicle for recruitment.
IRC “channels” mainly serve as virtual arenas for social gathering.
Undoubtedly, the Internet has enabled White Power adherents
to appeal directly to prospective recruits and sympathizers, as
never before. The youthful nature of most Net users, a large per-
centage of them college students, makes the Net fertile ground for
White Power recruiters. Because of this, antiracist groups have
taken special notice of the pervasive character of White Power
activities on the Net.
Rabbi Abraham Cooper of the Los Angeles-based Simon
Wiesenthal Center has been most outspoken against White Power
expression on the Net, calling for Internet service providers to
refuse access via their systems to racists. His campaign has
received a mixed reception. While some members of the public stri-
dently agreed, many others, and most members of the Internet
community, vehemently opposed such efforts, and suggested that
complete freedom of expression for racists does more damage to
their cause than censorship.
Regardless of the effectiveness of White Power recruitment via
the Internet, the presence of racist and anti-Semitic views in the
new medium will continue to offer challenges to both the Net com-
munity and society at large, calling into question race and ethnic
relations as well as issues of freedom of speech and expression. The
144 INTERNET RECRUITING

Internet has changed the face of telecommunications and, with it,

every element of society that depends on effectively communicating
with others. As long as the Net has few restrictions on freedom of
expression, White Power supporters will be found using it.

—Milton John Kleim, Jr.,

former Internet recruiter for the National Alliance

See also: Aryan Nations; Beam, Louis; Black, Don; Covington, Harold;
Hawthorne, George Eric; National Alliance; Peters, Pete; Scriptures for
America; White Aryan Resistance.

Further reading: Anti-Defamation League, The Web of Hate: Extremists

Exploit the Internet (New York: ADL, 1996); Les Back, Michael Keith, and
John Solomos, “Racism on the Internet: Mapping Neo-Fascist Subcul-
tures in Cyberspace,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation
and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston, MA:
Northeastern University Press, 1998); Milton John Kleim, Jr., “On Strategy
and Tactics for the Usenet,” full e-text version archived at
http://www.io.com/~wlp/aryan-page/tac.html and short version available
from Nizkor archives at http://www.nizkor.org/.
 COLIN JORDAN Today Colin Jordan operates on the most distant
fringes of the British National Socialist scene. This is a remarkable
state of affairs for a man whose National Socialist pedigree dates to
the years of World War II and before. The story of Jordan’s descent
from the center of British fascist politics and the inner circles of the
World Union of National Socialists (WUNS).is a remarkable tale of
bad decisions, inexplicable actions, and the divisiveness common to
the far right subculture on both sides of the Atlantic.
Colin Jordan’s National Socialist roots run deep. His pedigree
may be traced back to Oswald Moseley’s prewar British Union of
Fascists and National Socialists and, in particular, Arnold Leese’s
more rabidly anti-Semitic Imperial Fascist League. Leese, who set
up the League in 1928, was one of the most extreme anti-Semites of
the era. His writings, which cover any number of charges against
the Jews—most notably the revival of charges of Jewish ritual
murder—were of such influence on Jordan that today Jordan’s news-
letter, Gothic Ripples, borrows the name of Leese’s own mimeo-
graphed vehicle. Leese’s writings are still available and serve as an
important source for the racialist right wing in both Europe and the
United States.
Although Jordan is best known for his own National Socialist
Movement, which he founded in 1962, it would be no exaggeration
to say that every explicitly National Socialist organization and
most of the more generically racialist right-wing groups in Britain
from the early 1960s to date owe their existence, directly or indi-
rectly, to Colin Jordan. Thus, from the National Front to the British
Movement, the ideological children of Jordan are ubiquitous on the
British scene. That Jordan would break with each movement, and
that he today is held in general contempt by the milieu he did so
much to found, speaks volumes both to the volatility of the radical
right and to Jordan’s own unsuitability for a position of leadership.
Jordan’s moment in the sun in the international movement
came with the founding of the World Union of National Socialists,

145
146 COLIN JORDAN

which resulted from the Cotswold Conference in 1962. Jordan was

at this point the key player, and the choice of Great Britain for the
conference reflected this importance. It was Jordan who, putting
aside his initial distaste for America and Americans, spotted a ris-
ing young star of the movement in George Lincoln Rockwell, whose
American Nazi Party was established only in 1959. It was Jordan
who introduced Rockwell to Savitri Devi and to Germany’s Bruno
Ludtke, who together with Jordan formed the backbone of the
World Union of National Socialists. And it was Jordan who was
selected as the first chairman of the World Union.
Jordan, however, proved to be a better subordinate than a
leader in his own rite, and he was forced to cede the leadership to
Rockwell after a series of jail sentences made his running the orga-
nization impractical. Soon, Jordan’s relationship to the dynamic
Rockwell was one of sycophantic follower to charismatic leader.
When Rockwell was assassinated in 1967, Jordan was the natural
choice to reclaim the leadership of WUNS, because Ludtke was con-
strained by the anti-Nazification laws of his native Germany and
Devi, as a woman, could not aspire to leadership in the National
Socialist world of the 1960s. This was not to be, however, and
Rockwell’s American successor, Matt Koehl of the renamed
National Socialist White People’s Party, claimed Rockwell’s mantle
of leadership. Koehl proved to be no more capable of leading a world
movement than he was of commanding an American one, and
throughout the 1970s, the World Union of National Socialists faded
into impotence.
Despite the ultimate failure of the World Union, the reports of the
Cotswold meeting caught the attention of a wealthy and aristocratic
Frenchwoman, the Comtesse R. H. de Caumont La Force—
Francoise Dior. The couple were duly wed in October 1963 in a flashy
National Socialist ceremony that, among numerous toasts and Nazi
salutes, featured a revival of an ancient Germanic blood ceremony,
which was described in a 1963 issue of Rockwell’s Stormtrooper:
The couple took their places behind a table draped with a Swastika
and on which stood two red lighted candles.
Each in turn made to the other a declaration of Aryan descent
and racial fitness, and a pledge of loyalty as man and wife.
Each then made a small incision on the upper part of the ring
finger and the two fingers were held together for a moment to sym-
bolize the union of blood. A drop of the blood so mixed was then
allowed to fall on the blank fore page of a copy of “Mein Kampf”
belonging to the couple.
 COLIN JORDAN 147

Then each in turn placed a ring engraved with a Swastika on

the finger of the other.
The couple joined hands and the marriage was declared as
enacted.
The gathering gave the National Socialist salute, and the Horst
Wessel anthem was played.
The wedded couple were toasted in mead, the ancient drink of the
Nordic peoples.

The marriage brought Colin Jordan not only a companion and

life partner, but financial security. In the event, even this did not
save Jordan from the minor scandal that, in National Socialist cir-
cles, undid him.
Politics did not go well for Jordan in the decades of the 1960s
and 1970s. He was imprisoned intermittently in the early 1960s for
his political activities, forcing him to rely increasingly on his subor-
dinates to keep going both the British National Socialist Movement
and the British activities of the World Union of National Socialists.
This brought to the fore such future stars of the British radical
right (and, ironically, implacable opponents of Colin Jordan) as
John Tyndall, Denis Pirie, and Peter Ling. Tyndall and Martin
Webster split from the National Socialist Movement in 1967 to form
the more effective National Front.
Jordan reorganized the National Socialist Movement itself in
1968 as the British Movement, but by 1974 he had been forced to
step down in favor of Michael McLaughlin. The split was far less
than amicable. It was Jordan, however, who provided McLaughlin
with the sword with which to do in the movement’s founder, and
Jordan further obliged his enemies by taking a running start and
skewering himself in a manner guaranteed to bring maximum
public humiliation. It seems that, for reasons best known only to
him, Jordan was arrested on charges of simple shoplifting. Worse,
Jordan’s booty was comprised of lingerie—to wit, pairs of women’s
panties. Why the financially secure Jordan would resort to this
method of shopping was a mystery to the British movement, but
soon the internal correspondence of many of the faithful had
brought to Jordan the nickname of “Knickers Stealer,” and the
McLaughlin faction of the British Movement had a field day with
the news. The label stuck, dogging Jordan’s ill-fated campaigns in
the 1970s to seize back control of the British Movement and,
indeed, to reenter the British National Socialist scene that had, in
truth, long since left him behind.
148 COLIN JORDAN

The last two decades have not been notably kinder to Colin
Jordan. His voluminous National Socialist writings span almost the
last half century, and even today, in his twilight years, Jordan
remains productive. Each year, on Hitler’s birthday, Jordan updates
and reprints his “National Socialism: Then and Now: A Philosophi-
cal Appraisal.” His Gothic Ripples newsletter still appears regularly,
increasingly with an Odinist flavor and in a form not unlike James
Hartung Madole’s long-running “New Atlantis” series in his 1970s
era National Renaissance Bulletin. And in 1997 Jordan had com-
pleted a new book, Merrie England 2000. The book is currently avail-
able only on the World Wide Web, because, according to its author’s
mocking “Dedication”:
This book is dedicated to Gerald Kaufman, Jewish Member of Par-
liament for the U.K., ancestrally from Poland, who not only in his
policies typifies trends towards an England in the year 2,000 [sic] as
depicted in it, but has taken a lead in trying to prevent its publica-
tion by penal action against its author for his writings.
In June 1991, acting merely on a complaint by Kaufman, police
invaded and ransacked the author’s home, and seized a copy of the
first draft of this book. Thereafter, with the necessary scrutiny and
consent of the Attorney General, a prosecution was started against
him for some other literature seized. This was at the outset sus-
pended by a High Court injunction which the author obtained,
pending a Judicial Review by that Court of the legality of the war-
rant used for the raid, leave for which Review he had previously
applied for and had been granted. When that Judicial Review was
about to take place in November 1992, the police finally at the last
moment, to avoid a High Court decision of censure, admitted that
the warrant was invalid, and the search and seizure consequently
unlawful; and abandoned the prosecution, agreeing to return all of
the property seized and since then retained.
The Attorney General—the highest law officer in the land
appointed by the government of the day—thus stands condemned
for having sanctioned under Jewish pressure a prosecution of a
political opponent for expressing freedom of thought, an attempt at
suppression based moreover on what he must have known was an
illegal raid. Such was the threat to freedom in 1992.
What will it be like in the year 2,000 ? [sic]
There is little doubt that Colin Jordan will still be with us to see
for himself what the new millennium brings.
 JOST 149

See also: American Nazi Party; Devi, Savitri; Koehl, Matt; Ludtke, Bruno;
Madole, James; National Socialist White People’s Party; Odinism; Rockwell,
George Lincoln; World Union of National Socialists.
Further reading: Colin Jordan, Merrie England 2000 (self-published,
1997); Ciaran Maoldin, The Radical Right: A World Directory (Santa
Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1987); Fredrick J. Simonelli, “The World Union
of National Socialists and the Post-War Transatlantic Nazi Revival,” in
Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, Nation and Race (Boston: Northeastern
University Press, 1998); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George
Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of
Illinois Press, 1999).

JOST Inthe 1980s and early 1990s, Jost led the National Socialist
Kindred, a movement that sought to meld National Socialism and
racialist Odinism into an ideology that would attract similarly dis-
affected individuals dedicated to the creation of a separatist com-
munity in the mountains of Northern California. The idea of a
National Socialist haven was hardly new. Donald Clerkin of the
Euro-American Alliance had dreamed of such a National Socialist
enclave even before the formation of the Aryan Nations. The dream
has been shared by such high-profile figures as Rick Cooper of the
National Socialist Vanguard, whose vision of a community known
as Wolfstadt is the stated reason for the group’s existence. And
most recently, we have seen the efforts in Britain involving the
Reichsfolk, the Order of the Nine Angles, and the Order of Balder to
form communal separatist groups that would adhere to National
Socialist ideals. Jost tried to bring these dreams into reality.
It was not to be. Jost died of a heart attack in late 1996, while
still in his early 50s, and, out of deference to his family’s wishes,
this entry will not use his birth name. By 1996, he had already
abandoned the National Socialist Kindred and the communal
dream in favor of a remarkable theology that brought New Age
ideas into the already heady mix of Odinism and National Social-
ism to form Arya Kriya, a holistic belief system that combined
health faddism, meditation techniques, and racialist ideology into a
kind of correspondence course. At the time of his death, Arya Kriya
had subscribers throughout the United States and was being
translated into Swedish by Tommy Rydén for distribution in
Scandinavia.
150 JOST

The best source for Jost’s biography is Jost himself. Jost’s “Aryan
Destiny: Back to the Land,” which is presented in full in the
“Resources” section, describes in vivid detail the author’s alienation
after his return to America from two tours in Vietnam, his sense of
culture shock when confronted with the counterculture of the early
1970s, and the withdrawal of Jost and his family from the multira-
cial city they lived in to the mountains of northern California. There,
in rural isolation, Jost describes the idyllic life of the day—a time in
which alienated right wingers and equally alienated hippies coex-
isted in harmony, united by their shared disdain for the American
establishment. This harmony would be shattered by the rise of mari-
juana cultivators whose wars with each other—and with the federal
government—would shatter forever the live-and-let-live atmosphere
that Jost prized so highly. It was then that the National Socialist
Kindred was born, and that the dream of the longed-for folk commu-
nity of Volksberg was offered to the National Socialist faithful.
As Jost and his family patiently laid the foundation for the
Volksberg community, he published a large number of tracts under
the imprimatur of the National Socialist Kindred. The NS Kindred
too republished the work of such foreign neo-Nazis as the Aryan
Nations’ regular Manfred Roeder, as well as pieces by imprisoned
veterans of the Order such as David Lane.
Jost’s writings can be divided roughly into three categories; those
dealing with National Socialism, and particularly with the person of
Adolf Hitler, who in Jost’s formulation is raised to the level of the
gods themselves; religious tracts on racialist Odinism; and, increas-
ingly through the 1990s, earnest exhortations toward self-
improvement that would point the way towards Arya Kriya. One
point should be noted, however. Jost’s Odinism was deeply felt and
quite sincere. But the NS Kindred was very much apart from the
organized Asatri community. This isolation may have contributed
in large measure to Jost’s drift out of Odinism into Arya Kriya.
With the failure of the National Socialist Kindred to attract the
quality of adherents to the Volksberg community that would have
made the experiment viable, Jost in his final years turned inward.
His concentration was increasingly on Arya Kriya, a kind of Aryan
yoga system that concentrated on diet, meditation techniques, and
spiritual self-discovery. Even this experiment did not go far, how-
ever, before Jost suffered a fatal heart attack and died in 1996. What
will survive of his work remains, at this writing, an open question.
 JOST 151

See also: Arya Kriya; Aryan Nations; Cooper, Rick; Hitler, Adolf; Lane,
David; National Socialist Kindred; National Socialist Vanguard; Odinism;
Order; Order of Nine Angles; Reichsfolk; Rydén, Tommy.

Further reading: Jost, “Aryan Destiny: Back To The Land,” (undated e-text
distributed by the National Socialist Kindred); Jost, The Essentials of Mein
Kampf (Volksberg, CA: NS Kindred, 1988); Jost, “Love: An Eternal law of
Nature and first Tenet of National Socialism” (undated flyer from the
National Socialist Kindred); Jost, “ARYAN DESTINY: Why Hitler had to be
Overcome” (pamphlet from the National Socialist Kindred, 1989); Jost,
“Arya Kriya: Vetenskapen om paskyndad evolution” (undated poster issued
by the DeVries Institute, 1989); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The
Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers Univer-
sity Press, 1998).
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KEEP SWEDEN SWEDISH The group named Keep Sweden Swed-
ish (Bavara Sverige Svenskt or BSS) was a small anti-immigrant
organization that was the beginning of the Swedish parliamentary
parties formed in the late 1970s to oppose (non-White) immigra-
tion. The BSS was in essence an interest group formed to push for a
national referendum on immigration. It never coalesced into a
political party and never grew very large, with an estimated 300
members by 1984. Nonetheless, passing through BSS ranks were a
number of Swedish racialists such as Tommy Rydén who were des-
tined for careers in both the parliamentary and the extra-
parliamentary far right.
See also: Rydén, Tommy.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a

Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press,
1998); Heléne Loéw, “Wir Sind Wieder Da’—From National Socialism to
Militant Racial Ideology—The Swedish Racist Underground In An Histori-
cal Context,” in Strommar i tiden, Mohamed Chaib, ed. (Goteborg, Sweden:
Diadalos Forlag, 1995).

MATTHIAS “MATT” KOEHL If gold watches were awarded to

Nazis for longevity of service, Matt Koehl would be among the first
of the generation that came into the movement under George
Lincoln Rockwell to receive such a golden handshake. While a few
others in the first generation of American postwar National Social-
ists are still active in leadership positions, only Koehl and William
Pierce may lay claim to an uninterrupted fealty to National Social-
ism to the exclusion of all other ideologies on offer to the radical-
right faithful.
By his own reckoning, Koehl’s National Socialist consciousness
dates back to 1948 when, as a 13-year-old in the Milwaukee public
schools, he loudly took the unpopular position that Hitler was the

153
154 MATTHIAS “MATT” KOEHL

good guy in the war. In that same capsule biography, which ran as an
installment of a regular feature titled “Know Your Party Officers” in
the American Nazi Party's Stormtrooper magazine (December—
January 1965), Koehl recounted his years as a student in Milwaukee
and Chicago, as well as his brief and unsatisfactory experience in the
insurance industry and in the Marine Corps Reserve.
Koehl’s early interest in Hitler had by adulthood blossomed into
a fanatical adherence to National Socialism in its classic 1930s
German form, a reverence for Adolf Hitler that assumed cultic pro-
portions, and a powerful anti-Semitism. Armed with these beliefs,
Koehl while still a teenager began his search for a comfortable
niche in an American racist right that still retained its wartime dis-
taste for Nazism.
Upon his graduation from high school, Koehl was at last free to
travel. Like the next two generations of American National Social-
ists, Koehl looked to the East Coast for some organization that would
give him the chance to see real action in the company of fellow true
believers. His first such experience was with James Madole’s
National Renaissance Party in New York. There he became a uni-
formed guard for the diminutive Madole, whose anti-Semitic street
corner invective had a sure knack of inciting fights in which the ora-
tor invariably came out the worst for the experience. Koehl remained
for about a year with the NRP before returning to Chicago around
1953. There, he attended college, found work, and continued his
anti-Semitic activities in a number of largely mail-order movements,
most notably Ed Fields’s States’ Rights Party.
In 1960, Commander Rockwell made his first recruiting trip to
Chicago on behalf of the then barely one-year-old American Nazi
Party. The young Koehl was one of the first to meet with him there,
and Koehl’s life would be forever changed. He quickly joined the
ANP, donned the Stormtrooper uniform, and was named head of
the key Chicago unit, where he distinguished himself for his loyalty
and steadfastness in the face of universal public hostility.
Meanwhile, the situation in Rockwell’s Arlington, Virginia,
headquarters was going from bad to very bad to very much worse,
as poverty, infighting, and defections increasingly commanded
the Commander’s attention. When National Party Secretary
Daniel Burros defected and began to publish anti-Rockwell broad-
sides in his journal, Kill!, in 1962, Captain Koehl was recalled from
Chicago to assume the key post of party secretary. He was then
promoted to major, which would be his rank upon the formal disso-
lution of the American Nazi Party in 1966. By then, Deputy
 MATTHIAS “MATT” KOEHL 155

Commander Alan Welch had resigned and Koehl had become

Rockwell’s second in command.
1966 was a key year in the history of American National Social-
ism. In that year, a highly publicized march in Chicago turned vio-
lent and brought the party much needed visibility, and in that year
too Rockwell gave his famous interview in Playboy magazine. But
by then, the Commander had come to recognize the futility of
attempting to turn Nazism into a mass movement in America.
Thus, over Koehl’s opposition, Rockwell forced through a fractious
party congress the dissolution of the American Nazi Party in favor
of the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP)—a name
chosen in conscious imitation of the highly successful civil rights
organization, the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People. Within a year, however, Rockwell was dead, assas-
sinated by a disaffected Nazi named John Patler. Koehl found him-
self in command of the NSWPP. It was Koehl who gave the eulogy
for the fallen Commander, and thus it was Koehl who found himself
in the position of unchallenged leadership. This rare moment of
unity would not last.
Ironically, Koehl’s tenure saw both the high-water mark and the
functional end of the National Socialist movement in America.
Always minuscule, the ranks of the “organized” American National
Socialist community attracted, in the immediate post-Rockwell
period, a small but steady stream of the committed and the curious.
Koehl thus appeared to outside observers to work on two concur-
rent tracks: a highly successful effort to anger and alienate the old
guard while simultaneously leaving the new recruits with such a
bad taste in their mouths that many left the movement, and others
became lifelong enemies of the new Commander. It was by all
accounts a singular performance.
The roster of those harried from the National Socialist White
People’s Party reads like a virtual “Who’s Who” of American
National Socialism. William Pierce, James Warner, Ricky Cooper,
Harold Covington, Joseph Tommasi, James Mason—the list of vic-
tims of Koehl-era purges and angry resignations could go on for
pages. Part of the problem was Koehl’s unbending adherence to the
leadership principle as propounded in classic fascist doctrine.
Koehl had after all remained loyal to Rockwell during his tenure,
and he expected his own subordinates to do the same. To the rank
and file, however, to paraphrase a mordant commentary on Vice
President Dan Quayle’s fixation on John Kennedy: the veterans
knew George Lincoln Rockwell, and Matt Koehl was decidedly no
156 MATTHIAS “MATT” KOEHL

Rockwell. Thus, for example, in December 1968 the California

branch of the party pooled their meager resources to fly Koehl out to
solve the divisive conflict that pitted the California leader, Ralph
Forbes, against Alan Vincent and core American Nazi Party mem-
ber James Warner. It was Koehl’s stubborn insistence on the pri-
macy of the leadership principle, rather than the clear evidence of
Forbes’s inability to lead the group, that moved Koehl to support
Forbes, a decision that split the West Coast branch of the party.
This atomization is replicated on a national scale in the world of
National Socialism to the present day. Similarly, at party head-
quarters in Virginia, a succession of party officers came and went
with monotonous regularity, each blasting Koehl as he stomped out
the door (save for one, Dominic Lewitzke, who went quietly, feet
first, having committed suicide in party headquarters).
Koehl fared no better with Rockwell’s dearest project, the World
Union of National Socialists, which sought to unite National Social-
ists throughout the world under his leadership. As with the
National Socialist White People’s Party, Koehl attempted in vain to
assume the Commander’s mantle of leadership over the far-flung
leaders of the World Union of National Socialists. And, not unlike
the NSWPP, the World Union would carry on in a zombie-like fash-
ion long after the breath of life had departed the corpse.
It was during this period too that Koehl was forced to battle
long-standing rumors of his homosexuality. The rumors have never
been proven, but they have been repeated so often in both conversa-
tion and in print over the last two decades that they have come to be
virtual articles of faith in the American National Socialist commu-
nity, despite the fact that Koehl has lived with a woman, Barbara
von Goetz, for many years.
The 1980s were hardly kind to Koehl and the National Socialist
White People’s Party. In 1982, the Internal Revenue Service fore-
closed on the American Nazi Party’s Arlington, Virginia, headquar-
ters. Koehl responded with a crash fund-raising drive and a move to
a piece of rural property in his native Wisconsin, which was pitched
as a new and more secure party headquarters, but which from the
beginning seems to have been intended as more of a Matt Koehl
retirement home.
The 1980s would see constant mass-mailing appeals for funds
under this and a variety of other guises as the National Socialist
White People’s Party increasing took on the look of a second-rate
televangelism ministry that was always falling just short of the
funds needed to stay on the air. Koehl sold literature, dreams, and
 MATTHIAS “MATT” KOEHL 157

promises, but it was his bizarre “Victory Bonds” scam that may be
seen as classic Koehl.
Koehl, who unlike most American National Socialists could
remember the wartime success of government bond drives, applied
these lessons to the National Socialist White People’s Party and
offered worthless bonds for sale, bonds that would be redeemed at a
handsome profit after the party’s assumption of power! While it
speaks volumes for how tenuous was the grasp on reality of those
who made the investment, Koehl once again proved the prescience
of P. T. Barnum’s mordant estimation of the American consumer,
and money was raised. One such unlucky investor, former National
Secretary Ricky Cooper, sued to recover some $888. The suit was
unsuccessful, but it did have the effect of bringing the operation to
the attention of the Securities and Exchange Commission, which
promptly put a stop to it.
Koehl responded by changing the name of the National Socialist
White People’s Party to the New Order and withdrawing deeper
into his semiretirement in Wisconsin. Unlike the controversy sur-
rounding Rockwell’s transformation of the American Nazi Party
into the National Socialist White People’s Party, the emergence of
the New Order went largely unremarked. No one, it seems, really
cared any more.
Today, the New Order puts out the NS Bulletin, issues occa-
sional fund-raising appeals, and keeps Koehl’s 1960s-era writings
in circulation. These include a number of rather lightweight theo-
retical pieces such as his “Some Guidelines for the Development of
the National Socialist Movement” and his 1967 eulogy for the Com-
mander. Koehl’s primary legacy, however, lies less in his contribu-
tions to American National Socialism than in his example of
survival in the vortex of a movement famous for its tendency to
devour its own.
See also: American Nazi Party; Burros, Daniel; Cooper, Rick; Covington,
Harold; Forbes, Ralph; Hitler, Adolf; Madole, James; Mason, James;
National Socialist White People’s Party; Pierce, William; Rockwell, George
Lincoln; Tommasi, Joseph; Warner, James; World Union of National
Socialists.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996); George Lincoln Rockwell, This Time the World!
(Arlington, VA: Parliament House, 1963); George Lincoln Rockwell, White
Power (n.p., 1967, 1977); Frederick J. Simonelli, “The World Union of
National Socialists and Post-War Transatlantic Nazi Revival,” in Jeffrey
158 KREATIVISTENS KYRKA

Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and Race: The Developing
Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University
Press, 1998); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln
Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of Illinois
Press, 1999).

KREATIVISTENS KYRKA The Kreativistens Kyrka was founded in

1988 by Tommy R. Rydén as the Swedish chapter of the Church of
the Creator (COTC). Rydén was sentenced to four months in jail in
1991 for distributing the COTC’s English language material to the
public. The Kreativistens Kyrka later changed its name to the Ben
Klassen Academy and the Reorganized Kreativistens Kyrka,
because of conflicts with the COTC leadership after Klassen’s 1990
retirement. The Kreativistens Kyrka in all its forms always
remained loyal to Klassen, who they said “came as a light in the
darkness.” Ben Klassen in turn praised Rydén in his last book,
Trials, Tribulations and Triumphs. The Kreativistens Kyrka was
dissolved in 1995 due to a lack of members and problems related to
the mother church in the United States, but some of its material is
still sold through a project called the DeVries Institute, which is
named after the author of the COTC book Salubrious Living.

—Tommy Rydén, Swedish race activist

See also: Church of the Creator; Klassen, Ben; Rydén, Tommy.

Further reading: Ben Klassen, Trials, Tribulations and Triumphs (East

Peoria, IL: COTC, 1993); Heléne Lééw, “Racist Violence and Criminal
Behavior in Sweden: Myths and Reality,” in Tore Bjgrgo, ed., Terror from the
Extreme Right (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1995); Tommy Rydén,
“Kreativistens Kyrka, en kort introduktion” [The Church of the Creator, a
short introduction] (booklet, no date); “De utvaldas skara” [The chosen ones]
(flier from the Reorganized Church).

OLE KROGSTAD A leading Norwegian rightist activist, Ole

Krogstad in 1983 became the secretary of Nasjonalungdommmen,
the youth organization of Nasjonalt folkeparti [National People’s
Party]. In 1985, Krogstad was charged with taking part in the plan-
ning of a bomb attack on a Muslim mosque. He was remanded into
custody for four months, but was set free since there was no clear
evidence against him, and he was never sentenced for the bombing.
 OLE KROGSTAD 159

However, he was sentenced to four months for illegal possession of

weapons, handing over weapons to persons under the age of 18,
having fired dynamite outside the Immigrant office in Oslo, and
having smeared slogans on Jewish tombstones.
In 1987, he started Bootboys, a “comrade club for skinheads,”
and he was the editor of the skinhead fanzine Bootboys. Krogstad
has been the main leading figure of the skinhead part of the rightist
underground. However, he has never been the sole leader of the
underground. The reason for this is that the underground is led col-
lectively by several figures who coordinate their efforts. Krogstad’s
task has been to organize trips to Oi-rock concerts in Sweden, as
well as being a front figure during confrontations with militant
antifascists.
Krogstad believes that the world is ruled by ZOG (the Zionist
Occupation Government). In the early 1990s, he labeled himself a
radical nationalist, whereas he currently refers to himself as a
National Socialist, albeit somewhat less militantly than previously.
Krogstad was a personal friend, and a loyal follower, of former
Skrewdriver vocalist Ian Stewart Donaldson. In 1995, he started
his own White Power band called Vidkuns Venner [the friends of
Vidkun]. He had wanted to call it Rinnans Band, after Henry Oliver
Rinnan, a Norwegian who had worked as an executioner for the
German Nazis during their occupation of Norway. As a result of
Rinnan’s family threatening to sue Krogstad for using this name,
Krogstad chose the name Vidkuns Venner instead, after Vidkun
Quisling, the head of Nasjonal samling [National Unification], the
Norwegian National Socialist Party during the 1930s and 1940s.
Today Krogstad’s main task is to distribute White Power CDs,
patches, posters, and other ideological material through his com-
pany, Bootboys Records.

—Katrine Fangen, University of Oslo

See also: Skinheads (Origins and Music); Zionist Occupation Government.

Further reading: Attakrk No. 1 (February 1983); Bootboys No. 9 (1990);

Katrine Fangen, “Living out our Ethnic Instincts: Ideological Beliefs Among
Right-Wing Activists in Norway,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, Broth-
erhoods of Nation and Race: The Emergence of a Euro-American Racist Sub-
culture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Katrine Fangen,
“Skinheads I redt, hvitt og blatt En sosiologisk studie fra innsiden” [Skin-
heads in red, white, and blue: A sociological study from inside] (1994).
160 VAINO KUISMA

Fritz Kuhn See Hitler, Adolf.

VAINO KUISMA The Patriotic Right, a far-right-wing religio-

political movement centered in Lahti, Finland, is led by Vaino
Kuisma. Despite the presence of a White Power music label named
Pro Patria and an active skinhead subculture centered in Turku,
there is comparatively little radical-right-wing activity in Finland.
Kuisma’s movement is therefore extremely small. But like the
National Renaissance Party of James Hartung Madole in the
United States in the 1960s and 1970s, the remarkable religious and
occult explorations of Kuisma and the core membership in the
Patriotic Right are worthy of consideration in these pages. More-
over, unlike the colorless Madole, Kuisma does have a physical
presence, which he uses to advantage in gaining public attention
for his tiny movement, together with an ideology with deeper roots
in Finnish culture than Madole’s forays into modern Satanism did
with U.S. culture.
It is somewhat surprising for the founder of a folkish movement
to have had his moment of conversion in, of all places, Los Angeles.
But it was during a stay in that epicenter of plastic Americana in
the 1970s that Vaino Kuisma’s awakening to the richness of his
own Finnish heritage took place. Armed with this new vision,
Kuisma returned to his native Lahti and underwent an intense
course of study that focused first and foremost on the Finnish
national epic, The Kelevala. The Kelevala is an epic poem (some 650
pages of text in a recent English translation) that was first pub-
lished in its entirety in 1849 by Elias Lénnrot as the crowning
achievement of the Finnish romantic revival. Based on the oral tra-
ditions of the Kerelian region of Finland, The Kelevala is an epic
myth that recounts the cultural history of Finland from the cre-
ation of the world through the Golden Age of Finnish culture as
seen through the eyes of a quasidivine character, Vainamoinen.
Kuisma became deeply enamored of the poem, finding esoteric
and exoteric (hidden and open) meanings in the text that, he
believed, only a native Finn could fully comprehend. Through his
study of Kelevala, Kuisma created a theology and an evolving set of
rituals based not only on the poem’s text, but also on the paintings
that accompanied the original Finnish editions of the poem, and
eventually on such other aspects of Finnish culture as the use of
Sibelius’s musical suite Finlandia as a meditative tool.
 VAINO KUISMA 161

Kuisma’s studies took him in other directions as well, and his

early political endeavors took on some occult aspects of German
National Socialism, as recounted in the eccentric literature that
has grown from this aspect of the Third Reich. From this conver-
gence of Finnish folk mysticism and occult National Socialism was
born Kuisma’s Aryan German Brotherhood (AGV). The AGV was
nothing if not colorful. Black shirts with the AVG logo, posters,
stickers, and literature in the black-and-white, German National
Socialist-derived symbolism did capture a good deal of attention in
a country that has had little far-right activity in the postwar era.
Internally, Kuisma and his core adherents continued to explore the
occult path through ever-more-elaborate rituals, and the native
shamanism of Kuisma’s native Kerelia made its appearance in the
core leadership as well. :
Soon, television cameras appeared, and a brief documentary
segment of the AGV’s activities was broadcast to the nation. This
much-needed publicity was a mixed blessing at best, however. While
Kuisma stood out with a body builder’s physique and an ascetic life-
style that would be the envy of radical-right leaders in countries
more amenable to far-right politics than Finland, his band of follow-
ers left a more comic impression. Indeed, two more mismatched part-
ners would be hard to imagine.
One of these erstwhile adherents was rotund, coarse, and
possessed of a prominent, bright-red nose that was the result of ©
decades of chronic alcoholism. Playing Bud Abbot to this charac-
ter’s Lou Costello was an equally bizarre figure—as sepulchrally
thin as his comrade was corpulent—who wore a flowing cape
throughout the production and looked nothing so much as the
hyperactive manager of an American professional wrestler as he
hopped from foot to foot, gesticulated wildly, and seemed oblivious
to the open-mouthed stares he elicited from the public as he sought
to hand out the group’s literature. To many Finns, the Aryan
German Brotherhood became an instant cause for mirth.
This impression was unfortunate, in that Kuisma’s deepening
mysticism and marked personal charisma was in stark contrast to
the impression made by the Finnish television documentary.
Indeed, many who have privately met with Vainé Kuisma attest to
an almost hypnotic quality to his discourse and demeanor, an
observation that has been made about other hereditary practitio-
ners of Kerelian shamanism. Indeed, so great was the disparity
between the AGV’s public image and private reality that it became
clear that, if Kuisma’s ideas were to gain a wider audience, the
162 VAINO KUISMA

Aryan German Brotherhood and its more dysfunctional adherents

would have to go. Thus in 1993 the Patriotic Front was born.
The Patriotic Front was conceived as a more broadly based
movement than the Aryan German Brotherhood. On the political
level, the Patriotic Front would stand for parliamentary elections,
and thus the Third Reich symbolism was jettisoned. The Patriotic
Front was to be a purely Finnish folkish party. At the same time,
Kuisma sought to unite the small Finnish radical-right community
under his leadership.
The latter bid for primacy in the Acoli world of the Finnish far
right had some initial success. Kuisma’s Patriotic Right was for a
time able to cooperate with the established Patriotic National Alli-
ance, but, of greater interest, Kuisma was able to make significant
inroads into the skinhead scene in Turku and elsewhere. The
founder of Pro Patria and the most influential figure in the Finnish
skinhead world, Remi Leskonnen, was for a time attracted to
Kuisma and became a member of Kuisma’s inner circle.
Neither the alliance with the Patriotic National Alliance nor the
connection with Leskonnen and Pro Patria would last for long. In
the highly divisive world of the far right, Kuisma’s Patriotic Right
was in competition for a very small pool of potential voters, and an
even more rarefied group of potential contributors. Ideological
considerations aside, this fact mitigates against the creation of
stable coalitions.
Kuisma’s connection with Leskonnen was even more star
crossed. From the beginning, the differences between Kuisma and
the skinhead subculture were profound. Kuisma is ascetic, disci-
plined, and abstentious. He notes that his only real indulgence in
life is enjoying a good cigar. Beyond this, he eschews alcohol and
even the company of women—in fact, he avoids anything that
would distract him from his studies and his preparations to assume
power. Kuisma’s taste in music runs to the classical, with Sibelius’s
deeply Finnish compositions first and foremost. It need hardly be
said that the skinhead scene is not of the same temper. Thus, after
an initial flirtation, Leskonnen departed, and Kuisma’s support
among Finnish skinheads has diminished considerably as well.
Despite these political setbacks, Kuisma’s ideological and reli-
gious quest continues unabated. For Kuisma, the essence of
“Finnishness” has assumed such centrality that all else has been
excluded. Thus the National Socialist imagery has largely disap-
peared from the movement, replaced primarily by concepts of what
is termed in this encyclopedia as “a religion of nature,” in which The
 KU KLUX KLAN 163

Kelevala is elevated to the level of sacred and inerrant text. From

this source springs Kuisma’s sense of mission, together with his
conception of the Finns as a spiritual elite. As quoted by Dr. Kyosti
Pekonen of Helsinki University:
Our own people is the most important in the world. We will fight
with this people and for it. Leadership of every People should well
forth from the People’s holy roots and books, its holy spirit. Only the
people who has found its roots and spirit is able to fulfill its mission
in the world.

And it is The Kelevala that serves as the source for this timeless
mission. It is, moreover, a mission exclusive to the Finnish people.
Thus, Kuisma’s appeal transcends the borders of Finland, with a
Patriotic Right “overseas office” to spread the message of Kelevala
culture to ethnic Finns throughout the world:
We can honestly say that the principles of the Patriotic Right
gushes out of The Kelevala. The dynamics, energy and will power of
our organization are feasible only for the reason that we have ele-
vated our national epic to a worthy position as the Finnish People’s
own sacred book. As our own bible. THE KELEVALA REFORMATION IS
GOING ON.

See also: Madole, James Hartung; Religion of Nature; White Power Music.

Further reading: Mari Kalliala, “Pekka Siitoin: Mixing the Extremes and
Surviving,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Heléne Léoéw, Sekter, sektmotstandare och
sekteristiska miljéer, en fornyad granskning (Stockholm: Swedish National
Council of Crime Prevention, forthcoming); Kyésti Pekonen, ed., The New
Radical Right in Finland in the Nineties (Helsinki: University of Helsinki
Press, 1999).

KU KLUX KLAN In the contemporary demonology of American cul-

ture, no organization elicits a more negative reaction than does the
Ku Klux Klan (the KKK). Fear of the Klan, and perhaps a shared col-
lective shame for the power that the movement accrued both in the
Reconstruction Era American South (c. 1865-1876) and in a number
of northern states in the 1920s, is deeply rooted in the collective
American consciousness. It is a fear that at once attracts and bedevils
Klan recruits, who often find their initial attraction to the Klan’s
mystique of secrecy and popular fear waning with the realization
that virtually any public activity undertaken by the Klan is certain to
be met by a far greater crowd of counterdemonstrators. Worse, covert
164 KU KLUX KLAN

Klan operations appear to be undertaken at the sufferance (if not the

outright invitation) of government authorities, given the success of
federal agencies at infiltrating Klan ranks and inducing Klan leaders
to cooperate in federal investigations. Thus, for a Klan group to
undertake or even seriously contemplate violent action is tanta-
mount to organizational suicide. On the one hand, members face not
only indictment for whatever criminal acts may occur, but also face
lengthy incarceration as a result of the imaginative utilization of
standing conspiracy statutes and the newly adopted hate-crime sen-
tence enhancement provisions available in many states. Moreover,
the successful use of civil litigation initiated by such watchdog orga-
nizations as the Klanwatch Project of the Southern Poverty Law
Center on behalf of victims of Klan violence has the intended effect of
putting out of business those Klan organizations whose members do
perpetrate acts of violence.
Given these powerful disincentives to violence, it is not surpris-
ing that the already fragmented Klans in North America would
enter into a bitter battle of polemics over the tactics of nonviolence
versus the Klan’s tradition of violent activism. Emerging from this
internecine debate are two very different approaches: the call to
violence championed by such firebrands as Louis Beam of Texas
and Dennis Mahon of Oklahoma, as opposed to the mediagenic call
to nonviolence, best embodied by Arkansas-based Thomas Robb.
Louis Beam is a rarity among Klansmen. Undeniably intelligent,
articulate, and widely read, Beam is the author of the “Leaderless
Resistance” essay that remains the single vital theoretical model for
radical-right-wing violence extant today. Beam, however, has not
succeeded in his primary objective—unifying the Klan’s many dispa-
rate factions and forging the organization into an effective vanguard
revolutionary force along the lines of what the late Robert Miles
called the “Fifth Era Klan.”
Dennis Mahon is no Louis Beam, but he too has come to represent
a revolutionary voice in Klan circles—so much 0, in fact, that, having
come to much the same analysis of the Klan’s current status as Louis
Beam, he amicably left the Klan in 1992 for Tom Metzger’s White
Aryan Resistance (WAR). Prior to his defection to WAR, Mahon was
best known for his association with Terry Boyce’s Confederate
Knights of America Klan chapter and for his calls to arms in the
Knights’ journal, the White Beret, as well as for his occasional forays
to Europe and Canada on behalf of the Klan. Mahon’s drift from the
KKK to WAR was announced with an unusually frank analysis of the
Klan. Interspersed between intemperate attacks on Thom Robb (“the
 KU KLUX KLAN 165

Grand Lizard”) and Robb’s attempts to remake the image of the Klan
from a revolutionary force to, in effect, a civil rights group, comes
Mahon’s telling appraisal of the current state of the Klan:
...after 12 years of proudly wearing the robe of the Invisible Order, I
feel that Tom Metzger’s leadership and personal strategies fit my
personality and mind set better at this time of my life. Also, I just
got tired of seeing so many mistakes in tactics and ideology of the
leaders of the other 25 or so Klan groups in Zoglandia. So many of
these mini-fuhrers of these other Klans have embarrassed me with
these displays of weakness and idiotic statements of “Niggers are
the cause of all our problems—we got to kill the niggers—nigger
this, nigger that.” It’s like a broken record.
The Jewsmedia always link the Klan with “lynching niggers.”
The average “Joe Six-pack” out there, whenever he thinks of a Klans-
man, pictures an uneducated hick half drunk, in bib overalls, with
tobacco juice dripping down his chin, burning a cross on some poor
Blacks [sic] lawn, and the Klansman stating how he “put the nigger
in his place.” Unfortunately, many Klansmen knowingly fit the
media stereotype.

Mahon continues his analysis throughout the premier issue of

his post-Klan vehicle, The Oklahoma Excalibur. The effortless
penetration of Klan leadership ranks by government agents as well
as by informants reporting for private watchdog groups is decried,
as are the tactics of nonviolence and staged events in which Klan
groups are seen as demonstrating peacefully until they are
attacked by anti-Klan demonstrators, the forte of Thom Robb. For
Mahon, the contradictions of the modern Klan became intolerable,
and thus the switch to WAR.
During an interview with this writer in Chicago in 1991, Identity
minister and Klan leader Thom Robb made the surprising declara-
tion that, virtually alone among members of the radical right in
America, he was pleased with media coverage of his Knights of the
Ku Klux Klan. Indeed, inasmuch as the Ku Klux Klan could get posi-
tive media coverage, Robb’s message of love for the White race while
eschewing any (public) negative comments on any other race has
dovetailed nicely with a certain trend in American society toward the
reinforcement of ethnic as opposed to national identity. Robb’s
kinder, gentler Klan is unlikely to do much to erase the intensely
negative associations that the organization engenders in Americans,
and, as Dennis Mahon’s writing amply demonstrates, it has done
much to further divide an already disintegrating movement.
166 KU KLUX KLAN

How low the Ku Klux Klan’s fortunes have ebbed in recent years
is clearly documented by the watchdog community. According to
Anti-Defamation League figures, total Klan membership had by
1988 hit a record low of between 4,500 and 5,000 members. These fig-
ures represent the lowest Klan membership total in 15 years, accord-
ing to the ADL, and Klanwatch’s 1990 estimate of 5,000 too shows
little hope of upward growth. So dire are the Klan’s current fortunes
that in its 1991 report on the KKK (“The KKK Today: A 1991 Status
Report,” ADL Special Report), the ADL was moved to write:
Although the Klan’s decade-long decline has stopped, and it may
begin to grow again—especially if the current recession becomes
lengthy and severe—there is little prospect of the hooded order once
again becoming a significant force in the land.... As long as it con-
tinues to exist, it poses a danger to the communities in which it
operates. The danger consists specifically of violence and terrorism.
The Klan’s very presence in a community constitutes a source of
anxiety to members of minority groups and a standing threat to
peaceful and friendly relations among the citizens.... Nevertheless,
considered from the standpoint of the nation as a whole, the KKK
has only limited present and potential significance.

Since 1991, ADL material dealing with the Klan has reiterated
these findings, and, according to watchdog and academic sources
alike, the Klan remains a marginal force in the world of the radical
right, as well as an insignificant factor in the mainstream culture.
See also: Aryan Nations; Beam, Louis; Butler, Richard; Metzger, Tom; Miles,
Robert; Odinism; Robb, Thom; White Aryan Resistance.

Further reading: Louis Beam, “On Revolutionary Majorities,” Inter-Klan

Newsletter and Survival Alert 4 (1984); David Chalmers, Hooded American-
ism (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1965); John George and Laird Wilcox,
Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Pro-
metheus Books, 1992); Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City,
1915-1930 (Chicago: Oxford University Press, 1967); Michael Newton and
Judy Newton, Ku Klux Klan: An Encyclopedia, Garland Reference Library of
the Social Sciences, vol. 499 (New York: Garland, 1991); Patsy Sims, The
Klan (New York: Stein and Day, 1978); Bill Stanton, Klanwatch: Bringing
the Klan to Justice (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1991).
 DAVID LANE An imprisoned member of the Order and leading
proponent of Odinism, David Lane is presently serving a 190-
year-term in a maximum security prison beneath the ground in
Florence, Colorado. Born 1938 in Woden, Iowa, Lane was adopted
by a rigid Lutheran family, thus developing his distaste for Chris-
tianity. Opposed to racial integration, whichhe came to see as part
of a Zionist conspiracy aimed at exterminating the Aryan race so as
to facilitate a global takeover, Lane grew increasingly radical. Pass-
ing through the John Birch Society, the Ku Klux Klan, and the
Christian Identity movement, Lane adopted a pagan philosophy
based on his understanding of Nature’s Law, one that would be
greatly developed after his incarceration.
Already an experienced activist operating out of Denver, Lane
met Robert Mathews at the 1983 Aryan World Congress at Aryan
Nations and subsequently joined the Order.
Captured in March 1985 after Ken Loff, an Order member
turned FBI informant, gave him up to the agents in exchange for a
five-year sentence reduction, Lane was convicted for racketeering,
conspiracy, and violating the civil rights of the Denver-based radio
personality Alan Berg. Berg was murdered, allegedly by members
of the Order, in the garage of his apartment house in June 1984.
In prison, Lane turned to the study of history, philosophy, mys-
tery religions, and Odinism, gradually developing an Aryan creed
based on the pre-Christian Norse religion. Lane cast himself as
being called by the Gods of the Blood to “stop the Zionist murder of
the White race” and “bring down the present Zionist World Order.”
Convinced that Aryan man is at the brink of extermination, Lane
coined the “14 Words” as a rallying point for a pan-Aryan militant
uprising: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future
for White children.” He married Katja in October 1994 and together
the Lanes established the 14 Word Press and a monthly news sheet
called Focus Fourteen to channel the message of racial revival.
Lane’s “88 Precepts,” like the 14 Words, enjoy a considerable vogue
in the world of the racialist right. (The “88 Precepts” essay may be

167
168 DAVID LANE

found in its entirety in the “Resources” section.) Together with artist

Ron McVan, the troika established Wotansvolk as a vehicle for an
Ariosophist, Odinist revolution. “You cannot share Gods with other
races,” Lane says, urging a return to the ancestral faith as a remedy
for the spell of universalist religion. He goes on to describe Christian-
ity as diametrically opposed to the natural order, singling it out as
the principal cause of Aryan degeneration. Otherworldly oriented,
Christianity is said to glorify weakness and defeat. In teaching the
White man to love his enemies it undermines the instinct of
self-preservation. “God is not love,” Lane emphasizes. “God the
Creator made lions to eat lambs, he made hawks to eat sparrows.
Compassion between species is against the law of nature. Life is
struggle and the absence of struggle is death.” Reconnecting with the
ancestral faith rekindles the warrior spirit in the slumbering Aryan
Folk Soul, Lane argues, thereby instilling the heroic qualities
deemed necessary for racial survival and prosperity.
Increasingly gaining notoriety around the White racialist world,
David Lane has been built up as a White “prisoner of war,” some-
times ironically called the “[Nelson] Mandela of the White revolu-
tion.” Strategically, Lane embraces the leaderless resistance concept
suggested by Louis Beam, arguing for the necessity of a tactical sepa-
ration between an overt propaganda arm and an underground action
arm. Ideally, the latter operates as small autonomous cells to avoid
infiltration and to help activists understand what needs to be done
by listening to those in the propaganda arm. Lane is not concerned
that this could lead to misguided acts of terror. “In the coming revo-
lution there will be no innocents,” he states uncompromisingly.
“There are only those who are for our cause and those who are our
enemies. The masses are selfish, greedy asses. They have always
been and they always will be. They will either follow us or follow
them. They are now following their terrorism. When the time comes
that our terrorism is superior to theirs, they will follow us. They will
worship and adore whoever is the greater tyrant. That’s the nature
of the masses.”
In the postrevolutionary era, Lane envisions an all-Aryan nation
of Odin based on a tribal structure and ruled by the Philosopher-
Elect. By necessity, Lane believes, it will become reality only through
a transitory phase of strong dictatorship where individual rights
must be sacrificed to secure racial regeneration and advancement.
Considering the corrupting nature of absolute power, Lane suggests
himself as “the leader of this particular phase in the history of our
people.”
—Mattias Gardell, Stockholm University, Sweden
 KATJA LANE 169

See also: Beam, Louis; Christian Identity; Lane, Katja; Leaderless Resis-
tance; Mathews, Robert; McVan, Ron; Odinism; Order; Religion of Nature;
Wotansvolk [Wotan’s Folk]; Zionist Occupation Government.

Further reading: Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood
(New York: Signet, 1990); Focus Fourteen [newsletter]; Mattias Gardell,
Rasrisk (Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs & Swedish Science Press, 1998);
Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from
the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University
Press, 1997); David Lane, The Auto-Biography of David Lane (St. Maries,
ID: 14 Word Press, 1994); David Lane, The Mystery Religions & The Seven
Seals (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, 1994); David Lane, Revolution by
Number 14 (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, 1994); David Lane, White Geno-
cide Manifesto (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, undated); Ron McVan, Creed
of Iron: Wotansvolk Wisdom (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, 1997); Stephen
Singlar, Talked to Death (New York: William Morrow, 1987).

KATJA LANE Wife of David Lane, mother of his five children, and
a leading proponent of racially based Odinism, Katja Lane was
born in 1951. She was the daughter of an intelligence officer for the
Air Force and was given a conservative upbringing, traveling
extensively outside the United States. In 1967, her father was shot
down in Vietnam and has been missing ever since, an event that
propelled Katja into antiwar activism in an organization called
Vietnam Veterans Against the War.
Cross-culturally competent through her travels and later univer-
sity studies, Katja Lane gradually came to the conclusion that inter-
national capitalism not only was threatening indigenous cultures
abroad but also was destroying the Aryan civilization. Adopting an
increasingly more radical position racially and politically, she moved
through Christian Identity into Odinism in the late 1980s.
In October 1994, Katja married David Lane, who was serving a
190-year-prison term for his involvement in the Order, and with
him cofounded 14 Word Press and the monthly Focus Fourteen
newsletter as a vehicle for disseminating his political writings dedi-
cated to the “14 Words”: “We must secure the existence of our peo-
ple and a future for White children.”
In 1995, Ron McVan had moved to St. Maries, Idaho, and
together the troika established the group Wotansvolk [Wotan’s
Folk] as “a vehicle to unite the Aryan race and give us a sense of
identity as well as destiny.” Although emphasizing the virtues of
motherhood and traditional gender roles, Katja Lane’s part in
170 GARY “GERHARD” LAUCK

spreading the call of Ariosophic Odinism and revolutionary racial-

ism should not be underestimated. Beside home-schooling her chil-
dren, Katja Lane is the channel of communication between David
Lane and the outside world, thus serving a key function in the
build-up of his reputation as a prisoner-of-war ideologue.
Skilled in computer technology and graphic lay-out, Katja Lane is
responsible for editing the writings of her husband David and of Ron
McVan and the Wotansvolk Internet home page.

—Mattias Gardell, Sippkholin University, Sweden

See also: Christian Identity; Lane, David; McVan, Ron; Odinism; Order;
Wotansvolk [Wotan’s Folk].

Further reading: Focus Fourteen {newsletter]; Mattias Gardell, Rasrisk

(Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs & Swedish Science Press, 1998); David
Lane, The Auto-Biography of David Lane (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word Press,
1994).

GARY “GERHARD” LAUCK Gary Lauck is an anomaly in the con-

temporary National Socialist movement. His fancifully named
NSDAP/AO (National Sozialistische Deutsch Arbeiter Partei/
Auslands Organisation, or National Socialist German Workers
Party/Overseas Organization) borrows the name of Hitler’s original
German National Socialist Party. Lauck’s idolatry of all things
German hardly stops with the name of his tiny Nazi party. Lauck is
one of the select few American neo-Nazis to have learned German,
and, going even this talented cadre one better, he has for many years
affected a mock-German accent, signed himself Gerhard rather than
Gary, grown a pencil mustache in imitation of his Fiihrer, and from
his home in Lincoln, Nebraska, he has aimed his activities primarily
at a European (read: German) audience. Perhaps most remarkable
of all, where many young European National Socialists profess both
amusement and contempt for their American counterparts as “Hol-
lywood Nazis” caught in a 1930s time warp and more drawn to the
leather and black of Nazi uniforms than to the depth of National
Socialist philosophy, Lauck alone has managed to gain a respectful
following in Europe. Why that should be is an interesting tale.
Lauck is a long-time National Socialist whose roots are conven-
tional enough. Passing through the ranks of the National Socialist
White People’s Party (NSWPP), he became part of the core leader-
ship of the National Socialist Party of America (NSPA) under Frank
 GARY “GERHARD” LAUCK LAL

Collin in Chicago in the early 1970s. There, he joined Mike Allen and
Harold Covington in a National Socialist party that briefly appeared
to have the potential to supplant Matt Koehl and the NSWPP as the
premier National Socialist Party in the country. The ‘NSPA’s
moment in the sun was the highly publicized march through the
heavily Jewish Chicago suburb of Skokie, Illinois, in 1978.
Following this epiphany, however, the National Socialist White
People’s Party responded with a campaign that offered strong evi-
dence that Frank Collin was in fact the son of Max Cohen, a Jewish
concentration camp survivor. This shock was followed by the dis-
covery by Lauck, Allen, and Covington of photographic evidence
that Collin was a homosexual child molester. In an internal plot,
code-named “Operation Bobby Brown,” to rid the National Socialist
Party of America of its embarrassing Fihrer, Collin was removed
from the leadership and turned over to the police. Collin was
ultimately convicted and incarcerated, but the NSPA did not long
survive the coup.
Lauck, convinced that he had been promised the leadership,
found the title usurped by Harold Covington (whose funds had
bought the NSPA’s headquarters, Rockwell Hall, and kept the
group afloat as well). Covington moved the group to North
Carolina, and Lauck retreated to Nebraska to devote all his time to
his NSDAP/AO, a vehicle he had actually founded in 1974 as a
riposte to the German government, which had the temerity to expel
him for making pro-Nazi speeches.
With the NSDAP/AO, Lauck found a vital niche in the interna-
tional National Socialist movement. European governments take a
dim view of National Socialist propaganda and the German govern-
ment in particular has gone to great lengths to outlaw such mate-
rial. For almost two decades in the United States, however, Lauck,
protected by the First Amendment, produced tremendous quanti-
ties of such propaganda, translated it into German (and later, with
help from a global network of National Socialist collaborators, into
a variety of other languages as well), and smuggled it into Germany
with apparent ease. Indeed, the German National Socialist leader
Ingo Hasselbach went so far as to claim that the German neo-Nazi
network would collapse without Lauck. While this is a considerable
overstatement, Lauck’s contributions to the German movement are
enormous.
Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, Lauck skipped back and
forth from Europe to America frequently, meeting with German
National Socialists in third countries, most notably Denmark.
74 GARY “GERHARD” LAUCK

Lauck’s flagship publications, New Order in English and NS

Kampfruf in German, did remarkably well and were translated into
a variety of languages for wider dissemination throughout the
world. The NSDAP/AO also ran a highly successful mail-order line
of National Socialist—-oriented books, tapes, and films, as well as
flags and other Third Reich memorabilia. However, the item Lauck
most enjoyed, a computer game in several languages that gives the
young player entrepreneurial experience as a “virtual” concentra-
tion camp commandant, was never made available on the U.S. mar-
ket through the mail-order house. Yet so successful was the venture
that the Germans adapted an updated version to allow the elec-
tronic concentration camp to hold Turkish immigrants, rather than
Jews, as prisoners. As usual, the German movement is less fixated
on the 1930s model of National Socialism than are the Americans.
Lauck’s luck ran out in 1995 when, at last, the Danish govern-
ment acted on the German warrant and arrested him. In a crown-
ing irony, Lauck, who for years deified all things German and
vilified all things American, fought extradition to Germany with
every legal means at his disposal. He even requested—and was
denied—political asylum in Denmark. Both in Denmark and in his
subsequent trial in Germany, Lauck complained that he had bro-
ken no American laws and that his right to publish and export his
propaganda material was guaranteed by the First Amendment to
the U.S. Constitution. The Germans were unmoved, and in August
1996 Lauck was sentenced to a maximum of four years in prison.
The NSDAP/AO sans Gary Lauck tries to soldier on. Two of
Lauck’s rare American followers are currently trying manfully to
keep up with orders for New Order, but admit to falling further
behind by the day. Moreover, contrary to the dire predictions of immi-
nent ruin for a Lauckless German movement, young Germans—
particularly in the East—are drawn to the movement in greater
numbers than ever. But perhaps of greatest importance is that even
as Lauck was at last brought into the embrace of his beloved German
Fatherland, his operation had already become passé. Since 1995, the
explosion of Internet technology has revolutionized the German
movement and made obtaining National Socialist propaganda,
bomb-making recipes, and secure communications as easy as logging
on to a computer.

See also: Collin, Frank; Covington, Harold; Hitler, Adolf; Internet

Recruiting; Koehl, Matt; National Socialist Party of America; National
Socialist White People’s Party.
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 173

Further reading: Anon., “Free Gerhard!,” New Order 116 (May/June 1995);
Anon., “Free Gerhard!: Gerhard’s Case Goes to the Danish Supreme
Court,” New Order 117 (July/August 1995); Anon:, “Gerhard Jailed!,” New
Order 118 (September/October 1995); Anon., “Fifteen Years for Free
Speech!,” New Order 123 (July/August 1996); John George and Laird
Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo,
NY: Prometheus Books, 1992); Ingo Hasselbach with Tom Reiss,
Fiihrer-Ex (New York: Random House, 1996); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard
Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ:
Rutgers University Press, 1998).

LEADERLESS RESISTANCE More a mark of despair than a revolu-

tionary strategy, leaderless resistance as it was formulated and dis-
seminated to the far-right faithful sought to make a virtue of
weakness and political isolation. Leaderless resistance may be
defined as a kind of lone-wolf operation in which an individual, or a
very small, highly cohesive group, engage in acts of antistate vio-
lence independent of any movement, leader, or network of support.
This violence may take the form of attacks on state institutions or
operatives, or it may take the form of random targets of opportunity
selected on the basis of their perceived vulnerability and their sym-
bolic importance. Thus acts of leaderless resistance may be aimed
at targets as diverse as interracial couples, gay book stores or clubs,
or, indeed, at government agents or buildings.
The leaderless resistance concept was popularized in the late
1980s as a last gasp of defiance by the American radical right,
which was then at the nadir of its already bleak fortunes. This
entry will examine the historical context that gave birth to leader-
less resistance, follow it through its National Socialist, Christian
Identity, and neopagan Odinist formulations, and close with a spec-
ulative consideration of Timothy McVeigh as a possible case study
of the strategy of leaderless resistance.
The internal debates that produced the leaderless resistance
strategy did not begin in the 1980s. Rather, they are of considerable
vintage and reflect a long-standing division in the far right. On the
one hand, a conservative majority of the movement has always
seen—correctly, as it happens—that to engage prematurely in rev-
olutionary violence against a vastly more powerful state would be
foolhardy at best, suicidal at worst. The political strategy of choice
was thus to utilize propaganda and legal demonstrations so as to
build a “revolutionary majority.” This theory is best articulated by
174 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

the author of the most influential tract on leaderless resistance,

Louis R. Beam, Jr., whose original essay appears in the “Resources”
section. This approach in National Socialist circles came to be
known as the theory of mass action.
All but the most idealistic adherents of National Socialist mass
action theery realized full well that the American masses were
hardly likely to flock to the swastika banner, short of some cata-
strophic turn of events. Thus, throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the
literature of American National Socialism blended prognostications
of the impact of integration and school busing to achieve racial bal-
ance, lurid crime stories with a racial slant that would have done the
supermarket tabloids proud, and hopeful speculations of impending
cataclysm, economic collapse, and urban mayhem. In one of the great
ironies of American National Socialism, George Lincoln Rockwell,
the sole charismatic figure produced by the postwar movement, was
himself one of the architects of the mass-action strategy.
Following the assassination of Rockwell in 1967, the party
began to fragment. Matt Koehl succeeded the commander, soon
renamed the American Nazi Party the National Socialist White
People’s Party (NSWPP), and initiated an endless round of purges
that would soon cost the party its bare handful of capable adher-
ents. Two of the victims of these purges and angry resignations,
William Pierce and Joseph Tommasi, figure prominently in the
development of the leaderless resistance concept.
Of Pierce much more will be said later. Joseph Tommasi con-
cerns us first. Tommasi ironically was a Koehl loyalist almost to the
day he was unceremoniously purged from the NSWPP and subse-
quently assassinated by an NSWPP member in 1975. Tommasi,
like Pierce, was acutely aware of the bold actions undertaken by the
Weathermen and the Symbionese Liberation Army, to name but
two of the left-wing combatant organizations of the day. They were
determined to create a campus-based revolutionary movement of
the right on the same model. Thus was born the National Socialist
Liberation Front (NSLF).
In 1973 or 1974, Tommasi published his now famous poster,
“THE FUTURE BELONGS TO THE FEW OF US WILLING TO
GET OUR HANDS DIRTY. POLITICAL TERROR: It’s the only
thing they understand.” And he printed a seminal pamphlet, Build-
ing the Revolutionary Party, to announce the formation of the
NSLF. The NSLF’s revolutionary ideology was based on the rejec-
tion of the conservative theory of mass action that Tommasi cor-
rectly believed was paralyzing the NS movement. For Tommasi,
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE a
As:

the mass-action doctrine meant in reality that no serious antistate

actions were possible, given the patent absurdity of creating a
mass-based National Socialist party in the United States.
Tommasi gathered more than 40 adherents to the foundational
meeting of the NSLF in El Monte, California, in March 1974. But
this number is somewhat deceiving. Few of these young National
Socialists were sufficiently suicidal to act on Tommasi’s rhetoric. In
the end, only four NSLF “members” undertook revolutionary action:
Tommasi himself, Karl Hand, David Rust, and James Mason.
The NSLF soldiered on at least in name for another decade. In
that time, however, Tommasi was murdered, Hand and Rust were
incarcerated for acts of racially motivated violence and firearms
charges, and James Mason found a new avatar in Charles Manson.
But the NSLF’s contribution to the leaderless resistance concept is
incalculable. The NSLF was the first to act on the theory that,
regardless of the dearth of public support, a blow could be struck
against the hated state, provided that the determined revolutionary
was prepared to act resolutely and alone. Tommasi was among the
first to fully grasp the truth of the strategic situation—in the milieu
of the radical right, no one is to be trusted, anyone could be (and
probably is) an informer for the government or for one of the many
watchdog organizations monitoring radical-right-wing activity, and,
short of divine intervention, public support would not be forthcoming
no matter what tactical approach the movement was to adopt. Yet, in
this state of weakness, there is ultimate strength. With nothing left
to lose, a man is totally free to act as he will. For while the state had
proven over and over again that it could effortlessly penetrate any
right-wing organization, it had yet to develop the capability to
thwart the will of one man acting alone!
This revelation would do the NSLF little good. The group actu-
ally died with Tommasi. The actions of Hand and Rust were, in
reality, pathetic outbursts of pointless violence that succeeded only
in bringing them into the care of the prison system. But the exam-
ple, once proffered, could not be erased. Although it had yet to be
given a name, radical-right-wing leaderless resistance was born.
At the same time, it is important to remember that the conserva-
tive majority of the far right did not approve of the unauthorized
actions of leaderless resistors. Their well-grounded fear was of pre-
cisely the sort of pointless and undisciplined actions that landed the
tiny NSLF combatant cadre in prison. Rather, between mass action’s
impotent dreams and leaderless resistance’s antinomian reality,
there was a third path that would become a model for the more
176 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

extreme fringes of the present-day militia movement. Borrowed from

Leninist theory, the cell structure under a centralized command was
the mark of the 1960s era Minutemen under the leadership of Robert
Bolivar DePugh.
The decade that followed Tommasi’s death and the fall of the
NSLF were; from the perspective of the far right, both eventful and
deeply disheartening. Most notable, a true revolutionary move-
ment, the Silent Brotherhood, more popularly known as the Order,
under the leadership of Robert Mathews, arose and, after a brief
but incandescent revolutionary career, was smashed by the state. It
was not until the Order was nearing its inglorious end that many in
the radical right were able to accept that the group could be any-
thing other than a diabolically clever federal entrapment scheme.
The death of Robert Mathews in a shoot-out with the FBI was
thus traumatic to the movement, but far worse was to come. The
1989 Fort Smith, Arkansas, sedition trial brought into the dock a
virtual “who’s who” of the radical right. Louis Beam, the author of
the original “Leaderless Resistance,” tract was there. So were sur-
viving members of the Order. And so too were such venerable move-
ment patriarchs as Richard Butler of the Aryan Nations and the
ever-jovial Robert Miles. The defendants were in the end found not
guilty of all charges, but not before a parade of their erstwhile
allies, men such as the head of the Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the
Lord Identity compound James Ellison and the Church of Israel’s
Dan Gayman, betrayed the movement by appearing as witnesses
for the prosecution. Little wonder in such a bleak situation that the
power of the federal government, and of what was seen as its Jew-
ish puppeteers (personified as the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai
Brith), were reified into ZOG, the all-powerful Zionist Occupation
Government, now seen as the masters of the nation and, indeed, of
the world.
The ZOG discourse offered a form of comfort and an ironic sense
of security for the faithful. Against so all-pervading a foe, what
could be done but to withdraw and wait and seek to persevere?
Movement discourse, thus, in the late 1980s became increasingly
chiliastic. The mass action theories of the previous generation were
discarded as hopeless dreams. And so things may have stayed had
two searing events not galvanized the movement. In 1992, a hereto-
fore obscure Identity adherent, Randy Weaver, became an unlikely
movement icon when, in the wake of a botched federal government
sting operation, Weaver’s wife, young son, and family dog were
killed in a siege in Ruby Ridge, Idaho, that took the life of a federal
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 177

agent as well. Then the next year—in the midst of the Weaver trial
as it happened— there was the massacre at Waco, Texas. Suddenly,
previously isolated voices calling for individual acts of violent resis-
tance to state tyranny began to be heard, and to a limited degree
heeded, by a few in the milieu of the far-right wing.
No better symbol of this newfound credibility can be posited
than the inclusion of Louis R. Beam’s original “Leaderless Resis-
tance” essay in Pastor Pete Peters’s published report on a meeting
of Identity Christians that was convened to discuss the Randy
Weaver drama. Suddenly, leaderless resistance was no longer an
isolated theory. It was seen as a matter of survival in the face of a
government now determined to eradicate the radical right once and
for all. With this brief historical context, it is time to examine the
texts that gave form and substance to the Leaderless Resistance
strategy. These texts were, in chronological order, William Pierce’s
Hunter, a sad sequel to the Turner Diaries; Richard Kelly Hoskins’s
foray into imagined history, Vigilantes of Christendom; Louis
Beam’s seminal essay, “Leaderless Resistance”; and David Lane’s
reprise of the theory in Viking garb, “Wotan is Coming.”
William Pierce, a confidant of George Lincoln Rockwell, was the
spiritual father of the NSLF and the ghost in the machine when-
ever serious acts of radical-right-wing violence are contemplated or
undertaken. His Turner Diaries was said to be a major source of
inspiration for both the Order and Timothy McVeigh, the convicted
Oklahoma City bomber. Yet Pierce himself has kept cautiously in
the background, carefully building his National Alliance organiza-
tion cum book distributorship and living the life of a gentleman
farmer on his West Virginia estate.
For all the attention given to the Turner Diaries, however, his
long-awaited follow-up, Hunter, is a dispirited affair that has gar-
nered little public attention. Yet Hunter, like its more famous prede-
cessor, well reflects the ethos of the time in which it was written.
Hunter is the story of one Oscar Yeagar, a character closely modeled
on the real-life prototype of the lone-wolf killer, James Vaughn, aka
Joseph Franklin, to whom the book is dedicated. Hunter’s hero, stoi-
cally accepting the hopeless situation of the right in the wake of the
fall of the Order, the Fort Smith fiasco, and the perceived
ever-present reality of Jewish control of both the nation and the
world, sheds his attachments to family and friends, to career and
creature comforts, and provides a fictional model of the lone-wolf
assassin, stalking the enemies of the White race. The ultimate goal is
to demonstrate the weakness of the system, and eventually to ignite
178 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

a race war. But unlike the exuberant Turner Diaries, in which the
protagonist, Earl Turner, helps to unleash a revolution that changes
the very face of the planet, Hunter ends not with a bang but with a
resigned sigh:
He sighed. Well, he would be very busy during the next few days
discharging responsibilities he had already incurred. But after that
it would be time to do some more hunting.

Where Hunter offered a plausible if rather unpromising model

for action, Richard Kelly Hoskins offered the Christian Identity
faithful something better: a safe but deeply satisfying dream.
Hoskins’s 1990 magnum opus, The Vigilantes of Christendom,
offered the dispirited faithful the age-old dream of supernatural
succor as personified by a timeless band of selfless avengers, the
Phineas Priesthood (Num. 23:6—13; Ps. 106:29-31). The Phineas
Priests in the pages of Vigilantes of Christendom are presented as
an order of assassins whose sacred role is to cull from the pure flock
of Christ those wayward sheep who, through race mixing or other
transgressions, would do the work of Satan and his earthly ser-
vants, the Jews. The Phineas Priesthood came with a catchy motto:
As the Kamikaze is to the Japanese
As the Shiite is to Islam
As the Zionist is to the Jew
So the Phineas Priest is to Christendom

And who are the Phineas Priests? A long list of claimants to the
title is presented. Robin Hood, St. George, Beowulf, King Arthur,
John Wilkes Booth, Jesse James, Gordon Kahl, Robert Mathews,
and Doug Sheets (accused of murdering homosexuals) are but a few
of the worthies in Hoskins’s elaborate fantasy.
The Phineas Priesthood was, in the context of the times, a fan-
tasy so alluring that it was only a matter of time before a few brave
or deranged individuals would take up for themselves the title and
set out in search of God’s enemies. Given the fanciful nature of the
Phineas Priesthood, such a quest must unambiguously qualify as
an act of leaderless resistance.
Clearly the most important text to emerge concerning leaderless
resistance is Louis R. Beam’s essay on the subject. Beam, a Klans-
man with close ties to Richard Butler’s Christian Identity Aryan
Nations compound, has for many years been at the cutting edge of
movement theory. Beam was quick to comprehend the dire strate-
gic situation of the far right at the end of the 1980s and was eager to
seek some way to keep the flame of violent opposition alive.
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 179

Louis Beam’s writings take a serious interest in history and

evince an academic’s care to identify his sources. Thus, Beam takes
no credit for coining either the concept or the term “leaderless resis-
tance.” Rather, he traces its origin to one Colonel Ulius Louis Amoss,
the founder of the Baltimore-based International Service of Informa-
tion Incorporated, who published an essay titled “Leaderless Resis-
tance” in April 1962. Colonel Amoss was suggesting guerrilla tactics
in case of the communist invasion and conquest of America, but, in
the event, the scenario did not eventuate and the essay was forgot-
ten. Such might have been the fate of Beam’s essay as well, had it not
been written a mere few months before the events of Ruby Ridge,
Idaho. As noted above, Beam’s essay was included in Pete Peters’s
report on the Weaver tragedy, and suddenly the term “leaderless
resistance” was on everyone’s lips. The movement, seeing in Ruby
Ridge and far more so in Waco, evidence of a long-feared government
plot to eliminate the Patriot community, and understanding full well
the weakness and isolation of the movement, began to see leaderless
resistance as the only hope of striking a last, despairing blow before
inevitable defeat. The watchdog community, too, seized on the con-
cept as evidence of a resurgence of radical-right-wing violence. And
the government appears, in the aftermath of Waco, to have under-
gone some paralysis as it sought to understand what had gone wrong
and, with the sudden rise of the militias across America in response
to Waco, where such widespread antistate anger could have come
from so suddenly.
In this supercharged atmosphere, Beam’s essay seems some-
what discordant, given its despairing tone and limited expectations
for success. The essay, however, reflected perfectly the mood of the
late 1980s and the pre-Waco 1990s. Beam begins:
In the hope that, somehow, America can still produce the brave sons
and daughters necessary to fight off ever increasing persecution and
oppression, this essay is offered. Frankly, it is too close to call at this
point. Those who love liberty, and believe in freedom enough to fight
for it are rare today, but within the bosom of every once great nation,
there remains secreted, the pearls of former greatness. They are
there. I have looked into their sparking eyes; sharing a brief moment
in time with them as I passed through this life. Relished their friend-
ship, endured their pain, and they mine. We are a band of brothers,
native to the soil gaining strength one from another as we have
rushed head long into a battle that all the weaker, timid men, say we
can not win. Perhaps...but then again, perhaps we can. It’s not over
till the last freedom fighter is buried or imprisoned.
180 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

Hardly the words of a man confident of victory. But, following a

discourse on other seemingly doomed causes that somehow turned
out well in the end, Beam offers his tactical suggestions:
The concept of Leaderless Resistance is nothing less than a funda-
mental departure in theories of organization. The orthodox scheme
of organization is diagrammatically represented by the pyramid,
with the mass at the bottom and the leader at the top. The Constitu-
tion of the United States, in the wisdom of the Founders, tried to
sublimate the essential dictatorial nature of pyramidal organiza-
tion by dividing authority into three: executive, legislative and judi-
cial. But the pyramid remains essentially untouched.
This scheme of organization, the pyramid, is however, not only
useless, but extremely dangerous for the participants when it is uti-
lized in a resistance movement against state tyranny. Especially is
this so in technologically advanced societies where electronic sur-
veillance can often penetrate the structure revealing its chain of
command. Experience has revealed over and over again that
anti-state, political organizations utilizing this method of command
and control are easy prey for government infiltration, entrapment,
and destruction of the personnel involved. This has been seen
repeatedly in the United States where pro-government infiltrators
or agent provocateurs weasel their way into patriotic groups and
destroy them from within.
An alternative to the pyramid type of organization is the cell
system. In the past, many political groups (both right and left) have
used the cell system to further their objectives.
The efficient and effective operation of a cell system after the
Communist model, is of course, dependent upon central direction,
which means impressive organization, funding from the top, and
outside support, all of which the Communists had. Obviously,
American patriots have none of these things.
Since the entire purpose of Leaderless Resistance is to defeat
state tyranny (at least insofar as this essay is concerned), all mem-
bers of phantom cells or individuals will tend to react to objective
events in the same way through usual tactics of resistance. Organs of
information distribution such as newspapers, leaflets, computers,
etc., which are widely available to all, keep each person informed of
events, allowing for a planned response that will take many varia-
tions. No one need issue an order to anyone. Those idealists truly
committed to the cause of freedom wiil act when they feel the time is
ripe, or will take their cue from others who precede them....
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 181

With Beam’s formulation, the theory of leaderless resistance

was essentially complete. All that remained was to adapt and dis-
seminate it to ever-wider constituencies of the far-right wing. One
of the more interesting of these endeavors was that of imprisoned
Order veteran David Lane. Lane, an Odinist and an icon in the
racialist wing of that movement, juxtaposed the leaderless resis-
tance strategy with the Phineas Priests concept and arrived at the
dread Wotan, a man alone—a true beserker—who will carry on the
battle against impossible odds until the day of Ragnarok:
So, let’s go on to strategy. Resistance to tyranny within an occupied
country necessarily forms into certain structures. Most basic is the
division between the political or legal arm, and the armed party
which I prefer to call Wotan as it is an excellent anagram [sic] for
the will of the Aryan nation. The political arm is distinctly and rig-
idly separated from Wotan. The political arm will always be sub-
jected to surveillance, scrutiny, harassment, and attempted
infiltration by the system. Therefore the political arm must remain
scrupulously legal within the parameters allowed by the occupying
power. The function of the political arm is above all else to dissemi-
nate propaganda. The nature of effective propaganda is magnifi-
cently detailed in Mein Kampf, and condensed in Lane’s 88
Precepts. The political arm is a network and loose confederation of
like minded individuals sharing a common goal.
Wotan draws recruits from those educated by the political arm.
When a Wotan “goes active” he severs all apparent or provable ties
with the political arm. If he has been so foolish as to obtain “mem-
bership” in such an organization, all records of such association
must be destroyed or resignation submitted.
The goal of Wotan is clear. He must hasten the demise of the sys-
tem before it totally destroys our gene pool. Some of his weapons are
fire, bombs, guns, terror, disruption, and destruction. Weak points in
the infrastructure of an industrialized society are primary targets.
Individuals who perform valuable service for the system are primary
targets. Special attention and merciless terror is visited upon those
white men who commit race treason. Wotan has a totally revolution-
ary mentality. He has no loyalty to anyone or anything except his
cause. Those who do not share his cause are expendable and those
who oppose his cause are targets. Wotan is mature, capable, ruth-
less, self-motivated, silent, deadly, and able to blend into the masses.
Wotan receives no recognition for his labors for if the folk knows his
identity then soon the enemy will also. Wotan are small autonomous
cells, one man cells if possible. No one, not wife, brother, parent or
friend, knows the identity or actions of Wotan.
182 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

By its very nature, leaderless resistance is an act undertaken

through individual initiative. How then to determine with cer-
tainty whether a crime was committed as an act of leaderless
resistance, or as an impulsive act of opportunity? Certainly Joseph
Franklin, Karl Hand, and David Rust would appear to have been
engaged in leaderless resistance, though it is most unlikely that
they either read Colonel Amoss’s 1962 essay or believed that their
actions would have much of an effect on the government or on the
course of the nation.
The Oklahoma City bombing is a case in point. Certainly, by any
objective analysis, Timothy McVeigh would appear to be the verita-
ble paradigm of the leaderless resistance concept. Estranged from
any right-wing group, rejected by the militia movement for whom
his angry words appeared to be either the ravings of a madman or,
more likely, a federal plot, McVeigh with the help of one or two close
friends planned and executed the most destructive act of domestic
terror in American history. Moreover, McVeigh was very much a
denizen of the cultic milieu of the radical right, giving him access to
a vast array of conspiratorial and hate literature. It is not at all
unlikely that McVeigh was familiar with Beam’s essay. Indeed,
given his widely reported fondness for the Turner Diaries, it is
almost inconceivable that he would be unfamiliar with Hunter. But,
as is usual in the world of the American radical right, things are not
so simple, and McVeigh is not inclined to discuss the subject.
When McVeigh was arrested, he was carrying Patriot literature
in his car. Subsequent publicity brought forward McVeigh friends
and associates who offered further literature distributed by
McVeigh, as well as his personal letters. This entry will close with a
brief consideration of some of these documents and letters in the
context of McVeigh’s possible intention to act on the leaderless
resistance concept.
First, it must be emphasized that nothing found in McVeigh’s
possession in any way indicated an interest in, or a knowledge of,
any of the texts dealing with leaderless resistance theory. In
McVeigh’s car at the time of his arrest, an envelope was found con-
taining fragments of what appear to be several articles culled from
various unnamed Patriot publications. These documents deal with
the question of when a citizen has the right and duty to resist a
tyrannical government. Most notable among these documents are a
series of quotations from such luminaries as Thomas Jefferson,
Alexander Solzhenitsyn, and John Locke on the subject. The latter
is of particular note, in that McVeigh writes this on the papers in
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 183

his own hand, and the same quote recurs several times in
McVeigh’s effects:
“I have no reason to suppose that he who would take away my lib-
erty would not when he had me in his power, take away everything
else; and therefore, it is lawful for me to treat him as one who has
put himself into a ‘state of war’ against me; and kill him if I can, for
to that hazard does he justly expose himself, whoever introduces a
state of war and is aggressor in it.” —John Locke, Second Treatise
of government

Leaderless resistance envisions an individual battle against

hopeless odds in which the long-range strategic objective appears to
be little more hopeful than perseverance. There is scant hope that
the American masses will rise against a state that the fighter sees
as the embodiment of evil. The Patriot literature found with and
distributed by McVeigh, however, suggests no such suicidal course
of action. Rather, exhortations to awaken, to organize, and to resist
are formulated here in terms of the creation of a mass movement
that will call America back to the ideals of the Founding Fathers.
Thus, one article, “The American Response to Tyranny,” juxtaposes
Waco with the American Revolution and urges the faithful: “Don’t
Get Discouraged.”
Other articles, “U.S. Government Initiates Open Warfare
Against American People” and “Waco Shootout Evokes Memory of
Warsaw 743,” decries government actions, but stops well short of
urging violent reprisals. Rounding out McVeigh’s traveling collec-
tion is that staple of every Patriot home and automobile, a copy of
the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights.
Through the years, McVeigh sent a number of documents to his
sister, Jennifer. These appear to be little different from those found
in his car on the day of his arrest save for one typewritten sheet
titled “Constitutional Defenders.” Apparently written by McVeigh
himself, the last line of the undated text has been widely
quoted—sans context—in the news media. The brief text bears
directly on our concern with the leaderless resistance concept, and
so should be quoted in full.
Constitutional Defenders
We members of the citizen’s militias do not bear our arms to
overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow those who PERVERT
the Constitution; if and when they once again, draw first blood
(many believe the Waco incident was “first blood”).
184 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

Many of our members are veterans who still hold true to their
sworn oath to defend the Constitution against ALL enemies, foreign
AND DOMESTIC. As John Locke once wrote “I have no reason to sup-
pose that he who would take away my liberty, would not, when he
had me in his power, take away everything else; and therefore, it is
lawful for me to treat him as one who has put himself into a ‘state of
war’ against me, and kill him if I can, for to that hazard does he
justly expose himself, whoever introduces a state of war, and is
aggressor in it.” The (B)ATF are one such fascist federal group who
are infamous for depriving Americans of their liberties, as well as
other Constitutionally-guaranteed and INALIENABLE rights, such as
one’s right to self defense and one’s very LIFE. One need only look at
such incidences as Randy Weaver, Gordon Kahl, Waco, Donald
Scott, (et ILL [sic]), to see that not only are the ATF a bunch of fas-
cist tyrants, but their counterparts at the USMS [sic], FBI, and
DEA (to name a few), are, as well.
Citizen’s militias will hopefully ensure that violations of the
Constitution by these power-hungry stormtroopers of the federal
government will not succeed again. After all, who else would come
to the rescue of those innocent women and children at Waco?!?
Surely not the local sheriff or the state police! Nor the Army—whom
are used overseas to “restore democracy’, while at home, are used to
DESTROY it (in full violation of the Posse Comitatus Act), at places
like Waco.
One last question that every American should ask themselves:
Did not the British also keep track of the locations of munitions
stored by the colonists; just as the ATF has admitted to doing?
Why???... Does anyone even STUDY history anymore???
ATF,
All you tyrannical motherfuckers will swing in the wind one
day, for your treasonous actions against the Constitution and
the United States. Remember the Nuremburg War Trials
“But...but...but...I was only following orders!”...
Die, you spineless, cowardice [sic] bastards!

Finally, McVeigh corresponded with a Michigan woman, who

made the material available to the FBI after the bombing. There is
in this material a considerable quantity of Patriot articles express-
ing rage at government actions at Waco, Texas:
The people of this nation should have flocked to Waco with their
guns and opened fire on the bastards! The streets of Waco should
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 185

have run red with the blood of the tyrants, oppressors and traitors
that have slaughtered our people. Every person responsible for this
massacre deserves nothing less than to die. If we want to live in
peace, then sometimes we must go to war.
If this is too extreme for you, then bow down, lick the hand of
your master like a willing, complacent whore and shut your mouth.
Take whatever is dealt to you and your children and do not dare to
complain to me about your fate. I do not have the patience to listen
to the whining of cowards.
There will be future massacres because we allow them to occur.

Angry words, to be sure. But, once again, the thrust of this and
all of the other articles sent to the Michigan woman by McVeigh is
for a mass uprising, not lone-wolf actions. Yet in a letter to her
dated April 30, 1995, other thoughts emerge. Writing from an iso-
lated desert encampment, McVeigh expresses themes of loneliness,
isolation, fear of aging, frustrated sexual desire, and, most of all, a
newfound sense of personal mission. Noting that passing out litera-
ture is proving to be a futile gesture of defiance against the power of
the state, and taking as a model the example of those revolutionar-
ies of a previous day who risked all to sign the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, McVeigh notes that while he is today at the peak of his
mental and physical prowess, it will not be long before time dulls
his lethal edge. Thus:
Hell, you only live once, and I know. You know it’s better to burn
out, then [sic] rot away in some nursing home. My philosophy is
the same—in only a short 1—2 years my body will slowly start giving
away—first maybe knee pains, or back pains, or whatever. But I
will not be “peaked” anymore. Might as well do some good while I
can be 100% effective!

In short, if a popular revolution is not on the horizon, what is left

but the despairing bravado of the lone-wolf assassin?
See also: American Nazi Party; Aryan Nations; Beam, Louis; Butler, Richard;
California Rangers; Christian Identity; Church of Israel; Covenant, Sword,
and Arm of the Lord; DePugh, Robert; Ellison, James; Franklin, Joseph;
Gayman, Dan; Koehl, Matt; Lane, David; Mathews, Robert; Miles, Robert;
National Socialist Liberation Front; National Socialist White People’s Party;
Odinism; Order; Peters, Pete; Phineas Priesthood; Pierce, William; Rockwell,
George Lincoln; Tommasi, Joseph; Waco; Weaver, Randy; Zionist Occupation
Government.
186 BRUNO ARMIN LUDTKE

Further reading: Louis R. Beam, “Leaderless Resistance,” The Seditionist 12

(February 1992); Richard Kelly Hoskins, Vigilantes of Christendom
(Lynchburg, VA: Virginia Publishing Co., 1990); Jeffrey Kaplan, “Leaderless
Resistance,” Journal of Terrorism and Political Violence 9:3 (Fall 1997);
Andrew Macdonald [William Pierce], Hunter (Arlington, VA: National Van-
guard Books, 1989).

Arnold Leese See Jordan, Colin.

Liberty Lobby See Carto, Willis.

BRUNO ARMIN LUDTKE- Bruno Ludtke played a pivotal role in

the political education of George Lincoln Rockwell, the moving force
in the postwar Nazi revival in the United States. With Rockwell
and Britain’s Colin Jordan, Ludtke organized the World Union of
National Socialists (WUNS) in 1961-1962 and attended the WUNS
founding conference in July 1962 in the Cotswold hills of
Gloucestershire, England.
As Rockwell’s mentor, Bruno Ludtke helped shape Rockwell’s
crude anti-Semitism and unfocused anticommunism into a more
integrated political philosophy. Ludtke’s guidance enabled Rockwell
to place his racism and virulent anti-Semitism within the context of
an international Nazi revival.
Through voluminous correspondence that lasted from 1960 until
Rockwell’s assassination in 1967, Bruno Ludtke helped Rockwell
develop the philosophical and tactical foundations of his political
program: defining “White” simply as not being a Jew or of African or
Asian descent, rather than the far more restrictive criteria of pos-
sessing Nordic or Aryan ancestry; the exploitation of “White Power”
as an organizing principle; the creation of an international network
of national Nazi and neo-Nazi parties to coordinate disparate ele-
ments into a worldwide movement; the infiltration of “Holocaust
denial” propaganda into the media and worldwide educational sys-
tems; and the exploitation of religious imagery to legitimize the
anti-Semitism that remained at the core of Rockwell’s belief system.
 BRUNO ARMIN LUDTKE 187

Bruno Armin Ludtke was born in Harburg on the Elbe, Ger-

many, on November 15, 1926. Ludtke’s parents belonged to the
Christian Church of God, a fundamentalist sect that attracted a
small core of adherents in primarily Lutheran Greater Hamburg in
the years following World War I. Ludtke’s father, a stern, auto-
cratic disciplinarian, was a vehement anti-Nazi. From an early age,
young Ludtke idolized Adolf Hitler, precipitating frequent clashes
with his father. In 1940, at age 14, Bruno Ludtke joined the Hitler-
Jugend [Hitler Youth] over his father’s objections, leading to an
irreparable break between father and son.
When he attempted to enlist in the S.S. in 1943, Ludtke
was rejected because of poor health. In 1944, due largely to the deci-
mation of the German army and the lowering of physical standards
in a desperate attempt to replenish the Wehrmacht, Ludtke suc-
ceeded in joining the German army. Ludtke served in the German
occupation forces in Denmark until the end of the war.
In the postwar years, Ludtke studied engineering in Cologne. A
brief three-month marriage in 1953 produced an infant son. Ludtke
remarried in 1956. That union produced four daughters. Ludtke
worked as an engineer in Cologne from the early 1950s until he lost
his job in 1960, when he moved to Frankfurt and found a job as an
Olivetti office machines salesman. In Frankfurt, Ludtke’s fragile
health deteriorated, and he was diagnosed with multiple sclerosis.
Frequently unemployed, Ludtke barely supported his family
through part-time sales work and freelance writing.
Although physically debilitated, Ludtke never lost his passion
for Germany’s Nazi past. He assiduously tracked the locations of
former minor Nazi party functionaries and Nazi expatriates world-
wide, building a network of Nazi sympathizers for what he hoped
would be a political revival leading to a Nazi restoration to power.
As his health deteriorated, Ludtke worked obsessively to gather
the remnants of the Reich’s true believers. His work finally seemed
to have a purpose when he read of George Lincoln Rockwell’s new
American Nazi Party in 1960. Ludtke’s files became the basis for
World Union of National Socialists recruitment worldwide in the
early 1960s. Rockwell, the tall, charismatic former American Navy
pilot, seemed to Ludtke the perfect leader for his anticipated world-
wide Nazi revival, and he committed his passion and energies to his
new Fuhrer and to the fulfillment of his old dream.

—Frederick J. Simonelli, Mount St. Mary’s College

188 BRUNO ARMIN LUDTKE

See also: American Nazi Party; Jordan, Colin; Rockwell, George Lincoln;
World Union of National Socialists.

Further reading: Frederick J. Simonelli, “The American Nazi Party,

1958-1967,” The Historian 57 (spring 1995): 553-66; Frederick J. Simonelli,
“Preaching Hate with the Voice of God: American Neo-Nazis and Christian
Identity,” Patterns of Prejudice 30 (no. 2, 1996): 43-54; Frederick J.
Simonelli, “The World Union of National Socialists and Post-War Transat-
lantic Nazi Revival,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and
Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeast-
ern University Press, 1998); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer;
George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: Univer-
sity of Illinois Press, 1999).
 M
Dennis Mahon See Ku Klux Klan; Robb, Thom; White Aryan
Resistance.

CHARLES MANSON At first glance, the inclusion of one of the most

highly publicized murderers in recent American history would seem
incongruous in this Encyclopedia of White Power. Yet, for a number
of reasons, Charles Manson is an important influence on many of the
younger adherents of American National Socialism—many of whom
had not been born when the “Manson Family” was active in South-
ern California. Indeed, so great has this unspoken influence become
that long-time National Socialist activist James Mason has formed
an organization specifically centered on the leadership of Charles
Manson, called the Universal Order, and has taken the case for
Manson’s leadership to the National Socialist faithful, as well as to
the young aficionados of White Power music. The example of Manson
and his original Family is of such interest that both a discussion of
the historical Manson and an interpretation of the Manson legend as
it stands today are warranted in these pages.
It is fitting for so ambiguous a figure as Charles Manson that,
beyond the murders for which he was convicted and sentenced to
death, the activities of the so-called Manson Family remain
shrouded in myth some 30 years on. Certainly, the killings for
which he and his codefendants Leslie Van Houten, Patricia
Krenwinkle, and Susan Atkins were convicted are clear enough.
The murder spree, which took place in the Los Angeles area in
1969, began more by chance than design, with the killing of UCLA
student and Zen devotee Gary Hinman in the course of a bungled
robbery attempt. Hinman had in the past provided temporary lodg-
ing to Manson and a few of his female core followers. Whatever the
motivation of the Hinman murder, the killing was the precipitating
event of the August 1969 murder of Sharon Tate, Jay Sebring,

189
190 _ CHARLES MANSON

Abigail Folger, Voytec Frykowski, and Steve Parent. The Tate kill-
ings were quickly followed by the slayings of Leno and Rosemarie
LaBianca.
The motivations for these killings have been hotly debated. To
Vincent Bugliosi, the prosecuting attorney and the author of Helter
Skelter, thé most widely read book on the case, Manson was moti-
vated by an apocalyptic belief in the imminent end of the world
through a race war in which the White population was doomed to
defeat. The victorious Black population would in time realize that
the White man is genetically more fit to govern, and would seek in
vain for White survivors of the racial Holocaust to assume the reins
of power. The Manson Family, having survived the apocalypse by
hiding in a timeless cave at the center of the world, would then
emerge to take power.
To the surviving female Family members, the motivation was
more prosaic—to commit a string of copycat murders and thus to free
Bobby Beausoliel, the Family member then being held for Hinman’s
murder. To still others in the world of religious fundamentalism, the
murders were part of a wider satanic conspiracy spearheaded by the
now-defunct Process Church of the Final Judgment. To still other
Family members—and it is likely that the notoriously opaque
Manson (who has never actually admitted guilt for any of the kill-
ings) would hint his agreement—radical environmentalism through
an ideology called ATWA (Air, Trees, Water, Animals) was the
Family’s raison d’étre.
Whatever the motive—or, more likely, combination of motives—
that brought about the murders, all of the above suggestions are
vital strands of the contemporary radical right wing, especially in
its National Socialist form. Apocalyptic scenarios have long been a
dominant motif in National Socialist writings. These range from
the kind of depression/social collapse/race war scenarios that the
American National Socialist movement understand all too well
form their only hope of mobilizing a significant number of Ameri-
cans to their banner. Indeed, one such elaborate apocalyptic fan-
tasy, William Pierce’s now famous Turner Diaries, has emerged
from the wilderness of the radical right to become widely known.
Moreover, the Turner Diaries centers on the imminence of race war,
which has been the American movement’s “apocalypse of choice” for
many years, easily out-polling such biblical staples as floods, pesti-
lence, and earthquakes. It is indeed rivaled only by the specter of
economic collapse as a way to recruit the masses. Charles Manson’s
actions, if they were intended to foment a race war (as attorney
 CHARLES MANSON 191

Vincent Bugliosi contends), provided an early model that a few

other National Socialists such as Joseph Franklin (himself the
model for Pierce’s second book, Hunter) and Perry “Red” Warthan
(who claimed a direct connection to Manson) would seek to emulate.
While American movement annals contain no records of “copy-
cat” terrorism to free imprisoned movement members, there have
been cases of terrorist actions and hostage taking in the European
movement, acts intended to force the authorities to free imprisoned
cadres. Italy in particular comes to mind in this regard.
Explicit Satanism would seem odd in the present-day National
Socialist movement, and indeed it is the province of a small number
of adherents. But the occult is a long-standing feature of National
Socialist thought. Heinrich Himmler was devoted to occult explora-
tions in the original Third Reich, Savitri Devi became in the imme-
diate postwar years the high priestess of occult National Socialism,
and such early American radical right wingers as William Dudley
Pelley in the Depression years and James Hartung Madole in the
postwar years kept the flame alive. Madole and his long-running
National Renaissance Party established contacts with Anton
LeVey’s Church of Satan, and the Detroit-based Order of the Black
Ram was led by a former follower of Madole’s. Today, an occult
underground still thrives in the National Socialist world, featuring
such groups as the British-based Order of the Nine Angles and one
called Reichsfolk, as well as the Swedish version of the Black Order.
In these circles, the appeal of Manson is very strong.
Where Manson most connects with the “mainstream” of the
modern National Socialist movement, however, is in his emphasis
on ATWA (Air, Trees, Water, Animals). From its inception,
National Socialism has been to a considerable degree a “religion of
nature.” In every country with an active National Socialist move-
ment today, one of the key—and most dearly held—planks of the
groups’ programs gives ecological concerns an equal billing with
questions of race and religion. The reasons for this are complex,
centering on the National Socialist quest for purity in all its forms,
be they racial or environmental. Thus the emphasis on ATWA by
Manson’s faithful today, as they seek to make the case for the lead-
ership offered by their imprisoned leader.
According to Nuel Emmons’s Manson In His Own Words, Manson
himself ties these themes neatly together:
Look around you, the worm’s turning on the white man. Him and
his pigs have put the dollar in front of everything. Even his own
kids. Blackie’s tired of being the doormat for the rich man’s pad. So
192 CHARLES MANSON

while the white man is locked into his dollars, blackie’s balling the
blond, blue eyed daughters and making mixed babies. It’s all lead-
ing to bad shit. Real madness is going to explode soon—everything
is going to be Helter Skelter. But that won’t effect us ‘cause we'll be
in a beautiful land that only we know how to survive in.

Over the years, this racialism would become more pronounced.

In the CD Manson Speaks, still available today, racial stereotypes
are frequent. Add to this Manson’s denunciation of Jews in the
Hollywood recording industry, whom Manson partially blames for
his lack of success in the 1960s-era music business, and the affinity
of Manson’s thought with National Socialist ideology becomes
clear. Yet another point of contact between Manson and the modern
National Socialist movement is his unreconstructed patriarchy.
This is hardly surprising, given the fact that Charles Manson’s fol-
lowing was primarily female; in a movement that manages to
attract very few women, this is no small matter.
With so many historical and ideological points of reference, it
was only a matter of time before the American National Socialist
movement discovered Charles Manson. In 1980, James Mason
established contact with two imprisoned female members of the
Manson Family, Sandra Good and Lynette Fromme, both being
held in Alderson, West Virginia. Through them, he contacted
Charles Manson at Vacaville, California. (James Mason recounts
these events in his “Universal Order” entry in this encyclopedia.)
Certainly, the Universal Order’s insistence on this recognition
of the role and leadership of Charles Manson has not met with
much success among the conservative majority of National Social-
ists. It has, however, attracted a following. Conversely, the Univer-
sal Order has encountered significant criticism among the young
fighters of the skinhead movement. The reaction to James Mason’s
proposal that Charles Manson be recognized as the natural leader
of the National Socialist movement by the young readers of Resis-
tance magazine was so overwhelming that the editor, George Eric
Hawthorne, presented in the next issue a full-fledged debate on the
proposition from two of his magazine’s readers. His introduction to
this debate provides a fair representation of the “resistance” the
Universal Order has faced in its quest to promote the thought and
example of Charlie Manson:
In the last issue of RESISTANCE Magazine, James Mason, author
of Siege, took a fairly unpopular platform and proceeded upon a dif-
ficult thesis: although few people in the pro-White movement real-
ize it, Charles Manson is actually ideally suited to be “the” leader of
 JAMES MASON 193

our generation, and for us to win, we must recognize it. We were lit-
erally flooded with letters and phone calls from irate readers who
firmly disagree with this concept, stating that any connection to
Manson is pointless and dangerous to our credibility. One distribu-
tor even clipped out the Manson article from the issue before dis-
tributing it.
But on the other side of the subject, there is a growing body of
Manson supporters that see the public view of Manson as a late 20th
Century icon who carries weight and influence with his name, so
much so that it may be the tool we need to sway the youth of our
generation.

How great a success the Universal Order will have in promoting

Charles Manson as the movement’s last best hope for victory is
questionable. What is certain is that the Manson legend resonates
powerfully in the world of National Socialism on a number of levels,
and that he will continue to cast a long shadow on the American
National Socialist movement for years to come.
See also: Devi, Savitri; Hawthorne, George Eric; Madole, James; Mason,
James; Order of the Nine Angles; Pierce, William; Reichsfolk; Religion of
Nature; Universal Order.

Further reading: Vincent Bugliosi with Curt Gentry, Helter Skelter (New
York: Bantam reissue, 1995); Nuel Emmons, Manson In His Own Words
(New York: Grove Press, 1986); Nicholas Goodrick-Clark, Hitler’s Priestess:
Savitri Devi, the Hindu-Aryan Myth, and Occult Neo-Nazism (New York:
New York University Press, 1998); Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Postwar Paths of
Occult National Socialism: From Rockwell and Madole to Manson,” paper
delivered at the conference: Rejected and Suppressed Knowledge: The Rac-
ist Right and the Cultic Milieu, Stockholm, February 1997; Ron Kenner, The
Garbage People (Los Angeles: Amok, 1995); James Mason, Siege (Denver:
Storm Books, 1992); W. L. Reese, Dictionary of Philosophy and Religion
(Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1980); Ed Sanders, The Family:
The Story of Charles Manson’s Dune Buggy Attack Battalion (New York:
E. P. Dutton & Co., 1971).

JAMES MASON The life story of James Mason is typical of the

National Socialist faithful of his generation. Born in 1952 in
Chillicothe, Ohio, Mason awakened to the world of radical political
activism with the onset of puberty. This radicalization was, how-
ever, primarily oppositional rather than racial. Mason grew to
despise the status quo, and in the days of his youth the primary
194 _ JAMES MASON

opponents of the values of the American middle class were Black.

The Civil Rights movement of the mid-1960s was in full swing, and
Mason recalls being, on the whole,:rather admiring of his Black
classmates. A common thread running through the biographies of
many current National Socialist activists is a feeling of always
being oppositional, always different. In this, it is the availability of
an oppositional milieu rather than the persuasiveness of a particu-
lar ideology that will often first draw the activist to the movement.
Mason is no exception:
My interests always diverged from the mainstream. I rather don’t
like competition, preferring to have a field more or less to myself. If
necessary, I’ll always invent one of my own. I’ve seen it that what I
pick out early often has a way of catching on. Not surprising that
when that happens I usually move on. When just beginning in this
[National Socialism] about 1966 or 1967, I felt absolutely confident
I'd make some mark, if only through sheer default.

His epiphany came from seeing a news report broadcast about an

American Nazi Party (ANP) march in Chicago. Here was a move-
ment that was both oppositional and universally despised by Ameri-
cans. Better yet, it was led by a charismatic and fearless fighter of his
own race, George Lincoln Rockwell. Here was a movement to which
Mason could belong, and here too was a form of political activism
that, under the swastika banner, could strike fear into the hearts of
its opponents in a way that robes of the Ku Klux Klan no longer
could. At the age of 14, a lifelong National Socialist was born.
Determined to be a Nazi, what could a poor boy from backwater
Ohio do to contact these distant urban heroes? Showing the same
remarkable ingenuity that many another fledgling race activist
would demonstrate in establishing his first tenuous link to the
movement, Mason made contact with a classmate who had a repu-
tation of being something of a “Hitler Youth,” and thus was given a
book, Extremism U.S.A. The book contained a picture of American
Nazi Party West Coast activist Allen Vincent standing in front of a
truck emblazoned with the address of the Berkeley, California,
party headquarters. A letter to Vincent quickly produced the
address of George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party in
Arlington, Virginia. James Mason became a dues-paying member,
perhaps one of its youngest, again at the age of 14.
Soon finding himself in trouble for chronic truancy, Mason saw
the opportunity to leave Chillicothe behind for the more exciting
world of American Nazi Party headquarters in Virginia. A call to
ANP central resulted in a conversation with Mason’s hero, William
 JAMES MASON 195

Pierce, who told him (perhaps unwisely, given his age) to hop ona
bus and “come on down.” Mason was then still a minor at 16. Pierce
for his part was indeed concerned about Mason’s age, thus nothing
was at first kept in writing, and Pierce paid Mason’s expenses out of
his own pocket.
Mason loved the life of the party activist. Indeed, his enthusi-
asm for doing whatever needed to be done was less than universally
popular with older and less daring adherents. It would be the first,
but hardly the last, conflict Mason would have with the movement’s
conservative majority. Nonetheless, when he reached 18, he was
sworn in as a full-fledged member of the National Socialist White
People’s Party, by none other than Matt Koehl, the successor to the
assassinated Rockwell. But Koehl’s leadership fragmented the
movement; an event that ironically swung a small portion of the
National Socialist movement in a revolutionary direction with the
creation of the National Socialist Liberation Front, under the com-
mand of Joseph Tommasi in El Monte, California.
As with so many individuals caught up in the Koehl-era
NSWPP, the years rolled by uneventfully. Eventually, James
Mason became a close friend of Tommasi and a collaborator with
him and the group, though he never officially joined the National
Socialist Liberation Front. Within a year, however, Tommasi was
dead, and it was not long thereafter that Tommasi’s successors,
Karl Hand and David Rust, were imprisoned for their acts of racial
violence. The NSLF underground died with Tommasi.
Mason continued for some time to publish the National Socialist
Liberation Front journal, Siege!/, and to head his own one-man band,
the short-lived National Socialist Movement, which by Mason’s own
admission soon was foundering. Then came Mason’s discovery of the
teachings of Charles Manson. This association ended Mason’s con-
nection with his old comrades. Manson urged Mason to jettison the
National Socialist Liberation Front in favor of a new grouping, the
Universal Order, and as a result Mason and Karl Hand amicably
agreed to part ways, with Mason holding Siege! as the organ of the
Universal Order and Hand keeping its sister publication, Defiance,
as official journal of the National Socialist Liberation Front.
Mason’s adulation of the Manson Family and his tireless efforts
through his current vehicle, the Universal Order, to present Manson
to the international movement as an avatar on the level of a
Rockwell or a Tommasi, and perhaps even of Hitler himself, of the
coming National Socialist revolution—these efforts have isolated
Mason in the world of contemporary National Socialism. From 1982
196 JAMES MASON

until the journal’s demise, Siege! became the primary vehicle for the
glorification of Charles Manson.
Mason himself was no stranger to the occult aspects of National
Socialism, and like so many of the movement’s ’60s generation, he
was drawn for a time to the teachings of Anton LaVey and the
Church of Satan. Mason notes that in 1969, he purchased a copy of
Anton LaVey’s LP The Satanic Mass from a fellow National Social-
ist White People’s Party trooper, and has “cherished it ever since.”
But while Satanism, particularly in its Church of Satan guise, was
no stranger to the world of National Socialism, the figure of Charles
Manson was quite something else. The selection of Manson and his
largely female following as National Socialist heroes seems as
unlikely, at first glance, as the elevation of Horst Wessel from disso-
lute street fighter to the selfless martyr of the original NSDAP
(National Sozialistische Deutsch Arbeiter Partei, or National
Socialist German Workers Party).
Certainly, the Universal Order’s insistence on this recognition
of the role and leadership of Charles Manson has not met with
much support from the conservative majority of National Social-
ists. It has also encountered significant criticism from the young
fighters of the skinhead movement—men (and they were virtually
all men) who for the most part were not born until after 1969—the
year of the sensational capture and trial of the Manson Family. Yet,
to James Mason, the Manson allure as the prototypical NS Fiihrer
runs deep. In the pages of Siege/, as the journal after 1982 became,
in effect, the organ of the Universal Order, the case for Manson as a
movement archetype is put forth in depth. This appeal goes beyond
the Manson Family’s chiliastic dreams of race war—a fantasy that
has never lost its allure to the American movement. On a deeper
level, Mason points out the painful fact that Charles Manson’s fol-
lowing was primarily female. In a movement that manages to
attract very few women, this is a major attraction. James Mason’s
view is simple and to the point:
...good as it now poses is limp prick at best and people who are still
alive sense this. Hence, the fascination with “evil” which at least
has some life to it. Hitler being the best example. Manson being
another. Women flocked to them both.

