Women and Society in Early

Medieval India

This book examines women and society in India during 600–1200 ce

through epigraphs. It offers an analysis of inscriptional data at the pan-
India level to explore key themes, including early marriage, deprivation
of girls from education, property rights, widowhood and satī, as well
as women in administration and positions of power. The volume also
traces gender roles and agency across religions such as Hinduism and
Jainism, the major religions of the times, and sheds light on a range
of political, social, economic and religious dimensions. A panoramic
critique of contradictions and conformity between inscriptional and
literary sources, including pieces of archaeological evidence against
traditional views on patriarchal stereotypes, as also regional parities
and disparities, the book presents an original understanding of
women’s status in early medieval South Asian society.
Rich in archival material, this book will be useful to scholars and
researchers of ancient and early medieval Indian history, social history,
archaeology, epigraphy, sociology, cultural studies, gender studies and
South Asian studies.

Anjali Verma is Assistant Professor, Department of History, Himachal

Pradesh University, Shimla, India. She completed her PhD from
Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla and has taught at several colleges
under Delhi University, Panjab University, Guru Nanak Dev University,
Himachal Pradesh University and Amity University, Haryana. She
specializes in ancient Indian history, culture and archaeology.
Women and Society
in Early Medieval India
Re-interpreting Epigraphs

Anjali Verma
First published 2019
by Routledge
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© 2019 Anjali Verma
The right of Anjali Verma to be identified as author of this
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Dedicated to
Professor Laxman S. Thakur
Contents

List of illustrationsviii
Prefaceix
List of abbreviationsxiii
Key to diacritical marksxv

1 Introduction 1

2 Childhood and education 23

3 Marriage, widowhood and satī  45

4 Women and sacred rites 92

5 Capacity for governance 159

6 Property rights 200

7 Conclusion 232

Bibliography245
Index of names261
Index of terms and subjects263
Illustrations

Figures
3.1 Marriage within maternal relations 48
5.1 Genealogical tree of six Bhauma-kāra queens of Orissa 163

Tables
4.1 Land grants issued by females 102
4.2 Perpetual lamps donated to temples by females in
various capacities 116
4.3 Various gifts donated for religious purpose by females 126
4.4 Contribution of females in Jaina Monastery and
temple-building activities 138
4.5 Female disciples of various Jaina sanghas 143
7.1 Various fields of education open to women 233
7.2 Cases of disapproved forms of marriages 235
7.3 Cases of bigamy and polygamy 237
7.4 Few cases of satī and samādhi239
7.5 Showing administrative capabilities of women  242
Preface

The visible presence of women in epigraphs and literature has been

worked over the past several decades. Previous studies done so far
based on inscriptions and literature certainly have increased our
knowledge and understanding on women as subjects of history. At
the regional level, several attempts through epigraphs have been made
up to recent times by many historians to either locate the female as an
agency, her place in social processes and structures, but virtually no
pan-Indian study has been done through the analyses of epigraphic
material on the period between ce 600–1200. To locate women’s iden-
tity solely on material culture or literature and religious texts will not
be fair until we compare them to get a comprehensive view. This mon-
ograph is a diligent attempt to contextualize women’s visibility during
the early medieval period through inscriptions and depicting society