More, Manson and his women were no mere armchair revolu-

tionaries. Like Joseph Tommasi, they seized the moment and acted.
The Manson murders are thus of little consequence to Mason, given
the apocalyptic intent of the crimes. Manson in this conception
emerges as the ultimate realist: a leader who, like Hitler and
 JAMES MASON 197

Rockwell, had torn aside the veils of illusory sentiment and the
blinders of “system lies” to reach true freedom in that Nietzchean
plateau that transcends mundane considerations of good and evil.
It is a detachment to which Mason himself aspires, but even such
apologias as his dismissal of the murder of Sharon Tate’s unborn
baby with the contemptuous words “With regard to the eight-
month-old fetus Tate was carrying, it was, after all, a Jew” falls far
short of Charles Manson’s amoral example.
Thus when Mason took his case for the consecration of Charles
Manson as movement leader to the aficionados of White noise music
in the pages of Resistance magazine, in the 1990s, it was a kinder,
gentler Fiihrer that was on offer. Manson was presented as the logi-
cal successor to Rockwell’s mantle of leadership, accompanied by a
photograph of him smiling and bespectacled, looking uncannily like
a grandfatherly version of Alan Berg, the Jewish radio talk show
host who was murdered by the Order in Denver. After all, not only
did Manson carve the swastika into his own flesh, announcing to the
world his irrevocable allegiance to the National Socialist dream, but
the motto of the Family, ATWA (Air, Trees, Water, and Animals) was
presented, dovetailing well with the current National Socialist
movement’s emphasis on ecology as a natural outgrowth of its obses-
sion with purity in every form. Mason concludes his magazine piece
with the exhortation:
White man, now is the time to use your secret weapon, your brain,
and see and embrace your leader. Charles Manson. Then and only
then can you effectively use your renowned weapon, fury and skill
in battle, without being undone by the scheming Jew and his filthy,
ZOG system.

The plea for Manson’s accession to Rockwell’s role as leader is,

however, unlikely to be widely heeded. The Universal Order
remains a tiny band of dreamers, though the group’s minuscule size
is not atypical of the explicitly National Socialist groups in both
Europe and the United States. Each is numerically insignificant,
but a few have had an impact far beyond their numbers. Mason and
the Universal Order have had such an impact as well, and their
ideas (if not their prescription for the universal acceptance of
Manson’s leadership) have filtered out beyond the world of explicit
National Socialism.
It is an interesting fact, however, that many who cross paths with
Manson and his faithful followers quite often come to grief. Whether
by chance, design, or simply bad karma, the Manson Family seems
to cast a black cloud over the lives of most with whom they come into
198 JAMES MASON

contact. So it was with James Mason. Mason, whose association with

the most violent aspects of American National Socialism would seem
a sure prescription for extended sojourns as a ward of the prison sys-
tem, had actually remained relatively above the fray and out of seri-
ous trouble with the law until his connection to the Manson Family.
Then his life became remarkably turbulent. While in Ohio in the
early 1990s, he became romantically involved with a 14-year-old girl.
Despite the fact that the girl was an emancipated minor who had
been previously married, Ohio authorities took a dim view of the liai-
son. That Mason took a number of nude photographs of the girl didn’t
help. Nor did the quantities of National Socialist material and the
collection of firearms on the premises. And the large guard dogs in
the yard, whose presence complicated the task of police surveillance,
did nothing to endear Mason to the local constabulary. It was, in
sum, a volatile brew that finally exploded in Mason’s face when, fol-
lowing a nasty breakup, the girl went to the police. Apprised of the
existence of the photographs, the police had probable cause to inter-
vene, and this they did.
Seeing his legal situation worsening in Ohio, Mason moved to
Colorado, all the while carrying on an unseemly dispute with the
girl in the pages of movement publications. The girl’s age, Mason’s
photographic propensities, and the less than benign specter of
Charles Manson in the minds of many of the National Socialist
faithful did little for Mason’s reputation in movement circles. This
was especially true with the conservative majority of American
National Socialists, whose attitudes about women tend toward
idealization in an archaic sort of way, and whose interactions with
women are, to say the least, limited.
In any case, Mason clung to his principles and his photographs,
and soon wound up in the custody of the state of Colorado. Released
briefly in 1997, within weeks Mason found himself back in maximum
security over alleged parole violations centering on three specific
charges: possession of a deadly weapon (actually, several bullets to a
gun he had thrown away), associating with Nazis (after a lifetime in
the movement, he has few other associates), and, once again, posses-
sion of pornography.
In a hearing in February 1998, an attorney for Mason, who had
been hired as a result of a pass-the-hat fund-raising effort, succeeded
in having Mason’s parole revocation set aside and the state of Colo-
rado being reprimanded for its handling of Mason’s case. Mason was
duly released in March 1998, albeit with such parole restrictions as
being forced to wear a leg monitor through mid-August 1998. Upon
 ROBERT J. MATHEWS 199

his release, he remained in Colorado, working on his follow-up to

Siege, a book with the working title Out of the Dust. With the help of
what he describes as “an antique but serviceable computer system,”
he was able to carry on correspondence, write, and tend to his web
site. In 1999, however, he was returned to prison, although by the
turn of the millennium, he was free and preparing to publish several
books on prophetic and apocalyptic themes.
See also: American Nazi Party; Hawthorne, George Eric; Hitler, Adolf;
Koehl, Matt; Manson, Charles; National Socialist Liberation Front;
National Socialist White People’s Party; Order; Pierce, William; Rockwell,
George Lincoln; Tommasi, Joseph; Universal Order; Zionist Occupation
Government.

Further reading: John Carpenter, Extremism U.S.A. (Phoenix: Extremism

USA, 1964); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a
Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press,
1998); James Mason, Siege (Denver: Storm Books, 1992); James Mason,
“Charles Manson: Illusion vs. Reality,” Resistance 4 (spring 1995).

ROBERT J. MATHEWS _ A legendary leader of the Aryan guerrilla

group the Order, Robert J. Mathews is hailed as a martyr in White
racialist circles. Born in Texas in 1953, Mathews was raised in a
lower-middle-class family and grew up in Phoenix. Early in life
Mathews developed an interest in conservative politics, joining the
John Birch Society at age 11. He was attracted to Mormonism
because of its discipline and conservative morals, and later adopted
a more radical and militant position. In his late teens, Mathews
cofounded the Sons of Liberty, a paramilitary underground of con-
stitutionalist fundamentalists composed of far-right Mormons and
survivalists, dedicated to counter what they perceived as the cor-
ruption of true Americanism.
A publicity stunt brought them to the attention of the FBI,
which began a surveillance, but it was Mathews’ refusal to pay
income tax that got him into his first trouble with the law, earning
him a sentence of six months on probation. Disappointed on a per-
sonal level with the Sons of Liberty, in 1974 he decided to move up
to Metaline Falls, Washington, to start anew. He built a homestead
there, married a woman named Debbie, and convinced his family to
join him up north, but none of these events could long prevent
Mathews from gravitating again toward radical politics.
200 ROBERT J. MATHEWS

Joining the National Alliance and getting acquainted with the

circle around Pastor Richard G. Butler’s Church of Jesus Christ
Christian/Aryan Nations at nearby Hayden Lake, Idaho, Mathews
grew increasingly frustrated with the impotence of the Aryan revo-
lutionary organizations. Delivering “A Call to Arms,” a much-
publicized speech, at the 1983 National Alliance convention,
Mathews graduated from words to deeds. Deciding that the time
had come for revolutionary action, in that year he formed his second
underground, named Briider Schweigen.[Silent Brotherhood], pop-
ularly known as the Order.
Mathews, who by that time had moved away from Christianity
into Norse paganism, attracted a following of unruly men from
Christian Identity circles and beyond, casting their task as a holy
war “to deliver our people from the Jew and bring total victory for the
Aryan race.” The short but intense activities of the armed under-
ground would transform Mathews into a legendary Aryan warrior.
Keeping his band together through his personal charisma and diplo-
matic skills, Mathews embarked on an accelerating path of violent
activities that would crown his career with martyrdom. Blaming
him for a series of successful armored car robberies, a money-
counterfeiting operation, and the murder of talk show host Alan
Berg, the FBI was set on tracking him down as the leader of the
armed Order. Developing informants allowed FBI agents to sur-
round Mathews’ safe house at Whidbey Island, Washington, in
December 1984. Refusing to surrender, Mathews died in the flames
that resulted, his gun in hand, on December 8. That date is described
in David Lane’s newsletter, Focus Fourteen, as a “holy day for Ary-
ans,” in commemoration of the day when “the Feds ruthlessly exter-
minated Bob Mathews,” in the “massacre on Whidbey Island.”
One man can hardly be exterminated, much less massacred.
The wording indicates that Mathews has grown larger than life
after his death, assuming the role of a legendary Aryan warrior
martyr. In poems, artwork, and the lyrics of White Power music,
Mathews is hailed throughout much of the Aryan revolutionary
world, extending his name recognition as an exemplary Aryan man
far beyond the United States. In a poem by Order member David
Lane, Mathews is depicted as the slain warrior issuing a call to
those yet living: “Arise, you Aryan Warrior/I’ve shown you how to
fight!/You owe it to my children/To battle for the right.”
The cult of Robert Mathews continues to grow, aided by two
widely circulated documents. One, the Order’s “Declaration of
War,” may be found in several journalistic sources, most notably
 RON MCVAN 201

Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt’s The Silent Brotherhood. Less

readily available in the mainstream media is a letter attributed to
Mathews that was written to a local newspaper even as the FBI was
closing in on him. Both may be found in their entirety in the
“Resources” section of this volume.

—Mattias Gardell, Stockholm University, Sweden

See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian Identity; Church of Jesus
Christ Christian; Lane, David; Odinism; Order; Pierce, William; Wotansvolk.

Further reading: James A. Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Chris-

tian Patriotism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990); Michael
Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Iden-
tity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994);
Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New York: Sig-
net, 1990); Mattias Gardell, Rasrisk (Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs &
Swedish Science Press, 1998); Richard Kelly Hoskins, Vigilantes of Chris-
tendom (Lynchburg, VA: Virginia Publishing Co., 1990); Jeffrey Kaplan,
Radical Religion in America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press,
1997); David Lane [Wodensson], “ODINISM” (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word
Press, n.d.); Andrew Macdonald [William Pierce], The Turner Diaries
(Arlington, VA: National Vanguard Books, 1978); Thomas Martinez with
John Gunther, Brotherhood of Murder (New York: Pocket Books, 1990);
Stephan Singlar, Talked to Death: The Life and Murder of Alan Berg (New
York: Beech Tree Books, 1987).

Mayhem See Black Metal.

RON MCVAN- Author and cofounder of Wotansvolk [Wotan’s

Folk], Ron McVan is also a racialist artist. Born in 1950 in Philadel-
phia, McVan moved to Washington state and got involved in rock
music and art. For 15 years, McVan toured the United States tak-
ing his surrealist and fine arts paintings to different cities. During
these years, McVan developed an increasingly radical antigovern-
ment and pro-White political position. In the late 1970s, he became
involved in the militant racist Church of the Creator (COTC), con-
tributing to the Church with his artwork, including various COTC
logos. Moving to its Otto, North Carolina, headquarters in 1990,
McVan became editor of the COTC paper Racial Loyalty and com-
mander of the White Berets, the Church’s paramilitary wing.
202 RON MCVAN

Although in agreement with Ben Klassen’s iconoclastic anti-

Christian fervor, McVan in time found Creativity spiritually shal-
low. Looking for a religious alternative, McVan began searching for
his ancestral roots and developed an interest in Asatru, the pre-
Christian Norse religion, cofounding the northern Oregon/southern
Washington group Wotan’s Kindred in 1992. Two years later McVan
moved to St. Maries, Idaho, to work with the 14 Word Press of David
and Katja Lane. Together, they established Wotansvolk as a vehicle
for disseminating Aryan revolutionary Odinism, which they defined
as “an ancestral faith that puts race first.”
To McVan, Whites must “again learn to think with their blood,”
while Ariosophic Odinism is perceived as a spiritual path of “restor-
ing” the “lost Folk consciousness” of Aryan man, deemed necessary
for racial survival and expansion. McVan authored Creed of Iron:
Wotansvolk Wisdom, an Odinist manifesto and ritual handbook,
and also furthered Wotansvolk through his artwork. Besides illus-
trating each Wotansvolk publication with his artistic skills, McVan
continuously expands the line of Odinist artifacts sold, such as
rune-staffs, Thor's hammers, Odin’s amulets, and ceremonial
drinking horns. His artistry adds a special aura to the Wotansvolk
headquarters and its surroundings. Magnificent wood sculptured
wolves, dragons, and ravens can be found in the mountainous wood-
lands in which also a wooden Hof (temple) with elaborate carvings
is situated. The interior of the main building is filled with shields,
swords, sculptures, Viking art, runes, and paintings. Basing his
work on historical, mainly pre-Christian Norse prototypes,
McVan’s artistry adds an important cultural dimension to the
Wotansvolk efforts to re-create a perceived separate Aryan identity
and revive its ancestral faith.

—Mattias Gardell, Stockholm University, Sweden

See also: Church of the Creator; Klassen, Ben; Lane, David; Lane, Katja;
Odinism; Wotansvolk.

Further reading: Focus Fourteen [newsletter] (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word

Press); Mattias Gardell, Rasrisk (Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs & Swed-
ish Science Press, 1998); Ron McVan, Creed of Iron: Wotansvolk Wisdom (St.
Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, 1997).
 TOM METZGER 203

TOM METZGER For many years, Tom Metzger has positioned

himself as the lowest common denominator of American racism.
This was a conscious choice that for a time brought Metzger to the
front ranks of the American racialist. movement and attracted a
strong following overseas as well. At the same time, it has made
Metzger a lightning rod for the attentions of the government and of
various private watchdog agencies. While Metzger has managed to
avoid the worst of state prosecutions, he was not so fortunate with a
civil suit by the Southern Poverty Law Center under Morris Dees.
It was the surprising aftermath of that suit that badly tarnished
Metzger’s reputation in movement circles. The shock waves from
these developments have yet to abate.
Tom Metzger’s entrée into the movement was conventional
enough. In the early 1960s, he was one of many California right
wingers who joined the John Birch Society. As his views hardened
into anti-Semitic, racialist, and anti-immigration positions, he left
the Birch Society’s conservatism behind—especially after the 1963
book The Neutralizers in which Birch Society founder Robert Welch
explicitly disavowed racism and anti-Semitism as divisive distrac-
tions from the greater anticommunist crusade. In the early 1970s
Metzger began a drift through ideas, leaders, and organizations
that is typical of those in the race movement.
Being a Californian, an obvious first stop was Christian Iden-
tity, where under the tutelage of American Nazi Party veteran
James Warner (who himself was only passing through Identity on
his way to Odinism before returning to Identity in the 1980s) he
established a short-lived Identity ministry of his own. Metzger,
however, was not truly of a religious bent, finding the Knights of
the Ku Klux Klan under the mediagenic David Duke to be a more
comfortable belief system.
Metzger did well as a Klan leader, forming a relatively stable
following and undertaking a course of activism that brought him to
the attention of the local media. However, as so often happens, the
media spotlight was not big enough to share, and Metzger soon split
with Duke in a particularly nasty public breach that, by the 1980s,
would lead Metzger in the pages of his WAR newspaper to fantasize
about the killing of “[Willis] Carto, Duke, [Edward] Fields, various
National Socialists and Klan leaders. It had to be done, and oh it
felt so good” (WAR 7:5). Metzger then formed his own Klan group,
the California Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in 1980, but soon found
more interesting diversions than Klan leadership.
204 TOM METZGER

In 1980, Metzger announced his candidacy for United States

Congress, running on the Democratic ticket in California. Where
David Duke sought to play down his past as a Nazi and a Klan
leader, Metzger remained a Klansman and addressed questions
relating to this involvement squarely. And while Duke’s political
campaigns won attention from the national press, Metzger ran a
quietly effective campaign and won the Democratic primary, gar-
nering some 33,000 votes. It was a remarkable performance, and
even though he was wiped out in the general election, he got 35,000
votes (14 percent of the total votes cast in his district). Metzger was
now on the map.
The Klan, however, proved a limited vehicle for Metzger’s
vision, and in 1983 the White Aryan Resistance (WAR) was born.
From the beginning, WAR was something of a family business.
WAR’s headquarters, as well as Metzger’s television repair busi-
ness, were in his home in Fallbrook, California. Metzger’s son,
John, became active as well, both in WAR and in his own vehicle,
the White Students’ Union. Indeed, John’s activities were suffi-
ciently attractive that Church of the Creator (COTC) founder Ben
Klassen tried unsuccessfully to recruit the younger Metzger as his
successor in the COTC.
From the beginning, WAR was one of the rare racialist organiza-
tions in the United States to set out a coherent ideology in its recruit-
ing efforts. This platform contrasts so sharply with Metzger’s
thuggish public image—an image that he has carefully cultivated
both in his propaganda and in his home-made videos—that the WAR
ideological appeal is worth a more careful examination. The key
aspect of Metzger’s ideology is its Strasserite focus, which Metzger
dubs the “Third Force position.” In the German National Socialist
movement of the 1920s, a leftist wing of the party developed under
the leadership of the Strasser brothers, Otto and Gregor. The
Strasser brothers advocated a form of National Socialism that would
take more seriously the “socialist” elements of the platform than
Hitler was prepared to accept. Gregor actually rose to become head of
the Party Propaganda office in 1926—a post he held until 1930—but
with the National Socialist assumption of power, both Strasser
brothers were effectively isolated. Otto fled the country, while
Gregor stayed and was shot by the Gestapo in 1934. Metzger’s cham-
pioning of the Strasserite line put him in a position to appeal to a
White working class constituency whose family roots lay in trade
unionism, but for whom changes in America’s social and political
atmosphere since the 1960s have been anathema. At the same time,
 TOM METZGER 205

however, the Strasserite line alienated Metzger from many Ameri-

can National Socialists, whose veneration of Hitler and all things
Third Reich has long been a kind of religious cult.
WAR’s platform may be found in its entirety in the “Resources”
section of this volume. In the document “What We Believe As White
Racists,” which is available from WAR’s web site, Metzger sets out
WAR’s ideology at length. The primary theme running through the
document centers on White separatism—the belief that America
had by the 1980s become irredeemably hostile to racialist beliefs
and that all that is left for the beleaguered White majority is with-
drawal into a separatist enclave. Many of the ideas contained in the
document were nothing less than visionary, in the context of racial-
ist thought in the 1980s (when the document was written).
Metzger’s leadership style, combined with the bonus of a
thought-out political program, brought WAR a number of followers
throughout the 1980s. Converts ranged from such movement veter-
ans as Klansman Dennis Mahon to a number of skinheads through-
out the nation. Metzger’s outreach efforts were consistently
innovative. His WAR telephone line offered callers a taped “hate-
o-gram” of the day with an inimitably crude, race-baiting message
recorded each morning. More influential still was his cable access
television show, Race and Reason, which gave movement figures a
moment in the media sun in the period before afternoon talk shows,
in search of ever more exotic acts with which to draw viewership,
discovered the radical right as a dependable substitute for the
usual parade of America’s walking wounded. Indeed, when the talk
shows came a-knocking, Tom and John Metzger were always avail-
able to do some talking. They were thus present when a melee
erupted on the episode of Geraldo Rivera’s execrable talk fest in
which the sleazy host had his nose broken by a chair-wielding
skinhead.
Not to be outdone, that inveterate Geraldo wannabe, Jerry
Springer, invited the Metzgers for an afternoon of chat and blood-
shed, an episode that was filmed in Chicago and televised on May
11, 1993. The scene was remarkable. The panel was composed of
such radical-right stalwarts as Tom and John Metzger and such
self promoting nonentities as the Nazi-uniformed Art Jones,
National Chairman of the America First Committee, who was
accompanied by the entire membership of that organization (all two
of them), similarly garbed and prominently displayed in the front
row of the audience. On the other side stood Black nationalists
Michael McGee and Doris Green. There was less to the confronta-
tion than met the eye, however. Jones, a last-minute addition to the
206 TOM METZGER

spectacle, was assured a place on the panel only by his willingness

to follow the suggestions of the producers and “say something out-
rageous.” When Jones protested that to do so could start a fight, he
was assured that there was nothing to worry about on that score,
since the show would have plenty of security guards. Still dubious,
Jones was not sufficiently incendiary on a first run through, caus-
ing the host to call a halt to filming and start again!
Jones responded with a recitation of FBI crime statistics, which
Commander of the Black Panther Militia McGee took to imply that
Black women and prostitution were synonymous—and the tussle
was on. This epiphany was short lived. Jones immediately apolo-
gized for the misunderstanding and shook hands with McGee.
Worse, as the discussion wore tediously on, it became clear that the
panel had more areas of agreement than disagreement, and indeed,
the Metzgers were ultimately invited to address McGee’s group—a
meeting that went well, according to all concerned. The duplicitous
host was left to end the show with a platitudinous soliloquy to the
effect that none of the guests were nice people, even as the mailing
addresses of each participating group were flashed on the screen.
The Metzgers’ invitation to address McGee’s supporters was not
the first time that Tom Metzger had found himself on friendly
terms with Black nationalist leaders. No less a personage than the
Nation of Islam’s leader, Louis Farrakhan, had held talks with
Metzger and, according to Metzger, was poised to go into a business
venture with the WAR leader before political circumstances
changed sufficiently to sink the deal.
Metzger followed up on his high-media profile with the World
Wide Web, where his WAR page, with its racist cartoons, sets new
standards for primitively racist recruiting propaganda. In fact, by
the early 1990s it was almost as if there were two Tom Metzgers.
Privately, Metzger could be reflective, thoughtful, and, as always,
iconoclastic. But at the same time, Metzger could play the thug, and
do it well. So well in fact that, when most established racialist lead-
ers tried to steer well clear of the skinhead movement, Metzger saw
in the youthful skinheads the vanguard of racial revolution in
America. Much of his outreach in the late 1980s was thus geared to
the decidedly nonintellectual skinhead groups around the country.
It was this flirtation that would derail Metzger’s bid for primacy in
the American race movement.
The putative alliance became costly in the wake of a civil suit
won by the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), holding Metzger
responsible for the murder of a black Ethiopian immigrant in
 TOM METZGER 207

Portland, Oregon. The plaintiffs asked for an award of $10 million

(they ultimately received $12.5 million) in an action to, quoting
SPLC founder Morris Dees, “Build a fence $10 million high” to keep
the Metzgers out of Oregon. Tom Metzger and his son acted in their
own defense, contending that “skins can’t be organized.” They in
fact did more to lose the case than the plaintiffs did to win it.
The trial graphically demonstrated the interconnections
between skinheads and racialist leaders when Dees played a video-
tape of Metzger in Tequila, Oklahoma, talking to a group of skins
and suggesting that they “kick a little ass.” Dees then played a tape
of Metzger’s telephone bulletin board that justified the killings
after the fact, claiming that these “beautiful Blacks” (the victims)
were “high on crack” and that the killers were doing “a civic duty.”
Another tape claimed that “One young fighter, Ken Mieske,
received life” and that the victims should “get their Ethiopian ass
[sic] out of this country.” Losing the civil action temporarily closed
down Metzger’s operation, as well as making him technically home-
less and garnishing 40 percent of any future moneys he may man-
age to earn.
The real effectiveness of the suit is best illustrated by the nearly
hysterical warnings emanating from such a movement figure as
Harold Covington to potential WAR recruits that, as a result of the
suit, Morris Dees has gained control of the organization’s post office
box. This, according to Covington, not only makes Klanwatch and
thus the FBI privy to every communication sent to Metzger, but
also it allows Klanwatch to seize a significant percentage of the
funds sent to WAR’s burgeoning mail-order trade.
In fact, Covington seems once again to have been prescient in
warning of yet another danger to the movement. In November 1995,
another set of alarums reverberated throughout the movement.
From Dr. Edward Fields’s virulently racist newspaper The Truth at
Last to the e-mail service associated with the former National Social-
ist figure Milton John Kleim, Jr., the Aryan News Service, the word
belatedly spread. Dr. Fields offers the observation that “(if) they
want their letters to reach Metzger faster, they should write directly
to Tom Metzger c/o Morris Dees” (at the Southern Poverty Law Cen-
ter’s Alabama address). Harold Covington is typically more outspo-
ken. In an open letter to Ed Fields, he writes:
Dear Dr. Fields,
Regarding your article about Morris Dees of the Poverty Law
Center receiving Tom Metzger’s mail, it should be emphasized that
this has been going on for over three years now. Metzger’s treachery
208 TOM METZGER

has given the radical left the most important “observation post” into
the activities of the patriotic movement that they have ever
enjoyed... . 1 am especially concerned about the number of young
people who have written to Metzger and had their correspondence
turned over to Dees. At least one young man, Mark Lane of Bir-
mingham, Ala., has been sentenced to prison in part due to “evi-
dence” provided to the federal government by Morris Dees, in the
form of Lane’s private correspondence sent to Tom Metzger’s WAR
post office box. The truth is that Morris Dees is now the de facto
publisher of the WAR newspaper.... Dees allowed Metzger to
remain in business in return for allowing Dees’ legally appointed
agent, San Diego attorney James McElroy, the authority to open all
the mail going to Metzger’s Fallbrook P.O. Box, forwarding copies of
all letters to the Southern Poverty Law Center and depositing all
the money in a Dees controlled bank account. At the end of each
month. McElroy writes Metzger a check for 50% of the “take” so he
can keep publishing and keep his increasingly bizarre and hysteri-
cal telephone recordings on the air.

In the same letter, Covington perceptively describes the utility

of the most virulent examples of racist propaganda to the watchdog
groups’ fundraising appeals:
A year ago, Metzger published a crude cartoon showing beheaded
Mexicans lying in a field. Then Dees ran this cartoon in a fund raising
letter to show how awful these “evil racists are”. Thus Dees is actu-
ally financing an operation which spies on the right-wing and also
provides ammunition for his money-begging racket at the same time.

This two-pronged attack took Metzger very much by surprise.

He reacted with outrage and with counterattacks against his crit-
ics, but he was never able to fully deny the charges. National Social-
ist figure Rick Cooper tried to mediate by launching his own
investigation. Cooper found that while it was true that Metzger’s
mailbox is (or was: Cooper is not certain of the current situation)
probably under the control of Morris Dees through the San Diego
attorney, the young skinhead whose arrest Covington attributes to
a letter to WAR that was intercepted by Klanwatch was incarcer-
ated as the result of the incriminating letter having been sent to
another organization—also named WAR—under the leadership of
Bill Riccio, who is widely thought to be a government informant
(and in any case is in jail at the moment as well).
The explosion caused by the post office box controversy has
deeper roots than appear on the surface. Every racialist suddenly
 ROBERT MILES 209

was faced with the question: If a figure of the stature of Tom

Metzger can be brought down and forced to cooperate with the
movement’s most implacable foes, who then is safe? And who in the
movement can be trusted?
See also: American Nazi Party; Carto, Willis; Christian Identity; Church of
the Creator; Cooper, Rick; Covington, Harold; Duke, David; Hitler, Adolf;
Klassen, Ben; Odinism; Warner, James; White Aryan Resistance.

Further reading: Jeff Coplon, “The Skinhead Reich,” Utne Reader (May/June
1989); Morris Dees and Steve Fiffer, Hate on Trial (New York: Villard Books,
1993); Mattias Gardell, “Black and White Unite In Fight?: On the Inter-
Action Between Black and White Radical Racialists,” paper presented at the
conference: Rejected and Suppressed Knowledge: The Racist Right and the
Cultic Milieu, Stockholm, February 13-17, 1997; John George and Laird
Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo,
NY: Prometheus Books, 1992); Mark S. Hamm, American Skinheads: The
Criminology and Control of Hate Crime (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993);
Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse
University Press, 1997).

ROBERT MILES In the viciously divisive world of the American rad-

ical right, one would be hard pressed to find a harsh word spoken
against the late Pastor Bob Miles. Had he done nothing else in his
three decades of activism, this alone would be achievement enough
to warrant his presence in these pages. But Miles was much more
than the genial face of a decidedly uncongenial movement. He was a
Klan leader in an era when the declining Ku Klux Klan was becom-
ing increasingly irrelevant, and yet Miles never allowed robed nos-
talgia to blur his analysis of the contemporary world. He created a
rich religious stew that he called Dualism, in honor of his idealized
vision of the medieval French heretical sect the Cathars. He created
a prison outreach that both competed with, and yet complemented,
Richard Butler’s angry Aryan Nations prison ministry. And most
remarkably, when the increasingly marginal voices of the American
racialist right began in the 1980s to withdraw into angry isolation,
Miles maintained friendships outside of the movement, never letting
his strident anti-Semitism get in the way of a good conversation (or,
when push came to shove, of finding good legal representation—a
lesson learned too late by such other movement leaders as Tom
Metzger!). Bob Miles was a racist for all seasons.
210 ‘ ROBERT MILES

Miles was born of working class parents in 1925 in Bridgeport,

Connecticut. His parents were ardent anticommunists, but even so it
must have come as a surprise to them that the young Miles, upon his
graduation from high school, would enlist in the Free French Forces
fighting the Nazi occupation of France. Years later, Miles would
recall the choice as motivated by his family’s bitter disappointment
at the short-lived Nazi—Soviet pact. A fluent French speaker, Miles
served with the Free French until the United States entered the war.
Like a generation of young American artists in the interwar
years who lived the life of the impoverished intellectual and would
only in retrospect wax nostalgic about the romance of the experi-
ence, Miles found that his future course was much affected by his
life in France. But for him, the romance was with a distant and
much idealized past: that of the Cathars, a medieval dualist sect
whose appeal to popular resentment of the power and corruption of
both church and state swept through southern France and for a
time, under the leadership of the minor nobility, managed to unseat
the powers that be and live the dream of sinless perfection on earth.
In the thirteenth century, the Cathars were crushed by a papal
crusade, but for Bob Miles they provided both a revolutionary
model and a rich source of theological inspiration. From this stuff of
dreams, Miles constructed his fanciful faith, Dualism. The primary
text for his dualist Mountain Church was contained in a reprinting
of a scholarly article by Eric Wyants, “The Church’s Attack on the
Cathars,” which appeared in the fall/winter 1986 issue of Critique.
The Wyants article was accompanied by Miles’s running commen-
tary in the guise of his favorite alter ego, Fafnir (the mythological
Norse dragon slain by Sigurd). For those ill equipped to make much
sense of Wyants’s academic prose, Miles helpfully published a
small pamphlet, “The Identity of Dualism and The Duality of Iden-
tity,” which in simple terms contrasted his religious appeal with the
better-known Christian Identity creed.
Robert Miles’s Dualism was at root an imaginative act of selec-
tive retrieval in which the primary focus is on the Cathars, but with
secondary elements drawn from Genesis, the Book of Jubilees, and
various other intertestimental texts, as well as selected aspects of
Christian Identity doctrine, which are brought together to present
the White race as a race of giants, a superhuman elite who have but
to realize their inherent greatness to be freed of the travail of this
earth, and to return whence they came—to the stars, to the Light:
We came to this earth. We are not akin to those who were made of
it nor were created on it. The Sixth Day (soulless non-white male
 ROBERT MILES 211

and female based on Gen. 1:26-27) and the Eighth Day creations
(Adam and Eve) are in our blood line of the flesh, but they are not
of our soul lineage. The soul, your true self, rides in the flesh as a
driver rides in a vehicle. Yet they are not one and the same, You
enter the Old Testament briefly, and are noted in Genesis 6:1—4.
You came to earth and took daughters of men! You were mighty
and men of renown! You were GIANTS in the beginning! You still
carry the ASTRAL SEED within your flesh. That seed is pure and
untouched by all the matings with earth creatures. You can regain
the powers and can be again the Giants of this earth! Prisoners of
the flesh, prisoners of chains, you shall be free if you so will it and
follow the light!

Dualism provided Miles, as well, with a remarkably creative for-

mulation of the timeless theft of culture myth that provided Dual-
ism with its core anti-Semitism:
First of all, Jesus was not a Jew. He was a Galilean. Jesus came out
of the North! Not out of the desert lands. Understand that the popu-
lation of Galilee, during the time of Jesus, was composed of relo-
cated northern Folk tribes. Our folk!... Historians of a subsequent
age attempted to give Jesus lineage socially acceptable to the
masses, to fulfill prophecy.... This attempt to make history support
acertain status, rewriting history as it were, is not new. It has been
going on since man began.

Dualism, however, was still well in Miles’s future in the 1960s

when his horror of the demographic changes in Detroit and
throughout Michigan, combined with the impact of the 1967 Detroit
race riots, brought him to his personal Rubicon: the decision to
leave the Republican Party, which he had served as state finance
chairman, to work full time for George Wallace’s presidential cam-
paign in 1968. A number of the prominent figures in the racist right
got their start in the Wallace campaign, and so it was for Miles.
Thus began his sojourn in the wilderness of the American racist
right, and he never looked back.
Following the Wallace campaign, Miles joined Robert Shelton’s
United Klans of America (UKA), where he quickly rose to the posi-
tion of Grand Dragon, in charge of UKA activity in Michigan. It was
in these years that Miles had his first serious brush with the law. In
response to court-ordered desegregation, Miles was convicted in
1973 of bombing empty school buses and of tarring and feathering a
Willow Run, Michigan, school principal. He drew a nine-year prison
sentence, which he served while noting that a number of Klansmen
212 ROBERT MILES

should be grateful that he alone took the rap for the crimes. His
prison time convinced him that reform was impossible in the
United States. His demand now was for separation from the entity
dubbed ZOG, the Zionist Occupation Government.
Following his release from prison, Miles retired to his Cohactah
farm, the setting that gave a name to his newsletter, From the
Mountain. He had long since broken his ties to the dominant cul-
ture, or, more precisely, had his ties broken for him. He had lost his
job in 1970 as an insurance broker as a result of his Klan involve-
ment. Now he would exist as did so many other leaders of the racist
right—on donations brought in by his mailing list and whatever
other money-making schemes he could dream up. Miles’s prison
experience also brought home to him the tremendous recruiting
potential offered by the pool of alienated young White men in the
prison system. For them, Miles created a newsletter, Beyond the
Bars...The Stars!, which made its debut in June 1983. Although it
was often confused with Richard Butler’s prison newsletter on
behalf of the Aryan Nations, The Way, Beyond the Bars...The Stars!
was considerably different, promulgating Miles’s Dualist religion
and offering glimpses of the ironic sense of humor for which he was
noted. In his introductory statements, Miles introduced the new
religion to his captive audience:
To those of the Astral Seed, welcome to your newsletter! We bring to
you the theological news of your Folk. We bring to you articles writ-
ten by ones also in chains. We write to you that are in chains to
bring to you the good news that chains only bind the flesh. Your true
self, the prisoner within the flesh who has struggled to be free since
birth, can never be chained if you so will.
The name of our newsletter comes from some anonymous soul in
the past. The full statement was, “TWO PRISONERS GAZED OUT OF THE
WINDOWS AND THROUGH THE BARS OF THEIR CELL. ONE SAW ONLY THE
BARS. THE OTHER SAW ONLY THE STARS. BE EVER LIKE THE LATTER AND
BE FREE.”
You who are called out of the earth worshippers of this age, and
are called to the Old Religion, the Faith of your Fathers, will have
questions and will have comments. Each individual letter will be
answered and each question will be responded to as promptly as pos-
sible. This is your Church in Correspondence as you are our congre-
gation behind the wire. The word “parish” is defined as “the
ecclesiastical unit of area committed to one pastor.” Having served as
a prisoner of the anti-Christ, the staff now serves you!
 ROBERT MILES 213

From his Mountain Church, Miles in the early 1980s played

host to a remarkable cross-section of the White Power world. Cross
lightings alternated with Odinist festivities, while Klansmen and
uniformed neo-Nazis rubbed elbows with skinheads and Christian
Identity family folk. Over the years, it seemed that virtually every-
one in the White supremacist world, as well as journalists, docu-
mentary film makers, and academic researchers made their way to
Michigan, where the Miles family made all feel equally welcome.
However, Miles’s withdrawal to his Cohactah farm did not last
long, and by 1987 the old man of the mountain was hailed into court
once again.
This time, the charges were at once serious and, in Miles’s sar-
donic view, deeply comical. The early 1980s were the heyday of the
revolutionary Order under the charismatic leadership of Robert
Mathews. Of course, Miles knew of the Order, and he knew its mem-
bers well. Indeed, he wrote a thinly disguised, fictional account of
their exploits, The Secret Army Or WENN ALLE BRUDER
SCHWEIGEN in 1985. The Secret Army reprinted the 1814 poem by
Max von Schenkendorf (in German and English) from which
Mathews selected the name Briider Schweigen, Silent Brotherhood,
for his organization. Thus, when the government instituted its Oper-
ation Clean Sweep to roll up the leadership of the racist right follow-
ing the defeat of the Order, Miles was a prime target.
Miles recorded the complaint in what became known as the Fort
Smith, Arkansas, Sedition Trial in a pamphlet titled “White Sepa-
ratist or Aryan Seditionist?,” which was published after the acquit-
tal of all defendants:
FROM ON OR ABOUT JULY 1983, AND CONTINUOUSLY THEREAFTER, UP TO
AND INCLUDING APRIL 1985, IN THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF ARKANSAS,
AND ELSEWHERE, A GROUP OF PERSONS WILLFULLY AND KNOWINGLY
COMBINED, CONSPIRED, CONFEDERATED AND AGREED TOGETHER WITH
EACH OTHER TO OVERTHROW, PUT DOWN AND TO DESTROY BY FORCE THE
GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND FORM A NEW ARYAN NATION.

Miles was further charged with having supplied a member of

the Order with a drum of cyanide with which to poison the water
supply of an unnamed northwestern city. The cyanide drum did in
fact exist, though it was James Ellison, of the Covenant, Sword, and
Arm of the Lord, who received the poison. From there the story
becomes hearsay at best. Kerry Noble, Ellison’s second in command
at CSA, today notes that he is convinced that Miles intended for
Ellison to use the cyanide in the water supply of a city, but he notes
as well that he had no evidence to support the theory. Ellison for his
214 ROBERT MILES

part wanted to use the cyanide to coat bullets, but the group never
did this either. In the end, the drum went unused for anything, and
the unintended irony of an anti-Semite—particularly an anti-
Semite with a marked fixation for medieval history—being charged
with “poisoning wells” is so striking that no scholar of religion could
fail to remark it. In any case, the Fort Smith conspiracy charges
were at best fanciful, and the weakness of the government’s case
was well illustrated in Miles’s often hilarious running commentary
in his newsletter, From the Mountain. The most apt comment, how-
ever, came in retrospect. In the “White Separatist or Aryan Sedi-
tionist?” pamphlet, Miles asks:
Why bother with an army, navy or airforce if two old men [Miles and
Richard Butler], plus some not so old...form such a threat to the
mighty power of this goliath called the USA? Do you really think that
there is an underground army, sort of a Geriatric League on Wheel-
chairs, that is threatening the power of La Cesspool Grande, DC?

But if the trial failed to secure convictions, it did have the effect
of forcing Miles to use scarce funds for legal fees and living
expenses in Fort Smith. His wife, already in poor health, worsened,
and finally lost her battle with cancer early in 1993. During her con-
valescence, From the Mountain began to recycle earlier stories,
publishing in particular a number of photographs of comrades who
had long since succumbed to age and infirmity. Like so many
racialists of his generation, Robert Miles did not long survive the
death of his spouse. Dualism, From the Mountain, and Beyond the
Bars...The Stars! all went to the grave with him.
Robert Miles was the one figure in the American radical right
whose innate sense of the absurd and all too rare ability to laugh at
himself allowed him to consistently eschew bitterness, even as he
recognized the futility of realizing his racialist quest within his life-
time. In a very real sense, he was the Abby Hoffman of the racialist
right, and no figure has emerged in his wake with his ability to
bring together the American radical right’s warring tribes.
See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian Identity; Covenant,
Sword, and Arm of the Lord; Ellison, James; Mathews, Robert; Metzger,
Tom; Order; Zionist Occupation Government.

Further reading: James Ridgeway, Blood in the Face (New York:

Thundermouth Press, 1990).
 JACK MOHR 215

JACK MOHR Lt. Colonel Gordon “Jack” Mohr is a long-time Chris-

tian Identity figure from Bay St. Louis, Mississippi. Although in his
voluminous movement writings he styles himself as “Brig. General,”
the impressive military title reflects his role in the Christian Patriots
Defense League (CDPL), which he cofounded with John Harrell.
Nonetheless, Mohr has a long and distinguished military record that
includes service in World War II and the Korean conflict. It was dur-
ing the latter that Mohr adopted a strident anticommunism that he
would later combine with anti-Semitism and racism as staples of his
long-running Christian Identity ministry. Mohr’s frank memoirs of
this evolution were published in his undated booklet, Communist
Terror in Peaceful Heaven.
Like many of his generation of Identity ministers, Mohr’s roots
are in fundamentalist Protestantism, and his fundamentalist and
Identity ministries overlapped for a time. This pattern of drift from
fundamentalism to Identity also marked the careers of such key
Identity figures as Gerald Winrod, Kenneth Goff, and John Harrell,
among others. In each case, the break with their churches came
over the issue of anti-Semitism. Given a literalist reading of such
biblical passages as John 8:44 and Revelation 2:9 and 3:9, which
posit the Jews in strongly negative terms (for example, Rev 3:9: “I
will make those who are of the synagogue of Satan, who claim to be
Jews though they are not, but are liars—I will make them come and
fall down at your feet and acknowledge that I have loved you”), why,
they wondered, were Jews and the state of Israel seen in such posi-
tive terms in the fundamentalist world? Lacking an acceptable
answer, each began a religious quest that ended in Christian Iden-
tity. In every case, the result was the publication of polemical
attacks on their former fundamentalist colleagues. For Kenneth
Goff, the result was a 60-page treatise published in 1946 entitled
Traitors in the Pulpit and Treason Toward God. Mohr, a more mod-
est intellect, would offer a shorter but no less heartfelt contribution
to this literature with a long, undated pamphlet, Woe Unto Ye
Fundamentalists!
Over the years, Mohr has authored a vast number of Christian
Identity materials, though these tend to be rather derivative of
other Identity ministries. This tendency to recycle at length the
work of others is best seen in his quarterly newsletter, the Chris-
tian Patriot Crusader, which he began in 1984.
Despite Mohr’s involvement with the Christian Patriots Defense
League and his military background, Jack Mohr is no William Potter
216 DAVID WULSTAN MYATT

Gale. Mohr has outspokenly opposed the increasing inroads of

National Socialism and violent rhetoric into the Identity world.
Old and enfeebled, Jack Mohr reportedly lives out his remaining
years in Bay St. Louis in difficult economic circumstances, but
holds true to the Identity faith that has sustained him for more
than three decades of tireless activism.
See also: Christian Identity; Gale, William Potter; Goff, Kenneth; Winrod,
Gerald.

Further reading: Kenneth Goff, Traitors in the Pulpit and Treason Toward
God (Englewood, CO: Kenneth Goff, 1946); Jack Mohr, Communist Terror in
Peaceful Heaven (no publication data); Jack Mohr, Jesws—The Rock That
Will Not Roll! (An Expose of Satan’s Minstrels of Music (no publication data);
Jack Mohr, The Satanic Counterfeit (no publication data); Jack Mohr, Woe
Unto Ye Fundamentalists! (no publication data).

DAVID WULSTAN MYATT A fixture on the British National

Socialist scene since the early 1970s, David Myatt is a prolific
writer who headed the National Socialist organization, Reichsfolk.
Myatt is most commonly identified with the occult wing of the
National Socialist movement, and for him National Socialism is
unambiguously a religion while the figure of Adolf Hitler is treated
unabashedly as the savior of mankind. His story tells much of the
nature of the spiritual quest that brought many young men into the
National Socialist movement.
Myatt’s biography is typical of the National Socialists of the gen-
eration of the 1960s. A true seeker, Myatt sampled many belief sys-
tems in his search for the answer to the riddle of the illusive pattern
underlying the seemingly random jumble of world events, until he
found National Socialism—especially as propounded by such mys-
tics as Savitri Devi—at the age of 16. Even before this propitious
discovery, however, Myatt’s history was decidedly unconventional.
David Myatt was raised as a child in East Africa and the Far
East, and notes that his earliest memories are of Tanganyika. How-
ever, he soon undertook his quest for the truth in a global odyssey
that included extended stays in the Middle East and East Asia,
accompanied by studies of religions ranging from Christianity to
Islam in the Western tradition and Taoism to Buddhism in the
Eastern path. In the course of this Siddartha-like search for the
truth, Myatt sampled the life of the monastery in both its Christian
and Buddhist forms.
 DAVID WULSTAN MYATT 217

Myatt’s National Socialist career has been somewhat checkered,

and has included prison time for his political activities and an
extended battle with the British watchdog publication Searchlight,
which prefaces every story about his doings with the title “cat
strangler,” in reference to his alleged occult experiments. Myatt for
his part strongly objects to these charges, stating: “I have denied
and do deny the malicious stories about cat-strangling and harm-
ing animals and challenged to a duel anyone who spread such
allegations—for I find these particular allegations, involving cru-
elty to animals, quite detestable, being, like Savitri Devi and Adolf
Hitler, a person who loves and respects animals.”
Myatt’s writings have been widely disseminated throughout the
National Socialist world. His own journals, The National Socialist,
Das Reich, and Future Reich, are far from the only vehicles for these
writings. His essays have in fact been widely republished, and have
most recently been made available via the Internet. He cooperated
closely with the National Socialist—oriented Satanist organization,
the Order of the Nine Angles (ONA), as well as with a number of
other small occult or magical racialist groups throughout the world.
The subject of his involvement with the Order of the Nine Angles is
something of a sensitive point, given the widespread belief both
within the National Socialist world and among the watchdog com-
munity that the Order of the Nine Angles is in fact a Myatt vehicle
operated under the pseudonym Christos Beest. While this is
unlikely to be the case, Myatt emphasizes that “I have denied and
do deny such involvement/cooperation.”
Then, in 1999, Myatt abandoned the movement. Following a
front-page exposé on Reichsfolk and the ONA that appeared in
Searchlight, which declared Myatt to be “the most dangerous Nazi
in Britain,” both David Myatt and Christos Beest announced that
they were going underground.
Shortly thereafter, rumors began to surface in the movement to
the effect that Myatt had converted to Islam. This may seem anom-
alous, but in the milieu of the radical right, it is not surprising,
really. Myatt, as noted, is a true religious seeker who has sampled
Buddhist and Christian monastic paths. Moreover, whenever the
personality types that are drawn to the radical right wing decide to
take their leave and try to return to mainstream society, they often
require a text, a dogma, and a more or less absolutist set of truth
claims to replace the beliefs that had bound them to the movement.
In the United States, born-again Christianity has been one faith
community that welcomes such seekers while absolving them of
218 DAVID WULSTAN MYATT

their past and offering the benefits of a supportive community of

fellow-seekers. Conversely, in Europe, where highly formalistic
state churches are the norm, a communitarian religion such as
Islam can reasonably be expected to serve much the same role as
the born-again faith. And thus, as with the amalgamation of Satan-
ism and National Socialism, David Myatt may be once again just a
bit ahead of his time.
See also: Devi, Savitri; Hitler, Adolf; Order of the Nine Angles; Reichsfolk.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, “Religiosity and the Radical Right: Toward
the Creation of a New Ethnic Identity,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo,
eds., Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); David Myatt, “Arts of Civili-
zation,” “The Galactic Empire and the Triumph of National Socialism,”
“Reichsfolk—Toward a New Elite,” “Why I Am a National Socialist” (all
available as e-text).
 N
NATIONAL ALLIANCE The National Alliance is William Pierce’s
National Socialist organization, which grew out of the ashes of the
National Youth Alliance that Pierce had fronted for Willis Carto.
After Pierce’s split with Carto in 1970 or 1971, the National Alli-
ance came into being in 1974. Its headquarters in those days was
Arlington, Virginia. Pierce took with him the National Youth Alli-
ance’s journal, Attack!, which was renamed the National Vanguard
in April 1978. The National Vanguard remains the flagship organ
of the National Alliance today, though this is supplemented by a
number of other publications, including the National Alliance Bul-
letin and, in 1999, the white noise music journal Resistance.
Closely related to the National Alliance is Pierce’s designer reli-
gion, Cosmotheism, which appeared on the scene in the late 1970s.
Cosmotheism’s tax-exempt status was revoked by the Internal Rev-
enue Service in 1978 following protests from the Anti-Defamation
League and other watchdog organizations.
Pierce moved his operation from Arlington to rural West Vir-
ginia in 1985 where he formed the Cosmostheist community com-
posed of himself and his immediate National Alliance followers.
The National Alliance today is the center for a successful book
distributorship, a short-wave radio program named American Dis-
sident Voices, a web site, and a thriving e-mail outreach. It remains,
however, very much a personal vehicle for William Pierce.
See also: Carto, Willis; Pierce, William.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996); National Alliance, The Best of Attack!: Revolutionary
Voice of the National Alliance (Hillsboro, WV: National Vanguard Books,
1984, 1992); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln
Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of Illinois
Press, 1999); Brad Whitsel, “Aryan Visions for the Future in the West Vir-
ginia Mountains,” Terrorism and Political Violence 7:4 (winter 1995).

219
220 NATIONAL SOCIALIST KINDRED

National Front See Jordan, Colin.

NATIONAL SOCIALIST KINDRED The National Socialist Kindred

was a California-based organization whose existence was based on
a communal dream: a separatist enclave for mystically oriented
National Socialists who could withdraw into a self-sufficient,
racialist utopia. The National Socialist Kindred was the brainchild
of Jost, a Vietnam veteran who, in the 1970s, despaired of the racial
pluralism, crime, and chaos of the cities and with his wife and sons
moved deep into the wilderness of the northern California moun-
tains. In the early days, they lived in a variety of shelters, from
teepees to a rough wooden cabin, learning as they went the arts of
survival and self-sufficiency.
The National Socialist Kindred, however, aimed to create a sep-
aratist enclave where Jost and his family could enjoy the support of
a like-minded community. The dream was called Volksberg, and
the National Socialist Kindred’s large output of literature, which
centered on the themes of National Socialism, explicit Hitler wor-
ship, and racialist Odinism, was originally designed to propagate
this communal vision. For Jost and the National Socialist Kindred,
however, the communal dream was not to be, and the National
Socialist Kindred was officially dissolved, to be replaced by a sys-
tem of Aryan meditation called Arya Kriya.
In a letter to a friend, Tommy Rydén in Sweden, Jost candidly
explains what had gone wrong:
We stopped using the name NS Kindred for three reasons: first, our
scope is so much different now that the name is misleading; second,
legally, the NS Kindred is considered a business name, and this
requires bi-annual fees and bureaucratic paperwork which we no
longer wanted to deal with; third, Arya Kriya training and our
whole program is unique and it requires a much more personal rela-
tionship than any organization could afford. So, we decided to drop
NS Kindred and publish and correspond simply under Jost, which
eliminates the bureaucratic BS, is more personal, and has no conno-
tation which might be misleading.
Yes, we has some problems with Nazis. They destroyed years of
hard work. We found the Folk-community concept was very allur-
ing, but few people were willing to forsake job, home, friends, fam-
ily, etc., to move here. We found that more often than not, those who
were willing to pull up stakes and move here were willing to do so
 NATIONAL SOCIALIST LIBERATION FRONT 221

because [they] had no job, no home, no family, no friends, nor any-

thing else. They were looking for somebody to take care of them!
Most were psychopaths and dangerous.
We learned (the hard way) that a Folk-community must be
organic, that is, it must spring from those who are already estab-
lished in the area. So, now that we are working with our neighbors,
who we know and who are already established, to build an organic
Folk-community here, and this is working much better. However,
for fear of attracting psychopaths (the racial movement is full of
them) we decided not to publicize it anymore. We publish the ideas
so that others can form Folk-communities in their own areas, but
are quiet about our work here.
We had hesitated for many years about introducing Arya Kriya.
We didn’t want to “cast pearls before swine” (pardon my paraphras-
ing of the dead Jew.) But realizing its awesome potential, we finally
decided to give it a try. To our surprise, there has been lots of inter-
est, even though we have not really advertised it. Also, since it
requires some Aryan discipline, it doesn’t attract the psychos. We
have a number of prisoners taking the course, but they are of higher
intelligence than most, and the Kriya seems to be really helping
them. Meanwhile, our Folk-community here is becoming a Kriya
community as well. Interest is growing in all quarters.

With the National Socialist Kindred’s communal dream in tat-

ters, Jost turned increasingly inward. The result was Arya Kriya,
but even this did not get far before Jost’s untimely death in 1996.
See also: Arya Kriya; Hitler, Adolf; Jost; Odinism; Rydén, Tommy.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a

Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998).

NATIONAL SOCIALIST LIBERATION FRONT The National Social-

ist Liberation Front (NSLF) was a political front conceived in early
1969 by Dr. William Pierce and intended to compete against the
leftist movements on U.S. college campuses. The NSLF was a delib-
erate takeoff on the National Liberation Front of the Vietnamese,
whose struggle was then dominating the news. In this instance,
national liberation meant an end to Jewish control of government
in a land where Whites are a majority.
The NSLF was an experimental offshoot from the parent organi-
zation, the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP),
Japa: NATIONAL SOCIALIST LIBERATION FRONT

formerly known as the American Nazi Party. For its first few years
of existence under this new name, it issued a quarterly publication,
The Liberator, and activities were carried out mainly by regular
party personnel. During this time, memberships were issued and
control was headquartered at Arlington, Virginia.
In 1974,:the NSLF was reborn when former NSWPP Captain
Joseph Tommasi of El] Monte, California, took over the name to serve
as the political front for his new, revolutionary brand of National
Socialism. A deep schism had developed-within the party between
the conservative, orthodox faction and the younger, more radical
members. It was Tommasi’s philosophy to abandon the long-
standing strategy of attempting to raise a mass movement in order
to effect change legalistically and instead to begin conducting guer-
rilla warfare against the government.
In line with the new approach, Tommasi and his hard-core
followers retired their traditional Nazi uniforms and military
haircuts—which Tommasi claimed only gave the impression of an
invasion from Mars—in favor of army fatigues and longer hair and
beards. Emphasis was moved from political protocol to physical
strikes against the enemy. Toward this end, Tommasi led a
four-man underground dedicated to carrying out what would be
referred to as terrorist activities.
In a dispute with National Socialist White People’s Party mem-
bers in August 1975, Tommasi was shot and killed in El Monte,
California. Lieutenant David Rust took over the leadership of
the NSLF until he was arrested not long afterward on firearms
violations.
To prevent the NSLF from disbanding, other former NSWPP
members in Cincinnati, Ohio, adopted the name, issued literature,
and carried on with organizational matters from 1977. In this they
were joined by units in Louisville, Kentucky; Wilmington, Dela-
ware; and elsewhere. The object was now to influence all other
far-right-wing groups in favor of Tommasi’s own revolutionary way
of thinking.
During the summer of 1980, Tommasi’s publication, Siege, was
resurrected as a monthly newsletter of the NSLF by James Mason,
also of Ohio and a former party member. The title had been bor-
rowed by Tommasi from the Weather Underground. Simulta-
neously, Defiance was issued by John Duffy as another NSLF
publication.
By 1982, Karl Hand had assumed NSLF leadership in Louisi-
ana as well as the publication of Defiance. It is ironic that, under
 NATIONAL SOCIALIST VANGUARD Dye

Hand’s direction, the NSLF resumed the more traditional type of

uniformed political demonstration and refrained from overt illegal-
ity. Despite this, Hand was arrested on a weapons charge and
imprisoned for a number of years. This signaled the end to the
National Socialist Liberation Front. It is also ironic that at about
the same time, the National Socialist White People’s Party itself
closed its doors in Arlington.
Developments in the United States, which had _ initially
prompted the formation of both the American Nazi Party in the late
1950s and the NSLF through its various incarnations throughout
the 1960s, ’70s, and ’80s, continued to intensify. The influence pro-
jected by these early forerunners now has Adolf Hitler, along witha
reliance on violence, generally accepted among the present-day
radical right.

James Mason, Universal Order

See also: American Nazi Party; Hitler, Adolf; Mason, James; National
Socialist White People’s Party; Pierce, William; Tommasi, Joseph.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, “Leaderless Resistance,” Journal of Terror-

ism and Political Violence 9:3 (fall 1997); Jeffrey Kaplan, “Religiosity and
the Radical Right: Toward the Creation of a New Ethnic Identity,” in Jeffrey
Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-
American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998);
James Mason, Siege (Denver: Storm, 1992).

National Socialist Movement See Jordan, Colin.

NATIONAL SOCIALIST VANGUARD | The National Socialist Van-

guard (NSV) and its associated business venture ST Enterprises
were founded in January 1983 in Salinas, California, and then
moved to Goldendale, Washington, in the fall of 1985. ST Enter-
prises folded in 1986. The National Socialist Vanguard, an unincor-
porated association that operates under the First Amendment to
the U.S. Constitution guaranteeing freedom of association, remains
in existence to this day. The address is P.O. Box 328, The Dalles,
Oregon 97058.
The NSV advocates a survival program. It recommends that all
Americans arm themselves with legal firearms and plenty of
224 NATIONAL SOCIALIST WHITE PEOPLE’S PARTY

ammunition, store food, ensure a drinkable water supply, and stock

survival items. The NSV also recommends that White people move
to rural areas and network with other White survivalists for
mutual defense and support in preparation for that day when death
and chaos engulf the world in Armageddon (essentially a race war).
Other than the survival program, the NSV recommends that White
people engage in legal, organizational, and political activities that
are to their liking.
The National Socialist Vanguard publishes the NSV Report,
which primarily serves as a quarterly progress report of what the
organization is doing, its trials and tribulations. Rather than publish
propaganda for the masses, the reports are geared to movement
activists, leaders, and others who understand the basic problems
and who can identify with our experiences. Secondarily, the reports
serve as an educator regarding the present state of the movement
overall, the situation in the Northwest, and some philosophy.
National Socialist Vanguard activities are financed basically by
the activists themselves. The National Socialist Vanguard is not a
membership organization, so there are no dues or membership
cards. There is no literature or book list. The NSV Report is self-
financed except for that portion that is offset by freewill donations
from various supporters and sympathizers, most of whom are not
movement activists.

Rick Cooper, National Socialist Vanguard

See also: Cooper, Rick.

Further reading: Rick Cooper, “Brief History of the White Nationalist Move-
ment,” NSV Report (see the “Resources” section of this volume); John George
and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen and Others on the Fringe
(Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in
America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997).

NATIONAL SOCIALIST WHITE PEOPLE’S PARTY Paraphrasing Hegel,

Karl Marx once remarked that history repeats itself, first as trag-
edy, second as farce. No better proof of the truth of this axiom may
be offered than the story of the National Socialist White People’s
Party (NSWPP). In this conception, the tragedy phase of American
National Socialist history was the attempt by Matthias Koehl as
the leader of the American Nazi Party’s successor organization, the
NSWPP, to fill the shoes of the ANP’s founder, George Lincoln
 NATIONAL SOCIALIST WHITE PEOPLE’S PARTY 225

Rockwell. The current efforts to function under the purloined

NSWPP banner by the bombastic Harold Covington must qualify as
the stage of historical farce. ;
The National Socialist White People’s Party was born in 1966
out of the growing realization on the part of Rockwell and a few of
his senior followers that not only was the American public immune
to the blandishments of Nazi ideology and repelled by the uniforms,
swastikas, and other accoutrements of 1930s Germany, but most
members of the American radical right wing were unable to put
aside their distaste for Hitler and all things Nazi sufficiently to
cooperate with Rockwell on the many issues on which they were in
agreement. Thus, the Nazis marched alone against the civil rights
movement, against Martin Luther King, Jr., and against a host of
other 1960s-era developments that the far right deemed inimical to
all that was good and true.
Whether the National Socialist White People’s Party could have
become the answer to Rockwell’s public relations problems will
never be known. In August 1967 Rockwell was assassinated by a
dissident Nazi, John Patler, whereupon his second in command,
Matthias “Matt” Koehl, took control of the party. In short order,
Koehl’s inept leadership alienated the old guard and would soon
drive them out of the organization. William Pierce, James Warner,
Ricky Cooper, Harold Covington, Joseph Tommasi, James Mason,
and many, many more either resigned or were expelled from the
party under Koehl’s direction. At the same time, a steady stream of
younger adherents drifted into NSWPP ranks, served for a time,
and then departed with the same bitterness as had their predeces-
sors. Within a year of Koehl’s assumption of power, the National
Socialist White People’s Party began a process of disintegration
that would mark the rest of its organizational existence.
Shortly after assuming power, Koehl issued a pamphlet titled
“An Introduction to the National Socialist White People’s Party,”
which presented a short history of the organization and offered
potential recruits a 12-point program that, in effect, summed up
much of the thinking of the American radical right in the late 1960s.
First, the National Socialist White People’s Party demanded the
creation of a White republic for all Aryans, a move that presaged the
separatist currents of the 1980s. Next, assuming the creation of such
a separate state, the National Socialist White People’s Party
appeared to demand an end to non-White and Jewish immigration to
the United States, and the separate republic in turn would restrict
citizenship to only “those White people who prove themselves worthy
226 NATIONAL SOCIALIST WHITE PEOPLE’S PARTY

of it.” The third point in the program demanded the provision of a

social safety net, as well as social justice for Whites. Next came a
demand for the defense of the family: farm, followed by a call for the
strengthening of the family unit, including a paean to motherhood,
which should be “universally recognized as the noblest profession to
which any White woman can aspire.” Along the same lines, the party
called for a new education system that would place equal emphasis
on character building, physical training, and “mental abilities.”
Point seven tackled the economic sphere, demanding public (that
is, state) control of banking and credit. The next point centered on
the often overlooked environmental concerns of the far right,
demanding “the phasing out of all forms of energy which befoul the
environment, such as petroleum and nuclear fuels.” These would be
replaced through intensive research for alternative sources of
energy. This specificity disappears in the ninth point, a demand for
“Aryan cultural endeavor” and an end to other forms of popular cul-
ture. What exactly constitutes an Aryan cultural form is left to the
imagination. Foreign policy was next, and its program plank offered
little more of substance than a predictable call for a strong military.
Point eleven demanded a eugenics program for “the propagation of
the highest racial elements” within the putative White republic.
Finally, a sweeping call was issued for the new Aryan state to take
the lead in the spiritual life of the people so as to combat the modern
ills of “materialism, cynicism, and egoism” in favor of “a rebirth of
Traditional Aryan spiritual values.” Once again, however, what con-
stituted Aryan spiritual values was left unspecified.
Beyond the twelve-point program, little agreement was forth-
coming from the ranks of the National Socialist White People’s Party
in the Koehl era, as the organization from the late 1960s through the
1970s continued to fragment. So well known was the organiza-
tion—and so few were the alternatives for American National Social-
ists seeking an organizational home—that even though many left
the group, others continued to fill out the membership forms and pay
dues. Some of this scattered following were actually able to form
local units—usually tiny aggregations of no more than a half dozen
in any given place. A few, particularly in the Midwest, did for a time
function with relative effectiveness, sending in their monthly action
reports, engaging in leafleting, or managing to make an appearance
in the local media. Koehl would frequently call the most effective (or,
more precisely, the most literate) of the local leaders to headquarters
in Arlington to fill the gaps left by the constant stream of angry resig-
nations from party positions.
 NATIONAL SOCIALIST WHITE PEOPLE’S PARTY 227,

Several factors seem to have been at the root of this constant

turnover. On an ideological level, Koehl’s reverence for the 1930s
model of German National Socialism had made it virtually impossi-
ble for him to adapt his own organization to the realities of 1970s
America. In particular, his insistence on the Leadership Principle,
which, in his interpretation, demands absolute obedience from sub-
ordinates, had the practical effect of alienating virtually every
capable adherent the NSWPP managed to attract. This disinclina-
tion to tolerate any potential challenges to his leadership, together
with the remarkably poor quality of the recruits drawn to American
National Socialism, compounded the centrifugal tendencies inher-
ent in the volatile mix of borderline personalities that are attracted
to explicit National Socialism in the first place, making “organiza-
tional stability” in this milieu an oxymoron.
Thus, virtually every National Socialist who became active in
the decades of the 1970s and early 1980s has the NSWPP on his (or,
more rarely, her) résumé, but virtually none stayed with the group
for long. Moreover, of the myriad of tiny National Socialist splinter
organizations that exist in America today, most have roots in the
NSWPP. Some of these achieved a degree of notoriety. Examples
include William Pierce’s National Alliance today, or such defunct
aggregations as Joseph Tommasi’s National Socialist Liberation
Front in El Monte, California, and the National Socialist Party of
America in Chicago, which was led by such well-known American
Nazis as Frank Collin, Gary Lauck, and Harold Covington. Most,
however, more closely followed the pattern of James Burford’s
revamped American Nazi Party, also in Chicago, and functioned as
one-man units.
In 1982, the Internal Revenue Service foreclosed on the Arlington
headquarters of the National Socialist White People’s Party. Koehl
responded with a crash fund-raising drive and moved to a piece of
rural property in his native Wisconsin, which he pitched as a new
and more secure party headquarters. The 1980s would thus see con-
stant mass-mailed appeals for funds under this and a variety of other
guises as the NSWPP struggled to keep afloat. Koehl sold literature,
dreams, and promises, but it was his sale of “Victory Bonds” that
may have been the final nail in the National Socialist White People’s
Party’s coffin. Koehl sold these worthless bonds to the National
Socialist faithful against the promise that they could be redeemed at
a handsome profit after the party’s assumption of power. Former
National Secretary Ricky Cooper sued to recover the money he had
invested in the scheme, and though the suit was unsuccessful, it had
the effect of bringing the operation to the attention of the Securities
228 NATIONAL SOCIALIST WHITE PEOPLE’S PARTY

and Exchange Commission, which promptly put a stop to it. Koehl

responded by changing the name of the National Socialist White
People’s Party to the New Order and withdrawing deeper into his
semiretirement in Wisconsin. Thus, by 1984 the National Socialist
White People’s Party was dead.
Today, the New Order puts out the NS Bulletin, issues occa-
sional fund-raising appeals, and keeps Koehl’s 1960s-era writings
in circulation.
In 1995, Harold Covington laid claim to the name National
Socialist White People’s Party, and the group took wing as a virtual
National Socialist group. It exists today in Covington’s fertile imagi-
nation as well as in his private e-mail list. In 1998, Covington found
himself named in a copyright infringement suit filed by an entity
called the George Lincoln Rockwell Foundation, chaired by veteran
activist Steve Kendall. The action capped an intensely divisive battle
over Covington’s unauthorized attempt to revive the NSWPP under
his own leadership, and will probably mark the culmination of the
NSWPP’s evolution from the stuff of tragedy to its final appearance
in the guise of high farce.
See also: American Nazi Party; Burford, James; Collin, Frank; Cooper, Rick;
Covington, Harold; Koehl, Matthias; Lauck, Gary; Mason, James; National
Alliance; National Socialist Liberation Front; National Socialist Party of
America; Pierce, William; Rockwell, George Lincoln; Tommasi, Joseph;
Warner, James.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996); George Lincoln Rockwell, This Time the World!
(Arlington, VA: Parliament House, 1963); George Lincoln Rockwell, White
Power (n.p., 1967, 1977); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George
Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of
Illinsis Press, 1999).

National Youth Alliance See Carto, Willis; National Alliance;

Pierce, William.

Kerry Noble See Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord; Ellison,
James.
 O
ODINISM A reconstruction of the Viking-era Norse pantheon,
Odinism plays a vital role in the world of the radical right. Odinism
today is becoming increasingly distinct from Asatru. Devotees of
the same Norse/Germanic pantheon, Asatrters tend to eschew
overtly racist constructions of their tradition, concentrating
instead on the ritual and magical elements central to all Wiccan/
neopagan religions. ;
As with other neopagan belief systems, Odinists practice an
imaginative blend of ritual magic, ceremonial forms of fraternal fel-
lowship, and an ideological flexibility that allows for a remarkable
degree of syncretism with other White supremacist appeals—
National Socialism in particular. Ironically, Odinists tend to sub-
scribe to a number of beliefs that are explicitly Christian.
Anti-Semitism, for example, would have puzzled the pagan-era
Norse, as would the various conspiratorial fantasies that are ubiq-
uitous among the radical right.
Although Odinism’s precise origins are far from clear, its intellec-
tual roots lie in the world of such nineteenth- and early twentieth-
century German occultists as Guido von List, Georg Lomer, and
Rudolf von Sebottendorff, as well as in such occult groups as the
Edda Society. Of more direct organizational impact on the modern
Odinist movement, however, was the profound social and political
crises that engulfed Germany in the chaotic period of the Weimar
Republic. In this time of intermingled chaos and decadence, wander-
ing groups of displaced or simply disillusioned German youth
(known collectively as the German Youth Movement) began—
perhaps as a lark, perhaps with more serious intent—to make sacri-
fices to Wotan. Many of these young people would in the Nazi era
give up their wanderings for the excitement of helping to build the
Third Reich. Indeed, the old gods were hardly alien to the architects
of the Third Reich. A fascinating, if eccentric, literature has grown up
around the mystical endeavors of leading figures in the Nazi party, of
which the revival of Germanic paganism was but one manifestation.

229
230 ODINISM

As Hitler was rising to power in Germany, the occult implica-

tions of German National Socialism were gaining the attention of
mystics outside of Germany. One such, an eccentric Australian
named Alexander Rud Mills, was an unabashed Nazi sympathizer
and a believer in a form of racial mysticism that posited
pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon society as the Golden Age of the British
people. Mills in the 1930s began to turn his dreams toward the
reconstruction of that perfect time in this degenerate age. Mills’s
diagnosis held that the contemporary malady of civilization was the
result of the malign influence of the Jews, and, because Christian-
ity was built on the foundation of Judaic thought, it had to be sev-
ered from the soul of the descendants of the Anglo-Saxon race as
surely as one would excise a cancer.
Out of this process of reasoning came Mills’s first and most
influential book, The Odinist Religion: Overcoming Jewish Chris-
tianity. It was the first of a number of writings—mostly in tract
form—that Mills would churn out, but it is the most revealing of the
gradual process through which he attempted to disengage his
thought from the deeply ingrained paradigms of the dominant
Christian culture.
Mills would win few converts to his Anglecyn Church of Odin,
but his writings would be kept alive in the world of the right-wing
publishing houses. It was in this milieu that Mills would be discov-
ered by Else Christensen and her late husband Alex in the early
1960s during the course of reading such right-wing staples as
Yockey’s Imperium and Spengler’s Decline of the West. But it was
Mills who would inspire the widowed Else Christensen to form the
Odinist Fellowship. The publication in 1971 of the first issue of the
Fellowship’s journal The Odinist coincided with the discovery of the
Norse pantheon by other seekers, most notably Steve McNallen,
who would at virtually the same time found the Asatri Free
Assembly.
The heady combination of National Socialism, the occult, the
Viking mystique, and the quest for community proved irresistible
to others as well. Cf these, perhaps most revealing of the processes
by which these racialist adherents seek to exploit the Norse/Ger-
manic revival are the activities of George Dietz. A German immi-
grant and long-time figure in American neo-Nazi circles whose
primary income appears to be derived from the sale of anti-Semitic
and racist literature through his Liberty Bell Publications, Dietz
took note of the revival of Odinist groups around the United States.
Through one of his younger associates, Ron Hand, Dietz created the
 ODINISM 231

Odinist Study Group as a front operation for his own National

Socialist movement. Hand, operating under his own name in
Odinist affairs and the name Reinhold Dunkel in NS circles,
enjoyed complete autonomy as leader of the group.
By the late 1970s or early 1980s, Dietz had come to realize
that Germany was probably dead to a possible National Socialist
revival and imagined that the last hope for a Nazi resurgence
was the United States. Odinism, he reasoned, might be the engine
for a future National Socialist America. The extent of George
Dietz’s knowledge of the Odinist revival is in some doubt. He clearly
knew of Else Christensen, but whether he knew much more is ques-
tionable. The original plan appears to have been to gather a list
of local Odinist groups and to infiltrate them, turning them gradu-
ally toward National Socialism. This plan. could not be carried
out, as Dietz had decided to sell his mailing list, of which the
Odinist Study Group was a part, to other groups. This had the
ironic effect of bringing the Odinist Study Group to life. That life
consisted of a mail-order “kindred” (local group) in which the inclu-
sion of the Odinist Study Group’s address in certain right-wing
lists—especially those of Joseph Dilys in Chicago—and by word of
mouth, brought in a number of seekers from across the country,
many of them in prison. Losing interest in Odinism, Hand eventu-
ally began to direct letters to the Odinist Study Group to Mike
Murray of the Asatrt Alliance.
In the late 1980s, with the discovery that the leader of the
Order, Robert Mathews, was an Odinist, as was core Order member
David Lane, the question of violence is one that must be addressed
in relation to contemporary Odinism. Given that Odinism is a reli-
gion of battle, that Odin and Thor in their warrior aspects are seen
as the models for emulation, and that much of the literature of
youthful Odinists is given to the glorification of the berserker ideal,
it is remarkable how little actual violence is associated with Ameri-
can Odinists. Else Christensen, the founder of the first organized
racialist Odinist organization in the United States, saw her mission
as one of diffusing this potential violence, particularly among
her prison constituency. Violence emanating from the Odinist com-
munity has thus been largely rhetorical. The calls for violence—
invariably posited as either vengeance for the “machinations of the
predatory Jew” or as berserker rage—are ubiquitous in the Odinist
world. Threats emanating from racialist Odinists have on occasion
been directed at Asatrters as well. Few if any of these threats have
been carried out, however.
232 ODINISM
>

This relatively nonviolent state of affairs is somewhat surpris-

ing given the fact that a key recruiting ground for racialist Odinism
is the prisons of America. Throughout the 1980s, Odinist centers
have conducted—invariably at the request of the inmates them-
selves—an important outreach ministry in the prisons. There,
Odinism competes with Christian Identity for the allegiance of
White racialist prisoners. Skinheads too have increasingly turned
to Odinism, and Odinist lyrics and artistic motifs had by the 1990s
become prominent features of White Power music.
Within the Odinist community itself, the justification for the
resort to force in defense of the race has been encapsulated by
David Lane’s ubiquitous “14 words”: “We must secure the existence
of our people and a future for White children.” With this formula-
tion, the recourse to violence is both justified and encouraged. Yet
again with the sole exception of the Order, such violence has to date
been episodic—the province of Odinist skinheads indulging in
street violence with little or no planning and less justification. This
sort of random skinhead violence is the province of a minority of the
movement, however, and would seem far more the product of skin-
head than Odinist teachings. Most Odinist skinhead leaders call
instead for perseverance, noting the futility of impulsive street vio-
lence to effect real change and asserting as well that the govern-
ment would like nothing better than to warehouse racialist fighters
in the prisons of America.
The incarcerated Order activist David Lane, by contrast,
dreams of a revolution imbued with the violence needed to cleanse
the earth of the corruption he sees as inherent in modern multira-
cial society. Lane’s Odinist writings provide the most clearly articu-
lated Odinist theology of violence available. Moreover, based on his
Order pedigree, Lane’s writings are becoming ubiquitous through-
out the milieu of the radical right. This gives his pronouncements
an authority that extends far beyond the narrow confines of the
Odinist community.
Lane’s discourse employs the image of the White warrior and
the revolutionary as a “Wotan”—a god on earth. This imagery fits
well with the “leaderless resistance” concept of lone-wolf actions as
being directed against symbols of the status quo. And for those who
decide to take the lonely course of the Wotan, David Lane’s advice is
succinct:
Death to Traitors
In particular, if you are a white male who commits race treason,
the day is coming when you will be visited by Wotan. Your demise
will be unpleasant.
 THE ORDER 233

Judges, lawyers, bankers, real estate

agents, judeo-christian
preachers, federal agents, and other assorted treasonous swine take
note, Wotan is coming. Your wealth, your homes, your women, and
your lives are at risk when you commit treason. Pray that you die
quickly. One day Wotan will feed your repulsive carcasses to the vul-
tures and bury your bones under outhouses that our folk may forever
pay fitting tribute to your memory. That day is called “Ragnarok.”

See also: American Nazi Party; Beam, Louis; Christian Identity; Church of
the Creator; Klassen, Ben; Koehl, Matt; Lane, David; Mathews, Robert;
National Socialist White People’s Party; Order; Phineas Priesthood; Pierce,
William; Religion of Nature; Skinheads; Wotanism (Jungian); “Resources”
section, “88 Precepts.”

Further reading: Stephen E. Flowers, “Revival of Germanic Religion in Con-

temporary Anglo-American Culture,” Mankind Quarterly XXI:3 (spring
1981); Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New York:
Signet, 1990); Mattias Gardell, Rasrisk (Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs
& Swedish Science Press, 1998); Carl Jung, C. G. Jung, The Collected Works,
vol. 10, Bollingen Series XX (New York: Pantheon, 1964); Jeffrey Kaplan,
Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to
the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997);
David Lane, The Auto-Biography of David Lane (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word
Press, 1994); David Lane, The Mystery Religions & The Seven Seals (St.
Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, 1994); David Lane, Revolution by Number 14 (St.
Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, 1994); David Lane, White Genocide Manifesto
(St. Maries, ID: 14 Word Press, undated); Thomas Martinez with John
Gunther, Brotherhood of Murder (New York: Pocket Books, 1990); A. Rud
Mills, The Odinist Religion: Overcoming Jewish Christianity (Melbourne,
Australia: self-published, c. 1930).

THE ORDER The Order, or the Briider Schweigen [Silent Brother-

hood], was an armed underground of Aryan revolutionaries operat-
ing in the early 1980s. Frustrated with the White radical racialists’
lack of action, Order founder Robert J. Mathews (1953-1984) in
September 1983 gathered a small group of militant young men for a
solemn initiation ritual at his Metaline Falls, Washington, home-
stead. Swearing an oath upon the children in the wombs of their
wives, the group cast themselves as a Holy Order of Aryan warriors
determined to fulfill their “sacred duty to do whatever is necessary
to deliver our people from the Jew and bring total victory to the
Aryan race.”
234 THE ORDER

Involved in right-wing circles since his high school days in Phoe-

nix, National Alliance member and Odinist Bob Mathews propelled
a disparately composed group of Identity Christians, Odinists,
long-time activists, and inexperienced men along the path of
stepped-up action. The much-repeated claim that William Pierce’s
novel the Turner Diaries provided the blueprint for the Order must
be taken with some caution. Members differed widely in their per-
ception of what they were doing, ranging from modest hopes of con-
tributing financially to racialist organizations to optimistic
expectations of inspiring a chain reaction, thus fomenting an armed
Aryan revolution. By trial and error, making new plans as they
went along, members of the Order graduated into successful
armored-car robbers and counterfeiters.
In this manner, the Order assembled a multimillion-dollar war
chest that both enabled them to acquire arms, vehicles, and techni-
cal equipment and contributed to escalating the chain of events.
Rather than consolidate its gains, however, the Order rapidly
ventured into new areas of activity, involving more and more peo-
ple. Following the armored-car robberies and the June 1984 assas-
sination of Denver racist-baiting talk-radio host Alan Berg, the FBI
began closing in on the group. Engaging its Aryan Nations infor-
mants and recruiting collaborators from within the Order, the FBI
soon gained a fairly good picture of what was going on.
Assisted by trusted Order members whom they turned into FBI
informants, the agents eventually surrounded Mathews in his hide-
out on Whidbey Island on the Washington coast. Refusing to sur-
render, Mathews died as his house caught fire and he perished still
fighting as the flames consumed him. The date, December 8, 1984,
still is hailed as the Day of Martyrs in Aryan revolutionary circles.
Hunting down the remaining inner circle with the help of less
than silent members of the Brotherhood, the FBI had the whole
Order behind bars by spring 1986. Receiving a total of more than
900 years, Order activists Frank Silva, Randy Evans, Richard
Scutari, Richard Kemp, Gary Yarbrough, David Tate, Randy Duey,
David Lane, and Bruce Pierce are hailed as heroic Aryan “Prisoners
of War” in numerous poems and White Power music lyrics.
Achieving larger-than-life legendary status in racialist lore, the
Order has grown in significance over the years. “The killing of Alan
Berg was about as meaningless as assassinating the White House
gardener,” wrote George Hawthorne, vocalist in RaHoWa [Racial
Holy War] and editor of the White Power magazine Resistance. “But
in the wider context, it was of unfathomable significance. It marked
the radicalization of the right-wing.”
 ORDER OF NINE ANGLES 235

A growing segment of the American right wing has abandoned

as unrealistic the means of conventional politics in favor of a revo-
lutionary stand, at least theoretically, against the perceived powers
that be. Although some Order members voice disappointment that
their call to arms went practically unheard, isolated instances of
new groups formed on the model given have surfaced in Europe and
the United States. In 1997, for example, a group called the Aryan
Revolutionary Army (ARA) was convicted for 22 bank and
armored-car robberies in the Midwest. Ironically, not only did the
ARA model itself closely on the Order, but their saga ended in a
similar way as proud declarations of racial solidarity did not pre-
vent activists from becoming FBI informants.

Mattias Gardell, Stockholm University, Sweden

See also: Christian Identity; Hawthorne, George Eric; Lane, David;

Mathews, Robert J.; National Alliance; Odinism; Pierce, William.

Further reading: James A. Aho, The Politics of Righteousness: Idaho Chris-

tian Patriotism (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1990); Michael
Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity
Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Kevin
Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New York: Signet, 1990);
Mattias Gardell, Rasrisk (Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs & Swedish Sci-
ence Press, 1998); Richard Kelly Hoskins, Vigilantes of Christendom
(Lynchburg, VA: Virginia Publishing Co., 1990); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical
Religion in America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997);
Andrew Macdonald, The Turner Diaries (Arlington, VA: National Vanguard
Books, 1978); Thomas Martinez with John Gunther, Brotherhood of Murder
(New York: Pocket Books, 1990); Stephan Singlar, Talked to Death: The Life
and Murder of Alan Berg (New York: Beech Tree Books, 1987).

Order of the Black Ram See Madole, James; Manson, Charles.

ORDER OF NINEANGLES A British-based Satanist organization,

the Order of Nine Angles (ONA) is an important source of Satanic
ideology/theology for the welter of organizations that exist in what
might be called the occultist fringe of National Socialism—a broad
category including the Black Order and a number of other vehicles
created by New Zealander Kerry Bolten, the Swedish Black Order,
and other groups ad infinitum. This has put the Order of Nine
236 ORDER OF NINE ANGLES

Angles in opposition to the more-well-known Satanic mail-order

religions such as the Church of Satan and the Temple of Set.
In its internal history, the roots of the ONA are said to date back
“aeons,” predating the rise of Christianity. The so-called “sinister
tradition,” which is the basis of ONA theology, is said by Christos
Beest “to be a continuation of the solar cults of Albion (some 7,000
years ago) with its esoteric origins in the region now known as
Shropshire, on the Welsh borders.” In the Christian era, the “sinis-
ter tradition” was carried on by a number of small temples in the
Welsh marshes bearing such names as “Camlad,” “Temple of the
Sun,” and the “Noctuliams.” Each of these formations was led by a
Grand Master/Mistress. In the early 1960s, a Grand Mistress
decided to open the Tradition to a select group of outside adherents.
This is the immediate origin of the Order of Nine Angles. Anton
Long, the current Order of Nine Angles Grand Master, was initi-
ated at that time. In subsequent years, the massive corpus of ONA
material was written, most of it by Long, but some of the manu-
scripts were said to be written by the Mistress who initiated Long.
Today, the ONA’s most accessible public figure is Christos Beest.
The source of the ONA’s influence is not its size—it is admit-
tedly tiny—but its voluminous materials. Today, the ONA has
authored literally thousands of pages of philosophical speculation,
ritual instructions and guides, historical documents, letters, gothic
fiction, and much, much more. In addition, the ONA has adapted
every medium to its purposes. Thus, music (both written and
recorded), an esoteric three-dimensional board game called “Star
Game,” gothic fiction, and a beautifully hand-painted deck of tarot
cards known as the “Sinister Tarot” have been produced by the
organization. Although the ONA is a secret (and secretive) organi-
zation, many of these materials have been broadly disseminated
via the published word; through the Order of Nine Angles’ connec-
tion with other Satanist, occult, and National Socialist organiza-
tions; and most recently over the Internet. Together, they have
brought the organization considerable influence, if not adherents.
This small size is not surprising, given the rigorous require-
ments for membership. At the earliest levels, the Order of Nine
Angles requires its fledgling recruits to be in superior physical con-
dition, and a training regimen is suggested. The culmination of this
physical preparation is a night when the would-be adherent is
required to find a lonely spot and to lie without moving or sleeping
for an entire night. The next major step on the “sinister path”
requires a Shamanic journey in which the neophyte must withdraw
 ORDER OF NINE ANGLES 237,

from civilization for a period of weeks or months. This rigorous

selection process is reflective of the ONA’s conception of itself as a
vanguard organization composed of a tiny coterie of Nietzschean
elites. ‘
The most controversial aspects of the ONA are its insistence on
the primacy of the traditional Black Mass (albeit with pronounced
National Socialist elements), the use of crime as a “sacrament,” and
“culling” (that is, human sacrifice).
The ONA’s adherence to occult National Socialism is best illus-
trated by a passage from one of its rites, the “Mass of Heresy”:
Adolf Hitler was sent by our gods
To guide us to greatness.
We believe in the inequality of races
And in the right of the Aryan to live
According to the laws of the folk.
We acknowledge that the story of the Jewish “holocaust”
Is a lie to keep our race in chains
And express our desire to see the truth revealed.
We believe in justice for our oppressed comrades
And seek an end to the world-wide
Persecution of National-Socialists.

Crime represents a vast array of sinister behaviors that, in

Order of Nine Angles literature, seem to have different connota-
tions for male and female adherents. One male novice recalls choos-
ing burglary as his crime of choice. The victim was “allowed” to
select himself as someone particularly deserving of being robbed.
The difficulty of the crime, too, was an important consideration, as
the greater the difficulty, the more efficacious the act in terms of
Satanic and “magickal” development. The sinister “crimes” of a
female adept are posited in more frankly sexual terms.
With the success of a criminal act or acts, the final step is the
sacrifice of a human being. The victim must be allowed to
“self-select”—that is, he or she is tested by the adept and through
his or her own character failings is deemed to have demonstrated a
need to die. This element of self-selection explains the ONA’s insis-
tence that children are never to be involved in sacrifice. Whether
this death is accomplished through “magickal” or physical means,
the adept is said to gain considerable power from the body and the
spirit of the victim, thus entering a new level of sinister conscious-
ness. The primary Order of Nine Angles texts dealing with this
form of “culling” are “A Gift for the Prince—A Guide to Human
238 ORDER OF NINE ANGLES

Sacrifice”; “Culling—A Guide to Sacrifice II”; “Victims—A Sinister

Exposé”; and “Guidelines for the Testing of Opfers.”
The ONA’s journal, Fenrir, after a period of dormancy, began to
appear again in 1996.
See also: Myatt, David.

Further reading: Fenrir; Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Role of Oppositional Religious

Movements in the Creation of a New Ethnic Identity,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and
Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and Race: The Developing of a Euro-American
Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Elizabeth
Selwyn, “The Right Wing Left Hand Path,” Black Flame (winter XXIV A:S.
[Anno Satanis]).

Goran Assar Oredsson See Rockwell, George Lincoln; World

Union of National Socialists.
 P
John Patler See American Nazi Party; Koehl, Matthias; National
Socialist White People’s Party; Rockwell, George Lincoln; “The
White Party Report,” “Resources” section.

PETE PETERS Self-styled “cowboy preacher” Pete Peters presides

over the LaPorte (Colorado) Church of Christ (LCC) and its outreach
arm, Scriptures for America (SFA). Peters today is arguably one of
the preeminent figures in the Christian Identity world. His promi-
nence may be traced to a number of factors: his relative youth in an
Identity world otherwise noted for its geriatric leadership; his audac-
ity; his innovative use of technology to spread the SFA gospel; his
unabashed militancy; and his willingness, for better or worse, to con-
front the state at all levels when he believes himself to be in the right.
Pete Peters offers his own capsule biography:
Who Is Pastor Peters?
He comes from a ranch background in Western Nebraska, is a
husband and father. He is a graduate of the University of Nebraska,
School of Agriculture. He obtained his Bachelor of Science degree
from Colorado State University in Ag-Business and Economics and
has had a successful career with the United States Department of
Agriculture.
Pastor Peters received his Bible education at the Church of Christ
Bible Training School in Gering, Nebraska, where after three years of
study he received a Bachelor of Sacred Literature degree in Bible and
Bible related studies. He is a writer, columnist, radio speaker, televi-
sion teacher, editor of Scriptures for America newsletter and has a
sizable national audio tape ministry. He has authored several books
such as Whores Galore, Baal Worship, The Greatest Love Story Never
Told, and America the Conquered as well as several tracts such as
Death Penalty for Homosexuals is Prescribed in the Bible, Saving the
Environment New World Order Style and Strength of a Hero.

239
240 PETE PETERS

Pete Peters first came to public attention through his peripheral

association with the Order, when it was learned that, in 1984, sev-
eral Order members (including its charismatic leader, Robert
Mathews, and David Lane, who would emerge as a primary Odinist
figure with an international following) attended services in Peters’s
LaPorte, Colorado, church. When Denver radio “shock jock” Alan
Berg was murdered by members of the Order, the LaPorte Church
of Christ, which opened its doors in 1977, began to receive some
very unwelcome publicity. From that time forward, Peters has
steadfastly refused to speak to any member of the press.
Despite his shunning the mainstream media, Peters engaged in
a number of projects throughout the 1980s and 1990s that were
designed to keep his name in the front ranks of the competitive
Christian Identity world. He was among the first Identity figures to
realize the potential offered by the Internet for disseminating the
Identity creed as well as a forum for his own ideas. Even before Don
Black’s pioneering Stormfront web page, Peters set up an FTP (File
Transfer Protocol) archive under the Scriptures for America banner
to distribute copies of the Scriptures for America newsletter,
Peters’s essays on a wide variety of topics, and selected “classics”
such as the late Identity patriarch Sheldon Emry’s “Billions for
Bankers” tract. FTP is a comparatively primitive affair, allowing
for the downloading of large files, but lacking an on-line reading
function, leaving the visitor with only a vague idea of what he or she
is getting. But in spite of these technical limitations, the idea was a
good one, and complemented Scriptures for America’s more tradi-
tional use of written materials, cassette tapes, shortwave radio,
and eventually satellite television.
Peters’s intensive activism was bound to have repercussions,
and indeed the SFA ministry has had a rough road to follow. Per-
haps the most damaging controversy to engulf him resulted from
his outspoken call for the imposition of the death penalty for homo-
sexuality in his eponymous 1993 tract. Invoking such biblical
injunctions as:
“If a man also lie with mankind, as he lieth with a woman, both of
them have committed an abomination: they shall surely be put to
death; their blood shall be upon them.” Leviticus 20:13 KJV

“Thou shalt not lie with mankind, as with womankind: it is an

abomination.” Leviticus 18:22 KJV

“Or do you not know that the unrighteous shall not inherit the king-
dom of God? Do not be deceived; neither fornicators, nor idolaters,
nor adulterers, nor effeminate, nor homosexuals, nor thieves, nor
 PETE PETERS 241

the eovetous, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor swindle

rs, shall
inherit the kingdom of God” I Corinthians 69,10 NASV

than successful. An opportunityto assert this daim to influence

presented itself in 1992. This occasion followed the events that took
place in Ruby Ridge, Idaho, on August 21-22, 1992. There, ii an
event that would eerily resemble a small-scale version of the fed-
eral action at the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, an
16-month stakeout of the cabin of Identity adherent Randy Weaver
culminat in the deaths
ed of a federal marshal, Weaver's 14-year-old
son, and his wife—who was shot in the head while holding her
infant daughter in her arms. The battle electrified the world of
Christian Identity. By chance, this drama was played out during
the August 22-28 Scriptures for America Bible Cam that p
Peters
was conducti in Colorado.
ng
Following the camp, Peters attempted with limited success to
channel the outrage felt throughout the far-right wing into an orga-
nized movement that would seek to prevent such an event from
happening again. Thus, at 2 men-only meeting convened under
Paters's leadership in the mountain resort of Estes Park, Colorado,
on Octdber 23-25, 1992, a decision was taken to fight back against
what was seen as an attempt by the federal government to elimi-
nate right-wing opposition once and for all. The means of resistance
were seen 2s either legal political action or. if no other recourse
were possible, by fighting back rather than allowing the federal
government te eliminate the faithful one by one. This mecting has
242 PHINEAS PRIESTHOOD

been posited by some as a central factor in the sudden appearance

of the militia movement in America after the Waco tragedy.
So fractious is the world of Christian Identity that it almost goes
without saying that Pete Peters has had little success in his quest
to unite the small, far-flung kingdoms that are the Identity minis-
tries in North America. For this reason, Identity appears to have
played a minimal role in the formation of the militia movement.
Today, Pete Peters continues to head one of the most stridently
racialist and anti-Semitic Identity ministries in the country. The
Scriptures for America web page is among the most sophisticated in
the Identity world.
See also: Black, Don; Butler, Richard; Christian Identity; Internet
Recruiting; Lane, David; Mathews, Robert; Odinism; Order; Scriptures for
America; Waco; Weaver, Randy.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Ori-
gins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1994); Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brother-
hood (New York: Signet, 1990); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America:
Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syra-
cuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Pete Peters, Death Penalty for
Homosexuals (LaPorte, CO: Scriptures for America, 1993); Stephen Singlar,
Talked to Death (New York: Beech Tree, 1987).

PHINEAS PRIESTHOOD The Phineas Priesthood, a literary inven-

tion of Identity figure Richard Kelly Hoskins, consists of a timeless
order of avengers who are selflessly dedicated to tracking down the
worst of God’s enemies and slaying them without mercy. The
Phineas Priesthood proffers an attractive dream in that its members
can safely yearn for the appearance of a Phineas priest with all the
ardor that other true believers invest in the dream of being rescued
from this sea of troubles by UFOs.
Richard Kelly Hoskins offered the Phineas Priesthood to the
Christian Identity faithful as such a safe but deeply satisfying
dream. Following the arrest of the Order’s members and the specta-
cle of the Fort Smith, Arkansas, sedition trial in which the radi-
cal-right-wing elite were hailed before a court and forced to testify
against each other in an ultimately unsuccessful prosecution in
1989, Hoskins’s 1990 magnum opus, The Vigilantes of Christen-
dom, sought to provide the dispirited faithful with the age-old
dream of supernatural succor as personified by a timeless band of
 PHINEAS PRIESTHOOD 243

selfless avengers, the Phineas Priesthood (Num. 25:6-13; Ps.

106:29-31). Numbers 25:6-13, the key Bible text, reads:
Then an Israelite man brought to his family a Midianite woman
right before the eyes of Moses and the whole assembly of Israel
while they were weeping at the entrance to the Tent of Meeting.
When Phineas son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron, the priest, saw
this, he left the assembly, took a spear in his hand and followed the
Israelite into the tent. He drove the spear through both of them—
through the Israelite and into the woman’s body. Then the plague
against the Israelites was stopped; but those who died in the plague
numbered 24,000.
The LORD said to Moses, “Phineas son of Eleazar, the son of
Aaron, the priest, has turned my anger away from the Israelites; for
he was as zealous as I am for my honor among them, so that in my
zeal I did not put an end to them. Therefore tell him I am making my
covenant of peace with him. He and his descendants will have a cove-
nant of a lasting priesthood, because he was zealous for the honor of
his God and made atonement for the Israelites.”

The Phineas Priests in the pages of Vigilantes of Christendom

are presented as a Templar-like order of assassins whose sacred
role is to cull from the pure flock of Christ those wayward sheep
who, through race mixing or other transgressions, would do the
work of Satan and his earthly servants, the Jews. The Phineas
Priesthood came with a catchy motto:
As the Kamikaze is to the Japanese
As the Shiite is to Islam
As the Zionist is to the Jew
So the Phineas Priest is to Christendom

And who are the Phineas Priests? A long list of claimants to the
title are on offer. Robin Hood, St. George, Beowulf, King Arthur,
John Wilkes Booth, Jesse James, Gordon Kahl, Robert Mathews,
and Doug Sheets (accused of murdering homosexuals) are but a few
of the worthies in Hoskins’s elaborate fantasy.
The Phineas Priesthood was, in the context of the times, a fantasy
so alluring that it was only a matter of time before a few brave or
deranged individuals would take up for themselves the title and set
out in search of God’s enemies. Given the fanciful nature of the
Priesthood, such a quest must unambiguously qualify as an act of
leaderless resistance. And indeed, a few did style themselves
Phineas Priests, not only among the radical right, but in the most
radical fringes of the pro-life (antiabortion) rescue movement as well.
244 WILLIAM PIERCE

Today, the Phineas Priest concept is little used, having been

displaced by the Army of God, another state of mind terrorist orga-
nization that began life in the decidedly antiracist world of the pro-
life rescue movement.
See also: Christian Identity; Leaderless Resistance; Mathews, Robert;
Order.

Further reading: Louis R. Beam, “Leaderless Resistance,” The Seditionist 12

(February 1992); Richard Kelly Hoskins, Vigilantes of Christendom
(Lynchburg, VA: Virginia Publishing Co., 1990); Jeffrey Kaplan, “Leaderless
Resistance,” Journal of Terrorism and Political Violence 9:3 (fall 1997);
Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from
the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University
Press, 1997).

WILLIAM PIERCE In the contemporary world of National Social-

ism, William Pierce; his organization, the National Alliance; and its
would-be tax shelter cum religion, the Cosmotheist Church, stand
alone. Pierce is today arguably the most important, and best
known, figure in American National Socialism. His fictional works,
the Turner Diaries and Hunter, served as inspirations for some of
the most spectacular acts of violence to emerge from the radical
right wing in North America and in Europe. The National Alliance
is the center for a successful book distributorship, a shortwave
radio program named American Dissident Voices, a World Wide
Web site, and a thriving e-mail outreach. Most impressive of all,
perhaps, is the fact that Pierce, in stark contrast to most other vet-
eran National Socialists, has had scarcely any serious brushes with
the law. This despite the fact that for more than 30 years he has
been the “ghost in the machine” whenever serious acts of violence
are contemplated or undertaken by American National Socialists.
From the beginning of his long National Socialist career, William
Pierce was altogether a different kind of Nazi.
When William Pierce, a Ph.D. physicist, joined George Lincoln
Rockwell’s American Nazi Party in 1966, no one could have been
more surprised than the Commander himself. Since it was founded
in 1959, the American Nazi Party (ANP) had struggled in vain to
attract more than a bare handful of capable recruits. That a man
like Pierce would give up a comfortable life and a promising career
to join the foundering, impoverished, and deeply divided American
Nazi Party must have been a much needed boost to Rockwell. No
doubt about it, the party had uses for such a man.
 WILLIAM PIERCE 245

Where most of the American Nazi Party faithful were distin-

guished as street fighters, Pierce was clearly meant for other tasks.
The year Pierce joined the party a new publication, the National
Socialist World, was produced alongside the ongoing party vehicles,
the Stormtrooper and the Rockwell Report. But where Stormtrooper
and the Rockwell Report were intended as propaganda and news-
and-views organs, the National Socialist World was an intellectual
journal—replete with footnotes—that was intended as a forum for
extended theoretical pieces and for articles of historical importance
to the National Socialist movement.
The premier issue of the National Socialist World was published
in the spring of 1966. It was a remarkable document on a number of
levels. It allowed Rockwell to proudly introduce Pierce to the
National Socialist movement in the United States and abroad and,
in a separate (footnoted) article, to ruminate on the vagaries of
“Ph.D. right wingers”—a subject to which, it is safe to assume, he
had given little thought before making the acquaintance of William
Pierce, Ph.D. Moreover, it allowed Pierce to address the same audi-
ence in his own voice in the prefaced “Editorial.” William Pierce,
however, modestly declined to sign his own name to the “Editorial,”
styling himself instead simply “The Editor.” This becoming modesty,
or excessive caution as the case may be, would be a constant through-
out Pierce’s long National Socialist career. Even his key contribu-
tions, the fictional Turner Diaries and Hunter, would be published
under a pseudonym, Andrew Macdonald. Here, then, is Rockwell’s
brief introduction of William Pierce:
Dr. William L. Pierce, the editor of the National Socialist World, is
a newcomer to the National Socialist movement. A physicist by pro-
fession, Dr. Pierce spent three years on the faculty of Oregon State
University after completing his doctoral work at the University of
Colorado. Prior to that, he studied at Rice University and the Cali-
fornia Institute of Technology. His only previous literary experience
consists in the publication of research results in several physics
journals, so the publication of National Socialist World represents
an entirely new undertaking for him, in which we pledge him our
full and wholehearted support.

—George Lincoln Rockwell

The remainder of that first issue of National Socialist World

offered a key reprint, an abridged version of Savitri Devi’s
long-unavailable Golden Age fantasy and ode to Adolf Hitler “The
Lightning and the Sun,” as well as lighter fare such as British
246 WILLIAM PIERCE

National Socialist Colin Jordan’s comparatively brief “National

Socialism: A Philosophical Appraisal.” There are even book reviews
of a text about William Joyce (!) and a ten-page, heavily footnoted,
critical review of Alan Bullock’s Hitler: AStudy in Tyranny. In sum,
the National Socialist World was a unique effort. There has been
nothing like it since in the world of American National Socialism.
Reproductions of that first issue are still sold today by right-wing
booksellers.
Pierce quickly became a close confidant of Rockwell, though the
association would of necessity be short lived. The American Nazi
Party became the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP)
in late 1966, and Rockwell was assassinated on August 25, 1967.
Pierce’s homage to Rockwell came fittingly enough in the fifth issue
(winter 1967) of the National Socialist World. His “George Lincoln
Rockwell: A National Socialist Life” is still widely available in the
National Socialist subculture. Of greater import, Pierce’s account of
the Commander’s deeply religious experience surrounding the “reli-
gion” of National Socialism and the person of Adolf Hitler would
later serve as a central motif in the Turner Diaries, whose main
character, Earl Turner, undergoes precisely the kind of life-changing
experience after reading “the organization’s holy book” that
Rockwell experienced upon reading Mein Kampf.
There would be little time in the wake of the Commander’s
death to mourn his passing. Matt Koehl assumed the leadership of
the National Socialist White People’s Party, with Pierce and Robert
Lloyd as his key aides. Koehl, however, is not a man who will long
tolerate rivals (or, truth be told, even equals), and within two years,
both Pierce and Lloyd were gone—victims of the unending purges
that would mark the entire history of the National Socialist White
People’s Party under Koehl.
Beyond the personality quirks of the new National Socialist
White People’s Party leader, however, there was in the increasingly
conservative NSWPP little room for Pierce to delve into two related
areas of interest: college recruitment and revolutionary violence. Of
the former, the working-class composition of the American Nazi
Party and its successor, the National Socialist White People’s Party,
in some ways resembled Hitler’s original brown-shirted SA cadres in
that it was largely composed of street toughs, ne’er-do-wells, and
more than a few homosexuals who were ideal cannon fodder in the
battle for the streets. The exigencies of power, however, required a
better educated and more sophisticated following. Pierce may well
have been looking toward this day, in view of his zeal to recruit
 WILLIAM PIERCE 247

college students to the cause. Moreover, the New Left activity on

American campuses in the late 1960s and early 1970s appeared to
offer an ideal climate for the creation of a counterforce of young
National Socialists. Whatever the actual possibilities of realizing the
vision may have been, such an endeavor would seem to have held lit-
tle allure for Koehl and company.
Partly to achieve this vision of a campus-based cadre of highly
educated and articulate National Socialists, and partly to explore (at
a safe distance) the possibilities of revolutionary violence, Pierce cul-
tivated within the National Socialist White People’s Party a personal
following of young firebrands who dreamed of taking up the gun
against the hated American government. He brought young men
into the Arlington headquarters, such as the 16-year-old James
Mason from small-town Ohio. In Mason’s case, Pierce paid his
expenses until he reached the age of 18 and could legally join the
party. He surely knew Joseph Franklin, whose campaign of lone-wolf
revolutionary violence cost the lives of as many as 20 people, includ-
ing several interracial couples in Utah. Franklin has admitted shoot-
ing and wounding civil rights leader Vernon Jordan and Hustler
magazine publisher Larry Flynt (shot for publishing pictures of
interracial sex in his magazine). Whatever the relationship between
Pierce and Franklin in their National Socialist White People’s Party
days, Pierce’s book Hunter is dedicated to him, while the protagonist,
Oscar Yeagar, is closely modeled on Franklin’s story.
Of greatest import, however, was the link between Pierce and a
young West Coast adherent, Joseph Tommasi. Tommasi, a loyal
member of the National Socialist White People’s Party until he was
unceremoniously purged from the party by Matt Koehl in 1973, came
to Pierce’s attention through his outspoken militancy and his
demand for revolution now, regardless of how unpromising the stra-
tegic situation. Tommasi’s speech to this effect at the Second Party
Congress in 1970 confirmed Pierce’s high estimation of him, and
from this alliance the National Socialist Liberation Front (NSLF)
was born as an explicitly revolutionary organization. The NSLF did
not go far, however. Tommasi himself was gunned down by a young
National Socialist White People’s Party adherent in 1975 in El
Monte, California. The only combatant members of the group, Karl
Hand and David Rust, were soon jailed for acts of racial violence,
leaving the corpse of the organization in the hands of James Mason.
But what most interests us here is another of William Pierce’s pat-
terns: the use of younger and more reckless adherents to actuate
hopeless campaigns of revolutionary violence while he himself
248 WILLIAM PIERCE

remains at a safe remove. The success of the Turner Diaries would

perfect Pierce’s skills as a cheerleader from the sidelines.
William Pierce’s first post-NSWPP vehicle, the National Youth
Alliance, opened up shop in 1969 under Willis Carto’s tutelage. Carto
is the publisher of the flagship newspaper of the American far right,
Spotlight, aveteran purveyor of racist literature, and the founder of
the Holocaust denial organization, the Institute of Holocaust
Research. Many in the American racist right have been associated
with the irascible Carto, though virtually none of these associations
long survive his smothering embrace. However, it was under the
imprimatur of the National Youth Alliance that Pierce published
Attack!, the first issue of which appeared in the fall of 1969. Attack!
featured graphic pictures of atrocities and dead bodies, interspersed
with as many female nudes as possible—in racially significant con-
texts, of course: to this day, a constant feature of Pierce’s work.
Attack! began the drift to more overt expressions of National Social-
ism in 1975 with a prepublication serialization of the Turner Diaries.
The National Youth Alliance (NYA) never amounted to much, but
unlike so many later far-right-wing “organizations,” it did have more
of a presence than a name on a postal box and a line of literature. The
NYA elected officers and had several congresses— funded, of course,
by Willis Carto. In reality, however, the National Youth Alliance
foundered, because many potential adherents for the kind of broad
coalition of young right wingers that the NYA envisioned could as
easily opt for more socially acceptable groups, such as the Young
Americans for Freedom (YAF). The YAF at least found the atten-
tions of its patron, William F’.. Buckley, far less stifling than those of
the meddlesome Carto.
Pierce’s split with Willis Carto took place in 1970 or 1971. From
the ashes of the National Youth Alliance rose the National Alliance,
Pierce’s current vehicle, which opened its doors in 1974 in
Arlington, Virginia. Pierce’s primary journal, Attack/, mutated into
the National Vanguard in April 1978. Two decades later the
National Vanguard remains the flagship organ of the National Alli-
ance, though it is supplemented by a number of other publications,
including the National Alliance Bulletin.
Cosmotheism, Pierce’s religious vehicle, appeared on the scene
in the late 1970s. The Cosmotheist Church owes much of its “theol-
ogy” to Ben Klassen’s Church of the Creator (COTC). Like the
COTC, it offers a heady mixture of Golden Age fantasy, dreams of a
utopian future, and frank worship of the White race as both bearers
of a superior culture and heirs to the promise of a magnificent
 WILLIAM PIERCE 249

destiny. Cosmotheism, however, is the product of a far more sophis-

ticated mind than Klassen’s, and thus the Church of the Creator’s
crude race-baiting and bizarre health faddism are absent from the
Cosmotheist belief system. ;
At first, the Internal Revenue Service granted Pierce’s church a
tax exemption as a matter of course. Following sharp protests, nota-
bly from the Anti-Defamation League, this status was revoked in
1978—a point of considerable bitterness from Pierce’s perspective.
Undaunted, Pierce moved his operation from Arlington to rural West
Virginia in 1985, forming a Cosmostheist community composed of
himself and his immediate National Alliance followers. Indeed, what
differentiates the Cosmotheist belief system from the secular
National Alliance is not entirely clear, and this may well be a major
impediment to realizing one of the chief dogmas of the Church:
tax-exempt status. :
Throughout the 1970s and into the 1980s, Pierce remained on
good terms with the Church of the Creator’s founder, Ben Klassen.
This was no mean feat, for, like Willis Carto, Klassen had a remark-
able talent for alienating friend and foe alike. Pierce’s reward was
the opportunity to buy Klassen’s North Carolina property at the
bargain price of $100,000. This, however, has brought Pierce only
more trouble. After Pierce sold the property at a $100,000 profit,
Morris Dees and the Southern Poverty Law Center filed a civil suit
against him for the murder of a black man in North Carolina by a
racist who had read the Turner Diaries. On May 20, 1996, a jury in
Bryson City, North Carolina, found for the plaintiff. The case
remains on appeal, and, win or lose, the legal fees alone will ulti-
mately cost Pierce considerably more than his $100,000 windfall.
Despite these setbacks, William Pierce today lives something of
the life of a country gentleman, presiding over his West Virginia
estate, profiting from his book-selling operation, and disseminating
his views via a shortwave radio program called American Dissident
Voices and the Internet. He is poised to see the Turner Diaries pass
into mainstream bookstores following the surge of notoriety the
text and its author received following the Oklahoma City bombing.
Convicted bomber Timothy McVeigh, it seems, was a serious fan-
cier of the Turner Diaries, which he sold (or gave gratis) to one and
all. This sudden burst of publicity brought Pierce and his new Hun-
garian bride considerable publicity in 1997 with a segment on the
popular television news program 60 Minutes and a feature on CNN.
The latter was followed by the equivalent of a virtual autograph
session, with Dr. Pierce answering viewers’ questions through the
CNN Internet site.
250 WILLIAM PIERCE

By 1999, Pierce had acquired Resistance Records, the premier

White Power record label in the United States, which had been in
limbo since the defection of George Burdi, its founder and the
frontman of the label’s best band, Rahowa. As a first step in reestab-
lishing the enterprise, Pierce cut the prices of Resistance CDs, and
he followed this by reintroducing the long-dormant, glossy Resis-
tance magazine.
Life for William Pierce at the turn of the millennium is very,
very good—an outcome he could hardly have foreseen more than
three decades ago when, as a younger and more idealistic physics
professor, he forsook all to follow George Lincoln Rockwell’s
National Socialist dream.
See also: American Nazi Party; Carto, Willis; Church of the Creator; Devi,
Savitri; Franklin, Joseph; Hitler, Adolf; Jordan, Colin; Klassen, Ben; Koehl,
Matt; Mason, James; National Alliance; National! Socialist Liberation Front;
National Socialist White People’s Party; Rockwell, George Lincoln;
Tommasi, Joseph.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996); Charles Higham, American Swastika (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1985); National Alliance, The Best of Attack!: Revolutionary
Voice of the National Alliance (Hillsboro, WV: National Vanguard Books,
1984, 1992); William Pierce, Lincoln Rockwell: A National Socialist Life
(Arlington, VA: NS Publications, 1969); George Lincoln Rockwell, This Time
the World! (Arlington, VA: Parliament House, 1963); George Lincoln
Rockwell, White Power (n.p., 1967, 1977); Frederick J. Simonelli, “The World
Union of National Socialists and Post-War Transatlantic Nazi Revival,” in
Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and Race: The Developing
Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press,
1998); Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell
and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of Illinois Press,
1999); Brad Whitsel, “Aryan Visions for the Future in the West Virginia
Mountains,” Terrorism and Political Violence 7:4 (winter 1995).

Populist Party See Carto, Willis.

Posse Comitatus See Committee of the States; Gale, William

Potter.
 R
REICHSFOLK A vehicle for the dissemination of the teachings of
David Myatt (a British National Socialist who cooperated closely
with the Satanist organization the Order of the Nine Angles), the
Reichsfolk shares elements common to all of Myatt’s organizational
endeavors. Reichsfolk thus combines elements of National Social-
ism, a near-deification of Adolf Hitler, the occult, and a pronounced
form of escapism that Myatt calls the “galactic empire,” that is, the
dream of escape from the earth to some cosmic paradise of racial
purity and mutual cooperation.
The fundamental aims of Reichsfolk, according to its literature,
are: “(1) to create a new type of individual—a new Aryan elite; (2) to
prepare the way for the creation of a new Golden Age by champion-
ing the enlightened and higher religion of National-Socialism, and
(3) to fight the Holy War that is necessary to destroy the present
profane, tyrannical anti-Aryan System and the sub-human values
of the old order on which this System is based.”
This new elite, according to the Reichsfolk, will be called The
Legion of Adolf Hitler, a National Socialist elite who:
...will create the next National-Socialist Reich, the Golden Age
itself.... It is this new elite which will stand fast against the rising
tide of sub-humans and the rising tide of decadence which is engulf-
ing our societies, as it is the loyal and honourable National-Socialists
of this elite who will uphold and champion the noble Aryan ideals of
honour, loyalty and duty in a world where these values are little
understood and seldom practiced. It is this elite which will represent
all that is best about the Aryan, as the members of this elite will not
only be pure Aryans in race, they will also be pure Aryans in
spirit—understanding as they will their glorious Aryan heritage and
their glorious Aryan culture. It is this Legion of Adolf Hitler who will
think and act and if necessary die like noble Aryans in a world
increasingly anti-Aryan and increasingly controlled by the dark,
sub-human, uncivilized forces of Zionism.

251
252 REICHSFOLK
~

Myatt’s Reichsfolk materials are considerable, but the key docu-

ments are “Reichsfolk—Toward a New Elite,” on which much of this
entry is based; “Arts of Civilization,” which details the Aryan Code of
Honour; and “The Galactic Empire and the Triumph of National
Socialism.” Reichsfolk sees itself as a vehicle through which its
adherents can train and guide this new elite.
In the words of David Myatt:
Reichsfolk is thus not just another religious or even National-
Socialist organization—it is the future of the Aryan race and thus of
civilization itself, just as Adolf Hitler is our future. Reichsfolk is
fighting in the name of Adolf Hitler himself and for the holiest cause
of all—that of the Cosmic Being itself, manifest to us in Nature, the
evolution of Nature that is race and the evolution of race that is
individual excellence, civilization and enlightenment. Reichsfolk is
thus striving to bring the divine light of the Cosmic Being back into
an increasingly dark, uncivilized and sub-human world.

In 1999, Reichsfolk activities were suspended when Myatt went

underground in the wake of the defection of the Indiana-based head
of the organization’s American activities to the world of fundamen-
talist Christianity, plus the appearance of an exposé in the British
watchdog publication Searchlight that dubbed Myatt “the most dan-
gerous Nazi in Britain.” During this period of introspection, Myatt—
an inveterate religious seeker— discovered Islam and renounced his
life-long racist views. Reichsfolk thus appears to be, at least for the
moment, defunct.
Reichsfolk had few members, but through David Myatt’s volu-
minous writings, his contacts throughout the occult and National
Socialist worlds, and the power of the Internet, it will continue to be
influential.
See also: Hitler, Adolf; Myatt, David; Order of the Nine Angles; Religion of
Nature.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, “Religiosity and the Radical Right: Toward
the Creation of a New Ethnic identity,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo,
eds., Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); David Myatt, “Arts of Civili-
zation,” “The Galactic Empire and the Triumph of National Socialism,” and
“Reichsfolk—Toward a New Elite” (available as e-text).
 RELIGION OF NATURE 253

RELIGION OF NATURE The “laws of nature” are proclaimed by

several of the modern racial religions. Nature is believed to consist
of a number of laws, the strongest and foremost of them being the
law of survival. Nature’s only objective is the “survival of the fit-
test.” The strong will always defeat the weak, and nature is the best
example of this; there exists no mercy or compassion in the natural
world. Nature is only interested in the collective, the race, and its
expansion and survival. This worldview or “Religion of Nature” has
a long history in racist thought, and one historian even claims it to
be the ideology responsible for the Holocaust.
The roots of the Religion of Nature may be found in nineteenth-
century German romanticism. In several aspects, German romanti-
cism was a reaction against the French Enlightenment, which
claimed the superiority of reason over emotion, intuition, and tradi-
tion. Romanticism asserted that some truths could be found outside
the province of reason. One of these truths was the unique status of
natural and cultural identity.
Romanticism lacked the religious belief in a God, replacing it
with a pantheistic worship of nature. Romanticism also believed in a
unity and interconnectedness between all existence, from the inani-
mate to mankind and up to God. Another idea that was about to be
very influential was the belief in culture as an organism in which
religion, art, and science were bound to political and social structure,
thereby together expressing the spirit or Geist of the society. The
German philosopher Johann Herder claimed that the organic
growth of the folk spirit and folk character was the result of time and
history, not of present intellect. Another German philosopher,
Johann Fichte, stated that there was something in the German char-
acter that enabled its development to the highest form. This roman-
tic Naturphilosophie (philosophy of nature) presented evolution and
development in a way that would influence others later in the cen-
tury. This form of cultural romanticism came to be closely tied to
German nation building of the early nineteenth century.
The second half of the nineteenth century was an age that saw
rapid development of the biological sciences. Thus, the concept of
forming a moral system on a biological basis became very popular.
In Great Britain, this concept became, through Herbert Spencer, an
extension of laissez-faire politics. In Germany, by contrast, it took
the shape of nature worship and racial mysticism.
In 1859 Darwin published his Origin of Species. Darwin’s ideas
had an enormous impact on the contemporary sciences. One who was
very impressed by Darwin’s writing was the German zoologist Ernst
254 RELIGION OF NATURE

Haeckel. For him, evolution became a cosmic power, a manifestation

of nature’s creative energy. Haeckel saw evolution as the unifying
principle that would explain the cosmos as an all-embracing whole.
It would also explain, and bridge, the split between matter/spirit and
man/nature, which he believed was created by the anthropocentric
(human centered) Judeo-Christian tradition.
In the 1890s Haeckel started to conceptualize an approach
called monism, and in 1904 he formed a group called the German
Monist League. Monism is the name of a-group of views that stress
the oneness and unity of reality. One of the foremost representa-
tives for the monist view is Spinoza, of whom Haeckel was a great
admirer. Haeckel called his approach monism, in contrast to previ-
ous doctrines and ideas that he contemptuously called dualism.
Haeckel believed in a world soul, which he conceptualized as a
project in which all forms of life, from the inorganic to the organic,
are evolving in an upward direction. All matter was considered to
be alive and in possession of mental attributes that are normally
only prescribed to the higher animals. By “lifting” the lower forms
of life, he also “degraded” humanity. Pointing at evolution, he
wanted to show how illusory the conception of mankind’s unique
status in nature was. For Haeckel, evolution and man’s animal her-
itage proved how close man was to nature and to our animal fore-
bears. As man was part of nature, Haeckel tirelessly pointed out
that human beings also were subject to the laws of nature.
The struggle for survival was the foremost drive of human
nature, just as for the rest of the animal kingdom. Nature did not
have any conscience or “moral order.” Nature’s only interest was
“the survival of the fittest.” This struggle implied a race with spe-
cialization that diverged from other races, even those races that
closely resembled each other. The greater the struggle, the higher
the grade of perfection. It was, according to Haeckel, of the utmost
importance that we adjust to these laws and apply them to society
in general. There was no possibility for humans to escape their ani-
mal heritage into a world free from conflicts or aggression. Struggle
is inherent in the nature of human beings. This pessimism and cyn-
icism separated Haeckel and the monists from earlier “naturalists.”
Even though Haeckel considered all of humanity to be close to
nature, there was a great difference between a Goethe and “the
wildest of savages.” It was because of the fact of this difference that
he regarded as a great fallacy all talk about humanity as being one
great family. Instead, each race was considered as possessing a dif-
ferent nature, with different characteristics. Not only was one’s
 RELIGION OF NATURE 255

skin color different, but so were a race’s intelligence, morality, and

the ability to create a higher culture.
Haeckel divided humanity into different species and races, of
which the “woolly haired” were generally on a lower level of devel-
opment. Haeckel regarded hair type as a most reliable indicator of
race. The differences were biological, and thus it was impossible to
reduce the differences by education. He believed that the inferior
races would have to “...completely succumb in the struggle for exis-
tence to the superiority of the Mediterranean races.”
Haeckel looked at the cultures of the “woolly-haired” and could
find nothing of value. The woolly-haired people were considered
unable to aspire to higher development. It was to the White race, and
especially the Germanic race, that one had to turn to find human
perfection. It was the White race that had created civilization and
history. Those accomplishments were in the blood of the Aryan peo-
ple. That way, Haeckel linked man’s appearance to inner qualities.
Race determined the ability to think, create, and live in accor-
dance to the laws of nature, not the personality. The personality is
dependent on race. Race-mixing was, of course, regarded as a terri-
ble crime against both nature and the German race. Haeckel
repeatedly warned against it. Advocating a conscious form of racial
politics, he lamented actions aimed at the preservation of sick and
unhealthy children, and blamed needless wars for taking the lives
of the strong and healthy male combatants, while the sick, weak,
and cowardly remained home to breed.
Johann Haeckel’s attacks on traditional religion had many fac-
ets. He reacted against the unscientific view that had a considerable
influence on society as a whole, and he tried to prove that theological
beliefs were incompatible with scientific data. By preaching “love thy
enemy” and “turning the other cheek,” Christianity had led the peo-
ple away from the laws of nature. Haeckel pitted revelation against
reason and claimed Monism to represent the latter. One of his most
controversial attacks on Christianity was the rejection of immortal-
ity. Convinced that all fallacies stemmed from traditional religion
and that truth could be found in the scientific view of monism, he
declared that it was time to establish a new religion of nature, a
“monistic religion.”
This mystical and religious approach to science caused a breach
with his scientific colleagues. Nevertheless, Haeckel’s writings
were widely distributed and had a great influence. Monism spread
to the radical non-Christian, pagan, and proto-Nazi groups that
also shared the desire of a new Germanic faith for the German
256 RELIGION OF NATURE

people. Such important occultists as Guido von List and Jorg Lanz
von Liebenfelds were influenced by the concept of biological strug-
gle and the need to purify the race to avoid the deterioration of the
German race (Lanz also contributed to a semiofficial Monist jour-
nal). Monism led to the revival of many symbols and practices of the
ancient German pagan religion. A common practice within the
Monist League, for example, was sun-worship.
By the twentieth century, Social Darwinism had become influ-
ential all over Europe. Imperialistic endeavors drew support from
social Darwinism and from more frankly racist ideas. Haeckel died
in 1914, but his monist philosophy was clearly a part of the ideologi-
cal milieu that fed National Socialist ideology. Several substantial
links can also be drawn between the principles of the German
Monist League and those of National Socialism.
The historian Robert A. Pois believes that National Socialist
ideology, at its core, should be understood as a “Religion of Nature.”
He also regards this religion as the ideology that led to the
Holocaust.
To the Nazis, nature’s inner principle was eternal struggle. The
will to fight was identical with the will to live. Those who didn’t
fight would perish, and this was all in accordance with the laws of
nature and thus something positive. By submitting to nature’s
inexorable laws, mankind was liberated from history’s variability,
and the limit between life and death was erased. The Nazis
regarded it as their mission to restore and maintain the “natural
order.” This way, time would be revoked, a “new man” would be cre-
ated, and the millenarian kingdom could be built.
This religion also sanctioned totalitarianism. All criticism was
interpreted as attempts to reverse nature, since the German state
was rooted in, and therefore acting in accordance with, the laws of
nature. When an S.S. commander gave an order, it had to be right,
since he was rooted in nature. Thus, only decisions that were in
harmony with nature’s laws were made—decisions that strove for
the good of the Aryan race. The extermination of the “impure” and
“unnatural” was considered necessary and was looked upon as an
unsentimental duty.
The Nazi “Religion of Nature” philosophy shares several features
with Ernst Haeckel’s monistic “Religion of Nature,” but still there
are differences. Adherents of National Socialism, for example, com-
pletely rejected the conception that man descended from the apes or
other animals. The world was, according to them, a struggle between
the major races, of which the most fit would win. Anti-Semitism also
 RELIGION OF NATURE 257

got a more prominent place in National Socialism. Haeckel was an

anti-Semite, but mostly because of the cosmopolitanism of the Jews
and their inability to adapt to German culture and nationalism.
National Socialism, on the other hand, “uplifted” the Jews to the
position of the greatest enemy of the Aryan race. According to the
Nazis, the Jews were well aware that race had to come first, and they
had long since adapted their religion so as to ensure the survival of
their race. The Jews were also using the colored people to weaken
and finally destroy the Aryan race. This made the war an inevitabil-
ity. To survive as a race surrounded by hostile races, of which one
was a real threat, war was a necessity for survival and for an exten-
sion of Lebensraum (living space).
Hitler didn’t intend to create a “Religion of Nature” when he
wrote Mein Kampf, but the seeds are there. He speaks about the
“aristocratic” and “undemocratic” laws of nature: “The earth contin-
ues to go round whether it’s the man who kills the tiger or the tiger
who kills the man. The stronger asserts his will, it’s the law of
nature. The world doesn’t change; its laws are eternal.”
To Robert Pois, National Socialism is a revolt against the Judeo-
Christian tradition and the lines it has drawn between man and
nature, life and death. National Socialism managed, as had the
monists, to bridge these two dualisms.
The “Religion of Nature,” or the theories on natural law, exist asa
part of, or as a complement to, several modern racial religions, such
as Odinism and Nazi-occultism, but the most apparent heir is the
Church of the Creator [COTC]. This church was founded in 1973 by
Ben Klassen, whose first book was called Nature’s Eternal Religion
(1978). Still, there are differences between the Church of the Creator
and the previous nature religions. To begin with, the Church of the
Creator regards the White race as holy and uniquely endowed by
nature to be the world’s ruling elite. This still does not mean that
members of the White race are destined to be the rulers of the
world—the struggle is ongoing and its outcome is not assured. The
Church of the Creator also criticizes National Socialism for being
national. The COTC members are National Socialists and interna-
tionalists who believe that the struggle concerns White people all
over the world. This vision of a worldwide pan-Aryan community is
something that goes through most modern “Naturalists.” The
Church of the Creator also put an emphasis on race, declaring that:
“Our race is our religion.” It also takes anti-Semitism a step further,
claiming that all evil stems from the Jews. All other evils are mani-
festations, not causes, of the White race’s miseries.
258 _ THOM ROBB

David Lane, an Odinist and former member of “the Order,” has

written much on the natural/life law. This writing has, now and
then, been so close to the teachings of the Church of the Creator
that he has had to publicly deny all connections.
The ideas of “the eternal struggle,” evolutionary strife, a global
pan-Aryan psyche, the inevitable race war, the natural law, and the
criticism against the dualist, liberal, and Christian ideas (which, it
is argued, have led the people astray)—these ideas are also common
among the Nazi-occult Swedish Black Order as well as in William
Pierce’s Cosmotheism.
When regarding, as Pois does, National Socialism and the “Reli-
gion of Nature” as a revolt against Christianity, Richard Butler’s
Church of Jesus Christ Christian is an interesting case in point.
Butler claims that National Socialism is true Christianity. This way
he has managed the impossible: combining Christianity with
National Socialism. In his own version of Christian Identity he says
that “Christianity for the Aryan is Race and Race is Christianity.”
Even though he speaks of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit,
that is not where you will find redemption: “The only hope for the
redemption of the Aryan racial household is the total return to the
fundamental life law.”

—Edvard Lind, Stockholm University, Sweden

See also: Butler, Richard; Christian Identity; Church of the Creator; Church
of Jesus Christ Christian; Hitler, Adolf; Klassen, Ben; Lane, David;
Odinism; Order; Pierce, William.

Further reading: Daniel Gasman, The Scientific Roots of National Socialism

(New York: American Elsevier Inc., 1971); Mike Hawkins, Social Darwin-
ism in American and European Thought 1860-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1997); Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1971); Ben Klassen, Nature’s Eternal Religion (Otto, NC: Church of
the Creator, 1973); Robert A. Pois, National Socialism and the Religion of
Nature (London: Croom Helm, 1986).

THOM ROBB Few Klansmen are to be found in this encyclopedia,

for good reason: few Klansmen in 1999 have anything either very
interesting or very new to say about the state of the racialist move-
ment. It is this state of affairs that makes the exceptions to the rule
so exceptional. Louis Beam is one such, notable for his “ecumenical”
calls for revolutionary violence. The late Robert Miles was another,
 THOM ROBB 259

notable for his unfailing humor and, again, for his big-tent
approach, which sought to bring together a wide range of belief sys-
tems in the milieu of the American radical right wing. And Thom
Robb is a third figure worthy of some consideration. Robb’s contri-
bution to the movement is the idea that a kinder, gentler Ku Klux
Klan might borrow a page from Martin Luther King, Jr.’s book and
repackage racism as a “civil rights movement for the oppressed
white majority.”
Robb is a native of Michigan who moved to Harrison, Arkansas,
in search of a more secure environment to raise his family as far
from large, Black population centers as possible. Harrison seemed
perfect, and it was there that Robb set up his branch of the Knights
of the Ku Klux Klan and his separate Christian Identity organiza-
tion, the Kingdom Identity Ministries. Both endeavors were
remarkably successful, given the minuscule numbers of adherents
that the Klan and Identity Christianity can hope to attract. Soon
Robb became a national figure on the radical-right-wing scene, tak-
ing the title “National Chaplain” of the Knights and traveling
intensely throughout the country.
Almost from the beginning, Robb took care to keep his religious
activities and his Klan activities as distinct as possible. In this, he
was following long-standing precedent. As early as the 1920s, Ruben
Sawyer was wearing two hats, functioning as a Klan leader on the
one hand and as a minister of the British Israel faith on the other.
(British Israelism was the forerunner of modern Identity Christian-
ity.) Thus, from the 1970s to date, Robb’s far-flung publication inter-
ests included the White Patriot for the Klan, the Message of Old
Monthly (which later became The Torch for his Identity church), and
Robb’s Editorial Report for himself.
In all of these endeavors, however, several consistent patterns
can be discerned. First, Thom Robb has the talent to say one thing
in public and quite another in print without appearing disingenu-
ous in either forum. Robb’s message of love for the White race and
professions of respect for all other races (so long as they do nothing
to harm the White race), which he offers to the press and to the
wider American public, are sharply at variance with his writings,
which contain a profusion of racist and anti-Semitic expressions.
Second, Robb is genuinely interested in reaching beyond the nar-
row world of Identity Christianity and the even narrower world of
the Ku Klux Klan so as to build alliances with racialists of every
stripe and hue. Thus, in 1984 following widespread press reports of
Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan’s anti-Semitic statements,
260 THOM ROBB

Robb published an open letter to Minister Farrakhan in the August

issue of White Patriot. It was one of the more public efforts to con-
tact and build an alliance relationship with the Nation of Islam to
come out of the racialist movement, though it would be Tom
Metzger of the White Aryan Resistance who would carry the effort
furthest. The letter, so redolent with the separatist aspirations of
the racialist movement in the 1980s, is reprinted in full in the
“Resources” section.
This kind of ecumenical outreach brought Robb a national follow-
ing of younger, better-educated Klansmen. It also brought him a
good deal of opposition from the bitterly factionalized world of the
modern Ku Klux Klan. Thus, Dennis Mahon dismisses Robb as the
“Grand Lizard,” while other movement brickbats are both less color-
ful and less printable. Aside from Robb’s high media profile—never a
thing meant to endear in the intensely jealous world of the American
radical right—it is Robb’s approach to the Klan that is the reason for
the intensity of anti-Robb sentiment in Klan circles.
A typical Klan rally under Robb’s direction calls for the Klan to
stage a legal, well-publicized rally, after (and only after) obtaining
the required local permits and meeting with the local police to dis-
cuss plans for the rally. As the event takes place, the reason for this
elaborate legality quickly becomes clear. The small contingent of
Klansmen, plus those sympathetic to their message of love for the
White race and conciliation with all of God’s creatures, turns out to
march amidst a phalanx of police and a comparative army of
anti-Klan demonstrators. Invariably, the anti-Klan groups become
violent and a melee quickly ensues. As the police and demonstra-
tors do battle, the Klansmen are expected to smile beatifically and
opine to the press about the fallen state of the nation and of the
left’s sad lack of civility and respect for free speech. It is a spectacle
ready-made for television, where Robb hopes the similarity
between these pictures and those of the Rev. King’s civil rights
demonstrators—besieged by the repressive forces of the state and
forced to endure the taunts and acts of violence of the local
citizenry—will become apparent to White viewers who will then
flock to the Klan’s banner.
While this awakening of racial consciousness among White
Americans has yet to eventuate, the spectacle of robed Klansmen
being forced to flee from a leftist mob under police protection drives
more traditional Klansmen than Robb to impotent fury. Thus
Robb’s status as the media’s favorite Klan leader has not brought
the universal approbation of the beleaguered Klan faithful!
 GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL 261

Undaunted, Robb continues to hold his rallies, publish his

papers, distribute audio and video tapes under both his Klan and
Identity imprimaturs, and invent newer and more outrageous
gambits with which to entice the rubes of the national press. Of the
latter, it is surely his reported plans for a Klan version of a
Disneylandesque amusement park that got him a full page in Time
magazine that must win the award for the most creative piece of
media hucksterism to emerge from the White racialist movement in
recent years.

See also: Beam, Louis; Christian Identity; Dilling, Elizabeth; Ku Klux Klan;
Metzger, Tom; Miles, Robert; Religion of Nature; White Aryan Resistance;
Zionist Occupation Government.

Further reading: Mattias Gardell, In the Name of Elijah Mohammad: Louis

Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam (Durham, NC:*Duke University Press,
1996); Mattias Gardell, Rasrisk (Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs & Swed-
ish Science Press, 1998); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syra-
cuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997).

GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL Before he was felled by an assas-

sin’s bullet on August 25, 1967, “the Commander” was the one
preeminent figure produced by American National Socialism in
the postwar era. American National Socialism, always a tiny and
fractious subculture, would never recover the loss of the one man
whose charisma alone held the movement together with some sem-
blance of unity.
Rockwell was a most unlikely candidate for conversion to
National Socialism. His father, George “Doc” Rockwell, was a famous
vaudeville comedian who successfully made the transition to radio.
Given the considerable advantages of financial security and a home
environment in which the rich and famous—including such
well-known Jewish entertainers as George Burns and Jack Benny—
were frequent house guests, the radicalism of Rockwell’s later years
is all the more puzzling. This violent racialism and anti-Semitism
was, however, nowhere in evidence in his formative years.
George Lincoln Rockwell graduated from Brown University, after
which he joined the navy as a pilot. He was a carrier-based recon-
naissance and transport pilot in World War II, though he never flew
in combat. Honorably discharged from service, Rockwell was
recalled to active duty in 1950 during the Korean War. He was then
stationed in San Diego. This tour took him to Iceland as well, where
262 GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL

he met and married Thora, his second wife. Both of Rockwell’s mar-
riages ended in divorce.
It was during the Korean War years that he began to develop the
racial consciousness that would lead him to National Socialism.
Rockwell recalled this awakening in almost mystical terms. In a
scene that the Commander would confide to a bare handful of his
most trusted confidants, Rockwell describes his own fortuitous dis-
covery of the “savior,” Adolf Hitler, and the religious significance of
the National Socialist dream. This should come as little surprise.
For Rockwell, National Socialism would become his religion in
every sense of the term, and he reverenced the figure of Adolf Hitler
as a racial martyr. In his autobiography, This Time the World!, and
even more openly in the writings of two generations of movement
hagiographers, Rockwell describes his own conversion to National
Socialism in explicitly religious terms.
First, there was the motif of the spiritual quest. While he was
based in San Diego in the early 1950s, he spent many hours in the
public library in a frantic search for the truth underlying the dross
of everyday events. Then there was the discovery of Mein Kampf on
a back shelf in a musty bookshop. This was a truly life-changing
experience, and early follower William Pierce’s description of
Rockwell’s fascination with the book eerily presages the scene in his
influential apocalyptic novel The Turner Diaries in which the pro-
tagonist, Earl Turner, is allowed to read the Organization’s Holy
Book, which, like Rockwell’s reading of Mein Kampf, suddenly
parted the veil of illusion that masked the numinous realities of the
world. In Pierce’s accounts, recorded in his Lincoln Rockwell: A
National Socialist Life, neither Rockwell nor the fictional Turner
would ever again see the world in the same way following this
deeply mystical experience. Moreover, Rockwell confessed to hav-
ing had a series of extraordinarily vivid and nearly identical pro-
phetic dreams in which he was called aside from crowded,
commonplace situations to a private room where standing before
him was his newfound god, Adolf Hitler. It was not long before
Rockwell was moved to build a literal alter to his deity, hanging a
Nazi flag that covered an entire wall of his home, under which he
placed a table containing a bust of Hitler, three candles, and candle
holders, and in Pierce’s account he:
...closed the blinds and lit the candles, and stood before my new
altar. For the first time since I had lost my Christian religion, I
experienced the soul thrilling upsurge of emotion which is denied to
our modern, sterile, atheist “intellectuals” but which literally
 GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL 263

moved the earth for countless centuries: “religious experience.” I

stood there in the flickering candlelight, not a sound in the house,
not a soul aware of what I was doing—or caring...

William Pierce then attempts to describe this mystical

experience:
It was a religious experience that was more than religious. As he
stood there he felt an indescribably torrent of emotions surging
through his being, reaching higher and higher in a crescendo with a
peak of unbearable intensity. He felt the awe inspiring awareness for
a few moments, or a few minutes, of being more than himself, of
being in communion with that which is beyond description and
beyond comprehension. Something with the cool vast feeling of eter-
nity and of infinity—of long ages spanning the birth and death of
suns, and of immense, starry vistas—filled his soul to the bursting
point. One may call that Something by different names—the Great
Spirit perhaps, or Destiny, or the Soul of the universe, or God—but
once it has brushed the soul of a man, that man can never again be
wholly what he was before. It changes him spiritually the same way
a mighty earthquake or a cataclysmic eruption, the subsidence of a
continent or the bursting forth of a new mountain range, changes for-
ever the face of the earth.
Rockwell now had a direction, but he needed guidance and
support to develop this vision. He found this through the patron-
age of a wealthy anti-Semitic publisher in Virginia named Harold
Noel Arrowsmith. The partnership was not long lasting, but
Arrowsmith’s support allowed Rockwell to find his early voice in
the production of incendiary racialist and anti-Semitic prose.
With the break from Arrowsmith in 1959, Rockwell was left with
the skeleton of their jointly founded National Committee to Free
America from Jewish Domination. He quickly converted this into the
American Nazi Party (ANP), and the first unambiguously American
National Socialist organization was born. The American Nazi Party
was never large. Estimates of ANP membership (as opposed to
names on the mailing list) range from 100 to 150 at its height. How-
ever, the American Nazi Party was influential far beyond its meager
following. The ANP would attract, among those that Rockwell's auto-
biography would accurately describe as “90 percent of cowards,
dopes, nuts, one-track minds, blabbermouths, boobs, incurable
tight-wads and—worst of all—hobbyists...,” such stalwarts of the
later National Socialist scene as William Pierce and Matt Koehl,
Identity figure Ralph Forbes, and Identity-cum-Odinist James
Warner, to name but a few.
264 GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL

Koehl was drawn, along with several of this first postwar gener-
ation of American National Socialists, from James Hartung
Madole’s National Socialist-oriented National Renaissance Party,
then based in New York. An important group of National Socialists
affiliated with Rockwell emerged in California as well, though this
group was never successfully integrated with Rockwell’s immediate
entourage.
The American Nazi Party founded its headquarters and bar-
racks for Rockwell’s Stormtroopers in Arlington, Virginia, in a resi-
dence that was alternately dubbed “Hate House” or “Hate Monger
Hill.” The group’s activities involved high-profile street confronta-
tions centered on Rockwell’s speeches and publicity stunts designed
to garner media attention, such as the 1961 picketing of the film
Exodus, which earned Rockwell a short jail sentence.
By the early 1960s, Rockwell and his American Nazi Party had
succeeded in their quest for publicity. The appearance of the swas-
tika and a spokesman willing to say or do almost anything to
attract attention brought the ANP and its leader an avalanche of
publicity, far in excess of what its tiny following would appear to
have warranted. The FBI penetrated the group early, reporting
that the American Nazi Party aimed to take power in the 1972 elec-
tions, following which there would be “gas chambers, hangings,
depriving citizens of their homes and heritage.”
This rhetoric obviously attracted the attention of the organized
Jewish community. The early Jewish response to Rockwell came in
the form of street confrontations, both verbal and physical. The
Jewish War Veterans of America were the primary source of this
response. It soon became apparent, however, that this street the-
ater was precisely what the publicity-craving Rockwell wanted, as
it drew the press to witness and report on the events.
A more measured approach was thus called for. This came
under the leadership of the American Jewish Committee’s (AJC)
Rabbi Solomon Andhil Fineberg. Rabbi Fineberg adapted the
“Quarantine” policy, which had proved successful in depriving such
Depression-era demagogues as Gerald L. K. Smith of a public forum
from which to voice their anti-Semitism. Renaming his policy
“Dynamic Silence,” Rabbi Fineberg undertook a two-pronged strat-
egy to deal with Rockwell. On the one hand, local AJC officials
would lobby the media to refrain from covering a visit by Rockwell.
On the other, Jewish organizations such as the Jewish War Vet-
erans were urged to stay home rather than to confront the Nazis.
This robbed the event of whatever newsworthiness it might have
 GEORGE LINCOLN ROCKWELL 265

had. “Dynamic Silence” proved so successful that Rockwell, in his

famous 1966 interview in Playboy magazine, lamented:
So you see, the Jew blackout on us is as real as a hand over my
mouth. They know we’re too poor to buy air time or advertising
space, so they ban our publications from all channels of distribu-
tion, and they refuse to report our activities in the daily press. I
could run naked across the White House lawn and they wouldn’t
report it. ’m being facetious. But I’m dead serious when I say that
the only kind of free speech left in this country is that speech that
doesn’t criticize the Jews.

Rockwell and his group soon faded from the headlines.

Frustrated at home by the media blackout, and ever more dis-
tracted by the need to mediate the never-ending squabbles of his
fractious Stormtroopers, Rockwell increasingly turned his atten-
tion to “foreign policy.” Rockwell for years had been in correspon-
dence with a variety of European National Socialist figures. The
most important of these contacts were the British Nazi Colin
Jordan, the German Bruno Ludtke, and the French mystic Savitri
Devi. Together, they would form the core of the World Union of
National Socialists (WUNS). In 1962, a meeting was held in
England in which a global assembly of National Socialists met to
draft the Cotswold Agreements and to lay the groundwork for the
World Union of National Socialists.
Rockwell would subsequently emerge as the undisputed leader
of the movement. Even European National Socialists, such as
Sweden’s Goran Assar Oredsson, who could not accede to a move-
ment led by an American—a natural reaction, given the American
role in defeating Nazi Germany—would nonetheless prove unchar-
acteristically laudatory in their descriptions of George Lincoln
Rockwell. The World Union of National Socialists would enjoy no
more success on the world stage than the American Nazi Party did in
America, but this transatlantic correspondence would nevertheless
occupy much of Rockwell’s time and attention in his later years.
The assassination of the Commander at the hands of a disgrun-
tled National Socialist named John Patler brought to an end the
hopes of a unified American National Socialist movement. By the
time of his death, in 1967, Rockwell had renamed the American
Nazi Party, calling it the National Socialist White People’s Party
(NSWPP) in conscious imitation of the black civil rights group
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP).
266 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN
~~

Under Rockwell’s successor, Matt Koehl, the NSWPP frag-

mented and eventually dissolved. WUNS would carry on through
the early 1990s, but without Rockwell, this organization too was a
shadow of its former self.
See also: American Nazi Party; Devi, Savitri; Hitler, Adolf; Jordan, Colin;
Koehl, Matt;-Ludtke, Bruno; Madole, James Hartung; Pierce, William;
Smith, Gerald L. K.; Warner, James; World Union of National Socialists.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996); William L. Pierce, Lincoln Rockwell: A National Social-
ist Life (Arlington, VA: NS Publications, 1969); Phillip Reese, Biographical
Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890 (New York: Simon & Schuster,
1990); George Lincoln Rockwell, This Time the World! (Arlington, VA: Par-
liament House, 1963); George Lincoln Rockwell, White Power (n.p., 1967,
1977); Frederick J. Simonelli, “The World Union of National Socialists and
Post-War Transatlantic Nazi Revival,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo,
eds., Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Frederick J. Simonelli,
American Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party
(Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1999).

David Rust See Mason, James; National Socialist Liberation

Front; Pierce, William; Tommasi, Joseph.

TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN’ For more than a decade, Tommy

Rydén has been the key figure in linking the Swedish racialist move-
ment with its American counterpart. Beginning with a youthful flir-
tation with the Ku Klux Klan, Rydén has maintained contacts with
most of the major figures—and a good number of the bit players as
well—in the American racialist scene. In the process, Rydén has
sampled Christian Identity, has founded the Swedish branch of the
Church of the Creator from whose teachings he legally adopted
RAHOWA (Racial Holy War) as a middle name, and has been a lead-
ing proponent of National Socialism. In many ways, Tommy Rydén’s
life may be paradigmatic of the emerging transatlantic race move-
ment, and for this reason, it seems valuable to consider his life in
some detail in this entry.
Tommy Rydén was born in Linképing, Sweden, in January
1966. He has a younger brother and sister. His father was a
 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN 267

salesman, a profession that Rydén has recently taken up as well.

His family background was, by Swedish standards, strongly reli-
gious and quite oppositional. In a nation with a state-church tradi-
tion, the Rydén family were revivalist Baptists. Today he lives with
his wife, Maud, and five children in the small town of Mullsjé in the
Jénk6ping district of Sweden.
From his earliest memories, Rydén was a true seeker. He was
fascinated by ideas, particularly religious ones, and he was an
inveterate letter writer. He wanted to know about everything, and
would send letters of inquiry far and wide to obtain information. At
the age of 15, an incident occurred that would have a considerable
impact on Tommy Rydén’s life. Such events are not uncommon in
the recollections of race activists, and serve a variety of functions.
Most important, they serve in a sense as bridge-burning events.
The activist, faced with the consequences of his or her actions, is
forced to make a decision: either continue along the racialist path,
or abandon the belief system and return to the safety and comfort of
the status quo. This decision, of course, had always been implicit,
but the young activist will often be shocked at the negative sanc-
tions that result from acting upon what he or she had perceived to
be widely held racist attitudes. The backlash is therefore often
interpreted as evidence of the hypocrisy of the dominant culture. In
this regard, the young racialist is little different from other seekers
who find their way to a wide variety of oppositional belief systems
in a quest for hidden truths underlying the seemingly chaotic rush
of everyday events. The search is for absolutes, and any deviation
or compromise will be contemptuously rejected. So it was with
Tommy Rydén’s bridge-burning event.
In 1981, Rydén and two of his friends attacked the home of a
local Gypsy family with stones. They were acting out the hostility of
the neighborhood to the arrival of the family—a hostility that was
expressed in private conversations but never within earshot of
the Gypsies. Rather than approbation, however, the community
reacted with shock, and Rydén and his friends were soon caught. In
the end, the Gypsy family moved out of the neighborhood (to the
quiet satisfaction of their neighbors), Rydén’s friends apologized for
their actions, and an unrepentant Tommy Rydén was left with his
first taste of local notoriety.
Determined to further explore racialist ideas, Rydén was in a
quandary. There was little organized activity in the Swedish far
right of the day. Thus it was of some interest when a local newspa-
per article detailed in highly negative terms the activities of the
268 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN

American Klansman Bill Wilkinson. Wilkinson’s Klan group, the

Invisible Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, came into being in
reaction to David Duke’s mediagenic approach to the Klan.
Wilkinson’s Klan was positioned as a traditionalist, action-oriented
group, and until the 1980s it was moderately successful. Indeed, in
Wilkinson’s grandiose telling, the Invisible Empire was the only
viable Klan organization in the country. Yet in the same time
period, it was revealed that Imperial Wizard Wilkinson was an FBI
informant, and had been for many years. Such disappointments
become the common lot of those who persevere in the racialist
milieu for any length of time. Be this as it may, the very fact that
the Klan in the United States could publish a newspaper and dis-
tribute cassette tapes—a package of which was duly dispatched to
Rydén, in reply to a letter he sent to something approximating the
Invisible Empire’s address—gave the appearance of the move-
ment’s viability, from the distant vantage point of Scandinavia.
This early American connection may also have acted as a sort of
solace for the isolation that Rydén suddenly experienced in his
home town. Shunned by the community, the Americans appeared
to offer a welcoming hand and a vital sense of community in a world
infinitely more exciting than that of small-town Sweden. Unlike the
Swedes, the Americans appeared to be active and effective, confer-
ring by association a sense of power on the young Tommy Rydén.
Rydén’s contacts with the United States in this period were wide
ranging. On the one hand, he sought to contact as many radical-
right-wing groups as possible. On the other, his interest in funda-
mentalist Protestantism brought him into contact with such
luminaries as the Rev. Jerry Falwell of the Moral Majority and
radio commentator Cal Thomas. In all cases, Rydén showed great
ingenuity in unearthing even the most obscure addresses. And
none were more obscure than the American National Socialists,
who began to occupy more of his curiosity. Here, fate intervened in
the form of the ever-helpful United States Information Agency,
which, according to Rydén, responded to his request for information
by providing him with a list of contact addresses for American rac-
ist and National Socialist groups.
The first Swedish movement that Tommy Rydén would become
involved with was Keep Sweden Swedish (Bavara Sverige Svenskt,
or BSS). BSS was a small anti-immigrant organization that was the
beginning of the parliamentary parties formed in the late 1970s to
oppose non-White immigration. The BSS was in essence an interest
group formed to push for a national referendum on immigration. It
 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN 269

never coalesced into a political party and was never very large, with
an estimated 300 members by 1984. Nonetheless, passing through
BSS ranks were a number of adherents destined for careers in both
the parliamentary and the extraparliamentary far right. The BSS,
however, offered little that would hold Tommy Rydén’s interest for
long. Rather, ironically enough, he had by then begun to think of
emigrating himself. His vision was of a White redoubt where the
dream of community could be realized in a more concrete fashion
than could be achieved through the mails. In the 1980s, South Africa
became the destination of choice for a number of young White
racialists from Europe and the United States. Tommy Rydén arrived
in South Africa in May 1988.
Rydén was to spend some four months in South Africa. There, he
would have a number of experiences that in retrospect would be life
changing, but none had as dramatic a symbolic impact as his obser-
vation of a beautiful White woman whom Rydén describes as the
“Aryan ideal” on one side of the street, while on the other side was
walking a “typical African Black woman” weighed down with pack-
ages. At once, Rydén knew with absolute certainty that the races
were different and ordained to be forever separate, forever unequal.
For Tommy Rydén, the South African trip was as much of a reli-
gious pilgrimage as it was a political statement. Ever the searcher,
at the time he departed for South Africa Rydén was immersed in
two contradictory religious traditions: conservative Christianity
and Christian Identity. Further, he had already begun to make the
contacts that would lead him in yet another direction—toward the
American-based Church of the Creator. When he left Sweden,
Rydén was already in contact with several American Christian
Identity churches, and this would play a large role in his activities
in South Africa. In the light of what he saw and experienced in
South Africa, Rydén’s attachment to Christianity was first eroded
and then abandoned entirely.
Tommy Rydén today is somewhat loath to accept that he was
once a Christian Identity believer. This may be attributed in large
part to the strongly negative view that the Church of the Creator
takes of Christian Identity. As his South African days drew to a
close, Rydén felt alienated from the Identity creed’s Jewish roots,
and yet more convinced than ever that the answer to what he
believed to be the disastrous situation facing the White race is a
racial religion. The obvious place to turn after a visit home to Swe-
den was to the United States and to the small but growing Church
of the Creator (COTC) under the leadership of the self-styled
“Pontifex Maximus,” Ben Klassen.
270 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN

The COTC seemed to Tommy Rydén to be, at long last, the

answer. Here was a racial religion that, unlike Identity, did not seek
to contest with the Jews for the prophetic mantle of Old Testament
roots. Rather, the COTC heartily agreed with the “Judeo-Christian”
mainstream that Christianity was indeed built on the foundation of
Judaism. That being the case, Klassen derisively dismissed Chris-
tians as dupes in an age-old Jewish plot to subvert the White man’s
glory, yet he reserved even greater contempt for the Identity
Christian community that would seek to wrest from the Jews the
poisoned fruits of this religious legacy.
Before going to South Africa, Rydén had briefly corresponded
with Klassen, but on his return this correspondence became more
serious. Ben Klassen replied personally to this new round of
questions:
Dear Mr. Ryden:
This will acknowledge receipt of your interesting letter of July
31. Evidently you have had a number of revealing and educational
experiences since we last corresponded five years ago, and I detect
that you have increased your learning considerably as far as our
program of survival, expansion and advancement of the White
Race. I am glad that among these is the realization about what a
farce is the spooks in the sky swindle.
Regarding some of your questions starting with No. 1, if you will
explain to me what a “spirit” is, Imight be able to answer your ques-
tion about “spiritualism”. As far as following the program in Salu-
brious Living, it is not mandatory to do so to become a member of
our church. It is a helpful guide to better health, and the individual
can take the advice and benefit from it.
Do we ever have members in South Africa! One of the most
flourishing church groups in our movement is under the leadership
of Rev. Jan S. Smith...
We would be happy to hear from you again soon and have you as
a member. In the meantime, RAHOWA!

For a Whiter and Brighter World,

Creatively Yours,

B. Klassen, P. M.

Thus began Tommy Rydén’s association with the Church of the

Creator. The COTC would prove to be his longest-lasting organiza-
tional commitment; he did not officially resign from the COTC until
1995. The Swedish COTC period was eventful, exciting, but ulti-
mately unsuccessful. The Church (Kreativistens Kyrka), despite
 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN 271

the efforts of both Tommy Rydén and his wife, was never able to
attract more than a handful of adherents.
The Kreativistens Kyrka period, however, meant a great deal to
Tommy Rydén. Of greatest import, Tommy met his wife, Maud,
during this period, and they joined the COTC together. It was in
connection with the COTC that Rydén was arrested for distributing
the COTC paper Racial Loyalty and was sentenced to four months
in prison in 1991. And it was through his association with the
COTC that Rydén would come into his most intensive contact with
an American group. The results, in retrospect, were often less than
edifying. While Rydén’s respect for Ben Klassen remains very much
intact, he nonetheless is candid in describing the man’s shortcom-
ings. Rydén is even more critical of the revolving “successors” to
Klassen and the too-often lazy, incompetent, or simply criminal
parade of “Hasta Primus” (“Spear Head”—the COTC term for the
director of day-to-day affairs) title holders.
The situation would go from bad to worse in the American
COTC in the waning years of Klassen’s life. For some time, the
Swedish COTC (or Kreativistens Kyrka) tried to soldier on, despite
the increasingly chaotic situation in the American mother church.
This meant, in effect, opting for a kind of quasi-independence and
several name changes, including the Ben Klassen Institute. As the
situation worsened in the American mother church, Rydén at last
despaired of the COTC and tendered his resignation.
In the wake of the demise of the Swedish COTC, Tommy Rydén
has moved on to a variety of interests. In 1996-1997, he adapted
some of the old Asatri Free Assembly rituals created by Steve
McNallen in the United States to perform an Asatru “baptism’; in an
abortive move, he attempted to form a Cosmotheist church
(Cosmotistkyrkan) modeled on that of the American National Social-
ist figure William Pierce, translated Jost’s Arya Kriya materials into
Swedish for dissemination in Scandinavia, put aside his distaste
for skinheads and their “revolution by compact disc” to become
associated with the music magazine Nordland, and became part of
a new political party that has had some localized success, the
Hembygdspartiet (Native Place Party).
But at the same time, Rydén is a husband and father, and these
responsibilities became acute in 1997. It would be an understate-
ment to say that the Rydéns are no materialists, and they live on a
modest amount of money. Yet even under Sweden’s once-generous
social welfare system, five small children and a wife who must
remain in the home to care for them represents a considerable
G94 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN

responsibility. For many years, Rydén was able to eke out an exis-
tence as a full-time activist, thanks to the Swedish social support,
supplemented by occasional contributions from family members
and other activists. When these sources proved insufficient for a
growing family, Tommy Rydén began to search for a job in earnest.
This is no easy task for such a figure. His notoriety is such that
there is a constant risk of antiracist activists finding his employer
and seeking to get him fired—if, that is, an employer could be found
willing to give him a chance to work. This isolation represents a pri-
mary impediment to those seeking to leave the movement—the
bridges have been burned, making reintegration into society prob-
lematic at best. Rydén faced this frustration, but refused to give up
and, in 1997, he found a job as a salesman. This opportunity to sup-
port his family like any other husband and father represented yet
another life-changing event for Tommy Rydén. Rydén’s pride in
this achievement is evident, and there is no better note on which to
conclude this entry. In a fax dated April 13, 1997, Rydén states:
Let me first give you the good news that I now got employment as a
salesman at a company! I found the job through my own hard work.
Began to hunt for a job like never before, and booked job interviews
(not bad at all, since most people do not even get that far!), but this
job as a salesman was the one that I really wanted, and perhaps
they could see that in my eyes!
For years I have put the cause before my own wellbeing and our
family’s economy, but with this employment I have now decided to
withdraw from the nationalist scene...no articles, no party leader,
etc. No, I have not changed my views. But I must concentrate 100
percent on my family and see to it that my children get a decent
future. No one else will do it for us.
The projects I have been involved in will be taken over by other
activists, or will disappear entirely.
The big problem in Sweden is that the citizens have been so pas-
sivated by the state’s Marxism—so they still sit there and expect
“big brother” (the politicians) to save them. They do not support us
who try to do something, no matter how you try to market it
And to this the sad fact that that Iam the only one in this whole
nationalist movement here who has the guts to stand for my views
with name and picture (even on the Internet), while so many others
hide behind made-up names and protected identities.
So I will not waste the upcoming years on these lazy Swedes. It
is more productive to invest time and money in family and
 TOMMY RAHOWA RYDEN ars

friends—the only things of value in the Ragnarok that awaits us

around the corner.
As a poor man, I cannot fight the forces that we are up against,
nor can I help others. So I am leaving the battle scene for a moment—
everyone who has studied Sun-Tzu’s writing on the art of war will
understand me (the others will continue to listen to their compact
disks and understand nothing).

Yet Tommy Rydén remains committed to his racialist and

anti-Semitic weltenschaung. Virtually every long-time activist has
dreamed of what it would be like to live a “normal” life, with wife
and children and the respect of the community. In this, Tommy
Rydén is no different. He too has toyed with such thoughts. But
weighed against such dreams are the years of contacts with distant
activists, the notoriety that accrues to even the infamous in the
form of television talk shows and newspaper articles, and the atten-
tions of academics from around the world. But perhaps of greatest
import, there is the fact that after having lived so long as an out-
sider, as an object of curiosity and, indeed, of fear, it is no easy task,
given the best of intentions, to be allowed to act the part of the nor-
mal husband and father. As Rydén writes:
Yesterday I was at an information meeting for parents in the school
our oldest child will attend in August. The school is nearby and the
female teacher seems to be OK as a human being. There will be 14
in the class. 3 of them non-Whites, one is racemixed (Chinese/
White, the mother is adopted from somewhere) and the two others
from the Middle East with parents who can hardly speak Swedish
at all. Their children will receive home language training (the only
thing they never cut down on in our lovely country). We had pre-
ferred an all-Swedish class, but I guess the situation could have
been worse. I could see that the Asiatic woman recognized me (tell
me who does not!) and looked very uneasy. I would not be surprised
at all if she demands that her kid is moved to another class! I am
dangerous you know! Anyway, we teach our children to be proud in
a positive way. To focus on positive things (11 against 3) and to
become problem solvers. At the same time I realize, like Maud, that
sooner or later we will have to stand up and fight for our children.
Funny, at the parents meeting I was the only one who asked most of
the questions—and will continue to do so.

See also: Christian Identity; Church of the Creator; Duke, David;

Hembygdspartiet; Jost; Keep Sweden Swedish; Klassen, Ben; Kreativistens
Kyrka; Ku Klux Klan; Odinism; Pierce, William; White Power Music.
274 TO@MMY RAHOWA RYDEN

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996); Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence
of a Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press,
1998); Heléne Lééw, “Racist Violence and Criminal Behaviour in Sweden:
Myths and Reality,” Terrorism and Political Violence 7:1 (spring 1995);
Heléne Léoéw, “The Fight Against ZOG—Anti-Semitism Among the Modern
Race Ideologists,” Historisk Tidskrift 1 (1996); Heléne Léow, “White Power
Rock ’n’ Roll-A Growing Industry,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjérgo, eds.,
Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture
(Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998).
 S
SCRIPTURES FOR AMERICA The group called Scriptures for Amer-
ica (SFA) is the outreach ministry for Christian Identity minister
Pete Peters and his LaPorte (Colorado) Church of Christ. Scriptures
for America publishes Peters’s periodical, the Scriptures for America
newsletter, as well as a number of books, pamphlets, and tracts on a
wide variety of subjects. SFA is also the umbrella under which oper-
ate an extensive cassette tape service, shortwave radio, videos, satel-
lite television, and, most recently, an Internet webpage.
Some of the more important titles published by Pete Peters’s
Scriptures for America include: Whores Galore, Baal Worship, The
Greatest Love Story Never Told, and America the Conquered as well
as several tracts such as Death Penalty for Homosexuals is Pre-
scribed in the Bible, Saving the Environment, New World Order,
and Style and Strength of a Hero.
Perhaps the most important outreach tool employed by Scrip-
tures for America today is the World Wide Web. Beginning with a
primitive FTP (File Transfer Protocol) site, the new Scriptures for
America web site is remarkably sophisticated.
See also: Peters, Pete.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America: Millenarian

Movements from the Far Right to the Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syra-
cuse University Press, 1997); Pete Peters, Death Penalty for Homosexuals
(LaPorte, CO: Scriptures for America, 1993); Pete Peters, Baal Worship
(LaPorte, CO: Scriptures for America, 1995); Pete Peters, Whores Galore
(LaPorte, CO: Scriptures for America, 1995).

Frank Silva See Aryan Nations; Order.

275
276 SKINHEADS (ORIGINS AND MUSIC)

SKINHEADS (ORIGINS AND MUSIC) The skinhead movement is

today a global phenomenon, one fraught with remarkable contradic-
tions. Skinheads belong to a youth movement whose first generation
is no longer youthful. The movement is saddled with a well-deserved
reputation for random racial violence, yet some of the deadliest con-
frontations involving skinheads have been internal—the product of
sudden explosions of anger, internecine battles with the large contin-
gent of antiracist and apolitical skinheads over the soul of the move-
ment, or, in recent years, deadly warfare over control of the lucrative
White Power music scene in skirmishes that more resemble orga-
nized crime than a political race movement. But the most central
contradiction of all is that the skinhead movement first emerged in
the multiracial districts of London where White working-class youth
acquired a taste for Jamaican ska music and where a multiracial
club scene was born.
In the early 1970s, skinhead culture emerged both as a form of
working-class opposition to the hippie movement, which even then
was in decline, and as a refusal to join the long-standing tribes of the
British youth scene: the mods and the rockers. It was at this time
that the prototypical skinhead uniform evolved as short, closely crop-
ped hair, Ben Sherman work shirts, and especially Doc Marten boots
and braces (suspenders). As with most British youth culture
phenomena, violence was very much part of the mix, though this
violence was directed primarily at Whites deemed economically
more advantaged.
From the mix of early skinhead culture and Jamaican
Rastafarian-inspired music came the first bands, either composed
of skinheads or catering to a mixed audience that included skin-
heads. One of the first skinheads to rise to music stardom was
Jimmy Pursey, who fronted a “three chords and a cloud of dust”
punk band called Sham 69. For a few years, Sham 69 were the kings
of the scene and Pursey the first skinhead star. His reign was brief,
however. Pursey was at heart a liberal, and when the skin scene
turned to racialism, Pursey became a pariah.
Although boasting only a few skinheads, a scene called Two
Tone also enjoyed a brief vogue among British skins. Two Tone was
the name of a record label that soared to popularity behind such
bands as the Specials, the Selector, and Madness, to name a few of
the most popular groups. Two Tone’s hook was to bring the interra-
cial London club scene to the concert stage with bands made of up of
both Black and White musicians playing music that was a hybrid of
the Jamaican reggae and ska styles and British pop. The Two Tone
 SKINHEADS (ORIGINS AND MUSIC) 277

message was decidedly integrationist and antiracist. Two Tone’s

run was meteoric, but brief. By the end of the 1970s racial polariza-
tion had grown in recession-choked England, and Two Tone con-
certs were so plagued by racial fights in the audience that its bands
had to stop touring. In a bitter farewell, the Specials released their
last single, “Ghost Town,” which lamented: “bands don’t play no
more, too much fighting on the dance floor.”
The extraordinary racial polarization that doomed the idealistic
Two Tone venture and made an outcast of Jimmy Pursey was a
marked feature of skinhead culture by the mid-1970s. Increasingly,
skinhead violence was turned from preppy Whites to immigrants
and non-White targets of convenience. But the skinhead subculture
remained diffuse, lacking the focus that a leader, a band, or a coher-
ent ideology could provide. Into this void stepped Ian Stewart
Donaldson.
In 1975, Ian Stewart formed a Rolling Stones—inspired band
called Tumbling Dice, which played covers of hits by the popular
bands of the day in workingmen’s clubs in the Blackpool area.
Stewart soon grew tired of playing other bands’ material, and as a
vehicle to play his original songs he created Skrewdriver in 1977,
just in time for England’s summer of punk, which saw the emer-
gence of such flamboyantly antiestablishment groups as the Sex
Pistols and the Clash. A surprising number of today’s racialist
skins in England and throughout Europe trace their roots to this —
time, starting out as punks and for various reasons deserting the
punk movement for the skinhead subculture. Ian Stewart and
Skrewdriver would play an important role in this evolution.
Skrewdriver’s early recordings show little sign of the racialist
anthems that would come. Their first single, an antidrug-message
song named “You’re So Dumb,” was released to little acclaim by
Chiswick in 1977. A second single, “Anti-Social,” followed. The
record was notable mainly for its B-side, a Stones cover, with “19th
Nervous Breakdown.” Skrewdriver followed these singles with its
first album, All Skrewed Up, which continued largely in the punkish
vein of the singles. By then, however, Ian Stewart had joined the first
wave of punks to shave their heads and adopt skinhead culture as a
working-class protest against the “gentrification” and commercial-
ization of punk.
Following its oppositional early days, punk had become simply
another commercial commodity that became a mild fashion state-
ment for bored, middle-class kids with money in their pockets and
nothing in their heads. That fate was not likely to befall racialist
278 SKINHEADS (ORIGINS AND MUSIC)

skinhead culture. The skinhead ethos was defiantly working class,

utterly opposed to the social status quo, but, until lan Stewart
Donaldson and Skrewdriver’s conversion to racialist skinhead
beliefs, it was largely directionless and painfully inarticulate. Just
as Bob Dylan would give voice to a generation of White, middle-
class teens in an America emerging from the deepest chill of the
Cold War, Ian Stewart provided the sound track for alienated
White, working-class youths for whom postindustrial Britain could
find no productive role.
By 1978, however, disillusioned with the band’s lack of success
and the incessant bad press it drew, Stewart dissolved Skrewdriver
and worked for a time in a car wash. It wasn’t long, though, before
he was back in London ready to try again. He was assisted in the
effort by Suggsie, the lead singer for Madness, the antiracist Two
Tone band, who had once been a Skrewdriver roadie. From the
beginning, class consciousness and neighborhood ties would be
more important than ideology in the creation of the skinhead sub-
culture. In this new incarnation, Skrewdriver released several EPs
that hinted at an increasingly racialist direction. This evolution
would be completed by 1982’s White Power EP.
The early 1980s were Skrewdriver’s heyday. As with so many
British youth styles, the skinhead movement had by then gone inter-
national. European skins copied the attire, music, and manners of
the British movement, blending the skinhead scene’s racialism with
their own socioeconomic marginalization. Immigration became a ral-
lying cry throughout the continent, though in this era Britain and
Germany were the movement’s epicenters. Soon Scandinavia would
experience a skinhead boom, and, to a lesser degree, the United
States and other nations in Western Europe followed suit. Against
this backdrop, Skrewdriver in 1984 released its seminal album, Hail
the New Dawn. Each cut on Hail the New Dawn is an anthem in
itself, redolent with the imagery of a collapsing Britain as juxtaposed
to an increasingly explicit vision of a British renaissance under the
banner of National Socialism.
By 1984, a small but intense cult followed Skrewdriver, and Ian
Stewart became the focal point of the racialist skinhead subculture.
It is important to note, however, that by then there were a number
of other popular skinhead bands, such as the British bands Brutal
Attack and Public Enemy, that joined Skrewdriver for a mocking
answer to the mainstream Rock Against Racism festivals—Rock
Against Communism.
 SKINHEADS (ORIGINS AND MUSIC) 279

Skrewdriver topped Hail the New Dawn in 1985 with Blood and
Honour. In keeping with the internationalism of the movement,
the CD was released by a racialist German label, Rock-O-Rama.
This would later prove problematic, as the label was quickly pro-
scribed by the German authorities and its product seized. This
would for a time in the 1990s make Skrewdriver’s records some-
what difficult to obtain.
Blood and Honour became an international phenomenon in the
skinhead subculture, and Stewart and Skrewdriver began a period
of intensive touring throughout Europe. Skrewdriver gigs became
the model for racialist skinhead concerts, with the band and the
audience rejecting the rock star concept of distance. The band
played, the largely male audience did a drunken imitation of dancing
(more a series of violent collisions than anything coherent enough to
be called a dance), and band and audience would drink beer and chat
between sets. The band traveled to gigs by van, staying with fellow
skins along the way. Stewart and Skrewdriver brought together the
first generation of racialist skins, and today Stewart is deified by
those who can trace their movement lineage to him. Consider one
such eulogy offered in 1995 by a founder of the racialist Nordland
music label in Sweden:
Ian Stewart was like our generation’s version of Hitler, to put forth
the dream of a harmonious future for White people. [Stewart]
invented the concept of spreading our ideas through music.

Blood and Honour was adopted as the name of Stewart’s organi-

zation as he attempted—with, at best, mixed success—to parlay
Skrewdriver’s popularity into an institutional presence. Stewart’s
growing international celebrity did not go unnoticed, and in the
mid-1980s skinhead gigs throughout Europe came under heavy
police pressure. Halls were increasingly hard to rent, and local
skinhead groups became remarkably resourceful at putting up a
false flag under which space could be found to hold concerts.
Racialist skinhead gigs had to become even more clandestine as
antiracist activists began to try to prevent the performances from
taking place, leading to large-scale fights. Eventually, quite a
sophisticated word-of-mouth operation was adopted in which
trusted fans would contact local skinhead leaders to be given a
meeting point and a time, following which a bus or car convoy would
take the eager group to a secret location for the evening’s festivities.
Stewart himself was jailed in 1985 for a street fight in which a
Pakistani man was beaten. Stewart responded that he had merely
been defending himself, and that the Jewish judge in the case
280 SKINHEADS (ORIGINS AND MUSIC)

refused to listen to his defense. Whatever the circumstances,

Stewart emerged from prison with his standing, if anything, higher
than ever. Stewart was lionized on his travels, and he was the driv-
ing force behind Blood and Honour, this time a magazine centered
on the doings of the skinhead musical subculture. He announced
his engagement to a strikingly beautiful girl named Diane, and all
seemed well with the world.
On September 24, 1993, Ian Stewart Donaldson was killed in an
automobile accident on the way to a Skrewdriver gig. From that day
forward, in tribute concerts and in CDs dedicated to his memory,
Ian Stewart’s legacy lives on in the racialist skinhead subculture.
Eerily, one of Ian Stewart’s last songs, “Suddenly,” asks:
If suddenly, I am forced to take my leave,
Will you carry on with the things that we believe?
One day if suddenly they take my life away,
Will you be fighting to win a bright, new day?

See also: Skinheads (Norwegian); White Power Music.

Further reading: Katrine Fangen, Skinheads in Red, White and Blue: A

Report from the Inside, Youth Research Report (April 1995); Mark S. Hamm,
American Skinheads: The Criminology and Control of Hate Crime
(Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993); Erik Jensen, “International Nazi
Co-operation; A Terrorist- Oriented Network,” in Tore Bjgrgo and Rob Witte,
Racist Violence in Europe (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1993); Laszlo Kurti,
“Rocking the State: Youth and Rock Music culture in Hungary, 1976-1990,”
East European Politics and Societies 5:3 (1991); Anna-Lena Lodenius,
“Blood, and Honour and Blue and Yellow Rock,” Arbetaren 17 (1994);
Anna-Lena Lodenius and Per Wikstrém, "Nazism Behind a Viking Mask,
Kommunalarbetaren 6 (1994); Heléne Léow, “White Power—Dark History,”
Uppvaxtvillkor 3 (1993); Heléne Léoéw, “Racist Violence and Criminal
Behaviour in Sweden: Myths and Reality,” Terrorism and Political Violence
7:1 (spring 1995); Heléne Loéw, ”The Fight Against ZOG—Anti-Semitism
Among the Modern Race Ideologists,” Historisk Tidskrift 1 (1996); Heléne
Lééw, “White Power Rock ’n’ Roll—A Growing Industry,” in Jeffrey Kaplan
and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American
Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Joe
Pearce, Skrewdriver: The First Ten Years (London: Skrewdriver Services,
1987); Eric Weisband and Craig Marks, Spin Alternative Record Guide (New
York: Vintage Books, 1995).
 SKINHEADS (NORWEGIAN) 281

SKINHEADS (NORWEGIAN) The skinhead subculture emerged in

Norway in the early 1980s. As in many other countries, the skin-
head subculture split into a nationalist and an antiracist faction.
The nationalist faction was initiated by Ole Krogstad, who estab-
lished the Bootboys Club. According to Krogstad, he got the inspira-
tion when visiting his fellow rightist activists in Sweden. The
Bootboys Club was not, according to Krogstad, intended to be politi-
cal. The aim of the group was for skinheads to be able to come
together to “talk and have a few beers.”
Relations between the Bootboys and more ideological organiza-
tions like Zorn 88 and INO have been tense. The latter group has
publicly said that it will not have anything to do with these young-
sters, whereas Zorn 88’s line, according to Krogstad, has been, to
speak up against the Bootboys in public “because they are so vio-
lent.” Behind closed doors, though, they think “..it is good to have
the skinheads around when the reds come.”
The leftist part of the skinhead subculture grew out of the punk
scene in Norway, especially after the oi-rock band Sham 69 held a
concert here in 1983. Furthermore, some of the White Power skin-
heads had previously been punks, but later preferred the skinhead
style. They wanted to rebel and shock, but found the punk style too
untidy. In contrast, the skinhead lifestyle was elegant, at the same
time as it was proletarian and appeared to be tough.
Some of the White Power skinheads became members of
Nasjonalt Folkeparti (National People’s Party), an extraparlia-
mentary party with a National Socialist profile. Several White
Power skinheads were excluded from the Blitz house (an anarchist
cultural center) because their nationalist symbols and attitudes con-
trasted greatly with the house’s antiracist profile. According to a
leading figure within the White Power skinhead movement, skin-
heads are “a reaction against the hippie subculture, cultural decline
and blending of races, whereas the SHARP skinheads [Skinheads
Against Racial Prejudice] are a...bunch of confused anarchists who
live for chaos, sex, violence, and hash.”
At the present, there are two groups of SHARP in Norway. Some
of these skinheads are active both within the Blitz house and
within the so-called Valerenga klanen (Valerenga Klan). The latter
is the supporter club of one of the capital’s football teams. They are
famous both for their songs and their loyal support of the team,
whether at good and bad matches. From time to time they have also
been criticized for being violent and making racist statements. The
282 SKINHEADS (NORWEGIAN)

leader of the Klan has tried to stop the racist talk and cut down on
violence. Thus, the nationalist members of the Klan still take part,
but no longer show their support openly. For example, they no lon-
ger wear White Power T-shirts, as they had done previously.
A couple of the SHARP skinheads have been skinheads as long as
some of the leading White Power skinheads have. The White Power
skinheads say that the SHARP skinheads are “a plague which tries
to split the skinhead movement. ...they say that the skinhead move-
ment originally was in favor of multicultural society with some reg-
gae (ska) in their music. But the truth is that the first skinheads
hated everybody!” On the other hand, the SHARP skinheads claim
that the White Power skinheads are not real skinheads. Rather, they
are boneheads or Nazi skinheads, who deny the skinheads’ original
link to Black culture.
Being experienced with the various codes of the skinhead life-
style and knowing a great deal about the subculture entitles skin-
heads to a certain status in every area of the skinhead subculture.
The men who are known to be central figures within the subculture
are seen as important, no matter which part of the movement they
belong to. Many aspire to attend skinhead concerts abroad where
skinheads with different political opinions stand side by side, with-
out this leading to fights. Many of the leading skinheads among the
nationalists look back upon the period before the factions became
more clearly defined with nostalgia.
The SHARP skinheads emphasize the fact that skinheads origi-
nally were not racists or nationalists, and the goal of several
SHARP skinheads is to fight the Nazi skinheads. A distinct group
of skinheads is called the Oslo-skins. Some of the group’s members
define themselves as being SHARP; others do not want to define
themselves as antiracists, but neither like the fact that people asso-
ciate skinheads with Nazis. This group has its own oi-rock band,
the Fuck-Ups.
There is also a group of skinheads who define themselves as
being politically neutral. Some of them wear patches with the Nor-
wegian flag, similar to those used by the nationalist skins. But they
define themselves out of the ongoing conflict between militant anti-
fascists and White Power skinheads. They are very upset about the
way matters have developed, and one of them said “the whole thing
is so pathetic that there is hardly any use in talking about it.” A few
of them have become friends with some of the leading White Power
skinheads, and respect them because they are “real” skinheads. This
criterion of being a “real skinhead” is heard in every area of the
 SKINHEADS (NORWEGIAN) 283

skinhead subculture. The most common traits associated with being

a real skinhead are a complete commitment to the lifestyle and musi-
cal preferences of skinheads, as well as a strong identification with
and knowledge of the history of the skinhead subculture. Most skin-
heads do not have either a political or an ideological view of what it
means to be a skinhead, other than the fact that skinheads love foot-
ball, beer, street-fights, and girls, and that skinheads are comrades
and do not adhere to the leadership principle. In the White Power
subculture, it is common to speak of “leaderless resistance.”
During the 1980s, the different kinds of skinheads could visit
the same pubs and talk, despite their political disagreements. After
Arne Myrdal (the former leader of FMI, the People’s Movement
Against Immigration) held a political rally in Brumunddal in 1991,
the factions have become clearer. Then White Power skinheads and
local bikers joined Arne Myrdal and the FMI members. On the
other hand, the SHARP skinheads joined the anarchist Blitz
youths on the antiracist side. Following this event, there have been
many violent clashes between SHARP skinheads and the White
Power skinheads.
Despite these points, the groups still have some areas in com-
mon. This is not least due to the fact that people from both groups
belong to Valerenga klanen. Quite a few of the football supporters
frequent the same pubs as the right-wing activists, and some of the
football supporters even join the rightist activists’ trips to Sweden ~
to attend rock concerts and nationalist demonstrations. The skin-
heads who belong to the supporter club mostly keep a friendly tone.
However, problems have arisen when the White Power skinheads
of the club have taken their nationalist friends with them to parties
where other Klan members have been present.

—Katrine Fangen, University of Oslo, Norway

See also: Krogstad, Ole; Leaderless Resistance; White Power Music.

Further reading: Bootboys 9 (1990), Rock Furore, Nasjonalisten nos. 5-6,

vol. 47-48 (June 1982); Katrine Fangen, “Skinheads I regdt, hvitt og blatt
En sosiologisk studie fra innsiden” [Skinheads in red, white and blue: A
sociological study from “inside”] (1994); Katrine Fangen, “Living Out Our
Ethnic Instincts: Ideological Beliefs Among Right-Wing Activists in
Norway,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and Race:
The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern
University Press, 1998).
284 . GERALD L. K. SMITH

GERALD L. K. SMITH Of all of the Depression era demagogues,

Gerald L. K. Smith has had by far the most impact on the American
racialist movement today. It was Smith’s Committee of One Million
and his Christian Crusade, which gathered under one large tent
the most important of the leaders of the radical right, that would
emerge in the 1960s and 1970s to offer a sense of common destiny to
a diverse group that represented belief systems from conservative
anticommunist to Identity Christianity. Smith’s innovative mass-
mailing techniques set the standard for movement fund-raising
and provides a model for the present day in which a particular
leader’s mailing list becomes his most precious possession. More-
over, Smith was for a time able to walk the thin line of acceptability
that allowed him to offer an extraordinarily radical and anti-
Semitic message to the faithful while steering clear of the legal
entanglements that hamstrung most of the American radical right
during World War II.
Smith’s story is a fascinating tale of a meteoric rise to fame fol-
lowed by a gradual fade into obscurity. Smith was born in
Pardeeville, Wisconsin, in 1898 to a family who taught him early to
take a literalist approach to the Bible and to never shy away from
making his views known. This he did, blessed with a seemingly
inexhaustible reservoir of energy, a golden voice, and, as he later
recalled, a “superabundance of wind.” If ever a man was destined
for the ministry, Gerald L. K. Smith was that man. He graduated
from Valparaiso University in only two years, began to work his
way through a succession of ever larger and more important
churches, and in 1922 married his wife, Elma. She would be at his
side constantly in good times and in bad for the next 50 years, pub-
lishing his autobiography, Besieged Patriot, as a final tribute upon
his death in 1976.
Smith’s early years showed much of the promise of what was to
come. In churches throughout the Midwest, Smith honed his consid-
erable oratorical skills. By 1929, he had moved to the King’s High-
way Christian Church in Shreveport, Louisiana. It was there that
the stock market crash and subsequent Depression brought Smith
into politics full time. Smith became an intimate of “the Kingfish,”
Louisiana Governor Huey Long, and controlled in his own right an
organization with the hopeful title Share Our Wealth. The success of
the Share Our Wealth clubs provided Smith with over 200,000
names for his initial mailing list. With Long’s assassination in 1935,
Smith was on his own.
The 1930s were a fertile, albeit erratic, period for Smith. He
was becoming either increasingly anti-Semitic or increasingly
 GERALD L. K. SMITH 285

outspoken about his anti-Semitism, and it was surely this prejudice

that explains his prewar flirtation with such extreme anti-Semites
as William Dudley Pelley and his Silver Shirts (which group,
despite Smith’s denials, he and his wife appear to have joined).
Going further, Smith’s biographer Glen Jeansonne uncovered a let-
ter in Smith’s FBI file that the writer intended for Adolf Hitler via
the German embassy. Dated January 8, 1933, the letter is worth
quoting in full:
Dear Sir,
I write to you concerning a very confidential matter based on the
confidence that some of my friends have in you.
I am anxious to get in touch with his Honor, Adolf Hitler, but,
knowing that you are recently removed from Germany, before doing
so I desire your opinion of conditions in that country. They look good
to me. Can you give me a code for getting in touch with Herr Hitler
or one of his representatives in America?
The Semitic propaganda in America is growing more serious
every day. I enclose herewith a bulletin that was put on the streets
of our country as the result of an attempt on the part of a Jew to
take hundreds of homes away from our people. I am convinced that
the Jews are trying to rob American people just as they attempted
to do in Germany and Germany and America will be closer together
than any two nations in the world.
You will be interested to know that my grandfather’s name was
Herr Schmidt, and that I was reared in the state of Wisconsin. You
may feel free to write to me directly or through one of your friends in
Shreveport. Surely there must be an organization now existing in
America to overcome the terrible anti-German propaganda being
promoted by the Jews. Please enlighten me.

Guten tag,

Gerald L. K. Schmidt
It was a strange letter, which Jeansonne finds generally credit-
able. But whatever the circumstances under which it was written,
the letter does fit in well chronologically with Smith’s increasingly
outspoken anti-Semitism.
Anti-Semitism, however, was only one facet of Gerald L. K.
Smith’s activities in the Depression years of the 1930s. Smith was
better known for his tireless activities in support of populist appeals
that in many ways transcend the narrow right-wing/left-wing
dichotomy of American politics. Thus, Smith’s next association was
with the eccentric campaign waged by Dr. Francis Townsend for a
286 GERALD L. K. SMITH

national pension plan. The organized vehicle for this was the Old
Age Revolving Pension Plan Ltd., which at Smith’s suggestion was
later changed to the easier-on-the-ear Townsend Recovery Plan. The
plan had undeniable popular appeal, and it was in the midst of this
campaign that Smith became an ally of the most important
anti-Semitic voice in the nation, Father Charles Coughlin. Smith
barnstormed with Townsend for his pension plan, but it soon became
obvious that the campaign was going nowhere. What was missing
was a political machine capable of sufficiently breaking the
two-party stranglehold on politics so that the pension plan—and
indeed, other populist reforms—could be enacted into law.
With this in mind, Smith, Townsend, Coughlin, and a congress-
man from North Dakota named William Lemke formed the National
Union for Social Justice in 1935 to contest the 1936 election against
the popular incumbent, Franklin Roosevelt. The election was a
disaster for the National Union for Secial Justice. The ticket headed
by William Lemke polled a paltry 2 percent of the vote, with 891,858
popular votes and no electoral votes. Worse, Smith and Coughlin
were competing more with each other than with Roosevelt, ending
the campaign scarcely on speaking terms. For his part, Lemke could
count himself fortunate to have (barely) retained his congressional
seat. And to add insult to injury, Roosevelt’s New Deal adopted key
elements of the populist appeals in his dramatic expansion of the role
of the federal government.
Smith did not do badly from the debacle of the National Union for
Social Justice. His mailing list burgeoned and he had become a
well-known public speaker, able to draw crowds in tent-revival-style
appearances throughout the country. With this backing and name
recognition, Smith formed his most important vehicle, the Commit-
tee of One Million, in 1937. The Committee allowed Smith to give
vent to his anti-Semitism, but, of greater interest, Smith’s Commit-
tee was increasingly shedding its populist skin in favor of a
right-wing agenda that was explicitly anti-New Deal, antilabor,
anticommunist, and in favor of a vague “Americanism” that affirmed
a kind of generic Christianity along with exuberant public expres-
sions of patriotism.
Standing with Smith now were such pillars of the American
establishment as conservative congressmen and senators, gover-
nors, and, of greatest import, industrialist Henry Ford. Ford’s con-
tributions to anti-Semitism in America are incalculable. It was
Ford’s press outlet, the Dearborn Independent, that published the
“International Jew” series of articles. The articles were later
 GERALD L. K. SMITH 287

reprinted in a four-volume set of books also titled The International

Jew. The “International Jew” is the key link that brought the Old
World anti-Semitism of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion into the
context of contemporary American life. More than any single
source, the “International Jew” brought together a generation of
right-wing true believers, and material from this series of articles
provided the ammunition for most of the anti-Semitic agitation of
the of the last half century of American life.
In Gerald L. K. Smith’s Committee of One Million, Henry Ford
found a powerful voice for Americanism as he envisioned it, and he
was prepared to be generous in helping the Committee along.
Ford’s support was much appreciated. In Besieged Patriot, Smith
proudly asserts:
...1 received a message from a mutual friend to the effect that Mr.
Henry Ford had heard about my address and would like to see me. I
was flattered and inspired because I knew that he and the late
Huey P. Long were friends. This was the beginning of the develop-
ment of a friendship.... It will be recalled that Mr. Ford was univer-
sally hated by the international Jews because he published a
terrific book entitled “The International Jew.” It was published in
serial form in the official magazine of the Ford Motor Co. known as
the “Dearborn Independent.” He also gave much publicity to the
document known as “The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion.”
Due to pressure from certain members of his family and junior offi-
cers in the company, he ceased publishing “The International Jew,”
but on a visit with him he revealed to me that he hoped to publish it
again, and if he didn’t publish it, he hoped I would. At this time, I
was broadcasting over the largest radio station in Detroit and hada
phenomenal radio audience. Two of my admirers and chief listeners
were Mr. and Mrs. Henry Ford. In fact we have flattering letters
from Mrs. Ford written by hand and signed “Clara.”...
Without boasting or going into detail, I can truthfully say in this
dramatic career of mine, one of my staunchest admirers was the
late Henry Ford. He at one time said to a group of his friends: “T
wish Gerald L. K. Smith could be President of the United States.”
I have been smeared and abused. My character has been assassi-
nated. My life has been threatened, and virtually millions of dollars
have been spent to destroy me and curb my influence, but to be
appreciated and admired by such men as the late Henry Ford, to me
is the equivalent of, or even better than, a Congressional Medal.

Indeed, enough of Smith’s powerful new allies were prepared to

bankroll the Committee of One Million that in 1942 Smith formed
288 GERALD L. K. SMITH

the Inner Circle—a kind of special donor’s club within the Commit-
tee that would receive the most “sensitive” of Smith’s newsletters.
Smith, for his part, was loath to let the failed populism of the
Depression years come between him and his new-found backers.
Thus, for example, the Committee of One Million was able to dis-
cern the hidden hand of “Jewish Communism” behind American
labor unrest.
By 1942, Smith announced that the Committee of One Million
had grown to over 3 million dues-paying members. The money was
rolling in, and Smith lived well. As always, he was a frenetic activist,
writing innumerable newsletters, crafting fund-raising appeals,
and carrying on a voluminous correspondence while continuing with
his first love—barnstorming speeches throughout the country.
Although he was now given over wholly to politics, Gerald L. K.
Smith was at heart what he had always been—a fire-and-brimstone
revival preacher.
One important activity undertaken by the Committee of One
Million would have considerable benefit later and is thus worthy of
mention here. In 1942, Smith circulated a petition that gathered
420,000 signatures supporting the creation of the Dies Committee
to investigate un-American activities. The support would not be for-
gotten. When the great Sedition Trial, which sought to incarcerate
the leadership of the American far-right wing on fanciful conspir-
acy charges, opened in the same year, Gerald L. K. Smith’s name
was conspicuously absent. This is all the more remarkable in the
light of Smith’s fan letter to the Fiihrer recounted above! And when
at last the Dies Committee called Smith to testify about his activi-
ties in 1946, though Smith took the hearing as evidence of a
high-level conspiracy against him by the Roosevelt administration
and international Jewry, the transcripts demonstrate that Smith
was treated with kid gloves. For his part, Smith used the hearing to
promote his evenhandedness, condemning both fascism and com-
munism as un-American and praising the work of the Committee in
rooting these evils out of the fabric of American political life.
But if the Congress was prepared to give Gerald L. K. Smith the
benefit of the doubt, not so the American Jewish community, and
not so increasing numbers of other Americans. Smith’s public
appearances became the venue for violent confrontations between
leftists and members of the Jewish community on the one side and
Smith’s followers on the other. At the same time, Smith’s primary
publication, The Cross and the Flag, which appeared in 1942 and
continued uninterrupted until 1978, two years after his death,
 GERALD L. K. SMITH 289

became ever more shrill in its denunciation of Jews. Soon, The

Cross and the Flag and the many other publications Smith sent to
his supporters began to carry dark tales of plots against his life and
that of his wife, while offering a myriad of tantalizing hints of mys-
terious documents delivered to Smith by secret sympathizers in
government and intelligence circles (which proved, Smith asserted,
the truth of Jewish plots against the republic). These repeated alar-
ums had considerable short-term fund-raising utility, but at the
cost of making Smith’s message ever more esoteric.
Despite this turn to extremism within his movement, Smith in
the decade of the 1940s and 1950s continued to run unsuccessfully
for office. The high point of the effort was his creation of the Amer-
ica First Party to contest the 1944 presidential election. The
America First Party was succeeded in 1946 by the Christian
Nationalist Party, though this amalgamation fared no better at
the polls.
At the same time, the Committee of One Million, which had
served as Smith’s personal vehicle (and was kept rigidly separate
from the political parties Smith founded), had run its course and
was replaced in 1947 by the Christian Nationalist Crusade. The
Christian Nationalist Crusade provided a platform for Smith’s most
extreme anti-Semitic rhetoric, and it was under the banner of the
Crusade that Smith’s barnstorming activities were carried out.
Moreover, the Christian Nationalist Crusade provided a flag of con- |
venience for a cross section of the American racist right. By the late
1940s and through the 1950s, Smith’s movement had begun to
attract a core group of adherents who would emerge in the next
decades as the most prominent figures in the American radical right.
Veteran racists such as Wesley Swift, Kenneth Goff, Bertrand
Comperet, William Potter Gale, as well as younger men such as Dan
Gayman and Thom Robb, all emerged from Smith’s Crusade.
Against the backdrop of rising violence at Smith’s events and
increasingly bizarre claims put forth in his publications, the orga-
nized Jewish community at last resolved to act. The American
Jewish Committee (AJC) first focused on the activities of Gerald
L. K. Smith on a formal level in May 1947 when, alarmed at the
apparent success of Smith and other right wingers at linking Jews
to Soviet communism, the AJC executive committee met to form a
plan of attack against the Smith Crusade. This and subsequent
meetings failed to come to an agreement on a coherent strategy, due
primarily to the delicate balance of the body politic in this, the first
flush of the Cold War. Russian Jews were simply too deeply
290 » GERALD L. K. SMITH

involved in the Soviet state, and in the international communist

movement as well, to risk weighing in fully on any particular aspect
of the communism controversy.
Making a virtue of indecision, the strategy that both the
Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and AJC eventually arrived at was
termed at the time “dynamic silence.” Championed by Rabbi S. A.
Fineberg of the AJC, the idea was to close off all access to the public
media—and thus the larger culture—to “rabble rousers” such as
Smith. This decision would mark the moment in time when the
American radical right would gradually fade from direct access to
the popular media, and thus the public consciousness.
It was not until the attempt by Smith and others to block the
appointment of Anna M. Rosenberg as an assistant secretary of
defense in 1950 that both the American Jewish Committee and the
Anti-Defamation League opened a full-fledged attack on Gerald L.
K. Smith, bringing charges of anti-Semitism against him before the
U.S. Senate. For the rest of Smith’s career, the pressure from the
Anti-Defamation League and the American Jewish Committee
would be unrelenting.
No better example of the lengths to which the Jewish watchdogs
would go to isolate Smith may be offered than the 1969 effort by the
Anti-Defamation League to prevent the building of a road at public
expense that would link an aging Gerald L. K. Smith’s biblical
theme park and an annual passion play in Eureka Springs, Arkan-
sas, with the main highway. Using tactics perfected in the 1950s,
the Anti-Defamation League acted along two tracks: a somewhat
covert press campaign that attempted to influence local and
national newspapers to write in opposition to the road-building
effort, and a high-profile campaign headed by ADL National Chair-
man Don Schary to appeal to prominent government officials to
intervene. Included in this latter campaign were President Richard
Nixon, Secretary of Commerce Maurice Stans, and Secretary of
Transportation John Volpe. Smith’s theme park did, in the end, get
its road, but not before the ADL set out to punish any individual or
company having any connection with the project.
The biblical theme park, which was to have been a life-sized
re-creation of Jerusalem in the days of Jesus, with a giant “Jesus of
the Ozarks” statue as its primary attraction, may symbolize the
irrelevance of the latter-day Gerald L. K. Smith. By the 1960s,
Smith was a man out of time. The ultimate Depression-era tent
revival orator, Smith was a fish out of water in the age of television.
While he could continue to make a living from his massive but
 RICHARD WAYNE SNELL 291

graying mailing list, his appeals reflected a frank incomprehension

of the changing times.
The 1960s, with its civil rights movement and the legislation
that accompanied it, the hippie movement and its antiestab-
lishment ethos, and, perhaps most of all, the increasing acceptance
of Jews as fully a part of the American mainstream, baffled and out-
raged Smith. Thus, he was reduced to disseminating such bizarre
tracts as “75 Prostitutes—United States Senators—In a Brothel—
Run By Jews’; “Sex Politics Subversion Blackmail, The Washing-
ton Story”; “Jews Rule America, We Are In Bondage, Can We
Escape?’; and the memorable “Sex ‘Education’ (?) Phoney Name for
Academic Pornography Resulting in Corruption of Youth, Free
Love, Popularization of Premarital Sex, Venereal Disease Epi-
demics, Libertinism, Repudiation of Moral Standards, Juvenile
Perversion, Community Degeneration, Ridicule of the Church,
Evaporation of Religious Standards.”
Gerald L. K. Smith died in April 1976.
See also: Christian Identity; Coughlin, Father Charles; Gale, William
Potter; Gayman, Dan; Goff, Kenneth; Hitler, Adolf; Robb, Thom; Swift,
Wesley.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Ori-
gins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1994); David H. Bennett, Demagogues in the Depression |
(New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1969); Arnold Forster and
Benjamin R. Epstein, The New Anti-Semitism (New York: McGraw-Hill,
1974); House Committee on Un-American Activities, Investigation of
Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States (Gerald L. K.
Smith), 79th Congress, 2d sess., 1946, H. Res. 5; Glen Jeansonne, “Com-
bating Anti-Semitism: The Case of Gerald L. K. Smith,” in David A Gerber,
ed., Anti-Semitism in American History (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 1986); Glen Jeansonne, Gerald L. K. Smith: Minister of Hate (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1988); Phillip Rees, Biographical Dictionary
of the Extreme Right Since 1890 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990);
Gerald L. K. Smith, Besieged Patriot, Elma M. Smith and Charles F.
Robinson, eds. (Eureka Springs, AR: Elma M. Smith Foundation, 1978).

RICHARD WAYNE SNELL On April 19, 1995—the day of the

Oklahoma City bombing—Richard Wayne Snell was executed in
Texarkana, Texas, for the murder of a Black Arkansas state trooper
during a routine traffic stop. Previous to this murder, Snell was
involved in a series of terrorist acts, culminating in the murder of a
ZOZ RICHARD WAYNE SNELL

pawnshop owner during a robbery in Texarkana, Arkansas. The

victim, William Stumpp, was believed by Snell to be Jewish, and
thus he “needed to die.” Snell apparently acted out of a sense of
frustration with the reluctance of the Covenant, Sword, and the
Arm of the Lord, of which he was a member, to turn its violent rhet-
oric into revolutionary action. He may have been emulating the rev-
olutionary violence of the Order as well.
Snell’s murders were those of an individual, not as a member of
the Covenant, Sword, and the Arm of the Lord. For the CSA, Snell
was involved in a series of robberies, weapons violations, shoplift-
ing from local (White owned) stores, and other “revolutionary” acts.
James Ellison, leader of the CSA, together with the inner circle of
the group, was considerably irritated with Snell’s killings, feeling
that murder would bring more heat down on the group than they
were ready to handle. On the other hand, Snell’s explanation of the
pawnshop murder was accepted by the leadership, who thought
that Jews did indeed need to die.
Snell’s case offers some insight into the question of what can be
said of the individual psychology of the adherent in the more violent
reaches of the movement. Psychological explanations for extrem-
ism of any sort are a risky venture, one best left to the province of
psychiatrists. On rare occasions, however, a source emerges
through which the mind of the extremist may be held up to view,
both through the external perspective of the psychiatrist and
through the self-view of the adherent. Such a source may be found
in Richard Snell’s prison newsletter, The Seekers.
During his appeal process, Snell published—with some consid-
erable embarrassment—a transcript in which his psychological
state is discussed in most unflattering terms by a court-appointed
forensic psychiatrist. The testimony of the expert, Dr. Brad Fisher,
is printed by Snell because, he writes:
Whether it’s expedient or not, fairness demands we let you read what
the enemy thinks of us, after all it was your tax dollars that paid the
expert to dig out all this info. After reading, you will not only have
what we wrote, what our friends have to say, or what dear old mother
may have said, but a balance of opinion assisting you to arrive at
your own conclusions. We believe we owe this to you who have stood
by us in this ordeal and to all who may read our opinions in the
future. Is this fair?

Dr. Fisher’s conclusions are straightforward enough. He finds

that from at least 1983, Richard Snell was suffering from a “paranoid
delusional disorder,” with a second axis diagnosis of a “paranoid
 RICHARD WAYNE SNELL 293

personality disorder.” The symptoms of this delusion are primarily a

conspiratorial view of history, the view that the U.S. government has
fallen to a shadowy group of conspirators known as ZOG (Zionist
Occupation Group [sic]), that the minions of this cabal have partici-
pated in the persecution of Snell personally, that said persecution
commenced years before his attraction to Christian Identity theol-
ogy, and that it drove him out of his photography business in the
1960s. Worse: “He believes that Armageddon and race wars will hap-
pen within the next two years.” So advanced was this paranoia that
the suicide of his son, Ken, connected to despair over drug use, was
posited by Snell as the fault of ZOG—the entity he believed was ulti-
mately responsible for the proliferation of drugs in America.
And what does Snell have to say to all this? On the death of
his son:
Ken’s suicide: abruptly my thoughts were plucked as by an eagle
snatching his prey and lifted back in time to an event shrouded in the
cloak of attempted forgetfulness. A chilling rain was falling on that
cold December morning in ’78, the weeping family, a circle of friends
who could find no comfort, the preacher intoning “Ashes to ashes,
dust to dust...” as an unopened casket was lowered into a dark hole
in the sandy loam of South Arkansas. Unopenable because a twelve-
gauge shotgun under the chin does a trick to one’s head.

And was Snell insane?

Deluded? God, let it be so! A prison cage will become a palace if sud-
denly evidence is presented that this nightmare was only paranoia,
merely a bad dream without reality. Time will tell. I must—and
can—rest in this.

Appeals were fruitless, and Snell was put to death only hours
before the Oklahoma City bombing. His last words proved prophetic:
“(Oklahoma] Governor [Buddy] Tucker, look over your shoulder.
Justice is coming.”
Richard Wayne Snell is buried at the Elohim City Christian
Identity compound in Oklahoma.
As a postscript, Governor Tucker was convicted in 1998 of cor-
ruption charges arising out of the Whitewater investigation against
President Bill Clinton and his wife, Hillary, and a skein of others.
See also: Christian Identity; Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord; Order;
Zionist Occupation Government.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Ori-
gins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North
294 _ RUDY STANKO

Carolina Press, 1994); James Coates, Armed and Dangerous: The Rise of the
Survivalist Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1987); Kevin Flynn and Gary
Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New York: Signet, 1990); Mark S.
Hamm, Apocalypse in Oklahoma (Boston: Northeastern University Press,
1998); Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Millennial Dream,” in James R. Lewis, ed.,
From the Ashes: Making Sense of Waco (Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield, 1994); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse,
NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Jeffrey Kaplan, “Leaderless Resis-
tance,” Journal of Terrorism and Political Violence 9:3 (fall 1997); The Last
Call; Richard Wayne Snell, The Shadow of Death! (Is There Life After
Death?) (self-published and privately distributed, c. 1986).

RUDY STANKO First in a line of putative successors to Ben

Klassen’s title of “Pontifex Maximus” as head of the Church of the
Creator was Rudy “Butch” Stanko. As with every other would-be
successor in Klassen’s lifetime, the relationship was too short-lived
to result in an orderly succession before Klassen’s 1993 suicide.
The brief Klassen—Stanko relationship began with Stanko’s 1988
letter written from prison praising Klassen’s writings. Never one to
eschew praise, Klassen responded, and there soon flowered a warm
correspondence. This liaison resulted in the Church of the Creator’s
paper, Racial Loyalty, taking up Stanko’s cause, as well as in an
eventual invitation to visit the COTC’s headquarters in Otto, North
Carolina, upon his release. In the meantime, Klassen endeavored to
visit the incarcerated Stanko, who was moved to several penitentia-
ries, causing the frustrated Klassen to make long automobile trips
to visit his admirer. In his final book, Trials, Tribulations and
Triumphs, the punctilious Klassen helpfully informs his readers of
the exact odometer mileage of each of these jaunts. The first meeting
eventually took place on June 3, 1989, in a Texas prison.
Even before his brief Church of the Creator experience, Stanko
was something of a notorious figure. An outspoken anti-Semite, the
23-year-old Stanko joined his father in opening a meat-packing
business in Gordon, Nebraska, in 1970. The business soon flour-
ished, and Butch Stanko went on to open other packing houses
under his own name in Nebraska and Montana. It was not long,
though, before Stanko’s business ran into trouble with the law.
Accused of selling tainted meat products, Stanko was indicted in
1976 in the first of what would be a blizzard of legal difficulties.
Stanko, for his part, placed the blame for his legal problems on
 RUDY STANKO 295

what he termed the Jewish meat cartel, with which he tried to do as

little business as possible. Things took a considerable turn for the
worse in 1983 when an NBC newsmagazine television show titled
First Camera made Stanko’s business the subject of its premier epi-
sode. The fallout from this broadcast greatly worsened Stanko’s
legal standing, and he soon found himself in prison. There he wrote
a remarkably long book with a title to match: The Score: An Autobi-
ography Exposing the Forces That Remain Studiously Concealed
and Masked. The book both offered the reader a view of Stanko’s life
and thought, and echoed much of the language of the Protocols of
Zion. The Score further recommended Stanko to Klassen, who was
himself no slouch at writing remarkably long and painfully repeti-
tive autobiographical anti-Semitic screeds.
On his release from prison in December 1991, Stanko called
Klassen and arranged to visit the Otto headquarters. This he did,
staying only long enough to borrow $500 and promising to return
three months hence. On his return, he informed Klassen that he did
not intend to take up the reigns of the Church after all, but not to
worry—they could sell the Church of the Creator properties. This
Klassen refused to do, and Stanko departed for Arizona, though not
before purloining the Church of the Creator mailing list.
Ironically, Butch Stanko in 1996 resurfaced with splashy,
full-page advertisements in such racialist journals as the glossy
Resistance music magazine offering The Score and Klassen’s books ~
at fire-sale prices.
See also: Church of the Creator; Klassen, Ben.

Further reading: Ben Klassen, Trials, Tribulations and Triumphs (East

Peoria, IL: COTC, 1993); Rudy “Butch” Stanko, The Score: An Autobiogra-
phy Exposing the Forces That Remain Studiously Concealed and Masked
(Gering, NE: Institute for Christian Bankers, 1986).

lan Stewart See Skinheads (Origin and Music).

Stormfront See Black, Don.

296 . WESLEY SWIFT

WESLEY SWIFT Dr. Wesley Swift is considered the father of mod-

ern racialist Christian Identity. So great is his influence that a gen-
eration of Christian Identity ministers—men such as Richard
Butler of the Aryan Nations, William Potter Gale of Posse
Comitatus fame, and Dan Gayman of the Church of Israel—trace
their lineage to him and measure their “orthodoxy” by fealty to
his teachings. Even today, with Swift long since in his grave, the
Jewish watchdog groups such as the Anti-Defamation League hold
up Wesley Swift as the personification of Christian Identity, and
every ADL publication touching on Identity does not fail to feature
Wesley Swift prominently as “[t]he best known advocate of the
‘Identity’ doctrine in the United States....” Swift’s story is an inter-
esting one.
Swift’s attraction to religion may reliably be attributed to his
family background. The son of a Methodist minister, Swift was born
in New Jersey in 1919. How he moved from a conservative but con-
ventional Methodism to British-Israelism, the forerunner of Chris-
tian Identity, is not known, though each of Smith’s disciples, and
his widow as well, offer differing theories. In any case, by the
mid-1940s, Swift had opened his own church in Lancaster, Califor-
nia, which would remain his base of operations for the rest of his
life. The congregation took the name of the Anglo-Saxon Christian
Congregation, indicating considerable influence from Howard
Rand and his British-Israel Anglo-Saxon Federation. The name
was soon changed, however, to the Church of Jesus Christ Chris-
tian, and Swift’s conversion to racialist Identity would by then be
complete and irrevocable.
Swift might have remained an eccentric but unknown preacher
in small-town California had he not been attracted to the crusade of
Gerald L. K. Smith in the later 1940s. Smith was then at the height
of his powers as a traveling populist whose anti-Semitic oratory
rivaled that of the leading anti-Semitic populist of the prewar era,
Father Charles Coughlin. How this contact was made and the
dynamics of the Swift-Smith relationship are controversial.
According to his autobiography, Besieged Patriot, Smith recalls
that at a particularly fractious rally, when it appeared that Smith
himself was in danger from enraged spectators:
I turned to the right, and there sat a young man about 30 years old.
He turned to me and said, “Don’t be afraid Mr. Smith. Anyone who
comes toward you will be sorry.” He lifted up his coat and there he
held a black automatic pistol.
 WESLEY SWIFT 297

According to the 1950s-era watchdog Ralph Lord Roy:

Perhaps Gerald L. K. Smith’s most influential supporter is Anglo-
Israelite Wesley Swift, who operates a hate enterprise costing over
$40,000 annually in the Los Angeles area. Swift has directed
the activities of the Great Pyramid Club, the Anglo-Saxon Chris-
tian Congregation, and the Anglo-Saxon Bible Study Group; collec-
tively they are said to constitute the strongest racist element on
the West Coast.

At one time Swift was Smith’s chauffeur, bodyguard, and

research assistant. He has remained intensely loyal to his former
boss, cooperating with his program and accompanying him on
many of his trips. Smith considered him “one of the great Bible stu-
dents of the nation, and one of the three or four most eloquent
preachers to whom I have ever listened.” _
Michael Barkun discounts many of Roy’s claims, but credits
Smith with providing Swift with his first copy of the leading anti-
Semitic book of the era, The International Jew. What Swift did for
Smith, however, was of even greater import. In Smith’s recollec-
tion, it was Swift who introduced him to Christian Identity doc-
trine, and in this same passage of Besieged Patriot, Smith seems to
indicate that he embraced the new faith:
One day, [Wesley Swift] said to me: “Mr. Smith, I would like to bring
my Bible up to your hotel room and talk to you.” He did, and he
made one of the greatest contributions to my life that any man ever
made. He opened the Bible and demonstrated to me with proper
texts that Christ’s worst enemies were not God’s chosen people. He
identified the “true Israel” which gave us the Messiah, and demon-
strated to me that we were heirs to the covenant that God made
with Abraham, and we were indeed Israelites. He later pointed out
the text which reads, concerning those who had accepted Jesus
Christ who might not be able to trace their lineage to Abraham: “Ye
have been circumcised by faith.”
He demonstrated that the crucifiers of Christ were apostates,
sons of Satan, and the seed of Cain. He proved by scriptures that
Jesus Christ was not a Jew as we now know Jews, and that God is
going to give His kingdom to those who have accepted Jesus Christ,
and not to those who caused His crucifixion and still justify it. The
modern apostates may say that if they had it to do over again, they
would not nail Him to a cross; but they, in fact “crucify our Lord
anew” every day.
298 _ WESLEY SWIFT

Ralph Lord Roy was correct in one respect: Swift had no intention
of restricting his activism to Christian Identity. As early as 1946,
Swift was involved in organizing a Ku Klux Klan group in Los
Angeles, and there were some cross burnings there at that time.
Indeed, Swift’s organizational flair was evident in a vast number of
spin-off projects through the years, though the most important of
these was clearly the Christian Defense League (CDL). The CDL
was born in 1964 as one of many of Swift’s organizational initiatives.
Swift selected a young California engineer, the then-unknown
Richard G. Butler, as its National Director. From 1964 to 1973, the
Christian Defense League was very much a Christian Identity
vehicle, consisting of a core group of leaders under Butler, such as
Identity stalwarts William Potter Gale and Bertrand Comperet. It is
no accident that Comperet, Butler, and Gale were students and asso-
ciates of Swift at his Church of Jesus Christ Christian.
Swift died in 1970. As with so many of the longer-lived leaders of
the racialist right, by then he had broken his relations with virtually
all of his former mentors and students. Gerald L. K. Smith, Richard
Butler, William Potter Gale, James Warner—all had become
estranged, and some became bitter rivals. Be this as it may, Swift
remains the seminal figure in the transformation of British
Israelism into Christian Identity. It is Swift whom many Identity
ministers credit for the radicalism of modern Identity theology. It
was Swift, too, who did much to add ever more fantastic layers of doc-
trine to the Identity creed—UFOs, intergalactic wars at the dawn of
time, and much more. But most of all, it was Swift’s teaching, pre-
served today in cassette sermons and the transcripts of those ser-
mons, that provide a core curriculum for aspiring Identity ministers.
In the wake of Smith’s passing, a brief struggle for his legacy pit-
ted Richard Butler against William Potter Gale, James Warner,
and Swift’s own widow. Butler got the better of the battle, taking
the Church of Jesus Christ Christian label for his own Identity
ministry, which he moved from California to Idaho in 1973. Warner
and Gale seized the large archives of Swift’s recorded sermons,
and these they sold under their own imprimaturs. Swift’s widow
retained some of the tapes, the Lancaster church, and, of greatest
import, Swift’s name. She is today the keeper of the flame of
Swift's ministry.
 WESLEY SWIFT 299

See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian Defense League; Chris-
tian Identity; Church of Israel; Church of Jesus Christ Christian; Coughlin,
Father Charles; Gale, William Potter; Gayman, Dan; Smith, Gerald L. K.;
Warner, James. .

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Ori-
gins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1994); David H. Bennett, Demagogues in the Depression
(New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1969); Jeffrey Kaplan, Rad-
ical Religion in America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997);
Ralph Lord Roy, Apostles of Discord (Boston: Beacon Press, 1953); Gerald L.
K. Smith, Besieged Patriot, Elma M. Smith and Charles F. Robinson, eds.
(Eureka Springs, AR: Elma M. Smith Foundation, 1978); Wiliam W.
Turner, Power on the Right (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971).
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JOSEPH TOMMASI_ Were he alive today, Joseph Tommasi may well

be recognized as one of the three most important American National
Socialists of the postwar era, in the company of George Lincoln
Rockwell and William Pierce. Tommasi was only 24 when he died at
the hands of Jerry Jones, a young and very frightened follower of the
National Socialist White People’s Party, in front of NSWPP head-
quarters in El] Monte, California, in August 1975. Had he lived, there
is a chance—albeit a small one—that the history of the National
Socialist movement in America would have been different.
Tommasi was a rarity in the milieu of American National Social-
ism: a young man with leadership quality, the ability to admire the
1930s German model without being captured by it and thus losing ©
touch with the fact that 1970s America bore scant resemblance to
Weimar Germany, and a keen recognition that the dominant Nazi
strategy of the day—the creation of a “mass action” front of disgusted
and discouraged Whites—was, short of an apocalyptic social col-
lapse, simply not going to happen.
Joseph Tommasi emerged from the fractious California cadre of
Rockwell’s American Nazi Party that became the National Socialist
White People’s Party in 1966, the year before Rockwell’s death. A
deeply committed National Socialist, Tommasi held out for some
years after the Commander’s assassination before he too fell victim
to successor Matt Koehl’s ongoing purge of the party. But where so
many others similarly disgusted with Koehl and company departed
for other belief systems throughout the radical right, Tommasi was
an NS true believer who, until his expulsion from the party, believed
in Koehl to the end. His analysis of the sad state of affairs of
the post-Rockwell movement marked the first attempt to adapt the
stereotypical Nazi subculture of the 1950s to the youth culture of

301
302 . JOSEPH TOMMASI

the late 1960s and early 1970s. The results were intended to be revo-
lutionary, and they were.
Addressing the Second Party Congress in 1970, he denounced
the conservative majority of the party in a speech that electrified
some and appalled most with his call for revolution now. The speech
impressed William Pierce—then in the throes of his own bitter
dispute with Matt Koehl. Pierce, like Tommasi, was acutely aware
of the bold actions undertaken by the Weather Underground and
the Symbionese Liberation Army, to name but two of the left-wing
combatant organizations of the day. They were determined to
create a campus-based revolutionary movement of the right on
the same model. Thus was born the National Socialist Liberation
Front (NSLF).
Unknown to most of those present at the Second Party Con-
gress, Tommasi already had, with William Pierce’s (well) behind-
the-scenes encouragement, founded the NSLF in 1969. It was
headquartered at the National Socialist White People’s Party
headquarters in E] Monte, California, where Tommasi was based.
The original intent of the National Socialist Liberation Front was
as a youth auxiliary of the National Socialist White People’s Party
that hoped to concentrate its recruiting efforts on college campuses.
This was a project particularly dear to the heart of William
Pierce, a former college professor. Pierce realized all too well that,
just as the rabble of the original brown-shirted S.A. cadres who were
Hitler’s earliest supporters gave way to a more sophisticated follow-
ing after the ascent to power, a future National Socialist government
in America would need a more capable cadre of functionaries than
could be found among the street fighters who peopled the American
Nazi Party—cum—National Socialist White People’s Party. The
National Socialist Liberation Front’s campus recruiting efforts made
few converts, but could not be counted a complete failure. By 1970, it
had attracted a young student in Louisiana who would go on to a
notable career in the radical right. That one-man unit was a teen-
aged David Duke.
The NSLF concept did not really go anywhere until 1973, how-
ever, when Tommasi was unceremoniously booted out of the
National Socialist White People’s Party by Matt Koehl for his
un—National Socialist behavior of smoking marijuana in party
headquarters, entertaining young women within those hallowed
precincts, leading unauthorized armed-paramilitary maneuvers,
and, it was rumored, misusing the scant party funds.
In 1973 or 1974, Tommasi’s slogan—which remains current to
this day in National Socialist circles—became known to East Coast
 JOSEPH TOMMASI 303

party members, and in that year too the NSLF held its foundational
meeting. Tommasi’s dictum, “THE FUTURE BELONGS TO THE FEW OF
US WILLING TO GET OUR HANDS DIRTY. POLITICAL TERROR: It’s the
only thing they understand,” appeared on a poster featuring a .38
caliber pistol and a swastika. It would not be the last time Tommasi
would borrow slogans, style, and eventually even dress and physi-
cal appearance from the New Left of the 1960s. Even more striking
in this vein was the slogan that opened Tommasi’s Building the
Revolutionary Party pamphlet, the Maoist truism: “POLITICAL
POWER STEMS FROM THE BARREL OF A GUN.” Indeed, even the group’s
name was inspired by the communist Vietnamese National Libera-
tion Front, while the name of the group’s journal, Siege!/, was bor-
rowed from the Weather Underground.
According to National Socialist Liberation Front propaganda, the
group’s foundational meeting held on March 2, 1974—a full
five years after Tommasi created the group—hosted “forty-three
National Socialist revolutionaries” in El Monte. It was at this meet-
ing that the mass action strategy was officially put to rest in favor of
“revolution now.” The NSLF was conceived as an activist, and thus
violent, revolutionary organization. It was structured with an
above-ground membership that may have numbered perhaps 40 or
more, plus a tiny underground contingent of lone-wolf revolutionar-
ies. The underground core of the NSLF never numbered more than 4,
including Kar] Hand, David Rust, and James Mason (who ironically
was not an official member of the group). Mason recalls of these days:
Yes, the N.S.L.F. of Tommasi had four persons who carried out the
illegal activities. The remainder, the majority, weren’t that much
different from the N.S.W.P.P. members except they were a lot more
forward thinking.

The brief Building the Revolutionary Party pamphlet is of some

importance in that it openly breaks with the mass action strategy
and demands that sterner action be taken. Moreover, its all too
accurate portrayal of the anemic state of the American National
Socialist movement and its dim prospects for power is as true now
as then. It is thus worthy of some attention. As a preamble to the
NSLF’s demand to “SEIZ[E] THE TIME!” Tommasi writes:
Winning the hearts and minds of the people takes intense organiz-
ing activity and a willingness on the part of people to get involved
and be organized. Both at this time do not exist.
Since a mass movement cannot be “pulled off’ in America
because of the anti-mass movement nature of the American people
304 _ JOSEPH TOMMASI

(which stems from their ever-growing apathy), the only recourse for
National Socialist Revolutionaries is to go underground and build
their own armed struggle to wage war against the State.
National Socialist activities have never produced one significant
result in the U.S.A. Any mob resistance our people have been
engaged in has always been a spontaneous eruption (like Boston)
with the participation and agitation of no political party or National
Socialist activist. They did it themselves without our help.

Tommasi, whose gift for flaming oratory would live on long after
he himself had died a lonely death in the streets of El Monte, ends
with a flourish that produced one of his most memorable slogans,
“Pray for victory and not an end to slaughter”:
In times of revolution, just wars, and wars of national liberation, we
must love the angels of destruction and disorder as opposed to the
devils of conservatism and law and order. To hell with all those
who block the Revolution with rhetoric—revolutionary rhetoric or
counter-revolutionary rhetoric! We will not make our most eloquent
statements in courtrooms and at press conferences, but in the
streets of Jew-Capitalist America!
The choice of weapons belong to him who moves; and NSLF
moves into the streets and we have made our choice of weapons and
tactics. The weapon of criticism will never equal the criticism of
weapons. NSLF prefers a paralyzed enemy to a well criticized one.
Those who can’t stand the sight of blood, especialiy their own,
should stay home and pray for those who come outside the master’s
rules to “move,” to DO IT, and pray for victory and not an end to
slaughter. Pray for us to succeed for if we do succeed, you will be safe.
If we don’t, then kiss the baby good-bye.

Building the Revolutionary Party was a powerful call to action

couched in the New Left phraseology of the day. From the conscious
parody of Jerry Rubin’s book DO IT, to the Maoist cliché “POLITICAL
POWER STEMS FROM THE BARREL OF A GUN,” which opens the pam-
phlet, to the very name of the organization, Tommasi’s organization
was the very antithesis of the nostalgic Hitler cultism and organi-
zational paralysis that was (and is) the norm in the world of Ameri-
can National Socialism. And therein lay the problem. Tommasi was
ahead of his time, and only the barest handful of the faithful were
prepared to follow him.
The National Socialist Liberation Front’s brief, active life pro-
duced an important theoretical journal, Siege!, and a number of
remarkable posters and pamphlets. Yet in the end, the NSLF could
 JOSEPH TOMMASI 305

not escape the reality of its minuscule numbers. It was fine for
Tommasi to borrow the communist belief in a cell structure, but the
grim truth was that, had the NSLF’s combatant core formed a fight-
ing cell, it would have had to put all its eggs in one basket. On an
ideological level, however, it was not difficult to find a rationale,
and a hope, for ultimate victory in the face of overwhelming odds.
For one, the National Socialist faith has always been at heart
deeply religious. Ultimate victory was assured to the faithful sim-
ply by virtue of their faith and of their ultimate “rightness.”
On a more immediate level, Tommasi believed with Rockwell
and Evola and Hitler too that the masses were in essence female,
waiting to be swept off their collective feet by a strong male leader
whose daring and charisma would guide them into the timeless
racialist dream. Thus the suicidal audacity of the National Socialist
Liberation Front’s “operations.” Thus too the ease with which the
organization was smashed and surviving members were jailed.
David Rust, Tommasi’s first successor, went down on firearms
charges. Karl Hand, Tommasi’s final successor, was imprisoned
briefly in 1980 for firing a gun into the home of a Black neighbor,
and then received a 15-year sentence for other weapons violations
and attempted murder.
Tommasi was the first American National Socialist leader in the
post-Rockwell era to openly break with the conservative National
Socialist majority and not only to urge, but also to actuate, an organi- _
zational campaign of guerrilla warfare against the American state,
regardless of the obvious disparity of forces available to the respec-
tive sides. (Joseph Franklin predated Tommasi, but his war against
America was strictly a private affair.) By his example, he left a last-
ing mark on the movement as well as on those who knew him. Even
those who opposed his radicalism in the El Monte days—one former
National Socialist, for example, recalls how the group referred to him
contemptuously as “Tomato Joe” as both a play on his name and as a
comment on his less than Nordic features—cannot help but admire
his daring in the face of hopeless odds.
Those who looked up to him, even if they were not willing to fol-
low him into hopeless battle with the state, revere him to this day.
Harold Covington, for example, reflects that he would never have
managed to persevere throughout his long and checkered career as
a National Socialist had it not been for the fact that his first Com-
mander was Joseph Tommasi and his first posting was in the El
Monte headquarters. James Mason, too remains, fiercely loyal to
the memory of Joseph Tommasi, and it may well be that it was his
306 » JOSEPH TOMMASI

search for an equally strong and charismatic leader for the

National Socialist movement that brought him to discover Charles
Manson and create the Universal Order. What is certain is that
American National Socialism has not produced another leader of
Tommasi’s caliber. James Mason thus says today of Tommasi:
Joseph Tommasi, as founder of the NSLF [National Socialist Liber-
ation Front], was the first of a new breed. A hero and a martyr to the
Cause. What he wanted most was to provide the movement with its
much overdue HIT TEAM and not to set himself up as some sort of
cheap, tin horn demi-god like the rest. Tommasi personified the
kind of man we MUST have: those desiring to serve the move-
ment—and do so with great facility—not pose around in gaudy uni-
forms as “Hollywood Nazis”...
...li?s as if] Tommasi never went away. He’d have admired
Oklahoma City. “Pray for Victory and not an end to slaughter.”

See also: American Nazi Party; Covington, Harold; Duke, David; Franklin,
Joseph; Koehl, Matt; Manson, Charles; Mason, James; Pierce, William;
National Socialist Liberation Front; National Socialist White People’s Party;
Rockwell, George Lincoln; Universal Order.

Further reading Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Postwar Paths of Occult National

Socialism: From Rockwell and Madole to Manson,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and
Heléne Léow, Rejected and Suppressed Knowledge: The Racist Right and the
Cultic Milieu (Stockholm: Swedish National Council of Crime Prevention,
forthcoming); James Mason, Siege (Denver: Storm Books, 1992).
 U
UNIVERSAL ORDER The Universal Order is the operational front
adopted at the direct suggestion of Charles Manson by James Mason,
the publisher and editor of Siege, which had been a newsletter of the
National Socialist Liberation Front (NSLF) beginning in 1980.
Mason had been a member of first the National Socialist White
People’s Party and then the NSLF, but had been growing increas-
ingly disillusioned with the conservative, legalistic stance of the
hard-right-wing organizations and their apparent lack of relevance
and impact upon national and world events. Having run the entire
gamut of political extremism, Mason sensed that by 1980 there
existed no conventional political solution to the dilemma of Whites in
America, i.e., increasing non-White presence and Jewish domination
of government and media.
In 1980, Mason was moved to contact Manson Family members
Lynette Fromme and Sandra Good, confined at the Federal Women’s
Penitentiary at Alderson, West Virginia, and Charles Manson him- —
self at the state prison at Vacaville, California. The heavy exchange
of letters and telephone calls that resulted led to a visit to Alderson
in March 1981 and, due to the input of Manson’s ideas, the formal
move away from the NSLF and to the Universal Order by mid-1982.
It was also Charles Manson’s contention that there was no politi-
cal solution to the world’s problems, which, in his view, extended well
beyond the parameters of government and race, encompassing such
issues as the poisoning of the earth’s environment and the deadly
damage being done to the human psyche by the modern, materialis-
tic society. In line with this greater reality, Manson suggested that
the name National Socialist Liberation Front was no longer valid
and put forth Universal Order instead to reflect the philosophy and
program itself.
Along with the change of name, Manson proposed a new symbol
for the effort. Rather than a Swastika positioned with an M-16 rifle,
it would now be a Swastika superimposed over the scales of jus-
tice. In deference to Manson, Mason utilized a leftward-revolving

307
308 . UNIVERSAL ORDER

Swastika in the new symbol. At the same time, Manson reversed the
direction of the Swastika in his forehead to now revolve to the right.
From 1982 until it ceased publication in 1986, Siege promoted
Manson’s philosophy as the logical extension of Hitler’s philosophy
as it applied to today’s world. Despite much initial rejection on the
part of traditional Movement stalwarts on the basis of imagery and
the lack of orthodoxy, the sentiments, priorities, and strategies of
Manson gradually came to pervade areas of the U.S. radical right
over the following decade.
Although few would realize or admit it, the gradual move away
from “White Supremacy” toward White Separatism, from any
hopes of recovering the U.S. government, toward establishing new,
independent regions, is precisely what animated the creation of the
Manson enclaves in Death Valley during the 1960s. At issue is bare
survival as a species as the world system begins to crumble and die.

—James Mason, Universal Order

See also: Manson, Charles; Mason, James; National Socialist Liberation

Front.

Further reading: Vincent Bugliosi with Curt Gentry, Helter Skelter (New
York: W. W. Norton, 1974); Nuel Emmons, Manson in His Own Words (New
York: Grove Press, 1986); John Gilmore and Ron Kenner, The Garbage Peo-
ple (Los Angeles: Amok, 1995); Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Postwar Paths of Occult
National Socialism: From Rockwell and Madole to Manson,” in Jeffrey
Kaplan and Heléne Lééw, Rejected and Suppressed Knowledge: The Racist
Right and the Cultic Milieu (Stockholm: Swedish National Council of Crime
Prevention, forthcoming); Manson Speaks, a CD from White Devil Records;
James Mason, Siege! (Denver: Storm Books, 1992); Nikolas Schreck, The
Manson File (Los Angeles: Amok, 1988).
 V
VALKYRIA Valkyria is a group of militant women in the Norwe-
gian right-wing underground. The group was created in January
1995. The women’s wish to organize themselves was motivated by
the fact that they felt stigmatized by the men (the men divided the
women into either “straight” or “mattress” depending on their sex-
ual availability), and because they were dissatisfied that the men
often excluded them from trips to Sweden and other gatherings.
The women felt that it was easier to expose their feelings when the
men were not present, and also, they wanted to make something on
their own, and thereby gain more respect from the males. “It feels
safe to be within an all-female group, and not having boys around
you all the time,” one of the initiators explained.
Even though Valkyria is a separate organization, it shares a lot
of activities with males from the paramilitary Viking group. These
two groups share the same post box address, and Valkyria is
defined as Viking’s “sister” on Viking’s home page on the Internet.
In the Viking’s fanzine, also called Viking, the Valkyria women
have a page of their own, where they write short articles signed
“Jeanne d’Arc.” Leading members of both groups take part in the
same meetings, where they plan future actions, camps, and train-
ing. Weapons training is organized jointly for the two groups.
There is no formal leader of the Valkyria group. Still, there are
more-experienced women who tell less-experienced women what to
do. Valkyria is organized into several local cells. The main part of the
group is located in Oslo. The Oslo cell has about ten members,
whereas another ten women are spread into four other cells all
located at smaller places surrounding Oslo. The Oslo women may be
considered the inner circle of Valkyria women. However, all the
women meet once a month. The main purpose of this meeting is to
come together and create a sense of being a group, but also they plan
actions or discuss ideology. Sometimes the Valkyria women organize
their own training camps where like-minded women from other
countries also take part.

309
310 , VALKYRIA

A separate cell of Valkyria is located in Drammen. It emerged in

the summer of 1995 and was temporarily dissolved after March
1996 because its leader left the underground. Later on, its activity
was started up again at the initiative of the other members. The
women of the Drammen department think the Oslo Valkyria
women are too much ruled by the male members of the Viking
group. The Oslo women, on their side, argue that the Drammen
women are more fond of pub life, whereas the Oslo women are more
militant and demand that their members drink less. Another differ-
ence is that the Drammen women tend to be more ideologically
extreme, as they have not distanced themselves from National
Socialism as the Oslo women did.
The Valkyria women have created their own symbol, which is a
mixture of the Celtic cross, the women’s sign, and the circle: “The
women’s sign [ 2? ] because we are women, the Celtic cross because
we are nationalists, and the circle to symbolize the unity and soli-
darity between us.” The Oslo women later dropped this sign
because the Celtic cross often is associated with Nazism, and these
women want to be considered nationalists rather than National
Socialists. Therefore, they only use the Norwegian flag and the offi-
cial national symbol of Norway, the lion, because these symbols are
purely national and have no connotations to Nazism.
New Valkyria members are recruited through leaflet actions
and by “snowball” methods (recruiting the friends of one’s friends).
Before the emergence of a separate women’s group, the sole route
into the movement for women had to do with their relationships
with men. However, after the emergence of the Valkyria group,
some women have made direct contact with the women’s group,
without having become involved with the underground’s men
beforehand. The prime reason for women to join the underground is
excitement. Some of them also give political motives for entering,
such as the frustration they feel after having been assaulted by for-
eign (typically Muslim) men.
After a test period, the newcomer is allowed to meet all the mem-
bers of the local Valkyria cell. One woman from the local group is
responsible for taking care of the newcomer and is bound to secrecy
concerning any problems the newcomer wants to discuss. This men-
tor relationship is meant to last until the other members fully trust
the newcomer, whereupon she is allowed full membership.
There are no initiation rituals that the newcomer has to pass. A
trustworthy member of Valkyria should handle information with
discretion, not drink much, practice kick-boxing and shooting, not
give Nazi salutes, be a true nationalist, wear military clothes when
 VALKYRIA 311

needed, but in daily life dress in casual clothes, and, last but not
least, live “straight.” Some women are denied membership, usually
because they drink too much. This is especially true of a few Satan-
ist women who wanted to join Valkyria. However, according to a
leading Valkyria woman, they were too fond of pub life and Nazi
salutes. Valkyria members should act more seriously than that.
Another claim is that Valkyria women should be straight, that
is, not change partners often. More formal requirements are that
all members are bound to keep information secret and, most impor-
tant of all, they are not allowed to give away the identity of other
group members. They are also forbidden to discuss information or
mention names on the telephone. Members are not allowed to dis-
cuss internal issues with outsiders. However, members are allowed
to discuss the general guidelines of the group and give examples of
their common activities. Some members function as spokespersons
in contact with the media.
Even though the Valkyria group is a militant nationalist group,
the newcomer does not have to prove ideological proficiency or excel-
lence in shooting or fighting. Rather, the newly recruited member
has to prove herself capable of following certain procedures in rela-
tion to appointment-making, alert behavior, and discretion.
Only women above the age of 15 are allowed to be members. The
reason for this is that the members often enter into serious conflicts
with teachers, parents, or even the Child Welfare Authorities after —
joining Valkyria. Many of the girls received high grades at school.
Then one day they come home wearing army caps and boots. Their
parents try to stop them going out with their new friends. But often
they calm down after a while. In other words, participation in this
group is in many ways being in opposition to parents. These women
want to be valued as tough.
The Valkyria women collaborate with women from many differ-
ent countries, some of whom have already organized their all-female
groups, whereas others want to start up, and need advice from an
existing organization. For example, a Danish women’s group was
organized the summer of 1995, after its founder had contacted the
Valkyria women, asking for information. The Valkyria members also
exchange letters and information with women in Germany. Also,
there have emerged other nationalist females’ groups in Norway
during 1996, such as Embla (named for the first woman in the Norse
creation myth) and Jenter for Norge (Girls for Norway).
The women of Valkyria wear fatigues and U.S. army caps every
time there is a concert or a counterdemonstration. They look so
ultramilitant that some of their Swedish acquaintances have labeled
312 ’ VALKYRIA

them “the Death Squadron.” The women copy many elements from
masculine uniforms. However, these elements are counteracted by
their long hair, which they sometimes bleach.
The Valkyria women take part in strategic meetings with the
males, undergo weapons training, and organize their own study
meetings and underground actions. According to the militant
Valkyria members, “mattresses” are unacceptable as activists, but,
on the other hand, they do not reject these women as friends.
The Valkyria women’s participation in weapons training is
partly motivated by things beyond the specific militant elements:
being together in the wood, making a fire, the excitement of hiding
from the police, and the feeling of taking part in an complicated
stage play. However, the training is also motivated by a feeling that
they are in danger of being severely wounded after attacks by anti-
fascists, so using weapons is the only possible way to fight back. The
females say they would not hesitate to use weapons “if it should
come that far.” However, to date, there have only been a few inci-
dents of street-fighting between women from the militant antifas-
cist group. The women practice kick-boxing, train with dogs, learn
camouflage and communication techniques. They say that when
they achieve sufficient courage, they will join the men on the front
lines during confrontations.
The women agree with the view held by the males that Norwe-
gian politics are governed by the proimmigration left wing, and
accordingly, the hate targets of these women include both the official
authorities as well as militant groups on the left. First and foremost,
the Valkyria members are against immigration. They say that they
are scared by the way many immigrants (mostly Muslim men) view
women. They argue that Islam will, over the course of years, become
more dominant, and that this will mean the rise of a backlash
against women’s emancipated status in Norway. Some women are
more openly “racist” in the narrow sense of the word, saying that
they have to protect the White race and prohibit mixed marriages.
A small number of women are sympathetic to parts of Nazi
ideology, but the women are more resistant to the persecution of
Jews than some of the males. They say they want to defend the Nor-
wegian character and protect the White race by stopping
immigration.
Nazism becomes an important issue for the Oslo Valkyria
members because outsiders tend to think of them as being
Nazis, and also, these women adhere to an international subculture
in which Nazi elements are highly prevalent. One of these women,
 VALKYRIA 313

together with her friends at school, tried to sort out what separated
militant nationalism from neo-Nazism, and found out—after
having interviewed researchers, journalists, politicians, and right-
wing activists—that “nationalist” (in their sense of being a nation-
alist) and “neo-Nazi” are in practice more or less the same thing.
Despite wanting to be considered nationalists themselves, they
realize that since they participate side by side with neo-Nazis, they
must accept being reckoned as Nazis as well. This insight seems to
make them less anti-Nazi than they originally wanted to be. They
are thus resigned to the label, and say they don’t care if some activ-
ists are Nazis.
Even though the women are not openly anti-Nazi, they certainly
are anticommunist. They tend to define as communist all groups
and parties ranging from the social democratic Labor Party to the
militant street-group from Blitz House.
The Valkyria group arranges study meetings, in order both to
heighten members’ “political, cultural, and historical conscious-
ness” and to protect Norway and Norwegian culture. At the meet-
ings, they discuss the Viking era, the history of the Norwegian
National Socialist party during the 1930s and 1940s, “our historical
roots” in more general terms, immigration policy, and nationalism.
The most experienced women see their role as being to teach the
other women, but also to have an impact on people who disagree
openly with their views. .
Despite the Valkyria members’ outspoken stand against immi-
grants, they do not usually carry out leaflet actions, violence, or
harassment against foreigners. According to a leading male activist,
the reason for this is that these actions are “taken care of” by male
activists, so that the women do not see the need to engage them-
selves in this way. Instead, they carry out their own actions on issues
that do not engage the men as much. A lead issue is defined by the
women as “to create a future for our children and for girls in the
nationalist milieu.”
The Valkyria members are concerned with several contempo-
rary women’s issues, such as their stance against the emergence of
brothels, and against pornography and prostitution. In this regard,
they resemble their female opponents from Blitz House more than
their male counterparts from the rightist underground. Women
from Blitz House have frequently organized demonstrations
against brothels. According to the Valkyria women, a problem with
these demonstrations is that they have not managed to cause the
brothels to suffer economical losses. The Valkyria women have not
314 ‘ VALKYRIA

yet organized their own antibrothel demonstrations, though they

have organized actions to stop men from using prostitutes. The way
they managed to do so was by walking the streets where prostitu-
tion occurs, to see for themselves how this happened. To prevent it,
the Valkyria telephoned the men, saying that “We do not want this
to happen again. Prostitution pollutes women’s nature.”
The Valkyria women are also against pornography, as are the
left-wing women. This is further proof that female participation in
the rightist underground must be viewed in a context other than
the males’ participation, especially since many of the men are high
consumers of pornography. One other incidence of men’s attitudes
being unappetizing to these women is the politician Jack Kjuus’s
statement that all adopted children should be sterilized. This view,
which is equivalent to the racial hygienic views that were wide-
spread in the 1920s and 1930s, has no appeal to these women.
They also claim that so-called “red stockings”—that is, left-wing
feminist women—only want higher wages, whereas the Valkyria
think that women should receive full wages for working at home.
Several of them want to remain home with their future children,
rather than sending them to day care.
In this way, the Valkyria women tend to distance themselves
from parts of feminist policy. They tend to think that emancipation
in some regards has gone too far. Many of the females are interested
in equal rights for men and women, and view Viking women as
female ideals because they were strong and combative.
Even though the Valkyria women define themselves partly in
opposition to left-wing feminism, they are curious about the policies
and knowledge of women on the left. According to one Valkyria
member, they would like to find out more about what various leftist
groups stand for, and would like to do so by actually joining their
courses. They once contacted women from R¢d Ungdom (Red
Youths) in the street and asked whether they could join their com-
munication courses. According to this Valkyria member, the com-
munist women refused to answer the question and seemed furious
to have been asked. She asserts that “The Blitz girls are scared to
death that we will say, ‘Hi, we are tough girls who want to study
together with you.’ They are scared because we are tough girls like
they are, but still stand for something other than what they do.”
In addition to their activism against the suppression of females,
the members of Valkyria take part in volunteer work for elderly
people. This is in no way a common trend among young women in
Norway. They also choose traditionally female occupations at a
 VALKYRIA 315

period when it is more the norm that women take longer education
than men and women enter more and more of the traditionally male
spheres of the economy. One of them works in a kindergarten,
another one is a day-care center worker who dreams of being a mid-
wife. Some females work in shops, while some of them go to school.
This combination of females supporting the males’ militance
and studying ideology, but at the same time practicing exception-
ally traditional female roles (taking care of children and elders), is
also prevalent in rightist undergrounds in other countries. How-
ever, the Valkyria girls also support several women’s-rights issues.
The fact that there had been so few women within the under-
ground previously seems to be a strong indicator that the role as
passive audience was not sufficiently satisfying for the women.
They wanted to do something on their own,-and not merely serve as
an audience for the males. Therefore, the motivating factor behind
the all-female group was that they felt subordinated. The separate
women’s group has had the consequence that the women are given
a responsible role of which they previously could only dream. The
leading women of Valkyria are part of the inner circle, taking part
in meetings where strategic underground activities are planned.
However, it is still male activists who set the main premises of this
underground, and even the leading Valkyria women ask central
male activists for counsel before giving interviews.
By beginning their own organization, the women created their —
own loyalty to the movement. They organize their own actions, with
emphasis on certain “women’s issues” not shared by the males.
Women make contact with the movement on their own initiative to
a larger extent than before, not merely by becoming involved with
one of the males. The establishment of the women’s group has
also led to more women becoming attracted to the movement. The
activities of the Valkyria group have also led to an increase in
politicization and in the support of militant activities. These
women thus have become more equal to the men in the right-wing
movement, and thus they have developed such stereotypical male
roles as being tough, militant, and politically extreme.

—Katrine Fangen, University of Oslo, Norway

See also: Women (Norwegian).

Further reading: Katrine Fangen, “Separate or Equal? The Emergence of an

All Female Group in the Norwegian Rightist Underground,” Terrorism and
Political Violence 9:3 (fall 1997); Katrine Fangen, “Skinheads I r¢dt, hvitt og
blatt En sosiologisk studie fra innsiden” [Skinheads in red, white, and blue:
316 ‘ RUSSELL VEH

A sociological study from “inside”] (1994); Katrine Fangen, “Living Out Our
Ethnic Instincts: Ideological Beliefs Among Right-Wing Activists in Nor-
way,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo; Brotherhoods of Nation and Race:
The Emergence of a Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeast-
ern University Press, 1998);

RUSSELL VEH_ It has long been one of the dirty little secrets of
postwar American National Socialism that the movement has, from
its inception under George Lincoln Rockwell and his American Nazi
Party, attracted a significant contingent of homosexuals to its
ranks. Why this should be—in a movement where homophobia is a
central ideological dogma and whose “Golden Age” model, the Ger-
man National Socialist state of the 1930s through the end of World
War II, ultimately placed its own homosexual population in concen-
tration camps—is best left for psychologists rather than historians.
It is a fact nonetheless, and much internal discourse has centered
almost obsessively on the subject. Typically, the problem is set out
most clearly (and most obsessively) by Harold Covington:
Right now this movement is plagued with little self-appointed SS
groups who spend huge bucks in assembling SS paraphernalia and
putting it on for secret photographic sessions that almost smack of
queers coming out of the closet—indeed, in some cases, that is what
it is. The fact is (and we had better start admitting some of these
unpleasant facts) that this movement has a distinct tendency to
attract faggots because of the leather-macho image that the System
Jew media imparts to the SS uniform....

Given this anomalous state of affairs, it was only a matter of

time before the appearance of an explicitly gay National Socialist
group. The first such openly gay neo-Nazi group was organized in
1974 by Russell Veh in Los Angeles. Originally called the National
Socialist League (NSL), with a publishing arm called the World
Service, the NSL published an exceedingly strange journal origi-
nally named NS Kampfruf (no relation to Gary Lauck’s newspaper
of the same name that appeared a decade later). The journal was
later renamed Race and Nation (definitely no relation to the simi-
larly named anthology of the radical right edited by Jeffrey Kaplan
and Tore Bjgrgo, which appeared two decades later).
Russell Veh was a National Socialist from Toledo, Ohio. Before
moving to California, Veh ran a variety of National Socialist “orga-
nizations” in which he comprised both the leadership and the entire
 RUSSELL VEH 317

known membership. Several hard-to-find journals are all that sur-

vives of the period. By 1973, however, Veh had apparently tired of
the organizational equivalent of onanism and, spurred on by a
mail-fraud conviction, headed for the more cosmopolitan environs
of California.
In Los Angeles, Veh’s following probably did not increase greatly
from his Ohio days, but NS Kampfruf came out of the closet with a
vengeance. The cover of the March 1974 premier issue appeared con-
ventional enough, with a drawing of Richard Nixon nailed to a cross
in parody of the then-ongoing Watergate scandal. However, any illu-
sion of conventionality was dispelled by an (unsigned) open letter
addressed to all National Socialists, intended as a National Socialist
League recruiting pitch, which strangely echoed Harold Covington’s
mocking observations:
...We are now organizing a national membership to again replant
the seeds of National Socialism.
Here is where we separate the men from the boys.
The N.S.L. believes that there are many who dig National Social-
ist uniforms, medals, and the “sexual trip” that was prominent in
Nazi Germany with the S.S. and the S.A.....

And to drive home the point, the journal ends with a drawing of two
obviously gay Nazis in a barracks with swastikas covering their
genitals and the logo “$6.00 Subscribe! This Year!”
Subsequent issues of NS Kampfruf would be less subtle. Photos
of homosexual orgies in (and out of) Nazi regalia vied with more
tasteful male nude statues from the heroic imagery of the original
Third Reich. Short articles and news briefs vied as well with letters
to the editor extolling the organization, which had dared to offer a
home for openly gay National Socialists. Ironically, through a series
of interviews in the mainstream and gay press, Veh seems to have
made his bizarre National Socialist “group” something of an object of
debate over the openness of the gay community to all gay men,
regardless of their political ideology, and an object of interest to the
mainstream press, whose respectful interviews called into question
how far newspapers would go to find ever-more-exotic filler for an
otherwise slow news day.
Veh appears to have taken this curiosity as approbation, and
soon NS Kampfruf began to run personal ads that probably would
not have met the fairly low standards of taste and decency of the
underground newspaper of the day, the Berkeley Barb, much less
the puritanical ethos of American National Socialism. Thus, the
American National Socialist community was treated to ads that ran
318 . VARG VIKERNES

heavily into leather fetishism and S&M as a vital component of

National Socialist belief. Needless to say, there was little positive
response throughout the American National Socialist subculture.
In fact, the graphic personals simply provided ammunition for the
movement’s internecine wars in which a charge of homosexuality
was simply a convenient term of abuse, as in this NS Kampfruf per-
sonal ad, reprinted in the Deguello Report (which itself is reprinted
in its entirety in the “Resources” section of this encyclopedia):
Subservient young man, dedicated to National Socialism, desires to
provide complete oral service for dynamic male holding leadership
position within the American Nazi movement.

Finding no support for his efforts in Los Angeles, Veh inexplica-

bly moved to the even-more-conservative environs of San Diego in
1982, changing the name of the National Socialist League to the
World Service in the process. From there he faded from the
National Socialist scene.
See also: American Nazi Party; Covington, Harold; Lauck, Gary; Rockwell,
George Lincoln.

Further reading: John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists,

Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prome-
theus Books, 1996).

VARG VIKERNES_ Kristian Quisling Lafranzson Vikernes, more

popularly known as Varg Vikernes, is one of Norway’s most notori-
ous criminals. He is currently serving a 21-year-prison sentence for
murdering Wystein Aarseth, a prominent figure both in Norwegian
satanic circles and in that country’s black metal music scene. The
rock star status that Vikernes has acquired as the creative force
behind the one-man band known as Burzum significantly boosted
his notoriety in Norway. Although the Norwegian press labeled
Vikernes a Satanist because of his involvement in the Black Circle
(a group of youths who made use of Satanic symbols and who partic-
ipated in church arson to drive Christianity out of Norway), he
claims that above all he is a dedicated Odinist. Vikernes argues
that the only way the “Satanist” label that has been imposed upon
him can be justified is if it is taken according to its literal meaning.
That is to say, Vikernes asserts that he is a Satanist only insofar as
he is an enemy of the Judeo-Christian God.
 VARG VIKERNES 319

Born in 1973, in Bergen, Norway, Vikernes first became

involved with the extreme right as a National Socialist skinhead
while he was an adolescent. In 1991, Vikernes began to associate
with @ystein Aarseth, godfather of the black metal scene in Nor-
way, guitarist in the band Mayhem, and owner of both a small
record store (Helvete, or Hell) and record label (Deathlike Silence).
Aarseth, who preferred to be called Euronymous (a name he bor-
rowed from the Prince of Death in Greek mythology), was infatu-
ated with the concept of “evil.” He praised the devil, cursed
Christians, and preached that it was time the powers of evil were
spread. Also, he was noted both within the movement and later in
the popular press for his misogyny and sexual sadism. In 1992,
Aarseth and Vikernes (who initially adopted the alias “Count
Grishnackh” before calling himself “Varg,”-which means “wolf” in
Norwegian) headed a group of youths drawn from the black metal
scene whom Aarseth had baptized “the Black Circle.” The objec-
tives of the Black Circle were to drive Christianity out of Norway
and to reinstitute the worship of Old Norse gods, particularly Odin.
Approximately 40 churches were destroyed by arson in Norway
between 1992 and 1996. The Norwegian press attributed much of
the damage to the Black Circle, who were dubbed by the media, and
by Aarseth himself, as “Satanic terrorists.”
As a result of what is variously described as a power struggle
between rival leaders of the Satanic circle, a conflict over a girl’s
affection, or a dispute over a record contract, Vikernes murdered
Aarseth on the night of August 9, 1993. For his part, Vikernes con-
tends that Aarseth planned to kill him and that he was striking first
in self-defense. Vikernes states, too, that the substantial amount of
explosives recovered from his apartment after his arrest was
intended to blow up Blitz House, the radical leftist and anarchist
enclave in Oslo. Vikernes’s plan to destroy “the Blitz” was reportedly
on the verge of execution when his arrest for the murder of Aarseth
prevented it from being carried out. Vikernes was convicted of
Aarseth’s homicide and several counts of church arson in 1994.
Vikernes has been busy promoting his Odinist and National
Socialist philosophy from behind bars via the periodical Filosofem,
the first issue of which he coedited with the French activist Vidarrh
von Herske (Filosofem is also the name of his most successful CD).
He continues to record music in prison, and he runs a record com-
pany that produces albums with nationalistic overtones from there
as well. Vikernes is also the self-proclaimed leader of the Norsk
Hedensk Front (Norwegian Heathen Front) and of an international
heathen brotherhood he calls Cymophane.
320 VITT ARISKT MOTSAND

He advocates racial paganism (that is, exclusive and culture-

specific worship of deities or archetypes), “race hygiene” (that is, the
maintenance of territorial divisions based on racial differences), and
anti-Semitism. He is dedicated to the liberation of Scandinavia and
Germany from ZOG (the so-called Zionist Occupation Government),
and he has even stated on at least one occasion that he wishes he
were dictator of Scandinavia. Vikernes claims that if he had known
his prior reliance on Satanic symbols would have caused so much
confusion with respect to his goals and allegiances, he never would
have used them.
On April 4, 1997, Vikernes’s mother, Lene Bore, and four
National Socialists were arrested for allegedly conspiring against
the state. The Norwegian police found a hit list featuring the names
of prominent Norwegian politicians, clergy, and police officers in
Bore’s home. Reportedly, military equipment and survivalist gear
also were seized from her house.

—Xavier Cattarinich, University of Alberta, Canada

See also: Black Metal; Odinism, Skinheads (Norwegian); Zionist Occupation

Government.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Role of Oppositional Religious Move-

ments in the Creation of a New Ethnic Identity,” Nation and Race: The
Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern Uni-
versity Press, 1998); Michael Moynihan and Didrik Sgderlind, Lords of
Chaos (Venice, CA: Feral House, 1998).

VITT ARISKT MOTSAND The group name Vitt Ariskt Motsand

(VAM) translates to White Aryan Resistance (WAR), and these
Swedish revolutionary National Socialists were the most important
European group to borrow the WAR name from Tom Metzger’s
eponymous California organization, with which they maintained
close contact. Vitt Ariskt Motsand was active in Sweden from 1990
through 1992. In that time, however, they demonstrated more of an
affinity for Robert Mathews’s revolutionary Silent Brotherhood
(the Order) than Metzger’s mail-order racism.
In an early circular, Vitt Ariskt Motsand stated its purpose
succinctly:
VAM is not a traditional organization, but an efficient network that
helps regional groups, local cells and individuals to get started in
 VITT ARISKT MOTSAND 321

their fight for freedom.... VAM distributes race-revolutionary propa-

ganda through magazines, posters, stickers, leaflets and literature.

Whether VAM was here being modest or disingenuous, or

whether it simply had decided by 1992 to make a change of course,
Vitt Ariskt Motsand soon found that propaganda of the pen was
ineffective and turned to propaganda of the deed. In this, its mem-
bers found the model of the Order to be irresistible, and they soon
set out on a course of revolutionary violence. Their first action was
audacious: a successful raid at the Lidingo, Sweden, police station,
where they stole a number of weapons. Now armed and dangerous,
the core activists who formed Vitt Ariskt Motsand set out to finance
the movement. Where Robert Mathews had used armored car rob-
beries for the purpose, VAM adapted the tactic to Swedish condi-
tions and undertook a series of bank robberies beginning in 1991.
This was both the high point of Vitt Ariskt Motsand activism and
the beginning of the end of the core cadre of the organization. Swed-
ish police soon arrested those involved in the robberies—most nota-
bly through a series of comic-opera car chases. The driving skills so
notable in the American movement were simply not transferable to
the Swedes, whose flights from the police invariably ended up in a
ditch or against a guard rail.
The arrests of the Vitt Ariskt Motsand leadership throughout
1992 did not put an end to the organization, however. VAM was
constructed as a loose network rather than as an organization, so as
to preclude police infiltration. Many actions undertaken under the
Vitt Ariskt Motsand banner therefore rather more closely resem-
bled the leaderless resistance concept than any organized group on
the model of the Order. VAM could thus draw on the support of
activists throughout the Swedish White Power subculture, and at
its height was connected to such prominent movement figures as
members of the White Power rock groups Vit Aggression (White
Aggression) and Division S.
The crimes attributed to Vitt Ariskt Motsand include the bomb-
ing of the main railway station in Stockholm, a number of armed
robberies, and as many as three murders. In a sense, however, this
may be deceiving. The informal structure of VAM did have some
success in weeding out potential infiltrators, but at the cost of giv-
ing the core leadership little if any control on what was done in the
organization’s name. As one leading Vitt Ariskt Motsand activist
noted to Dr. Heléne Loow of Stockholm University, the media noto-
riety that VAM had achieved by 1992 was “like advertising for psy-
chopaths—and unfortunately, the response was overwhelming.”
322 VITT ARISKT MOTSAND

The last issue of Vitt Ariskt Motsand’s publication, Storm,

appeared in 1993. With the leading activists in prison, the VAM
network faded away at that time. By then, though, VAM had
become something of a legend, and the name, materials, and sym-
bols of the organization lived on for a time among imitators
throughout Scandinavia.
See also: Leaderless Resistance; Mathews, Robert; Metzger, Tom; Order;
White Aryan Resistance; White Power Music.

Further reading: Heléne Loéow, “The Swedish Racist Counterculture,” in

Tore Bjgrgo and Rob Witte, Racist Violence in Europe (New York: St. Mar-
tin’s Press, 1993).
 W
WACO On April 19, 1993, the federal siege of the Branch Davidian
compound in Waco, Texas, reached its fiery denouement. Within the
American cultural heartland, there were expressions of sadness for
the tragic fate of the children, which only slightly softened the con-
sensus that the cult had in some way “got what they deserved.”
Attorney General Janet Reno was lionized as the most popular per-
sonality of the then-floundering Clinton administration.
To the radical right, however, the perception of Waco was consid-
erably different. For many adherents of the myriad ideologies of the
radical right wing, here was proof positive that our government had
declared open season on each and every one of them. Two years to the
day later, a bomb destroyed the Federal Building in Oklahoma City,
Oklahoma. The accused bomber’s correspondence indicated that his
primary motivation was his anger over the Waco tragedy. Why the
reaction from the radical right was as strong as it was—indeed,
Waco and its aftermath was the genesis of the sudden appearance of ~
the militia movement in America—tells much about the fears and
vulnerabilities of the denizens of the American racialist right. This
reaction was particularly puzzling to federal authorities and aca-
demic observers alike, in light of the fact that the beliefs and lifestyle
of David Koresh and his followers were utterly inimical to all that
the right wing holds dear. The key to this seeming mystery rests in
two factors: historical context and the conspiritorialism that is a cen-
tral facet of radical-right-wing ideology.
In terms of timing, Waco came at the tail end of a long series of
increasingly violent confrontations between members of the radical-
right-wing subculture and federal authorities. From the perspective
of the right wing, the federal government, now acting as agents of the
conspiratorial entity known as ZOG, or the Zionist Occupation Gov-
ernment, had since the early 1980s been embarked on a violent cam-
paign of suppression of dissent from the right. This view did, in fact,
have some justification. As James Gibson points out in his outstand-
ing study Warrior Dreams, the paramilitary culture typified by mov-
ies such as Rambo and magazines such as Soldier of Fortune were no

323
324 S WACO

less attractive to government agents than to armchair adventurers

in the post-Vietnam era.
Thus, as government agents sought to enforce the federal writ
against individual survivalists, tax resistors, and the inhabitants of
rural compounds, there was a remarkable upsurge of violence as
federal authorities, clad in camouflage fatigues or, later, black uni-
forms and ski masks to obscure their faces, adopted increasingly
muscular solutions to handle confrontations. Most of the time, the
strategy was successful and, after a brief show of defiance, the tar-
gets surrendered without a shot being fired.
The Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord in southern
Missouri, for example, was, for almost a decade, the elite armorer of
and center for paramilitary training for the far right before its igno-
minious surrender to federal authorities in 1985. Not a shot was
fired in anger, and worse, its idiosyncratic leader, James Ellison,
became the star witness for the prosecution in the 1987 Fort Smith
sedition trial!
Sometimes, however, the strategy had tragic consequences, and a
long line of movement martyrs was the result. Gordon Kahl in North
Dakota, Arthur Kirk in Nebraska, David Moran in California—the
list could go on. But, of greatest import, it was the killing of Vicki
Weaver and her 14-year-old son, Samuel, near Naples, Idaho, on
August 21-22, 1992, that was the key event in the interpretation of
Waco as a declaration of war on the far right.
The attempt to arrest Randy Weaver—a fiasco from the
beginning—is a dispiriting tale of government ineptitude. Indeed,
the ham-fisted handling of the slow-motion siege at Weaver’s rural
cabin and the inept attempts to cover up the facts of the incident
after the fact violated every procedure set down by the FBI for han-
dling such situations, endangering not only the putative target of
the raid but his young children as well. The imbroglio ultimately
cost the government a hefty monetary settlement with Weaver, cost
Larry Potts his position as number two man at the Bureau, and
nearly cost the freedom of the FBI sharpshooter who fired the bullet
that killed Vicki Weaver. From the viewpoint of the radical right,
however, not only was the Weaver tragedy the logical culmination
of the pattern of recent government actions, but it was also seen as
evidence that the state would stop at nothing to liquidate its ene-
mies. The vision of Vicki Weaver, shot in the head as she cradled
her infant in her arms, hit too close to home to be ignored.
At the same time, there had been since the mid-1980s a palpable
rise in temperature throughout the radical right. The Order, led by
 WACO 325

the charismatic figure of Robert Mathews, had in the early 1980s

taken up arms and risen in hopeless rebellion against the power of
the state. Individual right-wing figures such as Richard Wayne
Snell (a former member of the Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the
Lord) were increasingly turning to violence, and the ranks of law
enforcement too began to suffer casualties. It was into this tinder-
box that Waco threw the final match.
Ironically, the holocaust at Waco took place during the Weaver
trial—a trial in which Weaver and codefendant Kevin Harris were
found not guilty of all charges. Waco was thus seen by the far right
as not only a logical culmination of a decade of federal actions
against the right wing, but, in its full-scale military assault on the
Branch Davidians, a terrible harbinger of things to come. But noth-
ing that had occurred before prepared the right for the incineration
of the women and children at Waco. It was a message that not a sin-
gle member of the American far right could mistake: There but for
the grace of God go I, and with me my entire family. Waco was thus
the breaking point for the hopes that a compromise could be found
with the hated state and its perceived Jewish masters. The ZOG
discourse thus became embedded as movement dogma.
The reaction was not long in coming. Militia groups began to
spring up throughout the country as a response to both the events
at Waco and the interpretations given to those events by videotapes
such as “America Under Siege,” by Linda Thompson, and more
recently, “Waco: Rules of Engagement.” Soon, these graphic videos
were joined by World Wide Web sites such as one that includes the
morgue photographs of the dead children.
Expressions of shock and outrage reverberated throughout
the milieu of the radical right. And for some, a decision was taken
to exact vengeance. Thus did America come to learn the name of
Timothy McVeigh and to witness the bombing at the Federal Build-
ing in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, on April 19, 1995, the second
anniversary of the Waco tragedy.
See also: Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord; Ellison, James; Mathews,
Robert; Order; Snell, Richard Wayne; Weaver, Randy; Zionist Occupation
Government.
Further reading: Richard Abnes, American Militias: Rebellion, Racism and
Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1996); Michael Barkun,
“Reflections After Waco: Millennialists and the State,” in James R. Lewis,
ed., From the Ashes: Making Sense of Waco (Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield, 1994); Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Ori-
gins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North
326 » JAMES WARNER

Carolina Press, 1994); James Coates, Armed and Dangerous: The Rise of the
Survivalist Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1987); Kevin Flynn and Gary
Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New York: Signet, 1990); Mark S.
Hamm, Apocalypse in Oklahoma (Boston: Northeastern University Press,
1998); Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Millennial Dream,” in James R. Lewis, ed.,
From the Ashes: Making Sense of Waco (Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield, 1994); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse,
NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Jeffrey Kaplan, “Leaderless Resis-
tance,” Journal of Terrorism and Political Violence 9:3 (fall 1997); Jim Keith,
OKBOMBI: Conspiracy and Cover-Up (Lilburn, GA: Illuminet Press, 1996);
Pete Peters, Special Report on the Meeting of Christian Men Held in Estes
Park, Colorado October 23, 24, 25, 1992 Concerning the Killing of Vicki and
Samuel Weaver by the United States Government (LaPorte, CO: Scriptures
for America, n.d.); Kenneth S. Stern, A Force Upon the Plain: The American
Militia Movement and the Politics of Hate (New York: Simon & Schuster,
1996); Brandon M. Stickney, “AlJ American Monster”: The Unauthorized
Biography of Tim McVeigh (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996); Jess
Walter, Every Knee Shall Bow: The Truth and Tragedy of Ruby Ridge and
the Weaver Family (New York: ReganBooks, 1995).

George Wallace See Carto, Willis; Miles, Robert; Warner, James.

JAMES WARNER One of the most isolated veterans of the inces-

sant wars of the radical right in America is James Warner. From
his Louisiana home, Warner subsists on the income from his
mail-order book dealership and on his memories of better days.
Indeed, his impeccable racialist pedigree makes his current
near-pariah status in the movement all the more striking.
Warner was a core member of George Lincoln Rockwell’s Ameri-
can Nazi Party in the early 1960s. The diminutive Warner was
known as pugnacious—even by American Nazi Party (ANP) stan-
dards. This, however, was considered a positive quality by the
street fighters who formed the backbone of the ANP. He was, on the
other hand, irascible and unpredictable—again, in the context of
the ANP this is no small distinction. Yet, though in the late 1960s
and early 1970s Warner would base much of his claim for move-
ment leadership on his American Nazi Party days, in fact Warner’s
association with the Commander was short and his parting far less
than amicable.
 JAMES WARNER $27,

By Warner's testimony, offered in a 1968 Open Letter to the

National Socialist movement via California Nazi leader Allen Vincent
(reproduced in the “Resources” section), the Commander owed much
to Warner:
When the Party was launched in 1959, I was one of the five original
members, and have been credited by Commander Rockwell with
being the one individual who gave the Commander the encourage-
ment to go ahead with organizing the American Nazi Party. In the
Commander’s words:
“Just about as I regained ‘consciousness’, James Warner, the
young man who sent the Nazi flag, was discharged from the
Airforce for his Nazi sympathies, and appeared at Louis’ home
ready to do what he could to advance Nazism.
“The fact that this young kid was ready to devote his life to our
cause and to my leadership was the shock I needed to snap out of
depression.” (p. 342, This Time the World)

While the quote from Rockwell’s 1963 autobiography is accurate

enough, what Warner fails to mention is that in 1962, before the ink
on the This Time the World manuscript had dried, the Commander
had already had enough of Warner. In the November 1962 issue of
the Rockwell Report, the Commander lambasted Warner for his dis-
loyalty and dishonesty. The breaking point came in the course of
Rockwell’s nasty battle with Dr. Edward Fields of the National
States’ Rights Party—a fight that eventually ended up in court ina
defamation suit, which Fields prudently settled out of court. In an
article titled “Emory Burke Quits NSRP!!,” the Commander singles
out Warner for particular vilification:
Then an unprincipled scoundrel named James K. Warner slithered
into the scene and tried to get me to let him use the ANP mailing list
for his own personal profit! When I put a firm stop to this attempt to
MAKE MONEY out of the tragic concern of right-wing patriots, Warner
STOLE the mailing list, pretending he was leaving to visit his “dying”
mother....
But apparently the ANP mailing list was a great temptation,
because soon after Warner left to visit his “dying mother,” he
(Warner) authored and published an unspeakable and unprovoked
attack against me—and recommended that patriots join the NSRP
(Giving the address and membership information).
...Ed Fields finally kicked the money-grabbing Warner out of
the NSRP, and printed a notice to that effect in the “Thunderbolt”.
328 » JAMES WARNER

But then, several months later, Fields suddenly announced that

profiteering Warner was to become an EDITOR of the “Thunderbolt,”
and began to print worse and worse smears and lies against myself!
...it became obvious that Warner had some kind of evil hold over
Ed Fields....

The “evil hold” didn’t last long, and neither did Warner’s tenure
with the National States’ Rights Party. The parting was less than
amicable, and again, Warner was accused of stealing the NSRP’s
mailing list. According to the Deguello Report (also included in the
“Resources” section):
It was only a few months later that Warner talked one of Field’s sec-
retaries into thinking that he planned to marry her. The two disap-
peared from the NSRP headquarters (along with a copy of Field’s
mailing list) and the next thing Fields heard about it was a phone
call from his secretary saying that Warner had left her stranded
and asking for bus fare home....
Warner [then] formed an organization called “Sons of Liberty”
using the various mailing lists he had stolen from the American Nazi
Party, the National States Rights Party, etc.... [Roger] Pearson
claimed that Warner had stolen his mailing list also.

In the world of the American radical right, no more serious

charge can be lodged than theft of a mailing list. The mailing list
represents the sole source of income for many leaders of the racial-
ist right, and leaders from George Lincoln Rockwell to David Duke
all attest that building it up over time is among their most impor-
tant achievements. The suspicion—now grown to the stature of
movement dogma—that Warner habitually absconds with the pre-
cious mailing lists does much to explain his current isolation.
Much, but not all.
Having worn out his welcome with both the American Nazi
Party and the National States’ Rights Party, Warner headed west.
In California, his Sons of Liberty newsletter sought to pick up a sub-
scription base from the purloined mailing lists, and to this he added
an innovative telephone line offering callers a recorded hate mes-
sage of the day. Of greater import, he quickly made contact with the
fractious California contingent of the American Nazi Party, which,
by 1968 when he made his bid for power, had mutated into the
National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP). The California
leader in those days was Ralph Forbes, who had been personally
selected for the job by Rockwell. But Rockwell was assassinated in
1967, to be replaced by Matt Koehl, and the always-divisive Califor-
nia Party was by 1968 in full revolt against Forbes’s leadership.
 JAMES WARNER 329

The precise charges against Forbes are many and varied, but
what it all boiled down to was the charge—correct, as it happened—
that Forbes had become increasingly absorbed in Christian Iden-
tity and had by 1968 become so fanatical on questions of religion
that many of the more secular National Socialists had become
alienated from party activities. James Warner jumped into the fray
on the side of the rebels, brandishing his tarnished but still service-
able reputation as an original member of the American Nazi Party.
Pooling their resources, the California party members flew Matt
Koehl to the state to adjudicate the dispute. Koehl, however, was a
dedicated follower of the National Socialist Leadership Principle
(especially now that he was the leader), and his predictable decision
was to keep the status quo and to insist that the party close ranks
behind Forbes. ‘
Warner, now styling himself Dr. James K. Warner, threw in his
lot with the dissident faction headed by Allen Vincent, who led an
exodus from the National Socialist White People’s Party. This was
the first fissure of what became the fragmentation of the Koehl-era
NSWPP. The California rebels set up a new version of the American
Nazi Party, and in the 1968 letter quoted above, Warner made his
bid for control. In view of his later career, “Dr.” Warner’s charges
against Forbes and the line of reasoning he followed in making this
bold claim for leadership are of considerable interest.
Warner began with an apologia for his past transgressions
against the party and its leader, George Lincoln Rockwell. Then,
following a (necessarily) brief review of his American Nazi Party
accomplishments, Warner set out the bill of particulars against
Ralph Forbes, emphasizing his “misuse of Party funds, inactivity,
incompetence and lack of leadership....” But Warner’s primary
charges, that Forbes was obsessed with “off beat religious cults”
and that pressure was put on party members to join “KKK rallies,”
are deeply ironic in that much of Warner’s own career would be
developed in the same Christian Identity world that he condemns
Forbes for being involved with and, while in Louisiana, an aging
Warner would try to hitch his fading star to that of the fast-rising
young Klansman David Duke. Be this as it may, it is Forbes’s religi-
osity that served as the pretext for the party split and for the invita-
tion to Matt Koehl to fly to California and try to mediate the
dispute. In the end, Koehl opted for Forbes, and the California
NSWPP dissolved as a result.
It almost goes without saying that Warner's bid for leadership got
little support in the National Socialist subculture. He therefore
turned to the same Identity Christians whom he had condemned as
330 . JAMES WARNER

“religious fanatics” and members of “off beat religious cults” in his

battle with Ralph Forbes. In 1971, Warner unveiled his New Chris-
tian Crusade Church. Warner’s ministry soon thrived, and such
high-profile (and highly secular) movement leaders as Tom Metzger
were duly ordained by the now Rev. Dr. Warner in the early 1970s.
The California Identity circle into which Warner gained a foot-
hold was extraordinarily fertile, comprised as it was of the elite
group of ministers around Wesley Swift, and included such notable
movement figures as Richard Butler, Bertrand Comperet, and
William Potter Gale. This brought Warner into the Christian
Defense League (CDL) under Richard Butler. When Butler moved
to Idaho in 1973, Warner inherited the organization, which was by
then nearly moribund but which did have the advantage of a mail-
ing list, of which Warner gratefully took possession.
Publishing rather than leadership was in any case Warner’s
forte. His first effort, the Sons of Liberty’s Action Magazine, began
in the mid-1960s. It was a literate effort that endorsed George
Wallace for president, though Action was explicitly National Social-
ist. Another Sons of Liberty newsletter, creatively titled Sons of
Liberty, from Hollywood, California, hit the stands in June 1969 as
a forum from which to denounce everything, from the Young Ameri-
cans for Freedom to all points on the political compass, as pawns of
the Jewish conspiracy.
Warner’s Christian Identity newspaper, the Christian Van-
guard, premiered with the April—May 1971 issue. It mixes Identity
with generic anti-Semitic and racialist articles. Nazism made infre-
quent appearances, but occasionally surfaced, as in the “Julius
Streicher Memorial Edition,” Christian Vanguard 50 (February
1976). This was preceded, however, by a special Identity issue,
Christian Vanguard 49 (January 1976). By the late 1970s, the
Christian Vanguard was offering a very wide range of books and
other racist and anti-Semitic materials, heralding Warner’s even-
tual move from activism into the mail-order book business. By the
mid-1980s, Warner’s production had slowed considerably, and the
paper relied on guest writers and on transcriptions of Identity ser-
mons, particularly from Wesley Swift. From issue 46 (October
1975), Christian Vanguard was issued from Metairie, Louisiana.
Warner’s separate CDL Report was first published from Metairie in
1979. It offered much the same fare.
The move to Louisiana occasioned Warner’s last glimpse of pub-
lic notoriety. By the mid-1970s, Warner had largely worn out his
welcome in California, where dark rumors about Warner’s
 RANDY WEAVER 331

sexuality and of his alleged seizure of the Wesley Swift mailing list
were widely believed. These charges are presented in both the
Deguello Report and the History of White Nationalism, which are
offered in the “Resources” section of this encyclopedia. Starting
again in Metairie, Warner came to know a local boy who appeared
to be going somewhere fast in movement circles, David Duke. Duke
headed the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, though the Klan was not
Warner’s favorite flavor of the American race movement in 1968.
Never one to stand on principle however, Warner joined forces
with Duke until a 1976 arrest when the two were detained on the
way to a Klan rally. Warner was ultimately sentenced to three
months—half of Duke’s sentence. However, it marked the beginning
of the end of the relationship. The media-wise Duke, it turned out,
always got twice the publicity of the colorless. Warner, and the older
racist grew tired of standing in the hooded shadow of the dynamic
young “National Director” of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
Following the Klan fiasco, Warner became increasingly reclu-
sive, doing what he did best, in any case: publishing and working
his now-burgeoning mailing lists for his Christian Vanguard book-
distribution business.
See also: American Nazi Party; Butler, Richard; Christian Defense League;
Christian Identity; Duke; David; Forbes, Ralph; Gale, William Potter;
Koehl, Matt; Metzger, Tom; National Socialist White People’s Party;
Rockwell, George Lincoln; Swift, Wesley.

Further reading: Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right: The Ori-
gins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1994); Betty A. Dobratz and Stephanie L. Shanks-Meile,
White Power, White Pride! (New York: Twayne, 1997); John George and
Laird Wilcox, American Extremists, Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists
and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996); George Lincoln
Rockwell, This Time the World! (Arlington, VA: Parliament House, 1963);
Patsy Sims, The Klan (New York: Stein and Day, 1978); Michael Zatarian,
David Duke: Evolution of a Klansman (New York: Pelican, 1990).

RANDY WEAVER An accidental (and unlikely) hero if ever there

was one, Randy Weaver inadvertently rose to national fame as a
young Christian Identity believer loosely tied to Richard Butler’s
Aryan Nations. In August 1992, the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion’s Hostage Rescue Team, mistakenly believing that two federal
agents were pinned down by fire from Weaver’s Naples, Idaho,
332 . RANDY WEAVER

cabin, descended in force. What followed was a tragedy for all con-
cerned. The case of Randy Weaver became national news, and for
once the White supremacist beliefs of the suspect were considered
to be less important than either the force utilized by government
agents in the effort to apprehend him or the fanciful explanations
offered for government conduct at the ensuing trial.
Weaver's story is straightforward enough. A financially strapped
Christian Identity believer of no particular distinction, Weaver was
entrapped into selling undercover agents a sawed-off shotgun with a
barrel slightly under the legal length. Offered an opportunity to
avoid prosecution by becoming an informer, Weaver refused and a
trial date was set. At this point the tale becomes murky. What
appears to have happened is that Weaver was given the wrong trial
date—not an unusual occurrence in the chaotic American court
system—and when he failed to appear at the correct time, a bench
warrant was issued for his arrest. Fearing that a ZOG (Zionist Occu-
pation Government) plot was afoot, Weaver fled with his family to a
cabin in the Idaho hills where federal agents soon materialized and
placed the site under surveillance...for 20 months! Finally, in
August 1992, the Weaver’s dog rushed at one of the agents, who pan-
icked and shot it. Weaver’s 14-year-old son, Samuel, was shot in the
back and killed at this point, as was Federal Marshall William
Degan, who was killed by a shot fired by Weaver family friend Kevin
Harris, and what had been a low-level surveillance was transformed
into a siege. For 11 days the Weavers and Harris held out. Finally, a
federal agent using a high-powered rifle fired a bullet that entered
the skull of Vicki Weaver as she stood by an open door holding their
10-month old baby. She was killed instantly.
At last, Populist Party candidate Bo Gritz negotiated Weaver’s
surrender. Weaver and Harris were charged with murder in the
killing of William Degan, and Weaver was further charged with the
original weapons violation and unlawful flight to avoid prosecution.
And there it should have ended, had precedent held true. This time,
however, popular indignation spread beyond the insular world of
the radical right. Part of this may be explained by the way in which
Vicki Weaver died while cradling her baby in her arms, part of it
with the killing of a 14-year-old boy whose primary sin seems to
have been investigating the death of his dog and firing back when
shot at by men concealed in dense underbrush and firing high-
powered weapons. Part of it, too, had to do with timing.
Weaver's trial coincided with the Branch Davidian siege at
Waco, Texas, and the similarity of the two events was lost on no
one. In any case, Gary Spence, a flamboyant defense attorney from
 RANDY WEAVER 333

Wyoming, took the Weaver case on a pro bono basis and proceeded
to put the government on trial for its actions. In a classic defense
that would be imitated with nearly as much success by the attor-
neys representing the Branch Davidians, the government’s often-
contradictory explanations for the events surrounding the Weaver
case were held up to ridicule. More seriously, Spence’s warnings
that what the government did to Randy Weaver it could easily
one day do to any other citizen were suddenly credible to a white,
middle-class American jury that had the cataclysmic denouement
of the Waco siege fresh in mind. Ultimately, to the surprise of one
and all, the jury voted to acquit both Weaver and Harris of all
charges against them.
In the aftermath of the violence, a civil suit ultimately cost the
government a hefty monetary settlement with Weaver, Larry Potts
forfeited his position as number two man at the FBI, and the sharp-
shooter who fired the bullet that killed Vicki Weaver for a time
faced trial for manslaughter.
In retrospect, Randy Weaver is neither a hero nor a martyr.
Rather, he is a true believer, a religious fanatic who exasperated
his family (save for Vicki and his children), alienated his friends,
and managed to outrage even so distant a group of neighbors as
those surrounding his isolated Ruby Ridge, Idaho, property. Apart
from his religious zeal, however, Weaver emerges as a decidedly
weak man who leaned on the iron will of his wife. After her death,
he turned to his teenage daughter for guidance. Hardly the stuff of
legend in the patriarchal world of the radical right!
Jess Walter, in his excellent book on the Weaver tragedy, Every
Knee Shall Bow, finds a consistent thread running throughout the
story of a government that, far from being the all-pervading and
utterly malevolent entity of the radical right’s nightmares, is in real
life every bit as fallible as its right-wing opponents. The Weaver
fiasco, in this view, was entirely avoidable—beginning with the
clumsy attempt by a federal informant to entrap Weaver into sell-
ing illegally sawed-off shotguns as a step toward inducing him to
become a government informer, continuing with a local magistrate
whose incomprehension of the law caused Weaver to first miss his
court date and then to flee, and culminating with a garbled message
in which the U.S. Marshals Service, believing erroneously that its
agents were pinned down by fire from Weaver’s cabin, asked the
FBI to respond with its hostage response team.
From a movement perspective, however, the shoot-out on what
became known as Ruby Ridge, followed as it was by the holocaust at
334 WHITE ARYAN RESISTANCE

Waco, served notice on all within the milieu of the radical right that
the federal government had determined to eliminate them one by
one. A meeting of Identity adherents called by Pete Peters in Colo-
rado produced a consensus that the time had come to fight back—a
show of bravado that would have meant little had the siege at Waco
not taken place so soon after the Weaver killings. As it was, the
American militia movement took wing and Randy Weaver found
himself testifying tearfully to Congress, and receiving a remarkably
sympathetic hearing. To the radical right, Weaver’s stand was the
stuff of legend, and Randy Weaver, who wished by then only to be left
alone with the surviving members of his family, had become an icon.
See also: Aryan Nations; Butler, Richard; Christian Identity; Peters, Pete;
Waco; Zionist Occupation Government.

Further reading: Richard Abnes, American Militias: Rebellion, Racism and

Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1996); Michael Barkun,
Religion and the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity Move-
ment (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); James Coates,
Armed and Dangerous: The Rise of the Survivalist Right (New York: Hill and
Wang, 1987); Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New
York: Signet, 1990); Mark S. Hamm, Apocalypse in Oklahoma (Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 1998); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in
America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997); Jeffrey Kaplan,
“April 19,” Journal of Terrorism and Political Violence 9:2 (summer 1997);
Jeffrey Kaplan, “Leaderless Resistance,” Journal of Terrorism and Political
Violence 9:3 (fall 1997); Jim Keith, OKBOMBI!: Conspiracy and Cover-Up
(Lilburn, GA: Illuminet Press, 1996); Pete Peters, Special Report on the
Meeting of Christian Men Held in Estes Park, Colorado October 23, 24, 25,
1992 Concerning the Killing of Vicki and Samuel Weaver by the United
States Government (LaPorte, CO: Scriptures for America, n.d.); Kenneth S.
Stern, A Force Upon the Plain: The American Militia Movement and the Poli-
tics of Hate (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996); Brandon M. Stickney, “All
American Monster”: The Unauthorized Biography of Tim McVeigh
(Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996); Jess Walter, Every Knee Shall
Bow: The Truth and Tragedy of Ruby Ridge and The Weaver Family (New
York: ReganBooks, 1995).

WHITE ARYAN RESISTANCE The White Aryan Resistance, better

known by its acronym WAR, is the brainchild of Tom Metzger.
Metzger, a former Klansman and a former Christian Identity min-
ister, was in search of a vehicle by which he could popularize his
Third Positionist message of racism and a labor-oriented National
 WHITE ARYAN RESISTANCE 335

Socialism that is the direct ideological descendant of the 1920s-era

National Socialists Gregor and Otto Strasser. Because the Klan’s
intellectual horizons were not such that a Strasserite philosophy
was a common form of discourse, Metzger created WAR in 1983.
WAR operated out of Metzger’s Fallbrook, California, home
where he was assisted by his son John, whose White Students
Union was operated as a kind of youth branch of WAR and for a
time made inroads among young people—especially skinheads. The
WAR concept of left-wing National Socialism, in a belief system
that eschewed the religiosity that is so marked in the world of the
American radical right, soon began to win adherents in the United
States. Such established American racialist figures as Klansman
Dennis Mahon and many others flocked to the WAR banner. By the
late 1980s WAR had also made a significant impact on the Euro-
pean scene with the formation of branches in Scandinavia and
Great Britain. But the most important WAR constituency consisted
of the most stridently racialist American skinheads, leading not
only to the recruitment of individual skins, but to the formation of
WAR skinhead chapters throughout the country. Metzger explains
the appeal of the skinhead subculture in a magazine interview with
journalist Jeff Coplon:
I became friends with the British skins about three years ago. The
more I worked with them, the more | saw their potential to drag the
racialist movement out of the conservative right-wing mold and into
a newer era. | figured the music of these people could do that. Iam 50
years old, and I grew up with early rock ‘n’ roll—Elvis Presley, Jerry
Lee Lewis, Fats Domino. I don’t always catch all the words (in skin-
head music), but ’m impressed with the power of it. I feel the anger
coming from these white street kids—I get taken up in it.

The advantage Metzger and WAR had in its battle for the alle-
giance of the young racialists on both sides of the Atlantic was due in
no small part to the innovative use of media for which WAR became
best known. Starting with a simple answering machine that offered
callers a taped hate message of the day, Metzger consciously sought
to emphasize the primitive emotional appeals that are the racialist
movement’s lowest common denominator. The eponymous WAR
newspaper carried on the tradition, interspersing occasional literate
expositions with repellent racist cartoons and inarticulate anger.
Metzger worked hard to position WAR as an organization for White
men who were both angry and ready to fight rather than to talk, and
in the end, he drew far too many to his camp who wanted to fight
because they had little capacity to do anything else.
336 WHITE ARYAN RESISTANCE

The crown jewel in WAR’s media arsenal is the cable access tele-
vision show Race and Reason. The program allows well-known rac-
ist figures and lesser-known skinheads to get their 15 minutes of
fame by speaking to an audience of true believers, antiracist watch-
dogs, and channel-surfing insomniacs around the nation. For the
many television markets not carrying the show, WAR marketed
videocassette recordings of the proceedings. The show did wonders
for Metzger’s profile within the movement.
WAR moved quickly into the world of the World Wide Web as
well. The WAR web site is notable for its racist cartoons scanned
from the pages of the WAR newspaper, its racist jokes in the same
vein, and the cynicism of its appeal to the segment of the race move-
ment who would hardly qualify as the best and the brightest.
WAR’s success aroused the predictable ire of many another
racialist leader who was forced to compete for the limited number of
dollars that the faithful had to offer. By the late 1980s, in fact, WAR
appeared to be the primary racialist organization in the United
States, and Tom Metzger seemed poised to emerge as the most
important leader on the American scene. It was at about this point
that the wheels started to come off the WAR bandwagon.
Metzger’s problems stemmed from his intensive outreach to the
skinhead movement. In 1987, Dave Mazzella, a young associate of
Metzger’s, met with a group of Portland, Oregon, skinheads. The
meeting followed an intensive and fairly successful drive by WAR to
recruit skinheads from around the nation. What took place in this
meeting, and its immediate aftermath, is somewhat murky. What
is clear is that the skinheads, Ken Mieske, Kyle Brewster, and
Steve Strasser, later got into a street fight with an Ethiopian immi-
grant, Mulugetta Seraw, who was killed in the altercation. The
skinheads were arrested, tried, and convicted of murder.
Enter Morris Dees of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC),
which filed a $7 million civil suit against Tom and John Metzger
and WAR for the wrongful death of Seraw. It was a novel and risky
legal strategy, raising a number of First Amendment questions.
Stupidly, and against the advice of many, Metzger decided that he
was on the side of the angels and would thus conduct his own
defense. Whatever the factual merits of the case, the SPLC’s legal
team made the plodding Metzger appear foolish throughout the
trial, and in the end the jury upped the ante by awarding the plain-
tiffs $10 million rather than the mere $7 million that they had
requested. Metzger was a television repairman whose WAR opera-
tion, while successful by movement standards, obviously did not
 WHITE ARYAN RESISTANCE 337

generate anything like the kind of money he now owed the family of
Mulugetta Seraw! Worse, Metzger lost his wife to cancer in this
period. It was a bleak period for him. “
Metzger belatedly acceded to the advice of others and solicited
the services of a lawyer. Michael Null, a Jewish civil liberties attor-
ney from Chicago, worked diligently on Metzger’s appeal—so much
so that Metzger would later privately confide that he and the move-
ment would need to rethink “the Jewish thing, but this will take
some time.” In any case, the mess that Metzger’s inept defense had
made of the case has so far proved to be more than any attorney
could rectify, and the Southern Poverty Law Center moved to seize
any and all of WAR’s assets. Here is where the tale turns from
murky to Machiavellian.
In his published account of the case, Hate on Trial (1993), law-
yer Morris Dees states:
The real hero since the trial has been San Diego attorney Jim
McElroy, who took responsibility for collecting the judgment. He has
devoted over a thousand hours, free of charge, in California courts,
trying to corner the assets of an increasingly secretive and devious
Tom Metzger. After Jim obtained a court order allowing a receiver to
open mail coming to WAR’s post office box and remove checks, Tom
directed that money be sent to a number of out of state addresses....
(pp. 276-77)
Dees’s claim of access to WAR’s post office box was repeated in
one of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s ubiquitous fund-raising
appeals as well. Such is the attentiveness of the movement, how-
ever, that it wasn’t until 1995 that Dr. Ed Fields in his racist
newspaper, The Truth at Last, apprised the American racialist
movement of the situation in an article titled “Metzger’s Secret
Deal with Morris Dees.” Not to be outdone, in a letter to the editor,
Harold Covington (using his pen name of the moment, Winston
Smith, borrowed from 1984), wrote an incendiary missive on the
subject that Fields ran under the title “Morris Dees is the De Facto
Publisher of Metzger’s WAR.” Unsatisfied, Covington then took the
issue to the Internet, warning potential WAR recruits that, as a
result of the suit, Morris Dees has gained control of the organiza-
tion’s post office box. This, according to Covington, not only makes
the Southern Poverty Law Center and thus the FBI privy to every
communication sent to Metzger, but it allows the SPLC to seize a
significant percentage of the funds accrued by WAR’s burgeoning
mail-order trade.
338 » WHITE NATIONALISM

National Socialist figure Rick Cooper launched his own investi-

gation, finding that it was true that Metzger’s mailbox is (or
was—Cooper is not certain of the current situation) probably under
the control of Morris Dees through Jim McElroy. However,
Covington’s estimation of the damage this has done to WAR’s mem-
bers was greatly exaggerated. Even this limited vindication was
insufficient for Metzger, however, and he broke off his friendship
with Cooper as a result (he later relented, however).
In the end, the damage done to WAR through the Southern Pov-
erty Law Center civil suit and its aftermath has been significant.
No longer is WAR at the forefront of the American movement,
though it does remain a significant player.
See also: Cooper, Rick; Covington, Harold; Christian Identity; Hawthorne,
George Eric; Metzger, Tom.

Further reading: Jeff Coplon, “The Skinhead Reich,” Utne Reader (May/June
1989); Morris Dees and Steve Fiffer, Hate on Trial (New York: Villard Books,
1993); Mattias Gardell, “Black and White Unite In Fight?: On the
Inter-Action Between Black and White Radical Racialists,” paper presented
at the Conference: Rejected and Suppressed Knowledge: The Racist Right
and the Cultic Milieu, Stockholm, Sweden, February 13-17, 1997; John
George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others On the
Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1992); Mark S. Hamm, American
Skinheads: The Criminology and Control of Hate Crime (Westport, CT:
Praeger, 1993); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse, NY:
Syracuse University Press, 1997).

WHITE NATIONALISM Many racialists use the term White

nationalism to denote their determination to separate from the sur-
rounding culture. This separation, in the present circumstances,
will be more psychological and spiritual than physical. However, in
the future, White nationalists will likely dream of a separatist
enclave that will allow its inhabitants to build their lives free from
the interference of a government that they see as controlled by
Jews, other “racial enemies,” and non-Whites who White national-
ists believe endanger their survival as a species through miscege-
nation and physical violence. Increasingly, an important school of
thought within White nationalist circles holds for a transatlantic
nationalist community based on race and a perceived shared his-
tory and culture. For one such White nationalist interpretation of
the movement’s internal history, see Rick Cooper, “A Brief History
of White Nationalism,” in the “Resources” section of this volume.
 WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC) 339

See also: Cooper, Rick; National Socialist Vanguard.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a
Euro-American Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press,
1998).

White Party See “Resources” section, “The White Party Report.”

WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC) White noise

recordings, concerts, music magazines, and the like, are the key
instruments of propaganda among the youth of the White Power
world. They have enabled activists to reach out beyond their “nor-
mal” recruiting ground, to reach a larger number of young people.
George Eric Hawthorne, lead singer of RAHOWA and editor of Resis-
tance magazine, stated in an interview in National Alliance that the
very fact that the music was outside the mainstream was an attrac-
tion in itself. He then added:
If something has an underground flavor or the image of being for-
bidden, the youth are naturally attracted to it. Now, in the past this
is something that harmed our youth because they were attracted to
things which were forbidden or at least discouraged for very good
reasons. Examples would be race mixing or the use of drugs. How-
ever, in 1995, the mainstream media have made everything OK
except being proud of your race and culture, and this tendency of
youth is now having a very undesired effect from the perspective of
the mainstream media giants, because these young people are now
interested in the new forbidden thing, and that is being proud to be
white.

The Swedish music magazine and record label Nordland

expands upon this difference between White Power musicians and
mainstream rock stars:
Our people are unknowingly committing a collective suicide, which
is part of the trend that has been created by destructive masters
with a global influence. A sickening trend, that they daily feed our
youngsters with, by MTV and their networks. In order to resist this
threat, White youngsters have spontaneously created the Pro-
White music movement which is fighting MTV on the same arena
with the same weapon.... Our musicians are not dapper or drugged
340 WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC)

rock stars who perform for the sake of their personal profit. They
are performing because their rock hard dedication drives them to it.
They are the racialist forerunners, who preach pride, strength and
unity, who teaches our youngsters to think for themselves—instead
of letting MTV think for them.

Matti Sundquist, the singer of the Swedish group Swastika,

adds: “The music is very important, both as entertainment, to keep
the flame burning, and to recruit people. We have noticed that a lot
of people become interested because of the music.” And in an article
in Nordland, Sundquist stated: “Nordland speaks the language of
the young. They belong to the MTV generation. They listen to music
and watch music videos. We are giving them an alternative to their
dirty music. Our message is racial pride, strength and separation
instead of race mixing and decadence.”
A special branch of White noise music is the American
KKK-inspired country & western music, which first appeared in
the American south in the 1960s. Among the musicians who played
this special kind of country & western were Cliff Trahan, Leroy
LeBanc, and James Crow. One of the record companies that started
to record KKK country & western, or separatist rock as it’s also
called, was Jay Millens’s Rebel Records in Crowley, Louisiana,
which recorded the “classic” record “For Segregationists Only” in
1960. Ian Stewart Donaldson, the father of skinhead White Power
rock, produced a number of songs and records in this style under
the name of The Klansmen. Another sub-branch of the music is
Aryan folk music, featuring among others the American singer Eric
Owens. Still other examples of Aryan folk are the German singer
Frank Rennicke and the Swedish singer Odalmannen.
Until the beginning of the 1990s, the major recording companies
for White noise music were Rebelles Européens in France and
Rock-O-Rama in Germany. Today there are countless White noise
record companies. White Terror Records (U.S.A.); Excalibur and
MSR production (Germany); Toubo Records (Italy); Lion Records,
Pit Records, and Bulldog Records (France); Hammer records (U.K.);
and Viking Sounds (The Netherlands) are just a few of these com-
panies. The estimated number of White noise bands around the
world is probably between 200 and 250.
In 1993 Rebelles Européens started to have cooperation prob-
lems with, among others, Division S, and lost its role as one of the
leading companies. In 1994, George Eric Hawthorne, lead singer of
RAHOWA (which was formed in 1990 with other former Church of
the Creator members who had left the organization after Rick
 WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC) 341

McCarthy took over the leadership), founded the magazine Resis-

tance and the record company Resistance Records.
The company quickly signed up a number of White noise bands
like No Remorse, Fortress, Berserker, and New Minority. In 1995
Resistance Records established itself on the Internet, and it also
transmited an electronic newsletter. By 1996, Hawthorne and
Resistance had largely assumed the role of Donaldson, at least on
the American scene. In 1997, Hawthorne was sentenced to one year
in prison for assault and battery. This, coupled with a series of raids
by tax authorities in the United States and Canada, nearly led to
the near dissolution of both the record label and Resistance maga-
zine. In 1999, however, Dr. William Pierce and his National Social-
ist organization, the National Alliance, stepped in to revive both the
label and the magazine.
Ian Stewart Donaldson was born in 1958 in Poulton-le-Fylde
near Blackpool in Lancashire. In 1975 he formed a band called
Tumbling Dice, named after one of the Rolling Stones’s hits. The
band mostly played cover versions of the Stones, The Who, and Free
songs in local working-men’s clubs in the Poulton-le-Fylde and
Blackpool areas. In 1977 the band changed its name to Skrewdriver.
Skrewdriver’s first record release came the same year—the single
“You're so Dumb,” on Chiswick Records. “Anti-social” came out the
same year. During that period, the group changed its punk image in
favor of cropped hair, and Screwdriver became a skinhead band.
According to Donaldson, the decision was motivated by a belief
that punk music at the time was becoming too left-wing. In 1978,
a riot started when Skrewdriver played the Vortex Club, as a result
of which the group was banned from the clubs and were forced
to split up.
In 1979, Donaldson formed a political action group called White
Noise. The goal of this organization was to promote Skrewdriver’s
philosophy of survival and rebellion. The White Noise group soon
forged an alliance with the neofascist British National Front.
Between 1983 and 1985, a number of White supremacist bands
adopted the heavy metal sound of Skrewdriver, playing in working-
class clubs throughout England, East and West Germany, Holland,
Belgium, Sweden, France, Canada, Brazil, and Australia.
In 1984 Skrewdriver signed a contract with the German record
company Rock-O-Rama Records. Blood and Honour was the publica-
tion Donaldson and his associates began in 1985. In the late 1980s
Donaldson found himself behind bars. In an interview in the Swedish
White Power magazine Streetfight, he explained why: “I and three of
342 WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC)

my mates were attacked by eight niggers and when the police came
they only arrested us whites. When we were in court the Jewish judge
didn’t pay any attention to our defense.” Apart from his tours and
records with Skrewdriver, Donaldson also recorded a number of solo
albums with such names as the Klansmen, White Diamond, and
Patriotic Ballads.
The lyrics of lan Stewart Donaldson are almost religious. They
dream of ancient powers returning at the end of time to save their
people, that is, the White race. “Warlord” is a good example:
No one’s ever going to take away his land
Not while he has the power in his hands
He appears when his nation is in danger
to all our enemies he is the slayer.

Skrewdriver is not the only band whose lyrics are quasi-

religious. No Remorse, RAHOWA, and Division S, for instance, all
have the same kind of motifs in their lyrics. Donaldson’s idea was to
exchange boring meetings and endless speeches with rock concerts
featuring Hitler salutes and National Socialist banners. He created
a political platform without membership cards, or an administra-
tion. In 1988 Donaldson wrote:
Our fight begins in Europe and will spread all over the White world.
There are certain moments in our lives when we grasp the magni-
tude of our task. I have walked from Antwerp during the first hours
of the night when the nationalists gather at the pubs. The marvel-
ous architecture of the cities of Flanders embodies the soul of
Europe—sunset in Rotterdam when the lights of the city glitter and
we are made welcome by our friends—an afternoon in Stockholm,
frost on the ground and thereafter a journey to Gothenburg where
the Swedish and Nordic beauty is hypnotizing.

After the death of Ian Stewart Donaldson, a number of memo-

rial concerts have been held and songs dedicated to his memory. In
1996, Resistance and Nordland issued a memorial album, The
Flame That Never Dies, in memory of Ian Stewart. For movement
people around the world, he is surrounded by a rich mythology.
The mythology of the White Power music network is perpetu-
ated through the ritual celebration of the anniversary of Hitler’s
birthday on April 20th, and the Day of the Martyrs on December
8th. The 8th of December is the date of The Order’s Robert
Mathews’s death; the date has since become an international
memorial day for the White Power world. Its constituents commem-
orate not only the death of Mathews, but also those of “all White
 WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC) 343

warriors who have fallen in battle.” The day also observes the
remembrance of imprisoned brothers and sisters around the world.
Tributes to dead or imprisoned members of various organizations
frequently appear in White Power magazines around the world.
In 1987, a number of White noise magazines and groups
launched a campaign in favor of Kev Turner, lead singer of
Skullhead, who had received a four-year prison sentence. The mar-
tyrs and heroes of the movement are naturally a central theme in
the lyrics of the White noise groups. The following text is by Divi-
sion S and dedicated to Robert J. Mathews, leader of the American
revolutionary group the Order, and the Swedish volunteers in
Waffen-SS division Nordland:
A tribute to the men of Nordland, a tribute to Robert J, a tribute to
the struggle, and a tribute to Brotherhood. You are now seated
around the table of Valhalla, victims of a corrupt and evil world. To
some you are just a memory, but in our hearts you live on.

The National Socialists of the prewar and the wartime

period—particularly the soldiers in the Waffen SS—are important
themes in the music, as in the song “Perssons Unit,” by Swastika:
Then IJ think about our future and the ones that will come after us
Then I wish them to be strong, so they can handle the fight
I wish they were free and not slaves like us
I want to see hard men and women, yes that’s what the north will
be like
A couple of hundred Swedish men stood up like one
A couple of hundred Swedish men, their memory still lives on.
They were the voice of Sweden, when cowardice was the rule
around here
They fought against the evil Zion, who feed on our people.

Together with two other songs—‘“Faith, Hope and Struggle,” by

Storm and “Banner of Blood,” by Vit Aggression—“Perssons Unit”
was dedicated to Gésta Hallberg-Cuula, an important hero in the
mythology of the prewar Swedish National Socialists. In 1926, at the
age of 16, Gosta Hallberg-Cuula joined Sweden’s Fascist Struggle
Organization. During the 1930s, he was a party functionary of the
NSAPISSS. In 1932 he was arrested for his political activities. He
took part in a protest against the play God’s Green Fields, in which
God was presented as a man of color. Gésta Hallberg-Cuula was the
first Swede to enlist as a volunteer in the Finnish Winter War and in
the so-called “War of Continuation.” During the Winter War he lost
one eye. He was killed in action in Finland in May 1942. His death
344 WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC)

marked the beginning of one of the longest traditions in the history of

the Swedish National Socialists: the ceremony on April 14th at his
grave in Stockholm.
The memory of imprisoned or dead members of extreme
nationalist/National Socialist/racist groups is honored in the
music. Skullhead, a British band, was founded in 1984, to spread
the truth about the death of Peter Mathewson, a good friend of the
band members, who was killed when a group of Blacks attacked a
group of skinheads in London. Another important figure from the
cadres of White noise musicians (apart from Ian Stewart) is Joe
Rowan, the singer of the American band Nordic Thunder, who was
killed in October 1994. He was an innocent bystander in a conve-
nience store robbery.
In the lyrics, the combination of the European and the American
race ideological traditions becomes evident. As in Swastika’s “In
Hoc Signo Vinces” (In this sign we will be victorious), which was
taken from the seminal essay of the same name by George Lincoln
Rockwell of the American Nazi Party:
It as been our symbol since time immemorial
brought power and strength in the battle for the men from the north
lightning and thunder has followed its trace
happiness and light, a new dawn will break

In Hoc Signo Vinces,

In Hoc—In Hoc—In Hoc Signo Vinces

1889—our leader [Hitler] was born,

he held the banner high for freedom and breed
George Lincoln Rockwell continued our battle
a global holy racial war
1994—Svastika is our name
we lead an army in the fight for our land
we are the last ones of our kind—unbeatable because...
Tomorrow belongs to us.

In this song, we find the SS-man, the modern-day race warrior, and
the Nordic Asatru (Odinist) mythology—all central elements in the
racist discourse.
Mark Hamm, in his book American Skinheads, points to the
importance of the music in the socialization process of the activists,
and concludes: “This transformation process occurs at a metaphysi-
cal level through a sort of seat of the pants shamanism. That is,
players in white power bands transform themselves from ordinary
musicians to extraordinary ones through the expression of highly
 WHITE POWER MUSIC (AKA WHITE NOISE MUSIC) 345

forbidden messages and symbols that are part of a larger and widely
known consciousness. Listeners to this music, in turn, seek to trans-
form themselves from their ordinary realities to something wider,
something that enlarges them as people. They become skinheads.”
The modern racist propagandist is not, as was his 1930s prede-
cessor, a party strategist or skilled speaker. Rather, he is a combina-
tion of rock star, speaker, and street fighter. It’s no longer a question
of music for the National Socialists/racists, but rather a music that is
National Socialism and racism in itself. A study of the choreography
of the White noise concerts makes it evident that the singer walks
stiffly like a speaker back and forth over the stage. He is the high
priest of a ritual celebration, the leader who controls the public in the
very same way the National Socialist speaker of the 1930s did.
White noise music and the racist/extreme nationalist counter-
culture has grown during the past ten years. Its members are pre-
dominantly born in the 1960s and 1970s. George Eric Hawthorne
explains their outlook:
It came out of their hearts. It came out of feeling neglected. White
Youth today are abandoned before they are even born. So many mil-
lions of them are abandoned while they are still in the womb. By the
time they are born judgment has been passed on them. They are
guilty of the crimes of their ancestors. They've held the world back.
They enslaved the planet. They are the evil people.

Today, White Power music is making considerable inroads into

youth culture—particularly in Europe. In Sweden, for example, a
recent school survey demonstrated that Swedish White Power music
has found an incredible 30 percent share of the youth music market.
With this success has come an unprecedented inflow of wealth,
which is shared within national movements and, to a remarkable
degree, through the international network of racialist groups.
In 1997, the lucrative music market occasioned a kind of civil war
that resulted in several deaths, a bomb sent to a Swedish cabinet
minister, and sundry other mayhem that occurred as the alliance of
the Swedish label Nordland and the American Resistance Records
were challenged by the British Combat 18, the heir to Ian Stewart’s
Blood and Honour organization. C18, as it was called, was attempt-
ing to force bands associated with the Nordland/Resistance axis to
leave those labels and perform for C18’s labels. In the end, C18 went
down to defeat when its leaders were imprisoned for murder.
By 1998, the Swedish half of the Nordland/Resistance axis
were investing their money in rural properties to pursue the
dream of a separate communal existence. Resistance, after a period
346 . GERALD WINROD

of uncertainty following George Eric Hawthorne’s defection and the

tax raids on Resistance properties in Canada and the United
States, is in 1999 showing signs of:renewed vigor under the aus-
pices of the National Alliance.

—Heléne Lééw, Stockholm University, Sweden

See also: American Nazi Party; Church of the Creator; Hawthorne, George
Eric; Hitler, Adolf; Mathews, Robert; National Alliance; Odinism; Order;
Rockwell, George Lincoln.
Further reading: Katrine Fangen, Skinheads in Red, White and Blue: A
Report from the Inside, Youth Research Report (April 1995); Mark S. Hamm,
American Skinheads: The Criminology and Control of Hate Crime
(Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993); Erik Jensen, “International Nazi
Co-operation; A Terrorist-Oriented Network,” in Tore Bjgrgo and Rob Witte,
Racist Violence in Europe (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1993); Laszlo Kurti,
“Rocking the State: Youth and Rock Music culture in Hungary, 1976-1990,”
East European Politics and Societies 5:3 (1991); Anna-Lena Lodenius,
“Blood, and Honour and Biue and Yellow Rock,” Arbetaren 17 (1994);
Anna-Lena Lodenius and Per Wikstrém, “Nazism Behind a Viking Mask,
Kommunalarbetaren 6 (1994); Heléne Lédw, “White Power—Dark History,”
Uppvdxtvillkor 3 (1993); Heléne Lééw, “Racist Violence and Criminal
Behaviour in Sweden: Myths and Reality,” Terrorism and Political Violence
7:1 (spring 1995); Heléne Loow, “The Fight Against ZOG—Anti-Semitism
Among the Modern Race Ideologists,” Historisk Tidskrift 1 (1996); Heléne
Loow, “White Power Rock ’n’ Roll—A Growing Industry,” in Jeffrey Kaplan
and Tore Bjgrgo, Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist
Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Joe Pearce,
Skrewdriver: The First Ten Years (London: Skrewdriver Services, 1987).

White Students’ Union See Aryan Nations; White Aryan Resistance.

GERALD WINROD_ In the Depression years, the Rey. Gerald

Winrod was one of the most stridently anti-Semitic voices in the
nation. His antipathy toward Jews was based on the twin pillars of
the Bible and the anti-Semitic forgery Protocols of the Elders of
Zion. This unswerving view led him into an inadvisable embrace of
Nazi Germany in the 1930s. It was then that the so-called
“Jayhawk Nazi’s” difficulties began.
 GERALD WINROD 347

Before his turn to political activism, Gerald Winrod was a fun-

damentalist preacher in Wichita, Kansas. His primary issues in
those years were a staunch opposition to “modernism” in general
and the theory of evolution in particular. Toward this end, in 1925
the Rev. Winrod assembled a meeting of like-minded individuals to
form the Defenders of the Christian Faith in Salinas, Kansas. The
next year the organization issued the premier issue of the Defender,
a magazine that in various forms the Winrod family would publish
for the next five decades. The Defender, together with Winrod’s tire-
less travels, brought him to the attention of a national audience.
The Depression and Franklin Roosevelt’s election to the presi-
dency in 1932 heightened Winrod’s political concerns. He con-
demned the New Deal as not only ineffective, but as a conspiracy
designed to rob Americans of their freedom, It did not take Winrod
long to identify the source of this conspiracy. He concluded, based
on his reading of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, that Jews were
conspiring to control the United States by infecting it with liberal-
ism. He placed this perceived Jewish threat squarely within the
context of the standard conspiratorial scenarios of the far right,
identifying the illuminati and the Jews (among a host of others) as
direct instruments of Satan on earth. From the crucifixion of Christ
to the torture of Russian Christians and the plowing under of
Kansas wheat in a hungry nation, Winrod said that a “Jewish elite
had played satanic roles in a divinely directed drama now drawing ~
to a close.” The presence of such Jewish figures as Bernard Baruch
in the circle of Roosevelt’s advisers led Winrod to this judgment. As
a platform for his political views, Winrod founded the Revealer, a
newspaper that was published from 1934 to 1937 and that reached
more than 100,000 readers at the height of its popularity.
Although he was initially critical of Hitler, Winrod came away
from a visit to Nazi Germany in 1934 with a favorable impression of
the dictator and his new regime. Winrod was able to overlook the
Nazi movement’s manifest paganism because of what he perceived
to be its violent opposition to the Antichrist, communist Russia, and
the Satanic Jews whose hidden hand he detected behind Soviet
communism. Although the Revealer series detailing Winrod’s visit
to Nazi Germany took pains to stress that the “Hitlerite dictator-
ship” (as he termed it) could not be transplanted to America due to
Americans’ inborn love of freedom and the guarantees of individual
liberty enshrined in the U.S. Constitution, the Roosevelt adminis-
tration indicted Winrod in the Sedition Trial of 1942. Charges were
eventually dropped after the war when the long-running trial was
halted by an exasperated federal judge.
348 . GERALD WINROD

Early on, Winrod came to champion Christian Identity—a faith

he may have passed on to the most influential Identity pastor of the
twentieth century, Wesley Swift. Winrod’s Identity legacy was
inherited by his sons, who attempted to carry on the remnants of
the Winrod ministry.
Gerald Winrod died in 1957. His sons continued the ministry
and the Defender magazine well into the 1980s, though the maga-
zine gradually lost the militant racism and anti-Semitism that was
the Winrod hallmark. Gordon Winrod was the most outspoken of
the sons, publishing the Winrod Letter, an anti-Semitic, mimeo-
graphed newsletter of limited circulation.
Another son, David Winrod, had a brief moment of notoriety
when he led a small contingent of transplanted Kansans to
Ketchikan, Alaska, in 1991. The intrepid homesteaders found the
climate chilly—both in political and meteorological terms—and
soon returned to the more hospitable plains of Kansas.
When the Defenders of the Faith ministry at last closed its doors,
the organization had become, quite literally, a retirement commu-
nity in Wichita. The location, however, was in the middle of a
once-White, working-class neighborhood that had fallen on exceed-
ingly hard times. The property was sold, and the surviving
Defenders of the Faith entered more conventional retirement homes.
See also: Christian Identity; Swift, Wesley.

Further reading: Anon., Fire By Night and Cloud By Day: The Amazing His-
tory of the Defenders of the Christian Faith (Wichita, KS: Mertmont Pub-
lishers, 1966); Michael Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right (Chapel Hill:
University of North Carolina Press, 1994); John George and Laird Wilcox,
Nazis, Communists, Klansmen, and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Pro-
metheus Books, 1992); Martin E. Marty, Modern American Religion Volume
2: The Noise and the Conflict 1919-1941 (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1991), pp. 265-67; Martin E. Marty, ed., Modern American Protes-
tantism and its World, Vol. 10: Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism
(Munich: K.G. Sauer, 1993); J. Gordon Melton, Religious Leaders ofAmerica
(Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1991); Phillip Reese, Biographical Dictionary of
the Extreme Right Since 1890 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990); Leo
Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
1983); Gerald B. Winrod, Hitler in Prophecy (Wichita, KS: Defender Pub-
lishers, 1933); Gerald B. Winrod, Adam Weishaupt: A Human Devil (no pub-
lication data, c. 1935).
 WOMEN (NORWEGIAN) 349

WOMEN (NORWEGIAN) _ There are about 80 women in the Norwe-

gian rightist underground, if one includes the less active sympathiz-
ers. About 25 percent of these women may be reckoned as activists.
The women constitute some 30 percent of the total number of activ-
ists in the rightist underground. The females are in general much
younger than the leading male activists. In 1993-1994, there were
several partnerships between women at the age of 16-18 and men at
the age of 30-32. Most of the females are between 16 and 24 years
old, whereas the males are between 16 and 34 years old. During
1995-1996, several young men have joined the underground, so the
age difference between the sexes is somewhat normalized.
Women in the Norwegian rightist underground during the early
1990s played subordinate or passive roles in comparison with the
men. For some females this was a result. of their lack of self-
confidence, as well as their passive acceptance of being secondary in
relation to the men. For other women this was clearly not so. They
were tough and extroverted, they disliked the men’s raucous behav-
ior, and they did not like the way the men treated them. The differ-
ent gender role-patterns partly reflect the different degree to which
the women viewed themselves as equal to the men. Some women
talked about not feeling oppressed by the males, while others held
that the men were dominant figures but that it was no worse there
than in other gangs.
Even the more self-conscious women who disagreed with parts
of the men’s practices acted rather passively in comparison with the
males. They often had their private talks in the background, or they
sat together with the males and laughed at what they said or what
they did. Very young and inexperienced males often played the
same passive role as the women in their first phase as participants,
but quickly felt comfortable and became more active after a while.
In contrast, even women who had participated for years would con-
tinue to play passive roles. Most of them did not participate as fre-
quently as the men at the underground’s monthly pub meeting.
Some women said openly that these gatherings were of little value
to them. Thus, the underground gave a clear impression of being
dominated and defined by the men.
Some of the women who felt disappointed by the way the men
excluded them resigned. They stayed within the underground, but
did not participate that often, or they accepted their less-visible
position. Others left the militant underground, but continued to
play more ideological roles by writing for the nationalist monthly
Fritt Forum. Some females, being more convinced of National
350 WOMEN (NORWEGIAN)

Socialism than most of the other women, acted independent of all

the underground’s groups. These women have contacts with some
of the leading rightist activists on a‘personal basis. They variously
explain their adherence to an ideology that is radically different
from the way National Socialist men belonging to the rightist
underground expound their views. One woman says that for her,
the most important factor is the National Socialist morality. She
thus views National Socialism as a private affair, as it deals with
family life; the upbringing of children; the prohibition of abortion,
prostitution, and pornography; and the emphasis on an anti-
materialistic lifestyle.
These more ideologically convinced women, who left the under-
ground after a while because they found that the raucous skinheads
dominated it too much, speak of the underground and its partici-
pants as “nonserious.” In particular, they have a negative view of
many of the youngest women of the underground. They consider
these women “cheap” and immature, and too passively accepting of
their underprivileged position in relation to the men. It seems like
two alternative routes, for the ideologically convinced woman is
either working together with the editor of Fritt Forum or is making
contact with elder nationalists or National Socialists. A third route
is to join that part of the Asatru society that Knut Westland, also
the leader of Norway’s Patriot Unionist party, controls.
Most of the women are active within the underground as long as
their relationship with a particular male is working. A few women
remain within the underground after the breakup of their relation-
ships. In 1993 some women saw the need for women meeting with-
out men being present so as to gain more self-confidence. In 1995,
they initiated Valkyria, a separate group for women in the move-
ment. One of their aims was to persuade women to remain within
the underground, despite the breakup of their partnerships.
What separates the females’ roles from the males’ roles is that
more men have positions of leadership, and no men participate only
as partners, or define themselves as politically neutral, as some
women do. After the emergence of a separate women’s group, some
women joined the underground directly, without having been affili-
ated with a male activist beforehand.
In 1996, some new visible gender role-patterns emerged among
women. Young and inexperienced women still played more passive
and subordinate roles. However, the new trend is that women take
part in all actions. These female activists are militant nationalist
women, mainly members of the Valkyria group. Their reason for
 WOMEN (NORWEGIAN) 351

joining is political, and they take part in all kinds of actions. For
example, they join strategic meetings with the males, they under-
take weapons training, and they organize their own study meetings
and underground actions. Another role is that of the National
Socialist skinhead women, some of whom are members of the group
NUNS 88 (Norske unge nasjonalsosialister 88; Norwegian Young
National Socialists 88). The militant nationalist women label these
women “nonserious” because they drink a lot and give Nazi salutes.
Both the militant nationalist women and the National Socialist
skinhead women partake in major actions of the underground. In
addition there are sympathizers, that is, women who do not partici-
pate directly in underground activities.
Women typically make their first contacts with the under-
ground because of political ideas, such as being against immigra-
tion, because of their attraction to a male activist, and/or because of
the excitement connected to this secretive and potentially danger-
ous movement.
The situation is very tense for both male and female activists as
a result of attacks from the outside, police surveillance, and frustra-
tion within the movement. This pressure has had an impact on
romantic relationships as well, with the effect that few couples last
within the movement. Nevertheless, there are several couples who
live together, and several have children. Some couples have broken
up, though, resulting in there being a few single mothers within the
movement. The fathers of their children are males within the
underground, except for one female who became a mother long
before she entered the rightist underground.
The female right-wing activists often experience more severe
conflicts with parents because of their entrance into the militant
underground than do male activists. Some of the women have bro-
ken the ties to their families, whereas others remain in contact
(though often with considerable conflict). According to a leading
right-wing woman, the parents usually calm down when the girls
become 18, as then they have become of age, and can according to
the law decide for themselves.
The women are afraid of being attacked by antifascist oppo-
nents. All of them carry mobile phones, so that they can call up
males if necessary. They carry tear gas, or wear shoes with steel
caps to protect themselves. If someone attacks them, they say they
want to fight back.
Some women have a few reservations against the militant pro-
file of the rightist underground. Nevertheless, they see the need for
352 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS

protection and, if attacked, they want to know how to defend them-

selves. Most of the women do, however, support militant strategies.
This attitude from the women is new in the Norwegian rightist
underground. Instead of being hesitant to endorse the militant
actions of the men, they actively support such a policy.

—Katrine Fangen, University of Oslo, Norway

See also: Odinism; Valkyria.

Further reading: Katrine Fangen, “Separate or Equal? The Emergence of an
All Female Group in the Norwegian Rightist Underground,” Terrorism and
Political Violence 9:3 (fall 1997); Katrine Fangen, “Living Out Our Ethnic
Instincts: Ideological Beliefs Among Right-Wing Activists in Norway,” in
Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, Brotherhoods of Nation and Race: The
Emergence of a Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern
University Press, 1998); Katrine Fangen, “Skinheads I rgdt, hvitt og blatt
En sosiologisk studie fra innsiden [Skinheads in red, white, and blue: A
sociological study from “inside”] (1994).

WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS In political terms,

the World Union of National Socialists (WUNS) never realized its
ambition to link the scattered National Socialist faithful into a cen-
tralized global network, but it was a dream that, for a moment in
the 1960s, appeared to have some potential as a vehicle for facilitat-
ing communications between the scattered tribes of National
Socialist parties from around the world. The story of how the World
Union of National Socialists came into being, and of its long, slow
demise, is an object lesson in the hopes and grim realities of the
postwar National Socialist movement.
In the immediate aftermath of World War II, the National
Socialist movement was shattered. The Third Reich lay in ruins,
and German Nazi leaders were dead, put to trial, or on the run.
Overtly National Socialist parties were banned throughout Europe,
and Germany itself underwent a stringent de-Nazification.
Only in the later 1940s did National Socialist—oriented groups
begin to reemerge, and these had to contend with the enormity of
the Holocaust in their efforts to gain political legitimacy and popu-
lar support. Under such unpromising conditions, it should come as
no surprise that National Socialism failed to attract the “best and
the brightest” to its ranks. In fact, despite the small handful of
capable leaders and the even smaller number of capable adherents,
 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS 353

the “movement” was composed primarily of egocentric mini-fiihrers

whose vision stretched no further than their own national borders
and whose time was spent in constant and pointless bickering.
Against this backdrop, there arose a few who envisioned some-
thing greater, but, lacking a charismatic figure under whose leader-
ship the distant dream of National Socialist unity could be achieved,
these were little more than pipe dreams. It was only in 1960 that
such a leader emerged in, of all places, the United States—George
Lincoln Rockwell.
Rockwell was a newcomer to the scene. He formed the American
Nazi Party only in 1959. Yet even from that unpromising begin-
ning, Rockwell hoped for a movement that would be global in scope.
The vehicle he suggested in 1959 was the clumsily named World
Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists. The idea went
nowhere, but Rockwell’s efforts caught the eye of Britain’s Colin
Jordan, a National Socialist whose roots stretch to the prewar fas-
cist movement of Arnold Leese, perhaps the most extreme anti-
Semite of his day and the rival of the better-known British fascist
leader Oswald Mosely. Jordan initiated a correspondence with
Rockwell in 1960 or early 1961. Jordan then introduced the young
American fiihrer to such key European National Socialists as the
French mystic Savitri Devi and the German true believer Bruno
Ludtke. As the correspondence among them deepened, they decided
to come together in a secret conclave to lay the groundwork for the
creation of a unified international National Socialist movement.
The meeting was duly held in Great Britain in 1962, though it
did not remain secret for long. Nonetheless, the decisions that were
taken, known collectively as the Cotswold Agreement (so named for
the location of the meeting), laid the basis for the creation of the
World Union of National Socialists.
Rockwell soon emerged as the unchallenged leader of WUNS.
Devi added encouragement and schooled Rockwell in the importance
of religiosity in the creation of a new Reich. Jordan, the original
choice as leader, soon found his natural place as a sycophantic fol-
lower of the younger and more dynamic Rockwell. He was rewarded
with the title of European Commander. Ludtke, precluded from any
aspirations for leadership by the strict anti-Nazi laws in Germany,
as well as by his own frail constitution, emerged as something of a
father figure for Rockwell. He offered sage advice, wrote long letters
to keep up the American’s spirits when all seemed lost (as it often did
in the poverty, chaos, and madness of the American Nazi Party head-
quarters in Arlington, Virginia), and, perhaps of greatest import
354 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS

from Rockwell’s point of view, provided a living link to the German

National Socialism that Rockwell idealized.
Such were the World Union of National Socialists’ beginnings,
but the road was far from smooth. Two interrelated obstacles inhib-
ited WUNS’s growth: the unwillingness of many local leaders to
cede any portion of their authority to a transnational National
Socialist movement, and a deeply felt resistance to according an
American a position of leadership in the world of National Social-
ism. Memories of World War II remained fresh, and for many, the
role of the United States in bringing down the Third Reich simply
could not be forgiven. Typical of these views was the ambivalence of
the Swedish National Socialist leader Gdran Assar Oredsson, who
in 1956 founded the Nordiska Rikspartiet in Malm6, Sweden:
I can never forgive the USA’s war against Europe, even if the guilt
is not to be put on the US National Socialists....
But I want to stress that my friendship with Lincoln Rockwell
was total, and so was our co-operation with him as a person and
American NS-leader.

As to the local chapters of the World Union of National Social-

ists, Dr. Frederick J. Simonelli describes the situation well:
On the American side of the Atlantic, WUNS activities divided into
three segments: the United States, which was essentially
Rockwell’s ANP, Canada, and South America. WUNS efforts in
South America bore most fruit in Chile and Argentina, where open
and active WUNS chapters flourished. In Chile, Franz Pfeiffer, a
former SS-Colonel and the last commander of Hitler’s
“Leibstandarte,” drew on large numbers of Nazi exiles to create an
active—and, to the Chilean government, an extremely danger-
ous—National Socialist party, the Partido Nacionalsocialista
Chileno. Pfeiffer impressed Rockwell and he suggested to Colin
Jordan that Pfeiffer might be a suitable WUNS continental com-
mander for all of South America. Pfeiffer’s performance in a poten-
tially devastating crisis particularly stirred Rockwell. Three
months after being named leader of WUNS-Chile, Chilean authori-
ties arrested Pfeiffer’s closest friend and long-time comrade,
Werner Rauff, and extradited him to West Germany on war crimes
charges. West Germany accused Rauff, a top aide to Adolf
Eichmann during the war, with personally murdering 90,000 Jews.
Pfeiffer did not abandon Rauff, which impressed Rockwell. Instead,
he openly defended him and hired a Chilean lawyer to fight the
extradition order. In a letter to Rockwell during the crisis, Pfeiffer
 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS 355

even hinted that he was considering employing physical force to

free Rauff—a suggestion that certainly would only have elevated
his stature in Rockwell’s eyes. In a letter to Bruno Ludtke, Rockwell
described Pfeiffer as “quite a leader” who “will make history some
day.” In late 1964, the Chilean government outlawed Pfeiffer’s
party and WUNS-Chile. Pfeiffer refused to moderate his state-
ments or curtail his activities and was arrested and jailed in Febru-
ary of 1965.
As Chilean authorities shut down WUNS-Chile, Rockwell
turned his South American focus to Argentina, where Horst
Eichmann, Adolf Eichmann’s son, headed the Argentine National
Socialist Party. Eichmann had a substantial following within the
German expatriate community in Argentina and a recognized name
worldwide, making him very useful to Rockwell, but he was never
as fully loyal to Rockwell as Franz Pfeiffer. Young Eichmann
believed, with good cause, that he had greater visibility among
South American Nazis than did Rockwell. In his view, a new
Fuehrer would more likely emerge from the German enclaves of
South America than from suburban Virginia. Rockwell tolerated
Eichmann because his name had value, but he never really con-
trolled him. After 1965, WUNS in South America did not reach the
potential that Rockwell expected of it under Franz Pfeiffer.
WUNS-Canada was limited by aggressive anti-Nazi govern-
mental action, including vigorous prosecution of WUNS operatives
under laws designed to control racist and revolutionary political
movements. Early Rockwell efforts in Canada, from 1961 to 1965,
were in cooperation with Andre Bellfeuille’s Canadian Nazi Party
(CNP). Rockwell appointed Bellfeuille’s deputy, Janos Pall, the first
International Secretary of the World Union of Free Enterprise
National Socialists (WUFENS), who then helped Rockwell with the
initial organization of WUNS. Bellfeuille’s CNP was the first
WUNS-Canada chapter. Infighting among the Canadian racist
right fragmented the small support base of the movement. By 1965,
Rockwell faced the unpleasant task of choosing among diminished
and rival racist groups to be the WUNS designate—Bellfeuille’s
CNP, Jacques Taylor’s Canadian National Socialist Party, and Don
Andrews’s Western Guard Party. Instead, Rockwell took a chance
on a dynamic newcomer to the racist right political wars, John
Beattie. Selecting Beattie as leader of WUNS-Canada—though
practical political concerns negated the actual designation of
Beattie as such—proved a wise decision. Ludtke guided Rockwell to
356 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS

the right choice and wrote of the young Beattie, “That is the face of
the Canadian Hitler.”
By early 1966, Beattie had consolidated much of the racist right
around his leadership and was one of the few bright spots in
Rockwell’s world order. Rockwell met regularly with his protégé
and reported to Colin Jordan, “Our Canadian leader, John Beattie
is doing absolutely fabulously—in fact, the most professional and
thorough job now going on in any other country outside of your own”
(the latter comment a concession to Jordan’s fragile ego). “He is reli-
giously studying and putting into action the course in legal, politi-
cal and psychological warfare we have been publishing.... He
suffers from the usual agony of lack of, or no funds, but manages to
continue nevertheless.” Rockwell was convinced that Beattie, his
“magnificent young leader,” would someday “make history in
Canada.”
Europe contained the largest concentration of WUNS chapters.
Three chapters—Hungary, Italy, and Switzerland—appear to have
been little more than chapters in name, with no active organization
and limited, or nonexistent, public programs. WUNS found particu-
larly fertile ground in Scandinavia, forging working bonds with
active indigenous National Socialists in Sweden, Denmark, and Ice-
land. In Sweden, Goran Assar Oredsson’s Nordic Reich Partywas
already deeply involved in extended legal disputes with the Swed-
ish government over the distribution of anti-Semitic literature
when Rockwell contacted him about joining WUNS. Oredsson’s
emergence as a National Socialist advocate in Sweden predated
Rockwell’s own conversion to Nazism and the formation of both the
ANP and WUNS. While Oredsson maintained the independence of
his Nordic Reich Party, he cooperated fully with Rockwell and
Jordan on all strategic matters concerning the National Socialist
revival in Scandinavia.
In Denmark, Sven Salicath, leader of the Danish National
Socialist Workers Party, was an enthusiastic organizer of WUNS-
Denmark and a devoted Rockwell disciple. Bernhard Haarde led an
active WUNS chapter in Iceland that claimed over 300 members.
Sweden’s Goran Oredsson helped introduce Rockwell and WUNS to
the incipient National Socialist movement in Iceland.
Ireland and Spain had moderately active chapters, but failed to
meet Rockwell’s expectations primarily because of strong govern-
ment opposition. The failure of the Irish National Union particu-
larly disappointed Rockwell. The Irish Nazis had expressed tacit
 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS 357

approval of the principles contained in the Cotswold Agreements,

but refused to publicly endorse them. They pleaded with WUNS’s
European leader, Colin Jordan, to intercede with Rockwell and to
explain to the Commander that they were too “young and weak” to
carry the movement to the streets. Rockwell patiently replied, “I
can thoroughly understand their position about being young and
weak, but as all of us have found, the way to get old and strong is not
to remain in hiding in cellars.” It wasn’t until Bernard E. Horgan
took command of WUNS-Ireland in 1966 that political and propa-
ganda activities became visible, though the Irish Nazis never met
the lofty expectations Rockwell held for them.
A German expatriate and Third Reich veteran, Friedrich
Kuhfuss, organized and led WUNS-Spain. While Kuhfuss remained
the de facto leader of WUNS-Spain, he put forth his deputy, Antonio
Madrano, a native Spaniard, as the nominal leader to avoid the
appearance of foreign, especially German, intrusion into Spain’s
internal politics. Rockwell’s and Jordan’s WUNS efforts in Spain
tried to build on an earlier Spanish National Socialist organization,
Joven Europa Esparia, which had been encouraged and nurtured by
Sweden’s Oredsson.

England, France, and Belgium boasted the largest, strongest,

and most active WUNS chapters in Europe. Although this entry
does not attempt to quantify the numerical strength of WUNS
chapters, the description of any WUNS chapter as “large and
active” must be understood in a relative light. As Frederick
Simonelli accurately notes, at no time during the period under
examination did a WUNS-affiliated political party establish elec-
toral significance in any country. WUNS supporters outside the
United States, as with the ANP within the United States, are more
accurately numbered in the hundreds than in the thousands. Their
significance, as with Rockwell and the ANP in the United States,
lies more with the sustenance of a virulent and violent racist and
anti-Semitic political impulse and antidemocratic political tradi-
tion than with any real potential to seize political power through
legitimate means.
Whatever fleeting hopes the World Union of National Socialists
may have had to unite the tiny world of explicitly National Socialist
movements effectively died on August 25, 1967, when a disgruntled
American Nazi named John Patler ambushed Rockwell as he
emerged from a Maryland laundromat and killed him. The
National Socialist world reacted with shocked disbelief. This sense
358 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS

of shock and grief is nowhere better expressed than by the words of

Swedish leader Goran Assar Oredsson:
I was on my way down south [when]...I stopped to pick up the eve-
ning papers. The headlines cried out to me:
“He wanted to be America’s Hitler” (Afonbladet);
“{A] Sniper killed America’s Hitler” ( Kvallsposten);
“He wanted to be a new Hitler.... His dream ended here”
(Expressed).
At that movement I wanted to believe—yes wish—that I was
dreaming, that I had read wrong. BUT NO, It came clear to me that
George Lincoln Rockwell, the USA’s National Socialist leader, was
no more among us. Again I had to face how a friend, an ideological
companion and battle comrade had fallen in our united battlefield
in the struggle against our united enemy.
In movements like this...there are no barriers and distances
between the different continents. The distance to a friend and bat-
tle companion is never more far away then the distance to your own
hearth. It was sometime during 1957 that I first came into contact
with Rockwell. It was from letters. Rockwell’s letters were many
and long. My English was surely not what it should be, but with a
friend’s help our correspondence was the best you could ask for.
Rockwell’s letters revealed a brain as sharp as a knife.... He gave in
his letters almost philosophical explanations and had the most
interesting explanations...regarding National Socialism and it’s
[sic] ideologists. Why he had the swastika as a symbol, why he
called his party Nazi etc. etc.
...1 first judged him as a deskfighter. Yes even as a fruitless theo-
retician. But I was soon te change my mind. It was when his papers,
The Rockwell Report, National Socialist Bulletin and Stormtrooper
arrived. From pictures and articles, his movement proved to be the
most brave and hard fighting Stromtroopers as any one could ask for.
And everywhere in these pictures of the struggle, the leader
Rockwell was in the front, as the leader, the speaker, the organizer
and the hero, when it comes to courage and fighting spirit.

Matt Keohl, Rockwell’s successor in the American movement,

sought to inherit Rockwell’s mantle of World Union of National
Socialists leadership, but in this he did no better than he had man-
aged with the American Nazi Party’s successor, the National
Socialist White People’s Party. Under Koehl, the NSWPP soon
began to fragment, and the World Union of National Socialists on
the global stage in truth fared no better.
 WORLD UNION OF NATIONAL SOCIALISTS Sao

That the World Union of National Socialists carried on, at least

in name, through the 1990s is testament to the importance adher-
ents gave to the idea of National Socialist unity in the face of an
unremittingly hostile world. Moreover, as Rockwell found in his
last years, the fantasy of a global Reich offered a healthy diversion
from the mediocrity, madness, and failure that were the reality of
the national movements. In the correspondence of distant com-
rades, one could dream of far-off lands, of orders given and secret
information received in a network that, with a bit of imagination,
almost seemed to be a kind of government in exile awaiting the day
when economic collapse or racial animosity would bring the slum-
bering White masses to the Swastika banner.
However, the ironic effect of the propaganda churned out by the
disparate local National Socialist groups was to convince foreign
readers of the proposition that the grass was definitely greener
“over there.” That is, that all of the real action and the hope for a
fighting National Socialist organization that would in time
threaten the hated status quo were always in another country. It
was precisely to this phenomenon that the Swedish National
Socialist leader Goran Assar Oredsson alludes in his eulogy to
Rockwell, and it was this sense of local impotence that further
marginalized the national-level activities of the World Union of
National Socialists.
Nevertheless, Rockwell and the WUNS in its 1960s heyday
claimed the power to make and unmake National Socialist leaders
from around the world, to solicit the support of the “old fighters” of
the original German National Socialist state, and to carefully plan
for the coming upheavals by creating grandiose blueprints for the
assumption of power and by awarding positions of prestige to the
faithful in the future National Socialist utopia.
The World Union of National Socialists was a dream whose time
would never come. When in the mid-1990s the organization was
allowed to lapse, it was a clear-enough sign to anyone who still
cared enough to listen, that a dream had died unmourned.
See also: American Nazi Party; Devi, Savitri; Jordan, Colin; Koehl, Matt;
Ludtke, Bruno; National Socialist White People’s Party; Rockwell, George
Lincoln.

Further reading: Jeffrey Kaplan, “The Postwar Paths of Occult National

Socialism: From Rockwell and Madole to Manson,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and
Heléne Léow, Rejected and Suppressed Knowledge: The Racist Right and the
Cultic Milieu (Stockholm: Swedish National Council of Crime Prevention,
1999); Frederick J. Simonelli, “The World Union of National Socialists and
360 WOTANISM (JUNGIAN)

the Post-War Transatlantic Nazi Revival,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore

Bjorgo, Nation and Race (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998);
Frederick J. Simonelli, American Fuehrer: George Lincoln Rockwell and the
American Nazi Party (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1999).

WOTANISM (JUNGIAN) The end of the 20th century has wit-

nessed attempts by contemporary men and women to resurrect a
wide array of pre-Christian religions. The instinctual or atavistic
nature of heathen religion itself is nothing new, and many of these
“revivalists” have experienced its magnetic allure. The gods of the
North seem particularly prone to stirring feelings that may unex-
pectedly resurge among the descendants of those who once wor-
shipped them.
According to Carl Jung, it is not always modern man who
actively seeks to consciously revive a pre-Christian worldview, but
rather he may become involuntarily possessed by the archetypes of
the gods in question. In March 1936, Jung published a remarkable
essay in the Neue Schweizer Rundschau that remains highly con-
troversial to the present day. Originally written only a few years
after the National Socialists came to power in Germany, it is enti-
tled “Wotan.”
Jung states in no uncertain terms his conviction that the Nazi
movement is a result of “possession” by the god Wotan on a massive
scale. He traces elements of the heathen revival back to various
German writers, Nietzsche especially, who he feels were “seized” by
Wotan and became transmitters for aspects of the god’s archetypal
nature. He states:
It is curious, to say the least of it...that an old god of storm and
frenzy, the long quiescent Wotan, should awake, like an extinct vol-
cano, to a new activity, in a country that had long been supposed to
have outgrown the Middle Ages.

Jung would some years later reveal his conviction that both
Nietzsche and he himself had experienced personal visits in their
dreams from the ghostly procession of the “Wild Hunt,” the German
equivalent of the Oskorei.
In the “Wotan” essay he goes on to describe Jugendbewegung
(Youth Movement) sacrifices of sheep to Wotan on the solstice, and
explains in detail his belief that Germany is being led away from
Christianity via “possession” by the ancient deity. Jung concludes his
explication with the prediction that while Germany in the 1930s may
 WOTANSVOLK 361

be under the specific sway of Wotan’s more furious attributes, in the

“course of the next few years or decades” other, more “ecstatic and
mantic” sides of the god’s archetype will also manifest themselves.

—Michael Moynihan, Blood Axis

See also: Odinism; Religion of Nature.

Further reading: Carl Jung, “Wotan,” in C. G. Jung, The Collected Works, v.

10, Bollingen Series, XX (New York: Pantheon, 1964); Jeffrey Kaplan, Rad-
ical Religion in America: Millenarian Movements from the Far Right to the
Children of Noah (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997);
Michael Moynihan and Didrik Sgderlind, Lords of Chaos (Venice, CA:
Feral House, 1998).

WOTANSVOLK Wotansvolk (Wotan’s Folk) is a propaganda cen-

ter for racial Odinism established at St. Maries, Idaho, in 1995 by a
creative troika, David Lane, Katja Lane, and Ron McVan. Wotan is
the ancient German name for Odin, a leading warrior God and Mas-
ter of Mysteries in the pre-Christian Norse pantheon. To
Wotansvolk, Wotan symbolizes “the essential soul and spirit of the
Aryan folk made manifest.” As an iron-willed warrior God, Wotan is
said to instill in the White race the determination and qualities nec-
essary to arise victoriously in the ongoing struggle for Aryan sur-
vival and prosperity. Thus the acronym Will of the Aryan Nation,
WOTAN. Wotansvolk cast their work as a continuation of the
efforts of turn-of-the century Ariosophists like Guido von List, phi-
losophers like Friedrich Nietzsche, and psychoanalysts lke Carl
Gustaf Jung, to return Aryan man to his perceived true nature.
Wotansvolk teaches that each race is by nature unique and
given distinct qualities truly their own. To survive and evolve along
the desired path of racial greatness, a race must develop a high
level of “folk consciousness.” Each race is said to possess a spiritual
heritage understood as a Jungian collective unconscious. Engraved
in each racial member are powerful archetypes that could be
reached through rituals and ceremonies developed by the ancestors
in times immemorial. These archetypes are the Gods of the Blood,
who will exist as long as there are living members of the race. When
the aboriginal Aryan culture was suppressed by universal Chris-
tianity, a process of degeneration began and the folk consciousness
gradually diminished. As the Gods of the Blood are transmitted
genetically, they remained alive though mainly lay dormant
362 . _WOTANSVOLK

through the centuries of Christian dominion. Forced underground,

the ancient Aryan knowledge was cultivated by secret societies and
esoteric sects until the volkish revival of the late 19th century
Germany.
The resurgence of Paganism, Wotanism, Ariosophy, and Rune
Magic shows, the Wotansvolk argues, that the racial Gods are pow-
erful psychic forces that suddenly can burst forth. Following Jung,
Wotansvolk likens Wotan to a long-quiescent volcano that at any
moment may forcibly resume its activity. With overwhelming
power, the suppressed Gods of the Blood might return with a ven-
geance, Wotansvolk say, pointing to the ascendancy of Hitler as a
historical example: “Nowhere since Viking times has the direct, sin-
gular effect of Wotan consciousness been more evident than in the
folkish unity of National Socialist Germany.”
By reconnecting with the ancestral roots, Wotansvolk aims at
nothing less then re-creating the lost Folk Consciousness that it
deems necessary to regain in order to destroy the perceived enemies
of the race and to restore Aryan independence and racial greatness.
Wotansvolk devotes much time to historical research and dissemi-
nates much material on pre-Christian Norse religion, traditions,
rituals, rune wisdom, and artifacts through pamphlets and the
monthly Focus Fourteen, published by its own 14 Word Press.
Since its modest beginning, the Wotansvolk has rapidly
expanded their reach. In addition to serving likeminded souls in or
outside prisons throughout the United States, Wotansvolk has
developed contacts with Aryan nationalist pagans and other kin-
dred spirits all over Eastern and Western Europe, Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, Argentina, Mexico, Brazil, and Chile.

—Mattias Gardell, Stockholm University, Sweden

See also: Lane, David; Lane, Katja; Odinism; Religion of Nature; Wotanism
(Jungian).

Further reading: Focus Fourteen (newsletter); Mattias Gardell, Rasrisk

(Stockholm & Uppsala: Federativs & Swedish Science Press, 1998); David
Lane, Creed of Iron: Wotansvolk Wisdom (St. Maries, ID: 14 Word Press,
1997).
Gary Yarbrough See Aryan Nations; Order.

FRANCIS PARKER YOCKEY The key figure in one of the earliest

stirrings of the postwar effort to reestablish links between the
American and European racialist movements was one Francis
Parker Yockey. He was a mysterious figure who was one of the few
American supporters of Adolf Hitler and European fascism who
was not cowed by the wartime crackdown on fascist sympathizers,
which culminated in the great Sedition Trial of 1942.
Yockey’s prewar history is remarkably conventional, somewhat
belying his rather inflated reputation as a key figure in the
Euro-American fascist underground. He was born in 1917 in Chi-
cago, and he received his law degree from Notre Dame, graduating
cum laude in 1938. Yockey opposed the American entry in the war,
but he nonetheless joined the army, where he served until he
received a medical discharge in 1942 on the grounds of gross mental
instability, having been diagnosed as suffering from “dementia
praecox, paranoid type.”
With the end of the war, Yockey accepted a position on the legal
staff of the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal in 1946. In Germany,
he was assigned to the trial of the second-tier Nazi operatives, which
took place at Wiesbaden. His pro-Nazi sentiments, however, made
his continuing in the position impossible, and in less than a year
Yockey resigned and returned to America. He stayed in the United
States only briefly, however. Within months he was back in Europe.
Establishing a base in Ireland, Yockey began to write the tome
for which he is best known today, Imperium, which he would pub-
lish under the name of Ulick Varange. This time also saw him
involved with the remnants of the wartime fascist network in Brit-
ain and throughout Europe, and, according to persistent rumor,
with Soviet intelligence as well. With Yockey, anything is possible.

363
 \

364 FRANCIS PARKER YOCKEY

He was apparently a key figure in the formation of the European

Liberation Front (ELF)—a profascist organization of which little is
known. The group announced its existence in 1949 with a document
pretentiously titled The Proclamation of London. Little came of it,
and by the time the American State Department refused to renew
his passport in 1952, Yockey appears to have collected a remarkable
number of travel documents, including German press credentials.
With or without Yockey, the European Liberation Front itself
remained a shadowy if persistent entity. The name did turn up
occasionally through the years, however. As recounted by William
L. Pierce in his hagiographic treatment of George Lincoln Rockwell,
Lincoln Rockwell: A National Socialist Life, the Commander
received an angry letter in the late 1950s from an American Euro-
pean Liberation Front adherent decrying Rockwell’s attacks on
America.
A less-enlightening document emerged in the late 1970s pur-
porting to be from the ELF as well. This, however, was a simple,
rather incoherent, anti-Semitic screed, titled “About ‘The European
Liberation Front’: A Bulwark Against “The Outer Forces’.” The doc-
ument is notable only for its claims of direct descent from Yockey
and the claim that the group is forced to live a semiclandestine life
in London. Its words, however, would prove prophetic for much of
the movement view of the 1990s:
Europe is a tired old man—more like a tired old lady—and if West-
ern culture is to be saved, it will be saved by the last Western bar-
barians, the American barbarians I love.... You and your egghead
gang of dandies are in love with what is gone and insist on ignoring
what is here. Rome is no more. You keep trying to resurrect it, but
you can’t, because there are no more noble Romans over there, at
least not enough to make a real fight of it. Europe is like one big
France—all empty shell, fine words, pretty songs, and dead men.

Yockey’s magnum opus fared better than the European Libera-

tion Front itself. The book hit the market in 1948. It offered inter-
pretations of history that combined elements of such anti-Semitic
classics as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion with the sweeping his-
torical analysis of Spengler’s Decline of the West. The first edition of
the sprawling work was issued in two volumes under the imprima-
tur of something called the Westropa Press. It attracted a small but
fanatical following, the most important of whom would be the
American publisher Willis Carto. Carto picked up the rights to
Imperium and published a comprehensive edition in 1948. When
Carto created his Noontide Press over a decade later, Imperium
 FRANCIS PARKER YOCKEY 365

was one of its featured offerings, with the first Noontide edition
appearing in 1962.
Yockey, meanwhile, had returned to the United States where,
through a combination of careless handling of his baggage and buz-
zard luck, he was arrested and charged with violating passport
laws. Held under an unheard-of (for the time) $50,000 bail for the
passport charges, Yockey apparently feared he would be forced to
reveal sensitive information about the European Liberation Front
and other of his European endeavors.
Francis Parker Yockey committed suicide by ingesting a cya-
nide pill in his San Francisco jail cell in 1960. Willis Carto was the
last man to see the imprisoned Yockey alive. Through Imperium,
however, Yockey’s legacy lives on. Carto’s Noontide Press edition is
readily available, replete with his fawning introduction. Else
Christensen, a founder of the racialist wing of the Odinist move-
ment in America, was much influenced by Imperium as well, and
she introduced Yockey’s ideas to the international Odinist commu-
nity through a series of articles in her publication, The Odinist.
See also: Carto, Willis; Christensen, Else; Hitler, Adolf; Odinism; Pierce,
William; Rockwell, George Lincoln.

Further reading: Kevin Coogan, Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey
and the Postwar Fascist International (Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia, 1999); -
John George and Laird Wilcox, American Extremists, Supremacists, Klans-
men, Communists and Others (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996);
Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American
Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998); Ulick Varange
[Francis Parker Yockey], Imperium (Costa Mesa, CA: Noontide Press, 1991).
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 L
ZIONIST OCCUPATION GOVERNMENT (ZOG) = The Zionist Occu-
pation Government discourse is at once the most caricatured and
the most characteristic facet of the American radical right wing
today. Moreover, the ZOG conception has found a secure beachhead
with the European—and particularly the .Scandinavian—racialist
subculture. Why this seemingly eccentric view of modern society
has found such a remarkable resonance in the transatlantic radical
right reveals much of how the far-right faithful see the world
around them and, of greater import, how they see themselves.
The Zionist Occupation Government (ZOG) may be defined as a
deeply Manichaean conceptualization of the federal government
and of what is seen as its Jewish puppeteers, often personified as
the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith. ZOG is today consid-
ered to be the all-powerful master of the nation and, indeed, of the
world. That the timeless Jewish conspiracy personified by the epi-’
thet ZOG has come to rule the world like a colossus is now unques-
tioned dogma for the most radical reaches of the American race
movement, and enjoys a wide vogue among the European move-
ments as well. How this came to be is strongly centered on the suc-
cess of the Jewish organizations in the United States that in the
postwar years turned to the battle against anti-Semitism with a
vigor that was much fueled by the enormity of the Holocaust.
In the late 1940s, the American Jewish Committee (AJC) held a
position very much akin to that of the Anti-Defamation League
today. That is, one of the functions of the AJC was to monitor the
doings of anti-Semites who might present a threat to the American
Jewish community. At the head of this effort was Rabbi Solomon
Andhil Fineberg. At the time, Rabbi Fineberg was concerned with
the high-profile activities of the surviving Depression-era dema-
gogues, in particular Gerald L. K. Smith. In conjunction with other
Jewish organizations, Rabbi Fineberg developed and championed
what he called a “quarantine policy.” Quarantine meant exactly
what the word implied—an attempt to sever the lines of

367
368 ZIONIST OCCUPATION GOVERNMENT (ZOG)

transmission through which the anti-Semites’ message could be dis-

seminated to the mainstream culture.
The policy succeeded to a degree in dealing with Gerald L. K.
Smith, but its real efficacy was demonstrated in the effort to neu-
tralize George Lincoln Rockwell and his American Nazi Party in
the early 1960s. In dealing with Rockwell, “Quarantine” was
renamed “Dynamic Silence,” but the objective was the same. When
a Rockwell media event was planned, local Jewish organizations
would seek to limit the impact of the performance. This involved on
the one hand securing the cooperation of local newspaper editors
and broadcast journalists in ignoring the event. To facilitate this
process, every effort was made to render the spectacle less news-
worthy. This necessitated limiting the kind of angry confrontations
that had been par for the course at Rockwell’s public appearances,
for it was precisely these theatrical clashes that drew the press in
the first place. At the moment at which Rabbi Fineberg’s policy was
accepted and militant Jewish groups ceased opposing Rockwell at
his marches and public rallies, Rockwell’s real troubles began, as
an increasingly frustrated Commander was left to try to devise
ever-more-outrageous stunts to publicize his movement. If a point
of conception for the ZOG discourse can be posited, it may well have
been at this fateful juncture when the American Nazi Party faded
from the headlines.
But if the suspicion that the nation was being controlled by a
shadowy Jewish conspiracy operating behind the facade of federal
government became increasingly credible in the Rockwell era, its
roots are considerably older. Moreover, the perception that the con-
spirators had in fact triumphed and that the nation could no longer
be wrested from their grasp would take another two decades to find
widespread acceptance in the American radical right.
As to the ideological stuff upon which the ZOG discourse is built,
it is necessary to look to the 1920s. It was then that Henry Ford’s
newspaper, the Dearborn Independent, began the publication of the
“International Jew” series. Later published as a four-volume set of
books under the title The International Jew, the series based itself
on the most important anti-Semitic document of the modern era,
The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion. The Protocols was, how-
ever, a document steeped in the atmosphere of the dying days of
tsarist Russia. Moreover, The Protocols, in the English translation
by Victor Marsden, may have been one of the dullest reads ever
committed to paper. Granted, its melodramatic portrait of a cabal of
Jewish rabbis meeting once a century in a desolate cemetery in the
 ZIONIST OCCUPATION GOVERNMENT (ZOG) 369

dead of night to exchange news of the age-old plan is a timeless

reencapsulation of anti-Semitic themes from the Middle Ages. Yet
these scenes were not easily translated into the context of modern
American life. The International Jew provided the link between the
Old World anti-Semitism of The Protocols and the urban world of
modern America. The International Jew introduced a generation of
radical right wingers to the notion of a Jewish conspiracy boring
away from within at the values of White Christian America.
Nonetheless, the patriotism of World War II and the ideological
mobilization of the Cold War’s battle against communism left little
room for the kind of disaffection from the state that the ZOG
discourse implies. Granted, Elizabeth Dilling, Gerald Winrod,
Gerald L. K. Smith, and a handful of other radicals could lead the
charge in accusing Franklin Roosevelt and his administration of
being either Jews themselves or in thrall to Jewish interests, but
these charges were so out of touch with the times that they simply
failed to resonate.
Much the same could be said of the Cold War decades of the 1950s
and early 1960s. Gerald L. K. Smith and company could (and did)
attempt to paint President Dwight Eisenhower as a “Swedish Jew”
and his administration as a largely Jewish enterprise, but once
again the battle against communism, the McCarthy crusade against |
internal subversion, and the threat of nuclear annihilation made the
federal government, while surely corrupt and inimical to the inter-
ests of the righteous remnant of the far right, the only game in town.
Indeed, even when the federal government after the 1954 Brown vs.
the Topeka Board of Education decision began to put its armed
weight behind the effort to desegregate the American South, the call
was for reform and states’ rights rather than separation.
No better example of this reformist mood can be offered than the
contrast between an anonymous apocalyptic novel of the day, The
John Franklin Letters, with the 1970s vintage Turner Diaries—a
novel by William Pierce. Published in 1959 and attributed to John
Birch Society sources, The John Franklin Letters is remarkable for
the way it reflected the mood of the far right of the day. In the
1950s, the movement’s vision was more reformist than revolution-
ary. In The John Franklin Letters, the apocalyptic confrontation
between the forces of good and true Americanism and the “enemy
within” of international communism results in a reconstituted
American state in which constitutional government is restored. In
this resurrected status quo ante, the constitutional line of succes-
sion to the presidency is followed with such meticulous care that
370 ZIONIST OCCUPATION GOVERNMENT (ZOG)

the novel ends with the swearing in of a Black president! The

Turner Diaries offers no such heartwarming prognostications.
Rather, the planet is devastated by “chemical, biological and radio-
logical” means in a war of extermination against Jews, non-Whites,
and racial traitors, a war that is conducted on a global scale. The
apocalyptic dream is of an elite band of survivors inhabiting truly
“a new heaven and a new earth.”
But it was not long after the publication of The John Franklin
Letters that the mood darkened. The success of Rabbi Fineberg
and the American Jewish Committee at marginalizing the
Rockwell phenomenon—and indeed most overt expressions of
anti-Semitism—was only part of the problem. Of far greater import
were the social and political changes that occurred throughout the
culture in the 1960s and 1970s. The message of the radical right
was simply losing relevance to most Americans. As the racialist
right were increasingly cast to the most distant margins of the cul-
ture, the search for the reasons for this isolation came to preoccupy
the radical right. The conspiratorial suspicions and anti-Semitism
inherent in the movement had by the late 1970s come to conceptu-
alize these complex socioeconomic factors as “the hidden hand” of a
global Jewish conspiracy.
With the increasing perception of the culture as irretrievably
lost to the “righteous remnant” of the far right, there was a push for
separatism that became most visible in the sudden appearance of
individual survivalists and the growth of rural settlements or com-
pounds throughout the American heartland. From this era came
such high-profile outposts as the Aryan Nations compound in Idaho
and the Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord in rural Missouri.
From this era, too, came a series of armed confrontations with the
radical right that made clear to one and all the hostility of the fed-
eral government to manifestations of right-wing opposition. The
“martyrology” of the radical right served as eloquent testimony to
this chilling perception.
Gordon Kahl, Arthur Kirk, Robert Mathews, David Moran,
Vicki and Samuel Weaver, all died at the hands of police or federal
agents. With the exception of Kahl (about whom a television movie
was made), these names and many more are largely unknown in
the American cultural heartland, but are instantly familiar
throughout the milieu of the radical right. From the sieges of the
Covenant, Sword, and Arm of the Lord’s compound, Randy
Weaver’s cabin, and ultimately, that at Waco, there has in recent
years been an escalation in the use of force against dissidents in
 ZIONIST OCCUPATION GOVERNMENT (ZOG) 371

America. The reasons for this increase in violence are complex,

necessitating a study in itself, but what concerns us here is the
effect that this resort to force may have on the movement’s percep-
tion of a triumphal Jewish conspiracy now able to command at will
the forces of the state to eliminate once and for all anyone who
would object to the writ of Jewish power.
What is certain is that even in the more sophisticated reaches of
the radical right wing, the view that the U.S. government has
become the agent of a triumphant Jewish conspiracy has become
accepted orthodoxy. The occasional armed skirmishes that began
with the effort to suppress the tax resistance movement in the early
1980s and the compound dwellers after that have come to involve
adherents of other appeals in the milieu of the radical right.
The key event in this regard may, in retrospect, prove to be the
siege of Randy Weaver’s cabin in 1992. There, in an event that
would eerily resemble a small-scale version of the federal action at
the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, an 18-month
stakeout of the cabin of Identity adherent Randy Weaver culmi-
nated with the deaths of a federal marshal, Weaver’s 14-year-old
son, and his wife, who was shot in the head while holding her infant
daughter in her arms. The battle electrified the world of Christian
Identity and the wider world of the radical right. The anger of the.
radical right boiled over that year at the August 22-28 Scriptures
for America Bible Camp conducted in Colorado by Pete Peters.
Following the camp, Peters convened a meeting of Christian
Patriots who resolved to prevent such an event from happening
again, either through legitimate political action or by joining in a
collective defense. As if for good measure, Weaver’s trial coincided
with the Branch Davidian siege at Waco, and the similarity of the
two events was lost on no one.
The horrific deaths of the children of Waco broke whatever tenu-
ous hope the radical right may have had for the possibility of reform
in America. Now, the Zionist Occupation Government discourse
took on the aspect of unquestioned dogma in the American radical
right. And remarkably, virtually untranslated, it leapt the Atlantic
to become part of European movement discourse as well.
In the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, the ZOG discourse
has become a feature of European radical right—even in countries
suffering from an inconvenient dearth of local Jews! This develop-
ment was most advanced in Scandinavia—particularly in Swe-
den—where the slogan “Déd At ZOG” (Death to ZOG) remarkably
saw no need to translate “Zionist Occupation Government” from its
 \

372 ZIONIST OCCUPATION GOVERNMENT (ZOG)

native English. Thus, White Power bands picked up the term and
further popularized it in song and story, culminating in the Swed-
ish band Vit Aggression’s (White Aggression) song and eponymous
CD, Déd At ZOG.
Today, the Zionist Occupation Government discourse, and the
sense of helpless despair in connotes, is ubiquitous in the most
extreme reaches of the Euro-American radical right.
See also: American Nazi Party; Aryan Nations; Covenant, Sword, and Arm
of the Lord; Dilling, Elizabeth; Mathews, Robert; Peters, Pete; Pierce,
William; Rockwell, George Lincoln; Scriptures for America; Smith, Gerald
L. K.; Waco; Weaver, Randy; Winrod, Gerald.

Further reading: Anon., The John Franklin Letters (New York: Book Mailer
Inc., 1959); Michael Barkun, “Reflections After Waco: Millennialists and the
State,” in James R. Lewis, ed., From the Ashes: Making Sense of Waco
(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1994); Michael Barkun, Religion and
the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity Movement (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Kevin Flynn and Gary
Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood (New York: Signet, 1990); William
Gibson, Warrior Dreams (New York: Hill and Wang, 1994); Jeffrey Kaplan,
“Right-Wing Violence in North America,” in Tore Bjgrgo, ed., Terror From
the Far Right (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1995); Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical
Religion in America (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997);
Jeffrey Kaplan, “Real Paranoids Have Real Enemies: The Genesis of the
ZOG Discourse,” in Catherine Wessinger, ed., Millennialism, Persecution
and Violence (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, forthcoming);
Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg, The Emergence of a Euro-American
Radical Right (Rutgers, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998); Andrew
Macdonald, The Turner Diaries (Arlington, VA: National Vanguard Books,
1978); Pete Peters, Special Report on the Meeting of Christian Men Held in
Estes Park, Colorado October 23, 24, 25, 1992 Concerning the Killing of Vicki
and Samuel Weaver by the United States Government (LaPorte, CO: Scrip-
tures for America, n.d.); Jess Walter, Every Knee Shall Bow (New York:
ReganBooks, 1995).
Resources

Title Author or Source Date

Deguello Report on the Anonymous 1976

American Right Wing
A Brief History of White Rick Cooper 1998
Nationalism revised
In Hoc Signo Vinces George Lincoln Rockwell 1960
The White Party Report “Max Amann” 1968
Aryan Nations Creed Richard Butler n.d.
Foundations Biography of Aryan Nations n.d.
Aryan Nations
Richard G. Butler
The Sixteen Commandments Ben Klassen n.d.
The Movement’s Fatal Harold Covington 1998
Fascination
David Duke: The Messenger Chip Berlet and 1991
and His Message Margaret Quigley
Aryan Destiny: Back to Jost n.d.
the Land
88 Precepts David Lane n.d.
Leaderless Resistance Louis R. Beam 1992
Reichsfolk— Toward a David Myatt n.d.
New Elite
Why I Am A National-Socialist David Myatt n.d.
Declaration of War Robert J. Mathews n.d.
Letter to the Editor Robert J. Mathews n.d.
Alert Update and Advisory Gary Lee Yarbrough 1983
What We Believe As Tom Metzger n.d.
White Racists
Open Letter to Minister Thom Robb 1984
Louis Farrakhan
Open Letter James K. Warner 1968

373
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 Part | Movement Reports

Deguello Report on the American Right Wing

Anonymous— 1976

here has been a great deal of movement speculation as to

authorship of the “Deguello Report.” We will not add to
the guessing game here. What is important about the document
is not the stereotypical charges of socialism, Judaism, and/or
homosexuality that are leveled against the movement figures of
the day. These are impossible to prove (and in any case are for
the most part unlikely to be true). Rather, it is the jaundiced
“insider” view of the movement, the rhetoric in which these
views are presented, the movement's conspiratorial view of
history, and the all too typically fratricidal nature of the
movement that make the “Deguello Report” an invaluable
historical document. Virtually all of the figures noted in the
Report are very much alive and active today, though as the
addresses for those included in the “Deguello Report” are badly
outdated, these have been omitted. For current contact
addresses, the reader is directed to Laird Wilcox, Guide to the
American Right 1997 (Editorial Research Service, P.O. Box
2047, Olathe, KS 66061). Finally, it should be noted that the
“Deguello Report” was never published. It was mimeographed
and circulated to a selected number of individuals, who then
passed it on to others. It is impossible to know how many
people actually saw the “Deguello Report,” and of those, how
many found credible the charges contained in the document.

375
 ‘

376 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

The document reproduced in the “Resources” section is

unchanged from the original version of the “Deguello Report,”
save for some minor formatting changes. Otherwise, the
“Deguello Report,” typos and all, is given as it first appeared
it D768
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 377

You have been identified as a person whose integrity is highly

regarded among patriotic Nationalists of the United States. For
this reason we are sending you this material free of charge and
without obligation on your part.
We do not make any requests or recommendations as to how you
may use this material. This is something we leave to your good
judgment and discretion. You may keep it to yourself or share it
with others as you see fit.

DEGUELLO
This may be our only communication with you or we may see fit to
communicate with you again in the future. In any case, we will
identify ourselves only as Deguello.
We can describe ourselves to you only to this extent: all mem-
bers of Deguello are either present or past employees of government
intelligence Services from a number of different nations in the so-
called free world. As such, we have access to the intelligence
sources of several different Western governments.
Our group is composed of a comparative few members within
these intelligence organizations each having in common an extraor-
dinary deep appreciation for our own nation. Working together, and
in strictest secrecy, we pool our efforts and resources in a purely’
personal effort to fight back against those forces that would destroy
all free nations of the world, supplanting them with a one world
government.

THE PURPOSE OF THIS COMMUNICATION

Freedom loving peoples throughout the entire world look to the
United States in their hope for salvation. What a feeble hope that is!
Even with many great advantages of wealth and comparative
freedom, the Nationalist movement of the United States is patheti-
cally inadequate, ineffective and misinformed.
Even most of those individual nationalists who have studied the
so-called communist conspiracy for decades, we find practically
none that have a realistic conception of their enemy. Very few
understand the nature of the anti-nationalist conspiracy or its
organizational structure. There are practically no individual citi-
zens within the United States whom we have been able to find that
have a deep understanding as to the forces that motivate their ene-
mies in their tireless and unceasing drive to destroy the freedom of
all nations.
378 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

It may be said also that of all Nationalist movements to be found

within the major nations of the Western world, the Nationalist
movement within the United States is the most heavily infiltrated
by those whom they seek to defend themselves against.

THE ANTI-NATIONALIST CONSPIRACY

We can say it this way: communism has three faces. These three
faces are socialism, Judaism and homosexualism.
Each of these faces represents a Vast and semi-independent
conspiratorial apparatus. So vast is each one of these three sepa-
rate conspiracies that none of them is completely controlled at the
top by any one person or small council of persons. Within each of
these three separate conspiracies we find numerous leaders and
groups of leaders existing throughout different parts of the world,
having various aspects and different degrees of power, each
engaged in both cooperation and friendly competition.
Although basically independent of each other, these three vast
conspiracies are interlocked and intertwined in such a manner as to
move their energies forward along roughly the same paths and
toward approximately the same destination.
Among these many millions of individuals, most will belong to
only one of these three conspiracies. Some will belong to two conspir-
acies simultaneously and a comparative few will belong to all three.
To be more definite, the fact that a person is a Jew does not
necessarily make him either a socialist or a homosexual. On the
other hand, he may be either or both. The fact that a person is a
homosexual does not necessarily make him a socialist and obvi-
ously, it does not necessarily mean that he must be a Jew. There
are many socialists that are neither Jews nor homosexuals
although many socialists may be one or the other or they may be all
three: a socialist, Jew and homosexual.
The exchange of information between members of these three
conspiracies is not always planned or exact. The sense of obligation
between members of one conspiracy and members of a different
conspiracy may be great or small depending on the individuals
involved. For the most part the exchange of both information and
assistance occurs through those individuals that simultaneously
participate in two or more of the various conspiracies.
The relative strength of these conspiracies is a matter of debate.
In general, it may be said that the socialist conspiracy is the most
direct, forceful and aggressive. The Jewish conspiracy is perhaps
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 379

most persistent, clever and conniving. The homosexual conspiracy

is most apt to have surprising, subtle and unexpected effects.
Taken together, the three faces of communism maintain a con-
tinuous and unrelenting attack on national states of the world and
against the individual freedom of all peoples everywhere.
We must now investigate the nature of these three conspiracies
separately and in turn.

THE SOCIALIST CONSPIRACY

The theories of Karl Marx were anticipated by twenty-five centu-
ries in the writings of the philosopher Plato. Between the lives of
these two men there were hundreds of other authors and contribu-
tors to the generalized theory of communism. This history is well
documented and we presume, well-known to all who will read this
communication.
The communist manifesto, written by Karl Marx in 1848,
became the focal point at which theory was transformed into prac-
tice. The history of socialism since the manifesto is known equally
well and fully documented. The anti-communist organizations of
most Western nations are fully acquainted with this history and
are guided accordingly. Within the United States however, we find
that most Nationalists and Nationalist organizations have been’
strangely diverted from the facts. The thinking of many United
States nationalists has been misdirected against persons and orga-
nizations of comparatively small importance and away from those
facts and organizational activities that constitute the real and
immediate threat to the freedom of the United States. For this rea-
son we will briefly review the nature of the socialist conspiracy and
point out some errors of fact and judgment commonly circulated
among United States Nationalists.
Almost at once, after writing the communist manifesto, a divi-
sion of opinion occurred, not as to the ultimate objectives, but
regarding the best means to obtain those objectives. One group
favored violent revolution whereas the other favored a gradual
drive for control through infiltration and subversion.
Marx first attempted to implement his plan for world wide
socialist revolution on September 24th, 1864 by organizing the
International Working Mans Association which became known as
the First Socialist International.
In 1868 a socialist party was formed in New York which met
with some early success. In 1872 the headquarters of the first
 =

380 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

Socialist International was moved from London to New York where

it combined with the Socialist party there. Still the division
between the two groups prevented any unity of action and the origi-
nal Socialist party was dissolved at a meeting in Philadelphia on
Feb. 15, 1876.
A second International was founded in Paris on July 14, 1889
but succumbed to the sane division of opinion.
After the death of Karl Marx, the two groups split apart
entirely. Those favoring violent revolution organized in 1903 as the
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Their first meeting was
convened in Brussels but soon moved to London after conflict with
Belgian authorities. This party included Nikolai Lenin and Leon
Trotsky with fifteen faithful followers. From this central core devel-
oped the bolshevik segment of the Marxist party.
In November, 1917, the bolsheviks overthrew the Kerensky gov-
ernment and seized control of Russia. Lenin assumed power as dic-
tator of Russia and leader of the Third Socialist International (also
known as the Comintern).
The Third International has continued through the years under
control of the Communist party of the Soviet Union as the primary
instrument for obtaining a one world communist dictatorship by
means of violent conquest and revolution.
When the Comintern nations (USSR, Red China and their
respective satellites) use non-violent means of espionage and infil-
tration, they do so more in a military manner. Their respective spy
systems are organized along military lines and all agents are under
strict control and discipline.
After the death of Marx 1883, that group which favored infiltra-
tion as the sole means of conquest immediately organized the
Fabian Society which shortly came under the leadership of George
Bernard Shaw along with Sidney and Beatrice Webb. The Fabians
did not differ with the bolsheviks in their ultimate objectives, a
socialist one world dictatorship, but only in the means by which it
could be best obtained. George Bernard Shaw did not disapprove of
violent revolution on principle. He completely agreed with Marx
that any tactic leading toward a total collective state were justified.
He and the Webbs simply concluded that in the more advanced
Western nations, the tactics of violence and revolution would be
less effective than those of infiltration and political conversion.
Whereas the bolsheviks worked mostly among the working
classes, the Fabians sought out young intellectuals whose egotism
could be exploited in the building of a “planned society”.
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 381

The Fabian Society rejected all suggestions to form an inde-

pendent political party. Their members preferred to infiltrate the
colleges, the news media, religious groups, labor unions, business
organizations and other political parties. In England they were
immediately successful. By 1888 they had two of their members on
the London school board and by 1892 two Fabian Socialists had
been elected to Parliament. A magazine called Fabian Essays
began publication in 1889 and soon afterwards, the Fabians
founded the London School of Economics which became world
renowned as an open vehicle for the teaching of socialism and
socialist economic theories.
The importance of the United States was quickly recognized by
the Fabian Socialists and in 1888, Sidney Webb made an extensive
lecture tour through the United States. His book “Socialism in
England” was soon circulated through leading American Univer-
sities as the Fabians made an extensive recruiting effort among
liberal minded American educators. The Rand School of Social
Science was formed in 1905 in New York City as the Fabian’s equiv-
alent to the London School of Economics. In 1907 the United States
Fabians organized the Intercollegiate Socialist Society with chap-
ters in many of the leading Universities of that country. Among
the early converts to Fabian socialism in the United States |
were Felix Frankfurter who became a Justice of the Supreme
Court, Walter Lippman whose career as a political columnist
spanned four decades, as well as persons like John Dewey, the
father of “progressive education” at Columbia University.
When Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected president, he opened
the doors of government to socialist planners of all shades. During
the following forty-five years, the Fabians achieved immense power
and influence throughout almost every segment of the social struc-
ture of the United States. Always they have maintained a position
of both secret cooperation and friendly competition with bolshevik
agents as well as with the Jewish and homosexualist elements of
the anti-nationalist conspiracy.
A big majority of the bolsheviks that came to power in Russia
were Jews. The Fabian socialist movement included several promi-
nent Jews among their early members. Thus the interlock between
the Jewish conspiracy and the socialist conspiracy was early estab-
lished and is continued to this day.
In the United States the Fabians have dominated the universi-
ties and the teacher’s unions. In the news media, control has been
jointly held by the Fabians and Jews. Here the Fabians have
382 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

dominated the editorial and journalistic aspects while the Jews

concentrated on extending the business and financial power of their
respective newspaper chains, magazine publishing firms, radio and
television networks. This symbiotic cooperation between the Jew-
ish and Fabian conspiracies within the news media has resulted in
almost total control over the source of information upon which citi-
zens of the United States must base their judgments and reach
their political conclusions. This control is in part responsible for the
confusion that exists within the thinking of United States Nation-
alist organizations but infiltration by Fabian, Jewish, and espe-
cially homosexual agents has been a more important cause for this
confusion as will be demonstrated in a later section of this
communication.
This confusion, of which we speak, includes a failure to under-
stand the three faces of communism and the association between
them. As a result of this failure, many United States Nationalist
groups and organizations make many accusations against groups
that are merely used by the conspiracies rather than being part of
the conspiracies.
Much of this confusion seems to have originated through the
unwitting action of a man named Dan Smoot, an ex-FBI agent
whose sincerity cannot be doubted. Many years ago, Mr. Smoot
wrote a book called, “The Invisible Government” in which he identi-
fied the Council on Foreign Relations as the dominant controlling
influence within the communist conspiracy of the United States.
Apparently, Smoot was led to this conclusion through his failure to
identify individual members of the Fabian Society as they worked
within the Council on Foreign Relations to influence other mem-
bers and manipulate their influence upon the business and political
communities. As a result of this misunderstanding, many impor-
tant persons have been wrongly stigmatized by accusations of CFR
membership. Naturally, these false claims made repeatedly, tend
to alienate otherwise patriotic persons, causing them in this way to
become hostile toward Nationalist organizations and making them
susceptible to friendly overtures from the Fabians who work subtly
among their ranks. The Bilderbergers is another favorite target of
United States Nationalist groups and propaganda. Prince Philip of
Netherlands is a Fabian Socialist as are a few other prominent par-
ticipants in the Bilderberger meetings. But here again, National-
ists of the United States fail to understand that the Bilderberger’s
meetings are simply held by the Fabian Socialists as a means of
influencing other important people who are not Fabians. This
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 383

propaganda by United States Nationalist organizations simply con-

fuses their own people as to the true nature of the enemy and the
true identity of the most important Fabian manipulators within
their own country. The real and actual infiltrators into United
States Nationalist organizations are always helped by an even
greater number of profiteers and charlatans who will do anything
to make money or boost their own ego, even at the expense of their
nation’s freedom.
Some of these profiteers act in very effective and seemingly hon-
orable ways to collect and waste large amounts of money that might
otherwise be put to good use. Some of these charlatans give reason-
able stories and others tell tales so ridiculous as to be pathetic. It is
a poor testimonial regarding the gullibility of United States Nation-
alists that they fall so easily for these things.
One such charlatan is a phoney “Polish General” who pretends
to have been responsible for identifying several communist spy net-
works. As part of his ever continuing campaign to establish his own
false identity, this charlatan has made claims to the effect that
Henry Kissinger was an agent for the KGB. Since Henry Kissinger
acts in ways continually favorable to the communists, this claim did
not seem as being absurd. Even such a usually accurate reporter as
Frank (Jew) Capell used this false story in writing a book claiming ©
Henry Kissinger to be a KGB agent.
Although this claim may seem reasonable to supposedly knowl-
edgeable United States Nationalists, it sounds completely ridicu-
lous to the average citizen of the United States. Thus, this false
information often serves to convince ordinary citizens that the
American Nationalists are fools.
The truth is of course that Henry Kissinger is a prominent
leader in the Fabian Society. As such he works diligently in behalf
of the socialist conspiracy but without any connection to the
bolshevik controlled KGB. If United States Nationalists under-
stood the extent and nature of the Fabian Socialist movement and if
they could clearly identify Henry Kissinger’s actual role in this con-
spiracy both they and their fellow citizens would find this much
more believable and good would be done rather than harm.
One of the Fabians early political efforts in the United States
was the organization of the Socialist Party long identified with
Norman Thomas but always controlled by the Fabian Society. A
splinter group of the Socialist Party was reorganized as the Ameri-
cans for Democratic Action (ADA) which is also under Fabian
control.
 ie)

384 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

The Fabian Society’s first front group in the United States was
the Intercollegiate Socialists Society which later became the League
for Industrial Democracy. The ADA and the LID have interlocking
directors and membership which comprises the control of both
groups by the Fabian society.
Robert Welch, founder of the John Birch Society was for many
years a member of the League for Industrial Democracy and is, to
this day, a member of the Fabian Society. The John Birch Society
receives much money from the sale of books and publications to
United States Nationalists and some money as contributions from
sincere members. Much of their considerable financial strength
comes through secret transfer of money from Jewish individuals
and/or organizations in the amount of $300,000. to $800,000. yearly.
In this way the John Birch Society has become a major instrument
for the confusion of American Nationalists. This is done by hiding the
true nature of the Jewish, homosexual and socialist phases of the
anti-nationalists conspiracy while reporting exaggerated claims
regarding the almost mythical “order of the Illuminati”. OW
Going back to the bolsheviks in Russia. As noted previously most
of the original bolsheviks were Jews. One however was not a Jew and
he was Joseph Stalin. Stalin had a great lust for personal power and
to obtain this power it was necessary for him to eliminate most com-
petitors within the original bolshevik movement. He did this
through a long series of purges and public trials culminating with
the Moscow Treason trials of 1938. With these trials Stalin rid him-
self of all the old bolsheviks and in doing so largely destroyed Jewish
control over the communist party of the Soviet Union.
With Stalin’s death, a new battle for control developed between
Jewish and non-Jewish elements in the communist party of the
Soviet Union. Nikita Krushchev who was half Jewish helped estab-
lish partial Jewish control through his denunciations of Stalin.

[1] The enmity for the staunchly anti-communist John Birch Society may be traced
back to 1963 when Robert Welch responded to a number of voices within the
organization who were demanding that the organization adopt an anti-Semitic
posture under the theory that communism was and is a facet of a wider Jewish
conspiracy. Welch demurred, responding with The Neutralizers, a book that
explicitly decried anti-Semitism as both divisive and a distraction from the
larger goal of battling the communist conspiracy. Many radical right wing
figures, men such as Revillo P. Oliver, Jack Mohr, and Tom Metzger to name a
few, passed through Birch Society ranks only to leave or be expelled for their
expressions of blatant anti-Semitism. See Robert Welch, The Neutralizers
(Belmont, MA: The John Birch Society, 1963).
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 385

Still, to this day, the Jews do not have control of the communist
party in the Soviet Union.
Within the Soviet Union today many Jews are accepted and
influential within government positions. Many others have been
expelled or executed. During the past five years an enormous num-
ber of Jews have immigrated from the Soviet Union to the United
States, Israel or other nations. Some of these Jewish immigrants
were actually dedicated communist spies. Most of them have sim-
ply been Jewish dissidents of which the Soviet government was
glad to be rid of. You may say, why do they not simply shoot these
Jews if they wish to be rid of them? The reason lies in a new policy
by the Soviet Government of demanding -ransom from those per-
sons wishing to immigrate who have relatives in foreign countries.
The average ransom paid for permission to immigrate from the
communist bloc to the Western World is $15,000 per family. In
some cases of Jews having wealthy relatives in the United States,
as much as $250,000 has been asked and has been paid. Another
reason is that by not shooting dissident Jews they retain the loyalty
of other communist Jews.
In addition to the Fabian Socialist movement within the United
States, the Bolsheviks have also set up numerous organizations, —
usually under the control of the Communist party of the Soviet
Union. The conflict that has been discussed between Jewish and
non-Jew segments of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has
led to considerable splintering among the Bolshevik organizations
within the United States.
An early leader of the Bolshevik movement was Leon Trotsky
who would have been heir to Lenin’s power except for the seizure of
this power by Joseph Stalin. Trotsky escaped from the Soviet Union
and lived in Mexico until he was finally assassinated. Under
Trotsky’s direction a Fourth International was organized. From
this Fourth International a number of different organizations have
grown including the Socialist Workers Party, Young Socialists Alli-
ance, National Peace Action Coalition, National Student Conference
against Racism, International Socialists, International Workers
Party and the Spartacist League. For the most part, the leaders of
all these organizations have been Jewish followers of Leon Trotsky
who was also a Jew.
The Communist Party USA was led for a long time by William Z.
Foster who was not a Jew but is now led by John Hall who is a Jew.
From the Communist Party USA has developed the Young Workers
Liberation League, Peoples Coalition for Peace and Justice, National
386 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

Alliance against Racism and Political Repression, the National Law-

yers Guild, the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and many other Com-
munist fronts. At the time of the split between Stalin and Mao Tse
Tung, a portion of the Communist Party USA broke away and
accepted leadership from Red China. Thus was formed the Progres-
sive Labor Party which attempted in 1969 to take over the Students
for Democratic Society. The SDS was destroyed during these
inter-organizational battles and from their membership evolved the
United States Labor Party, National Caucus of Labor Committees,
The New Solidarity Group and the Weather Underground.
A publication called “The Guardian” has long promoted the
Socialists propaganda line and has accepted financing from the
Communist Party USA as well as solicited financial support from
the wealthy Fabian Socialists. At the time of the split between Stalin
and Mao Tse Tung The Guardian became largely subservient to the
Red Chinese. From this activity has developed the Revolutionary
Communist Party as well as the Revolutionary Student Brigade,
Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee, and the Vietnam
Veterans Against the War.
The Venceremos Brigade evolved as a cooperative action
between the Communist Party USA and the Revolutionary Com-
munist Party.
In many cases we see Jewish and non-Jewish cooperation
between the Socialist Workers Party and the Communist Party
USA. Examples of these cooperative efforts include the November
Mobilization Committee, the National Mobilization Committee,
Coalition to Stop Funding the War, and the Fifth Estate with its
publication, “Counter spy”.
As the original “weathermen” faction of the SDS took in many
radical feminists, the name changed to Weather Underground. A
major project of the weather underground is the front group called
Prairie Fire Organizing Committee (PPOC) which in turn organized
a “Hard Times Conference” to help unify youth groups among the
Maoist, Trotskyite and Workers World parties.
The October League (OL) is a Maoist controlled communist
group now organizing secret cells of “professional revolutionaries”.
Their stated purpose is to form a party of insurrection which will go
underground to ferment violent revolution within the United
States. Another front group of the October League is called the
National Fight Back Organization to take advantage of the fact
that many large cities are forced to cut down on their expenditures
for welfare, and unnecessarily large number of city employees. The
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 387

“Fight Back” mean to fight back against city cuts in welfare checks
and similar expenditures.
The National Fight Back Organization works in close coopera-
tion with the Communist Youth Organization and the Southern
conference Educational Fund.
To defend their nation against communism, the Nationalists of
the United States must have a clear understanding of these various
factions within the socialist conspiracy. Also essential is a clear
understanding of the interaction between the socialist conspiracy
as described in this section and the Jewish conspiracy and the
homosexual conspiracy as described in the next two sections of this
communication.

THE JEWISH CONSPIRACY

No other subject has caused so much debate and division among
United States Nationalists as have questions regarding the nature
of the Jewish Conspiracy or in fact, if such a conspiracy even exists.
The answers to these questions are not difficult and would be
obvious except for the fact that the Jews themselves disseminate a
great deal of misinformation regarding these matters. This is a fact
which seems to have escaped most Nationalists within the United
States. Another important fact, equally obscured to United States —
Nationalists is the fact that many anti-Jewish organizations are
actually organized and supported financially by the Jews them-
selves. The reasons for the Jews actions in doing these things, is
also obvious to those who are not misled by the Jewish propaganda.
Although the Jewish people vary greatly from one geographical
area to another, all Jews have certain things in common. Nearly all
Jews tend to be clannish among themselves. They are, almost with-
out exception, suspicious of non-Jews. Those Jews who have never
once in their lives experienced prejudice or discrimination from
non-Jews, nevertheless always seem to be expecting that they will
run into such prejudice. At any time they feel some other Jew has
been subjected to prejudice, they will immediately come to his
defense. Almost always, in any difference of opinion between a Jew
and a non-Jew, all Jews will assume that their fellow Jew is in the
right, regardless of what the facts may show. These tendencies
work to the advantage of all Jews and of special advantage to those
that are active within the actual Jewish conspiracy. It is for this
reason that Jews themselves help organize and finance anti-Jewish
organizations and it is for these same reasons that they dissemi-
nate both false and true information about themselves so long as
 \

388 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

the combination tends to obscure the facts regarding the Jewish

conspiracy.
The first and foremost objective of all Jewish propaganda is to
convince their own people that non-Jews are always against them
and thus insure cohesiveness within their own community. To help
do this they have set up anti-Jewish organizations and printed
much anti-Jewish propaganda. Although the exact origin of the
“Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion” is in doubt, there is proof
that Jewish conspirators have revived the popularity of this book
and have financed the distribution of hundreds of thousands of cop-
ies because it serves these purposes for them.
A classic example of anti-Jewish propaganda which was
financed by the Jews is a newspaper now out of print but long popu-
lar with American Nationalists and called, “Common Sense”. This
paper was edited by a sincere Nationalist of strong anti-Jew convic-
tions named Conde NcGinley. He put out a paper that was well
done and was usually factual in most of the articles printed.
McGinley was however, completely duped by a Jew named
Benjamin Freedman who pretended to have turned against his own
people and who pretended a desire to help finance truthful informa-
tion regarding the Jewish Conspiracy.
Conde McGinley had a number of very sincere assistants who
assumed that the publication was financed by subscription rates
and donations from non-Jews. When Conde McGinley died they
made a great effort to continue the publication but were unable to
do so without the secret financial help of Benjamin Freedman so
their operation soon went bankrupt and the “Common Sense”
ceased publication.
To understand the Jewish conspiracy as it really is we must look
deeply into the nature of the Jewish people and the organization of
Judaism itself.
Although, through most of the last two thousand years, the Jews
have not had any territory to call their own, it is still proper to
speak of the Jews as a “nation”. Here we use the word in the sense of
a people having many common ties of culture, religion, language,
with relatives and friends living in close association and everything
else (except in this case territory) that makes up a nation. Thus,
Judaism is a nation that for its most part exists in the geographical
territory of other nations.
To prevent their nation from being intermingled and absorbed
by the peoples of other geographical nations in which they exist,
has long been the first and most important objective of Jewish
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 389

leaders. Thus, it is that vast numbers of Jews immigrate from one

country to another not with any intent of becoming true citizens of
the country in which they reside but as the would-be secret con-
querors and masters of such countries.
In the past many Jews, to avoid exposure and exile, have pre-
tended to convert to other religions while actually maintaining
their own religious beliefs and practice in secret. In some cases
these secret Jews have existed in this manner for generations and
comprise a secret subversive force within the countries where they
reside. This process continues even in the present days, especially
in countries such as the United States where Jews find it advanta-
geous to hide their racial and religious origins or where they need to
strengthen their fifth column within the Christian community.
The Jewish religion is an aggressive and imperialist religion,
filled with hatred for other religions and with a burning desire to
enslave all mankind. This religion is unique to the Jewish people
and this is the reason they are not interested in converting others
to Judaism. The Jews believe that their religion resulted from
Abraham’s agreement with God and that as such, it is the obligation
of the Lord’s chosen people to dominate the world. They look upon
other human beings as mere animals, lacking any right to be consid-
ered a part of mankind except to act as either real or economic slaves —
to the future aristocracy on supposed command of God.
The only time that Jews sincerely seek to convert a Christian or
Moslem to Judaism is when that person is actually a person of the
Jewish race whose parents or grandparents lost interest in Juda-
ism for some reason. The conversion of such a Christian or Moslem
is intended to recover the lost blood. The Jewish religion is one to
which Gentiles will never be admitted. They may be enrolled in a
special religion made for them which will have the outward appear-
ance of Judaism but which is actually different from the ancient
organization of spiritual Jews and is designed to make the sup-
posed converts into more willing tools of the true Jewish conspir-
acy. Since the time of the Inquisition, it has been considered the
utmost duty, both of public and secret Jews to recover the lost blood
and they cannot rest until they have secretly initiated the rene-
gade’s children and brought them back to Judaism once again.
Judaism, in addition to being a people and nation spread out
through the world with its own religion, is also a sect or a secret
society because most Jews consider the country in which they live
to be a colony of Israel. This applies Even to the political state of
Israel as it now exists. They are organized into secret ceremonies of
390 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

initiation at age of 13, holding political-religious meetings and

rendering oaths of secrecy and absolute obedience to the leaders.
All this is done as in secret societies and participating in ceremo-
nies in which the rituals of free masonry are a weak imitation. It is
this complex society, conspiring as a people, religion, and sect of the
Israelite nation that has been called Judaism.
The family is the basic unit of Judaism and is patriarchal in
most countries. The father is a kind of high priest in the family
where he leads the family’s religious activities which are practiced
by means of daily prayers and very secret ceremonies. These are
solemn rituals whose purpose is to impress on Jews from childhood
the idea that they are God’s chosen people. They are taught through
all their family activities that it is their right and goal to take over
the world’s riches, forging an imperialist ideology that converts
them into fanatical instruments of Jewish imperialism.
Among the family ceremonies of secret Jews can be mentioned
the Passover with its solemn ceremonial and secret banquets and the
Saturday family celebration which starts on Friday at sunset when
the parents join with those children over 13 years old and also their
grandchildren over the age of 13 and the wives of those children who
are already married. The house is locked and no one is allowed to
enter the room where ceremonies are held. This secret ceremony is
followed by a ritual banquet in which prayers and speeches are deliv-
ered and it lasts until midnight unless the adults have to attend
some public function to keep up their pretext of Christianity.
Children younger than 13 are excluded from this and other ceremo-
nies in order to keep secret the fact that the family is Jewish and to
hide from the younger children all activities of secret Judaism.
At the age of 13 and after extensive preparation, only those chil-
dren who have proven their ability to keep secrets are very cau-
tiously initiated into the family’s clandestine Judaism. Those who
fail to pass the tests of discretion will only be initiated into secret
Judaism when they prove their ability to keep such secrets. Those
who cannot pass the test of secrecy and loyalty or who are mentally
unreliable are left outside of this underground Judaism but both
the family and the clandestine Jewish community will do the best
they can to win back the children of such racial Jews if they are
later considered capable and worthy of membership into the secret
Jewish order.
Most Jewish parents are exemplary in their conduct of family
affairs and are extraordinarily good parents. Unfortunately, all
these good virtues are directed to the perverted goals of political
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 391

and religious order imposed by their hatred of other peoples which

hatred is also taught to Jewish children from infancy in the very
heart of their family affairs. Such a situation seems incomprehensi-
ble to those who are unaware of the dimensions of this problem and
who do not realize that both secret and open Jews will use all means
available to destroy the unity of Gentile families.
To maintain the Jewish conspiracy, it is precisely their purpose
to weaken the families of other people and to degrade their morality
and loyalty to each other. They know that a nation with strong fam-
ily ties will be better able to resist their advances than a nation
whose families have been unhinged by immorality and disunity.
For these reasons, many Jews deliberately spread ideas which are
aimed at dissolving the Gentile’s faith in marriage and the loyalty
of children to their parents and to each other.
In every state and large city, Jews compose a secret organiza-
tion called a community which includes the Israelite families of
that area whose patriarchs are represented in the Kelilah or
Supreme Council of that Jewish community. Jews are also orga-
nized in fraternities and similar organizations where their goal is to
take control of those associations and institutions important to all
political and economic affairs. .
These fraternities were previously called synagogues because
“synagogue” means assembly. It is necessary to distinguish
between the assembly-synagogue as different from the building in
which that assembly meets which is also called a synagogue. Juda-
ism as a whole is sometimes referred to as the world synagogue.
World-wide Judaism is divided into different rites which have
generally a common cultural background. The Sephardite rite
includes all Jews dispersed from Spain in the 15th Century and
from Portugal during the times of King Manual as well as the
crypto-Jewish Christians that were expelled from Spain and Portu-
gal in the times of Philip IV in the 17th Century. The Askhenazi rite
includes the Jews of German descent who are also dispersed
throughout the world. The Bene-lsrael rite includes the Jews that
about 18 centuries ago arrived in India and infiltrated into many
Indian castes and have since immigrated to various countries in
Africa, Asia and even to England. In India many people believe
them to be Hindus but in fact they are clandestine Jews. The pres-
ent control of the congress and the Indian government is firmly held
by such secret Jews.
Since the time of the Jewish prime minister of Britain,
Benjamin Disraeli, in the last century, the British government has
 ‘“

392 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

been largely an instrument of Jewish imperialism. Through the

combined efforts of Jewish leaders in the British Islands and secret
Jews in the Church of England was formed the British Israelite
movement which teaches that the English are descendants of the
lost tribes of Israel and are thus the true “chosen people” but in
actuality are constantly promoting the desired policies of Judaism.
A Jew named Herbert W. Armstrong made a modest start in pro-
moting the British Israelite movement in the United States,
promptly received generous financing from wealthy Jews and has
become fantastically wealthy himself. He and his son, Garner Ted
Armstrong, now have churches throughout the United States which
prohibit their members from taking any part in political activities
which thus neutralizes hundreds of thousands of citizens who
would be otherwise more than generally inclined to take part in
Nationalist activities. Their various publications including THE
PLAIN TRUTH and THE WORLD TOMORROW are circulated by
millions with a very clever one world, anti-Nationalist theme
woven into their varied and often interesting articles.
A competitive group, comprised of California attorney Bertrand
Comparet and his followers, preach a modified version which they
call the “Identity” message but these people strongly advocate
pro-Nationalist activities, even going so far as to store arms and
military supplies for future violent resistance to the forces of
anti-Nationalism. Unfortunately, this group has been deeply infil-
trated as will be dealt with in a future section.
Jewish imperialism even in the Soviet Union is still partially
maintained through the secret cells or Jewish committees of control
that operate very secretly behind the Central Committee of the
Communist Party.
When we see disputes among Jews, it may be that they have dif-
ferent opinions as to how to achieve the same end or they may differ
in their religious beliefs or in the degree of loyalty to the Jewish reli-
gion. Even Jews who have lost all belief in God and fallen into athe-
ism, are kept as members of the Jewish nation while other Jews
respect their atheistic beliefs so long as they submit to the political
and economic resolution of the highest authorities of the Jewish
nation. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the more religious Jews are
most fanatical in the imperialistic activities of the Jewish nation.
During the past three decades, especially in the United States,
there has been a falling away of Jews from the Jewish nation. In the
United States, the Jews have disseminated great amounts of propa-
ganda advocating racial equality, world brotherhood, etc. Many
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 393

young and idealistic Jews have come to believe their own propa-
ganda. Large numbers have left the Jewish community and have
married Christians. Not a few have married negroes. This trend
has been greatly resisted by the leaders of the Jewish conspiracy
and that is one reason they have made such an effort during this
time to give an appearance of anti-Jewish prejudice through the
support of false anti-Jew organizations and dissemination of
planted anti-Jew propaganda.
If some who are racially Jews become sincerely identified with
the territorial nation in which they live and loyal to that govern-
ment, such as Admiral Hyman Rickover and General Curtis Lemay
have done, the Jewish conspiracy uses even these events to its own
purpose. The existence of United States Nationalists of Jewish
racial extraction, is used to further confuse the issue and hide the
basic nature of the Jewish conspiracy.

THE HOMOSEXUAL CONSPIRACY

It may safely be presumed that being a homosexual does not
directly determine a person’s political beliefs. On the other hand
homosexuals do have strong feelings of comradship toward others
of their own kind. Their lives are frequently shrouded in secrecy
and often take on a somewhat conspiratorial aspect. Many homo- ~
sexuals feel themselves to be ostracized by normal society and are
therefore easily recruited into anti-social organizations.
Within the United States especially, most patriotic, Nationalist
and conservative organizations have strong religious overtones and
are made up of people naturally repelled by homosexual behavior,
such organizations have never openly recruited homosexuals into
their ranks. The communists and their various left-wing front
groups, recognizing the value of homosexuals and their conspirato-
rial associations with one another, have made a special effort to
recruit such people.
It is frequently observed that one homosexual will have greater
loyalty to another homosexual than to any divergent political feel-
ings they may hold separately. This has enabled left-wing homosex-
uals to use other homosexuals almost as they please, either as tools
of various anti-Nationalist organizations or as infiltrators and
agents provocateur within various anti-communist organizations .
Like the socialist and Jewish parts of the anti-Nationalist con-
spiracy, the homosexual conspiracy is as old as history. The priests
of ancient Egypt lived in homosexual relationships, never perpetu-
ating their own blood but constantly recruiting the nations most
394 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

attractive young men into their ranks. In addition, they made a

practice to castrate very young boys who were then raised and
trained to be homosexual concubines to the priests.
The homosexual cult religions of Egypt penetrated deeply into
the social life of ancient Greece and contributed significantly to the
decline of both Greek democracy and Greek culture. Some of [the]
young boys who were then raised and trained [by] the more
satanic-acting Emperors of Rome were known homosexuals. The
extent of homosexuality within the royal families of Europe and
England is too well documented to bother repeating here. But it
was among these homosexuals of royal blood that the International
Brotherhood as we know it today first originated. The founding
fathers of the United States were not entirely free from this influ-
ence. Benjamin Franklin, well known for his wit and his wisdom,
was both a homosexual and a member of the International Brother-
hood which is often confused with the Illuminati.
Incidentally, contrary to popular belief among United States
Nationalists, the Illuminati of Adam Weishaupt no longer exists as
a significant part of the International Communist Conspiracy. Only
three small remnants have deteriorated into pseudo-science societ-
ies that milk the gullible out of their money in return for supposed
secrets of the ancients that are in truth, little more than mythology
and superstition.
George Bernard Shaw was a member of the International Broth-
erhood as well as an early member of the Fabian socialist society.
He used his many contacts among wealthy and influential homo-
sexuals throughout Europe and the United States to advance the
cause of socialism and extend the influence of the Fabian Socialist
Society. This is typical of the manner of interlock between the
socialists and homosexuals. Of all homosexuals who actively aid
the anti-Nationalist apparatus, it is probable that less than one in
four does so knowingly and for political reasons. For the most part
these willing tools are influenced on a person-to-person basis by
politicized homosexuals who are either active communists or are of
Jewish extraction.
In spite of the Jewish emphasis on strong family units within
their own race, Jews have always had a high propensity toward
homosexuality. This in fact accounts for the low birth rate among
Jewish intellectuals who may be married for the sake of appear-
ances and perhaps to obtain heirs for their family businesses, but
nevertheless depend on homosexual activities for a major part of
their sexual gratification.
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 395

These intellectual Jewish homosexual socialists are the extreme

center core of the world-wide communist conspiracy. Locked as they
are into all three major conspiratorial networks: the international
socialist apparatus, the nation of Judaism and the International
Brotherhood, they envision themselves as the super elite, the direct
descendants of an all-powerful ancient priesthood and as the right-
ful supreme rulers of a one world socialist oligarchy.
Although there exists an organized International Brotherhood,
it would be a mistake to believe that any sizable percentage of the
world’s homosexuals are actually members of this central conspir-
acy. For the most part they act as continually floating pieces of
driftwood on a restless sea, moving this way and that in response to
their own emotions and the emotions of other homosexuals that
they may encounter by chance or by design. Thus, the homosexual
influence is both extremely important and at the same time
extremely difficult to define.
Within the United States, the “Lavender and Red Union” which
publishes its paper, “Come out Fighting” from Hollywood, Califor-
nia is an unwelcome tip of the socialist-homosexual iceberg so far as
the International Brotherhood is concerned as they prefer not to
have their secrecy scratched in such a manner.
Individual homosexuals may be communists or Jews or they -
may be neither or both. Without doubt, a very high percentage of all
homosexuals are loyal citizens of the nation in which they live. In
their general, overall effect however, homosexuals exert a continu-
ous subtle influence that is destructive to that foundation upon
which each new generation must build in their attempts to improve
both their society and their species.

SOCIALIST INFILTRATION
The membership of Robert Welch in the Fabian Society has already
been mentioned. The fact that this organization was set up under
the auspices of the League for Industrial Democracy and heavily
subsidized by Jewish money, along with the fact that it has been
constantly publicized by the Fabian-Jewish controlled news media
within the United States, has caused this organization to rapidly
become the dominant anti-communist and supposedly Nationalist
organization in that country. At the same time many truly Nation-
alist organizations have been killed off by the constant drain on
their membership and the draining away of contributions from sin-
cere Nationalists who have been duped into joining and supporting
the John Birch Society.
396 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

Perhaps it is because of their great success with this one organi-

zation that the socialists have not found it necessary to infiltrate
most other nationalist organizations within the United States
directly. Or possibly, it was their consistent failure to penetrate into
other organizations that caused them to take the course of setting up
the John Birch Society as an alternative. In any event, it is safe to
say that the direct socialist infiltration into other major Nationalist
organizations such as The Foundation for Economic Education, Lib-
erty Lobby, The Citizens Councils, American Security Council, The
United Klans of America, the various tax strike organizations, the
Minutemen, Posse Comitatus, etc. has been very limited. In competi-
tion with the heavily financed John Birch Society all of these organi-
zations however, have declined proportionately.
An unusual example of socialist-homosexual coordination may
be seen in the person of Hans J. Schneider. This individual lives in
Oregon but travels extensively throughout the United States by
private plane, always in the company of one or two teenage boys
that he sometimes introduces as his son or step-sons. He uses these
young boys to establish homosexual relationships with various
right-wing persons that he suspects of having such tendencies. He
then uses this to blackmail them and control their further activities
within the Nationalist movement. Schneider is an immigrant from
East Germany.

JEWISH INFILTRATION INTO THE NATIONALIST

MOVEMENT OF THE UNITED STATES
As previously noted, the John Birch Society in the United States
has been deeply and systematically infiltrated by Jews. This tactic
was hardly necessary inasmuch as the Belmont Headquarters is
largely financed with Jewish money and its founder, Robert Welch
(although not a Jew) is a member of the Fabian Society. The JBS
not only accepts Jewish members but solicits them and further-
more, gives preference to Jews in the hiring of their paid
coordinators.
For the most part, Jewish infiltrators into the United States
Nationalist movement have preferred to set themselves up as lead-
ers their own organizations or as publishers of some supposedly
anti-communist periodical. By these maneuvers they damage the
Nationalist movement in two ways (1) by drawing off money needed
by other truly Nationalistic organizations and (2) spreading subtle
confusion within apparently bonafide anti-communist material.
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING Ley

One of the first prominent Jewish infiltrators into the American

Nationalist movement was X-FBI agent and former Salt Lake City
police chief, W. Cleon Skousen. This Jew (also a member of the Mor-
mon church) established himself as an “authority” on communism
by writing a book called “The Naked Communist”. This book reads
fairly well to the average American conservative but when passed
on to a novice, the inexperienced reader receives a picture of com-
munism so awesome and powerful as to cause him to think “what is
the use in resisting this?”
A similar but far more successful tactic has been used by Dr.
Fred Schwartz, an Australian Jew who came to the United States to
organize the Christian Anti-communist Crusade. During the late
1950’s and early 1960’s, Schwartz held large and frequent rallies
and training seminars in “anti-communism”. He still conducts such
activity but to a lesser extent. Schwartz is best known for his “You
can trust the Communists”. This book, like the one written by
Skousen pictures the communists as extremely clever, totally dedi-
cated, well-financed and overwhelmingly powerful. Although it
seems authoritative when read by most American conservatives,
the average citizen finds the picture so terrifying that he tends to
say, “why waste my time fighting this. I had better spend the few
years we have left with the enjoyment of life.” Thus, another pro-
spective worker for the Nationalist movement is turned away.
Although Fabian Society member, Carrol Quigley is not a Jew
this might be an appropriate place to mention his 1400 page book,
“Tragedy and Hope”. This book really convinces the American citi-
zen that all of their most prominent business leaders, educators,
politicians, military officers, etc, are already working hand in hand
with the communists and therefore there is nothing the poor aver-
age citizen can do to combat such an all-powerful conspiracy. The
NAKED CAPITALIST by Leon Skousen is a popularized and short-
ened version of Quigley’s book.
A more recent entry into the fold is the Java-born, Dutch Jew
Jack Greenways, who puts out a small magazine titled “Last Call”.
Greenway’s specialty is to build up peripheral issues so as to cause
United States Nationalists to devote large amounts of time to pro-
jects that are of secondary importance. Greenways is a strong sup-
porter of Col Arch Roberts and of Dr. Peter Deter, a fellow Jew that
specializes in the invention of plausible but purely imaginary sto-
ries that are fed out as fact to gullible American conservatives. The
Last Call editor’s daughter, Joyce Greenways, was one of the first
 \

398 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

volunteers to go cut cane (and study urban guerrilla warfare) in

Communist Cuba with the Venceremos Brigade.
J. B. Stoner, leader of the National States Rights Party, has
been an especially destructive Jew infiltrator into the US National-
ists movement. His specialty is running for political office so as to
gain public exposure where he spews forth a stream of such venom-
ous hatred toward the negro race as to convince most fair minded
citizens that the typical leader of an American Nationalist organi-
zation must be totally insane. Stoner, is also a homosexual and
more will be said of him in a separate section.
There is no better example than that of Marvin Liebman with
which to illustrate the interlock between the socialist and Jewish
infiltration into the United States Nationalist movement.
While still a high school junior in Brooklyn, New York, Marvin
Liebman was recruited by his civics teacher into the American Stu-
dents Union. His hard work and enthusiasm soon resulted in an
invitation to join the Young Communist League and after a short
probationary period, Liebman was accepted into full membership
and came under the direct discipline of the Communist Party USA.
After high school and part of a semester at New York Univer-
sity, Marvin Leibman rented an apartment in Greenwich Village
and began writing short stories for various left-wins magazines.
This activity was soon cut short when Liebman found himself to be
one of those very few unlucky Jews to be drafted into the Army as a
buck private. While in the service, Liebman was a typical Jewish
gold brick. Whenever assigned to an unpleasant work detail, he
promptly broke his glasses. As soon as he was assigned KP, he
sliced his fingers open with a knife. On the drill field he continually
stumbled over his own feet and every time the sun came out from
behind a cloud he keeled over in a pretended sunstroke. Marvin
Liebman must rank as truly unique. He is without doubt the only
soldier ever given a medical discharge for sunstroke.
Back in his Greenwich Village apartment once again, Liehman
became editor of the Spotlight, a publication of American Youth for
Democracy, one of the most active communist fronts of that time.
The Spotlight was a slick publication, strong on ideology but with a
distinctly artistic flavor.
In 1946 the Communist Party USA switched its line (from the
WWII line that anyone fighting the fascists was good) to accommo-
date the new cold war atmosphere. Liebman left the Communist
Party USA to work with the Trotskyites for a period of time again
exercising his literary political skills.
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 399

It seems that in 1947 Marvin Liebman began to yearn for the

military action he had so carefully avoided while in the U.S. Army.
He signed up with an Israeli terrorist outfit known as the Irgun
which was dedicated to breaking the British blockade of Palestine.
Liebman had his fun, racing back and forth between Marseilles,
Haifa, Cyprus and other ports of the Mediterranean. During this
time Leibman obviously saw himself as a dashing soldier of leftist
fortune. In time he found that Irgun was too right wing for him and
he joined the communist “forces of liberation” in Northern Greece.
When the bullets started coming too close however, Liebman
played it true to form. He quickly returned to the U.S.A. to become a
fund raiser for the United Jewish Appeal. While with the UJA, he
attended one of their organizational fund raising schools.
Moving on to a fund raising job for pre-communist Henry
Wallace in his 1948 campaign he picked up further expertise from
Hollywood leftists and then moved back to New York and joined a
public relations firm headed by pro-communist Harold Oram.
Together, Liebman and Oram sent out mailings, formed commit-
tees, raised funds and lobbied energetically for causes of the far left.
In time Liebman decided that it was easier and more profitable
raising money from conservatives. Since most of the money raised
was wasted in the process of getting it, he could actually help the -
left more by working for the right.
After the communists had taken over mainland China, they
began agitating for membership in the United Nations. This
seemed like a good cause so Liebman joined up with several other
pseudo-patriots (including Representative Walter Judd, former
New Jersey governor Charles Edison and former Ambassador
Joseph Grew and his old boss Oram) to form the Committee of One
Million (against the admission of Red China to the United Nations).
Using conservative mailing lists purchased from naive United
States Nationalist organizations and many conservative political
candidates, they began soliciting funds for their new committee. It
was a spectacular financial success.
In 1955, Marvin Liebman teamed up with two energetic young
anti-communists, one a recently graduated attorney named Brent
Bozel and the other a promising young writer named William
Buckley.
Marvin Liebman Associates became keeper of the mailing lists for
a long series of organizations founded by Bozel, Buckley and other
supposed conservatives. These included: The Committee Against
The Treaty of Moscow, Young Americans for Freedom, American
 \

400 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

Afro-Asian Educational Exchange, Public Action, Conservative Party

of New York, Draft Goldwater, Miller for Vice-President, Buckley for
Mayor, American Conservative Union, African-American Affairs
Assoc., and the International Youth Crusade.
On five different occasions he filled Madison Square Garden with
huge YAF rallies. He has sponsored National Review testimonial
dinners for Alfred Kohlberg, George Sokolsky, and Charles Edison.
One of Liebman’s current major projects is the “American Chil-
ean Council”. The supposed purpose of this organization is to give
public relations support for the new anti-communist government of
Chile. The real purpose is to raise funds for Marvin Liebman from
companies having property there and to draw off additional funds
from the legitimate Nationalist movement in the United States.
At least five officers in the American-Chilean Council (Dr. Lev.
E. Dobriansky, Prof. Joseph Dunner, Ex-Congressman Walter H.
Judd, David A. Keene and Prof. Stefan T. Possony) are all false
Nationalists and are also all directors or officers in the American
Council for World Freedom.
Although the A.C.W.F. published strongly worded anti-
communist literature it was organized almost specifically to pro-
vide a legitimate seeming background from which its members
could infiltrate into genuine Nationalist organizations. In this they
were able to trick Fred Schlafly, husband of Phyliis Schlafly, by
obtaining him to serve as president of this pseudo anti-communist
organization.
One of Marvin Liebman’s most enthusiastic pupils is an interest-
ing young Fabian Society member named Richard Viguerie. Viguerie
got his start in Harris County, Texas with a list of Republican party
contributors. This list landed him a job with Liebman whose tech-
niques and politics Viguerie found completely to his liking.
Following in Marvin Liebman’s footsteps, Viguerie has built
himself a tremendous mailing list of conservative Republicans as
well as conservative Democrats and is now launching his own con-
servative “third party” movement. Along the way he has used his
mailing lists to milk unsuspecting patriots out of their money in
support of a series of seemingly good but actually hollow shell
organizations.
The National Association to keep and Bear Arms was formed in
Oregon as one of many fronts for the Minutemen but while the Min-
utemen organization’s national leader was in prison NAKBA was
taken over by a light haired, blue eyed secret Jew, Charles Adams
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 401

and a suspected Jew, Rod Rose. In 1975 the headquarters was

moved to Missouri and both Adams and Rose expelled from
membership.
Adams is now working with the Council to Restore the Constitu-
tion of Col Arch Roberts as is Robert Preston, a confidence man who
previously swindled United States Nationalists of $3,000,000.00 on
silver they paid for but he never delivered.
Among other secret Jews that have drained money from the
United States Nationalist movement for decades can be named
Harry Everingham of “We The people” (first in Chicago, now in
Phoenix) and also Willis Stone who has recently turned the leader-
ship of the Liberty Amendment Committee over to another secret
Jew, Cleon Skousen.
Willis Stone was one of the speakers at a July 4, 1976 meeting of
Liberty Lobby as was also Dan Pills, another obnoxious Jew silver
peddler.
Another socialist Jew who has falsely pretended to change sides
is Phillip Abbot Luce. After many years of dedicated service to the
left, Luce now publishes a newsletter called the Pink Sheet of the
Left. In this he pretends to expose secrets of the various communist
organizations for the information and as assistance to United
States Nationalists. The truth is that he prints nothing except what —
the socialists print in their own publications or what they want him
to print in his which serves their own purposes.

HOMOSEXUAL INFILTRATION INTO

THE U.S. NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
Within the United States, the Nationalist movement has been infil-
trated by homosexuals to an extent that is almost incredible. The
following account will trace only the broad and general outlines of
this infiltration.
We can begin with the now aging homosexual James Madole
who has, for about thirty years, led a small neo-Nazi organization
called the National Renaissance Party”. Located in New York City,
Madole has been always financed by wealthy Jews. What Madole’s
true political beliefs may be is hard to ascertain. He may sincerely
subscribe to the Nationalist Socialist policies that he advocates. Be
this as it may, his primary purpose in maintaining the National
Renaissance Party has been to keep himself surrounded by a
never-ending supply of young homosexual converts.
402 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

The purpose which Madole serves for his financial angels is to

help keep alive the threat of “Nazism” in the public mind. He also
helps the communists and Jewish leaders maintain the pretext
that the Jews are continually threatened by new waves of persecu-
tion and a thus helps maintain solidarity within their ranks.
An early member of the NRP was George Lincoln Rockwell who
had been a Commander in the United States Navy during World
War II. While stationed in Iceland he met the daughter of the head
of the Iceland Communist Party and later she became his wife.
When Rockwell was discharged from the Navy his wife returned to
the United States with him and they lived together for several
years. It was during the time that George Lincoln Rockwell was
openly friendly with James Madole that his wife finally divorced
him and returned to Iceland. Rockwell broke with Madole to form
his own organization, the American Nazi Party with headquarters
in Arlington, Virginia.
In his national headquarters, George Lincoln Rockwell was con-
stantly surrounded by a group of “storm troopers” that included a
few good men but consisted mostly of social misfits, a surprising
number of Jews, and a high percentage of homosexuals. Among the
homosexuals that served in the Nazi Party headquarters, at one
time or another, were John Patler (who was later convicted of hav-
ing murdered Rockwell) Roy Frankhouser, Dan Burros, James K.
Warner, William Pierce and many others.
Roy Frankhouser left the American Nazi Party to serve as
Grand Dragon for the Ku Klux Klan in Pennsylvania and later
became a Band Leader in the Minutemen Organization before
finally being exposed as a paid informant for the FBI and the Alco-
hol, Tobacco and Firearms Tax Division of the Treasury Depart-
ment who received his reward money through the Jewish
Community Center in Reading, Pennsylvania.
Dan Burros, who had an intermittent homosexual affair with
Roy Frankhouser was later murdered in Frankhouser’s apartment
(probably by Frankhouser himself) after it was proven that Burros
was really a Jew whose true name was Daniel Sonnstein. Burros
also carried on an intermittent homosexual affair at the Nazi Head-
quarters with James Warner who at the time considered himself an
Odinist and therefore anti-Christian. Apparently, Warner knew that
Burros was a Jew long before the other members of the American
Nazi Party learned this fact. It is said that Warner and Burros spent
their time discussing hideous ways to torture and kill Christians and
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 403

some day setting up a phoney organization to blackmail Christians

and get their money before exterminating them.
Among Roy Frankhouser’s other queer friends are the two
Gerhardt brothers who operate a post office tripe organization out
of Columbus, Ohio, which they call the American White Nationalist
Party. These two perverts limit their homosexual activities mostly
between themselves although they enjoy occasional visits with
their so-called Iowa organizer, another half demented pervert
named Mike Papich.
Among those who know them well, the Gerhardt boys are
referred to as the “dingaling brothers”. Without meaning to do so,
they carry on a continuos Bud Abbott and Leu Costello routine, con-
tinually bumping into each other and falling over each other’s feet
and doing all that they can (quite unintentionally) to convince any
chance observer that United States Nationalists must all be insane.
Another of the Gerhardt brothers’ pals is paid government infor-
mant Lou Card (better known by his alias Joe Chance) who is part
Jewish and in spite of being married to a very attractive wife, is
homosexual also. Both the Gerhardts and Lou Card are friendly
with paid ADL informant William Sickles who has been instrumen-
tal in organizing a group known as the White Confederacy. This con-
federacy includes a weird mixture of different organizations, both
good and bad. Among these are:
Adamic Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, (mostly good people).
American Revolutionary Army. This is the address of the
Federal Penitentiary in Atlanta. The American Revolu-
tionary Army consisted of exactly one man named A. H.
Williams who was convicted of kidnapping newspaper edi-
tor Reg Murphy. Williams has been diagnosed by prison
psychiatrists as schizophrenic. Even Williams own
defense attorney called him “crazy as a bedbug”.
American White Nationalist Party, organized and oper-
ated by the Gerhardt brothers referred to above.
Christian Vikings of America, (strictly a front group).
Marion County Sheriffs Posse Comitatus.
Minutemen of Indiana. This organization is operated by
the paid agent of the ATFD, Lou Card which has been
referred to above. This group is not to be confused with
 \

404 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

the National Minutemen Organization operating from

Norborne, Missouri, a bonafide anti-communist group.
Western Guard Party. This is a small group composed of
real Canadian nationalists.
National Socialist Liberation Front. A splinter group of
the old Nazi Party commanded by 50 per cent Jew David
Rust who is at least friendly with some of the homosexual
Nazis, friendly to homosexual William Morrison, pub-
lisher of the “Gay Nazi” publication National Socialist
Mobilizer.
National Socialist Party of America. Although somewhat
confused ideologically, members of this group are gener-
ally high caliber individuals.
National Socialist White People’s Party of Ohio.
NSDAP. Generally a group of weird characters.
Social Credit Association of Ontario, Inc. Higher type
economic-political
United White Peoples Party. Very few members, but gen-
erally good.
A separate organization calling themselves “Alpha Circle” oper-
ates out of ... Portland, OR. They recommend the following organiza-
tions: American White Nationalist Party of Columbus, OH; Knights
of the Ku Klux Klan of Metairie, LA; National Alliance of Washing-
ton, D. C.; National Socialist White People’s Party of Arlington, VA;
National States Rights Party of Marietta, GA; and Western Guard
Party of Canada. Of all these organizations, Western Guard is the
only one not having a homosexual among their top leadership.
Another Jew that served briefly with George Lincoln Rockwell
and the American Nazi Party was a chiropractor known as Dr.
Edward R. Fields. Fields left the ANP to join the National States
Rights Party in Alabama which was headed by a sincere but
slightly senile old man named Ned Dupes. It did not take long for
Fields to acquire operating leadership of the NSRP and complete
control of its publication, The Thunderbolt.
In 1960 James Warner decided to leave the American Nazi
Party. He told Rockwell that his mother was dying in Wilkes-Barre,
Pennsylvania, and needed to visit her immediately. Rockwell gave
Warner some money, loaned him his car and even helped him pack
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 405

the car. Among the things that Warner took with him was a copy of
Rockwell’s mailing list.”! Rockwell first learned that Warner had
stolen a copy of his mailing list when everyone on that list received
an expose regarding the communist affiliations of Rockwell’s wife
as well as the fact that Rockwell was receiving funds from the same
people that were still financing James Madole.
In the spring of 1961 The Thunderbolt denounced Warner as a
profiteer but strangely enough, James K. Warner soon showed up
as an employee in the NSRP headquarters.
Dan Burros had confided to his “girlfriend” James Warner that
like himself, Ed Fields was a Jew. Actually, Fields is the “poor rela-
tive” of two very wealthy Chicago Jewish families. On his father’s
side he is related to the Jewish Fields dry goods family and on his
mother’s side to the Jewish Morrell meat packing family. Warner
was able to use this information to blackmail Fields into dropping
his expose and into actually taking him into his own headquarters.
It was only a few months later that Warner talked one of Field’s
secretaries into thinking that he planned to marry her. The two dis-
appeared from the NSRP headquarters (along with a copy of Field’s
mailing list) and the next thing Fields heard about it was a phone
call from his secretary saying that Warner had left her stranded
and asking for bus fare home. .
After Warner left the NSRP, leadership of the Party was taken
over by J.B. Stoner, a homosexual Jew who formerly worked as an
ADL investigator out of the Miami, Florida office of the B’nai B’rith.
Warner formed an organization called “Sons of Liberty” using the
various mailing lists he had stolen from the American Nazi Party,
the National States Rights Party, etc. Warner’s organization called
Sons of Liberty should not be confused with at least two other

[2] Leaders of the racialist right wing hold tightly to their mailing lists. For most of
these men, the mailing list is their sole economic lifeline, and without it most
simply could not operate. For these leaders, the option of a “nine to five” job is
both unappealing and unlikely. Unappealing because of the time and energy a
real-world job would require that could otherwise be spent on the movement.
Unlikely because, for well-known leaders, the possibility that an employer
would offer a job is remote. Moreover, even in the case of lesser lights, should
local watchdog organizations get wind of the situation, it is safe to assume that
pressure would soon be brought to bear to fire the racialist leader. This state of
affairs has in some cases inhibited defections from the movement, but at the
same time, has made the mailing list “a pearl beyond price.” The suspicion that
an activist might have once absconded with such a list is thus, in movement
circles, far more serious than involvement in the putative communist, Jewish
and/or homosexual conspiracies.
406 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

organizations of the same name, directed by sincere Nationalists of

good reputation. This was only marginally profitable so he then
[went] into partnership with Willis Carto and Roger Pearson in the
publication of “Western Destiny”. For unknown reasons, this combi-
nation soon broke up. Carto continued to find considerable success
with his publication “Washington Observer”, his organization “Lib-
erty Lobby” and many other organizational activities. Pearson began
printing the “New Patriot” but after this folded, Pearson claimed that
Warner had stolen his mailing list also.
Going back to 1961, in the state of Missouri a genuinely
anti-communist organization called the Minutemen had been
formed and was now getting considerable national publicity. A pho-
tographer for “Life” magazine, assigned to do a story on the Minute-
men, happened be a homosexual and he devised his own rather cute
scheme to personally discredit the Minutemen organization.
Returning to his home base in California, the Life photographer
gathered together a number his homosexual associates in San Diego,
took a number of photos of them. He then turned in a story to his
magazine about the California section of the Minutemen organiza-
tion. Apparently, the original idea was to have the California “Min-
utemen” identify themselves as homosexuals thus helping to smear
the national Minutemen organization but it didn’t work out that
way. Among the San Diego group of homosexuals, one was a rather
power hungry individual who saw in the Minutemen concept an easy
way to boost his ego, get a little adventure and perhaps earn himself
an easy living in the process. This man, Troy Haughton, telephoned
to Robert DePugh the leader of the National Minutemen Organiza-
tion and offered to merge his organization with the national group.
DePugh, anxious to see his own organization expand, unsuspect-
ingly welcomed the San Diego homosexuals into his organization.
Haughton was later publicly identified as a homosexual but
apparently convinced DePugh that this was part of some “commu-
nist frame-up” and DePugh continued to let Haughton serve as his
West Coast Coordinator for several years. Eventually Haughton
disappeared and it has been rumored that he was assassinated by
the Minutemen Organization to avoid further embarrassment from
his ever more flagrant sexual deviations.
In 1963 or 1964, one of Haughton’s homosexual partners was a
young man named Dennis Mower who had formally been a chauf-
feur for “Identity” preacher Dr. Wesley Swift.
After Haughton’s disappearance, Dennis Mower, along with
another homosexual ex-Minuteman named Don Sisco (who uses the
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 407

pen name of Kurt Saxon) joined the Satanic church of San Fran-
cisco whose high priest was a Jew named Anton LaVey. Warner
began attending the Satanic church about this time and became
acquainted with Dennis Mower. They formed a brief homosexual
association during which Mower gave Warner a considerable
amount of information about Wesley Swift’s church and the very
profitable manner in which he preached the “Identity” message.
Warner began reading Swift’s material and listening to his tape
recorded lectures. Having decided that this was the money making
racket he had been looking for, Warner proclaimed himself Director
of the New Christian Crusade Church. From a number of wealthy
homosexuals within the Identity movement, Warner obtained an
expensive house where he lived with a series of other perverts. Well
meaning followers of the Identity Church pitched in to buy Warner
an expensive printing press upon which he turned out literature for
the New Christian Crusade Church and on which he also printed a
militantly “gay” publication called Pride.
About this time James Warner became closely associated with a
man named William Morrison (now owner of Angriff Press) who
had a long police record as a child molester and homosexual. On
and off for most of two years, Warner and Morrison lived together in
a homosexual arrangement often attending “gay” parties together _
where they were seen dressed in women’s clothing on frequent
occasions.
Between 1970 and 1975 both Warner and Morrison received
considerable sources of income unexplained by the sale of their lit-
erature, contributions, etc. Morrison has specialized in publishing
and selling books that would be of particular interest to militant
Nationalists in the United States. This has now become a very prof-
itable business for him as well as an excellent means of obtaining
additional names and addresses of United States Nationalists.
Going back to Roy Frankhouser. After being expelled from mem-
bership in both the United Klans of America, Inc. and the Minute-
men, Frankhouser teamed up with another homosexual named
Frank Draeger. They purchased a printing press in partnership and
for a time attempted to earn their living at reprinting plagiarized
Minutemen training manuals and similar materials. This associa-
tion broke up when Draeger found himself a new boyfriend, stole
the printing press which he subsequently sold to buy a pickup truck
and camper. For about eighteen months after that, Draeger and his
new homosexual partner traveled around the country until he was
finally arrested in Springfield, Illinois on charges of homosexual
408 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

conduct, possession of marijuana and possession of illegal firearms.

The ATFD, for whom Draeger had long been an informant, quickly
came to his rescue and he was soon released on minimum bond. He
was never called back to Springfield to face these charges.
Moving back to New Jersey, Draeger then put out a “call to revo-
lution” and soon succeeded in trapping a number of sincere patriots
in that area into a situation where they were arrested for posses-
sion of illegal weapons by ATFD agents. For the sake of appear-
ances, Draeger was arrested along with the others but whereas
they were all held on high bonds, Draeger was again released
quickly and on his own recognizance.
Turning now to another part of the country we can pick up still
another line of homosexual infiltration into the United States
Nationalist movement. In New Orleans, Ned Touchstone has been
known for many years as one of the most dedicated and capable
publishers in the right wing movement. His newspaper, The Coun-
cilor, was long admired for its original material and expose of the
communist apparatus. As the right wing movement changed and
The Councilor met increasingly stiff competition from other publi-
cations, Ned Touchstone began to neglect his paper and turn his
attention to other business affairs. It would not be fair to say that
these other “business affairs” were confidence games but to a large
degree they did entail the sale of essentially valueless gimmicks to
the subscribers of his newspaper and to other American National-
ists of his acquaintance.
Yet, we have no reason to believe that Ned Touchstone was not
sincere in his patriotic beliefs or that he failed to promote the cause
of Nationalism within the limits of his financial and personal
capabilities.
Touchstone, like many other patriotic Americans of his genera-
tion had the unhappy experience of sending his son away to college
as a good young American patriot but watching him become brain-
washed by the ultra-liberal college environment. Whether or not
the young Touchstone was a sexual deviate before entering college
or not is unknown. At any rate, within a year he was keeping com-
pany with a group of homosexual students and had become active in
the Students for Democratic Society. Needless to say, this was a
source of considerable anguish to his father and probably contrib-
uted at least in part to the elder Touchstone’s loss of efficiency.
One of the SDS members that made young Touchstone’s
acquaintance was a man named David Duke. Duke was a liberal
that overflowed with sympathy for the negro people. He hated the
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 409

way that his fellow whites had treated the negroes so badly that he
began his own business which he called “Black Products” and which
operated out of P.O. Box 1234 Denham Springs, Louisiana. “Black
Products” advertised in Sepia magazine to sell a book on African
methods of self-defense which gave instructions in how the blacks
could rid themselves of their hostile feelings by disabling whites
with their bare hands.
This apparently did not prove too profitable so David Duke was
more than interested in the stories told to him by young Touchstone
as to how easy it was to sucker gullible Nationalists out of their
money.
Since the Ku Klux Klan was handy, Duke began hanging around
their meetings, picking up literature and learning the routine.
Once he felt he had his technique perfected, Duke proclaimed him-
self Director of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and began soliciting
speaking engagements and television interviews.
Since Duke likes girls as well as boys, he began a convenient
affair with a young secretary, capable of running his mail order
business while he was away. Ultimately, Duke showed good faith
by getting married to this girl but only after her pregnancy was
becoming conspicuous.
Meanwhile, in Hollywood, California, James K. Warner had
built up a very prosperous business. Using the mailing lists he had
stolen from the American Nazi Party, NSRP, Willis Carto and Dr.
Wesley Swift he was able to build up a large subscription to his own
publication, The National Vanguard. With working capital
obtained from unknown sources he was able to maintain a large
inventory of books which he sold through his mail order bookshop.
With the help of well meaning volunteer workers such as Ruth van
Slyke and Barbara Updegraff, Warner was able to operate with a
minimum overhead and maximum profit. He did little work him-
self, leafing through the day and attending gay parties most nights.
Occasionally he would take time away from Hollywood to attend
Nationalist meetings held by other organizations in hopes of mak-
ing still more contacts.
It was at such a meeting in 1974 that James Warner first met
David Duke. Apparently it was love at first sight because Warner
immediately invited Duke to come to California as a speaker before
his own group and helped Duke arrange a number of radio and tele-
vision interviews in the Los Angeles area. James Warner was soon
following David Duke around, holding hands with him in public
bars and casting long loving glances his way, such as only a new
410 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

pride would be expected to cast upon her husband. Within a matter

of weeks, Warner announced that he was leaving Hollywood. He
sold his property there, abandoned most of his faithful workers and
moved his entire operation to Louisiana, literally turning every-
thing he owned over to David Duke.
Having milked Warner for most of his money and property,
David Duke then began to personally orchestrate a smear cam-
paign against Warner. No doubt he will ultimately ask Warner to
leave Louisiana “for the good of the movement”.
After Jim Warner left California, his old boy friend, William
Morrison teamed up with a few local queers and a homosexual
ex-Nazi from Ohio to form a new organization known as the “Gay
Nazis”. They publish a magazine called National Socialist Mobi-
lizer, which has included photographs of pretty young men, stark
naked except for their swastika arm bands. Most issues contain
large advertisements for William Morrison’s Angriff Press and for
Jim Warner’s mail order book shop, as well as an occasional ad pro-
moting David Duke.
The most common type of advertising however, which is carried
by this publication is classified ads placed by Nazi queers wanting
to make contact with other Nazi queers. A typical ad reads as fol-
lows: “Subservient young man, dedicated to national Socialism,
desires to provide complete oral service for dynamic male holding
leadership position within the American Nazi movement”.
Now going back to Dennis Mower, Don Sisco and the Satanic
Church of Anton LaVey. Warner maintained his homosexual alli-
ance with Dennis Mower only long enough to enlist Mower’s help in
stealing the mailing list from Wesley Swift.
Don Sisco found it less profitable to publish books and pam-
phlets on Satanism than to publish such material on survival,
demolitions and guerilla warfare. Using the pen-name Kurt Saxon,
Sisco began his own company which is called Atlan Formularies.
Among the books he has published are “The Poor Mans James
Bond” “Explosives Like Grandfather Used to Make”, and “Wheels of
Rage”. The latter book is a somewhat fictionalized account of Sisco’s
experiences with a Nazi motorcycle gang giving peripheral insights
into the more far-out elements of the Minutemen organization and
other right wing groups. He devotes a couple of pages to snide
remarks regarding his old friend and fellow homosexual James
Warner as well as Warner’s boyfriend, Bill Morrison.
About 1970, Don Sisco was called before a congressional investi-
gating committee on internal violence. He took along all of the
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 411

names and addresses of those people that had bought books from
him and devoted most of his testimony to statements of ridicule
about the various patriotic leaders and organizations of his
acquaintance. Still using the name Kurt Saxon, Sisco’s latest enter-
prise is the publication of a monthly tabloid newspaper called “The
Survivor”.
During the 1950’s and early 1960’s a newsletter called Tocsin
was published in Berkeley, California by a man named Charles Fox.
Although Fox was a flagrant homosexual, we have no other reason
to doubt his patriotism or the effectiveness of his work against the
communist movement.
Using homosexual contacts in the Berkeley Socialist Society, Fox
was able to keep himself informed as to almost all important activi-
ties of the various communist organizations and communist fronts
throughout the state of California. Their activities, including the
names, addresses and phone numbers of individuals involved, were
dutifully reported in his newsletter, Tocsin.
Over a period of two decades, Fox was able to compile an
uncomparably complete set of intelligence files regarding individu-
als on the West Coast that were active in all types of communist
organizations. When Fox died in the early 1960’s the publication of _
Tocsin was discontinued and all of his intelligence files were inher-
ited by another supposed “right wing” homosexual named George
Bundy. Bundy operates the “The Church League of America”
located in Wheaten, Illinois.
The Church League of America published a considerable amount
of worthwhile anti-communist literature and they allow other
anti-communist organizations and individuals to have limited
access to their intelligence files. All of this is to be expected from an
organization that wants to keep the contributions rolling in. At the
same time, much of the material published by the Church League of
America is deceptive, evades the real issues and probably does
more harm than good. Other workers at the Church League of
America office report that the really hard core intelligence files
kept there are never made available to other Nationalist groups.
Over the past ten years we have received numerous reports from
persons who begin work in George Bundy’s offices only to move on
after he had made homosexual advances toward them or after they
had observed him in homosexual activities with others. Bundy does
not limit his homosexual affairs to other American nationalists.
One of his most feverish romances involved a male Russian ballet
dancer that was touring the United States. There may be some who
412 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

wonder how Church League Director George Bundy would happen

to know a homosexual Russian male ballet dancer. The answer lies
in their mutual membership within the International Brotherhood.
The International Brotherhood is not comprised of ordinary homo-
sexuals. It includes only homosexuals who are rich, famous or
counted among the intellectual elite. Within nationalist circles of
the United States perhaps the most influential member of the
International Brotherhood was a young (at that time) attorney and
author named Francis Parker Yockey of which we will have more to
say later on.
Returning again to Berkeley, California. Among those who
learned their first lessons in anti-communism from Charles Fox,
were two young men, Willis Carto and his roommate, Kent Steffgen.
Kent Steffgen refers to himself as an author. His three books
include one called “Bondage of the Free” and two books devoted to
successive smears of Governor Ronald Reagan and later Presiden-
tial candidate Ronald Reagan. Later in their careers both Carto and
Steffgen served further apprenticeship as paid workers for the John
Birch Society. During most of his life however, Kent Steffgen has
earned his money acting as an escort for plump old ladies and has
spent most of his money to buy the services of plump young men.
Self-proclaimed genius, Francis Parker Yockey was a Harvard
Law School graduate and assistant prosecutor at the Nuremberg
trials of WW II Nazi leaders. Yockey left this job before the trials
were over but not before he developed a strong feeling of sympathy
for the Nazi ideology and for his fellow homosexual Hermann
Goering. Having made contact with Goering through a friendly
guard, Yockey provided him with the cyanide capsule which
Goering used to avoid his date with the hangman. For the next few
years Yockey traveled around the world as an unofficial organizer
and messenger of the International Brotherhood. As a welcome
guest into the homes of many of the world’s most famous and
wealthy homosexuals, Yockey had time to pursue his further
knowledge of Nazism and political philosophy. Drawing heavily on
Spengler’s book “Decline of the West” Yockey wrote his own book
which he called “Imperium”.
Eventually Yockey was arrested in San Francisco on a passport
violation and held under $50,000 bond. While in jail there, he had
only one visitor, Willis Carto. Carto helped repay Yockey’s kindness
to Goering by slipping him the cyanide capsule with which Yockey
himself committed suicide. After his visit to Yockey, Carto’s for-
tunes began to improve rapidly. He quickly left the ranks of poverty
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 413

stricken right-wing followers to become an eminently successful

conservative leader. Naturally, one of his first projects was to pub-
lish the book “Imperium” and form an organization to help promote
its ideology, the Francis Parker Yockey Society. During the next few
years, Carto launched one of the most expensive and spectacular
mailing campaigns ever seen among United States Nationalist
organizations. He quickly built up the circulation of his newsletter
“Washington Observer” to about 150,000 subscribers. At $1.00 per
year subscription rate it is obvious that neither the mailing cam-
paign or the publication could pay for themselves. Admittedly,
Carto lives frugally and works hard. Frugal living and hard work
are not enough however to account for the sums of money which
this man has spent in promoting his publications and building his
“Liberty Lobby” organization. It seems probable that at least part of
this money comes from wealthy friends of the late Francis Parker
Yockey among the International Brotherhood.
Our investigations do not reveal whether or not Willis Carto is
himself a homosexual but during his early years of political indoctri-
nation he was a close companion of such known homosexuals as
Charles Fox, Kent Steffgen and James Warner. Carto married
rather late in life and it is said by some that his obtaining a bride was
more of a purchase than a marriage. His wife is a blue-eyed blonde
German girl that he brought back from a business trip to Germany.
According to one of Carto’s very few close friends, his wife was
“purchased” not so much as a bed partner but to improve Carto’s
personal image within the National Socialist Movement.
In more recent years also Carto has been a close associate of
other known homosexuals such as Kurt Saxon, C. B. Baker, Pat
Tifer, and William Pierce, Oren F. Potito.
Another sometimes associate of Willis Carto was devil-
worshipper Ken Duggan, who hanged himself in his jail cell after
having been convicted of shooting another homosexual named George
Wilke in a gay bar. The homosexual Wilke is by chance, a grand
dragon in homosexual David Duke’s Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
An especially revolting example of homosexual activity among
American National movements is the case of Billy James Hargis.
This vulgar and obscene beast, using the disguise of Christianity,
induced Christian Nationalist parents into sending their children
to his various church camps and university. Using his prestige and
honored position to best advantage for himself, the so-called Rev.
Hargis committed homosexual acts upon a long series of young boys
414 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

and a few young girls. Some of his activities were finally disclosed
in a 1976 issue of Time magazine.
Several months before the publication of this article, four boys
and one girl, all students at Billy James Hargis’s Christian Crusade
College in Tulsa, Oklahoma, had gone before a group of University
officials and had all accused Hargis of committing sodomy on them.
Called before these University officials, Hargis admitted that he
was guilty of performing these acts.
Because they wished to save their children from public disgrace,
the parents of these students have refused to bring criminal
charges against Rev. Hargis. Since Hargis was the principal means
of raising funds for the Christian Crusade university and since
these officials’ salaries depended on such funds, it took them about
a year to admit that they had been present and had witnessed the
full confession by Hargis of these homosexual activities.
For about one year, Hargis removed himself from Tulsa and hid
out on a farm in Southern Missouri. However after the publication
in Time magazine, Hargis brazenly returned to Tulsa and
demanded his position as leader of the Christian Crusade Church.
It is asad commentary on the hypocrisy of most of the workers and
other associates of this supposed Christian organization that they
accepted Hargis back rather than to see a reduction in their own
financial income.
The Church College did break away from Hargis’ domination
and the officers of that church published a full account of the accu-
sation by four boys and one girl that Hargis committed sodomy on
them and his open confession to the truth of these accusations.
The number of young persons who have accused Hargis openly
is small compared with the actual number involved. Our investiga-
tors have located not less than nine boys with whom Hargis had
homosexual relations and two additional girls upon which he com-
mitted sodomy between the years of 1960 and 1974.
That persons who call themselves Christians continue to send
this beast money is almost unbelievable but strange to say, the Rev.
Billy James Hargis is still taking in millions of dollars per year and
living in complete luxury at the expense of the other United States
Nationalists.
Almost apologetically, we mention the pathetic case of General
Edwin Walker and the not so pathetic case of his former associate,
Col. Arch Roberts. Papers available to us relating to the Board of
inquiry which resulted in General Walker’s resignation prove the
facts of this case.
 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING 415

General Edwin Walker was without doubt a fine military com-

mander and expert military tactician. In addition, he was without
doubt a sincere American nationalist and strong anti-communist.
While serving in the European theater, General Walker prepared
and disseminated among his troops an excellent indoctrination
against communism which was referred to as the “pro-blue” pro-
gram. This program was very beneficial and much needed. It
should have been made available to all troops of the United States
everywhere.
Unfortunately this excellent work was done by a man who was
known to his enemies as being a secret homosexual. To destroy the
effectiveness of Walker’s pro-blue program, evidence was given to
higher military authorities regarding his homosexual relationships
with other men in and out of military service. Arch Roberts, then a
Major serving under General Walker, was one of several persons
named as being active in these homosexual contacts.
In the face of undeniable evidence, General Walker was forced
to resign. After his return to the United States he began giving lec-
tures in which he stated that he had been removed solely because of
the pro-blue program and that he had voluntarily refused to accept
any retirement benefits. These papers, referred to previously, prove _
that Walker was forced to resign and waive all retirement benefits
in return for an agreement by military authorities not to bring
criminal charges against him which would have resulted in public
disclosure of his homosexual behavior and that of others.
After his return to Dallas, Texas, General Walker [decided] to
run for Governor of that state and became temporarily active in the
Nationalist movement in that area. Gradually he became shunned
by other Nationalists who observed his living in obvious homosex-
ual relationship with a young man that he referred to as his “adju-
tant”. For several weeks, General Walker traveled with Billy James
Hargis sharing the speaker’s platform and often times sharing his
bed as well. During this period and in subsequent years, Walker’s
mental abilities began to deteriorate and he began wandering aim-
lessly through the streets and parks of Dallas. On several occasions
he was arrested as a public nuisance or for soliciting homosexual
contacts but released by police officers that did not want to discredit
his previously fine reputation. Finally, in 1976, Walker was
arrested and stood public trial for making homosexual solicitations
to a Dallas park plain clothes security officer.
The “tax-strike movement” is a unique phenomenon found only
in the United States involving persons of a generally different type
 \

416 DEGUELLO REPORT ON THE AMERICAN RIGHT WING

from most Nationalist organizations but having definite National-

ist strengths. Perhaps it is due to the unique nature of these organi-
zations that they have remained relatively free from all types of
infiltration. Two notable exceptions can be mentioned; disbarred
attorneys Jerome Daley and William Drexler who are not only
homosexuals but alcoholics and outright thieves as well.

SUMMARY
In this communication, we have discussed the nature of the anti-
Nationalist Conspiracies with special attention to the United
States and also a discussion of socialist, Jewish and homosexual
infiltration into Nationalist organizations.
It has not been our intention to give a full assessment of Nation-
alist organizations within the United States or to discuss their rela-
tive merits. Neither has it been our intention to dwell unduly on the
bad side of the picture. There are several active Nationalist organi-
zations that have succeeded fairly well in keeping their ranks free
of socialist, Jewish and homosexual infiltrators.
There are many good Nationalist Organizations within the
United States and numerous smaller organizations that show
promise. Only time will tell which, if any of then, can survive the
struggle and ultimately provide the leadership which will be so
badly needed in the years ahead.
A Brief History of White Nationalism
Rick Cooper, National Socialist Vanguard

SANG Brief History of White Nationalism” is an important

document in that it is one of the first truly internal
histories to emerge from the movement. Rick Cooper is to be
commended for the research and thought that went into its
production. As he hoped, this history is a valuable scholarly
resource, and it is as a primary historical source that it is
reproduced here. At the same time, the discourse, which is
typical of the internal discussions within the White Nationalist
movement, may be unfamiliar to or uncomfortable for some
readers of this encyclopedia. In particular, internal movement
documents tend to characterize some widely recognized
movement figures as secret Jews, secret homosexuals, secret
government agents, and, during the Cold War years, secret
communists. Perhaps the best extant example of this style of
discourse may be found in the “Deguello Report.” It goes
without saying that the editor of this encyclopedia has no
evidence of, nor indeed interest in, the accuracy of these
charges. Rather, it was felt that the historical value of “A Brief
History of White Nationalism” merits its inclusion in these
pages and that the reader should be allowed to draw his or her
own conclusions as to the merits of Cooper’s arguments. It
should be noted in this context as well that, virtually alone in
the highly divisive world of the American racial right, Cooper
has made some considerable effort to investigate and verify the
welter of charges and countercharges that are the “meat and
potatoes” of internal movement discourse. Moreover, he writes
candidly of his unsuccessful efforts to obtain documentary
evidence of particular charges—even when there is widespread

417
418 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

agreement as to the veracity of this or that charge. This has been

true in the historical cases noted in this document, as well as
in more contemporary controversies such as the recent (1997)
movement dispute that saw Tom Metzger accused of allowing a
representative of the Southern Poverty Law Center to intercept
his mail as a condition of settling a judgment the Center won
against Metzger in the wrongful death of an Ethiopian
immigrant who was beaten by skinheads.
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 419

INTRODUCTION: This brief history of the White Nationalist

Movement is being published for two reasons—(1) to provide an
insider’s view since almost all of the history of the Movement avail-
able to scholars, researchers, book authors, historians and sociolo-
gists is the history given by the establishment educational system
and any combination of government agencies such as the Justice
Department, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and various
law enforcement agencies, most of which get their information
directly or indirectly from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of
the B’nai B'rith and other anti-White groups; and (2) to educate the
novices within the Movement about Movement history and a little
about some of the people involved in the Movement.
This article will upset some people, anger others and bring
humor to yet more. For those of you who disagree with this histori-
cal overview, you are free to write your own version and publish it,
hoping that the historians and researchers of today will consider
your views worthy of publishing tomorrow. Perhaps these histori-
ans and researchers will find this article to be a good chronological
outline for their works, and they are encouraged to contact the
National Socialist Vanguard for details.

THE BEGINNING: By the term “White Nationalist Movement”, °

we refer to that movement by White people who want a nation for
White people only and advocate total geographic separation of the
world’s races. After World War II, the first White Nationalist group
to emerge was the National Renaissance Party (NRP) in 1949
under the leadership of James H. Madole in the New York City
area. We say the NRP was the first White Nationalist group
because the American Bund was disbanded during World War II by
the United States government and no Klan group existing at that
time ever had a program for a White territorial imperative. Rather,
these Klan groups advocated separate but equal policies regarding
race. Not one Klan group advocated total geographic separation of
the races as far as we know. The NRP, which consisted of a small
number of sincere patriots, was backed, at least in part, by Jewish
money and infiltrated by a group of homosexuals, some of whom are
still around today, posing as White Nationalist leaders. In case
some of you are unaware, historically Jewish organizations have
helped finance and even lead anti-Jewish groups for the purpose of
scaring and intimidating other Jews to donate money to these
Jewish organizations so the organizations can “fight” the anti-
Jewish groups. For this reason, Jewish money helped finance the
420 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

NRP. There have been many stories, many of them consistent, over
the years regarding the homosexuals in the NRP." At least three
names are prominent and worth mentioning -all others are
insignificant.
Closely associated with the NRP was a group called the Free
Ezra Pound Committee (FEPC) which was headed by three homo-
sexuals - Eustace Mullins was chairman of the FEPC and an NRP
member, Attorney Edward Fleckenstein was legal counsel of the
FEPC whose NRP membership status is unknown, and Matthias
Koehl, Jr., who was secretary of the FEPC and not an NRP mem-
ber. The homosexuality of these three was no secret. The Free Ezra
Pound Committee was formed to work for the release of incarcer-
ated poet Ezra Pound (now deceased) who was locked up in St.
Elizabeth’s mental hospital in Washington, D.C., for political rea-
sons. Ezra Pound was an American citizen who made pro-Axis and
anti-Allied radio broadcasts in Italy during World War II. During
the middle 1950s, Eustace Mullins and Matt Koehl went on tours
down South, the East Coast and Mid-West area to speak out on
behalf of the imprisoned Ezra Pound.
In about 1955, Mullins, Koehl and Fleckenstein were arrested
in New York State regarding the sodomizing of a teenage boy in the
back seat of a car on a county road. As the story goes, the three
queers picked up a hitch hiker, Fleckenstein was the aggressor,
Mullins the observer and Koehl the driver. After Fleckenstein was
finished with the boy, the boy was dumped off the side of the road
where the boy noted the car license number and reported the inci-
dent to his parents. The parents filed a police report, supposedly
with the Middletown police, and the three queers were arrested.
Eventually, the parents decided not to press charges. When James
Madole learned about the incident, he expelled Eustace Mullins
from the NRP as this was apparently the “last straw” of embarrass-
ment that Mullins and his queer associates had caused to the image
of the NRP. On July 15, 1985, NSV Director Cooper, posing as an
independent writer, paid a visit to the Middletown police to inquire
about the arrest which, by this time, had occurred about 30 years
previously. Lieutenant Dino seemed very interested in the story
about the homosexual involvement in the “American Nazi Move-
ment’s” beginning. Lieutenant Dino thumbed through a file of
3x5-inch cards which went back to the early 1950s but found noth-
ing under the names of “Edward Fleckenstein”, “Eustace Mullins”

(1] National Socialist Vanguard, P.O. Box 328, The Dalles, OR 97058.
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 421

and “Matthias Koehl, Jr.” It is noted, however, that anybody could

have just plucked any card he wanted out of the file and destroyed
it. On July 16, 1985, Director Cooper went to the county court house
in Goshen and found nothing; however, if no charges were pressed,
then there would be no court record.
During 1959 and 1960, both Mullins and Koehl volunteered to
assist Retired Rear Admiral John G. Crommelin on Crommelin’s
bid for Vice President of the United States. Crommelin allowed
Mullins and Koehl to stay in the basement of his Wetumpka, Ala-
bama, farmhouse as they helped work on his campaign until the
day when Crommelin found the two playing around and ordered
them off his property. Because Crommelin never did like homosex-
uals, he never kept it a secret why he booted Mullins and Koehl off
his property. Years later, Crommelin told former deputy com-
mander of the American Nazi Party (ANP), Kar] Allen, that Mullins
and Koehl were queers. Kar! Allen later told former ANP member
Christopher Bailey, and Chris then told Director Cooper in the
early 1980s. It should be noted that neither Crommelin nor Allen
have answered Director Cooper’s registered letters to them, asking
specific questions about the Mullins-Koehl relationship on
Crommelin’s farm or anywhere else. On July 22, 1985, NSV Direc- —
tor Cooper checked the court records in Wetumpka for a restraining
order which Crommelin supposedly filed against Mullins and Koehl
to keep them legally off his property. Although the date of this
occurrence is not known, court records were checked back as far as
the available records there. Records previous to that were in the
archives which were kept in the old jail and those were not checked.

THE NATIONAL STATES RIGHTS PARTY

During the 1950s, the National States Right Party (NSRP) was
formed. This party advocated total geographic separation of the
races and an all-White America, which means that it was a White
Nationalist group by the definition previously given. Under the
chairmanship of J. B. Stoner and with Dr. Edward R. Fields as
national secretary, who also edited The Thunderbolt, which was the
NSRP’s official publication, the NSRP quickly became the largest
White Nationalist organization in the country. J. B. Stoner and
other NSRP members were running for political offices, mainly in
the South, The Thunderbolt had the largest circulation of any
White Nationalist paper in the country and probably the world, and
the NSRP had more dues-paying members than any other White
Nationalist group in the country. Although the NSRP advocated
422 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

the same basic beliefs and principles as National Socialism, there

was still no Nazi Party that the Jewish groups wanted. Apparently
the NSRP’s watered down version of National Socialism was not
good enough for the money-hungry leaders of Jewish scam groups.

THE AMERICAN NAZI PARTY

In the late 1950s, a White racialist named DeWest Hooker, then
leader of the Nationalist Party, was approached by a Jewish repre-
sentative or two and asked if he would be willing to start an Ameri-
can Nazi Party. Hooker was not interested. Once in a letter and
once over the telephone, Director Cooper mentioned this to Hooker
to verify whether or not this was true. Hooker never responded to
the issue either time, neither admitting nor denying the allegation.
In a subsequent telephone conversation after Hooker read this
report, Hooker denied that he was approached by any Jews to start
an overt National Socialist or Nazi group. In 1959, the late George
Lincoln Rockwell founded the American Nazi Party (ANP) -not asa
front group for Jewish scammers but out of dedication and sincere
belief. Again, some Jews tried to control Rockwell where they failed
with Hooker. Rockwell accepted Jewish money but he had no desire
to form a phony group. Instead, Rockwell built the ANP and
attracted some of the most dedicated White Nationalists in the
country and perhaps some of the kookiest too.
Other White Nationalists, some of whom are still around today,
joined Rockwell’s ANP from 1959 through August 25, 1967, the day
when Rockwell was assassinated, and many of these new ANP peo-
ple were former NSRP people, and many of the new ANP financial
supporters were former NSRP financial supporters. In 1961,
Matthias Koehl, Jr., joined the ANP, resigning from the NSRP of
which he was a member at the time. The NSRP was losing members
and financial contributors because of the ANP. The resentment of
the NSRP leaders built up until finally Dr. Ed Fields, with the back-
ing of J. B. Stoner, attacked Rockwell in The Thunderbolt of August
1962 as being some sort of FBI collaborator, being on the Jewish
payroll, being a phony patriot and being a communist. As stated,
Rockwell took all the money that the Jews wanted to give him and
he reportedly did submit names of prospective ANP members to the
FBI so the FBI could screen out the kind of people that would cause
Rockwell legal problems, however, a phony patriot and a commu-
nist Rockwell was not. Rockwell demanded a retraction from Fields
but Fields refused. Consequently, Rockwell filed a law suit against
Dr. Edward R. Fields for slander in late 1964 or early 1965, CIVIL
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 423

ACTION NO. 64-570. Letters went back and forth ‘between

Rockwell and Matt H. Murphy, Ed Fields’ attorney in the case.
Before the trial date, Murphy realized that Field’s case was weak
and so told Fields that if the case went to court, it would cost Fields
$2,500 minimum, even if he lost the case. Rockwell, however,
offered to settle the case out of court by asking that Fields print a
retraction of his (Fields’) attack on Rockwell in a future issue of The
Thunderbolt and pay Rockwell $1,000 which was even a bargain in
those days. Fields capitulated, gave Rockwell the $1,000 and
printed a retraction in The Thunderbolt of October 1965. During
the entirety of these legal proceedings, J. B. Stoner backed Dr.
Fields against Rockwell.
On January 1, 1967, George Lincoln Rockwell changed the
name of the American Nazi Party (ANP) to the National Socialist
White People’s Party (NSWPP) because the old name pertained to
American workers whereas the new name pertained to all White
people. Rockwell and the NSWPP had reached their highest peak to
date at this time. There was a lot of NSWPP activity to report in the
NSWPP’s publications - White Power and NS Bulletin - donations
were good and Rockwell was booked well in advance for speaking
engagements at colleges and universities throughout the country. |
On August 25, 1967, George Lincoln Rockwell, Commander of
the NSWPP, was assassinated in a laundromat parking lot in
Arlington, Virginia, by John Patler [Patsalos]. The NSWPP mem-
bers went through the protocol of selecting a new leader. The major-
ity of the members present selected Major Matthias Koehl, Jr., to
succeed as the new NSWPP leader. When Matthias Koehl was
selected, the NSWPP lost a good percentage of its members,
stormtroopers, activists and financial supporters. Rockwell’s assas-
sination was the greatest setback the NSWPP could have because
Rockwell was at his peak and climbing, and he kept the party
together although there were the usual defections which any group
experiences. In fact, one former ANP member told us that there
were very few people who wouldn’t do whatever Rockwell asked of
them. Koehl was primarily a bureaucrat who was good at following
orders but could not talk to people. If Koehl’s personality was not
enough to cause massive discontent, if not resignations, Koehl’s
homosexual background was, and Koehl’s background was no
secret within the NSWPP membership, especially among the old
timers. Many of the loyal NSWPP members resigned and dropped
out totally from the White Nationalist Movement, preferring not to
align themselves with any phony White Nationalist group or any
424 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

“sneaky Nazi” group such as the NSRP. However, some dedicated

NSWPP members resigned to form their own National Socialist
groups or similar groups with different names.
Some of you people may wonder why anybody supported Matt
Koehl at all but you must consider that many of these dedicated peo-
ple were faced with the choice of NSWPP under Koehl or no NSWPP
at all so, since there was no “proof” of Koehl’s homosexuality or back-
ground, they backed Koehl. Considering the other high ranking
NSWPP members at the time, Dr. William Pierce, the NSWPP
National Secretary, told Director Cooper personally that he often
viewed Koehl as an “island of sanity amid a sea of insanity.” While
Koehl was leader of the NSWPP, he expelled any member who spoke
of his homosexual background on the grounds of “character assassi-
nation” and “rumor mongering”, however, there still remained a few
members, supporters and other associates of the NSWPP who kept
silent about Koehl’s homosexual background so as to not damage the
NSWPP any more than the NSWPP had been already.
When word got out that Matthias Koehl, Jr., was to be the new
national Nazi leader, a group of concerned sympathizers in the New
Jersey area feared that the subsequent exposure of Koehl’s homo-
sexual background would be embarrassing to the NSWPP and the
Movement. After all, these sympathizers did not want to see every-
thing that Rockwell built go down the drain. During the summer of
1970, a man named Wilfried Kernbach approached Dr. Pierce and
gave Dr. Pierce incriminating evidence against Matt Koehl, evi-
dence that was stolen from the home of an Anti-Defamation League
(ADL) associate or member who had infiltrated the National
Renaissance Party over 10 years previously. It was suggested to Dr.
Pierce that he present this evidence to Koehl and then ask Koehl to
resign due to health or some other reason so as to not cause suspi-
cion about the NSWPP in the public eye. Koehl said he would sleep
on the matter. Dr. Pierce went to his house that evening but, when
he returned to the NSWPP headquarters building the next morn-
ing. Koehl had instructed the duty officer to ban Dr. Pierce from the
building permanently. A short time after that, two of Koehl’s
blindly loyal backers approached Dr. Pierce at his house and
demanded that Dr. Pierce return the things that he had “taken”
from the NSWPP headquarters.
It is not clear whether Dr. Pierce took the anti-Koehl evidence to
his house or left it at the NSWPP headquarters because Dr. Pierce
is yet another one of these guys who refuses to answer letters or
state the truth orally. What Wilfried Kernbach told Director Cooper
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 425

in 1981 was that Dr. Pierce was given a man’s job to do and he han-
dled the situation like a boy scout. What Dr. Pierce told Director
Cooper, when Cooper visited Pierce in his National Alliance office
in 1980, was that he (Pierce) did not want to feud with Koehl. Also,
Dr. Pierce told Director Cooper that at first, he was bitter when
Koehl double-crossed him (about 13 years previously) but that his
bitterness has waned away over the years. Well, it has been 14
years now since Koehl double-crossed Director Cooper but Cooper’s
righteous indignation prevents him from forgetting or forgiving
Koehl’s treason to the Movement and theft from his own backers,
all to cover up his homosexual background and to live out his fanta-
sies at the expense of others. After Director-Cooper’s visit with Dr.
Pierce in 1980, Dr. Pierce called Matt Koehl to report on Cooper’s
visit and what Cooper wanted.

A PERIOD OF STAGNANCY
From the fall of 1979 to the fall of 1984, the mainstream White
Nationalist Movement was in a state of relative stagnancy. During
this 5-year period, most of the White Nationalist Movement activity
was done by five groups and most of the Movement activists were
active with one of these five groups - the National Socialist White
People’s Party (NSWPP) under Matt Koehl, the National States
Rights Party (NSRP) under J. B. Stoner and Dr. Edward R. Fields,
the National Alliance under Dr. William Pierce, the New Christian
Crusade Church (NCCC) under James K. Warner, and the Knights
of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK) under David E. Duke. None of the
above individuals were gainfully employed. All of the above individ-
uals lived off their mailing lists. Any challenger to the group leader
or any member who showed better leadership ability either
resigned to form his own group, resigned totally from the Move-
ment in disgust, or was expelled by the leader. All of the above
group leaders know each other, and each of these, except for Dr.
Pierce, has something to hide in his personal life and/or background
about which he is very sensitive and fears exposure to his support-
ers and general public as he knows such would cause him to lose his
current relative position of prestige within the Movement - not to
mention a significant decrease in financial support. Consequently,
none of the above individuals attempted to expose the rot and cor-
ruption within the Movement or another one of the specified indi-
viduals above because he himself could be exposed in turn. Thus,
this clique of individuals just maintained the status quo, selling
426 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

memberships, asking for donations and selling subscriptions to

publications, and made little progress.
Of course, some progress had been made previously by these
groups but most of the financial supporters, necessary for any orga-
nization, could not see any considerable progress made during this
5-year period, started to become demoralized, began to lose faith
and cut back on their financial donations. The supporters essen-
tially sent in money for subscriptions, books and various items
offered for sale. In late 1979, the donations for the above groups and
individuals began to dwindle as a result of their lack of accomplish-
ment and achievement.
As of December 31, 1983, the clique of Movement phonies began
to show more visible symptoms of their being phased out of the
overall Movement view. Since most of the financial support of the
various Movement figures and organizations comes from their
same respective supporters, it is no wonder that the Movement beg-
gars were beginning to fall along the wayside. The supporters like
-to see success and progress made by the groups they support. In
fact, the more successful and victorious an organization is, the more
support it will earn. The Movement had reached a point where
many of the long-time supporters were not able to see anything of
significance being accomplished by the “paper tiger” organizations
and the phony, begging leaders. Consequently and understandably,
the supporters cut back their support while the operating costs for
the organizations constantly increased. The five major White
Nationalist groups faced problems as follows.
Dr. William Pierce, leader of the National Alliance and publisher
of The National Vanguard, decreased the frequency of his publica-
tion to about two issues per year because his supporters did not send
enough money. Since subscriptions paid for the publication, one can
only conclude that there was financial mismanagement involved.
Although Dr. Pierce has no record of financial scamming, kinky sex
or fraud in his Movement dealings, we can only surmise that his
unwillingness to expose wrongdoing among other Movement people
and groups, or even cooperate with somebody who is willing to
expose such wrongdoing, is based on cowardice alone.
David Duke, in 1980, after assuring everybody at his Knights of
the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK) leadership conference in Metairie, Loui-
siana, the previous Labor Day weekend (September 1979) that he
would not disband the KKKK and subsequently pressing his Klan
members to get their dues up to date, did dump the KKKK. Duke
then founded the National Association for the Advancement of
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 427

White People and published the NAAWP News. After-a couple

years, he threatened to decrease the frequency of his publication
unless his supporters sent more money. Since subscriptions or dues
paid for the publication, we must again conclude that there was
financial mismanagement involved. David Duke is very immoral
sexually, is a con-artist, a cheat, an egoist and is highly self-serving.
Duke was once an associate - not a member, but maybe an official
supporter - of the NSWPP for a brief period of time. During one of
his trips to Arlington, Virginia, in about 1971, Duke stopped by to
visit Dr. Pierce of the National Alliance across Interstate 95 from
the NSWPP headquarters. Dr. Pierce offered to give David Duke
the information regarding Matt Koehl’s homosexual background if
Duke would publish this information in his Klan publication at the
time, The Crusader. Duke refused for reasons which should be obvi-
ous by now. After visiting Dr. Pierce, Duke visited Matt Koehl at
the NSWPP headquarters. Subsequently, Duke spoke with an
NSWPP duty officer, James N. Mason, and told Mason of Dr.
Pierce’s offer. Jim Mason, years later told this to Director Cooper
who then wrote to Duke, asking for an account, confirmation or
denial that Dr. Pierce made such an offer. Duke refused to answer
Director Cooper’s letter. Instead, Duke’s right-hand man, Tom
Wilson, replied in a form letter without even addressing the issue.
Director Cooper wrote Wilson back, asking him to ask Duke to
respond to his question regarding the offer that Dr. Pierce had
made to Duke what must have been about 10 years previously.
Wilson finally wrote back and said that Mr. Duke did not remember
the offer and does not think discussing the matter, let alone pub-
lishing this, would help the Movement. Since that time, Tom
Wilson ended up in a mental institution as a result of abusing PCP,
a dangerous drug primarily used to tranquilize wild animals in
Africa and other places so they can be captured alive.
James K. Warner, another former member of Rockwell’s ANP,
was, during this time period, leader of the New Christian Crusade
Church, and publisher of both the CDL Report and the Christian
Vanguard. Warner discontinued publishing the CDL Report
because of financial problems. Despite Warner’s history of trans-
vestitism and widely discussed bisexuality, Warner was married to
a woman who was part of his financial problems. On February 28,
1982, Director Cooper wrote to Warner, asking specific information
about the homosexuality of his close friend, Eustace Mullins, and
also about Matt Koehl. The letter was never answered. Warner has
next to no friends, but a person named Jerry Dutton seemed to be
428 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

close to him, so Director Cooper asked Dutton to ask Warner if

Warner got Director Cooper’s letter and when Cooper could expect a
reply. Dutton told Cooper subsequently that Warner did get the let-
ter and that Warner told Dutton that he didn’t know what he was
going to do. Here is another example of one pervert covering up for
another pervert.
J. B. Stoner, chairman of the NSRP, was convicted in 1980 and
was imprisoned for 3.5 years for supposedly attempting to bomb a
Black church back in 1958. Just prior to his imprisonment, Stoner
had been keeping peace at the NSRP headquarters building in
Marietta, Georgia, between those who were supportive of Dr.
Edward R. Fields and those who were against Fields. After Stoner
went to prison, warfare erupted among the NSRP staff. This inter-
nal dissension was not as a result of any Anti-Defamation League
plot or government COINTELPRO operation, but was something
that was destined to happen sooner or later. Fields is a
money-grubber and there were those on the NSRP staff who did not
like Fields personally because he had at least two wives, patronized
prostitutes, frequented discos and misused NSRP funds. Mind you,
Fields had no job but all his income came from the NSRP. Director
Cooper wrote to Ed Fields on February 28, 1982, asking specific
questions about what happened to cause Admiral Crommelin to
boot Eustace Mullins and Matt Koehl off his Wetumpka farm in
late 1959 and 1960, as well as what he knew about Koehl’s homo-
sexual background. At least Fields answered the letter but his
statement that he had heard nothing bad about Koehl is not believ-
able -these guys all know each other going back at least 2 decades!
Director Cooper sent J. B. Stoner a letter on June 5, 1982, asking
for the same information sought from Fields but Stoner never
answered. As a result of the NSRP infighting, the NSRP fell apart
with Fields and Stoner blaming everyone but themselves.
Matthias Koehl, Jr., leader of the NSWPP and publisher of
White Power and the NS Bulletin, ran out of scams to save the dying
NSWPP, a death that could only be attributed to Koehl himself and
his Jewish masters who threaten to expose his homosexual back-
ground publicly unless Koehl does their bidding. NSV Director
Cooper was the NSWPP Business Manager from August 12, 1978,
to February 5, 1980, and he saw how Koehl’s decisions and the man-
ner of doing things directly led to a morale problem among the staff.
Koehl’s personality and lack of idealism that he expects from others
caused continued internal dissension. He relates poorly to individu-
als; in fact, he avoids people and ignores problems, apparently
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 429

thinking that problems resolve themselves. Cooper eventually real-

ized that Koehl is incompetent as a leader and, considering Koehl’s
very high intelligence, logically concluded that Koehl’s continued
destruction of Commander Rockwell’s party was deliberate.
Indeed, when Director Cooper first arrived on the NSWPP staff as
business manager, Koehl informed him that it was vital financially
for the Party to keep active in the streets, to report on the activities
in the publications which must reach the supporters fairly regular
(once monthly for White Power and twice monthly for the NS Bulle-
tin) and to thank all people who submit donations - dues, pledges or
otherwise. On Labor Day of 1979, Koehl disbanded the NSWPP
stormtroops, a decision which Koehl knew: would cost the Party
activists and supporters. The White Power newspaper was pub-
lished more and more infrequently until its last issue of #109 in
1984. The NS Bulletin, a special newsletter for members and sup-
porters, was expanded to include propaganda for the masses and
was published infrequently. Koehl’s loyal right-hand man, publica-
tions editor and go-between, David Martin Kerr, gave Koehl a
year’s notice in December 1982, after the suicide of Kerr’s ex-wife,
Perry Kerr. Although the NSWPP’s last day was December 31,
1982, Kerr continued to work with Matt Koehl in the New Order for
another full year.

A PERIOD OF TRANSITION
Concurrent with the period of relative stagnancy, from the fall of
1979 to the fall of 1984, was a period of transition from the old
Movement to the new Movement. The old White Nationalist Move-
ment was mainly characterized by leaders who sold memberships,
books and paraphernalia, asked for donations and gave fancy
speeches for a living; and the new White Nationalist Movement was
mainly characterized by Viking-type youth who have no leaders
and are their own kings and queens. The Skinheads first began to
receive national attention around 1980. They were not linked up
with any older established groups and some Skins were still rela-
tively isolated from the older more established groups. Today, there
are no Skinhead groups that are isolated from the older more estab-
lished groups and the Skinheads are currently the largest segment
of the White Nationalist Movement.
In 1976, Pastor Richard G. Butler, head of the Church of Jesus
Christ Christian and leader of Aryan Nations, began holding
annual Aryan Nations Congresses in Hayden, Idaho, which are
now called Aryan National Congresses. The Church of Jesus Christ
430 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

Christian welcomed all activists with no regard to group affilia-

tions. “The Lake”, as it came to be called, provided a meeting
ground for White Nationalists of all types. Leaders of the old Move-
ment were often featured speakers, but most people in attendance
were local people along with various leaders and activists of many
smaller groups. The yearly gatherings in Hayden Lake were noted
only by the local press until a group of militants decided that some-
thing must be done to save our race other than listening to sermons
and speeches at the Church. Thus, a group that later became
known worldwide as “The Order” was formed apart from the
Church and formed the vanguard for our country’s second revolu-
tion and our race’s first revolution against the beast system. The
Order’s activities spanned from the early 1980s to the death of its
leader and founder, Robert J. Mathews, on Whidbey Island, Wash-
ington, on December 8, 1984. Although Pastor Butler had no
involvement with the militants and their activities, he has never-
theless been nicknamed “Godfather of The Order”.
In 1976 when the clique and their respective groups started fac-
ing survival problems, the late Pastor Robert E. Miles was released
from prison. He understood the state of the White Nationalist Move-
ment and he dedicated the remainder of his life to assist the Move-
ment in its transition from the old Movement to the new Movement
by forming The Mountain Church in Cohoctah, Michigan. Gather-
ings at “The Mountain” were held three times a year and everybody
was welcome regardless of group affiliation. Because of these gather-
ings at The Mountain, Pastor Miles received the reputation for being
the Movement’s “hate broker” -he will connect you with whatever
group fits your needs. These free association gatherings were essen-
tial for salvaging the many activists who were not accepted or were
expelled by the old Movement leaders and for providing a place of
welcome for the Skinheads. Pastor Miles did in the Midwest what
Pastor Butler did in the Northwest. Their operations not only paral-
leled each other but they reinforced each other.
Another person arose to facilitate the transition of the Move-
ment from that of relative stagnancy to that of rebirth was Tom
Metzger of the White Aryan Resistance. Tom, as with many of us,
was both angered and disgusted with The Clique in the way that
they were quick to condemn The Order as gangsters and criminals,
and equally quick to sell memberships, to beg money from and
recruit as activists the Skinheads who were now entering the Move-
ment en masse. In the mid-1980s, Tom made it his special project to
steer these young people away from the con-artists and educate
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 431

them regarding The Order and other bona fide revolutionary lead-
ers of our people.
The timing seemed to many as ominous and even prophetic. A
new type of unity was emerging, possibly signaled by the coalition
of Klansmen and Nazis as they stood shoulder to shoulder during a
shoot-out with communists in Greensboro, North Carolina, on
November 4, 1979, resulting in five dead Reds. As the old Move-
ment was dying, Pastor Butler, Pastor Miles and Tom Metzger
picked up the pieces and began putting the new Movement
together. For the first time in the history of the White Nationalist
Movement, a unity was emerging - not a unity of one distinct group
headed by one leader but a unity rooted in basic White Nationalism
and race survival. It was a unity in spirit more than anything else
but that is where any real unity must begin in the first place. Of
course there were other gatherings in the country with an uncount-
able number of activists, but the enemies of our race made it no
secret whom they feared the most by whom they attacked the most.
Our enemies attacked and still attack the Skinheads as being their
largest immediate threat with respect to violence and physical
harm, our enemies attacked The Order as being their largest
long-term threat with respect to the entire beast system of our ene-
mies, our enemies attacked Pastor Richard G. Butler and Pastor |
Robert E. Miles for being significant in giving hope to those in
despair and providing friendship for the isolated with their free
association forums, and our enemies still attack Pastor Butler and
Tom Metzger for all of the above. And so it has come to pass, the
Movement experienced a transition period from the fall of 1979 to
the fall of 1984, a time for “out with the old and in with the new” or,
as one associate put it, “from Greensboro [North Carolina] to
Whidbey Island [Washington]”.

UPDATE ON THE CLIQUE

Most of you in the White Nationalist Movement know the current
situation of some of The Clique (Dr. William Pierce, David Duke,
James K. Warner, J. B. Stoner, Dr. Edward R. Fields, Matthias
Koehl, Jr.) but there are some things that you don’t know. For the
scholars, book authors, historians and researchers, we are includ-
ing this update on The Clique.
During the 5-year tribulation period, Dr. William Pierce, leader
of the National Alliance (NA), was facing serious financial prob-
lems. In the following manner, Pierce kept the NA intact. Pierce
informed his supporters that the NA inherited a lot of money which
432 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

was willed by an elderly woman before she died. What happened

was that after the death of Robert Jay Mathews, founder and leader
of The Order, Mathews’ life insurance company paid a large sum of
money to the Cosmotheist Church which was a church corporation
established by Dr. Pierce as primarily a tax shelter. Dr. Pierce sub-
sequently moved his operations to rural southeast West Virginia
where he is at this time. The National Vanguard publication is still
only published a couple times per year - not because of lack of
money but because Dr. Pierce spends too much time puttering
around and doing things of no earthshaking consequence. Addi-
tionally, the former Church of the Creator property in Otto North
Carolina was supposedly bought by Dr. Pierce for $100,000 on June
15, 1992, was recently sold for $200,000. The National Alliance’s
current address is P. O. Box 330, Hillsboro, West Virginia 24946.
After David Duke took everything that he wanted out of his
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (office equipment and money), he
handed the Klan over to Don Black. David Duke had trouble getting
his new National Association for the Advancement of White People
(NAAWP) off the ground but he struggled with it and eventually got
big money coming into his organization after he began running for
public office. Win, lose or draw, David Duke made money just by
running for public office. This action on Duke’s part saved the
NAAWP from financial disaster. Currently, David Duke has some
kind of a job to support himself since he is no longer a politician.
The NAAWP seems to be standing on its own as well. The address
for the NAAWPis P. O. Box 10625, New Orleans, Louisiana 70181.
James K. Warner is still in operation because of his extensive
book and literature list that he has built up over the years. Cur-
rently, Warner has CDL Report as the only publication of his New
Christian Crusade Church and runs a mail order book and litera-
ture sales business. In spite of a costly divorce from his previous
and only wife, both live together at this time at Warner’s home in
Baton Rouge, Louisiana. James Warner can be reached at NCCC,
P. O. Box 462, Metairie, Louisiana 70004.
The National States Rights Party (NSRP) of National Chairman
J.B. Stoner and National Secretary Edward R. Fields never survived
the 5-year tribulation period. Fields, with the assistance of an old
attorney friend, maneuvered to gain control of the old NSRP P. O.
Box in Marietta, Georgia. Dr. Fields has managed to stay on his feet
financially because of his publishing abilities. Although The Thun-
derbolt no longer exists as the publication of the NSRP, it remains as
a private publication published and edited by Dr. Fields and is now
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 433

called The Truth At Last. Dr. Fields and his publication can still be
reached at P. O. Box 1211, Marietta, Georgia 30061. After J. B.
Stoner was released from prison on the phony bombing charge, he
started his Crusade Against Corruption which primarily glorifies
AIDS as God’s way of destroying homosexuals and non-Whites, and
promotes AIDS as being the White man’s best ally. J. B. Stoner can
be reached at P. O. Box 4063, Marietta, Georgia 30061.
The National Socialist White People’s Party of Matthias Koehl,
Jr., never survived the 5-year tribulation period for reasons previ-
ously explained. To rationalize Koehl’s destruction of the NSWPP
to Party supporters, Koehl insisted that The Leader never meant
for the Movement to be political after World War II which, accord-
ing to Koehl, is why the NSWPP under his leadership failed. Koehl
goes further to say that the only true NS Movement today is a reli-
gious one and he has appointed himself guru (who else?). Also, over
this same time period, he has embezzled all the NSWPP money,
kept the money from property sales and liquidated the gold stocks
and certificates of deposit accounts to finance a personal retirement
estate in New Berlin, Wisconsin, in Arthur Beneker’s name. Matt
Koehl does not stop here. It is not bad enough to cheat unknowing
supporters out of their money, destroy Rockwell’s party and insult
The Leader’s Movement, but he now condemns those who want to
be politically active on behalf of the Movement! Whether Koehl’s
actions are based on genetic background (His father is Rumanian
and his mother’s maiden name is Bierbaum) or his fear of having
something in his social background exposed (which would hurt his
life style and dry up most of his financial support from naive sup-
porters) is an academic issue. However, we should all be aware that
Matt Koehl will never lead us, will only waste our time and money,
and would best serve White society by selling shoes somewhere.
Currently, Koehl lives on the aforementioned 80-acre (not
88-acre) estate described by Milwaukee [Wisconsin] Sentinel staff
writer Tim Cuprisin as “quite nice”. There are two structures on
this property, a smaller house (21288 Barton Road, West) that can
be seen from the road and then Koehl’s private domain (21200
Barton Road, West) which is the larger house which cannot be seen
readily from the road but which is reached by following a gravel
road past the smaller house, both of which are reportedly unin-
sured wooden structures. Ironically, it was one of Koehl’s most loyal
supporters, former NSWPP Tracy-Stockton Unit leader Paul
Raymond, who, almost 15 years ago, stated that he suspected Koehl
would one day close down the NSWPP, take all the money and go
434 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

retire somewhere. Well, that is exactly what happened. Despite the

illusion of success that Koehl gives, he is now politically insignifi-
cant and has been outside the Movement mainstream for years. His
occasional NS Bulletin basically discusses the problems which our
people face and pie-in-the-sky solutions with activities limited to
writing letters and attending small meetings of people who do not
know Koehl personally. Koehl has no known income other than
what he receives through the mail in donations, dues and book
orders. Several years ago, Koehl wrote to the late Ken Stoddard,
then of Coquille, Oregon, asking how one could work without a
Social Security Number, so finances were a problem for Koehl then.
Ken and Ann Stoddard subsequently shared this information with
Director Cooper. Koehl’s only helper at his estate is “William
Wallace”, an alias for Barbara Mapp (nee von Goetz) who was once
George Lincoln Rockwell’s secretary and through whom is the
long-suspected control over Koehl, a logical conclusion reached by a
person familiar with their relationship. Matthias Koehl, Jr., and
his New Order can be reached for comment at P. O. Box 27486, Mil-
waukee, Wisconsin 53227, or he can be reached personally at his
unscrupulously acquired physical residence (addresses above).
On a final note, people should know the current status of Matt
Koehl’s former lickspittle, David Martin Kerr. Since Kerr’s resigna-
tion from the New Order (formerly NSWPP) effective January 1,
1984, he has hit rock bottom, starting with a court decision, barring
his custody of his daughter, Christina, after the death of Kerr’s
ex-wife, Perry, down through and including two police searches and
arrests in close succession during which Martin Kerr was charged
with using and dealing PCP. Kerr’s legal adviser during these cases
was former attorney Gary Gallo, then leader of the now-defunct
National Democratic Front, and for whom Kerr worked as a pizza
delivery boy. As far as we know, David Martin Kerr is the propri-
etor behind White Lightning Enterprises, P. O. Box 6143, McLean
Virginia 22106, and Gary Gallo is at P.O. Box 30505, Knoxville,
Tennessee 37930, but it is doubtful that anyone will get much infor-
mation out of either should they care to write.

CONCLUSION
Lest some people get the wrong idea about this NSV Report and lose
faith in the Movement, we offer the following for consideration.
This report is not a continuation of Deguello which is an anonymous
54-page report published in the 1970s and which contained a mix-
ture of truth and lies about many prominent people in the White
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 435

Nationalist Movement at the time. There is nothing sneaky or

anonymous in this report. Since we have nothing to hide, addresses
are given without reservation in order that anybody can contact
those mentioned in this report to get another viewpoint. Should any
of “The Clique” levy an attack on us, we expect our address to be run
with the attack so that we may respond in turn. An attack against
us should be considered sinister with ulterior motives unless our
address is given. It is our expectation that The Clique will continue
to remain silent as they have in the past which is something that
suits us just fine because future historians, authors and research-
ers will only have us as their source of information. We ask that any
published material about this NSV Report, NSV or its directors be
brought to our attention.
Indeed, there is a great deal of suppressed anger and resent-
ment on our part as we attempt to find facts and learn truth about
our Movement only to encounter silence, stonewalling and some-
times lying. The vast majority of Movement activists today are
Skinheads and other young people who know nothing about the
con-artists who await them. It is unfortunate that many of our new
activists and various supporters will learn about these dinosaurs
(because they are outdated) and mossbacks (because they accom-
plish little) through bitter experiences. We hope to save a lot of peo-
ple a lot of trouble. To keep things in perspective, we must give
credit where due. The Clique all contributed to the earlier stages of
the Movement in their own ways. In fact, many of us entered the
Movement through The Clique’s organizations. Today, some of The
Clique still contribute to the Movement and are worthy of support
in some ways. We will not tell you whom to support but we advise
that you carefully weigh the pros and cons of those whom you plan
to support before you make a final decision. If you want truth in the
Movement, don’t expect it from The Clique, although you are free to
consult with any of them. Of course, we are available for our opinion
should you ask (and even sometimes if you don’t ask).

CURRENT STATE OF THE MOVEMENT

Before George Lincoln Rockwell died, he divided the NSWPP’s pro-
gram into four phases: (1 - establishment of the party in the minds
of the public by getting attention in a variety of ways; (2- creation of
a leadership cadre to guide the party; (3- adjustment to the mass
movement of the people; and (4 - assumption of power. Although
Rockwell’s NSWPP no longer exists, we can determine from the
present state of the Movement that the Movement is now in phase
436 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM

(2). During phase (1), 25 or so years ago, mass media coverage on

any aspect of the contemporary White Nationalist Movement may
have occurred once per month. The vast American public now
knows of our existence and there is almost daily news regarding
some aspect of the Movement. The Movement does have a leader-
ship cadre around the country but they are not all in the same orga-
nization. There will be more leaders arising in the future whose
overall competence will be greater than ours just as our current
overall leadership competence is greater than our leaders of the
past. The Movement’s entrance into phase (3) will coincide with our
race’s entrance into a period of oppression and suffering (Tribula-
tion), that period during which time our people will be forced to face
the terrible reality of their situation and, much worse, to face the
fact that a race war (Armageddon) is inevitable. The race war will
climax phase (3) and then our assumption of power will coincide
with the commencement of a worldwide era of long-lasting peace
(Millennium). THE VICTORY OF OUR RACE WILL NOT OCCUR
IN ANY OTHER WAY
The White Nationalist Movement today consists of many varied
groups and they all differ in some ways. There is no single organiza-
tion with a single leader. Today, all Ku Klux Klan groups are White
Nationalist groups. All the various National Socialist (Nazi) and
Identity Christian groups have always been White Nationalist in
conviction. There is neither the time, space nor inclination to list all
the heroes and groups in our Movement today but there are four
people who are outstanding and should be mentioned: (1) Pastor
Richard Butler of the Church of Jesus Christ Christian (P. O. Box
362, Hayden Lake, Idaho 83835) in the field of Identity Christian-
ity; (2) Tom Metzger of the White Aryan Resistance (P. O. Box 65,
Fallbrook, California 92088) who is the most effective public
spokesman that the Movement has today; (3) Gerhard Lauck of the
NSDAP/AO (P. O. Box 6414, Lincoln, Nebraska 68506) in the field
of international orthodox National Socialism; and (4) George Dietz
of Liberty Bell Publications (P. O. Box 21, Reedy, West Virginia
25270) who is the largest publisher of White Nationalist literature
in the country and probably the world.
It has been said by our racial philosophers and theoreticians for
hundreds of years that the Jews create “anti-Semitism” where
there is none just to get public support for Jews and their causes.
Our Movement is a good example in support of this concept. Our
Movement has come a long way but we also have along way to go. It
was Jewish money that backed the National Renaissance Party
 A BRIEF HISTORY OF WHITE NATIONALISM 437

(NRP) in the late 1940s and early 1950s to not only control the NRP
but to scare the Jewish community enough that they would support
financially such an “anti-Nazi” group to stop the birth of a National
Socialist movement in this country. It was a Jewish interest group
that offered to set up DeWest Hooker as head of an American Nazi
Party in the 1950s but Hooker declined the offer. It was Jewish
money that went to George Lincoln Rockwell’s newly founded
American Nazi Party (ANP) until the Jews learned that Rockwell
could no more be controlled than could Adolf Hitler in the 1920s
when the Jewish bankers tried to control Hitler in a similar way.
Finally, it is believed that Jewish interests were behind Rockwell’s
assassination in the hopes that Matthias Koehl, Jr., would become
the new NSWPP leader because Koehl could be controlled with
Koehl’s Achilles Heel being his homosexual background.
As we look at the Movement now, we can see that the Jewish
con-artists have made some money on their puppet leaders and
groups but, in the long run, they always lose control over the move-
ment when our real leaders take control. This is what has now hap-
pened. Our militants such as The Order and Skinheads cannot be
controlled through phony Jewish front groups nor can the many
thousands of sincere patriots in this country today who know the
score. As we all see before us our unstoppable Movement, arising as
a Phoenix bird, blossoming flower or some other symbol of rebirth,
we must not become demoralized or think it odd that our Movement
had its beginning with a small group in New York City, infiltrated
by a group of homosexuals and financed by Jewish money for such
is not a weird phenomenon but a natural metamorphosis; after all,
isn’t that the way it has been with all great religious and political
movements?
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 Part Il Various Movement Documents

In Hoc Signo Vinces

by George Lincoln Rockwell

wile Hoc Signo Vinces”—literally “undér this sign you shall

win”—refers to the swastika banner and is perhaps George
Lincoln Rockwell’s most important essay. It was written in
pamphlet form in 1960 for the fledgling American Nazi Party,
as a way both to announce the existence of the party and to
make a forthright statement of his National Socialist faith. In the
America of the day, with memories of World War II still fresh
for those of Rockwell’s generation, the essay was nothing short
of revolutionary. “In Hoc Signo Vinces” contains some of the
most incendiary prose to emerge from American National
Socialism, and the effect of the essay was considerable, both in
right-wing circles in the United States and among the scattered
band of National Socialist true-believers in Europe as well. The
essay remains a National Socialist staple to this day on both
sides of the Atlantic.

439
440 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES

Long lasting success in any human endeavor is never the result of

blind luck. The achievement of a clearly defined goal, whether it be
the act of walking from point “X” to point “Y”, the building of a
house, or the organization of a business, is always the product of
three things:
(1) The intellectual ability to perceive the problem involved, the
opposition which must be expected, and the best way to overcome
that opposition to reach the goal.
(2) The will and determination to do whatever may be necessary
to reach the desired goal, regardless of opposition.
(3) The physical means, strength, and courage to enforce and
carry out the plan or fight conceived by the mind and determined by
the will.
If any of these three elements be lacking on one’s purpose, fail-
ure is the inevitable, predictable result.
A man who is too stupid to understand the various factors
involved in trying to walk from point “X” to point “Y”, where the
path between us is a jungle infested with snakes, dangerous carni-
vores and fever, and who fails to arm himself with weapons and
maps, medicine and other equipment will never arrive at “Y” no
matter how dogged his determination or how mighty his muscles.
Another man attempting the same journey, though he clearly per-
ceives the dangers and prepares for them, and though he be mighty
of muscle, will yet fail to reach “Y” if he is so irresolute and weak of
will that he does not persevere at the struggle and ruthlessly use
whatever force might be necessary to crush and destroy the forces
opposing him. And a third man who has the intellect to perceive the
dangers and to prepare for them, and the will and determination to
fight his way through even with the utmost heroism, but who is
frail of body and so physically weak that he cannot carry out the
commands of his mind and his will cannot but succumb to the stron-
ger adversaries he will meet.
It is with civilizations as it is with the struggles of individual
men. Dozens of great civilizations have perished because of failure
in one or more of these three elements necessary in the struggle for
survival.
Savage societies usually perish, not so much from lack of vigor-
ous will or lack of physical strength, as from lack of ability to per-
ceive the real situation. Drowning in superstition and stumbling in
the darkness of ignorance, they are overwhelmed by the physical
forces of violent natural occurrences, catastrophes and diseases
which more civilized societies have learned to overcome.
 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES 441

On the other hand, civilizations, for all their intellectual

achievements and sciences, perish most often because of failure of
the will, the diminishing of the savage and ruthless drive for sur-
vival and dominance which originally created society. They become
“humanitarian”, selfish, and soft. They become physically weak and
dependent on paid armies and police to do their fighting. The fight-
ing spirit of honor and self-sacrifice and heroism of their ancestors
gives way to a growing love of ease and luxury and cowardice mas-
querading as “humanitarianism”.
When a civilization reaches this effete stage in its decay, only a
very rare historical occurrence can halt the final collapse of the soci-
ety as the decadence grows daily more apparent. Only when the
dying society still has enough life-energy to produce a spiritual
giant, a godlike throwback to the ancient heroism of its people who
is able to shock and drive the civilization out of its natural historical
night of sleep and death, in spite of the suicidal opposition of the
dying peoples who long only for “peace” and the slumber of death,
can a society once again rise for a while.
Western, Aryan civilization passed the historical point of no
return on its journey into limbo during the nineteenth century, as
was duly noted by Spengler, Chamberlain, and others. Were it not
for the unbelievable, miraculous arrival of Adolf Hitler at the last
possible moment, the only bearable course for an intelligent, per-
ceptive, and sensitive man surrounded by a disgusting and suicide-
bent civilization would have been resigned enjoyment of such
momentary pleasures as provided escape from the soul-crushing
reality of a Judaized, cannibalized and boob-ized civilization rush-
ing headlong back to the jungle in the name of “humanitarianism”.
But the appearance in history of Adolf Hitler is evidence that
there still remains in White, Western civilization a sufficient spark
of self-sacrificing, creative vigor to permit, perhaps, another thou-
sand years or so of survival for the White man. This infinitely pre-
cious spark will remain just that, however, and quickly fade into
darkness, so long as the tiny elite minority of humanity with the wit
to see what Hitler did is too selfish, cowardly, and short-sighted to
apply the lessons of history before it is too late forever, and fan the
spark Hitler gave us into the roaring flame of creative civilization
founded by our courageous ancestors.
So far, the fearful punishment meted out to Adolf Hitler’s fight-
ing heroes of civilization by Jewish forces of decay and destruction
has so unnerved and terrified the world that even those able to see
and understand the peril to humanity, and the way to salvation as
442 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES

shown by Adolf Hitler, are so pitifully attached to their lives and

liberties and comforts that they dare not pick up the sacred spark of
White survival and fan it with their own life’s breath, which it must
soon have—or go out forever.
Aryan, White humanity is on the precipice of darkness and
oblivion. Strewn on the crags in the eternal blackness below are the
bones of other know-it-all, pompous civilizations which were doubt-
less unable to imagine their own demise at the very time when they
were surrounded by the outward power and magnificence of
empire. They were unable to realize or face up to the TOTAL threat
of a growing weakness and “humanitarianism”, unable to muster
the TOTAL will necessary to reverse the historical march to death
and oblivion. They were too lazy and selfish, greedy and cowardly to
heed the tiny few who have been burned, crucified, stoned, fed to
the lions or handed the cup of hemlock.
If there is any history a thousand years hence, and any people
able to study it, they will marvel in disbelief most of all at the stub-
born refusal of the White man to use his overwhelming strength,
his knowledge and the providential gift of Adolf Hitler’s leadership
to save himself from the most incredible and cringing slavery at the
hands of a relatively tiny gang of disgusting, pathologically unbal-
anced, physically weak and cowardly, arrogant, tyrannical Jews.
Our problems today are not “American” problems, “British”
problems, “French”, “German” or “European” or “African” prob-
lems—they are problems of SURVIVAL FOR ALL WHITE MEN.
What, in the name of the most elementary reason, is the differ-
ence between whether Bartholomew Buckingham is born near the
Thames, Hans Schmidt on the Rhine, Pierre Dubois on the Seine,
Per Olafson in Stockholm, Eric Erasmus in Durban, Joe Doaks in
Podunk, Ohio or John Smith in Auckland, New Zealand compared
to the question of “Shall there BE any more Bartholomews, Hanses,
Pierres, Per, Erics, Joes or Johns?”
Our planet swarms with colored creatures who outnumber us by
more than FOUR TO ONE—and in all of our nations these inferior
beings, we are told, are our “equals”, able to vote away our money,
our liberties, our lives and our honor. By the old-fashioned notions
of nationalism and democracy I, Lincoln Rockwell, am supposed to
treasure and care for and be loyal to some of the lowest spawn of the
jungle, providing only that their Black dam gave them to the world
in some American ditch or filthy crib—because then, of course, they
are “Americans”, and aren’t we all out for “America”?
 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES 443

Or am I to be loyal and die for these miserable and pitiable

half-animals, my “fellow Americans”, by slaughtering millions
upon millions of the finest biological specimens of my own race,
because a gang of Hollywood Jews teaches us that Americans must
hate Germans?
Or again, is it a certain piece of geography to which I am to be
loyal, and for which I must kill my own people and perhaps die
myself? Does my loyalty to this hunk of geography stop at the Cana-
dian border?
But perhaps it is “Americanism” to which I am to be loyal and for
which I must make war upon German men, women and children.
When I examine what they tell me is “Americanism”, however, I
find that it consists primarily in being willing to submit meekly to
Jewish direction of my culture, government, religion, entertain-
ment, and even my sex life.
No, all this is nonsense.
The only thing to which I can be loyal with any deep conviction
—the only loyalty which makes any sense —is my RACIAL, and
therefore cultural, brotherhood with my own people, no matter
where they happen to have been born! When that loyalty is chal-
lenged, and my people are in danger, it is monstrous to pretend that
we must be suspicious of each other just because we live across
imaginary geographical lines, and that, upon proper preparation
and agitation by a gang of international Jews, we White men must
march forth to kill each other and bomb each other to ashes and
everlastingly hate each other because we are “trade rivals” or for
“American democracy” or the “British Empire” or for anything else
in the world.
Iam a WHITE MAN, and a brother to all other White men, and I
mean to stand with all of them and, if necessary, lead them in battle
to survive against the unspeakable menace of the colored popula-
tions of the earth rising to slaughter and rapine against the White
men —and led by the scheming Jew!
But like the first man in the analogy of the walk through the
snake-infested jungle, too many of our White “leaders” fail to per-
ceive the cosmic proportions of the problem and imagine it is some-
thing which can be solved in “their” country, and by half measures.
The tiny few who do see the dreadful and total urgency of the
White man’s situation have, until our arrival on the scene,
attempted to fight with less than the total weapons required in a
total fight for survival. Most of the best leaders have imagined that
small groups of beleaguered White men, gathered into little
444 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES

geographical huddles behind imaginary lines and waving different

colored bits of cloth bravely in the breezes, can survive by them-
selves, and.the hell with the other White men who have different
bits of colored cloth.
The Jews have NEVER made the mistake of seriously dividing
themselves into these phony geographical “teams”. On the contrary,
the Jews —with their Bolshevism, Zionism, and mongrelism —are
attacking ALL White men, EVERYWHERE and ALL THE TIME.
They are sending their black armies into all of our nations in an
all-out attack against the White elite of the world, with absolutely no
considerations of “national” boundaries or flags or languages or cul-
tures. In the face of this total international threat of annihilation by
RACE, millions of those who already see the danger are to be found
babbling darkly of “Yankee imperialism”, “British Empire”, “dirty
Catholics”, “immoral atheists”, “Republicans”, “Laborites”, “damned
Yankees”, “Germany first”, etc., etc., ad nauseam.
Like little boys besieged by a mob of kidnappers and murderers,
they cannot resist squabbling about who has the most marbles in
the face of deadly danger they temporarily forget. The battle of our
times —if there is to be any battle —is for the SURVIVAL OF THE
WHITE RACE!
And to survive, the White man will have to RE-CONQUER the
earth once conquered and civilized at the cost of so much blood by
his ancestors. Under the banners of international Jewry, the col-
ored masses are threatening to return civilization to savagery.
Under the Swastika banner of Adolf Hitler, White men around the
world will master the planet to save civilization.
The Jewish war against civilization has actually been a
world-wide, gigantic REVOLUTION, in the course of which they
got millions of us to murder each other shouting “Democracy!” “Gott
mit uns!”, “Free the slaves!”, “Liberty, equality, fraternity!” And
now they are preparing for the final bloodbath during which we will
shout “Capitalism!” and “Communism!” respectively, as the two
teams of White men slaughter each other with Jew-financed
H-bombs.
In the course of these fratricidal and suicidal wars, the Jews
have not been afraid to sacrifice thousands of their brethren in
their devilish cause, as they did in the last monstrous slaughter in
the 1940s. The Jews realize what WE must reaiize: that they are
playing for the highest stakes in the knowledge of mankind—
mastery of the whole earth—and they do not shrink from the ines-
capable conclusions of strategy and tactics dictated by knowledge of
 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES 445

such stakes. If we are to survive then we too must have the wit and
the strength of mind to face up to the deadly facts of the situation
and act RUTHLESSLY, RAPIDLY, and EFFECTIVELY.
The Jews have almost won the final step in their 4,000-year
revolution—OPEN world power. They now have total secret power to
manipulate and control all world activities, and lack only a little
more brainwashing and breaking of the will of the masses to make
their world domination an acknowledged and formal power. They
have fought and won their way to this incredible power by unsur-
passed determination and iron will over forty centuries, and only a
miracle can prevent the final victory of such fanatical warriors, tragi-
cally and viciously wrong as such a victory would be for humanity.
Even the atheist Jews—which is most of them—have an inexpli-
cable belief in the ancient Jewish prophecies that when “the law
comes forth from the hills of Zion” and Jerusalem, it will be the mil-
lennium for the Jews and they will own and rule the earth. THEY
ARE IN JERUSALEM NOW, and lack only a few blocks of it for total
possession! They are experiencing a worldwide frenzy as they can
already sense the total victory we are about to give them, and they
are even now preparing their sacrificial orgy of victory in Tel Aviv!
In the face of this unspeakable threat, that the whole world and
all of us will fall to the tyranny of a gang of criminal paranoiacs, the
narrow chauvinism, conservatism, and regionalism of most
right-wing leaders is the utmost stupidity! With the masters of
mongrels, the Jews, leading MILLIONS of savages in a worldwide
attack against the White-elite bearers of civilization, and with the
end only moments away in terms of history, only the most
short-sighted leaders can continue to keep our children divided and
helpless into “teams” of Americans, Dixiecrats, Catholics, Ger-
mans, Yankees, atheists, Dutchmen, conservatives, Irishmen, etc.
down through the whole pitiful, heartbreaking list. The Jew may be
all of these things—but FIRST HE IS A JEW!
It is the first task of him who would save civilization—which
requires saving the White man—to make White men supremely and
totally conscious of RACE above all other allegiances. Our people can
be Democrats or Germans or Catholics or Englishmen if they want to
and if it suits their purposes, but FIRST THEY MUST BE WHITE
MEN! Otherwise, the Jew will keep us divided and helpless and
unconscious of our racial unity and strength, while they fanatically
fight as Jews, no matter where they are, until it is all over.
The world of TV, rockets and jet transportation has become too
small to permit any group of White men anywhere to enjoy the
446 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES

suicidal luxury of fighting each other on behalf of the Jew ever

again, no matter what the reason which may be advanced in the
propaganda. We simply cannot afford to fight each other when we
are under such overwhelming and deadly attack by such endless
hordes led by such a fanatical and devilish enemy as the Marxist,
Zionist Jew. The reason that the White man has been losing for so
long in the first place is that he has failed or refused to see the enor-
mity and the pressing urgency of his problem. He has permitted
himself to be distracted into a million little squabbles over trifles,
while his race has been driven almost to extinction.
Like the first man in the analogy, we haven’t understood the
path, the nature of the obstacles and, worst of all, we haven’t even
realized the goal we must win—or die. That goal is and must be
MASTERY OF THE EARTH BY THE WHITE MAN, since civiliza-
tion depends solely on such White mastery. Any lesser goal is
utterly worthless, just as it would be worthless for a man scheduled
to hang to take vitamins and attain perfect health.
And such a fantastically difficult and cosmic goal as world mas-
tery cannot be won by luck, sneaking, half-measures, prayers,
hopes, fine speeches, pamphlets, or sporadic violence. What we
must aim at and achieve is a WORLD COUNTER REVOLUTION
against the Jewish Marxist-Zionist revolution. And revolutions are
never, never, NEVER the result of spontaneous and fortuitous
uprisings, but ALWAYS the product of ruthless, scientific planning
and fighting, based on the immutable laws of great social upheav-
als. Behind the pitchforks and the barricades there is always the
story of the candle-lit conspiracies by the planners—otherwise the
revolution would be over in a trice. Not only have our handful of
leaders so far failed to realize the unheard-of proportions of the goal
at which we must aim, but they have singularly failed to face up to
their terrifying responsibilities in planning. Time after time,
would-be leaders have arisen and led us in pitiful efforts to nip the
end of the tiger’s tail, only to waste our substance and blood and
heroism in a fruitless struggle which always ends in being crushed
by a single, smashing blow from the paw of the beast.
The Jewish world revolution can only be broken and beaten by a
counter world revolution.
Any revolution must be planned with care and precision in
accordance with the iron laws governing human conduct in the
mass. A world revolution, in the face of the international and stag-
gering power of Jewry, must be planned and executed with a bril-
hance and ruthlessness unmatched in the history of the world.
 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES 447

The most fundamental rule of such a cataclysmic social

upheaval as a revolution is: “The blood of the martyrs is the seed of
the church!” Perhaps it sounds cruel and brutal, but it is neverthe-
less true, that the greater the proportion of human upheaval aimed
at, the greater quantity of blood and torrents of tears which must be
poured out in vast quantities to gain the goal. The kind of unprece-
dented, colossal movement which can alone reverse the suicidal
trend of the Western world, and usher in even another thousand
years of survival for the White man, can never be launched—let
alone won—in any safe, painless, or easy way. Even ordinary suf-
ferings and martyrdom are too minuscule for the kind of movement
we must set aflame to survive. Everything about the current deadly
battle for world mastery is and must be Olympian, and we cannot
shrink from Olympian AGONIES if we are to hope to win.
Mighty movements always require millions of people to immo-
late themselves in a passion of self-sacrificing devotion to the cause.
And these enormous masses of people can never be moved to fling
themselves into the flames of revolution with shouts of “Favorable
trade balance!” or “States’ rights!” etc. Only the FUNDAMENTAL
drives from deep inside the human psyche can lift the slow-moving
masses from their ignorant apathy to the wild pitch of emotion
which carries them entirely away in the tidal wave of revolution.
Nothing so affects these fundamental emotions of the masses as
HEROISM, and only the utmost heroism can now save the White
man from his lethargy and paralyzing fear of the Jews.
And there is no symbol other than the Swastika and no name
other than Adolf Hitler which is so beautifully calculated to produce
the persecution and consequent heroism which alone can unite and
inflame the White man into an irresistible wave of anti-Jewish
Marxist-Zionist revolution. Until the advent of Adolf Hitler, the
White men of the world had nothing, absolutely NOTHING in the
way of a common cause, common heroes, common martyrs, sacred
shrines, names and symbols. But now, after millions of young Ger-
man White men heroically flung their precious lives away in the
first real fight in history for the White elite, we finally have the
blood-soaked shrines, symbols, and martyrs which are the most ele-
mentary stuff of revolution.
Millions of equally precious young White men on the opposing
side, fighting for the devilish Communist-Zionist Jews, will have lost
their lives for absolutely nothing unless we accept this stupendous
blood-sacrifice, and use it to ensure that never again will precious
White blood be spilled fighting for Jews and negroes. Nevertheless,
448 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES

and unbelievably, the lucky heirs of all this self-sacrifice and

heroism—the recipients of these precious bloodstained banners and
sacred names—reject their heritage as “impractical”.
“We can never win with open adherence to National Socialism
and the Swastika,” these gentlemen explain feebly. “The Jews have
taught people to hate them too much,” they add. “If we use the Swas-
tika and praise Hitler too openly, they will throw us in prison or kill
us!” And did they not throw ALL makers of revolutions, including the
Jew makers of the Red revolution, in jail—and even kill some of
them? Are we National Socialists to be more fearful and cowardly
than a gang of Jews? The very persecution and bloodshed such irres-
olute characters seek to avoid is the sine qua non of our victory!
These are not empty words. I have personally proved their truth
here in America, the power center of world Jewry, by being beaten,
by going to jail and the insane asylum, losing my dear family, and
living like an animal. Twelve days from today, as I write this, I face
jail again. These things are unpleasant and even heartbreaking—
but they MUST BE!
I have risen in two years to a commanding position in the world-
wide fight for the White man, starting as a penniless, unknown and
unaided single individual like millions upon millions of others—
simply and solely because I have gratefully and lovingly used the
precious names and symbols which have been bathed and soaked in
such oceans of blood and tears—the Swastika and the name of the
Leader, Adolf Hitler.
Temporary and flashy political successes are always easy. It is
always simpler and quicker to put pads in one’s jacket that to build
the human muscles to fill the coat by months or years of work and
sweat. For fifty years now, there has been a steady rise and fall of
“right-wing” or White movements built entirely of pads.
By endorsing motherhood and virtue and patriotism, etc., and by
avoiding brutal statements of the real purpose of such organizations—
which must necessarily be the extermination of the Communist-
Zionist enemies of humanity—great flocks of skittish “patriots”,
“conservatives”, and even a few “tough” anti-Semites could be cor-
ralled. But these people are not attracted to such a movement
because they are so inflamed with revolutionary zeal that they can
hardly be restrained from attacking their tormentors in the streets.
Rather they join the “patriot” society to relieve their guilty con-
sciences by pretending to fight the Jews and their treason and ter-
ror by what they call “clever underground methods”. They relieve
themselves of their pent-up frustration at the tyranny of the Jews
 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES 449

and negroes once a week at a “Rally” (private, of course) and then

hurry home happily for another week of profits, parties and TV.
Such Mighty Mouses are horrified when it is suggested that per-
haps they should hand out pamphlets in the street, or picket some
outrageous example of Jewish-Communist arrogance. And if one
exposes not only the Jews for what they are, but also exposes these
political loafers who siphon off the support and energy for a real
battle, these heroes reply by howling that one is an agent provoca-
teur working to get them all crucified as a bunch of Nazis—which,
except for their disgusting cowardice, they might otherwise be.
It is not the task of the world anti-Jewish revolution to attract
and organize these contemptible sneaks, but to drive them out of
the way and out of business, where they will be unable to milk the
Movement of the tiny bit of available support for useless “projects”,
as they have been doing for years. Nothing accomplishes that task
like the Swastika. The political drones, profiteers, prostitutes and
cowards scoot with their tails between their legs from this hooked
cross, as the devil does from holy water.
On the other hand, the Swastika has an irresistible attraction for
the kind of daring, bold, devil-may-care fighting YOUNG men we
need. In America, most of them are simply nigger-haters because of .
their pure White man’s instinct. When they learn the Jews’ part in
the disgraceful negro situation they become Nazis in minutes. Then
it is the work of only months until they also understand the deeper
significance, the idealism, and the true aims of the Movement.
But even more important than these advantages, the blood-
soaked Swastika has a supernatural effect on Jews. It is after all
only a few black lines—but it drives the Jews out of their usual sly
and calculating frame of mind and makes them hysterical and fool-
ish. To them, it is not just the lines, but the awful threat of ruthless
exposure, swift justice, and terrible vengeance which their guilty
consciences tell them they richly deserve. It is like a picture of the
electric chair to a hunted murderer.
A calm, calculating Jew is the most dangerous beast on the face
of the earth. By the exercise of his devilish, perverted but brilliant
reason, the Jew has almost mastered all the rest of us. But a hyster-
ical, screaming Jew, out of his mind with hate and fear of punish-
ment for his crimes, is helpless putty in the hands of a calculating
National Socialist.
We have proved this time and again—when Jewish councils
have spent millions of dollars to spread the word among the Jews to
ignore us. But the hordes of guilty little sinners can’t do it! When
450 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES

they see that Swastika and hear us praising Adolf Hitler and
describing the gas chambers for traitors, they become screaming,
wild ghetta Jews who have eternally blown up their victories at the
last moment by their insane passions of hate and revenge.
The result is the lifeblood of a political movement: PUBLICITY!
In spite of the Jewish domination of all the media of public informa-
tion, the parading of Swastikas and National Socialists in public
streets cannot be hidden or ignored without giving the game away.
They can suppress the news, to be sure. But then too many people
realize their press power and censorship. And when the young
Movement is able to force publication of its existence on the giant
national TV networks, in magazines, the press, etc.—it serves as a
clarion call to the frustrated millions who are looking for such a
movement. It is only thus that we have been able to contact thou-
sands of people all over the world who have never before been in any
“patriot” outfit but couldn’t resist the American Nazi Party and the
World Union of National Socialists.
The Swastika and Hitler, far from being millstones, are actually
the answer to the eternal problem of the right wing—money! When
you don’t have money for paper, meeting halls, etc.—as our side
never does—you can go into the streets and march and distribute
homemade handbills and picket—for nothing. The Jews go wild,
attack—and you then have free use of millions of dollars worth of
Jewish TV, newspapers, magazines, etc. Of course, you may get
bloodied and have to sit in jail a while recuperating. But this is a
small price to pay for the astonishing results.
In addition to the free publicity attendant on open operation as a
Nazi, you also find that the very audacity of the thing will attract the
young fighting men you need, even though they know nothing and
care less about the politics of the business. They admire raw courage
and daring. Later, when they have come to know the facts a little
better, they will fight for ideals and the White man. But until then,
these valuable protectors of your free speech will fight just for fun.
Above all, the Swastika will save you from the fundamental
error of the right wing—that sweet reason will change the world
and save us from the Jewish tyrants.
Reason is still an infant in human affairs, a precious and rare
development found in the mutational brains of an infinitesimal
minority of Homo sapiens. And even the few geniuses able to exer-
cise genuine, independent reason are almost entirely incapable of
acting in accordance with the dictates of that reason—which is one
of the reasons so many of them end up as failures in a world which
does not appreciate them or their reason.
 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES 451

It is FORCE, POWER, STRENGTH which rules the world, from

the ebb and flow of the tides to the decision of your neighbor to join
the Rotary. Only a negligible fringe of oddball humans change their
mind as a result of being convinced by a superior argument. The
overwhelming masses, including the mass of today’s “intellectuals”,
change their minds only in order to CONFORM. In other words, the
minds of the vast majority ALWAYS bow to the strongest opinion—
the opinion which brings rewards and avoids punishment.
The right wing examines its reasons and arguments and facts
and finds them true and good—as they may be. They then become
outraged which the slobs next door cannot see and appreciate this
rightness and, very probably, throw them out of the house for
preaching “hate.” But this is only as things are. The slobs will hold
whatever opinion seems to show the most strength and WILL TO
POWER. They are completely, hopelessly female in their approach
to reason and always, ALWAYS prefer strength to “rightness”.
When they say “no” to our Swastika and National Socialism,
they are only the eternal female saying “no” but meaning, “If you
accept my no, then you are a weakling and have no right to my
favors. Let us see if you have the manhood and the strength to
MAKE me say yes!”
They hate us now because we are weak and powerless. All the
reason in the world will never make them love us or our ideas in
ANY guise, no matter how we try to sugar-coat them, until we
COMMAND THEIR RESPECT AND ADMIRATION FOR OUR
WILL, our guts, our force! As stupid as they are, their instincts in
smelling force and strength are still pure, and the attempt to
SNEAK National Socialist ideas in the guise of “patriot leagues”
and other nice, safe groups very properly repulses them as being
the actions of cowards and sneaks.
To HELL with the sneaky, safer approaches! They get us perse-
cuted every bit as much as the direct, open approach, and they
doom us to miserable, sneaking failure every time. If we are to be
the last of the White men who conquered the world; if we are finally
to be overwhelmed by a pack of rats, let us at least face the death of
our race as our ancestors faced their death—like MEN. Let us not
crawl down amongst the rats begging for mercy or trying to
out-sneak them and pretend to be rats ourselves!
Let us stand on the scaffold of history—if hang we must—like
the martyrs of Nuremberg, tall and proud! Is life so sweet, is com-
fort so precious and a job in a Jewish counting house so sacred that
we are AFRAID to grasp the mighty hand of ADOLF HITLER
452 IN HOC SIGNO VINCES

reaching down to us our of our glorious past? Again, to HELL with

sneaking and safety!
It is part of the Jews to be sneaky and sly. The genius of our peo-
ple has ever been joyous strength, robust forcefulness, directness,
manly courage, and flaming heroism. When the Jews, with their
economic terrorism, jails, bullies and hangmen, scare the White
man into laying down his cudgel and goad him into trying to
out-sneak Jewish tyranny, the Jews have completely emasculated
the once-strong White man, and doomed him to dishonor and
defeat. The White man can NEVER win by sneaking!
In the dawn of Nordic civilization, lesser races used to cringe in
their rude huts and pray, “Lord, save us from the fury of the men of
the North!” It was THAT kind of man who built Western civiliza-
tion. If civilization is now to be saved from the swarms of degener-
ate Jews, their cannibal accomplices and their unspeakably
depraved liberal friends, it will be THAT kind of man who saves it,
NEVER sneaks!
WHITE MAW! The same iron blood of your mighty ancestors
flows in your veins! The towering figure of ADOLF HITLER
reaches out a giant hand to lift you up to world-conquering
POWER! You have cringed long enough before pygmies! Now RISE!
Defy the rats and vermin at your feet! Let them feel the toe and heel
of your boot! Stamp them out!
You have been sleeping. When you rise and stand up, and the
masses once more see what a man of FORCE looks like, they will
love you as they now imagine they hate you. With the spark of
National Socialism, struck by Adolf Hitler, burning in your breast,
you are unconquerable! IN HOC SIGNO VINCES! In the sign of the
Swastika, YOU will conquer!
Join hands with the heroes in America, Britain, Iceland, Den-
mark and other White countries who have raised the holy Swastika
banner and defended it with their blood. It has risen from the ashes
of Berlin, and never shall it be hauled down again. Stand with us
before the altar of Adolf Hitler and the world-conquering White
race, and pledge your life as we have, to bring the order and justice
of Western, White civilization once more into the world. Let us
teach the traitors and rats and pygmies once more to cringe in ter-
ror in their huts and pray, “Lord save us from the FURY OF THE
MEN OF THE NORTH!”
—Lincoln Rockwell
The White Party Report
by Max Amman

he “White Party Report,” originally published in 1968 by

a Texas-based American Nazi Party veteran under the
pseudonym Max Amann, is the earliest available document
recording the intense disaffection with the leadership of Matt
Koehl that soon became the common coin of the American
National Socialist world in the wake of the 1967 assassination
of George Lincoln Rockwell. The document is included in its
entirety here to give readers an insight into the deeply emotive
and highly personal ties of loyalty and enmity that characterize
the tiny and divisive American NS community. Unlike the
“History of White Nationalism” and the “Deguello Report,”
both given in the “Resources” section and both intended for the
disparate audience of the American radical right, “The White
Party Report” was written for the National Socialist community
alone. As such, it was mimeographed and passed hand to hand
for a number of years until Harold Covington scanned it into
a text file and disseminated it on the Internet to commemorate
the thirtieth anniversary of Rockwell’s assassination in 1998.
However, as with the “History of White Nationalism,”
“The White Party Report” should not be read literally as an
indictment of Matt Koehl, and the various charges leveled in the
document are certainly not to be read as literal fact. Rather, it is
the highly emotive quality of writing that is important, for it is in
the intensity of Max Amman’s loyalty to Rockwell and his bitter
estrangement from Matt Koehl that the reader is afforded an
insider’s view into the world of a subculture that is popularly
seen to be a pariah in the American body politic.

453
454 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT

THE WHITE PARTY REPORT June 1968

TO: Admirers and Supporters of the late George Lincoln Rockwell
FROM: Max Amann, personal friend of George Lincoln Rockwell
and former business manager of the American Nazi Party.
The ability to make a clear-cut decision is not a part of most men’s
make-up. The average man, faced with an unpleasant situation
requiring decisive action, prefers to “ride the fence until FORCED in
one direction or the other—and the tendency of the fence straddler is
to lean in the direction of the status quo; that is, in the direction
which requires the least thought and effort on his part.
It is that very lack of decisiveness on the part of the masses of
our people which has taken our race and nation to the brink of
catastrophe, and it is that same lack of decisiveness on the part of
many of the Commander’s most ardent supporters which now
threatens to destroy the Cause for which he gave his life.
George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party is DEAD!
In its place is a German Nazi cult that would be violently repudi-
ated by the Commander if he were here to speak. Evidence mounts
daily to show us that immediate action is needed if our Cause is to
be saved. But while the evidence mounts and our Cause grows dim,
many continue to support thestatus quo; that is, the hollow remains
of the American Nazi Party—because it’s easier than embarking on
a new course.
Matt Koehl’s American Nazi Party and George Lincoln
Rockwell’s American Nazi Party are TWO DIFFERENT ORGANI-
ZATIONS ENTIRELY! Only the name is the same.
The time has come to make a decision! History proves beyond
any doubt that chaos and defeat is the fate awaiting those who face
an either/or situation with a “wait and see” attitude. Victory goes to
the man who weighs the facts, makes a decision based on those
facts, and ACTS! And we who are the admirers and followers of
Lincoln Rockwell’s dream are faced with just such an either/or situ-
ation. The facts must be weighed, a decision must be made, and we
must act. The Cause is at the crossroads and further procrastina-
tion will bring us certain defeat.

THE SITUATION
When the Commander was assassinated in August of 1967, there
was a great effort made by all of us to keep the Party unified. And
for a time, it appeared that all would go smoothly.
 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT 455

But as weeks passed into months, and months into almost a

year, it became obvious that we who had trusted Matt Koehl with
the leadership of the Commander’s party had made a terrible mis-
take. We had put the Party into the hands of a man who had been
repeatedly rejected as leadership material by the Commander him-
self, and we were faced with the consequences. My recent decisions
and actions have been an effort to rectify that mistake and put the
Cause once again on a course that does not blaspheme everything
for which the Commander lived and died. Lincoln Rockwell’s dream
deserves better than death at the hands of Matt Koehl.
Because Matt Koehl seized LEGAL control over the name,
American Nazi Party, almost before the Commander was cold, we
have no alternative but to push the Commander’s dream forward
under another Party name.
But the Commander himself said, just a few weeks before he
was assassinated, at a top level staff conference in June, that the
time had come to change our “Nazi” image to one of a White People’s
movement. As one step in accomplishing that, he (the Commander)
changed the name of the Party to the National Socialist White
People’s Party. So in reality, we are being forced to do what the
Commander said should be done anyway. And we have chosen a
name to which he would unquestionably give his wholehearted
approval—THE WHITE PARTY.
Some feel that to abandon the American Nazi Party name is to
abandon the Commander’s memory. But it is quite the contrary.
The Commander would have called his Party “The Purple People
Eater’s Party” if he had thought that was the way to victory. He,
himself, changed the name of the Party before he died. We have
merely simplified the name, and made it more appealing to the
masses of the people. The principles, aims and purposes of THE
WHITE PARTY are identical to those of the Commander.
ALL—I repeat—ALL of the Commander’s closest friends and
associates have withdrawn support from Matt Koehl’s cult. The
reasons will be outlined in this letter, and you are asked to decide,
one way or the other, which course of action you shall follow. A
divided force will destroy all the Commander worked and sacrificed
to build. Weight the facts, make a decision—and ACT!

MATT KOEHL: ILLEGITIMATE HEIR

Matt Koehl demands subservience to his dictates under what he
calls the “leadership principle”, as though it had some bearing on
this particular circumstance. He has used the “leadership principle”
456 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT

to convince young idealists, who tend to be guided more by emotion

than by reason, that the current actions of those people whom the
Commander trusted most constitute a mutiny. But mutiny is defined
as “a rebellion against duly constituted authority”, and Matt Koehl
can hardly claim to be anything other than a recipient of a peculiar
circumstance, for it is circumstance ALONE which catapulted him
into the position of leadership in the Commander’s Party.
As the LEGITIMATE successor to Lincoln Rockwell, Matt Koehl
was REJECTED time after time after time. The position of Deputy
Commander carried with it the Commander’s stamp of approval for
his successor. Kar! Allen once held that position, and Alan Welch
once held that position, but Matt Koehl never held that position,
albeit there was no Deputy Commander of the ANP for more than a
year prior to the Commander’s death, and Koehl] was next in line (in
terms of rank) for that entire period.
If the Commander had felt that Matt Koehl had the qualifications
and capabilities needed to lead the Party in the event of his death, it
would have been a simple matter to have made him Deputy Com-
mander. But he didn’t. Alan Welch was promoted OVER Matt Koehl
when he assumed the duties of Deputy Commander, and the position
was left unfilled when Welch resigned from active duty.
The Commander apparently knew from long association and
experience what we were to learn only through trial and error; i.e.
that Matt Koehl would destroy everything he had built if he ever
gained control. We’ve learned—but undoing an error is not easy.

MATT KOEHL’S OBSESSION

Matt Koehl is now, and always has been, a cultist who worships the
past at the expense of the future. He can quote extensively from
almost every German manual, but is completely lost when the time
comes to put those words into action. If given an ironclad guarantee
tomorrow for worldwide WHITE POWER, with the one stipulation
being that the name of Adolf Hitler never be mentioned again, Matt
Koehl would reject the offer. In his obsession with THE IDEA of
National Socialism, he has lost sight of the goal of National Social-
ism, and you need only look at the last issue of the White Power
newspaper to see the proof of that statement. The newspaper, con-
trary to everything the Commander said and emphasized at the
June conference, smacks the American people in the face with
GERMAN heroes, GERMAN history, and terms popular to
GERMAN people. The newspaper epitomizes the cultist thinking of
Matt Koehl, and blasphemes everything the Commander felt was
necessary for our victory.
 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT 457

I, as much as any of you, would like to see the name ‘of Adolf
Hitler and other German heroes gain their rightful place in history.
However, this is America, 1968—NOT Germany, 1933—and the
White race is faced with a crisis such as the world has never seen.
This is not the time nor the place for cramming German history and
heroes down the throats of Americans. Certainly Rudolf Hess
should be freed. But the American people today are a good deal
more interested in freeing AMERICAN boys from Communist pris-
ons, and we must appeal to THEIR primary interest if we are to
gain their support. Worldwide White Power is dependent on
AMERICAN support, and regardless of our personal feelings about
Germans in particular, we must use propaganda techniques that
have a strong appeal to White AMERICANS!

THE JUNE CONFERENCE

In June of 1967, two months before his death, the Commander
called a top-level conference to announce changes in Party policy.
In that three day meeting, he made clear that the time had come to
change the Party’s image from German Nazism to an American
White People’s movement. He proposed a newspaper for mass cir-
culation and mass appeal, to be called “WHITE POWER’; the Swas-
tika was to be played down, and all propaganda was to be aimed at
AMERICAN acceptance; the salutation “Heil Hitler” was to be
replaced by “White Power”, and the name of the Party was changed.
All of his proposals were directed toward denazification of the
American Nazi Party.
Karl Allen and several of his men (most of whom are mentioned
all through This Time the World) were invited to the conference for
the express purpose of uniting all National Socialists under one
banner. The Commander, concerned over the fact that the position
of Deputy Commander had gone unfilled for so long, and recogniz-
ing a very real possibility of his assassination, discussed with me
prior to the meeting the possibility of getting Karl Allen to return
to the Party as Deputy Commander. He discussed the same possi-
bility with Karl Allen at the conference. The proposal was met
with interest by Allen, and they both agreed to talk further about
it at a later date.

WHY DOES MATT KOEHL LIE?

The June conference was a very real success in the Commander’s
eyes—the newspaper he had dreamed of so long was launched;
plans for a new headquarters were already under way with one
458 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT

third of the money already raised; and differences were resolved

between him and Karl Allen, making Allen’s return to the Party
only a matter of time.
It is a well known fact that Matt Koehl despised Karl Allen. It
must surely have infuriated him that the Commander was seri-
ously planning once again to put Allen in the position of Deputy
Commander, and thus eliminate his hope of attaining that position
of potential power. The prospect of having a man he despised pro-
moted over him, making the second time he had been rejected, must
have been a bitter pill to swallow. And along with that, he was going
to have to stop eulogizing German Nazism. With his obsession for
everything German, Koehl undoubtedly saw his world crumbling
beneath him.
In a recent NS Bulletin, Koehl had this to say about Kar] Allen:
“Next to Patler, the most dangerous traitor with whom the Com-
mander had to deal was a sly, ingratiating person named Allen
who, after being promoted to the position of National Secretary,
(Allen was in fact DEPUTY COMMANDER), deliberately
attempted to seize the leadership of the Party, and then failing
that, to wreck the Party by organizing a mutiny.”
Compare that statement with this one from Barbara, the Com-
mander’s secretary of many years: “The Commander was quite seri-
ous about getting Karl Allen and his group back with our
Party....the national conference was held the first part of June,
1967. On June 27th someone tried to kill the Commander. This was
AFTER the Commander and Karl Allen had decided to work
together. On Monday, August 28th, the Commander was to meet
with Karl Allen again for very serious plans...”
What is Koehl’s purpose in telling such lies about Karl Allen?
Does he hope to keep Party members from meeting and talking with
Allen to learn his true character for themselves? If so, he almost
accomplished his purpose with me. Fortunately, I make it a practice
to base my opinions only on first-hand knowledge. Karl Allen is the
leader of the White Party with my full backing and support.
The Commander was killed on August 25th. If he had lived to
have that meeting with Karl Allen on the 28th, Karl Allen would
today be the head of the American Nazi Party—NOT Matt Koehl.

WHO KILLED LINCOLN ROCKWELL?

A jury said John Patler did it, but the evidence was entirely circum-
stantial. The Jews undoubtedly wanted the whole affair over and
done with as soon as possible to insure that Commander Rockwell
 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT 459

would not become a martyr in the people’s eyes—so a thorough inves-

tigation was too much to hope for. John Patler was arrested, tried
and convicted in probably the speediest trial in the last thirty years.
The dirt from John’s clothes was tested to see if it matched that
of the assassin’s getaway path. It didn’t. His tennis shoes had a dif-
ferent pattern on the soles than the prints found on the top of the
tar roof. Hairs and other markings from the black jacket that was
found failed to match anything that would tie it with Patler. The
gun admittedly belonged to Robert Lloyd (one of Koehl’s current
crew), who said that he had loaned it to Patler, (he later said that
Patler stole it), but no evidence was ever produced to prove that
Patler was in possession of the gun at the time of the shooting,
while considerable evidence is available to prove that Patler did
NOT have the gun for months prior to the shooting.
When the Commander was assassinated, there was no doubt in
my mind that John Patler was the killer. And the fact that he was
arrested within minutes after the shooting merely confirmed what
I already believed to be true beyond any reasonable doubt. And I
was far from alone in that conviction—almost everyone was con-
vinced of Patler’s guilt because of the circumstances surrounding
his dismissal from the Party and because of his many volcanic erup-
tions in the past. But as facts began to emerge at the trial, i.e. facts
which proved John’s innocence rather than his guilt (facts which
Matt Koehl never saw fit to make known to ANP members), many
began to waver in their belief of his guilt.
At first the tendency was to believe that John “had something to
do with the murder” even if he didn’tpull the trigger. But finally,
when evidence piled on evidence, and vital questions remained
unanswered by those who had control of the Party as a result of the
Commander’s death, the people who were the Commander’s closest
associates and friends became as convinced of John’s innocence as
they had previously been convinced of his guilt. And the question of
WHO, if not Patler, had killed the Commander was once again in
everybody’s mind.
The ONLY thing which was proven beyond any reasonable
doubt at Patler’s trial was that Patler and the Commander had vio-
lently disagreed several times before they had finally parted com-
pany. But that could be proven of many people who have been in
and out of the Party ranks. We Nazis are highly emotional people,
and violent disagreements are part of our nature—but being highly
emotional does not make us murderers. It proves nothing when all
is said and done.
460 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT

The Commander’s secretary, convinced of Patler’s guilt in the

beginning, is today as equally convinced of his innocence. Floyd
Fleming, one of the Commander’s oldest and closest friends, and
the man who gave him the HQ on Randolph Street, is another who
first believed John to be guilty and who now believes him to be inno-
cent. Ray York, the man who put up the money for This Time The
World, and who gave financial support to the Commander through-
out the years, is still another.
Karl Allen, the man who would have been Deputy Commander
of the Party if the Commander had lived another few days, was
among the first to notice the total lack of evidence against Patler,
and among the first to rise to his defense. J. V. Morgan, an
extremely close friend of the Commander, is of a like opinion. And
on and on I could go with names of people whose loyalty to the Com-
mander is above question.
And to that list, I’d like to add my name, for I too have become
convinced that John’s explosive temper, and the circumstances sur-
rounding his separation from the Party, were recognized by some-
one as factors needed for a perfect “frame”. And his presence in the
area at the time of the shooting just added to the good fortune of
those who planned to use him as a perfect made-to-order patsy for
their crime. So shallow was the evidence against John Patler that
even the judge later voiced amazement that the jury found him
guilty. The jury said it was a “compromise verdict”.

GUILTY OR NOT GUILTY?

Patler lived in the vicinity of the area where he was arrested. He
established via receipts and witnesses that he was in the area doing
errands, and that at the time of the shooting he was so far from the
point where the Commander was killed that he would have had to
RUN all the way to arrive there in time to fire the fatal shot. And
the point of just how he would have known the Commander would
be there at that particular moment has never been established.
Witnesses said the killer was wearing a black jacket. The police
covered every inch of the area with a fine tooth comb, looking for the
jacket, since John was wearing only a T-shirt when he was picked
up, and they used mine sweepers and scuba divers to look for the
jacket and the gun. Nothing was found. John was put in jail.
The next day an “informer” (who was never identified) called the
police and told them that they could find bullet casings from the
murder weapon on the farm of Patler’s father-in-law, and told them
the EXACT tree out of about 5,000 where these items could be
 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT 461

located. The black jacket was found stuffed behind a bush,’and the
gun was seen by someone in a stream which had already been thor-
oughly searched, with the barrel sticking up prominently between
two rocks.
Can anyone honestly believe that the police are THAT inept?
Bullets could be fired into a tree by anyone, and no evidence
whatever was presented to prove that John, and not someone else,
shot those bullets into the tree. And it requires a stretch of the imagi-
nation that I don’t have to believe that the police, with all of the
investigative equipment at their command, could overlook a gun and
a jacket that were both visible to the naked eye the next day.
Patler says that only two people knew the location of his
father-in-law’s farm, the Commander and Matt Koehl. He says that
he gave the location in a sealed envelope to Koehl. Maybe John is
lying, but then again, maybe someone else is lying.
The Scripps-Howard newspaper chain, convinced of Patler’s
innocence and looking for a big story, has paid $6,000 for the trial
transcript and assigned a full time reporter to the case. If someone
besides John Patler did kill the Commander, they are undoubtedly
getting nervous—and with good cause.

STRANGE FACTS EMERGE

Matt Koehl is either a compulsive liar, or he has something to hide.
Having no investigative facilities at my command, I cannot say
which. But he has told so many lies that they are now coming back
around to meet him. He lied about Karl Allen when he labeled him
“the most dangerous traitor with whom Commander Rockwell had
to deal”. He lied when he said that Allen was National Secretary,
when in fact he had been Deputy Commander. He lied and distorted
the facts outrageously in the Frank Smith-Chris Vidnjevich affair,
just as he lied about Frank Drager and me. In short, he lies with
almost every breath he takes.
A case in point: Bill Kirstein, the young boy who was put in
charge of the California unit when Ralph Forbes left, called Koehl
to find out the reason behind so many of the Commander’s support-
ers rejecting his leadership. Since Bill was in Dallas for a while, and
knows the work I have done with the ANP Order Department, he
asked Koehl specifically about me. Koehl lightly brushed off the
loss of my support and said: “Dallas (meaning me) has made no sig-
nificant contribution since Commander Rockwell’s assassination.”
Bill wanted to be loyal to Koehl, but feeling that something was
462 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT

seriously wrong, wrote to me after the conversation with Koehl. I

have since gotten many such letters.
The Commander was assassinated in August of 1967. Since that
date, I personally have (1) raised $7,500 from ANP supporters and
contributed $1,500 of my own money to publish the Commander’s
book, White Power; (2) arranged for and followed through the entire
business of printing the book, editing, proof reading, advertising,
mailing, etc., etc.; (3) contributed my home as an office and ware-
house for the ANP Order Department; (4) spent approximately four
hours every day in the business of filling orders, answering corre-
spondence, ordering more material, etc. (until Koehl seized the Dal-
las post office box and redirected all mail to Arlington); and (5)
entertained Matt Koehl twice in my home while he had meetings
with a group that was openly antagonistic to my wife and me—the
group that was led by a half-literate man who was stripped of his
rank and thrown completely out of the Stormtroop Section by Com-
mander Rockwell himself.
Do YOU consider my actions since the Commander’s death “no
significant contribution” to the ANP?

KOEHL’S LIES AND STRANGE BEHAVIOR

At one of the meetings in Dallas, i.e. the one which was held for no
other reason than to vilify my name and undermine the work I had
done, Matt Koehl was asked, “What were YOU doing on the day of
the assassination?” (I had one lone friend in this group, otherwise I
would never have known about this particular lie.) Koehl’s answer
to that was, “I did not leave HQ all day.” The Commander took the
car and went somewhere. When he returned, he said he was going
to do his laundry, and I tried to get him not to because we needed
the car for a distribution of the White Power newspaper that was
planned for that afternoon.”
According to recorded testimony at Patler’s trial, Matt Koehl
told a flat lie when he said he did not leave the HQ all day. WHY
he lied is something only Matt Koehl can answer—and he seems
disinclined to discuss it. An answer, however, might be MOST
enlightening.
To again quote the Commander’s secretary: “This is what hap-
pened on the morning of the assassination. The Commander, hav-
ing no one dependable to clean the camper, decided to do it himself.
It was not his clothes he took to the laundromat, but curtains, tow-
els, etc. from the camper. He put them in the back of the car and
was going down the hill to the laundromat when Matt Koehl asked
 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT 463

him to wait until he had made an errand, which turned out to be a

visit to the Niles’ and a stop at the post office on the way back.”
For those of you who don’t know, Peggy and Doug Niles left the
Party under most disagreeable circumstances just a short time
before the assassination. Doug Niles, who has a criminal back-
ground, has the distinction of being the only man ever to receive a
DISHONORABLE discharge from the Party. Not even Patler was
reduced to that.
The only truth in Koehl’s statement to that group was that there
was supposed to be a distribution of the newspaper that afternoon,
and the car WAS needed. The Commander was undoubtedly hurry-
ing (knowing him) to get to the laundromat and get back with the
car. It was the first issue of the long awaited newspaper, and he was
most anxious to see the people’s reaction to it.
With the Commander on the way down the hill to the laundro-
mat, Koehl stopped him and asked to run an errand first. The Com-
mander agreed. Koehl got in the car, with the laundry still in the
back, and drove to the home of Doug Niles. His reason? According to
testimony, to deliver two theater tickets to the movie Triumph of
the Will. When he arrived at Niles’ house, Doug was at work and
only Peggy, his wife, was home. Though Matt Koehl is not known
for his love of small talk, particularly from women, he stayed so
long drinking tea and chatting with Peggy Niles that he got a park-
ing ticket—which is how we happen to know his movements on that
fateful morning.
While he was there, he called Doug Niles at his office and talked
to him. According to Niles’ boss, Niles asked for some time off “to do
an errand”, which was given to him. When finally Koehl left the
house of the man who had been dishonorably discharged from the
Party, he went by the post office and then returned to HQ with the
car and the laundry. The Commander, who had undoubtedly been
pacing the floor during Koehl’s extended absence, immediately took
the car to the laundromat where he was met by an assassin’s bullet.
George Lincoln Rockwell was murdered about 11:30. Niles
returned to work about 12:30. And Matt Koehl became top ranking
officer in the American Nazi Party.

THE FUNERAL
The strangeness of the events surrounding the Commander’s
assassination didn’t end with his death.
At the funeral, with dozens of loyal Party officers in attendance,
the man who assumed the LEAD POSITION in front of the hearse
464 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT

was none other than Doug Niles. When an officer asked who put
Niles in charge, he was told, “Matt Koehl”. It’s a certainty that
Koehl knew Niles was occupying that strategic position—he was
sitting in the hearse and Niles was standing right in front of him.
It seems exceedingly strange that Matt Koehl, a man who is
well-known for his strict disciplinarian manner, would choose a
man who had been DISHONORABLY DISCHARGED from the
Party to occupy the lead position at the Commander’s funeral. And
it seems particularly strange when you learn, as we did later. that
Koehl visited the same man’s home on the morning of the assassi-
nation for a purpose so insignificant as the delivery of two theatre
tickets. Add to Koehl’s strange actions the fact that Niles left his
job, after receiving a telephone call from Koehl, and did not return
until an hour after the assassination, and you are forced to say that
“strange” is hardly sufficient to describe the whole affair.
Since Koehl told the Dallas group that he “did not leave HQ all
day” on the day of the assassination, it seems safe to say that our
knowledge of his movements on that day would be limited to his
less than trustworthy word if he hadn’t gotten that parking ticket
while visiting the Niles’ home that morning.

AN INTERESTING PIECE OF INFORMATION

Shortly after the assassination, Patler’s private investigator Bob
Hunt found a tennis shoe under a bush in the back of Doug Niles’
home which had tar on it. As the case is not in their jurisdiction, the
FBI cannot test to see if the print matches the one taken from the
roof at the shopping center. So Bob Hunt gave a photograph of the
print to the Arlington Police Department for their investigation, but
he has not yet received a report. Since Patler’s tennis shoes did NOT
match the prints on the tar roof, it would be interesting to know
whether the shoe found behind Niles’ house DID match, but only the
Arlington police can tell us—and they don’t seem too interested.
Does anyone besides me smell a Jew in the woodpile?

MATT KOEHL, NATIONAL LEADER OF THE ANP

Almost from the first moment Matt Koehl assumed command of the
Party, there were rumblings across the country that all was not as
it should be. No one could get any information about anything, and
the people who had been the Commander’s staunchest and most
loyal supporters were being told, in effect, to drop dead. Those who
would not blindly follow Koehl’s dictates, regardless of their irratio-
nality, were purged from Party ranks.
 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT 465

Don Zinn, a longtime supporter of the Commander, was one of the

first men to feel the sting of Koehl’s biting tongue. Frank Drager, the
only man I ever knew of who had the initiative and drive to get ANP
publications out ON TIME, was driven out of the Party by every
underhanded means at Koehl’s command. George Ware, a man
whom the Commander had labeled “the greatest guy who ever lived”,
was repaid for his many kindnesses by having the press and the
building at Spotsylvania maliciously destroyed prior to Koehl’s
departure. After giving his word that the property would be left in
good order after his men vacated the premises, all the windows were
broken out, the roof was torn to shreds, signs were painted all over
the building reading “Traitors Live Here”, and the press had been
run after having sand put in it. THAT for a man who went out on a
limb for the Commander and the Party when it was needed most.
Ray York’s property in California suffered the same fate as the
property in Spotsylvania. Ray York has GIVEN over $15,000 to the
Party over the years, besides buying property for their use which
they rented when no one else would rent to them, and these are the
words he used to describe the aftermath of Koehl’s men:
“T have just lived through a horrible experience which has really
shook me...after letting the Party have the building for eight years,
and with their rent being so spasmodic I could no longer make the
payments, I told them that I was going to have to sell the building
and they would have to move. When the man in charge here related
that to the insane man in Arlington (i.e. Koehl), he sent back word
to abandon the building. When I went over after they had moved, no
one who did not see it could believe the maniacal destruction of my
property that greeted me. Fifteen windows were broken out; the gas
stove, the refrigerator, a beautiful wardrobe piece, were all
smashed with an axe or something. The bunk beds were busted to
pieces. Debris was piled up almost to the ceiling, glass jars of food
were broken against the walls, and much other damage. It cost me
over $700 and three weeks hard work to get the building in decent
condition. Much more could be said.
“All this after I have contributed to the Party approximately
$15,000.” (Bear in mind that Ray York put up ALL the money for
the Commander’s book This Time The World.)
And I, of course, came in for my share of Koehl’s insane determi-
nation to purge the Party of anyone and everyone who was even
suspected of having enough intelligence to see through his demonic
scheme of destruction. Koehl’s plan was (and is) entirely dependent
on using the emotions of the young and naive; i.e. those whose blind
466 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT

loyalty renders them incapable of rational thought, and using the

brawn of the downright stupid to accomplish his ends—and he has
apparently gathered about him quite an array of both types.
Everywhere there are people whose greed exceeds their patrio-
tism, and whose ambitions exceed their talents. Dallas is no differ-
ent. The man who heads the group in Dallas was stripped of his
rank and ordered out of the Stormtroop Section by Commander
Rockwell, after a Party court had shown him to be an incompetent
do-nothing, among other things. The people he attracts are mostly
those who made long-term financial commitments when we bought
the $9,000 press and who, after a few months, defaulted on those
commitments because their patriotism didn’t quite measure up to
their greed.
But that type of person is too dishonest to admit to sheer greed
as their reason for defaulting on a commitment (which YOU are
going to have to pay if they don’t), so they attack and vilify the peo-
ple with whom they made their voluntary agreement. In Dallas, my
wife and I were the villains—WE took the money from OUR pocket
and made good on THEIR commitments; WE used our money for
bails and fines for the Stormtroopers; WE contributed our home as
an office and warehouse for the Order Department; WE filled the
orders, answered the letters of inquiry, and kept things running on
a day to day basis; and WE raised better than $20,000 in a three
year period for the Party.
It was too black a record for them to stand—they lied, connived,
and schemed for more than a year on how to destroy us. The Com-
mander would have nothing to do with them. When they called him,
he called us to ask how we would like him to handle the latest
request or complaint. But after the Commander was assassinated,
things were different—the “good guys”, that is to say the malefac-
tors whose sole aim in life was to destroy those whose presence
served to remind them of their own shortcomings, found a receptive
ear. Matt Koehl needed such people and they needed him. And so a
mutual admiration society was formed.
When the ANP Order Department was first moved to Dallas
under my supervision, the head of the Stormtroopers, who was
later to become the leader of the Dallas malefactors, was sent by me
as an errand boy to obtain a post office box. Either through stupid-
ity or deliberate intent, I don’t know which, he put his own name in
the place on the application form where ANP-Dallas should have
been listed as holder of the box. I had the only keys; I paid the rent
on the box with ANP checks; and it was I who picked up the mail
 THE WHITE PARTY REPORT 467

every day. But because he had put his name as the holder, and
because Koehl had the calculated foresight to have himself made
the LEGAL heir to the ANP, the post office ruled that the box and
all the mail belonged to him and therefore to Matt Koehl. My con-
trol over the ANP Order Department ended, and the order which I
had createdout of chaos ended with it.
It’s said that “where there’s a will, there’s a way”. All the indica-
tions are that Matt Koehl has the the will, and with the help of all
the destructive forces within and without the ANP ranks, he has
thus far found the way to destroy all the Commander worked to
build.
BUT HE’S GOT ONE HELL OF A FIGHT ON HIS HANDS!

For Race and Nation,

WHITE POWER!
Max Amann
Aryan Nations Creed

he Aryan Nations Creed sets out the religious beliefs of

Richard Butler’s Aryan Nations Church. The Creed, as well
as the biography of Pastor Richard Butler that follows, has for
many years been mailed to all who write a letter of interest to
the Church of Jesus Christ Christian—the formal name of the
Aryan Nations religious organization. The Creed is included
here to offer readers a standard introduction to Christian Identity
beliefs, as well as provide a look at the National Socialist
political slant that the Aryan Nations under Richard Butler is
well known for promoting. The biography that follows, despite
its grammatical flaws, is a lionization of Butler and his works
that stands as the “official” view of the Aryan Nations’ founder
as written by true believers. More recently, the texts have been
linked and widely disseminated on the Internet.

468
 ARYAN NATIONS CREED 469

Aryan Nations is not a new right-wing organization suddenly

appearing on the scene. Aryan Nations is the on-going work of
Jesus the Christ regathering His people, calling His people to a
state for their nation to bring in His Kingdom! We hail His Victory!
WE BELIEVE in the preservation of our Race, individually and
collectively, as a people as demanded and directed by Yahweh. We
believe our Racial Nation has a right and is under obligation to pre-
serve itself and its members.
WE BELIEVE that Adam, man of Genesis, is the placing of the
White Race upon this earth. Not all races descend from Adam. Adam
is the father of the White Race only. (Adam in the original Hebrew is
translated: “to show blood in the face; turn rosy.”) Genesis 5:1
WE BELIEVE that the true, literal children of the Bible are the
twelve tribes of Israel, now scattered throughout the world and now
known as the Anglo-Saxon, Germanic, Teutonic, Scandinavian,
Celtic peoples of the earth. We know that the Bible is written to the
family of Abraham, descending from Shem back to Adam. Yahweh
blessed Abraham and promised that he would be the “father of
nations.” This same promise continued through the seedline of
Abraham’s son Isaac, and again to Isaac’s son Jacob, the patriarch
of the twelve tribes, whose name Yahweh changed to Israel (Mean-
ing: “he will rule as God”). Genesis 32:28; Exodus 12:31; 16:4; 19:20;
Revelations 21:12
WE BELIEVE that there are literal children of Satan in the
world today. These children are the descendants of Cain, who was a
result of Eve’s original sin, her physical seduction by Satan. We
know that because of this sin there is a battle and a natural enmity
between the children of Satan and the children of The Most High
God (Yahweh). Genesis 3:15; 1 John 3:12
WE BELIEVE that the Cananite Jew is the natural enemy of
our Aryan (White) Race. This is attested by scripture and all secu-
lar history. The Jew is like a destroying virus that attacks our
racial body to destroy our Aryan culture and the purity of our Race.
Those of our Race who resist these attacks are called “chosen and
faithful.” John 8:44; 1 Thessalonians 2:15; Revelations 17:14
WE BELIEVE that there is a battle being fought this day
between the children of darkness (today known as Jews) and the
children of light (Yahweh, The Everliving God), the Aryan Race, the
true Israel of the bible. Revelations 12:10-11
WE BELIEVE in the gam-ma’di’on (ga’ma’di-on), n.; pl. -DIA
(-a). [MGr., dim. of gamma.] A cross formed of four capital gammas
(’), esp. in the figure of a swastika. Gamma among early Christians
470 ARYAN NATIONS CREED

symbolized Christ as a cornerstone of the church. WEBSTERS

DICTIONARY.
WE BELIEVE that the present world problems are a result of
our disobedience to Divine Law.
WE BELIEVE that there is a day of reckoning. The usurper will
be thrown out by the terrible might of Yahweh’s people, as they
return to their roots and their special destiny. We know there is
soon to be a day of judgment and a day when Christ’s Kingdom (gov-
ernment) will be established on earth, as it is in heaven. “And in the
days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom which
shall never be destroyed; and the kingdom shall not be left to other
people, but it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms
and it shall stand forever. The saints of the Most High, whose king-
dom is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and
obey Him.” Daniel 2:44; 7:18; 7:27
WHITE RACISM: Where does it come from?
What is the actual driving force behind the “racist” White Chris-
tian Nationalist’s fight for the preservation of the Aryan Race? The
news media would scream an immense and piercing shriek of
“HATE” if they could catch the slightest whisper of such a question
coming from ruddy Aryan lips. But those long standing warriors in
this Struggle know that the answer has a much greater depth and
meaning than the anti-Christ Jews, mongrel hordes and liberal
White race-mixers could even begin to fathom. . . that of LOVE.
The depths of Love are rooted and very deep in a real White
Nationalist’s soul and spirit, no form of “hate” could even begin to
compare. At least not a hate motivated by ungrounded reasoning. It
is not hate that makes the average White man look upon a mixed
racial couple with a scowl on his face and loathing in his hear. It is
not hate that makes the White housewife throw down the daily
jewspaper in repulsion and anger after reading of yet another
child-molester or rapist sentenced by corrupt courts to a couple
short years in prison or on parole. It is not hate that makes the
White workingman curse over his beer about the latest boatload of
mud-creatures dumped upon our shores to be given job preference
over the White citizens who build this land. It is not hate that
brings rage into the heart of a White Christian farmer when he
reads of billions loaned or given away as “aid” to foreigners when he
can’t get the smallest break from an unmerciful government to save
his failing farm. No, it is not hate, IT’S LOVE.
Foundations Biography of Aryan Nations
Richard G. Butler

Who are we, and who is Richard G. Butler? We are the continuing
direct-line Church of Jesus Christ Christian as originally founded
by Dr. Wesley Swift of Lancaster, California. After Dr. Swift’s
death, the church has been carried on by Richard G. Butler.
Mr. Butler received his formal education and training in south-
ern California, including Aeronautical Engineering at Los Angeles
City College. His early experience in the aircraft industry included
management of maintenance assembly and repair of major assem-
blies for commercial and military aircraft in the United States,
Africa and India.
In 1946, and the following 18 years, he organized and operated a
machine plant for the production and precision machining of auto-
motive parts and engine assemblies and aircraft parts. Subse-
quently from 1964 through 1973, Mr. Butler was a marketing
analyst for new inventions. In 1968 he became a Senior Manufac-
turing Engineer for Lockheed Aircraft Co. at their Palmdale, Cali-
fornia, plant, where extensive development was under way for the
L-1011 aircraft. He resigned from this corporate associateship to
devote full energy and time to his greatest and all-consuming desire
to serve God and Nation.
Pastor Butler is a co-inventor for rapid repair of tubeless tires
and holds both U.S. and Canadian patents thereon. He is a pilot and
during World War II was among other duties, a Flight Engineer
Instructor in the U.S. Air Force. His background reflects a broad
experience in the United States and foreign countries concerning
alien races, their work habits, status of “culture” and “religions.”
Returning home from wartime activities in 1946, Mr. Butler
was deeply troubled concerning the future of his nation from what
he had observed first hand overseas and events resulting from
governmental edicts that seemed to be always contrary to the best
interest of the nation, and of the White Race, in particular. While
active in business life, the closest thing to his heart was the future
of his nation; therefore, most all available spare time was spent
studying and delving into various service and political organiza-
tions, trying to arouse attention of friends, acquaintances, mem-
bers of fraternal organizations, and business associates into action
concerning the threat of Jewish communism.

471
472 FOUNDATIONS BIOGRAPHY OF ARYAN NATIONS

The media publicity received from these efforts, while nearly

disastrous to business and professional life, turned out to be the
greatest of all blessings, in that he was let to Kingdom Identity with
the meeting and forming of the closest, most rewarding of all per-
sonal relationships with Dr. Wesley A. Swift, starting in 1961 and
continuing until Dr. Swift’s passing in 1971.
The years of study were spent under Dr. Swift in his magnificent
library with line upon line, precept upon precept, and revelations
over the years from Dr. Swift and Rev. Bertrand Comparet. They
shared the blows of the enemy from their combined efforts in the
Christian Defense League, of which Pastor Butler was the National
Director from 1962 to 1965.
Upon the passing of Dr. Swift, Mr. Butler continued holding ser-
vices for the congregation of the Church of Jesus Christ Christian,
until he moved to northern Idaho to expand the Kingdom Identity
program and to form the foundation for a “Call to the Nation” or
Aryan Nations.
We seek to let every Aryan son and daughter of Yahweh know
what their duty is to the Covenant (Constitution) that Yahweh their
God has made with them as Nations of His people and His blessings
come to, or are withheld from, a Nation—so is it that each citizen of
the Nation is either blessed or cursed. The rewards are in direct pro-
portion to the ACTION and WILL of the Nation, for our people have
the “Law written on their hearts.” We seek to live and establish a
government under the Law of God, for Your Race is your Nation.

FIDELITY
That for which we fight is to safeguard the existence and reproduc-
tion of our Race, by and of our Nations, the sustenance of our chil-
dren and the purity of our blood, the freedom and independence of
the people of our Race, so that we, kindred people, may mature for
fulfillment of the mission allotted to us by the Creator of the uni-
verse, our Father and God. Hail His Victory!
Aryan Nations Platform
Postal Address: Church of Jesus Christ Christian,
Aryans Nations—PO Box 362, Hayden Lake, ID 83835
The Sixteen Commandments
by Ben Klassen, Church of the Creator

44 he Sixteen Commandments” is the creedal statement of

Ben Klassen’s Church of the Creator. Adherents of the
COTC had to do no more than pledge fealty to the Sixteen
Commandments and send in their dues, to be ordained as
reverends in the stridently racialist COTC. The Sixteen
Commandments are prototypical Ben Klassen. Calls to racial
pride and group solidarity are interspersed with Klassen’s
fascination for eugenics and National Socialist imagery. More
intriguing, however, are the ambiguous suggestions of violence
contained in commandments 2, 3, 8, and 10. Here, the earth
is posited as the exclusive domain of the “White Race”
(commandment 2), but no suggestion is offered as to how this
felicitous denouement is to take place. In commandment 3,
Klassen calls for /ebensraum by “expand(ing) the White
race...shrinking our enemies.” Commandment 8 mandates the
purging of “Jewish thought and influence” in an effort to cleanse
the earth of all but the White race, while commandment 10
urges the faithful to undertake at least one act that will make a
lasting difference to the status of the “White Race.” Are these
calls for a “final solution,” or merely an apocalyptic dream?
Klassen’s writings could easily support either interpretation.

473
474 THE SIXTEEN COMMANDMENTS

THE SIXTEEN COMMANDMENTS

1. It is the avowed duty and the holy responsibility of each gen-
eration to.assure and secure for all time the existence of the White
Race upon the face of this planet.
2. Be fruitful and multiply. Do your part in helping to populate
the world with your own kind. It is our sacred goal to populate the
lands of this earth with White people exclusively.
3. Remember that the inferior colored races are our deadly ene-
mies, and the most dangerous of all is the Jewish race. It is our
immediate objective to relentlessly expand the White race, and
keep shrinking our enemies.
4, The guiding principle of all your actions shall be: What is best
for the White Race?
5. You shall keep your race pure. Pollution of the White Race is a
heinous crime against Nature and against your own race.
6. Your first loyalty belongs to the White Race.
7. Show your preferential treatment in business dealings to
members of your own race. Phase out all dealings with Jews as soon
as possible. Do not employ niggers or other coloreds. Have social
contact only with members of your own racial family.
8. Destroy and banish all Jewish thought and influence from
society. Work hard to bring about a White world as soon as possible.
9. Work and creativity are our genius. We regard work as a
noble pursuit and our willingness to work a blessing to our race.
10. Decide in early youth that during your lifetime you will
make at least one major lasting contribution to the White Race.
11. Uphold the honor of your race at all times.
12. It is our duty and privilege to further Nature’s plan by striv-
ing towards the advancement and improvement of our future
generations.
13. You shall honor, protect and venerate the sanctity of the
family unit, and hold it sacred. It is the present link in the long
golden chain of our White Race.
14. Throughout your life you shall faithfully uphold our pivotal
creed of Blood, Soil and honor. Practice it diligently, for it is the
heart of our faith.
15. Be a proud member of the White Race, think and act posi-
tively. Be courageous, confident and aggressive. Utilize construc-
tively your creative ability.
16. We, the Racial Comrades of the White Race, are determined
to regain complete and unconditional control of our own destiny.
The Movement’s Fatal Fascination
by Harold Covington
June 21, 1998

“Stand not upon the order of your going, but go at once.”

—Lady MacBeth

AViase National Socialist Harold Covington’s prose should,

and probably one day will, be gathered into a volume that
details from an insider’s perspective, and in highly amusing
terms, the pathology of the racialist movement—especially in
its National Socialist guise. Should such a volume appear, this
essay would no doubt appear as a concluding chapter. In
“The Movement’s Fatal Fascination,” Covington addresses in
tragicomic terms the issue of leaving the movement. The essay is
redolent with references to Covington’s own travails, all of which
are dealt with in epic detail in the “Harold Covington” entry.
“The Movement’s Fatal Fascination” makes reference to recent
movement leave-takers, several of whom are considered in these
pages. See for example the entry “Internet Recruiting” by Milton
John Kleim, whose departure from the movement is discussed
both from his perspective in the entry and from Harold
Covington’s very different perspective below. “The Movement's
Fatal Fascination” was distributed to all subscribers on Harold
Covington’s “Resistance” e-mail list on June 21, 1998.

475
476 THE MOVEMENT’S FATAL FASCINATION

All of you need to archive this NSNet, or print it out and keep it
handy somewhere for future reference. You may need it. Iam going
to demonstrate once and for all that my concern for you as people is
perfectly genuine. I am going to do what no other figure in the
“Movement” will do: I am going to tell you how to get OUT of it.
There is some method to my madness here; almost as much damage
is done to the racial cause bypeople who try to leave but are unable
to do so cleanly and finally than by the weirdos who WON'T leave. A
bad exit makes people bitter and angry and wanting to lash out at
the Cause itself, because of the foul people who have congregated
around that holy and sacred Cause, and I'd like to try and prevent
some of this.
The first thing you need to understand is something I suspect
most of you have already noticed. The Movement is addictive. It is
like heroin. It is like a bag of potato chips; once you start munching
you just can’t stop until the bag is empty. To some degree this is
because it provides a touch of excitement and entertainment to the
drab, meaningless lives of so many White people today. The Move-
ment is like a living soap opera; you finally kick the “Days of Our
Lives” or “Dallas” habit and then a few months or years later you’re
flicking the remote, you end up watching a few minutes, and you’re
hooked again.
Like all addictions, it is a matter of character and will power.
You CAN kick your Movement jones if you really want to, but it will
require exactly the kind of iron self-discipline and inflexible will
that mostof you have proven yourselves incapable of exercising
while you were IN the Movement. If the majority of you people had
the kind of determination and mature, powerful self control neces-
sary to set an objective and attain it, the White man wouldn’t be in
the shape he is in today. But possibly you can exercise the kind of
inner strength in the service of your own personal interest where
you could not exercise it in the service of your Race. That seems to
be the White man these days: self-absorption may succeed where
idealism and racial pride flopped. We'll see.
The second thing you need to understand is that the Bad Crazi-
ness is endemic and it will always be part and parcel of the Move-
ment. Remember Covington’s Great Paradox: “The Cause is so
right; the people in it are so wrong.” This appears to be an immuta-
ble condition given the realities of late twentieth century White
male character and personality, and I have given up ever expecting
to change it. As I said somewhere else, when I am 75 years old, some
National Alliance creepoid from this insane period in my life will be
 THE MOVEMENT’S FATAL FASCINATION 477

toddling over to Carrboro on his aluminum walker or riding in his

wheel chair to shit on my doorstep, or commit some comparable
piece of idiocy. It is written.
The third thing you need to understand is that YOU CANNOT
DABBLE. There are those who have attempted to leave gradually,
to “cut back”, to “phase out” their involvement. They have the idea
“Well, I'll keep my hand in, write a little, post a little to Usenet, just
not affiliate myself with any group or personality, just deal with the
‘real enemy’ (ignoring the fact that WE are the real enemy), etc.” It’s
like a heroin addict or an alcoholic who says, “Hey, I’m more mature
now, I can handle it.” Or the smoker who won’t quit cold turkey but
spends years being miserable and cranky trying to restrict himself
or herself to ten cigarettes a day. WRRROOOOOOOOONNGG!
One thing I have learned: where the Bowel Movement is concerned,
you are either in or you're out. You may succeed in toe-dancing
along the razor’s edge for a while, but eventually you will slip and
you will fall right smack dab into the Movement toilet.
Always remember: the Movement has a fatal fascination. It is
bigger than you are and you do not use the Movement, it seizes and
uses you. Like many addictions it starts out with euphoria, a real
rush, a roller coaster ride of the ego as we flatter ourselves that we
are part of history and making a difference. But then it starts devel-
oping weird mutations and digressions as the Bad Craziness gets a
grip on your life.
The Movement leaks into your brain cells and sodomizes your
intellect. It corrodes your will power. It putrefies your character
and paralyzes every positive trait such as integrity, honesty, altru-
ism, and destroys what minimal, atrophied physical courage
remains in White males these days. A kind of moral age regression
takes place, an idiot’s Fountain of Youth as ordinarily mature fam-
ily men and businessmen, capable and in control of their lives,
return to childhood and begin squabbling in the sandbox. The
Internet has accelerated and accentuated all of these tendencies,
but they have always been there since 1945.
The symptoms of the Bad Craziness start to manifest them-
selves. The concept of genuine, honestly held political or ideological
difference vanishes. Disagreement becomes treachery and criticism
prima facie evidence that the critic is a Federal agent or ADL spy,
because surely only a Federal agent would dare to disagree with
YOU or dare to criticize YOU? Right? Your skin becomes as thin as
tissue paper, your paranoia swells, and every mildly critical remark
becomes a personal insult which must be fought to the death in a
478 THE MOVEMENT’S FATAL FASCINATION

lifelong vendetta or made the subject of a nuisance lawsuit. Your

ethics crumble into dust. You become obsessed to Williams-esque
dimensions with your own private Black Beast of the Movement,
whoever that Black Beast may be (Ed Fields, Willis Carto, and
myself are the top three favorites in the *bete noire* category.) It
takes over your life. You lose touch with reality.
Then the “Steve Crisp Syndrome” hits, most especially if you
have a computer. Total delusion takes over your mind and you lose
every bit of common sense and perspective. The “open letters” and
smears and slanders are no longer coming from others; you leap
headlong into the madness and start churning out your own brand
of crap. You begin to gibber and swagger and boast and threaten,
beating your chest and telling us all how big and bad and tough you
are, telling us about how you gonna do dis and you gonna do dat and
you gonna do de udder ‘ting, and ain’t you BAAAAAAAAAAAD?.
You have become a terminal Movement headcase. You have met
the enemy, and it is you. They’re coming to take you away, ha ha,
they’re coming to take you away, ho ho, hee hee, ha ha, to the funny
farm, with trees and flowers and chirping birds and basket weavers
who sit and smile and twiddle their thumbs and toes....no, Mother, I
won't do it...shut up, Mother, go away, get out of my head, I won’t do
it, I tell you, I won’t hurt that girl....no, Mother, put down that
knife... YAAAAAH......
Where was I? Oh, yes. Getting out of the Movement before you
become part of the problem.

DON’T BE A KLEIM
If you decide in your own mind that this is it, you have finally had
enough of dealing with middle aged men who act like ten year-olds,
with con men whose goal in life is to take every penny they can out
of your pocket, and with so-called “leaders” who file lawsuits
against their critics with your money and who are so obviously Fed-
eral assets that it’s not even publicly challenged any inore, and you
decide “This is it, ’'ve had enough, I’m getting out!”—then DO IT.
GET OUT. Get ALL THE WAY OUT.
Break CLEAN. Break TOTALLY. Do not be a John Milton
Kleim and hang around on the fringe whining once your fifteen
minutes is up. Don’t be like some operatic character who gets
stabbed and takes twenty minutes on stage dying while he sings a
last aria. You want to leave, LEAVE, and never try to come back
thinking, “Okay, I’ve had a break, I can handle it now.” No, you
can’t handle it. If you crumpled once, you will crumple again.
 THE MOVEMENT’S FATAL FASCINATION 479

CANCEL all your newsletter and publication subscriptions.

Don’t let them run out, CANCEL them and if they keep coming (a
common experience given the inefficiency of most Movement
grouplets), do not be tempted to leaf through them. THROW THEM
AWAY. Clean out your collection of right wing and racist literature
and THROW IT AWAY, do not stave or store it. Years from now
you'll be rummaging through the stuff in your attic, you'll find some
old copy of something or other and you'll be tempted to write and
say hello or ask what’s been going on. You are an alcoholic and you
cannot have booze in the house; if you do, you will drink it eventu-
ally. THROW IT ALL AWAY.
REMOVE all Movement bookmarks from your PC. Change your
ISP and e-mail account and user name. Actually, the best thing to do
is simply disconnect your computer for a long while and not use it at
all, if that is possible, until you have gotten firmly and permanently
on top of your Internet jones. Better yet, sell the computer; despite
what you may think, you don’t REALLY absolutely have to have it.
Ten years from now that may be different, but not now. Computers
are dangerous, like fast food; it’s so easy to be surfing the Net one
day, bored and looking for entertainment, and then listen that little
demonic voice and bring up that Movement web site just to take a
peek. The next step on the slippery slope back to addiction is to sub-
scribe to something reasonably staid and mature like the Z-Grams
(rationalizing “just to see what’s happening with Ernst [Zundel]”).
Then comes the quick sneak peeks into the swirling ultimate mad-
house, Usenet, the creeping, slowly overwhelming urge of the addict
to just make one little post, just for old time’s sake—and all of a sud-
den there is a splash as you fall back into the toilet. GO COLD
TURKEY. It is the only way to break ANY addiction.
NO PARTING SHOTS. No open letters denouncing the Move-
ment or individual people; that kind of thing is part of the Bad Cra-
ziness, not an escape from it, and just generates more Bad
Craziness. Just a few simple words: “Gentleman, I’ve had enough.
Deal me out.” or something to that effect is quite sufficient. Then
GO. Don’t spend the next ten months TALKING about going. Don’t
be a Kleim!
BREAK CONTACT completely with all Movement people in
your circle of acquaintance, cyber or otherwise, no matter how
much you may like them personally. You are an alcoholic and they
are your former drinking buddies; if you hang with them eventually
they’re going to lure you back into the barroom and you won't be
able to keep to ginger ale; you will end up with a Swastika martini
480 THE MOVEMENT’S FATAL FASCINATION

in your hand and singing The Good Old Songs. Do not try to placate
your addiction by imbibing a weakerform of the Movement, some
methadone, like Constitutionalism or the militias or Buchanan or
SPOTLIGHT; these watered-down substitutes will simply keep
alive your craving for the Hard Stuff.
The price of escaping the Bad Craziness is that you must become
a Solid Citizen and press your lips firmly to the buttocks of the Jews
and the liberals on demand, and do not delude yourself that you will
escape paying this price; it is what Solid Citizens do in exchange for
being (sometimes) left alone by the System. Finding Jesus is a good
idea for some; the local Holy Roller church will give you the kind of
“meaning-to-life” addiction you sought in the Movement and in a
much more socially acceptable manner. You may even win a free
trip to the Holy Land where you can jump for Jeeeeeee-zus under
the muzzles of the Israeli Uzis! Only please, guys, if you do go the
JEEEEEEEE-ZUS route, don’t turn on us like treacherous dogs
and give the enemy more propaganda mileage with a bunch of crap
about being a “repentant racist”, okay?
If you want out, LEAVE. Leave CLEAN. Leave COMPLETELY.
THROW AWAY all your Movement material. BREAK CONTACT
with everything and everyone. Get yourself a large color screen TV
and a satellite dish that brings in 520 channels; while I try to get
Movement people OFF the electronic drug of television, if you are
going to leave us and try to re-program your mind as a Solid Citizen
you can use TV to drug yourself into unconsciousness; that’s what
it’s for.
Guys, I am really quite serious about this. God knows I under-
stand how and why people sometimes have enough of this madness.
But I don’t think I am being entirely unreasonable to ask that when
you leave, DON’T LEAVE A MESS BEHIND YOU. Just turn out
the lights, leave your keys on the table, close the door, and walk
away. There are still those of us who are trying to get something
accomplished in this looney bin. God knows why, and we’re proba-
bly crazy as coots—indeed, one of the reasons you want to leave is
most likely so you won’t end up like us—but there it is.
Speaking of TV, there’s a famous line from M.A.S.H. where Radar
is upset about something; he staggers into the Swamp and to
Hawkeye and B.J.’s amazement he pours himself a big beaker full of
their rotgut homemade moonshine and slugs it down. “Yick!” says
Radar. “I thought this stuff was supposed to make you feel better?”
“It’s supposed to make you feel NOTHING,” replies B. J.
 THE MOVEMENT’S FATAL FASCINATION 481

That’s your goal, my friend. You are never going to feel BETTER
once you leave the Movement. You can’t, because YOU KNOW the
truth and you cannot erase that knowledge from your mind. But it
is possible for you to live a so-called “normal” life, (leaving aside the
question of this society's “normality”), by making yourself feel
NOTHING. By disciplining your memory to forget as much as you
can and creating a state of mind where you simply accept the mad-
ness and pain of the “real” world under Political Correctness as
something inevitable, simply a part of life like death and disease
and the weather and automobile accidents. That’s how millions of
White people live with it. By schooling themselves to feel
NOTHING and when they cannot, by killing the pain in chemical or
electronic drugs or mindless material pursuits like trying to catch
fish they do not need to eat or building little carpentry
knick-knacks which will be smashed by rioting niggers in their
childrens’ time, or a thousand and one variations.
That is the path you have chosen, and who is to say it is not the
right one for you? Love us or hate us, it is only a very, very extraordi-
nary few who have what it takes—be that good or bad—to devote
their lives to this Cause. It is clear you are not one of them and by
pretending otherwise you pose a danger and a distraction to those of -
us who still fight on. Just DO it, then. LEAVE it. Walk away from it.
And good luck.
88!
Harold A. Covington
David Duke: The Messenger and His Message
by Chip Berlet and Margaret Quigley

his text is self-explanatory. It recounts a radio confrontation

between David Duke and Chip Berlet, a longtime
watchdog of the radical right who is associated with the
Political Research Associates. It is offered as an illustration of
Duke’s remarkable ability to tailor his message to any particular
audience. Here, Berlet brings Duke’s words as addressed to a
movement audience into the context of the audience for a radio
program on Boston’s public radio station WBZ.

482
 DAVID DUKE: THE MESSENGER AND HIS MESSAGE 483

ee eee

Chip Berlet and Margaret Quigley are analysts with Political

Research Associates in Cambridge, Mass., an organization that has
monitored the political right wing for the past ten years. PRA, 678
Mass. Ave., #205 Cambridge, MA 02139
PARTIAL TRANSCRIPT OF DAVID DUKE’S APPEARANCE ON
BOSTON RADIO SHOW, MARCH 28, 1991
WBZ-Radio, David Brudnoy Show, Boston, Mass, March 28, 1991.
Guest: David Duke. Caller: Chip Berlet.
Transcript prepared by PRA.

DAVID BRUDNOY, HOST: Chip Berlet was with my colleague

John Keller earlier this evening. Mr. Berlet is an analyst with
Political Research Associates. He has called and he joins us now.
Chip, good evening. You’re on with Mr. Duke.
CHIP BERLET: Good morning.
BRUDNOY: Good morning, I’m sorry, Chip go ahead.
BERLET: Well, I spent the last couple of days looking at your
recent speeches, Mr. Duke, including a July 23rd one, 1988 one
up in the state of Washington Populist Party nominating conven-
tion and I’d just like to run a couple of your quotes there and see
if you still agree with them.
DAVID DUKE: OK.
BERLET: I certainly understand that you might change your
views but in that speech you said that the single most important
issue facing America was the Zionist control of the American
media and that Zionists control our media and they try to break
down our heritage. I wonder if you could explain that.
DUKE: Well, I think there is a lot of Zionist influence in media
and I think it’s one of the key issues in our... wouldn’t say it was
the key issue in America, but I think it is a key issue in terms of
our foreign policy.
BERLET: Yeah, and you followed up that statement by saying
that you did know one Jew, Alfred Lilienthal, who you thought
was OK, but that Judaism was a vile faith. Your quote—
DUKE: No, I didn’t say that. And I—
484 DAVID DUKE: THE MESSENGER AND HIS MESSAGE

BERLET: You did. I have the tape right here. I’ll play it for you.
DUKE: O.K.
BERLET: You said Judaism is a vile faith, there are many horri-
ble things in the Talmud. I'll play the tape right now. I’ve got it.
DUKE: Well, I don’t know where that was from or what year or
what time.
BERLET: It was 1988, July 23rd...
DUKE: Let me hear that where you say I, it was a vile, vile faith.
BERLET: Populist Party. I can say it. You want to hear it? Pll
play it right now for you.
DUKE: Well, I don’t know, I know, but I need to hear the whole
context to see it—
BRUDNOY: Well, let’s hear the sentence that applies—
DUKE: Yeah, let’s hear that.
BRUDNOY: —Chip if you happen to have it—
DUKE: Let me hear that.
BRUDNOY: —geared up.
DUKE: Let me hear that where you say I, it was a vile, vile faith.
BERLET: Well, I’ve got a, it will take me a second to find that
exact quote, I’ve got one where you say that God created different
races and God separated them and that was a natural law. I can
play that right now; it’s cued up.
BRUDNOY: Go ahead.

BERLET: OK?
DUKE: OK.

DUKE ON TAPE: There’s no question that God created different

races on this planet. There’s also no question that God created
those races and he separated those races. [That’s right.] The
white races were European, the yellow races were Asian and the
Blacks, of course, were African. Now man has a tendency to come
along and say, God’s law doesn’t really make, isn’t very impor-
tant. This natural law that God created isn’t very vital. Well, I
think that it is. ’m glad that God created different races. I think
it offers greater possibilities for mankind and I want my grand-
kids and greatgrandkids to look something like myself [Yes] and
 DAVID DUKE: THE MESSENGER AND HIS MESSAGE 485

the people that came before me. [Amen] And I’m proud of that
fact. [Applause]...
BRUDNOY: Chip, I, we’ll have to turn that down because it’s so
hard to hear—
DUKE: Oh, I could hear it—
BRUDNOY: —OK.
DUKE: —And I don’t see anything—God did create different
races and he did separate them by continent. I don’t see anything
that was improper or anything that I’d have to repudiate from
that statement because I think it’s absolutely correct.
BERLHET: Yeah, but in the context of your former views, then it
does tend to suggest that, you have in the past suggested that the
basic culture of America is European and that if that’s lost then
we will lose America.
DUKE: Oh, I believe that. And I’ve never denied that. I think the
basic culture of this country is European and Christian and I
think if we lose that, we lose America. Yes, I believe that a hun-
dred percent. I stated that in my most recent race for the U.S.
Senate in my television programs. I’ve written about that. I have
no argument with that statement. Yes, I believe that. We’re pre-
dominantly white, we’re basically white European in terms of our
culture and we're basically Christian and I endorse that. I don’t
think we should suppress other races, but I think that if we lose
that white—ahh what’s the word for it—dominance in America,
with it we lose America. Yes.
BERLET: Would you like to hear the thing about, that you don’t
respect Judaism and it’s vile.
BRUDNOY: Please. Do that part here now.
DUKE: Yeah, Id like to hear that.
BRUDNOY: Go ahead, Chip, please.
BRUDNOY: This is right after you mentioned Mr. Lilienthal.
BRUDNOY: Go ahead.
DUKE: OK.
DUKE ON TAPE: But I don’t have respect for Zionism, and
frankly I don’t have respect for Judaism. Because it’s a very vile
[Yeah], anti-Christian faith, and if you’re familiar with it, then
you'd realize why I feel that way. It doesn’t mean all Jews are
486 DAVID DUKE: THE MESSENGER AND HIS MESSAGE

that way. But I don’t, I don’t respect the Talmud, I think it’s a
very vicious and vile book and it attacks all Christians and
non-Jews in the world and I—
BRUDNOY: Mr. Duke, what do you say to those remarks? Was it
1988, Chip?
BERLET: July 1988.
DUKE: I don’t think that, I don’t remember that at that meeting
now.
BERLET: You don’t?
DUKE: No.
BERLET: I do have the videotape given to me by the Populist
Party.
DUKE: Well, that’s, that’s fine. Again, there are some certain vile
quotes like that against, against Christianity and you can look up
those quotes yourself in the Talmud but I wouldn’t say, I don’t
believe that Judaism is a vile faith—
BERLET: But you did then.
DUKE: —but I think there are some, there’s some elements in it
that I certainly disagree with. [laughs]
BRUDNOY: No, but let’s stick to the point that you did then, in
July of ‘88—
DUKE: Yeah.
BERLET: So you're saying that you no longer think Judaism is a
vile faith.
DUKE: No, I don’t think Judaism is a vile faith.
BERLET: What happened in the intervening year—
DUKE: And if it came off that way, I didn’t mean to make it as
the entire faith that way but I think there’s, I said, I said in the
speech there are aspects which are, which are wrong and I think,
for instance there are some, some passages in the Talmud which
say that Christians should be strangulated [sic] and that Christ
was a bastard and Mary was a whore and that kind of thing and
to me those, those aspects are very anti-Christian and very vile.
BERLET: Uh huh. And at another point, you said—
 DAVID DUKE: THE MESSENGER AND HIS MESSAGE 487

DUKE: But obviously I don’t think that is the whole tradition of

Judaism but certainly some of those, some of those sentiments in
the Talmud.
BERLET: That’s fascinating. At another point you say that the
internationalists want to destroy the American middle class. They
want to destroy our heritage. They know they cannot take full
control of our lives unless they destroy the vitality, the seed, the
spirit, the genetic treasure of this society, of our nation. What,
what are you, what is the genetic treasure of our society?
DUKE: I think our heritage. I think when you talk about
American— :
BERLET: Who are the internationalists who are trying to destroy
this seed?
DUKE: Well, I think some of the international financial concerns,
for instance, some of the international, powerful corporations and
that’s what’s so odd in this country you have a lot of them who
have a lot of power in banking and other areas who are also very
liberal and pro-Marxist. That to me is a dichotomy. It doesn’t
seem, it doesn’t seem, it seems like a contradiction in terms, yet
communism has flourished often where you've had more money in
society than in the poorer areas. Mississippi’s probably got the
lowest Communists per capita of any state in the United States
but there seems to be a lot of Communists in the centers like New
York City and some of the major financial markets.
BRUDNOY: Anything else, Chip?
BERLET: No, I’m, I remain skeptical of his change of heart—
BRUDNOY: Thanks.
BERLET: —It’s not Saul on the road to Damascus.
Aryan Destiny: Back to the Land
Jost

ost’s “Aryan Destiny: Back to the Land” is one of the best,

Ay most intimate, portraits of the transformation of a
disillusioned Vietnam veteran of the early 1970s into a National
Socialist true believer. On the way, it details the utopian
longings of the movement as Jost sought unsuccessfully to
create a communal retreat in the mountains of northern
California. The essay offers, as well, a wonderful, first-person
account of the disparate subcultures that for a time lived in
remarkable harmony in the most rural reaches of the mountains
of California, and the changes that occurred to shatter that
idyllic life.

488
 ARYAN DESTINY: BACK TO THE LAND 489

In the late 1960’s I had just returned from two consecutive tours of
combat duty in the rugged mountain highlands of South Vietnam.
California had become a very different place from the one I had left,
and two years of isolation in the Asian jungles had not prepared me
for that to which I had returned.
I was suddenly in an alien world of long hair and beards, drugs
and sexual promiscuity, civil disobedience and racial color blind-
ness. It was the day of the “Hippy”, “do your own thing”, and the
encouragement to “drop out” of society.
For a while I was in a state of shock, but as I adjusted, I began
listening and observing. I dismissed most of this “new age” philoso-
phy as childish nonsense. However, two years in the jungles had
given me a different outlook on life. I could now see the selfishness
and materialism into which the White race had sunk, and I had
some sympathy for my hairy co-racialists. I especially liked their
idea of destroying the system by non-participation, and it has
always remained in the back of my mind.
By the early 1970’s there was a growing movement among these
social drop-outs to go “back to the land”, advocating self- sufficiency
on the land, free from modern society’s support, living simply like
our ancestors. Their pioneering in this area has done our Folk an
invaluable service.
By the mid 1970’s I had given up trying to be part of the urban
social and economic system. Already I could see the growing politi-
cal power of non-whites, and the indifference and growing material-
ism of the white majority. Seeing no real alternative, I packed up
my family and headed back to the land. There, I discovered a whole
new world, a much better and more natural way of life, and an
Aryan destiny!
In the isolated mountains of Northern California, there were
already a number of individuals and families, many college edu-
cated, who had fled the cities and begun a new life of homesteading.
They were all permeated with an anti establishment idealism
which was directly descended from the hey-day of the hippy move-
ment. Their philosophy of life was a combination of left-wing poli-
tics, oriental religion, Robin Hood and brotherhood, as well as a
tolerance for drugs which ultimately led to an early destruction of
the movement.
Nevertheless, these urban refugees had done a staggering
amount of research, and a great deal of practical application in the
field of self-sufficient homesteading. They learned to build their
own simple shelters, everything from log cabins to yurts. They
490 ARYAN DESTINY: BACK TO THE LAND

learned the skills of organic gardening, animal husbandry, and

home processing of foods. They revived the arts of midwifery,
herbal medicine, and such skills of self-sufficiency as spinning,
weaving, and leather craft. In the spirit of being anti-
establishment, they put great effort into supporting themselves off
the system, and made some great progress into the area of cottage
industries. They spurned corporations and conducted their busi-
ness exclusively with thrift shops and small businesses. They made
great progress in pioneering alternative education for their chil-
dren. As their numbers grew, they began manifesting a real spirit
of community and Folk.
These modern-day pioneers were happy to help any newcomer,
and I spent the next couple of years learning the many skills of
homesteading and self-sufficiency. For the first few years our fam-
ily lived in crude octagon cabins, barns and even tepees. We cut fire-
wood with antique handsaws, used herbal medicines, raised
organic gardens, and learned to process our own food. Our lives
were simple, yet fuller than ever before. Summer work was hard,
but there was always ample recreation at the river swimming hole
where numbers of locals from all over the mountain ridges would
congregate to relax and cool off. Like our pre-christian ancestors of
old, they were not burdened by christian puritanism. They saw
nothing evil or dirty about the human body, and they swam and
sun-bathed quite naturally unadorned by swimsuits or cutoffs.
Winter was the time for enjoying the fruits of summer labor. We
joined other modern-day homesteaders in rough-hewn cabins all
over the mountains, sitting around the wood stove, repairing tools,
watching the rain and snow, and planning the next season’s chores.
But these pioneers did not understand the importance of disci-
pline to their own idealism and homesteading success. They gener-
ally failed to pass anything on to their children. They opted for
Jewish permissiveness. The heirs of the movement can be seen here
and there throughout the area - purposeless, undisciplined, drug-
using youth.
The end really came with the rise of marijuana cultivation.
Ideals began to vanish with the temptation of large amounts of eas-
ily acquired cash. Materialism and the greater supply of drugs
destroyed both the community spirit and idealism. Today, the
mountains are waiting for a new back-to-the-iand movement, one
imbued with a true idealism, and a sound spiritual philosophy. This
 ARYAN DESTINY: BACK TO THE LAND 491

time it will not be the pressures of White middle class materialism

that will spur a back-to-the-land movement. This time it will be the
awesome pressure of mass non-white immigration, and White
second-class citizenship.
All of the elements for building an Aryan Folk community are
here. The time is now ripe. There is little future for White youth in
any city. The cities are becoming more and more non-white. Eco-
nomically, itis getting more and more difficult to survive in the city.
The social welfare system is becoming more and more anti-white.
The schools are sorely anti-white. Today, the disenfranchised
Aryan youth are beginning to stir. The Skinhead movement is a
reaction to the growing non-white terrorism, and White indiffer-
ence. It pains me to see our youth sitting in government prisons for
smashing a few degenerate heads in a futile attempt to fight back
against overwhelming oppression. How much more useful it would
be to put their energy into hewing themselves a homestead, and
ultimately an Aryan community, out of the unsettled rugged moun-
tains. There is still a great deal of open land in this country, and
although it is not as easy as it used to be, it is still possible to live
there simply, inexpensively, and reasonably independently. It is
also quite possible to establish communities which are largely inde-
pendent of the established system. Why not take up the old hippy
slogan to “drop out”, and begin destroying this anti-white system by
non-participation?
Just as Adolf Hitler advocated the “Drang nach Osten” (the
acquisition and settlement of the vast, unsettled lands in east
Europe), we advocate a new Aryan back to the land movement. We
hope that Volksberg, our family homestead in the secluded moun-
tains of Northern California, will serve as an example, a viable
alternative for the responsible and self-reliant of our Folk, to begin
a new life, a simple, joyful, Aryan life, close to nature, and away
from the degeneracy of the urban cesspools. As our Folk grows and
grows, we hope to provide a viable destiny for Aryans: Back to the
Land!

-Jost
88 Precepts
David Lane

he 88 Precepts of Order member David Lane, like his 14

words—“We must secure the existence of our people and
a future for White children”—have been widely distributed
and greatly respected throughout the White Power world. The
number of precepts on offer is no accident: 88 is a number of
considerable importance in the racialist movement. As “h” is
the eighth letter of the alphabet, the number 88 has come to
stand for “Heil Hitler,” and is often used as a salutation in the
correspondence of National Socialists and other race activists
on both sides of the Atlantic.

492
 88 PRECEPTS 493

This is dedicated to all the brave men and women who have strug-
gled and fought for the benefit of our race. And to those who have
made the ultimate sacrifice, this is in their memory.
This edition of 88 PRECEPTS, written by David Lane and laid
out by the Aryan Women’s League, is a labor of love for The Order
Bruder Schweigen, and all other Aryan Martyr’s and Political
Prisoners.
Until the White race realizes there is only one source from which
we can ascertain lasting truths, there will never be peace or stabil-
ity on this earth. In the immutable Laws of Nature, are the keys to
life, order, and understanding.
The words of men, even those which some consider “inspired,”
are subject to translations, vocabulary, additions, subtractions, and
distortions of fallible mortals. Therefore, every writing or influence
(ancient or modern) must be strained through the test of conformity
to Natural Law.
The White Peoples of the earth must collectively understand
that they are equally subject to the iron-hard Laws of Nature with
every other creature in the Universe, or they will not secure peace,
safety, nor even their existence.
The world is in flames because Races, Sub-races, Nations, Cul-
tures are being forced to violate their own Nature-ordained
instincts for self reservation.
Many men of goodwill (but little understanding) are struggling
against symptoms which are the result of disobedience to Natural
Law. As is the Nature of Man, most take narrow provincial stances
predicated on views formed by immediate environment current cir-
cumstances, and conditioned dogma.
This is encouraged by that powerful ruthless Tribe which has
controlled the affairs of the world for untold centuries by exploiting
Man’s baser instincts. Conflict among and between the unenlight-
ened serves as their mask and shield. A deeper understanding of
the Fundamental laws that govern the affairs of Men is necessary if
we are to save civilization from its usurious execution.
These few pages are not intended to provide a detailed system of
government, but as PRECEPTS which, when understood, will ben-
efit and preserve a People as individuals and as a Nation.
1. Any religion or teaching which denies the Natural Laws of the
Universe is false.
2. Whatever a people’s perception of God, or the Gods, or the
motive Force of the Universe might be, they can hardly deny
that Nature’s Laws are the work of (and therefore, the intent of)
that Force.
494 88 PRECEPTS

3. God and religion are distinct, separate, and often conflicting

concepts. God is the personification of Nature proved perfect by the
evidence of Natural Law. Religion is the creation of mortals, there-
fore predestined to fallibility. Religion may preserve or destroy a
People, depending on the structure given by its progenitors, the
motives of its agents, and the vagaries of historical circumstances.
4. The truest form of prayer is communion with NATURE. It is
not vocal. Go to a lonely spot, if possible a mountain top, on a clear
star-lit night, ponder the majesty and order of the infinite macro-
cosm. Then, consider the intricacies of the equally infinite micro-
cosm. Understand that you are on the one hand inconsequential
beyond comprehension in the size of things, and on the other hand,
you are potentially valuable beyond comprehension as a link in des-
tiny’s chain. There you begin to understand how pride and self can
co-exist with respect and reverence. There we find harmony with
Nature and with harmony comes strength, peace, and certainty.
5. Secular power systems protect and promote religions which
teach of an after-life. Thus People are taught to abandon defenses
against the predators of this life.
6. History, both secular and religious, is a fable conceived in
self-serving deceit and promulgated by those who perceive benefits.
7. Religion in its most beneficial form is the symbology of a
People and their culture. A multi-racial religion destroys the senses
of uniqueness, exclusivity, and value necessary to the survival of
the race.
8. What men call “supernatural” is actually the natural not yet
understood or revealed.
9. A proliferation of laws with the resultant loss of freedom is a
sign (and directly proportional to) spiritual sickness in a Nation.
10. If a Nation is devoid of spiritual health and moral character,
then government and unprincipled men will fill the vacancy. There-
fore, freedom prospers in moral values and tyranny thrives in
moral decay.
11. Truth requires little explanation. Therefore, beware of ver-
bose doctrines. The great principles are revealed in brevity.
12. Truth does not fear investigation.
13. Unfounded belief is a pitfall. A people who do not check the
validity and effect of their beliefs with reason will suffer and/or
perish.
14. No greater motivating force exists than the certain convic-
tion that one is right.
 88 PRECEPTS 495

15. In accord with Nature’s Laws, nothing is more right than the
preservation of one’s own race.
16. Discernment is a sign of a healthy people. In a sick or dying
nation, civilization, culture, or race, substance is abandoned in
favor of appearance.
17. Discernment includes the ability to recognize the difference
between belief and demonstrable reality.
18. There exists no such thing as rights or privileges under the
Laws of Nature. The deer being stalked by a hungry lion has no
right to life. However, he may purchase life by obedience to
nature-ordained instincts for vigilance and flight. Similarly, men
have no right to life, liberty, or happiness. These circumstances
may be purchased by oneself, by one’s family, by one’s tribe, or by
one’s ancestors, but they are nonetheless, purchases and are not
rights. Furthermore, the value of these purchases can only be main-
tained through vigilance and obedience to Natural Law.
19. A People who are not convinced of their uniqueness and
value will perish.
20. The White Race has suffered invasions and brutality from
Africa and Asia for thousands of years, for example, Attila and the
Asiatic Huns who invaded Europe in the 5th century raping, plun-
dering, and killing from the Alps to the Baltic and Caspian Seas.
This scenario was repeated by the Mongols of Genghis Kahn 800
years later. (Note here that the American Indians are not “Native
Americans,” but are racial Asians.) In the 8th century, hundreds of
years before the Crusades and 8 centuries before Blacks were
brought to America, the North African Moors of mixed-racial back-
ground invaded and conquered Portugal, Spain, and part of France.
So, the attempted guilt trip placed on the White Race by civiliza-
tion’s executioners is invalid under both historical circumstances
and the Natural Law which denies inter-specie compassion. The
fact is all races have benefited immeasurably from the creative
genius of the Aryan people.
21. A People who allow others not of their race to live among
them will perish because the inevitable result of racial integration
is racial inter-breeding which destroys the characteristics and exis-
tence of a race. Forced integration is deliberate and malicious geno-
cide, particularly for a people like the White Race who are now a
small minority in the world.
22. In the final analysis, a race or specie is not judged superior or
inferior by its accomplishments, but by its will and ability to
survive.
496 88 PRECEPTS

23. Political, economic, and religious systems may be destroyed

and resurrected by men, but the death of a race is eternal.
24. No.race of people can indefinitely continue their existence
without territorial imperatives in which to propagate, protect, and
promote their own kind.
25. A people without a culture exclusively their own, will perish.
26. Nature has put a certain antipathy between races and spe-
cies, to preserve the individuality and existence of each. Violation of
the territorial imperative necessary to preserve that antipathy
leads to either conflict or mongrelization.
27. It is not constructive to hate those of other races, or even
those of mixed races. But a separation must be maintained for the
survival of one’s own race. One must, however, hate with a pure and
perfect hatred those of one’s own race who commit treason against
one’s own kind and against the nations’ of one’s own kind. One must
hate with a perfect hatred all those people or practices which
destroy one’s people, one’s culture, or the racial exclusiveness of
one’s territorial imperative.
28. The concept of a multi-racial society violates every Natural
Law for specie preservation.
29. The concept of “equality” is declared a lie by every evidence
of Nature. It is a search for the lowest common denominator, and its
pursuit will destroy every superior race, nation, or culture. In order
for a plow horse to run as fast as a race horse, you would first have
to cripple the race horse; and conversely, in order for a race horse to
pull as much as a plow horse, you would first have to cripple the
plow horse. In either case, the pursuit of equality is the destruction
of excellence.
30. The instincts for racial and specie preservation are ordained
by Nature.
31. Instincts are Nature’s perfect mechanism for the survival of
each race and specie. The human weakness of rationalizing situa-
tions for self-gratification must not be permitted to interfere with
these instincts.
32. Miscegenation, that is race-mixing, is and has always been,
the greatest threat to the survival of the Aryan race.
33. Inter-specie compassion is contrary to the Laws of Nature
and is, therefore, suicidal. If a wolf were to intercede to save a lamb
from a lion, he would be killed. Today, we see the White man taxed
so heavily that he cannot afford children. The taxes raised are then
used to support the breeding of tens of millions of non-whites, many
of whom then demand the last White females for breeding partners.
 88 PRECEPTS 497

As you can see, man is subject to all the Laws of Nature. This has
nothing to do with morality, hatred, good or evil. Nature does not
recognize the concepts of good and evil in inter-specie relationships.
If the lion eats the lamb, it is good for the lion and evil for the lamb.
If the lamb escapes and the lion starves, it is good for the lamb and
evil for the lion. So, we see the same incident is labeled both good
and evil. This cannot be, for there are no contradictions within
Nature’s Laws.
34. The instinct for sexual union is part of Nature’s perfect
mechanism for specie preservation. It must not be repressed; and
its purpose namely reproduction, must not be thwarted either.
Understand, that for thousands of years, our females bore children
at an early age. Now, in an attempt to conform to, and compete in,
an alien culture, they deny their Nature-ordained instincts and
duties. Teach responsibility, but, also have understanding. The life
of a race springs from the wombs of its women. He who would judge
must first understand the difference between what is good and
what is right.
35. Homosexuality is a crime against Nature. All Nature
declares the purpose of the instinct for sexual union is reproduction
and, thus, preservation of the specie. Homosexuality does not
reproduce or preserve the specie. It is unnatural and, therefore, a
suicidal perversion.
36. Sexual pornography degrades the Nature of all who are
involved. The woman is reduced to an object and sex to animal
coupling.
37. That race whose males will not fight to the death to keep and
mate with its females will perish. Any White man with healthy
instincts feels disgust and revulsion when he sees a woman of his
race with a man of another race. Those who today control the media
and affairs of the Western World, teach that this is wrong and
shameful. They label it “racism.” As any “ism;” for instance the
world “nationalism,” means you promote your nation, racism
merely means you promote and protect the life of your race. It is,
perhaps, the proudest word in existence. Any man who disobeys
these instincts is anti-Nature.
38. In a sick and dying nation, culture, race, or civilization, polit-
ical dissent and traditional values will be labelled and persecuted
as heinous crimes by inquisitors clothing themselves in jingoistic
patriotism.
39. A people who are ignorant of their past will defile the present
and destroy the future.
498 88 PRECEPTS

40. A race must honor above all earthly things, those who have
given their lives or freedom for the preservation of the folk.
41. The folk, namely the members of the Race, are the Nation.
Racial loyalties must always supersede geographical and national
boundaries. If this is taught and understood, it will end fratricidal
wars. Wars must not be fought for the benefit of another race.
42. The Nation’s leaders are not rulers, they are servants and
guardians. They are not to serve for personal gain. Choose only a
guardian who has no interest in the accumulation of material things.
43. Choose and judge your leader, also called guardians, thus:
those who seek always to limit the power of government are of good
heart and conscience. Those who seek to expand the power of gov-
ernment are base tyrants.
44, No government can give anything to anybody without first
taking from another. Government is, by its very nature, legalized
taking. A limited amount of government is a necessary burden for
national defense and internal order. Anything more is counterpro-
ductive to freedom and liberty.
45. The organic founding Law, namely the Constitution of a
Nation must not be amendable by any method other than unani-
mous consent of all parties thereto, and with all parties present;
otherwise the doors are open for the advent of the most dangerous
and deadly form of government, namely, democracy.
46. In a democracy, those who control the media ( and thus the
minds of the electorate) have power undreamed by kings or
dictators.
47. The simplest way to describe a democracy is this: three peo-
ple form a government, each having one vote. Then two of them vote
to steal the wealth of the third.
48. The latter stages of democracy are filled with foreign wars
because the bankrupt system attempts to preserve itself by plun-
dering other nations.
49. In ademocracy that which is legal is seldom moral, and that
which is moral is often illegal.
50. A democracy is always followed by a strongman...some call
him a dictator. it is the only way to restore order out of the chaos
caused by democracy. Pick your strongman wisely! He must be a
guardian in his heart. He must be one who has shown that his only
purpose in life is the preservation of the folk. His ultimate aim must
be to restore the rule of Law based on the perfect Laws of Nature.
Do not choose him by his words. Choose one who has sacrificed all in
the face of tyranny; one who has endured and persevered. This is
the only reliable evidence of his worthiness and motives.
 88 PRECEPTS 499

51. A power system will do anything, no matter how corrupt or

brutal, to preserve itself.
52. Tyrannies cannot be ended without the use of force.
53. Those who commit treason disguise their deeds in proclama-
tions of patriotism.
54. Propaganda is a major component in all power systems, both
secular and religious; and false propaganda is a major component of
unprincipled power systems. All power systems endeavor to con-
vince their subjects that the system is good, just, beneficent, and
noble, as well as, worthy of perpetuation and defense. The more jin-
goistic the propaganda issue, the more suspicious one should be of
its truth.
55. Political power, in the final analysis, is created and main-
tained by force.
56. A power system, secular or religious, which employs exten-
sive calls to patriotism or requires verbosity and rhetoric for its
preservation, is masking tyranny.
57. Propaganda is a legitimate and necessary weapon in any
struggle. The elements of successful propaganda are: simplicity,
emotion, repetition and brevity. Also, since men believe what they
want to believe, and since they want to believe that which they per-
ceive as beneficial to themselves, then successful propaganda must
appeal to the perceived self-interest of those to whom it is
disseminated.
58. Tyrannies teach what to think. Free men learn how to think.
59. Beware of men who increase their wealth by the use of
words. Particularly beware of the lawyers or any priest who denies
Natural Law.
60. The patriot, being led to the inquisition’s dungeons or the
executioner’s axe, will be condemned the loudest by his former
friends and allies; for thus they seek to escape the same fate.
61. The sweet Goddess of Peace lives only under the protective
arm of the ready GOD OF WAR.
62. The organic founding Law of the Nation must state with
unmistakable and irrevocable specificity the identity of the homog-
enous, racial, cultural group for whose welfare it was formed, and
that the continued existence of the Nation is singularly for all time
for the welfare of that specific group only.
63. That race or culture which lets others influence or control
any of the following will perish.
1) organs of information
2) educational institutions
500 88 PRECEPTS

3) religious institutions
4) political offices
5) creation of their money
6) judicial institutions
7) cultural institutions
8) economic life
64. Just Laws require little explanation. Their meaning is irre-
vocable in simplicity and specificity.
65. Men’s emotions are stirred far more effectively by the spoken
word than by the written word. This is why a ruling tyranny will
react more violently to gatherings of dissenters than to books or
pamphlets.
66. The organic founding Law of the Nation, or any law, is
exactly as pertinent as the will and power to enforce it.
67. An unarmed and/or non-militant people will be enslaved.
68. Some say the pen is more powerful than the sword. Perhaps
so. Yet, the word without the sword has no authority.
69. Tyrannies are usually built step by step and disguised by
noble rhetoric.
70. The difference between a terrorist and a patriot is control of
the press.
71. The judgments of the guardians, namely the leaders, must
be true to Natural Law and, yet, tempered by reason.
72. Materialism is base and destructive. The guardians of a
Nation must constantly warn against and combat a materialistic
spirit in the Nation.
73. Materialism leads men to seek artificial status through
wealth or property. True social status comes from service to Family,
Race, and Nation.
74. Materialism ultimately leads to conspicuous, unnecessary
consumption which in turn leads to the rape of Nature and destruc-
tion of the environment. It is unnatural. The true guardians of the
Nations must be wholly untainted by materialism.
75. The function of a merchant or salesman is to provide a
method of exchange. A merchant who promotes unnecessary con-
sumption and materialism must not be tolerated.
76. The only lawful functions of money are as a medium of
exchange and a store of value. All other uses including social engi-
neering, speculation, inflation, and especially usury are unlawful.
Usury/interest, in particular, at any percent, is a high crime which
cannot be tolerated.
 88 PRECEPTS 501

77. A Nation with an aristocracy of money, lawyers, or mer-

chants will become a tyranny.
78. The simplest way to describe a usury-based central banking
system is this: the bankers demand the property of the Nation as
collateral for their loans. At interest, more money is owed them
than they created with the loans...so, eventually, the bankers fore-
close on the Nation.
79. Interest/usury, inflation and oppressive taxation are theft by
deception and destroy the moral fabric of the Nation.
80. Wealth gained without sacrifice or honest labor will usually
be misused.
81. Nothing in Nature is static. Either the life-force grows and
expands or it decays and dies.
82. Respect must be earned, it cannot be demanded or assumed.
83. Avoid a vexatious man for his venom will poison your own
nature.
84. Self discipline is a mark of higher man.
85. One measure of a man is cheerfulness in adversity.
86. A fool judges men by their words. A wise man judges others
by their actions and accomplishments.
87. In our relationships or interactions, as in all of Nature’s
Laws, to each action there is a reaction. That which we plant will be
harvested, if not by ourselves then by another or others.
88. These are sure signs of a sick or dying Nation. If you seek any
of them, your guardians are committing treason.
1) mixing and destruction of the founding race.
2) destruction of the family units
3) oppressive taxation
4) corruption of the Law
5) terror and suppression against those who warn of the
Nation’s error.
6) immorality: drugs, drunkenness, etc.
7) infanticide (now called abortion)
8) destruction of the currency (inflation or usury)
9) aliens in the land
10) materialism
11) foreign wars
12) guardians (leaders) who pursue wealth or glory
13) homosexuality
14) alien culture
15) religion not based on Natural Law
502 88 PRECEPTS

ALERTNESS: Be aware of potential hazards; be alert to

impending danger. Calculate the odds immediately. Anticipate.
Avoid. Prepare.
DECISIVENESS: Select an appropriate course of action: aban-
doning the field does not constitute cowardice. Overcome your
domesticity and civility when necessary. Utilize the hypothesis to
train. Do not delay or hesitate. Be confident.
AGGRESSIVENESS: “The best defense is a good offense.” Do
the unexpected. Develop the morale edge. Be indignant; turn your
fear into anger.
SPEED: Retaliate instantly. Calculate the reaction time of your
assailant. Remember, there are no Marquis of Queensbury rules
in the arena where you will compete. No fair play. No rules of
engagement.
COOLNESS: Keep your head; do not panic. Train yourself in a
mental attitude for combat.
RUTHLESSNESS: Take no chances when your life is at stake.
Make your attacker fear for his life. Be tough. Be harsh. Be merci-
less until the danger has passed or you are victorious. Counter-
attack to incapacitation.
TECHNIQUE: Apply the proper techniques but do not press a
failed attack. Do not ego tie yourself to pressing a futile counter.
Improvise; rearrange. Develop an effective repertoire of techniques.
Know the body’s weaknesses. Utilize appropriate tactics. Compre-
hend you own limitations. Gauge your opponent’s skill and
strength. Sharpen your defensive skills. Practice. Survive.
STRESS: Some observations. Stress. It can eat at your insides,
gnaw at your brain. It can disrupt your equilibrium and make you
do things that are contrary to your inner goodness. Stress plays the
swan song; Just some thoughts before we all move on.

HAIL VICTORY!
Leaderless Resistance
Louis R. Beam
Seditionist /ssue 12, February 1992: Final Edition

abi]eases Resistance,” by Texas Klansman Louis R.

Beam, is one of the most important essays to emerge in
recent years from the radical right. Making a virtue of weakness,
the leaderless resistance concept recognizes the seeming ease
with which government and private watchdog agencies
penetrate right-wing organizations, and takes note of the tiny
number of activists who will take up arms against the vastly
superior forces of the state. Beam’s response is the creation of a
cadre of lone-wolf fighters or, at best, a number of small,
autonomous cells whose activities are undertaken with no
central direction by any organization or national leader. Beam’s
essay, which first appeared in his journal the Seditionist, has
been widely reprinted and disseminated via the Internet as well.

503
504 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

The concept of Leaderless Resistance was proposed by Col. Ulius

Louis Amoss, who was the founder of International Service of Infor-
mation Incorporated, located in Baltimore, Maryland. Col. Amoss
died more than fifteen years ago, but during his life was a tireless
opponent of communism, as well as a skilled Intelligence Officer.
Col. Amoss first wrote of Leaderless Resistance on April 17, 1962.
His theories of organization were primarily directed against the
threat of eventual Communist take-over in the United States. The
present writer, with the benefit of having lived many years beyond
Col. Amoss, has taken his theories and expounded upon them. Col.
Amoss feared the Communists. This author fears the federal gov-
ernment. Communism now represents a threat to no one in the
United States, while federal tyranny represents a threat to every-
one. The writer has joyfully lived long enough to see the dying
breaths of communism, but may, unhappily, remain long enough to
see the last grasps of freedom in America.
In the hope that, somehow, America can still produce the brave
sons and daughters necessary to fight off ever increasing persecution
and oppression, this essay is offered. Frankly, it is too close to call at
this point. Those who love liberty, and believe in freedom enough to
fight for it are rare today, but within the bosom of every once great
nation, there remains secreted, the pearls of former greatness. They
are there. I have looked into their sparking eyes; sharing a brief
moment in time with them as I passed through this life. Relished
their friendship, endured their pain, and they mine. We are a band of
brothers, native to the soil gaining strength one from another as we
have rushed head long into a battle that all the weaker, timid men,
say we can not win. Perhaps...but then again, perhaps we can. It’s
not over till the last freedom fighter is buried or imprisoned, or the
same happens to those who would destroy their liberty.
Barring any cataclysmic events, the struggle will yet go on for
years. The passage of time will make it clear to even the more slow
among us that the government is the foremost threat to the life, and
liberty of the folk. The government will no doubt make today’s
oppressiveness look like grade school work compared to what they
have planned in the future. Meanwhile, there are those of us who
continue to hope that somehow the few can do what the many have
not. We are cognizant that before things get better they will cer-
tainly get worse as government shows a willingness to use ever
more severe police state measures against dissidents. This chang-
ing situation makes it clear that those who oppose state repression
must be prepared to alter, adapt, and modify their behavior, strat-
egy, and tactics as circumstances warrant. Failure to consider new
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 505

methods and implement them as necessary will make the govern-

ment’s efforts at suppression uncomplicated. It is the duty of every
patriot to make the tyrant’s life miserable. When one fails to do so
he not only fails himself, but his people.
With this in mind, current methods of resistance to tyranny
employed by those who love our race, culture, and heritage must
pass a litmus test of soundness. Methods must be objectively mea-
sured as to their effectiveness, as well as to whether they make the
government’s intention of repression more possible or more diffi-
cult. Those not working to aid our objectives must be discarded or
the government benefits from our failure to do so.
As honest men who have banded together into groups or associa-
tions of a political or religious nature are falsely labeled “domestic
terrorists” or “cultists” and suppressed, it will become necessary to
consider other methods of organization—or as the case may very
well call for: non-organization. One should keep in mind that it is
not in the government’s interest to eliminate all groups. Some few
must remain in order to perpetuate the smoke and mirrors vision
for the masses that America is a “free democratic country” where
dissent is allowed. Most organizations, however, that possess the
potential for effective resistance will not be allowed to continue.
Anyone who is so naive as to believe the most powerful government
on earth will not crush any who pose a real threat to that power,
should not be active, but rather, at home studying political history.
The question as to who is to be left alone and who is not, will be
answered by how groups and individuals deal with several factors
such as: avoidance of conspiracy plots, rejection of feeble minded
malcontents, insistence upon quality of the participants, avoidance
of all contact with the front men for the federals—the news
media—and, finally, camouflage (which can be defined as the abil-
ity to blend in the public’s eye the more committed groups of resis-
tance with mainstream “kosher” associations that are generally
seen as harmless.) Primarily though, whether any organization is
allowed to continue in the future will be a matter of how big a threat
a group represents. Not a threat in terms of armed might or politi-
cal ability, for there is none of either for the present, but rather,
threat in terms of potentiality. It is potential the federals fear most.
Whether that potential exists in an individual or group is inciden-
tal. The federals measure potential threat in terms of what might
happen given a situation conducive to action on the part of a restive
organization or individual. Accurate intelligence gathering allows
them to assess the potential. Showing one’s hand before the bets
are made, is a sure way to loose.
506 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

The movement for freedom is rapidly approaching the point

where for many people, the option of belonging to a group will be
nonexistent. For others, group membership will be a viable option
for only the immediate future. Eventually, and perhaps much
sooner than most believe possible, the price paid for membership
will exceed any perceived benefit. But for now, some of the groups
that do exist often serve a useful purpose either for the newcomer
who can be indoctrinated into the ideology of the struggle, or for
generating positive propaganda to reach potential freedom fight-
ers. It is sure that, for the most part, this struggle is rapidly becom-
ing a matter of individual action, each of its participants making a
private decision in the quietness of his heart to resist: to resist by
any means necessary. It is hard to know what others will do, for no
man truly knows another man’s heart. It is enough to know what
one himself will do. A great teacher once said “know thyself.” Few
men really do, but let each of us, promise ourselves, not to go quietly
to the fate our would-be masters have planned.
The concept of Leaderless Resistance is nothing less than a fun-
damental departure in theories of organization. The orthodox
scheme of organization is diagrammatically represented by the pyr-
amid, with the mass at the bottom and the leader at the top. This
fundamental of organization is to be seen not only in armies, which
are of course, the best illustration of the pyramid structure, with
the mass of soldiery, the privates, at the bottom responsible to cor-
porals who are in turn responsible to sergeants, and so on up the
entire chain of command to the generals at the top. But the same
structure is seen in corporations, ladies’ garden clubs and in our
political system itself. This orthodox “pyramid” scheme of organiza-
tion is to be seen basically in all existing political, social and reli-
gious structures in the world today from the Federal government to
the Roman Catholic Church. The Constitution of the United States,
in the wisdom of the Founders, tried to sublimate the essential dic-
tatorial nature of pyramidal organization by dividing authority into
three: executive, legislative and judicial. But the pyramid remains
essentially untouched.
This scheme of organization, the pyramid, is however, not only
useless, but extremely dangerous for the participants when it is uti-
lized in a resistance movement against state tyranny. Especially is
this so in technologically advanced societies where electronic sur-
veillance can often penetrate the structure revealing its chain of
command. Experience has revealed over and over again that anti-
state, political organizations utilizing this method of command and
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 507

control are easy prey for government infiltration, entrapment, and

destruction of the personnel involved. This has been seen repeat-
edly in the United States where pro-government infiltrators or
agent provocateurs weasel their way into patriotic groups and
destroy them from within.
In the pyramid type of organization, an infiltrator can destroy
anything which is beneath his level of infiltration and often those
above him as well. If the traitor has infiltrated at the top, then the
entire organization from the top down is compromised and may be
traduced at will.
An alternative to the pyramid type of organization is the cell
system. In the past, many political groups both right and left) have
used the cell system to further their objectives. Two examples will
suffice. During the American Revolution “committees of correspon-
dence” were formed throughout the Thirteen colonies.
Their purpose was to subvert the government and thereby aid the
cause of independence. The “Sons of Liberty”, who made a name for
themselves dumping government taxed tea into the harbor at
Boston, were the action arm of the committees of correspondence.
Each committee was a secret cell that operated totally independently
of the other cells. Information on the government was passed from.
committee to committee, from colony to colony, and then acted upon
on a local basis. Yet even in these bygone days of poor communica-
tion, of weeks to months for a letter to be delivered, the committees
without any central direction whatsoever, were remarkable similar
in tactics employed to resist government tyranny. It was, as the first
American patriots knew, totally unnecessary for anyone to give an
order for anything. Information was made available to each commit-
tee, and each committee acted as it saw fit. A recent example of the
cell system taken from the left wing of politics are the Communists.
The Communist, in order to get around the obvious problems
involved in pyramidal organization, developed to an art the cell
system. They had numerous independent cells which operated com-
pletely isolated from one another and particularly with no knowledge
of each other, but were orchestrated together by a central headquar-
ters. For instance, during World War II, in Washington, it is known
that there were at least six secret Communist cells operating at high
levels in the United States government (plus all the open Commu-
nists who were protected and promoted by President Roosevelt),
however, only one of the cells was rooted out and destroyed. How
many more actually were operating no one can say for sure.
508 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

The Communist cells which operated in the U.S until late 1991
under Soviet control could have at their command a leader, who
held a social position which appeared to be very lowly. He could be,
for example, a busboy in a restaurant, but in reality a colonel or a
general in the Soviet Secret Service, the KGB. Under him could be a
number of cells and a person active in one cell would almost never
have knowledge of individuals who are active in another cell. The
value of this is that while any one cell can be infiltrated, exposed or
destroyed, such action will have no effect on the other cells; in fact,
the members of the other cells will be supporting that cell which is
under attack and ordinarily would lend very strong support to it in
many ways. This is at least part of the reason, no doubt, that when-
ever in the past Communists were attacked in this country, support
for them sprang up in many unexpected places.
The efficient and effective operation of a cell system after the
Communist model, is of course, dependent upon central direction,
which means impressive organization, funding from the top, and
outside support, all of which the Communists had. Obviously,
American patriots have none of these things at the top or anywhere
else, and so an effective cell organization based upon the Soviet sys-
tem of operation is impossible.
Two things become clear from the above discussion. First, that
the pyramid type of organization can be penetrated quite easily and
it thus is not a sound method of organization in situations where
the government has the resources and desire to penetrate the struc-
ture; which is the situation in this country. Secondly, that the nor-
mal qualifications for the cell structure based upon the Red model
does not exist in the U.S. for patriots. This understood, the question
arises “What method is left for those resisting state tyranny?” The
answer comes from Col. Amoss who proposed the “Phantom Cell”
mode of organization. Which he described as Leaderless Resis-
tance. A system of organization that is based upon the cell organi-
zation, but does not have any central control or direction, that is in
fact almost identical to the methods used by the Committees of Cor-
respondence during the American Revolution. Utilizing the Lead-
erless Resistance concept, all individuals and groups operate
independently of each other, and never report to a central head-
quarters or single leader for direction or instruction, as would those
who belong to a typical pyramid organization.
At first glance, such a type of organization seems unrealistic,
primarily because there appears to be no organization. The natural
question thus arises as to how are the “Phantom cells” and
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 509

individuals to cooperate with each other when there is no intercom-

munication or central direction? The answer to this question is that
participants in a program of Leaderless Resistance through phan-
tom cell or individual action must know exactly what they are
doing, and how to do it. It becomes the responsibility of the individ-
ual to acquire the necessary skills and information as to what is to
be done. This is by no means as impractical as it appears, because it
is certainly true that in any movement, all persons involved have
the same general outlook, are acquainted with the same philoso-
phy, and generally react to given situations in similar ways. The
pervious history of the committees of correspondence during the
American Revolution show this to be true. -
Since the entire purpose of Leaderless Resistance is to defeat
state tyranny (at least insofar as this essay is concerned), all mem-
bers of phantom cells or individuals will tend to react to objective
events in the same way through usual tactics of resistance. Organs
of information distribution such as newspapers, leaflets, comput-
ers, etc., which are widely available to all, keep each person
informed of events, allowing for a planned response that will take
many variations. No one need issue an order to anyone. Those ide-
alist truly committed to the cause of freedom will act when they feel
the time is ripe, or will take their cue from others who precede
them. While it is true that much could be said against this type of
structure as a method of resistance, it must be kept in mind that
Leaderless Resistance is a child of necessity. The alternatives to it
have been show to be unworkable or impractical. Leaderless Resis-
tance has worked before in the American Revolution, and if the
truly committed put it to use for themselves, it will work now.
It goes almost without saying that Leaderless Resistance leads
to very small or even one man cells of resistance. Those who join
organizations to play “let’s pretend” or who are “groupies” will
quickly be weeded out. While for those who are serious about their
opposition to federal despotism, this is exactly what is desired.
From the point of view of tyrants and would be potentates in the
federal bureaucracy and police agencies, nothing is more desirable
than that those who oppose them be UNIFIED in their command
structure, and that every person who opposes them belong to a pyr-
amid type group. Such groups and organizations are an easy kill.
Especially in light of the fact that the Justice (sic) Department
promised in 1987 that there would never be another group that
opposed them that they did not have at least one informer in. These
federal “friends of government” are intelligence agents. They
510 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE

gather information that can be used at the whim of a federal D.A. to

prosecute. The line of battle has been drawn. Patriots are required
therefore, to make a conscious decision to either aid the govern-
ment in its illegal spying, by continuing with old methods of organi-
zation and resistance, or to make the enemy’s job more difficult by
implementing effective countermeasures.
Now there will, no doubt, be mentally handicapped people out
there who, while standing at a podium with an American flag draped
in the background, and a lone eagle soaring in the sky above, will
state emphatically in their best sounding red, white, and blue voice,
“So what if the government is spying? We are not violating any laws.”
Such crippled thinking by any serious person is the best example
that there is a need for special education classes. The person making
such a statement is totally out of contact with political reality in this
country, and unfit for leadership of any thing more than a dog sleigh
in the Alaskan wilderness. The old “Born on the fourth of July” men-
tality that has influenced so much of the American patriot’s thinking
in the past will not save him from the government in the future.
“Reeducation” for non-thinkers of this type will take place in the fed-
eral prison system where there are no flags or eagles, but abundance
of men who were “not violating any law.”
Most groups who “unify” their disparate associates into a single
structure have short political lives. Therefore, those movement
leaders constantly calling for unity of organization rather than the
desirable unity of purpose, usually fall into one of three categories.
They may not be sound political tacticians, but rather, just commit-
ted men who feel unity would help their cause, while not realizing
that the government would greatly benefit from such efforts. The
Federal objective, to imprison or destroy all who oppose them, is
made easier in pyramid organizations. Or perhaps, they do not fully
understand the struggle they are involved in and that the govern-
ment they oppose has declared a state of war against those fighting
for faith, folk, freedom and constitutional liberty. Those in power
will use any means to rid themselves of opposition. The third class
calling for unity and let us hope this is the minority of the three, are
men more desirous of the supposed power that a large organization
would bestow, than of actually achieving their stated purpose.
Conversely, the last thing Federal snoops would have, if they
had any choice in the matter, is a thousand different small phantom
cells opposing them. It is easy to see why. Such a situation is an
intelligence nightmare for a government intent upon knowing
everything they possibly can about those who oppose them. The
 LEADERLESS RESISTANCE 511

Federals, able to amass overwhelming strength of numbers, man-

power, resources, intelligence gathering, and capability at any
given time, need only a focal point to direct their anger. A single
penetration of a pyramid type of organization can lead to the
destruction of the whole. Whereas, Leaderless Resistance presents
no single opportunity for the Federals to destroy a significant por-
tion of the Resistance.
With the announcement by the Department of Justice (sic) that
300 FBI agents formerly assigned to watching Soviet spies in the
US (domestic counter intelligence) are now to be used to “combat
crime”, the federal government is preparing the way for a major
assault upon those persons opposed to their policies. Many
anti-government groups dedicated to the preservation of the Amer-
ica of our forefathers can expect shortly to feel the brunt of a new
federal assault upon liberty.
It is clear, therefore, that it is time to rethink traditional strat-
egy and tactics when it comes to opposing a modern police state.
America is quickly moving into a long dark night of police state tyr-
anny, where the rights now accepted by most as being inalienable
will disappear. Let the coming night be filled with a thousand
points of resistance. Like the fog which forms when conditions are
right and disappears when they are not, so must the resistance to
tyranny be.

“If every person has the right to defend—even by force—his

person, his liberty, and his property, then it follows that a
group of men have the right to organize and support a com-
mon force to protect these rights constantly.”
—The Law. Frederick Bastiat Paris, 1850.
Reichsfolk— Toward a New Elite
David Myatt

[Spee Myatt is a long-time fixture on the British National

Socialist scene. He is the founder of the small but
influential group Reichsfolk, and his voluminous writings on the
occult paths of National Socialism have been widely circulated
throughout the National Socialist world. In “Reichsfolk-Toward
a New Elite,” Myatt introduces the organization’s goals. In the
text that follows, “Why | Am A National-Socialist,” Myatt offers
a more personal statement of his beliefs and aspirations.

512
 REICHSFOLK—TOWARD A NEW ELITE 513

The fundamental aims of Reichsfolk are: (1) to create a new type of

individual - a new Aryan elite; (2) to prepare the way for the cre-
ation of a new Golden Age by championing the enlightened and
higher religion of National-Socialism, and (3) to fight the Holy War
that is necessary to destroy the present profane, tyrannical anti-
Aryan System and the sub-human values of the old order on which
this System is based.
This new elite will be The Legion of Adolf Hitler, and it is the
members of this elite who will create the next National-Socialist
Reich, the Golden Age itself. It is this new elite which will stand
fast against the rising tide of sub-humans and the rising tide of dec-
adence which is engulfing our societies, as it is the loyal and hon-
ourable National-Socialists of this elite who will uphold and
champion the noble Aryan ideals of honour, loyalty and duty in a
world where these values are little understood and seldom prac-
tised. It is this elite which will represent all that is best about the
Aryan, as the members of this elite will not only be pure Aryans in
race, they will also be pure Aryans in spirit - understanding as they
will their glorious Aryan heritage and their glorious Aryan culture.
It is this Legion of Adolf Hitler who will think and act and if neces-
sary die like noble Aryans in a world increasingly anti-Aryan and >
increasingly controlled by the dark, sub-human, uncivilised forces
of Zionism.
An individual becomes part of, or joins, this elite when they
swear an oath to change themselves - or when they have changed
themselves - into real National-Socialists through an act of will.
This act of will involves them in striving to live by a Code of Honour;
it involves them in mastering the Arts of Civilization (including the
art of combat) and it involves them in doing their duty by upholding
and championing the noble ideals of individual and racial
excellence.
Reichsfolk exists primarily to train and guide this new elite.
Thus will Reichsfolk teach what it means to be Aryan, as it will
instruct its members in the arts of civilization and to uphold the
noble ideals of individual and racial excellence. Reichsfolk will pre-
serve, and hand on to future generations, the great legacy of our
Aryan culture, as it will strive to add to that culture by its members
undertaking deeds of heroism, with others extending our knowl-
edge, our wisdom and making profound, noble and thus beautiful
and reasoned contributions to the Arts and Sciences.
Thus the Reichsfolk is and will be a bastion of Aryan, ordered,
beautiful, sublime and civilised values in a sub-human, ugly,
514 REICHSFOLK—TOWARD A NEW ELITE

profane, un-Aryan world, just as it is and will be preparing the way

for these glorious and higher values to triumph again in the world
and become the basis for a new and higher civilization.
Reichsfolk is not fighting for some sordid “political power” nor to
implement some political programme. It is fighting for the holy cause
of civilization - for the development of a higher, more evolved,
more civilized humanity. Reichsfolk seeks the creation of a new
race of more evolved beings to whom honour, reason, self-discipline
and duty are a way of life. Further, Reichsfolk desires this new race,
this higher humanity, to take the light, reason, honour and order of
their higher civilization out into the very cosmos itself.
Reichsfolk is thus not just another religious or even National-
Socialist organization - it is the future of the Aryan race and thus of
civilization itself, just as Adolf Hitler is our future. Reichsfolk is fight-
ing in the name of Adolf Hitler himself and for the holiest cause of
all - that of the Cosmic Being itself, manifest to us in Nature, the evo-
lution of Nature that is race and the evolution of race that is individ-
ual excellence, civilization and enlightenment. Reichsfolk is thus
striving to bring the divine light of the Cosmic Being back into an
increasingly dark, uncivilized and sub-human world.
Reichsfolk totally rejects the disgusting, decadent, sub-human
world of the present with its dis-honourable values and its dishon-
ourable weak individuals. Reichsfolk seeks to totally destroy the old
order, as it is prepared to ruthlessly cast aside anyone who belongs to
the old order, who in whatever way upholds the sub-human values of
this old order and who, in whatever way, is part of or aids the ignoble
System based on this old order. Aryans still cling to this old order
and its subhuman values and sub-human ways of living when they
cannot, or they refuse, to change themselves for the better by an act
of will. Such a change involves them in becoming Aryan again - in
striving to live by noble and thus Aryan values.
The goals of the Reichsfolk itself, and the high standards which
Reichsfolk has set for its members, will never be changed.
Reichsfolk is not interested in gaining large numbers of people
unprepared to change themselves through an act of will - it is not
interested in those who merely want to pay some subscription, or
who merely agree with its goals. Reichsfolk seeks only those pre-
pared to live as Aryans - with honour, loyalty and duty - as it
requires them to strive for excellence and develops themselves still
further. Belonging to Reichsfolk involves a personal commitment -
a personal triumph of the will. Those individuals who are not pre-
pared to totally commit themselves to Aryan values are not wanted,
 REICHSFOLK—TOWARD A NEW ELITE 515

since such a lack of commitment means those individuals are still

infected with the Zionist values of the old, dishonourable, order. As
such, these individuals cannot join the new Aryan elite which is the
Reichsfolk and its Legion of Adolf Hitler.
If you believe you have what it takes to join this new elite - con-
tact us about membership.

Reichsfolk, PO Box 248, York, YO1 2YP, England

Why I Am A National-Socialist
David Myatt

Having traveled widely, having experienced at first-hand many

things, and having thought deeply about these things, I believe I
have acquired a certain understanding of the world.
I have lived among other peoples and cultures in Africa, the Far
East and the Middle East. In the course of my life I have been a
monk in a Christian monastery; cared for the sick and the dying;
lived in a Buddhist monastery; studied Islam in the Middle East;
learnt a Martial Art based on Taoism; taught children; experienced
the pain, ecstasy and suffering of combat; wandered homeless and
poor across the country of my ancestors; been in Prison - for ‘politi-
cal activities’; studied and translated Greek Tragedy; written
poetry; worked in factories, offices, on building sites, farms, in
shops..... In the course of all this, I have experienced both the
heights and the depths of what has been described as “human
nature”, and I have come to know and understand myself, and, I
believe, the world around me.
My early years were spent in East Africa, and my earliest mem-
ories are of Tanganyika: dry dusty tracks through the bush; beauti-
ful sunsets over the plains; swimming in a pool below a small
waterfall... My father stayed in Africa, and lies buried in what was,
and still is, ‘darkest Africa - between the Bangweulu swamp and
the Lulua river.
When I was sixteen years of age, I became a National-Socialist
and for many years afterwards strove to make real what I under-
stood National-Socialism to be: a noble, honourable, idealism. I had
seen through the propaganda lies about Adolf Hitler and
National-Socialism to the truth. I understood in a profound but
instinctive way the spiritual significance of Adolf Hitler - of what he
tried to do, and what really motivated him. I understood why he
had become so popular and so loved in Germany. I understood these
things because I felt exactly as he did - a great idealistic love for my
people and a great desire to act so that a better, a more noble world,
could be created. Thus, I became involved in politics and associated
with various National-Socialist groups and various racial national-
ist’ ones.

516
 WHY | AM A NATIONAL-SOCIALIST Dil

I can remember many times, in my youth when full of youthful

idealism, listening to sublime, beautiful music [such as J. S. Bach ]
and being often moved to almost tears by a vision of what might be,
of what might be possible if goodness, if noble idealism, could be
made to live within my people. For me, such music seemed to cap-
ture what I felt - a joyous expectation and hope, tinged with sad-
ness. And I knew, in a profound way beyond words, that these noble
feelings were what motivated Adolf Hitler all those many years ago.
He also had found in music an expression of his noble dreams.
I can remember that sad and ecstatic yearning I felt for a better
society, a better way of living. Ican remember the anger I felt when
I was touched by or came to know of the often brutal, petty reality
that existed in the world of my people, created as that petty, brutal
reality often was by some stupid, brutal or petty individuals
untouched by idealism and honour: their reality was the reality of
an elderly War veteran brutally beaten and robbed by a gang of
louts; of a school-girl abducted and gang-raped; of a cyclist killed by
a callous hit-and-run driver; of a young family - the father in
low-paid work - in debt, evicted by their greedy landlord from a
decaying house they had striven hard to make presentable and a
home ...
I can remember attending a concert of music by Vaughan
Williams - it seemed to me, then, that the music captured the real
essence of my people and my own land. I knew, hearing it, what civ-
ilization was and what it produced - the quietness of a Cathedral
town between the Wars, the enthusiasm of an orchestra, the free-
dom to sit and listen to such beautiful music performed sublimely
in such a town and then wander, intoxicated by beauty, by the
town’s river on a warm Summer’s night, as some others had wan-
dered, three decades before me ... I knew, hearing this and similar
music, that I should try to make my life a means to make this vision
real again: that I should and must strive to show my people there
was a better way of living, a more noble purpose to Life. I wanted to
try and raise them up - to build a more socially just society where
the majority of people worked together for a higher good and where
there was a striving for the excellence of exploration. Of course this
was idealistic - but I strove hard to try and achieve it. But most peo-
ple who knew me in those years or heard of my actions did not
understand either me or my motives: I appeared simply to be
another ‘fanatic’, another ‘extremist’.
I can remember, in those years of struggle, many moments of
pure, unalloyed joy - as happens when, travelling in an unknown
518 WHY I AM A NATIONAL-SOCIALIST

land, one walks toward the summit of a hill and stands at its top to
see spread before one, for the first time, an incredible Vista: a vast
panorama of a new and as yet undiscovered country. There is then
in such a moment the excitement of a personal discovery, an inten-
sity to life itself and one is so pleased to be alive.
But after some years of striving hard to make my noble vision
real, I became disillusioned. There was pettiness and jealousy even
from some ‘comrades’- often a blindness on the part of some of those
who were supposed to be fighting and striving for the same goal as I
was. And there was betrayal, a lack of honour, from a few of those
given my trust; the spreading of petty lies; the fabrication and
spreading of rumours about me, from whatever motive perhaps
even they did not understand. In the years of my striving I had
become hardened - even prison did not deter me. I had become hard-
ened to my own personal circumstances (a grotty attic flat; often
being hungry; few possessions ... ) and to facing the enemy and my
opponents ‘on the streets’. But I had not become hard enough, lack-
ing as I did the qualities of a leader. I wanted things to change - to
be able to inspire people, but I knew I lacked the personal qualities
necessary to do these things. So I came to find the pettiness, the
betrayal, the intrigues of ‘comrades’, trying and irksome and dis-
honourable after a while. What were they fighting for? Certainly
not - it seemed - what I was fighting for. The desire I felt and had
felt since my youth to urgently act, to make politics my whole life
and the whole purpose of my life, slowly died.
In those years, my hero had been Adolf Hitler himself, and I had
striven to try and do what he did - to rescue my folk from the slavery
they were enduring so that a new and better society could be cre-
ated. But although I felt and understood as he did, I lacked his will,
his selfless determination and his spiritual charisma. I was, in the
words of Savitri Devi, too much Sun - and not enough Lightning.
More of a philosopher than a revolutionary leader.
So I left the overt politics of political parties, and instead in my
own covert way saught to keep alive something of what I believed
in. I also saught to learn more, to experience more, and to live life in
other ways - for I was acutely aware of how much there was still to
learn about the world, and myself. Many years went by. Occa-
sionally, I would be moved by some incident, some story and seek in
some way to try and express my vision again, mostly by writing
articles but occasionally by becoming ‘politically active’ again. Ten
years past, then fifteen, then nearly twenty. Journeys; seeking; a
studying of various subjects; the exploration of different ways of
 WHY I AM A NATIONAL-SOCIALIST 519

life. I liked to believe I had obtained a deeper understanding of

“human nature” - and the beginnings of wisdom. For a while, I set-
tled to live in a rural area mostly untouched by the decay and deca-
dence infesting most of modern society. I taught a Martial Art to the
few who were interested, won over many people to the noble ideals
of National-Socialism, and continued with my slow work of trying
by covert means to undermine the tyrannical System imposed upon
my people.
Then, quite suddenly and unexpectedly, my personal circum-
stances changed with the death at a young age of someone whom I
loved.
Thus I travelled and wandered again, trying to keep alive
beauty and goodness by music and by solitary journeys in isolated,
wild, beautiful places suffused with the numinosity of nature. One
incident I remember vividly. I was wandering alone in an isolated
area when I came across a farmhouse. My presence was announced
by the barking of several dogs, and an elderly lady came out to greet
me. I only wanted permission to pitch my tent in a field, and some
fresh water, but she kindly invited me into her home, made a pot of
tea and fetched some cake. Soon, we fell to discussing the country-
side, and the state of the country in general. She spoke of the Brit-
ain she had known as a girl and a young woman, and of how she
lamented the many changes that were occurring and had occurred.
She knew what needed to be done to make the country again a
decent place for decent people to live in, but she was pessimistic
about the future of the country, and about the land around her
which she loved and had known all her life, and she said that in
some ways she was glad that she was old and would die soon
because she could only see things getting worse. Sitting there, I felt
again that care and concern for my people and my land that I had
felt deeply in the idealistic years of my youth. For days afterwards,
her sad words haunted me.
Gradually, my thoughts and feelings formed themselves into an
ordered whole and I was able for really the first time in my life to
express in meaningful words what I felt and understood about the
world, my people and that nobility, that goodness that I had known
instinctively, since my youth, was represented by National-
Socialism and by the life and work of Adolf Hitler.
Thus, I settled somewhere to write about the practical expres-
sion of this inner, noble vision. It seemed to me then, as now, that
my whole life had led to these moments of expression - this under-
standing of what National-Socialism really was, beyond the
520 WHY | AM A NATIONAL-SOCIALIST

slogans, beyond the politics, beyond the propaganda lies of others

opposed to National-Socialism. Beyond even the many mistakes of
my own past.
So it was that I came to publish these writings and so establish
for myself, once again, a public role as a National-Socialist. I also
gave my support to a political group for I know that to mean any-
thing the noble vision which is the essence of National-Socialism
has to be made real. Through my own public role, I will strive to
guide others toward the noble idealism, the essential goodness,
that National-Socialism expresses.
Of course, my opponents and enemies will not understand this -
as they will not understand my noble motives, or the noble motives
of other National-Socialists, particularly those courageous ones
who place their life and liberty at risk by actively fighting for
National- Socialism, as those in the group I now support do.
There is apart of me which would, in all honesty, rather spend my
free time fulfilling my ambition to translate Homer’s Iliad and the
rest of Aeschylus. I would often rather be out walking in the hills or
upon the moors, watching clouds, than sitting here writing this or
any item others may deem ‘political’. But I know that if nobility, if
goodness, are not fought for, they will die, and that the ignoble cow-
ards will triumph. Someone has to act; someone has to make a stand
and live and if necessary die by their honourable principles. So I have
fought, in the past, as I am prepared to fight again in defence of those
noble civilized values which I and other National-Socialists know are
the essence of National-Socialism itself.
I have a duty to try and reveal the truth to others. It would be
easier - more comfortable and less dangerous given the tyrannical
nature of the present System which seeks to imprison dissidents
like me - if Ikept quiet, and busied myself doing the things I person-
ally enjoy doing and would enjoy doing: walking long distances over
moors; writing translations; mountain climbing; travelling to and
exploring foreign-places .....
Many people will not, despite these words, understand what I am
doing and why I am doing it. They will continue with their rather ste-
reotyped view of National-Socialism and National-Socialists as they
will believe all the lies the opponents of National-Socialism have
created and spread to try and discredit National-Socialism. Some
may even try to pry into my life and my background to find ‘ammuni-
tion’ for their cliched prejudices against anyone who avows
National-Socialism. So be it. My life, outwardly, seems complex, var-
ied and occasionally contradictory. But outward appearance is not
 WHY I AM A NATIONAL-SOCIALIST 521

the same as inner essence. Often, rumours or lies about me have

obscured and distorted the simple truth - or have been manufactured
by the enemies of National-Socialism to discredit me and thus my
National-Socialist writings. I have never knowingly done anything I
consider to be dis-honourable. I do know what I have done, why have
I done things and the mistakes I have made. But I have learnt from
these mistakes - and so have grown in understanding. I like to
believe I have achieved the beginnings of wisdom, but I am honest
enough to know that I might be wrong about this.
In actively upholding National-Socialism, and seeking to con-
vert others to this most noble of Causes, I am acting because I want
to see a noble society which aspires to continue the glorious work of
evolution. I desire this society to reflect the beauty and harmony
which I understand to be the essence of civilization and which I
have often experienced in classical music and occasionally in living.
I believe that to achieve this, this society has to be based upon real-
ity, and so actively works in harmony with Nature and not against
it. My knowledge and understanding - and the wisdom of civiliza-
tion itself - shows that the reality of Nature is the diversity of race.
To me, National-Socialism is a means to create a better, more
wholesome, more civilized future. It really is as simple as that.

(D. Myatt 107 yf)

Declaration of War
Robert J. Mathews

t first glance, the notion that Robert Mathews and his small
band of Aryan revolutionaries, the Silent Brotherhood
(more popularly known as the Order), could present a credible
threat to the power of the American state might remind the
reader of the Peter Sellers movie The Mouse That Roared in
which a microstate barely out of the Middle Ages declares war
on the United States with every intention of losing gracefully
and collecting much-need foreign aid for its pains. Certainly,
this is how most of Mathews’s contemporaries felt. At the time
of the Order’s actions, a considerable body of movement
opinion held that Mathews and company were in fact federal
agents involved in a scheme to entrap and incarcerate the
far-right faithful. In the end, Mathews turned out to be deadly
serious, and the Order has today passed into movement legend.
Mathews himself today posthumously enjoys a reputation as a
movement martyr, and the day of his death is celebrated in
many quarters as the “Day of the Martyrs” in an event second
only to the celebration of Hitler’s birthday on the movement's
calendar of holy days. The Order's “Declaration of War” was
written at the hopeful inception of the Order, as both a
recruiting device and a statement of purpose. The far darker
document that follows, Robert Mathews’s letter to the editor of
a local newspaper, was written in less heady times and is thus
far less optimistic. Together, these texts are widely circulated in
the world of the radical right.

522
 DECLARATION OF WAR 523

The Order’s “Declaration of War”: ,

It is now a dark and dismal time in the history of our race. All
about us lie the green graves of our sires, yet, in a land once ours, we
have become a people dispossessed...
By the millions, those not of our blood violate our borders and
mock our claim to sovereignty. Yet our people only react with
lethargy.
A great sickness has overcome us. Why do our people do noth-
ing? What madness is this? Has the cancer of racial masochism con-
sumed our very will to exist?
While we allow Mexicans by the legions to invade our soil, we
murder our babies in equal numbers. Were the men of the Alamo
only a myth? Whether by the force of arms or force of the groin, the
result of this invasion is the same. Yet our people do not resist.
Our heroes and our culture have been insulted and degraded.
The mongrel hordes clamor to sever us from our inheritance. Yet
our people do not care.
Throughout this land our children are being coerced into accept-
ing nonwhites for their idols, their companions, and worst of all
their mates. A course which is taking us straight to oblivion. Yet
our people do not see...
Not by accident but by design these terrible things have come to
pass. It is self-evident to all who have eyes to see that an evil
shadow has fallen across our once fair land. Evidence abounds that
a certain vile, alien people have taken control of our country.
How is it that a parasite has gained dominion over its host?
Instead of being vigilant, our fathers have slept. What are we to do?
How bleak these aliens have made our children’s future.
All about us the land is dying. Our cities swarm with dusky
hordes. The water is rancid and the air is rank. Our farms are being
seized by usurious leeches and our people are being forced off the
land. The Capitalists and the Communists pick gleefully at our
bones while the vile hook-nosed masters of usury orchestrate our
destruction. What is to become of our children in a land such as
this? Yet still our people sleep!
Everyday the rich tighten the chains that lay heavy upon our
people. How pitiful the white working class has become. Where is
the brave Aryan yeoman so quick to smite the tyrant’s hand?
They close the factories, the mills, the mines, and ship our jobs
overseas. Yet our people do not awaken. They send an army of
agents into our midst to steal from our pockets and enforce their
524 DECLARATION OF WAR

rule. Our forefathers under King George knew freedom more than
we. Yet still, still our people sleep!
To those who awaken, the reality is grim. John Singer awoke.
Concerned over the rampant drugs, homosexuality, and miscegena-
tion in public schools he tried to teach his children at home. He was
a stout Aryan yeoman who loved his family dearly. Government
agents shot him in the back.
Gordon Kahl awoke. After four decades of submission to the tyr-
anny of the IRS he tried to resist. He was a stout Aryan yeoman who
loved his family dearly. Government agents shot him in the back.
Arthur L. Kirk awoke. For three generations his family farmed
the land the usurious banker was trying to steal. Kinsman Kirk
tried to resist. He was a stout Aryan yeoman who loved his family
dearly. Government agents shot him in the back.
To these three kinsmen, we say: “Rise, rise from you graves,
white brothers! Rise and join us! We go to avenge your deaths. The
Aryan yeomanry is awakening. A long forgotten wind is starting to
blow. Do you hear the approaching thunder? It is that of the awak-
ened Saxon. War is upon the land. The tyrant’s blood will flow.”
By ones and by twos, by scores and by legions we will drive the
enemy into the sea. Through our blood and God’s will, the land prom-
ised to our fathers of old will become the land of our children to be.
We will resign ourselves no more to be ruled by a government
based on mobocracy. We, from this day forward declare that we no
longer consider the regime in Washington to be a valid and lawful
representative of all Aryans who refuse to submit to the coercion
and subtle tyranny placed upon us by Tel Aviv and their lackeys in
Washington. We recognize that the mass of our people have been
put into a lobotomized, lethargic state of blind obedience and we
will not take part anymore in collective racial suicide!
We hereby declare ourselves to be a free and sovereign people.
We claim a territorial imperative which will consist of the entire
North American continent north of Mexico.
As soldiers of the Aryan Resistance Movement (ARM) we will
conduct ourselves in accordance with the Geneva Convention.
We now close this Declaration with an open letter to Congress
and our signatures confirming our intent to do battle. Let friend
and foe alike be made aware. This is war! —We the following, being
of sound mind and under no duress, do hereby sign this document of
our own free will, stating forthrightly and without fear that we
declare ourselves to be in full and unrelenting state of war with
 DECLARATION OF WAR 525

those forces seeking and consciously promoting the destruction of

our faith and our race.
Therefore, for Blood, Soil, and Honor, and for the future of our
children, we commit ourselves to Battle. Amen.
Letter to the Editor
Robert J. Mathews

TO THE EDITOR:
For the past decade I have been a resident of Northern Pend
Oreille County. When I first arrived in Metaline Falls, I had only
twenty-five dollars to my name, a desire to work hard and be left
alone, and the dream of someday acquiring my own small farm.
During my three years at the mine and seven years at the
cement plant, I can safely say that I was known as a hard worker. I
stayed out of the bars and pretty much kept to myself. Anyone who
is familiar with Boundary Dam Road knows how my late father and
I carved a beautiful place out of the woods. All of the goals I had
when I arrived were accomplished but one ... I was not left alone.
Within months of my arrival the FBI went to the mine office and
tried to have me fired from my job. I was working in the electrical
department at the time and my foreman, fortunately, had a deep and
lasting dislike for the Feds. He was informed of the situation by the
mine secretary. Had it been the mine manager instead of the secre-
tary that the Government goons talked to, Iwould have lost my job.
This campaign of harassment and intimidation began because of
my involvement in the Tax Rebellion Movement from the time I was
fifteen to twenty years old. The Government was on me so much in
Arizona that during one incident when I was eighteen, IRS agents
shot at me for nothing more than a misdemeanor tax violation.
I left Arizona and the Tax Rebellion when I was twenty. I left not
out of fear of the IRS or because of submission to their tyranny, but
because I was thoroughly disgusted with the American people. I
maintained then as I do now, that our people have devolved into
some of the most cowardly, sheepish, degenerates that have ever
littered the face of this planet.
I had hoped to start a new life in the state of Washington, but the
ruling powers had other plans for me. When I learned of their highly
illegal attempt to have me fired, I wrote a letter to their Seattle office
and told them “I would take no more, to leave me alone, or I would
respond in such a way that could be very painful to certain agents.”
After the letter they gradually started to let me be.
I soon settled down to marriage, clearing my land, and reading.
Reading became an obsession with me. I consumed volume upon

526
 LETTER TO THE EDITOR 527

volume on subjects dealing with history, politics and economics. I

was especially taken with Spengler’s “Decline of the West” and
“Which Way Western Man?”. I also subscribed to numerous periodi-
cals on current American problems, especially those concerned with
the ever increasing decline of White America.
My knowledge of ancient European history started to awaken a
wrongfully suppressed emotion buried deep within my soul, that of
racial pride and consciousness.
The stronger my love for my people grew, the deeper became my
hatred for those who would destroy my race, my heritage, and
darken the future of my children.
By the time my son had arrived, I realized that White America,
indeed my entire race, was headed for oblivion unless White men
rose and turned the tide. The more I came to love my son the more I
realized that unless things changed radically, by the time he was my
age, he would be a stranger in his own land, a blonde-haired, blue-
eyed Aryan in a country populated mainly by Mexicans, Mulattoes,
Blacks and Asians. His future was growing darker by the day.
I came to learn that this was not by accident, that there is a small,
cohesive alien group within this nation working day and night to
make this happen. I learned that these culture distorters have an
iron grip on both major political parties, on Congress, on the media,
on the publishing houses, and on most of the major Christian denom-
inations in this nation, even though these aliens subscribe to a reli-
gion which is diametrically opposed to Christianity.
These are the same people who Ex-Senator William J. Fulbright
and the late General Brown tried to warn us about. Henry Ford and
Charles Lindberg tried vainly to warn us also. Had we been more
vigilant, my son’s future would not be so dark and dismal.
Thus I have no choice. I must stand up like a White man and do
battle.
A secret war has been developing for the last year between the
regime in Washington and an ever growing number of White people
who are determined to regain what our forefathers discovered,
explored, conquered, settled, built and died for.
The FBI has been able to keep this war secret only because up
until now we have been doing nothing more than growing and prepar-
ing. The government, however, seems determined to force the issue,
so we have no choice left but to stand and fight back. Hail Victory!
It is at this point that I wish to address the multitude of lies
that the federals have been telling about Gary Lee Yarbrough and
myself.
528 LETTER TO THE EDITOR

Gary did not “ambush” any agents. For weeks prior to this inci-
dent they had been harassing Gary, following him everywhere, even
to the hospital to visit his gravely ill daughter. The day of the mythi-
cal ambush Gary was out in his yard when he saw a forest service
truck driving across his property in obvious disregard to the numer-
ous no trespassing signs scattered about his land. He yelled at the
truck to stop but it kept coming towards his house until it crashed
into and destroyed a gate. At this point Gary fired warning shots into
the air and the truck drove away. That ... was the big ambush.
The newspapers are saying now that Gary not only ambushed
three agents but that he hit three of them. Gary did not even realize
that they were FBI at the time, which is fortunate for them because
Gary is an expert marksman and had he decided to ambush the FBI
he easily could have killed every fed within range of his weapon.
It was until 8:00 p.m. that night that Gary realized what was
actually taking place. That is when approximately thirty agents
drove up to Gary’s house. Gary and a young house guest went out-
side to investigate the commotion. When the Feds started yelling at
Gary he dropped to the ground and rolled into a ditch behind the
line of government vehicles. The young house guest went running
back into Gary’s residence. After waiting for three hours the FBI
used Gary’s wife as a shield and a hostage and went into the house.
What brave men they are.
As incredulous as it sounds Gary laid in the ditch behind the
agents for five hours with his gun aimed at their backs. Had Gary
really wanted to ambush these invaders then that was a wonderful
opportunity to do so. Gary chose instead to give them quarter,
something he would later come to regret. Gary eventually slipped
out of the ditch and into the woods.
The incompetence of these gun toting bureaucrats never ceases
to amaze me. Especially after their attempted ambush and murder
of myself in a Portland motel. First, let me say that the FBI was not
there to arrest Gary but to ambush me. They didn’t even know that
Gary was in the room. The only reason they were able to find me
was because a trusted friend in Room 14 was actually a traitor and
an informant. The FBI has vast resources and the latest technology
but the quality of their agents is going down hill with every new
recruit. That’s because most of the best White men in this country
are starting to realize that to be an FBI agent is to be nothing more
than a mercenary for the ADL and Tel Aviv.
When I stepped out of my motel room that morning, a gang of
armed men came running at me. None of the men had uniforms on
 LETTER TO THE EDITOR 529

and the only thing they said was “Stop, you bastard”. At this, I
yelled at Gary who was still inside and I leaped down the stairwell
and took offrunning into the parking lot. Awoman agent shot at my
back and the bullet missed and hit the motel manager. I rounded
the corner of the motel and took off down the hill into a residential
area. After running for two blocks I decided to quit being the hunted
and become the hunter. I drew my gun and waited behind a con-
crete wall for the agents to draw near. When I aimed my gun at the
closest agent I saw the handsome face of a young White man and
lowered my aim to his knee and his foot. Had I not done so I could
have killed both agents and still had the use of my hand which is
now mangled beyond repair and which I might very well lose alto-
gether. That is the last time I will ever give quarter.
As for the traitor in Room 14, we will eventually find him. If it
takes ten years and we have to travel to the far ends of the earth we
will find him. And true to our oath when we do find him, we will
remove his head from his body.
I have no regrets or apologies to make for Gary or myself. In fact,
I am proud that we had the courage and the determination to stand
up and fight for our race and our heritage at a time in history when
such a deed is called a crime and not an act of valor.
Approximately nine moths ago the FBI went to my house while I
was away and threatened my two year old son. That was a very big
mistake on their part. After the Portland shootout they went to my
house and threatened my sixty-three year old mother. Such brave
men they are.
I am not going into hiding, rather I will press the FBI and let
them know what it is like to become the hunted. Doing so it is only
logical to assume that my days on this planet are rapidly drawing to
a close. Even so, I have no fear. For the reality of my life is death,
and the worst the enemy can do to me is shorten my tour of duty in
this world. I will leave knowing that I have made the ultimate sacri-
fice to ensure the future of my children.

As always, for blood, soil, honor, for faith and for race.
Robert Jay Mathews
Alert Update and Advisory
Gary Lee Yarbrough

his text, written by imprisoned Order member Gary Lee

Yarbrough, was written in 1983 as an open letter to the
disparate tribes of the American racialist movement and
intended both as a plea for unity and a call to action.
Strategically, Yarbrough’s ideas are similar to those of David
Lane. But where Lane’s writings suggest an exclusive embrace
of Odinism, Yarbrough insists that theological and ideological
differences must no longer be allowed to obscure the greater
goal of unity.

530
 ALERT UPDATE AND ADVISORY 531

The following advisory is addressed to the diverse elements

which comprise the folk who are currently involved in the struggle
for the cultivation and advancement of the White Aryan Race.
Whether you are National Socialist, Klan, Odinist, Christian
Identity, Skinhead, Creator, or any other cult, creed, faith or per-
suasion of our cause does not matter. For the essence of our cause,
regardless of our diversity is RACE!, our common genetic heritage.
Our blood is the tie which binds us together. It is our racial entity
which motivates us all, regardless of our diverse philosophies. We
would not have a motivating force if we did not have race as our
foundation. Anyone currently involved in our struggle who rejects
race as the primary compelling factor is absurd, and the advisory is
not addressed to the ignorant. OUR FAITH IS OUR RACE, AND
OUR RACE IS OUR FAITH!!! It cannot be more simply put... The
subject of this advisory is the reformation of our cause. Reformation
is a necessity because the forms of resistance and strategies hith-
erto employed have, by and large, been a failure. Because of this
failure, and in light of the recent murders of Samuel and Vickie
Weaver, I feel compelled to issue this advisory. In addition, I find
this advisory necessary since the so-called “leaders” of our cause
neglect to adequately advise the folk and are seemingly oblivious to
the vital necessities of our cause. Large scale organized resistance
is a failure. It has failed our cause for a number of years now. Why
our so-called “leaders” refuse to acknowledge this fact and opt for a
more plausible strategy is an inexplicable enigma. Perhaps this is
because our cause has no real bona fide leaders. In reality, what we
have is “publishing agencies” of which the owner, publisher, and
editor has assumed the role of “Leader” and official Spokesman for
our cause. These publisher leaders are not elected, they are
self-proclaimed and self-appointed by virtue of the fact that they
own the publishing agency. They are not true leaders in the proper
sense of the term, there is no chain of command, and there is no real
organization or membership, only subscribers and supporters. Fur-
thermore, there is no truly organized movement, there exist only a
cause. The only “organizing” these leaders do is to set-up rallies,
marches, protests, vigils, Aryan Fest, annual conventions and other
such events that have proven to be more of a hindrance to our cause
than a benefit. These events have reaped very little in the line of
progress for our cause. The benefits and advantages derived from
organized resistance are a scarcity compared to the impediments
and harm it has reaped upon our folk and cause.
532 ALERT UPDATE AND ADVISORY

If any cause should flourish and prosper it is the cause for which
we stand. But our cause simply flounders and stagnates. One fac-
tion or sect will flare-up now and then, but soon, like all those that
preceded them, they succumb to enemy pressure or strife from
within and return to a vegetative state. The cause of this malady is
the inadequacy and incompetencies of our so-called leaders. Or
more accurately, the lack of competent leaders. The conventional
methods and courses our diverse factions have utilized for the past
few decades have proven to be a failure. And yet, our leaders con-
tinue the same old tired program and follow the same old
self-defeating procedures. And our enemies employ the same old
counter measures against us. Enough! It is time for the Phoenix to
rise from the ashes of the old. And if our leaders will not properly
direct us, then we will direct ourselves!
In the past few decades, procedures and tactics employed by our
various groups have been of the open and above ground nature, i.e.,
establish a publication, draw in subscribers and supporters, recruit
members from the public and organize meetings, rallies, protests,
marches, etcetera. To counter this approach, our enemies establish
themselves among us in the guise of undercover agent provoca-
teurs, professional instigators and contentionists, saboteurs, sting
operatives, and expert witnesses. And let me not neglect to mention
the fact that since these groups recruit from the public, and that
any Aryan with the due price can become a member, that our cause
attracts its fair share of the mentally unbalanced psychopaths,
neurotics and the poseurs whose hearts are really not into the
cause. These folks are generally are the weak amongst us who,
when pressured arises, become the Judas informants and govern-
ment paid witnesses against the truly loyal and dedicated folk. The
enemy agents, poseurs, and informants amongst us are the major
impediments of our cause. Take, for example, the circumstances
surrounding the Weaver tragedy. Here we have an enemy agent
working through an already established informant to set-up and
coerce another individual to likewise became an informant for the
purpose of infiltrating an entirely legal above ground organization.
As a result, we have an entire Aryan family unit destroyed, the
murder of a mother of four, the murder of one of her children, the
imprisonment of the father and a foster son, and the displacement
of the remaining three children. Is the price worthy of the reason (or
excuse) for which it was exacted? Absolutely not! And I dare say
that this family unit would most likely still be intact today had it
not been exposed to the enemy. To be exposed, it first had to be
 ALERT UPDATE AND ADVISORY 533

enticed and drawn-out from the populace via some above ground
organization. When a member of our race becomes racially con-
scious and seeks to become actively involved in the struggle for his
or her race, it is natural for the person to search for other like
minded people to fellowship and associate with. And, usually, the
awakening initiate is not yet fully aware of just what he or she is
getting involved in. And by the time this awareness arrives,
chances are that person has already been exposed, labeled, and tar-
geted by the enemies of our race. Our “publisher leaders” however
are fully aware and not as naive as the newcomers. Our “leaders”
know, though experience, the depth and treachery of the beast
which seeks to devour our race. They know that their phones and
mailings are monitored and recorded by enemy agents. They are
aware of the fact that the enemy monitors, both overtly and
covertly, every function or event that is “organized” by these “lead-
ers”. They know that there will be enemy agents in attendance at
every gathering or function to work their wiles amongst the folk.
But our “leaders” do not seem to care who mingles amongst us so
long as there is a large turn-out for the event with plenty of media
coverage for their egos. This approach has been the standard oper-
ating procedure of our struggle for decades. Indeed, it is the cause of .
our struggling!!! Yet still our various groups and their “Directors”
continue to implement this same old archaic routine. But then, our
leaders are not directing a bona fide resistance struggle, they are
managing a publishing and propaganda agency, a front. These pub-
lishing agencies main function in the publishing and distribution of
propaganda and literature, which is a vital element within our
cause, and is the area in which these agencies should exert their
energies. But it is when these overt agencies attempt to over extend
their capabilities that the problems begin. They are not a
well-organized and trained resistance force that is capable of oppos-
ing an enemy as well entrenched and sophisticated as the tyranny
we are up against. Not in the overt capacity anyway.
Our enemies have rendered it inexpedient and dangerous for us
to recruit members from the public or to openly gather at large
organized functions and events. The conventional resistance tech-
niques hitherto employed by our causes diverse factions have
proven to be a failure to our cause and only aid and abet the ene-
mies more so than our own cause. Therefore we must abandon the
old strategies and opt for a more judicious approach to victory. It
will only require a few minor changes in our course of operations to
correct and eliminate the majority of our causes ills. Primarily,
534 ALERT UPDATE AND ADVISORY

these overt publishing agencies and other above ground institu-

tions of our cause must cease from drawing out and exposing the
folk! Recruit subscribers and supporters, but cease from recruiting
“members” from the public, or at the least, limit the membership to
a small cadre of a loyal and dedicated few. Recruit QUALITY, not
QUANTITY. It does not require an army to publish and distribute
literature. The publishing and distribution of literature and propa-
ganda should be the main function of any above ground overt
organization. This strategy will prevent, or at least limit, the unde-
sirable elements that attach themselves to our operations. The
publishing and distribution of our causes literature is a vital com-
ponent of our struggle. It is imperative that our presses produce
quality literature to enlighten, educate, and convert new prospects
to our cause and instill a sense of racial unity. Some of our “ink pot
commanders” have resorted to using their publications to ridicule,
slander and reproach other White racially oriented segments of our
cause. As if we do not have a preponderance of enemies already, it
would seem that our “leaders” would like to see us all bickering and
fighting amongst ourselves over petty differences and ideological
rigmarole! The only product of this type of journalistic clap trap is
strife and contention between our diverse groups. This sounds sus-
piciously like the work of any enemy agent provocateur, a profes-
sional instigator using the old “divide and conquer” technique. As
previously stated: RACE IS THE ESSENCE OF OUR CAUSE.
Each faction of our cause has its own characteristics and methods
which appeal to individual and diverse folk in all walks of this soci-
ety. Where one faction or philosophy fails to attract an individual
prospect, another faction of our cause may. Each and every faction
of our cause benefits our cause and race in its own way. The
National Socialist and Klan are not enemies! The Odinist and
Christian Identists are not enemies! The Skinheads and Creators
are not enemies! And I doubt very seriously if anyone can find me
two people, in any one of our diverse factions who agree completely
on every aspect and issue of their philosophy or ideology. But there
is one aspect that we all agree on, and that is RACE!!! Our causes
publications are not the place to argue, ridicule or reproach one
another. I say “our” publications because without the subscriptions
and support of the rank and file adherents to our cause, these
self-styled dictators would be hard passed to publish such journal-
istic racial treason. This is our cause, we will not tolerate any
would-be dictators! You subscribers and financial supporters let
your views and opinions be known!
 ALERT UPDATE AND ADVISORY 535

Our enemies, via illegal and subversive tactics have managed to

hinder our advance. They have infiltrated and polluted our above
ground institution. Conventional tactics such as: recruiting mem-
bers and associates from the populace, mass gatherings and meet-
ings, rallies, protests, etcetera, are no longer profitable, viable, or
judicious to employ. Therefore, we must switch from the conven-
tional approach to irregular tactics and implement strategies that
are less of a security risk to ourselves and will augment our success.
For if we should fail, it will mean the destruction and death of our
RACE!!! We must not take our situation and struggle lightly or
squander away the minimal chance we have left for victory. We
have inadequately accessed our situation and underestimated our
enemies. They are insidiously ruthless and treacherous, as the
Weaver incident has shown. They are proficient, sophisticated, and
well-equipped, and with unlimited resources, finances and man
power. The only way to battle and triumph over such an eminent
adversary is via covert, clandestine, irregular and guerrilla tactics.
We must utilize the very techniques that the enemy employs
against us! They are tyrants and terrorists. The only way to fight
terror is with a greater terror!
Fun and games are over folks. It is time to get serious. Our
“movement” must be re-vamped from the so-called “top” down. If
our leaders will not institute the necessary changes, then we, the
rank and file folk will force the changes. Our overt publishing agen-
cies should be the only component of our cause that is revealed to
the scrutiny of our enemies, except what “WE CHOOSE” to reveal
to them. All other components should be concealed and clandestine.
The bulk of our resistance forces should be comprised of individu-
als, or small nuclear units of teams no larger than five or six mem-
bers. These individuals or nuclear units will conduct their
resistance efforts in whatever capacity they feel capable of institut-
ing. At this time in our conflict, our number one priority is to
enlighten, educate and convert new prospects to our cause. This is
where our publishing agencies play a vital role. They must supply
the individual and nuclear units with quality literature and propa-
ganda for the purpose of distribution. The nuclear units must aid in
the financing of the literature. The individual and nuclear units
must use caution when contacting any overt agency. Order bulk
packages of literature to be received at post office boxes, not street
addresses. Never contact an overt agencies message “hot line”
direct to the enemy camp. I do not exclude or rule out illegal activity
or physical confrontation with the adversaries of our racial cause.
536 ALERT UPDATE AND ADVISORY

We may not be prepared for this type of warfare, but its time has
come nonetheless. As previously stated: it is time to get serious. The
enemy must learn that they cannot murder and imprison us with
impunity...
We all know what our duties are. We all know our own individ-
ual strengths and weaknesses. We know what capacity or level of
resistance we as individuals are capable of employing. Place your-
self in the service of our cause in whatever capacity you feel is best
suited for you. Do not overextend yourself, but do not underesti-
mate your capabilities either. Excel in whatever mode of resistance
you choose. Give to your race the best of your abilities! In our lead-
ers resistance capacity, the individual must take the initiative, the
individual must motivate himself, he MUST TAKE CHARGE!!!
There exists an urgent need for the folk within our struggle to
rededicate themselves, and to accentuate their rededication with
ACTION!!! We have a monstrous task before us, lets all pitch in and
get the job done! Our children have no future. If we are to secure
their place in the sun it will require great sacrifice. My brothers and
sisters, my folk, our lives are not our own to do with as we please.
We are indebted to the sweat, blood and sacrifices of the millions of
our causes patriots and heroes who have gone before us, to pur-
chase time for us with their very life’s blood! We are obligated to our
children and their future, who, without us, have no future. This is
the final conflict my comrades, freedom and liberty has its price, we
must pay our dues! Let us be off to the fray!!!!

Gary Lee Yarbrough

What We Believe As White Racists
by Tom Metzger

Ithough Tom Metzger is best known for his crude

race-baiting and for the inroads that this approach has
allowed him to make with skinhead groups across the country,
this document, posted online as a position paper for Metzger’s
White Aryan Resistance, contains a number of ideas that, in the
context of the 1980s, were visionary. “Nhat We Believe As
White Racists” centers on the idea of White separatism, but in
the process of making the case for the separation of the races,
Metzger muses upon questions of religion, suggests the
convergence of interests between the racialist right and the
pro-life movement that occurred a decade later, and argues for
the equality of the sexes—a remarkable position for a leader in
the milieu of the radical right. This document may be found on
WAR’s web site.

537
538 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

IMMIGRATION
There are now, by statistics, 14 million Mexicans and Latin Ameri-
cans in the United States. That is a terrible guess, since the Iron
Heel government, in Washington D. C., has no real idea of how
many there are. Consider this: the United States border control
says that they may stop 10% each day. That, in itself, represents
thousands each day. Now simply multiply that amount by ten.
Even beyond immigration, legal or illegal, the very numbers of
non-Whites already here, and their high birth rate, are enough to
plunge North America into a banana republic status within two
decades or less.
On the other hand, imagine a Separatist state or region in the
Southwest, that could see the impact each day of thousands of
immigrants, climbing on board each day, with no hope of a federal
solution. Of course they would do what tribes have done since the
dawn of time. They would rally their forces and stop it with a force
of arms. How? The same way Syria has no drug problem. Violators
are executed. There go the “coyotes”, and others that would destroy
living space for a quick buck.
For example, if an area like Florida wanted to accept the dregs
of the Caribbean, let them, with the understanding that the second
this mud flood oozed into the sovereign state of Georgia, it would be
“lock and load” time. Now, isn’t that simple. It’s freedom of choice
for all concerned. To the Floridians, they are free to swamp their
state and exhaust their natural resources and infrastructure. The
Caribbeanites are free to try the border of the sovereign state of
Georgia. However, the sovereign citizens of Georgia are free to stop
them, using any method necessary, and stop the invasion of their
sovereign state.
Those that await a Big Brother Washington D. C. or Los Angeles
Cesspool Grande solution, wait in vain, since their solutions are
either not forthcoming, or are much worse than those that we
propose.
Separatism is a state of mind, whose time has come. The super-
state is the enemy of racial and cultural self-determination. It is
also the extreme enemy of man’s environment. That is enough rea-
son for us.
Good Hunting and Keep Preying!

ABORTION
The White Separatist movement today has no logical or coherent
position, on abortion.
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 539

A majority, in the Right Wing oriented racialist movement,

rightly perceive massive abortion as further impacting the survival
of the White race. Unfortunately, this position is more tied to those
with a religious position, usually Christians. These same people are
usually silent, on how the increased birth rate among non-Whites is
just as deadly to our race’s survival, especially in North America.
Even if they do speak about this issue, they do not address the obvi-
ous logic, which is that abortion and birth control among non-
Whites, should be a major project.
On the other extreme, many support abortion, as a means of help-
ing to limit an explosion of massive proportions, among non-Whites
already living in North America. These people do not address the fact
that future leaders and thinkers, of our race, are being destroyed by
the millions. What is worse is that it is self induced.
The logic is perfect. Very little abortion should be tolerated,
among our White race, while at the same time, abortion and birth
control should be promoted as a powerful weapon, in the limitation
of non-White birth. Overt support of both non-White population
control and non-support of abortion for Whites, has the same
desired effect.
Promoting this Third Force position confuses and angers the
churches, with their anti-abortion position, and at the same time
angers and frustrates the abortion proponent’s position, as well.
The Third Force position on pro-White life, is played on with dem-
onstrations and well written handouts. This will raise the tempo, in
this hot issue.
Imagine a few large signs showing up at anti-abortion demon-
strations. For example, a sign which boldly states, “Support White
Life” or “Stop White Genocide”. That would create an all new
debate. At the same time, signs for a pro-abortion demonstration
might state, “Free Choice For Non-White Abortion” or “Minorities
Have Abortion Rights”.
Covertly invest into non-White areas, invest in ghetto abortion
clinics. Help to raise money for free abortions, in primarily non-
White areas. Perhaps abortion clinic syndicates throughout North
America, that primarily operate in non-White areas and receive tax
support, should be promoted. At the same time, issue stock. This will
help Whites raise their standard of living, in two ways.
A note of caution: both sides in this issue, have a propensity for
violence. When you join in a demonstration, on either side, have
back-up with you. This is just in case the peace loving Christians or
Jews get hysterical.
540 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

MILITARY WARFARE
There has been no military war in modern history, that promoted the
general welfare of the White race. As the great general, Smedly
Butler, lamented, “war is a racket”. Only in limited cases, where war
has temporarily slowed the birthrate in non-White areas of the world,
would war be considered even slightly positive. However, when the
destruction of resources and pollution are taken into account, even
that method of birth control is like “cutting your nose off to spite your
face”. Remember, after every such economic adventure, the “spook in
the sky” people quickly move in to patch up the non-White popula-
tions; to begin anew the cycle of birth, poverty and death.
So, why are so many so-called White racists, military or war ori-
ented? Why do healthy White people salivate, while waving the sys-
tem’s flag, and run off to participate in these slaughter games?
Robert Audrey wrote the great trilogy: African Genesis, Territo-
rial Imperative, and The Evolution of Social Contract. He put it this
way: “Men are motivated by three things: 1) Stimulation, 2) Identity
and 3) Security...” It seems that modern warfare appeals to all three.
What then causes a trained killer to go from an unstoppable
predator in war (who is prepared to carry out any order), to become
a cowardly wimp in the civilian life, in defense of his race or family?
Is it the great psychological control by the media, churches, or edu-
cation which are controlled by occult forces.
White men and women cannot be totally snivelized, when they
are capable of rising to primordial brutality, under certain condi-
tions. War is economic for a few, and also a way for many White
men to release their natural aggression. Is this the reason that our
jails, prisons and mental hospitals are full, due to the White man’s
straight-jacketed and unnatural society? I think that it is.
The mystics will not admit, and be proud of, man’s animal
nature. Almost all religious beliefs promote the idea that natural
aggression is evil, and that straight-jacket demotions are good. One
thing that we know for sure is that the military promotes more race
mixing, than any other area of society.
All modern warfare has been at the expense of our White gene
pool. All modern institutions are designed to stifle White racial
aggression to the betterment and expansion, of lesser races. War
breeds phony patriotism of a non-nation nation. The diverse races
and religions of North America will ultimately sink into Third
World poverty and disease, if internal White aggression is not
released, from its men and women.
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 541

In short, military warfare benefits a very few, at the expense of

the many. This warfare destroys needed natural resources, and
diminishes the best breeding stock of our race. It promotes
hyper-patriotic race mixing, and racial pollution. Other dangers are
that all sophisticated spy satellites and star wars style weapons can
and will be used, ultimately against those that were bankrupted
paying for them.
Make no mistake. The so-called end of the phony communist
struggle, marks the beginning of “Operation Mop-Up”, by transna-
tional financial cartels, and the occult forces behind them.
Among our enemies, White racism or Separatism is about to
become the new crusade. If need be, the same polyglot forces and
weapons tested on the “terrible” Sadam Hussein and Iraq, will be
used against you, if it becomes necessary.
Logic: War is a racket. Support at least a 75% cut in defense, not
only in this country, but in every country in the world. White Sepa-
ratists must oppose system controlled warfare!

LAWMAKERS
Otherwise known as legislators, these men and women are held in
high esteem, for the most part. The reason is that there is a myth,
that is perpetuated by the media. That myth is that your lawmak-
ers are your friends, due to the number of bills that they success-
fully push through into laws. Those that are unable to create bills,
and push them through the hoops into laws, are looked on as inef-
fective and even called lazy. When it comes election time, woe be it
to a lawmaker, that has been unable to enact new laws.
In California, as an example, over 1,000 new laws went into
effect in January 1992. White voters ignorantly think that massive
creation of new laws may afford them new and better protection.
What does it really bring to you? It brings you more control, less lib-
erty and higher taxes.
What an amazing and deceptive machine. The slaves, in the
name of law and order, are actually manipulated into believing that
more laws means more liberty and more security. The slaves (or
zombies, as I like to call them) cannot be excused, for they have a
vast history that will plainly show, that legislators are not the
friends of liberty or of the peasants (as we are commonly referred to
as, by the legislators, in their private circles).
So, you ask, what then is the answer?
It is simple. There are more laws on the books, in the United
States, than ever before in history. At the same time, the standard
542 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

of living has dropped like a rock. Non-White crime has gone

through the roof. In fact, in all areas where White working people
are impacted, most new laws have not helped at all. In fact, most
laws are very expensive and just open up new problems, requiring
by system logic, more laws.
The answer is obvious. We need thousands of lawmakers, that
will become law eliminators. In other words, a WAR on laws.
Repeal should be the word for each new election. Legislators should
be judged to be a greater friend of the people, by battling entirely for
the elimination of costly and ineffective laws.
The greatest help for the White race today, would be state and
national legislators, that run on a platform of no new taxes, coupled
with no new laws. For to enact more new laws, guarantees more
new taxes. Do you see how simple it would be?
Your enemies control the law making machinery. They also con-
trol the unequal application of these laws, that help their friends
and destroy their enemies. So, get smart you young White Ameri-
cans! Run for office, but on the basis of spending your entire effort
in repealing laws. Couple your arguments with the obvious. Most
laws cause higher taxes and usually don’t solve a problem. In fact,
they actually appear to call for even more laws, to correct the evils
of the law that you just enacted.
Whites who love liberty cannot love the great OZ, the great and
deceptive lawmakers.

TAXES
Fact: Virtually all taxes today are directly, or indirectly, used to
control and destroy the future of our race.
Logic: Any program or method that circumvents taxes is a White
revolutionary act. This even applies to tax avoidance by those that
you perceive as your enemies, who are doing it purely for personal
financial greed or advancement. In the past, tax avoidance move-
ments were preoccupied with some obvious or special gripe. In the
Right Wing, it was many times controlled by arguments such as
abortion protest or certain anti-war activity.
Overt methods are not important, when you understand that all
tax enforcement today is directly, or indirectly, supporting your
destruction as a White Separatist. All tax avoidance, in any way,
helps to bleed and weaken the Beast. Your sweat and hard earned
wages are the only source of power that is used against you. In short,
the old adage applies. “ The power to tax is the power to destroy”.
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 543

There are thousands of ways to play this game. For our more
well-off friends, you are probably well aware of many ways to fight
this game of financial warfare. To our lower, middle-class and poor
Whites, there are also hundreds of easy methods. Try not to buy
new, when better quality used merchandise is available, with no
taxes involved. Flea markets or shopping through the miscella-
neous for-sale columns, or in newspapers and throwaways are
great ways to avoid tax. Buy your fruits and vegetables from open
air, non-tax style markets, or direct from the farmer whenever pos-
sible. The prospects are endless.
The underground economy is a fabulous mechanism, and well-
suited to our purpose. There are also a vast number of books on the
subject.
Remember that the underground economy is seditious to our
enemies, but a great weapon for White racial advancement. Again,
bleed the Beast. Spread these ideas among even your non-racial
contacts, since all tax avoidance and underground economic activ-
ity, directly helps our cause. It is easy and it is fun! Use your imagi-
nation, and start your war today.
Good Hunting!

WOMEN
There has always been a strain, in all of the races throughout time,
that have over done the male dominance habit. For very early man
it must have been such, since much activity was largely compiled of
brute strength. However, even then the logic and reasoning of
women must have played a part in man’s evolution. I cannot picture
any advancing tribe or race in which women not only gave birth to
the future, but also kept the fires burning and the food coming. Liv-
ing in a hunter-gatherer society it would be impossible for women
not to be thrust, from time to time, into combative positions.
As White settler women in early America, they had to shoot or
drive off Indians or wild animals. Thus, it must have been with
early man, except for the use of the gun. It is illogical to think that
as ancient tribes came under attack by others, that women did not
join in the fight for survival.
The role of women seems to have been alternated between
goddess and warrior, to outcasts in their own homes, throughout
history.
No intelligent White man or woman would deny the physical,
biological and chemical differences between the two sexes. No intel-
ligent White man or woman would believe that women in general,
544 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

are capable in matching men as power lifters, or in areas of brute

strength. There are however, always exceptions to almost every
rule, that is known to man. Generally, on the other hand, men are
not able to replace the special bond of a mother and her child. This
again is not to say that there are no exceptions.
In relative modern times, within a few hundred years, what has
been man’s approach to the women of our race?
The invasion of Rome by occult Judaism, and the late revolution
of occult Christianity, perpetuated some of the worst stereotypes of
women. The Judaeo basis for Christianity, through the writings of
the Old and the New Testaments, are still the worst detractor of
women. Jews in particular, operating in western society, brought in
the very worst oppression of women. Christianity simply promoted
the same negative regard for women. Even worse are the Jew’s Tal-
mudic teachings, perpetrated right up to the present day. These
ideas, even in the late 20th century, through Hasidic and Orthodox
Judaism, are the most ridiculous attitudes ever put to paper about
women. To observe the extremes of such activity, simply travel to
New York City, or any large American city, and visit a Hasidic Jew
or hard-line Orthodox Jew neighborhood, to check it out for your-
self. To save time and money, simply read the book entitled Hole in
the Sheet, written by a Jewish woman, about the sick and perverted
treatment of Hasidic and Orthodox women, by Jewish males.
These attitudes have had a strong influence on White European
and American civilization. For example, in many northern areas,
blacks received the right to vote before White women. Even today our
White women are put at the same level as the non-Whites, in civil
“wrongs” legislation. These events in the end of the 20th century, are
counterproductive to our race’s survival and advancement.
Understand that a majority of the nation’s views, on the rela-
tionship between men and women, have their origins in
Judaeo-Christianity. The same religion that wrongly promotes the
myth that all men are created equal, also promotes a negative atti-
tude towards our White women.
The Right Wing or conservative movement and the racial ele-
ments thereof, have perpetuated some very negative attitudes also.
These positions have caused, in part, the political flight of many
capable women, into the arms of the extreme left which includes
lesbianism and race mixing. W.A.R. believes that an equal percent-
age of women are as concerned over our status racially, as the men
are. Many women put the men to shame, in their work and in their
sacrifice, for the benefit of the White race. When you look around at
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 545

the weak and wimpy status of a large percentage of White men, it is

obvious that millions of hard working, handfighting and hard
mothering women are needed, in this great struggle.
Throughout our travels as a race, there have been exceptions to
the Judeao-Christian idea of women. Historically, women have
been proven to be great leaders, warriors, thinkers, scientists, etc.
Our views must be futuristic and not tied to myths of Asiatic cult
religions. Imagine determining today’s actions, by adhering to the
maniacal ramblings of ancient religious dervishes, who sit in the
desert, babbling at the moon. It is simply not productive.
I must add that there is wisdom in the studies of the ancients,
along with idiocy. One must carefully screen out the nonsense. You
will recognize nonsense, since it is both illogical and irrational.
White women of our race must be rated by several criteria. One
criteria is ability, in whatever area that they wish to work in. If
they are capable and are able to show that ability, then forget all of
the artificial barriers. At the same time, just because a man is
White and male, this should carry no special ticket to our struggle.
Our most dangerous spies, informants and Iron Heel supporters, at
this time, are men. As White motherhood becomes more and more
threatened, the number of females entering our ranks. may out-.
number the males.
Let’s not help our enemies by putting up Middle Eastern and
Asiatic based roadblocks to male/female unity.

AMERICA FIRST OR RACE FIRST

W.A.R. and Tom Metzger were probably the first to coin our ideolog-
ical struggle, as White Separatism. Even though our economic
determinist enemies continue to simplistically label us as White
Supremacists, our message is slowly getting through. There surely
are White Elitist Supremacists, however they operate in the eco-
nomic determinist camp, while pretending to fight “naughty” rac-
ism (belief in one’s own race).
From the recent re-emergence of breakaway republics in the
Soviet Union, to the Northern Indian colony of Kashmire or even
closer, Quebec in Canada, ethnicity and culture are again gaining
their proper place on the world stage.
Extremists on the Left rail against the re-emergence of Nation-
alism, while the Right Wing rail for America first. The Left contin-
ues to support the idea of suppression of nationalistic moves,
preferring the failed “bigger is better” attitude, of the last several
decades. The so-called Right has correctly argued against a world
546 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

class Big Brother, while at the same time, they have supported an
equally dangerous transnational economic program which falsely
equates Capitalism with Free Enterprise. When discussing the
Right and the Left however, things can become very confusing, in
this age. The majority of the Right has followed the lead of the Left,
into programs and laws, suppressing discrimination. Discrimina-
tion and property ownership are the two issues that separate all
mankind from slavery. Without the ability to discriminate, ethnic
and racial protection is impossible. Anyone who advocates laws
against discrimination, coupled with private ownership of prop-
erty, becomes your enemy, no matter what racial group they belong
to, or which flag they happen to wave.
One must remember that forced integration and the outlawing
of discrimination, increased at the same rate as state control of pri-
vate property. These anti-Separatist ideas were enacted under the
various flags of the so-called Democracies. Under Old Glory and the
Pledge of Allegiance, our race became enslaved. Remember those
anti-Separatist words “...one nation indivisible, with liberty and
justice for all...” Separatists are not nationalists. For the most part,
a Separatist sees national borders as lines drawn arbitrarily, to the
tune of economic guidance, not for racial or cultural best interests.
For today, what is this nation? It is certainly no longer an identi-
fiable, homogenous, racial or cultural group. What, in some cases,
may have had its beginnings as race and culture, today are simply
an economic outline, that encloses any combination of races and
beliefs. This, of course, is not a real nation. This is a bastard nation,
with almost no roots, where millions of non-Whites can claim only
one generation on the land. That land usually being the asphalted
big metropolis. These sad places cannot, without tongue in cheek,
be called cities or city-states. They are like overnight mining camps,
that rise in population, until they suck out the environmental
resources and then collapse, to resemble the early cities of Iraq. The
metropolises being the gaping anal cavities of a sick and dying
nation. To those unclean places, flock the worst of all races. Only
the most degenerate of the White race, struggle to stay on top of the
maggot pile in such unnatural settings.
In the face of these twin monstrosities, lie the bastardized
metropolis of “Blade Runner” fame and the artificial rainbow
nation. Separatist movements, world wide, are truly a renaissance
of natural logic.
The drastic differences between a real racist, which is a White
Separatist, and a White Nationalist of today, are very important.
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 547

To a White Separatist, the overriding importance is race, not what

we have known as nation, in this century. The White Separatist, by
his or her very nature, must applaud racial and cultural Separat-
ism worldwide. White Separatists are not interested in attempting
to build another Tower of Babel. It is discernible in all the cities of
North America. Yes, the babble of languages, dialects and people,
all of whom are called Americans.
Your masters do not fear you as an economic segregationist, how-
ever they do fear you as a true Separatist. For if the Soviet Republics
have the ethnic and cultural right of self-determination, why do not
the states of the United States? When the economic determinists
applaud the various Separatist moves in other areas of the world,
why not in North America? Some would say that this is a return to
states rights, while in fact it is an advance to state sovereignty.
There should follow a competition of the states. The states or regions
that are convinced that their future is best protected by the advance-
ment of the black race, should openly advertise that fact. Those
states or regions that desire a homogenous Euro-American or White
population, should advertise as such. Those states or regions that
believe that the Mexican and Central American population would
provide the future with the most healthy environment, should adver-
tise as such. In other words, total freedom of choice. We hear a lot
about freedom of choice lately, don’t we? When was the last time you
heard of freedom of choice, on the subject of race or racial separation?
The press has, in the last twelve years, for the most part frozen out
any portion of an interview, that outlined or even mentioned the idea
of Separatism. No matter what you label yourself as, the press
always uses the terms, “White Supremacist” or “NEO-Nazi”. These
terms are then pre-digested, as to what Pavlov’s sheep are in turn
supposed to say and do, in reaction to those few brave enough to even
mention the possibility of Separatism.
Smaller racial and cultural states (if you will), tend to move
away from arms races and nuclear war, due to the lack of resources.
The only small states that get into the armaments race, are those
that are being supplied with weapons from larger states. The envi-
ronment would certainly benefit, since a people more aware of
their smaller amount of resources, could not be “hoodwinked” by
political economic shell games which make it seem that there are
unlimited resources. Much of what I am saying is found in the writ-
ings of well known writers, not only of our race, but also from other
races around the world. Smaller states or regions, follow a more
Jeffersonian ideal of government, also.
548 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

What of population? Today’s idea of population control, is no con-

trol, at all. North American politicians today look at immigration in a
19th century context. They see unlimited land and unlimited
resources, with racial homogeneity being of no or questionable value.
This is like running a large 1992 airport, with a 1950 schedule. It will
not work and it is not working. The faster we careen to a pluralistic
society, the faster the quality of life erodes. The larger the size of gov-
ernment, the greater the mistakes that are made. Population in a
smaller state or region, is more easily controlled. It is much easier to
see the overall problem, when you are closer to the problem.

RELIGION
Religion is a subject that has existed for thousands of years, and
has caused more blood to flow, than almost any other human
pastime.
It is my view that the subject must be divided into two parts.
One being the strong belief in something (which could be almost
anything). Number two is having the faith in something, that is not
provable by any present day logical and rational facts or evidence.
It is the opinion of many that religion, in a modern sense, must
have had its greatest push forward, at a time when a hunter-
gatherer society changed to an organized agricultural way of life.
Our best evidence would tend to indicate, that religion of that day,
was a method of organizing people, and in short, controlling larger
and more complex social structures. It would also seem that this
was a “chicken or the egg” proposition. The perceived need for peo-
ple to control, gave birth to the age old query, “why?”. The answer,
which was simply given by someone who was perceived to be
smarter than the rest, was “that God told me so”. Out of fear of
death and the unknown, men created abstract gods to help them
control men, for good or bad, take your pick. In the early stages,
these manufactured gods took the form of symbols of reality such as
the sun, the seas, the weather, war, and a host of other realities.
Although these beliefs were highly misused by many a witchdoctor
or tribal leader, in general the reality behind the symbolic gods, and
what they represented, was very real and natural.
As the great power of a religion based on faith and not fact
emerged, flocks of would-be Jimmy Swaggarts swarmed over the
populations. From then until now, what is broadly recognized as reli-
gion, is entirely based on faith in leaders that are speaking to a
mono-theistic god, and that god speaks to them, or so they claim. Our
studies show that Christianity, Judaism and Islam all spring from a
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 549

common occult force, which was Egyptian in origin (other material

on that subject is available through W.A.R.’s national office).
Faith religionists of today mock the reverence that was held for
the sun, by ancient societies. In fact, a religion based on the sun was
both factual and provable, while the God of Christianity, Judaism
and Islam has no basis in fact, whatsoever. The historical myth of
Jesus has been promoted at least sixteen times, by much older civi-
lizations. Jesus is just an updated version of the same myth.
The sun was reality. All could easily see the sun as both a benefac-
tor in the northern and southern hemispheres, and a much more
cruel reality at the equator. A man thirsting at the equator at
high noon, would cry “why are you punishing me?”, while our Nordic
ancestors would ask the same question, in the coldest times of winter.
It is plain to see that Judaism could never have gained a large
following in Europe. This occult society had its limitations in overt
activity, however it did well as a covert occult society.
Since Christianity is in fact a slave religion, it is satirical at
least to see the negro adopt a slave religion, after chattel slavery
was ended. It simply underlines the fact that consciously or uncon-
sciously, weak humans desire the status of sheep, no matter what
they say. For example take the pecking order of the barnyard chick- _
ens: very few are able to, or have the desire to, break free. Through
fear, men are controlled by occult religious forces. If you would lis-
ten to those that are obvious front men for such drivel, they will tell
you that “it is for your own good”, of course.
The natural control of White tribal society was through natural
ways, for the most part. Through the leadership principle, right of
combat and natural selection, the weak are weeded out and the fab-
ric of the race is strengthened.
If Aryan White man is unable to confront the enemy within the
gates of Christianity and Judaism, then there is no hope. We must
prepare our dwindling numbers to move towards a combination of
technological and natural barbarianism, if we are to survive and
expand, as a race. The medicine men and the witchdoctors, of our
race, must be thrown down. You cannot serve two masters; one
being the Judeo-Christian myth, and the other being in favor of the
White eugenics idea. For yet a little while, we must have patience
with those among us that have been unable or unwilling to throw
off the subversive middle eastern cult religions. However, time is
running out, and the albatross of Christianity will surely destroy
our reformation, if not subdued.
550 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

Remember the likely evidence that life on this planet, and espe-
cially man, may simply be an aberration in the vast universe.
Those of our race, and a few from Judaism, created Christianity
to carry forward occult control into pagan Europe. Actually, evi-
dence shows that mythical Jesus was created by the Niciani Coun-
cil in about 300 A.D.
As White racists, any religion must be based on the real preser-
vation and advancement of our race on the Earth today. No faith
promises of heaven or hell need apply. One need not have faith that
race exists, it is plain for all to see.
Christianity, so far, is the dominant occult faith religion of west-
ern White man. Thus Christianity, even more than Judaism itself,
is more destructive to our race. Those that would rise in anger at
that suggestion, need to observe our society more closely. Every
destructive idea to our race can find its basis in Christianity. With-
out the occult Judaism, it is very likely that Christianity would
never have appeared in Europe. However, once Christianity was
entrenched, it drug occult Judaism right along with it. In North
America, there would be no Judaism, if there had not been Chris-
tianity. Since these are both occult control mechanisms, they tend
to, from time to time, heed the other. However, both Judaism and
Christianity spring from the same roots, and their “marriage” is
one of convenience. Not to realize that the front for these religions is
just faith and to refuse to see the reality of this age old control
mechanism, is to live in a fog.
Perhaps this is it: “what you see is what you get”, nature
screams out to us. If that is so (and I see nothing to disprove that),
then that makes our adventure even more spectacular. One of those
millions of mathematical and chemistry combinations that led to
you and I. By the first law of natural selection, we are truly a “boot-
strap” race. We may chose the control of this planet and the unlim-
ited possibilities of space, or we may decide to sink into the disgenic
failure of culture sand societies that now flourish, mainly because
of faith religion and greed that threaten to drag us down and out.
Break out of your death cell White man! Your race and only your
race, must be your religion.

GOVERNMENT
Government is the euphemism for the modern state. Since govern-
ment denotes the perennial lie, “of the people”, it is used to mislead
those that should know better.
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 551

All governments are oligarchies, which are ruled by the few.

Some oligarchies have facades, such as the Congress and the Sen-
ate. This method of illusion has become quite popular, even in
openly straight dictatorial countries. Example: the Peoples Repub-
lic of China, or India’s late Ismira (sic) Ghandi’s oligarchy, which
she named “a guided democracy”.
Even so-called dictatorships are in reality, oligarchies, and are
run by the few. The modern oligarchy, which refers to itself as a
democracy, is the most deceptive. That is because democracy is a
fraud today, just as it has been throughout history.
Many have said, that the government or the state, is theft. This
is true. Even the best of states are a protection racket. These rack-
ets are far more dishonest than unlicensed organized crime (the
mafia, etc.). For example, the state takes $1.00 in tax, and you are
lucky to receive 20% of that in services. These services are then usu-
ally redirected, to people not of your race. The hold-up man, on the
street, takes all that you have at the time. The burglar carries off,
all that he can, from your house. However, rarely do these men
make regular demands upon you, such as the state does, by robbing
you and always claiming to be doing it “for your own good” or “for
your general welfare”. You may rob and kill, without worry of pun- |
ishment, if you are licensed by the state. The state police kill quite
regularly, as do the military, the F.B.I. and the C.I.A. These people
are allowed to. Most of us travel through life unlicensed, unless it is
perhaps a license to drive or to run a business. Should we attempt
to operate anything without the proper license, we are sent to jail or
possibly executed.
Much of this con game comes from the historical fraud, known
as God-directed government, or the divine right of kings. In the
modern time it is referred to as the divine right of the state. Mil-
lions believe in this totally baseless conception, and chain their off-
spring from birth, with this emasculating idea.
The religious zealot promotes the nonsense that a mythical
Abraham came down from a mountain, with a code of laws from the
great spook in the sky. The politician says that the great emissary
of God or the state, such as a Congressman or a Senator, comes
down from “the hill” in Washington D.C., with laws for the people.
In general, those Christians, Jews or humanists (Christians
without a Christ) etc., superstitiously believe in this myth. Unless
they are part of the bureaucracy of small time licensed criminals,
who believe out of greed of being part of the mob. In other words,
national states are gangs, no less no more. The gangs, by their
552 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS

nature, strive to become larger by gobbling up smaller gangs

(smaller states), on their way to becoming syndicates (or as we
know them to be now, transnational corporations). Remember that
the goal of international Socialism and international Capitalism,
was to destroy smaller states, or to absorb them into the “Super
Gang”. Soviet Russia was a good example, and the term “the West”
as opposed to “the East”, was another. The result, in that case, was
the “Cold War”. The “Cold War” gobbled up nations into the specter
of the “one big fight”. Using this as an excuse, the natural resources
of the world were squandered, along with the death of millions. All
in the name of peace, brotherhood and national defense. At the
same time, unlicensed gangs did the same thing. Instead of small
gangs controlling small amounts of turf, the idea was to have one
big gang control it all. First in one major city, then in another, until
we have national organized crime, complete with Governors and
the Board of Directors. Finally, the unlicensed gang power becomes
so great, that in many cases it overlaps into, and becomes apart of,
licensed gang activity (the Iran Contra Affair, etc.).
Street gangs are the lowest common denominator, and in real-
ity, the most sensible of all gang activity! Most street gangs today
are satisfied with control of a few blocks of turf, and a financial cut.
These gangs are somewhat beneficial since they, in some ways,
erode the confidence in the “Big Gang”, which supplies protection.
However the “Big Gang” tries to use this as a method of gaining
tighter controls of the White non-gang populations. Enters: drunk
driving, road blocks, helmet laws and seat belt enforcement, as an
example of seemingly “good” plans. These so-called “good” plans
guide the sheep(that’s you), to a more total control, by the “Big
Gang” in Washington D .C.
In summation, international gangs lead us into far more dan-
gerous wars, more dangerous population increases, more danger-
ous destruction of the environment. All of this is of the greatest
threat to the White race.
Not even the wars between the smaller White states (gangs)has
had the effect that transnational gangs, with open borders, have
had on White nations. In this case, smaller is better. Besides being
better, the smaller White state is raised by natural leaders, and
those that can be dealt with, should they get out of control.
The international style state is inefficient, to the maximum.
Perhaps we are moving towards a time of city states. All-White city
states would be desirable and efficient, plus they would be cultur-
ally strong. As an example, the greatest time of culture and art, on
 WHAT WE BELIEVE AS WHITE RACISTS 553

the Italian Boot, were in the time of the city states. Italy has not
since demonstrated anything that comes close. Greece, at its Aryan
peak, was comprised of city states.
Perhaps the White idea of the Northwest or Southeast solution
is more than can be expected. As smaller becomes more beautiful,
why not city states with satellite village states? By effective immi-
gration, this is a reachable goal.
However, a war against the Super State must be fought to the
finish. Your ammunition is readily available. Cut economic support
for the Beast. In short, starve the bureaucrats out. All of their inter-
national gang plans are based on sheep that will finance them.
Without your cooperation, they are dead.
Think about it, and then join the hunt, and the underground
economy.
White Aryan Resistance
PO Box 65 Fallbrook, CA 92088 (619) 723-8996
Open Letter to Minister Louis Farrakhan
by Thom Robb

his letter, from the Grand Dragon of the Knights of the

Ku Klux Klan, Thom Robb, to the Nation of Islam leader,
Minister Louis Farrakhan, was published in Robb’s newspaper,
the White Patriot, in August 1984. It is offered here as a graphic
illustration of the meeting of the minds between Black and
White racial separatists in the 1980s and 1990s. A second
example, a talk show involving Tom and John Metzger and
several black nationalists, is presented in the entry “Tom
Metzger.”

554
 OPEN LETTER TO MINISTER LOUIS FARRAKHAN 555

Dear Mr. Farrakhan, :

. [have read with interest the news reports about you in recent
weeks and sympathize with much of what you have to say. You and
I are from two different worlds and thus view the world from two
different racial perspectives. Yet in spite of this perhaps we do
share some things in common.
I realize that the Nation of Islam is historically anti-white. I
expect you to take what ever stand you feel necessary to reach the
hearts of your racial brothers. Yet this doesn’t really bother me.
Likewise, I must take what ever position I must to reach the hearts
of My racial brothers. That’s the first law of nature!
It appears that the basic agreement that we share is that nei-
ther of us wish to have our people mix with the other. We both real-
ize that to do so brings discord and strife.
The establishment hates you and your doctrine as it hates mine.
What you think of me and my people matters little to me, only that
we remain apart. I feel that you look upon us the same.
What is important to perhaps both of our people is that there is
an element in society that benefits from this discord and in fact actu-
ally encourages it. That element sir, as you know, is the eternal Jew.
This is something you and I both realize. The Jew seeks to
destroy our society by racial strife. You are so correct in stating that ©
the Jews posses a “gutter religion.” In fact your statement of the
Jewish “criminal conspiracy” is again quite accurate. There are
only a few whites and a few blacks that realize this. But it is true!
For this reason, the Jew controlled media does not want your mes-
sage to reach your people any more than it wants our message to
reach my people. In spite of everything you may say about white
people or in spite of everything we say about black people - the fact
is that we both want the same thing - SEPARATION! I do not mean
segregation - but separation. Our people need a racial nation unto
themselves and your people need a racial nation unto themselves.
Separation will thus permit both of our people to reach the destiny
plotted out for them by the almighty. This is the only way. Any
other path will bring chaos.
It seems ironic, but perhaps it really shouldn’t that in face of all
those who now stand to condemn you, it is only the Ku Klux Klan
that comes to your defense.
We do not view the Black Nationalist as our enemy. OUR enemy
is the black integrationist and the white integrationist. I suspect
that you feel the same. For that reason I propose that you and I
engage in a speaking tour together. For it is the teaching of racial
556 OPEN LETTER TO MINISTER LOUIS FARRAKHAN

separation proclaimed by the Nation of Islam and the Ku Klux Klan

that America needs- that your people need- and that my people
need. I am sure you must agree. Integration has not been good for
your people and integration has not been good for my people. What
we think of each other beyond this point is meaningless.
I have a book in my library entitled, “The Plot Against Chris-
tianity.” I realize that your faith is not Christianity, however, the
message of the book should perhaps make the title “Plot Against
Civilization.” It is a superb book and documented fully. It certainly
clearly shows the totally sickness of the Jew “gutter religion.” If you
do not have this book, I would like to make it a gift to you. Please let
me know of I should send it to you.
Again, I appreciate your outspoken testimony against Jewish
subversion. At this point I am reminded of the statement by the
Apostle Paul, who when speaking of the Jews and how they
crucified Christ said, “they please not God and are CONTRARY TO
ALL MEN.”

Sincerely,

Thom Arthur Robb

Nat'l Chaplain
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
James K. Warner Open Letter 1968

le 1968, a revolt against state party leader Ralph Forbes took

place among the cadre of California members of the National
Socialist White People’s Party. The ferment gave James K.
Warner, a former core member of George Lincoln Rockwell’s
American Nazi Party who had fallen out with the Commander,
the opportunity to attempt to seize control of the group.
Warner’s putsch failed, but the Open Letter that announced
Warner’s bid for power to the party faithful is so stereotypically
descriptive of the workings of American National Socialism that
it is worth reproducing in full. It offers the reader not only an
insight into the spirit of the times, but also a timeless vision of
the divisive milieu of American National Socialism. The names
have changed over the course of the last 30 years, but the
vicious infighting so vividly portrayed in this document is
timeless.

557
558 JAMES K. WARNER OPEN LETTER 1968

Phone: 462-0207
Temporary address:
c/o Major Allen Vincent
227 YN. Western Ave.
Los Angeles, Calif. 90004
January 1968

Fellow National Socialist:

The question before us today is this: Is the American Nazi Party
going to win power in America, or is it just a game for a gang of over-
grown children and petty Napoleons?
For the last few years the leadership of the ANP on the West
Coast has been in the hands of incompetent individuals who have
found the Party a profitable venture for selfish gain, a means of
existing without working, and a way to express their illusions of
grandeur. Those who have tried to build the Party have run into
insurmountable obstacles thrown up by these who enjoy and profit
by this miserable travesty on true National Socialism.
When the Party was launched in 1959, I was one of the five origi-
nal members, and have been credited by Commander Rockwell
with being the one individual who gave the Commander the encour-
agement to go ahead with organizing the American Nazi Party. In
the Commander’s words:
“Just about as I regained ‘consciousness’, James Warner,
the young man who sent the Nazi flag, was discharged from
the Airforce for his Nazi sympathies, and appeared at Louis’
house ready to do what he could to advance Nazism.
“The fact that this young kid was ready to devote his life to
our cause and to my leadership was the shock I needed to snap
out of depression.” (page 342, This Time the World).
I worked with Commander Rockwell through bad times and
good, sharing his hardships, and fighting along beside him in the
street. Later, because of political immaturity and lack of political
knowledge, I broke with the Party, thinking that I had better ideas
than the Commander. I did a lot or stupid, irresponsible rotten
things that hurt the Party. However, the Commander and I came to
terms in 1965, and the Commander wrote: “I am in hopes that
by showing that Warner and I have been able to come to terms
and, although he is not in the Party...we stand together against
the enemy, after years of bitter and brutal quarreling.” (Rockwell
Report, Feb., 1965).
 JAMES K. WARNER OPEN LETTER 1968 559

In August, 1967, I was mainly responsible for organizing trans-

portation for the Nazi Motorcycle Corps for the famous street action
on August 6th, which made headlines nationwide.
The California “leader” (Ralph Forbes) was so engrossed with
“family considerations,” or so he claims, that he just couldn’t find the
time, or the money in his treasury (his wife was his treasurer and
wrote and kept all the records) to bring the men from Oakland to Los
Angeles. Although not being a Party member, I did work for the
interest or the Party and the White Race. The “punch-in” was a
gigantic success. However, Forbes got the credit for the operation,
when it was Mike Brown who supplied the actual leadership and
almost all of the men, while I supplied the funds for their travel.
Complaints against Forbes for misuse of Party funds, inactivity,
incompetence and lack of leadership, by the men began to divide the
Party. All of the men moved out of Headquarters because of Forbes,
and I put them up at my place.
Previously Forbes had become a religious fanatic and constantly
talked about “having visions” in order to get the support of religious
fanatics...and their money, behind him. However, he could not find
a way to make it convincing.
At the same time he used the Party as a recruiting ground for off |
beat religious cults and for other right wing groups. Dedicated
members were put under pressure to join and participate in “KKK
rallies” which were under the control of an enemy of the Party.
Over the centuries the Jews have used religious differences to
divide the White People into warring factions. That is why the offi-
cial policy of the Nazi Party has been to guarantee religious free-
dom to all Whitemen (Jews excluded) and not to take sides. Ifa man
chooses to be a Christian, good and well, but if he chooses to be a
Hindu or Atheist, also well and good. The main thing is the loyalty
he has for the White Race.
But Forbes has driven many good men away from the Party with
his religious intolerance, He openly has stated that any Nazi who
doesn’t believe in his brand of religion is not worthy to be a member of
the Party. Today a fellow friend and cultist of Forbes is openly distrib-
uting an anti-Nazi booklet that names Hess, Goebbels, etc. as “Jews.”
After the Commander was assassinated all the LOYAL NAZIS
here on the West Coast decided to do all that we could to make sure
that the Jews would not destroy the Party. The Jews had declared a
press blackout on the Party back east, so we decided to break that
blackout and let the people know that the Party was still fighting
for the White Race as strongly as ever.
 \y

560 JAMES K. WARNER OPEN LETTER 1968

Forbes still would not not do anything to build the Party, but
members to become religious fanatics first and Nazis second.
Lt. Allen Vincent, myself, and other legal Nazis, organized
WHITE POWER rallies in Hollywood. So far three have been held,
all successes. Forbes would not help in any way although invited to,
and although even those few who had been putting up with him
pitched in to help. But Forbes became resentful at our success
and his inactivity, so he tried to turn all the members still associat-
ing with him into anti-Warner anti-Vincent fanatics. Our activities,
however, had shown many of them, members and supporters alike,
what COULD BE DONE by fanatic Nazis who wanted to BUILD
the Party. ALL continued to work and attend in full Nazi uniform, a
heartening sight after heartbreaking years of Forbes’ destructive
influence.
As expected, we became the object of Forbes’ wrath, and he
spent all his time denouncing us and promoting his fanatic “faith”
on Party time and funds. Party members and supporters decided
that something must be done to put an end to his hate campaign
and to start building the Party.
When seven Nazis lost a battle to 150 Jews while picketing a
movie (but making front page news) Forbes called us cowards,
although he hadn’t managed to show up, and is famous for assum-
ing a fetal position when attacked in the streets. This was more
than we could put up with.
Lt. Vincent’s unit raised the money to fly Major Koehl out here
to settle matters. He agreed to come to California, so we sent him
the money and awaited his arrival.
But when he arrived instead of notifying us, he went straight to
Forbes’ house, and it was only after he had been here for two days
that we accidentally found out that he was here in Los Angeles.
Forbes had been busy trying to keep him from us, and had been tak-
ing him around to every religious fanatic in the area.
Finally we managed to hold several conferences between Major
Koehl and ourselves. We explained the situation and the facts to
him, producing witnesses and stating actual instances. All of this
was to Forbes’ face, as he was in the room, and a tape recording was
made of the charges by Major Koehl.
Almost all Party members and supporters, even those from San
Francisco, wanted something done about Forbes. However, we
could never get a definite statement from Major Koehl on the situa-
tion. On the contrary, Major Koehl continued to ignore the fanatic
Nazis and continued to see all the religious fanatics.
 JAMES K. WARNER OPEN LETTER 1968 561

Captain Forbes then held a meeting intending to impress Major

Koehl, by rounding up all the religious fanatics in the area and
packing them in the hall (this because he couldn’t find enough
Nazis to attend). After the meeting he replayed the tape of the
charges made against him by us the previous day, and all the
openly anti-Nazi fanatics roundly cursed the Nazis, saying that
they should all be booted out of the Party for denouncing religious
fanaticism influence in the Nazi Party. All this in front of Major
Koehl and in a Nazi headquarters by non-Party people!
At last, on December 31st, Major Koehl called a meeting to
announce his decision. We all arrived at Ralph Forbes’ house at 2:00
P.M. the meeting time set by Major Koehl. However, we were kept
waiting in the meeting room until 2:30 with a tape recorder running
all the time. When Major Koehl finally entered the room he had
statements handed out to every man, to be signed, stating that we
would unquestionably obey ANY decision made by him as final (pre-
sumably even if we were told to knuckle under to Forbes ). After
bringing him out here, showing him every courtesy, and proving our
sincerity, expressly for the purpose of settling the issue honorably,
this was an insult to every man in the room. Koehl further stated
that unless we signed the papers that we may as well all leave. Every.
Nazi but one or two left en masse, emptying the meeting room.
After leaving Ralph Forbes’ place, a meeting was held in the
Nazi Los Angeles headquarters. It was decided that Major Koehl
was a good National Secretary, but did not have the ability to lead
the Party to victory. From our observation, he seemed incapable of
making an independent decision based on facts, but was obsessed
with the “leadership” principle, even when the “leader” is proven to
be incompetent and against the welfare of the Party.
Commander Rockwell always stressed the principle of
SURVIVAL OF THE FITTEST. Leadership will always rise above
the masses and replace those who do not have the fire and zeal to
build mass movements. Leadership cannot be inherited like the
titles of worthless royalty who live on the glory of their ancestors.
Leadership is something that must be earned, and men follow
because of respect and loyalty, not because of inherited worthless
titles. If a leader does not have what it takes to build a political move-
ment then he should step aside for the betterment of that movement.
Since the Commander’s death I have felt an obligation to carry
the National Socialist torch forward, and to complete the work he
started. Just as with all movements, zealous fanatics with a divine
mission must carry forward the banners of the movement. Nothing
562 JAMES K. WARNER OPEN LETTER 1968

will stop me in my MISSION. Of all the Nazis outside of Colin

Jordan in England, I believe that I am the best qualified to carry
the Commander’s work on.
No other Nazi in the United States is as close on political ideol-
ogy as I am to the way the Commander thought.
On January 1, 1968 a Conference of the American Nazi Party
was held at Nazi Headquarters in Los Angeles. In view of the
incompetent leadership of the National Socialist White People’s
Party, I, Dr. James K. Warner, assumed by popular Nazi acclaim,
the leadership of the American Nazi Party.
The following officers were appointed:
Allen Vincent Deputy Leader and National Stormtroop
Leader, George Carpenter Stormtroop Leader for Southern
California and National Secretary. Don Musgrove Stormtroop
Leader for Northern California, Don Anderson Leader of State
Security, Dick Norris Deputy Leader of State Security, Paul
Tronvig Assistant Deputy Leader of State Security, Bart West
National Organizer, Bill Cummings Secretary of Labor, Don
Sisco Party Spokesman, and Dave Lea Party Treasurer.
In view of the Party’s past failure to become a mass movement to
win the hearts and minds of our people, the following IMMEDIATE
changes were made in Party Policy:
The Blue Dot is to be removed from the Swastika, and the pure
Aryan Swastika of our ancestors is to be used unblemished.
The age requirement of 18 for membership is hereby removed.
From this time on no membership information on Party mem-
bers will be turned over to any investigative agency, national,
state, or local. We hold all membership in strict confidence,
and if need be will burn membership forms before turning
them over to Federal enemies of the White Race.
Party membership forms are limited to one page, giving name,
address, age, occupation, education, and telephone. No infor-
mation on family is required. Membership fee is $5.00 and
dues will be $3.00 monthly. Student membership is $2.00.
Official Party publications will be ACTION MAGAZINE and
the newsletter ATTACK.
Liaison between the ANP and other anti-Jewish movements
will be established, and former members encouraged to rejoin.
 JAMES K. WARNER OPEN LETTER 1968 563

All Party funds and mail will be opened and recorded by both
the National Secretary and the Party Treasurer.
The no smoking or drinking oaths for officers are abolished.
Three distinct uniforms will be used: Party, SS, and
Stormtroop.
National Socialists who want to win victory for the White Race
can join with us to defeat Jewish Communism and Race-mixing. We
are not going to back down, and we are not going to make the mis-
takes made in the past by incompetents who have kept us from
winning. ;
We have taken up the banner and now move forward into battle
in this final fight for our race and nation. Whiteman, stand up and
fight beside us in this hour of decision.
WHITE POWER!

Dr. James K. Warner

National Leader
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 Index

A American Revolutionary Army,

Aarseth, Oystein, 25, 27, 31, 403
318-319 America’s Promise, 13
abortion, 538-539, 542, 549 Americans for Democratic Action,
Action Magazine, 562 383
Adamic Knights of Ku Klux Klan, American White Nationalist
403 Party, 403-404, 422
Adams, Charles, 400-401 Amoss, Louis, 504, 508
Aeschylus, 520 Anderson, Don, 355, 562
Aho, James, xviii, xxx Anglecyn Church of Odin, 230
Allen, Karl, 421, 456-457, 458, Anglo-Saxon Bible Study Group,
460-461 297
Allen, Michael, 32, 61, 62, 63, 78, Anglo-Saxon Christian
lysate Congregation, 296-297
Alpha Circle, 404 Anglo-Saxon Federation of
Altvatar, Charles, 56 America, 51, 296
Alvsvag, Martin, 31 Anti-Defamation League of B’nai
Amann, Max, 453-454, 467 Brith, xxx, 10, 37, 41, 44,
America First Committee, 205 49, 84, 128, 135, 166, 176,
America First Party, 112, 289 209, 296, 370, 403, 419,
American Academy of Religion, xxi 424, 428, 432
American Chilean Council, 400 Angriff Press, 410
American Civil Liberties Union, 61 Apostles of Discord, xviii, 134
American Dissident Voices, 219, Arbo, Peter Nicolai, 15
244, 249 Argentine National Socialist
American Jewish Committee, 264, Party, 355
289-290 Ariosophism, 361
American Legion, 133 Ariosophic Odinism, 170, 202
American National Party, 1, 34 Armstrong, Garner Ted, 392
American Nazi Party, 1-3, 32, 43, Armstrong, Herbert W., 392
94, 100, 111, 135, 146, 156, Arrowsmith, Harold Noel, 1, 3, 263
157, 174, 187, 402, 404, 405, Articles of Confederation, 63
409, 421, 422, 423, 437, 439, Arts of Civilization, 513
450, 453, 454, 455, 457, 458, Arya Kriya, 4-5, 149-150,
463, 557, 558-562, 566 220-221, 271
and Dan Burros, 33-35, 61, Aryan Fest, 531
402, 405 Aryan German Brotherhood,
and Matt Koehl, 1, 154-155 161-162
and William Pierce, 93 Aryan Nations, 5-11, 13, 18,
American Nazi Party (of James 35-39, 60, 72-73, 115, 141,
Burford), 33 149, 176, 20, 201, 209, 212,
American Nazi Party (of John 214, 234, 299, 429,
Bishop), 3 468-469

565
566 INDEX

Aryan Nations, continued Besieged Patriot, 284, 287,

Congresses of, 9, 37-38, 429 296-297
Creed of, 468-470 Best of Attack!, 43
web site of, 10 Billions for Bankers, 45
Aryan Net BBS, 20 Biographical Dictionary of the
Aryan News Agency email list, 143 Extreme Right Since 1890,
Aryan News Service, 207 Xvi, xix
Aryan Resistance Movement, 524 Bishop, John, 3
Aryan Revolutionary Army, 235 Black Circle, 31
Aryan Women’s League, 493 Black Flame, 238
Aryan World Congress, 167 Black, Don, 10, 20, 23-24, 37, 100,
Asane Church, 29 141, 242, 295, 305, 432, 442
Asatru Alliance, 48 Black Metal, xv, xxv, 13-16,
Asatrti Free Assembly, 271 24-31, 129
Atkins, Susan, 189 Black Order, 235
ATTACK], 43, 219, 248 Black Order (Swedish), 191, 258
Audrey, Robert, 540 Black Panther Militia, 206
Biack Sabbath, 16
B Blitz House, 281, 283, 313, 319
Baal Worship, 239, 275 Blomberg, Jan Axel (Hellhammer),
Babylonian Talmud, 97 28
Bailey, Christopher, 421 Blood Axis, xv, 126, 566
Baker, C. B., 4138 Bootboys, 159
Bangerter, John W., 38 Bootboys Club, 281
Barkun, Michael, xviii Booth, John Wilkes, 178, 243
Barley, Dave 138, 52, 58, 109 Bore, Lene, 320
Barnum, P. T., 157 Bork, Robert, 45
Baruch, Bernard, 347 Boyce, Terry, 164
Bathory, 13-16 Branch Davidians. See Waco
Bathory, Countess Erzebet, 13 Braswell, Frank, 80
Beam, Louis R., 16-23, 176, 258, Braswell, Patsy, 79-80
503 Brewster, Kyle, 336,
and KKK, 164-166 Brief History of White Nationalism,
and Leaderless Resistance, xv—xvi, 417—437
168, 174, 177-178, 503-511 Brinkley, Alan, 71
Beattie, John, 356 British Israel World Federation,
Beausoliel, Bobby, 190 daly?
Beest, Christos, 217, 236 British Israelism, 50, 52, 59, 117,
Bell, Daniel, 131 259, 296, 392
Bellant, Russ, xxii British Movement, 31, 147
Bellfeuille, Andre, 355 British National Socialist
Ben Klassen Institute, 271 Movement, 147
Beneker, Arthur, 433 British Union of Fascists and
Beowulf, 178, 243 National Socialists, 145
Berg, Alan, 167, 197, 200, 234 Brown, Mike, 559
Berkeley Barb, 317 Briider Schweigen. See Order
Berkeley Socialist Society, 411 Brudnoy, David, 483-487
Berlet, Chip, 482-487 Buchannan, Pat, 46
 INDEX 567

Buddha nature, xxxiii Cathars, 209, 210 ‘

Buckley, William F., 45, 248 Cattarinich, Xavier, 565
Bugliosi, Vincent, 190-191 Caudle, Raeford Milano, 80
Building Revolutionary Party, CDL Report, 49, 427, 432
303-304 Chaib, Mohamed, 566
Bulldog Records, 340 Christensen, Else, 46-48, 230, 231
Bund. See German American Bund Christian Anti-communist
Bundy, George, 411-412 Crusade, 397
Burdi, George. See Hawthorne, Christian Battle Cry, 120
George Eric Christian Coalition, xxii
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Christian Crusade Church, 49,
Firearms (BATF), 32, 80, 414, 432
83, 184 Christian Crusade College, 414
Burford, James, 3, 32-33, 227 Christian Defense League, 48—50,
Burke, Emory, 327 58, 60, 115, 298, 330
Burros, Dan, 33-35, 76, 78, 605, Christian Front, 69-70
608 Christian Identity, xxiv, xxxi, xxxv,
Burzum, 126, 567 13, 18, 20, 35-36, 48, 49,
Butler, Richard G., 6—7, 9, 10, 18, 50-538, 57, 59, 71, 73, 76,
19, 20, 33-39, 52, 60, 73, 111-112, 115, 117, 119, 120,
115, 118, 176, 200, 209, 212, ISTIC GO MIS eeliieel. 7S.
214, 241, 258, 429-431, 436, 200, 203, 210, 215-216, 232,
468, 471-472, 540 234, 239, 240-242, 258, 261,
and Christian Defense League, 266, 269, 275, 293, 296-298,
48-50, 115, 298, 330 329-330, 331-334, 348, 407,
and Dan Gayman, 118-119 436, 468, 566
and European groups, 11 Christian Mobilizers, 69
and Louis Beam, 178 Christian Nationalist Crusade, 289
Christian Patriots Defense League,
C 50, 53, 215
C18. See Combat 18 Christian Vanguard, 49-50,
Calhoun, John C., 23 330-331
California Rangers, 41, 64, Christian Vikings of America, 403
115-117 Church League of America, 411
Campbell, Colin, xviii Church of Christ, 57, 117, 239
Campbell, J. B., 19 Church of the Creator, xix, 54-57,
Canadian National Socialist Party, S4NComl Zen eoiepliogs
atts 201, 249, 257-258, 269,
Capell, Frank, 383 270-271, 294-295, 566
Capt, San Jacinto, 48, 115 Church of England, 392
Card, Lou, 403 Church of Israel, xvii, 57-59,
Carlson, John Roy, 134, 138 117-119, 176, 296
Carpenter, George, 562 Church of Jesus Christ Christian,
Carto, Willis, 42-46, 80, 93, 98, xvii, 36, 39, 59-60, 200,
103, 129, 141, 186, 203, 219, 258, 296, 298-299, 429,
228, 248-249, 326, 364-365, 436, 468, 471-472
406, 409, 412, 413, 478 Church of Jesus Christ Christian
(Montana), 10
568 INDEX

Church of the Little Flower, 67 Crommelin, John G., 421

Church of Satan, 191, 196, 236, Crow, James, 340
407, 410 Cult of Holy War, 126-127
Civil Rights Movement, xxxi, 34, Cummings, Bill, 562
194; 225, 259-260, Cuprisin, Tim, 433
Clerkin, Donald, 149 cyanide, 213-214, 224, 412
Cochrane, Floyd, 42, 43, 60, 85, 116 CyberHate, 141
Cohen, Max, 82, 171
Collin, Frank, 32—33, 60-63, 78, D
82-83, 227 Daily Show, 98
Collin, Max. See Cohen, Max Daley, Jerome, 416
Colorado State University, 239 Danish National Socialist Workers
Combat 18, 63, 127, 345 Party, 356
Comedy Central, 98 d’Arc, Jeanne, 309
Committee of One Million, 284, David Brudnoy Show, 102
286, 399 David Duke Report, 105
Committee of States, 63-64, 116 Day of the Martyrs, 234, 342
Committees of Correspondence, Dearborn Independent, 51, 117, 287
508 Death Metal, 24, 28, 30
Communist Party USA, 120, Decline of the West, 46, 230, 364,
385-386, 392, 398 “IDA. LSAT
Comperet, Bertrand, 48, 60, 115, Dees, Morris, 5, 203, 207-208, 249,
298, 330, 472 337-338
Constitutional Defenders, 183 Defender, 347, 348
Cooper, Rabbi Abraham, 143 Defenders of the Christian Faith,
Cooper, Rick, xxv—xxvi, xxi, 64-66, 347
isis), IS, ANS) 225), PT. Degan, William, 332
338, 417, 420-429, 434, 565 Deguello Report, xxv, 318, 328,
Cosmotheist Church, 66, 248-249, 375-416
PANS), AG DePugh, Robert, 41, 115-116, 121,
Cotswold Agreements, 265, 353, 357 406
Cotswold Conference, 146 Destiny Publishers, 53
Coughlin, Fr. Charles, 67—71, 286, Deter, Dr. Peter, 397
296 Devi, Savitri, 91-96, 134-135, 146,
Count Grishnackh. See Vikernes, 191, 216-217, 245, 265,
Varg 353, 518
Covenant, Sword and Arm of the DeVries Institute, 5, 158
Lord, 71-76, 107-109, 213, Dewey, John, 381
219 Dickstein, Congressman Martin,
compound of, 72, 107 132
Journal of, 72, 76, 109 Dies Committee, 120, 288
leadership of, 75 Dietz, George, 45, 78, 230-231, 436
membership of, 75 Dilling, Elizabeth, 96-98, 369
newsletter of, 76, 108-109 Dilys, Joseph, 231
CSA Survival Manual, 75 Dior, Francoise, 146
Covington, Harold, 76—90, 404, Disraeli, Benjamin, 391
475-476, 481 Division S, 340
NS Net of, 143 Doaks, Joe, 442
 INDEX 569

Dobriansky, E., 400 F

Donaldson, Ian Stewart, 126, 127, Fabian Socialism, 381-386
129, 159, 277-280, 295, Fabian Society, 380-384
340-342, 345 Falwell, Jerry, 46, 268
Draeger, Frank, 407—408, 461, 465 Fangen, Katrine, xv, 565
Drexler, William, 416 Fantoft Church, 29
Droege, Wolfgang, 24 Farrakhan, Louis, 554—555, 565
Drug Enforcement Administration Federal Bureau of Investigation
(DEA), 184 (FBD, xxvi, 19, 59, 64, 80,
Dualism, 210, 212 83, 102, 167, 176, 184, 199,
Dubois, Pierre, 442 200, 207, 234-235, 264,
Duey, Randy, 234 26853245390) 001, 402,
Duffy, John, 222 419, 422, 464, 526, 527,
Duke, David, 18, 23, 24, 45, 46, 528, 529
98-105, 203-204, 268, 302, crime statistics of, 206
328, 329, 331, 408-410, federal government. See Zionist
413, 425-427, 431, 432, Occupation Government
482-487, 565 Fields, Dr. Edward R., 45, 102,
Dunner, Prof. Joseph, 400 154, 207, 327-328, 337,
Dupes, Ned, 404 404—405, 421, 422-423,
Dutton, Jerry, 427-428 ADASy abiks AleL Alsip alekey
Dynamic Silence, 2, 101, 264-265 478, 487
Fiffer, Steve, 209, 338
E Fifth Era Klan, 164
economy (underground), 543 Fineberg, Rabbi S. A., 290, 367
Edda Society, 229 First Camera, 295
Edison, Charles, 399-400 Fisher, Dr. Brad, 292
Edwin, Edwards, 104 Fleckenstein, Edward, 420
Eichmann, Adolf, 355 Flynn, Kevin, xix
Eichmann, Horst, 355 Flynt, Larry, 113-114, 247
Eisenhower, Dwight, 369 Focus Fourteen, 362
Ellison, James, 53, 71-76, Folger, Abigail, 190
107-109, 176, 292, 324 Forbes, Ralph, 111-112, 263,
Elohim City, 76, 109, 293 328-330, 461, 557, 559,
Emry, Sheldon, 13, 109, 118 560, 561
Epstein, Benjamin R., 291 Ford, Henry, 51, 112, 115,
Erasmus, Eric, 442 286-287, 368, 527
eugenics, 226 Fort Smith Sedition Trial, 17, 19,
Euro-American Alliance, 149 58-59, 69-70, 76, 97, 108,
Euronymous. See Aarseth, Oystein 119, 134, 138 176-177, 213,
European Liberation Front, 109, 214, 241-242, 288, 324
364-365 Foster, William Z., 385
European Union, 130 Fox, Charles, 411-413
European Year Against Racism, Francis Parker Yockey Society,
XXVI11—XX1x 413
Evans, Randy, 234 Frankfurter, Felix, 381
Everingham, Harry, 401 Frankhouser, Roy, 33, 402, 403,
Ezra Pound Committee, 420 407
570 INDEX

Franklin, Benjamin, 394 Goldberg, Richard, 83

Franklin, Carl, 10 Goldberger, David, 61
Franklin, Joseph, xxvii, 23, Good, Sandra, 192, 307
112-114, 177, 182, 191, Gothic Ripples, 145, 148
247; 305 Great Pyramid Club, 297
Free Ezra Pound Committee, 420 Green, Doris, 205
Freedman, Benjamin, 388 Greenways, Jack, 397
Friends of New Germany, 132 Grew, Joseph, 399
Fritt Forum, 349, 350 Gritz, Bo, 241
Fromme, Lynette,.192, 307 Gultuso, Herve, 138
Fundamentalism Project, xxi
Fulbright, William J., 527 H
Haarde, Bernhard, 356
G Haeckel, Ernst, 256-257
Galactic Empire, 251-252 Haeckel, Johann, 255-256
Galactic Storm Troop Amusement Hale, Matt, 54
Center, 66 Hall, John, 385
Gale, William Potter, 48, 60, Hallberg-Cuula, Gésta, 343
115-117, 215-216, 289, Hamilton, Neil A., xxiii
296, 298, 330 Hand, Karl, 128, 182, 195, 222,
and California Rangers, 41 3038, 305
and Committee of the States, Hand, Ron, 230, 356
63-64 Hargis, Billy James, 413-415
Gallo, Gary, 434 Harrell, John, 50, 108, 123, 215
Galton, Sir Francis, 7 Harris, Kevin, 322-323, 325
Ganesha Mantra, 4-5 Hasselbach, Ingo, 171, 173
Gannon, Dan, 142 Haughton, Troy, 406
Gardell, Mattias, xv, 565 Hauketo Church, 29
Gayman, Dan, xvii, 52, 71, 115, Hawkins, Mike, 258
117-119, 176 Hawthorne, George Eric, 32, 57,
and Church of Israel, 57-59, 63, 123-130, 142, 192, 234,
296 250, 3389-341, 345-346
and Fort Smith trial, 56, 59, Heathen Front, 319
Us}, aS), TAG. Heirs of Promise Ministries, 13
Geldof, Bob, 88 Helter Skelter, 192-193, 308
George, John, xvii, 567 Helvete record shop, 28
George Lincoln Rockwell Founda- Hembygdspartiet, 130
tion, 228 Herder, Johann, 253
Gerhardt, Gary, xix Hess, Rudolf, 131, 132, 457
German American Bund, 69, 120, Hessian Janitorial Service, 66
132-133, 419 Higham, Charles, 250
Gibson, James, 323 Himmler, Heinrich, 91, 191
Gissibl, Fritz, 131 Hinman, Gary, 189-190
Giwer, Matt, 143 Hitler Youth, 133, 194
Goebbels, Josef, 80, 93
Goff, Kenneth, 52, 118, 119-122,
215, 289
 INDEX 571

Hitler, Adolf, xix, xxiv, 59, 90, 92, International Jew, 51, 117, 287,
93, 94, 99, 120, 121, PASM, Broiss ela) ©
130-139, 153-154, 160, International Service of Informa-
216-217, 223, 225, 230, tion, Inc., 21, 179, 504
237, 245-246, 251-252, International Working Mans
ZO ZOD ea ZOo. oO1n Association, 379
305, 347, 354, 362, 363, International Youth Crusade, 400
437, 441, 442, 444, 447, Internet, xx—xxi, xxvi, 24, 37, 44,
448, 450-452, 456, 457, B2NOGwS lige 2 1236,
AOI bila bly oillGeD lit 240, 242, 249, 252, 309,
518, 519 337, 341, 453, 468, 477,
birthday of, 10, 38, 146, 479, 503, 565
Hoffer, Eric, xxix, xxxi, xxxiil recruiting via, 141-144
Hoffman, Abby, 214 Invisible Empire of KKK, 102, 268
Hoffman, Michael, 45 Invisible Order of KKK, 165
Holmenkollen Chapel, 69, 70 Irgun, 399
Holocaust denial, 29 Irish National Union, 356
homosexuality, 85, 156, 240, 316, Tron Heel, 545
318, 375, 378, 394, 404, Tslamel7Sy 216. 2a 21862435252)
406, 410, 412, 420-421, 312, 516, 548, 549
427, 497, 501, 524
Hooker, DeWest, 422, 437 J
Horgan, Bernard E., 357 James, Billy, 415, 420
Horst Wessel (anthem), 237 James, Jesse, 178, 243, 247
Hoskins, Richard Kelly, 139, Jewish War Veterans of America, -
177-178, 242-244 2, 264
human sacrifice, 237 John Birch Society, xxii, 199, 203,
Hunt, Bob, 464 384, 396, 412,
Hussein, Sadam, 541 John Franklin Letters, 369-370,
Hustler, 113, 247 BZ
Johnson, J. Bennet, 104
I Johnson, Robert, 16
Ilisagvik College, xv Jonathan Swift Society, xx
Illuminati, 394 Jones, Art, 205
Impeachment of Man, 93, 96 Jones, Jerry, 301
Imperial Fascist League, 145 Jonsson, Christopher, 30
Imperium, 42, 46, 230, 363-365 Jordan, Colin, 31, 145-149, 186,
In Hoc Signo Vinces, 344, 439-452 220, 223, 353-356
Institute of Historical Review, 44, Jordan, Vernon, 113, 114, 246-247
141 Jost, 149-151, 271
Intercollegiate Socialist Society, Back to Land essay, 488-491
381, 384 Journal of Historical Review, 42,
Internal Revenue Service (IRS), 44
64) 116-117, 156, 219; 227, Judd, Walter H., 399-400
249, 524, 526 Jung, Carl Gustaf, 233, 360-362
International Brotherhood, 394, Justice Department, xxv, 509, 511
395, 412
572 INDEX

K Koestler, Arthur, 52
Kahl, Gordon, 116, 178, 184, 243, Kohlberg, Alfred, 400
324, 370, 524 Koresh, David, 323
Kaufman, Gerald, 148 Kreativistens Kyrka, 158, 271, 566
Keene, David A., 400 Krenwinkle, Patricia, 189
Keep Sweden Swedish (BSS), 153, Krogstad, Ole, 158-159, 281
268 Krushchev, Nikita, 384
Kelevala, 163 Kuhfuss, Friedrich, 357
Keller, John, 483 Kuhn, Fritz, 69, 132, 133, 160
Kemp, Richard, 234 Kuisma, Vainé, 160-163
Kendall, Steve, 228 Ku Klux Klan, 3, 17, 33, 34, 51, 52,
Kennedy, John, 155 59, 67, 80, 100, 1338,
Kenner, Ron, 193, 308 163-166, 189, 209, 259,
Kernbach, Wilfried, 424 298, 404, 436, 556
Kerr, David Martin, 429, 434 Kuzenski, John C., 105
Kerr, Perry, 429
KGB, 388, 508 L
Khazars, 52 LaBianca, Rosemarie, 190
Kimball, Don, 46 Landrau, Moon, 104
King, George, Jr, 41 Lane, David, 11, 126, 150,
King, Manual, 391 167-168, 170, 181, 200,
King, Martin Luther, 49, 61, 225, 231-282, 234, 258,
259, 264 492-493, 530
Kingdom Identity Ministries, 259, autobiography of, 169-170, 233
472 88 Precepts, 492-502
King’s Highway Christian Church, Lane, Katja, 169-170, 202, 361
434 Lane, Mark, 208
Kirk, Arthur, 324, 370, 524 Lanz, Jorg, 256
Kirstein, Bill, 461 LaPorte Church of Christ,
Kissinger, Henry, 383 239-241, 275
Kjuus, Jack, 314 Lauck, Gary (Gerhard), xix, 61, 78,
KKK Country & Western, 340 170-172, 227, 316, 436
Klassen, Ben, 54—57, 84-85, 158, LaVey, Anton, 191, 196, 407, 410
202, 204, 249, 270, 295, 473 Lea, Dave, 562
suicide of, 54, 56, 85, 123, Leaderless Resistance, 22,
Kleim, Milton John, 142-143, 475, 173-185
478-479 Leaderless Resistance, 503-511
Knights of Ku Klux Klan, 18, 23, LeBanc, Leroy, 340
64, 100, 101, 203, 259, 331, Led Zeppelin, 16
409, 413, 482, 554 LeBouthillier, Arthur, 142
Koehl, Matt, 32, 49, 60-61, 62, 64, Lee, Gary, 530
65, 66, 77, 84-86, 112, 138, Leese, Arnold, 145, 186, 353
146, 153-157, 171, 174, 195, Legion of Adolf Hitler, 251, 513
225, 247, 266, 301, 329, Leibman, Marvin, 398-399
420-429, 431, 483-434, 437, Lemay, General Curtis, 393
453-459, 461-467 Lemke, Congressman William, 68,
and American Nazi Party, 3, 286
43, 78, 111, 263-264, 561 Lenin, Nikolai, 380
 INDEX D/3

Leo XIII, Pope, 67, 70 Manson, Charles, 126, 175,

Lewitzke, Dominic, 65, 86, 156 189-193 :
Ley, Robert, 131 and Universal Order, xxi,
Liberty Amendment Committee, 195-198, 307-308
401 Mapp, Barbara, 434
Liberty Bell Publications, 230 Marcellus, Tom, 45
Liberty Letter, 42-43 March Up Country, 78
Liberty Lobby, 42-44, 186 Marsden, Victor, 368
Liberty Lowdown, 42 Marvin Liebman Associates, 399
Liebenfelds, Jorg Lanz von, 256 Marty, Martin, xxx
Liebman, Marvin, 398, 399, 400 Marx, Karl, 224, 379-380
Lilienthal, Alfred, 483, 485 Mason, James, xv, xxi, 114, 123,
Lind, Edvard, xv, 566 126, 155, 175, 193-199,
Lindberg, Charles, 33, 112, 527 225, 247, 266, 306, 427, 566
Ling, Peter, 147 and National Socialist
Lion Records, 340 Liberation Front, 222-223
Lippman, Walter, 381 and Universal Order, 189,
Lipset, Seymour Martin, xviii 192-193, 307-308
List, Guido von, 229, 256, 361 Masonry, 390
Lloyd, Robert, 246, 459 Mathews, Robert, 11, 18, 38, 119,
Locke, John, 182-184 12351245155) 175.1 99=201,
Loff, Ken, 167 233-234, 240, 243, 320-321,
Logan, John, 62 325, 342-343, 370, 432, 522,
Logsdon, Reuben, 141 526, 529
Lomer, Georg, 35, 229 Letter to Editor of, 526-529
Long, Anton, 236 Mathewson, Peter, 344
Long, Gov. Huey P., 104, 284, 287 Mayhem, 201
Lonnrot, Elias, 160 Mazzella, Dave, 336
Loéow, Heléne, xv, 565, 566 McCalden, David, 45
Lord’s Covenant Church, 13 McCarthy, Sen. Joseph, xxv, xxx
Luce, Phillip Abbot, 401 McCarthy, Rick, 56
Ludtke, Bruno, 94, 111, 186-187, McCormick, John, 132
265, 355 McElroy, James, 208, 338
Lynch, Thomas, 41 McGee, Michael, 205-206
McGuire, David, 19
M McLaughlin, Michael, 147
MacArthur, Gen. Douglas, 97, 115 McNallen, Steve, 47—48, 230
Macdonald, Andrew. See Pierce, McVan, Ron, 168-170, 201-202
William McVay, Ken, 142
Madole, James Hartung, 135, 154, McVeigh, Timothy, xxvii, 173, 177,
160, 163, 191, 235, 264, 182-185, 249, 325-326, 334
401, 402, 405, 419, 420 McWilliams, Joe, 69
New Atlantis series of, 148 Mein Kampf, 146, 181, 246, 257,
Madrano, Antonio, 357 262
Mahon, Dennis, 164-165, 189, 205, Melton, J. Gordon, xvii
260, 335 Merrie England 2000, 148-149
Manson Family, 189-190, Message of Old Monthly, 259
195-198, 307 Metzger, John, 205, 336-337, 554
574 INDEX

Metzger, Tom, 84, 164-165, N

203-209, 320, 330, NAAWP News, 103, 427
334-338, 384, 418, The Naked Capitalist, 397
430-431, 4386, 537-553 The Naked Communist, 397
and Southern Poverty Law Nasjonalt Folkeparti, 281
Center, 338, 203, 206-209, Nation of Islam, 206, 259-260, 556
337-338 National Alliance, 86, 89, 141, 144,
Mieske, Ken, 207, 336 177, 200, 219, 227, 244,
Miles, Robert, 17, 19, 20, 37, 164, 248-249, 339, 425-427,
176, 209-214, 258-259, 431-432, 476,
326, 430-431 National Alliance Bulletin, 219,
Milford, Doug, xxxii 248
militia movement, xvili—xix, National Aryan Women’s
xxli—xxiii, 176, 179, Movement, 8
183-184, 242, 325, 334 National Association for the
Millar, Robert, 109 Advancement of Colored
Millens, Jay, 340 People (NAACP), 3, 103,
Miller, Arthur, xxiii 265
Miller, Glenn, 78, 90 National Association for the
Milloy, D. J., xxiii Advancement of White
Mills, Alexander Rud, 46—47, 230 People (NAAWP), 103,
Milton, John, 478 426-427, 432
Minutemen, 402—404, 406, 410 National Association to Keep and
Mohammad, Elijah, 261, 565 Bear Arms, 400
Mohr, Jack, 50, 53, 123, 215-216, National Caucus of Labor
384 Committees, 386
monism, 254-256 National Democratic Front, 434
Monist League, 256 National Emancipation of White
Moral Majority, 268 Seed, 118
Moran, David, 324, 370 National Fight Back Organization,
Morgan, J. V., 460 386-387
Morrison, William, 404, 407, 410 National Front, 147, 220, 341
Moscow Treason trials of 1938, 384 National Lawyers Guild, 386
Moseley, Oswald, 145 National Liberation Front, 221,
Mountain Church, 210 303
Mower, Dennis, 406—407, 410 National Mobilization Committee,
Moynihan, Michael, xv, 566 1}
Mullins, Eustace, 45, 420, 428 National Party, 100
multiculturalism, xxxvi National Peace Action Coalition,
Murphy, Matt H., 423 385
Murphy, Reg, 403 National Renaissance Bulletin, 148
Murray, Michael, 47 National Renaissance Party, 1, 3,
Musgrove, Don, 562—563 33, 35, 154, 163, 191, 264,
Myatt, David Wulstan, 216-218, 401, 419-420, 424, 436
251-252, 512-515, 516-521 National Review, 400
Why I Am A National Socialist
essay, 516-521
 INDEX 575

National Socialism, xix, xxv—xxvi, National Union for Social Justice,

9916;'24032.-52"76, 77, 83, 286
91-95, 111, 132, 137, National Vanguard, 409, 426
148-150, 153, 154, 161, 172, National Vanguard, 219, 248, 432
191-193, 195-196, 204, 216, National Youth Alliance, 43, 219,
218922072274230, 2315235: 228, 248
237, 244-246, 248, 251, Nationalist Party, 422
257-258, 262, 266, 278, 306, Nature’s Eternal Religion, 257
316-317, 335, 350, 352, 354, Nazi Motorcycle Corps, 410, 559
356, 358, 359, 422, 448, 451, Necro Butcher, 27
456, 512, 558, 566 New America First Party, 112
National Socialist Bulletin, 219, New Christian Crusade, 427
248 New Christian Crusade Church,
National Socialist Kindred, 4, 5, 49, 330, 407
149-151, 220-221 New Dawn, 278-279
National Socialist League, 318 New Deal, 68, 286, 347
National Socialist Liberation New Mobe, 113
Front, 98-99, 101, 103, 105, New Order, 9, 86, 157, 172, 228,
114, 195, 221-223, 247, 429, 434
302-306, 307-308, 404 New World Order, xxiii
National Socialist Life, 246, 262 Newton, Judy, xvii
National Socialist Mobilizer, 410 Newton, Michael, xvii
National Socialist Movement, 223, Nietzsche, Friedrich, 361
413 Niles, Doug, 463-464
National Socialist Party of Niles, Peggy, 463
America, 60-63, 78, 170, Nixon, President Richard, 317
404 Noble, Kerry, 75-76, 107-108, 2138,
National Socialist Vanguard, 66, 228
149, 223-224, 359, 410, 565 No Remorse, 126
National Socialist White People’s Noontide Press, 98, 364
Party (NSWPP), 3, 43, 49, Nordic Reich Party, 354, 356
60, 111, 146, 155-157, Nordic Thunder, 126, 344
174, 195, 223, 224-228, Nordland (magazine), 271
245-247, 265, 307, 329, Nordland (record label), 124, 126,
423, 425, 428, 455, 562 127, 279, 345
and Harold Covington, 77, 86, Nordland (Waffen SS division), 343
89 Norris, Dick, 562
and Joseph Franklin, 112—113 Norsk Hedensk Front, 319
and National Socialist North, Otto, 432
Liberation Front, 98, Norwegian Young National Social-
222-223, 301-302 ists 88 (NUNS 88), 351
and National Socialist Party of NS Bulletin, 157, 228, 423
America, 61-65, 99, 171 NS Kampfruf, 317
National Socialist World, 94, 96, NSV Report, 65-66, 224, 434-435
191, 217, 245-246, 357, 512 Null, Michael, 337
National States Rights Party, 7, Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal,
327-328, 398, 404-405, 422 131, 363
576 INDEX

O Patler, John, 3, 155, 225, 239, 265,

Occultus, Stian, 29 357, 402, 423, 458-461, 463
October League, 386 Patriot Unionist Party, 350
Odinism, 93, 149, 229-233 Patriotic Front, 162
prison constituency of, 46, 230 Patriotic National Alliance, 162
Odinist Fellowship, 46—48, 230 Patriotic Research Bureau, 97
Odinist Religion, The, 46, 230 Patriotic Right, 160-162
Odinist Study Group, 231 Pearce, Joe, 130, 346
Oi (music), 282 Pearson, Roger, 406
O’Hara, Maureen, 88 Pelley, William Dudley, 132, 133,
O’Keefe, Theodore, 45 134, 285
Oklahoma City Federal Center Peoples’ Movement Against
bombing, xxvi, 74-75, 79, Immigration, 283
M77, 1827249" 291293 Peters, Pete, 21, 52, 179, 239-242,
Oklahoma Excalibur, 165 GHG), wee sil
Olafson, Per, 442 Pfeiffer, Franz, 354-355
Old Age Revolving Pension Plan Phineas Priesthood, xxiv, 178, 181,
Ltd, 286 242-244
On Strategy and Tactics for the Pierce, Bruce, 234
Usenet, 142 Pierce, Joseph Gorell, 80
Oliver, Revillo P., 43, 384 Pierce, Roger, 80
Operation Bobby Brown, 62 Pierce, William, xix, xxvii, 1, 23,
Operation Clean Sweep, 18, 64, 116 45, 66, 84, 93, 123, 129,
Oram, Harold, 399 ip AIOWMOSS 219226
Order (Briider Schweigen), 176, 227, 234, 241, 244-250,
209, 2138, 233—235, 320, 258, 262-263, 271,
342, 522 301-302, 364, 369, 402,
Declaration of War of, 522-525 413, 424-427, 431-432
imprisoned members of, 37, and Harold Covington, 86—87
126, 530 and National Socialist White
Order of Balder, 149 Peoples’ Party, 155, 174,
Order of Black Ram, 235 225
Order of Death’s Head, 77 and Willis Carto, 43
Order of Nine Angles, 191, 217, Pilgrim Torch, 120
235-238, 251 Pills, Dan, 401
Order Strike Force II, 39 Pink Sheet, 401
Oredsson, Goran Assar, 135, 238, Pirie, Denis, 147
2655304, 306, 0015 Pit Records, 340
358-359, Plain Truth Magazine, 117, 392
Orwell, George, 86, 114 Plot Against Christianity, 97
Owens, Eric, 340 Pois, Robert A., 256-258
Political Research Associates,
Pp 482-483
Pall, Janos, 355 Politics of Unreason, xviii
Papich, Mike, 403 Poor Mans James Bond, 410
Parent, Steve, 190 Populist Observer, 45
Partido Nacionalsocialista Chileno, Populist Party, 24, 45, 103, 241,
354 250, 483-484
 INDEX 577

pornography, 34, 82, 85, 189, 291, Rees, Phillip, xvii

313-314, 350, 497 Reese, John, 45
Posercorpse Music, 27 Reichsfolk, 149, 191, 216-217,
Posse Comitatus, 52, 64, 116, 250, 251-252
396 Toward a New Elite essay,
Possony, Prof. Stefan T., 400 512-515
Potito, Oren F., 413 Renan, Ernst, 92
Potts, Larry, 324, 333 Rennicke, Frank, 340
Pound, Ezra, 420 Reno, Janet, 323
Prairie Fire Organizing Republican Party, xxii, 400
Committee, 386 Rerum Novarum, 67
Presley, Elvis, 335 Resistance (magazine), 128-129,
Preston, Robert, 401 219
Pro-Life Rescue Movement, xx Resistance (newsletter), 475
Pro Patria, 160, 162 Resistance Records, 124, 126-127,
Process Church of Final Judgment, 141-142, 250, 341, 345
190 Resistance Records Electronic
Proclamation of London, 364 Newsletter, 126, 128
Progressive Labor Party, 386 Revealer, 347
Protocols of Learned Elders of Revheim Church, 29
Zion, 51, 69, 287, 346-347, Revolutionary Communist Party,
364, 368-369, 388 386
Puerto Rican Socialist Party, 386 Revolutionary Student Brigade,
Purple People Eater’s Party, 455 386
Pursey, Jimmy, 276-277 Riccio, Bill, 208
pyramidology, 52 Richards, Bob, 45-46
Rimland, Ingrid, 1438
Q Rinnan, Henry Oliver, 159
Quadragesimo Anno, 67 Rinan’s Band, 159
Quayle, Sen. Dan, 155 Rivera, Geraldo, 205
Quigley, Carroll, 397, 482-483 Robb, Thom, 52, 118, 164-165,
258-260, 554, 556
R Open Letter of, 554-556
Raab, Earl, xvili Roberts, Arch, 397, 401, 414-415
Racial Holy War (RAHOWA), 54, Robin Hood, 178, 243, 489
126 Robinson, Charles F., 299
Racial Loyalty, 84, 201, 271 Rock-O-Rama Records, 341
Radical Religion in America, xviii Rockwell Report, 2, 33, 245, 327
Ragnarok, 18 Rockwell, George Lincoln, xix, 3,
RAHOWA (band), 126 32, 48, 49, 61, 76, 78, 83,
Rand, Howard, 51, 53, 117 LOOM OTE ats AU Seig
os
Rauff, Werner, 354-355 146, 153, 174, 194-195, 197,
Raven, Greg, 145 224-225, 238, 239, 250,
Rebel Records, 340 261-266, 301, 316, 344, 370,
Reagan, Ronald, 412 402, 404-405, 423-424, 429,
Rebelles Européenes, 340 434-435, 437, 439, 442,
Red Network, 97-98 452-456, 458, 461463, 466,
Red Shadows, 121 557-558, 561, 566
578 INDEX

Rockwell, George Lincoln, Sawyer, Reuben H., 51

continued Schary, Don, 290
and Adolf Hitler, 136, 262 Schenkendorf, Max von, 213
and American Nazi Party, 1-3, Schlafly, Fred, 400
301, 354, 368, 422, 427, 454 Schlafly, Phyllis, 400
and Bruno Ludtke, 186-187 Schmidt, Hans, 442
and Dan Burros, 33-35, 154 Schneider, Hans J., 396
and James Warner, 326-329 Schreck, Nikolas, 308
and Matt Koehl, 154-157 Schwartz, Dr. Fred, 397
and Ralph Forbes, 112 Scriptures for America, 239-240,
and Savitri Devi, 94-95 PALS
and William Pierce, 177, Scutari, Richard, 234
244-246, 364 Searchlight, 217, 252
and World Union of National Sebottendorff, Rudolf von, 229
Socialists, 353-360 Sebring, Jay, 189, 296
Roeder, Manfred, 150 Sedition trial. See Fort Smith
Rogefeldt, Pugh, 14 Sedition Trial
Roosevelt Red Record, 97 Sedition Trial of 1942, 96, 347, 363
Roosevelt, Franklin, 68-69, 97, Sepia (magazine), 409
286, 347, 369, 381 Seraw, Mulugetta, 336-337
Rose of Honor, 78, 90 Sex Pistols, 26
Rose, Douglas D., 105 Shamanism (Kerelian), 161
Rose, Rod, 401 Share Our Wealth Clubs, 284
Rosenberg, Alfred, 92, 93 Shaw, George Bernard, 380, 394
Rosenberg, Anna M., 290 Sheets, Doug, 178, 2438
Rowan, Joe, 344 Shelton, Robert, 211
Roy, John, xviii Sherman, Ben, 276
Roy, Ralph Lord, xxvii, 134, Shockley, William, 7
297-298 Siitoin, Pekka, 163
Royko, Mike, 62 Shrine of the Little Flower, 67
Rubin, Jerry, 304 Sickles, William, 403
Ruby Ridge, xxvii, 38, 121, 176, Silent Brotherhood, xix
WON 24333 Silent Brotherhood. See Order
Rust, David, 182, 195, 222, 247, Silva, Frank, 9, 234, 275
266, 303, 305 Silver Shirts, 132, 285
Rydén, Tommy, xv, xxi, 5, 66, 130, Simon Wiesenthal Center, 143
149, 158, 220-221, Simonelli, Frederick J., 566
266-273, 566 Simpson, O. J., 142
Sinclair, Anne, 138
S Singer, John, 524
Salicath, Sven, 356 Singing Bear, 64
Salubrious Living, 414 Sisco, Don, 406, 410
Sanders, Ed, 193, 302 Sixteen Commandments of
Santayana, George, xxii Creativity, 54, 56, 473-474
Sarpsborg Church, 29 Skinheads, 52, 159, 192, 196, 213,
Satan, xxxv, 6, 14, 16, 51, 79, 178, 232, 271, 276-280, 295,
243, 297, 347, 469 350-352, 429
Saxon, Kurt, 407, 411, 413 British, 276, 335
 INDEX 579

Skinheads, continued Spence, Gary, 332

Norwegian, 281-283 Spengler, Oswald, 364, 527
and Aryan Nations, 7, 10, 38 Spotlight, 80, 129
and Church of Creator, 56, 85 Springer, Jerry, 205
and music scene, 123-125, 141, Stalin, Joseph, 384-386
160, 162, 276-280, 319, Stanko, Rudy “Butch,” 56, 294-295
339-346 Stassen, Harold, 105
and White Aryan Resistance, Steffgen, Kent, 412-413
205-208, 335-337 Stern, Ken, xviii
Skjold Church, 29 Stewart, Dan, 65-66
Skousen, Leon, 397 Stewart, Ian. See Donaldson, Ian
Skousen, W. Cleon, 397 Stewart
Skrewdriver, 278 Stoddard, Ann, 434
Skullhead, 343, 344 Stoddard, Ken, 434
Slyke, Ruth van, 409 Stone, Willis, 401
Smith, Gerald L. K., xxiv, 2, 101, Stoner, J. B., 398, 405, 421-423,
17291152118, 120,264, 425, 428, 431-433
284-291, 296-299, 367-369 Storetveit Church, 29
and Christian Identity, 51-52, Storm Books, 566
296-297 Stormfront (web site), 20, 295
Smith, Jason, 142 Strasser, Otto, 335
Smith, John, 442 Strasser, Steve, 336
Smith, Rev. Jan S., 270 Strom, Kevin Alfred, 142
Smith, Winston. See Covington, Students for a Democratic Society,
Harold 386, 408
Smoot, Dan, 382 Sumrall, Stephen Daryl “Steph,”
Snell, Richard Wayne, 74, 75, 79
291-293, 325 Sundquist, Matti, 340
Snyder, Tom, 101 Surber, Fred, 65-66
Social Darwinism, 393, 396 Swaggart, Jimmy, 548
Social Democratic Labor Party Swastika (band), 340
(Russian), 380 Swedish Black Order, 364
Socialist Party, 383 Streetfight, 341
Socialist Workers Party, 356, 385 Swift, Dr. Wesley A., 60, 115, 289,
Sokolsky, George, 400 296-299, 330-331, 348,
Soldier of Fortune, 323 406—407, 409-410, 471-472
Soldiers of Cross Training and Richard Butler, 35
Institute, 121 Sword of Christ Good News
Sonnstein, Daniel, 402 Ministries, 112
Sons of Liberty, 199, 328, 405 Symbionese Liberation Army, 174,
Sons ofLiberty, 328, 330 302
Sons of Liberty’s Action Magazine, Syrdahl, Cedric, 62
330 T
Southern Poverty Law Center,
203, 206-208, 249, Talbot, James Shorty, 80
337-338, 418 Tate, David, 37, 234
Spanknoebel, Alfred, 131 Tate, Sharon, 189-190, 197
Spartacist League, 385 Taylor, Jacques, 355
580 INDEX

Temple of Set, 236 Universal Order, 189, 192-193,

Teutonia Association, 131, 301 195-197, 306, 307-308, 566
Therion, 30 Updegraff, Barbara, 409
Thirteenth Tribe, 52 Usenet, 142-143
This Thing ‘of Darkness, xviii
Thomas, Norman, 383 V
Thompson, Linda, 4 Valkyria, 309-315
Thore2028238l Van, Ruth, 409
Thunderbolt, 102, 328 Van Houten, Leslie, 189
Tifer, Pat, 413 Varange, Ulick. See Yockey,
Tommasi, Joseph, 98-99, 123, 155, Francis Parker
195, 196, 225, 266, 301-306 Vaughn, James, 177
and Harold Covington, 77 Veh, Russell, 316-318
and Leaderless Resistance, Veil, Simone, 138
174-175 Venceremos Brigade, 386
and National Socialist Venom (band), 14
Liberation Front, 222, 227, Vidnjevich, Frank Smith-Chris,
302-306 461
Tomorrow Show, 101 Vietnam Veterans Against the
Toohey, Sheila, 18 War, 386
Toubo Records, 340 Vigilantes of Christendom,
Touchstone, Ned, 408 177-178, 242-243
Townsend Recovery Plan, 286 Viguerie, Richard, 46, 400
Townsend, Dr. Francis P., 68, 286 Vikernes, Varg, 29, 31, 126,
Trahan, Cliff, 340 318-320, 348-349
transvestitism, 427 Viking Sounds, 340
Treaty of Moscow, 399 Vincent, Alan, 111, 156, 194, 327,
Tronvig, Paul, 562 329, 558, 560
Trotsky, Leon, 385 Vitt Ariskt Motsand (Swedish
Tru Believer, (The), xxix, xxxi White Aryan Resistance),
Tucker, Buddy, 118-119 320-322
Tucker, Governor Buddy, 293 Volksberg, 220
Turner Diaries, 43, 177-178, 182, Voytec Frykowski, 190
190, 234, 244-246,
248-249, 262, 369-370 W
Turner, Kev, 343 Waco, 24, 179, 183, 323-325,
Two Tone, 276-277 332-333, 371
Tyndall, John, 147 Wagner, Richard, 15
Walker, General Edwin, 414-415
U Wallace, George, 43, 211, 326, 330
Unemployed Workers Organizing Wallace, Henry, 399
Committee, 386 Walter, Jess, xix
Ungdom, Ré¢d, 314 Ware, George, 465
United Jewish Appeal, 399 Warner, Dr. James K., 33, 36,
United Klans of America, 211, 396, 111-112, 118, 203, 225,
407 298, 326-331, 402-413,
United States Labor Party, 386 425, 427, 428, 431-432,
United White Peoples Party, 404 558-560, 562-563
 INDEX 581

Warner, Dr. James K., continued Whores Galore, 239

and Christian Defense League, Wickstrom, James, 116
49-50 Wilcox Collection, xv
and Matt Koehl, 155-156 Wilcox, Laird, xv
Open Letter of, 557-563 Wilke, George, 413
Warrior Dreams, 323 Wilkinson, Bill, 268
Warthan, Perry “Red,” 191 Williams, A. H., 403
Washington Observer, 42 Williams, Vaughan, 517
Weather Underground, 302, 386 Williams, Will, 84, 478
Weaver, Randy, xix, xxvii, 21, 184, Wilson, E. O., 7
324-325, 331-334, 371 Wilson, Marc, 56, 123
and Aryan Nations, 37-38 Wilson, Tom, 427
Weaver, Samuel, 23, 241, 324, 326, Winrod Letter, 348
334, 370, 372 Winrod, Gerald B., xxiv, 133, 134,
Weaver, Vicki, 241, 324-325, 372 215, 346-348, 369
Webb, Beatrice, 380 Winrod, Gordon, 348
Webb, Sidney, 381 Withrow, Gregory, 10
Weber, Mark, 45—46 Witte, Rob, xviii
Webster, Martin, 147 Workers World Party, 386
Weimar Republic, 229, 301 World Tomorrow (The), 392
Weinberg, Leonard, xviii, xix World Union of Free Enterprise
Weisband, Eric, 280 National Socialists, 353,
Weishopt, Adam, 348, 394 355
Welch, Alan, 155, 456 World Union of National Socialists
Welch, Robert, 203, 384, 395-396 (WUNS), 94-95, 111, 135,
Wessel, Horst, 196 146, 265, 352-359
Western Destiny, 406 and Bruno Ludtke, 186-187
Western Guard Party, 355, 404 and Matt Koehl, 156
Westropa Press, 364 World War I, 132, 187
Wheaton College, xxxii World War II, xviii, 16, 130,
White Aryan Resistance, 189, 419-420, 433, 439, 471, 507
203-209, 320, 334-338, World Wide Web, 24, 141, 148
346, 430, 436, 537 Wotan, 15, 169, 177, 181, 201, 229,
White Berets, 201 232-233, 360-362
White Devil Records, 308 Wotanism (Jungian), 360-361
White Man’s Bible, 56 Wotan’s Kindred, 202
White Nationalist Party. See Wotansvolk, 170, 202, 361-362
American White Wynants, Eric, 210
Nationalist Party
White Party, 455, 458 Y
White Party Report, xxvi, 239, 339, Yahweh, 6, 469, 472
453-467 Yarbrough, Gary Lee, 9, 11, 264,
White Patriot, 259-260, 554 363, 527, 530-536
White Students’ Union, 204, 335, Yarbrough, Jim, 46
346 “Yeagar, Oscar,” 177, 247
White Terror Records, 340
582 INDEX

Yockey, Francis Parker, 42, 46, V6

109, 363-365, 412-413 Zatarian, Michael, 99, 331
York, Ray, 460, 465, 515 Zinn, Don, 465
Young Americans for Freedom Zionist Occupation Government,
(YAF), 109, 248, 330 Se Aas Ua PAID, SWB CBP,
Young Communist League, 398 367-372
Young Socialists Alliance, 385 Zionist World Order, 167
Young Workers Liberation League, Zions Watchman, 119
385 Zundel, Ernst, 95
 Contributors

Xavier Cattarinich is a graduate student in the Department of

Sociology at the University of Alberta.

Rick Cooper is a National Socialist who heads the National

Socialist Vanguard, which is headquartered in The Dalles, Oregon.
For a more thorough biography see the entries “Rick Cooper” and
“National Socialist Vanguard” in this encyclopedia.

Katrine Fangen is a graduate student in the Department of Soci-

ology at the University of Oslo. Among her English language publi-
cations are: “Living out our Ethnic Instincts: Ideological Beliefs
Among Right-Wing Activists in Norway,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and
Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Brotherhoods of Nation and Race: The Emergence
of a Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston, MA: Northeastern
University Press, 1998); and “Separate or Equal? The Emergence of
an All Female Group in the Norwegian Rightist Underground,”
Terrorism and Political Violence 9:3 (Fall 1997).

Mattias Gardell is a professor of history at Stockholm University

who was awarded a Harry Frank Guggenheim Fellowship in 1998
to study the interactions between black nationalists and white sep-
aratists in the United States. He is the author of Rasrisk (Stock-
holm & Uppsala: Federativs & Swedish Science Press, 1998);
“Black and White Unite In Fight?: On the Inter-Action Between
Black and White Radical Racialists,” in Heléne Léow and Jeffrey
Kaplan, Sekter, sektmotstadndare och sekteristiska miljoer, en
fornyad granskning (Swedish National Council of Crime Preven-
tion (BRA), forthcoming 1999); and In the Name of Elijah
Mohammad: Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam (Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 1996).

583
584 CONTRIBUTORS

Milton John Kleim, Jr. was a leading theorist on the use of the
Internet as a recruiting tool for the radical right. He is the author of
“On Strategy and Tactics for the Usenet.” He has since left the
movement.

Edvard Lind is a graduate student at Stockholm University.

Heléne Lé6éw is a professor of history at Stockholm University. She

has written two books and published a number of articles on the sub-
ject of the Swedish radical right and on National Socialism in Swe-
den from the 1930s to the present. Among her publications in
English are: “White Power—Dark History,” Uppvdxtvillkor 3 (1993);
“The Fight Against ZOG—Anti-Semitism Among The Modern Race
Ideologists,” Historisk Tidskrift 1 (1996); “Wir Sind Wieder
Da’—From National Socialism to Militant Racial Ideology—The
Swedish Racist Underground In An Historical Context,” in
Strommar i tiden, Mohamed Chaib, ed., (Géteborg: Diadalos Forlag,
1995); “Racist Violence and Criminal Behavior in Sweden: Myths
and Reality,” in Tore Bjgrgo, ed., Terror From the Extreme Right
(London: Frank Cass & Co., 1995); “White Power Rock ’n’ Roll—A
Growing Industry,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation
and Race: The Developing Euro-American Racist Subculture
(Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 1998).

James Mason is a National Socialist who was associated with the

National Socialist White Peoples’ Party, the National Socialist
Liberation Front, and currently with the Universal Order. He is the
author of Siege (Denver, CO: Storm Books, 1992). Further bio-
graphical information can be found in the entries “James Mason,”
“National Socialist Liberation Front,” and “Universal Order.”

Michael Moynihan is a writer, artist, and driving force behind

Storm Books, the music group Blood Axis, and the author of Lords
of Chaos (Venice, CA: Feral House, 1998).

Tommy Ryden is a Swedish race activist, National Socialist, and

former head of the Swedish Church of the Creator. Further bio-
graphical information can be found in the entries “Tommy Rydén”
and “Kreativistens Kyrka.”
 CONTRIBUTORS 585

Frederick J. Simonelli is a professor of history at Mount St.

Mary’s College. He is the author of American Fuehrer; George
Lincoln Rockwell and the American Nazi Party (Champaign: Univer-
sity of Illinois Press, 1999); “The World Union of National Socialists
and Post-War Transatlantic Nazi Revival,” in Jeffrey Kaplan and
Tore Bjgrgo, eds., Nation and Race: The Developing Euro-American
Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998);
“The American Nazi Party, 1958-1967,” The Historian 57 (Spring,
1995); and “Preaching Hate with the Voice of God: American Neo-
Nazis and Christian Identity,” Patterns Of Prejudice 30 (no. 2. 1996).

Laird Wilcox is the founder of the editorial research service and a

long time observer of the American far right scene. He is the
co-author of: John George and Laird Wilcox, Nazis, Communists,
Klansmen and Others on the Fringe (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus
Books, 1992); and John George and Laird Wilcox, American
Extremists, Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists and Others
(Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1996).
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‘Encyclopedia of white power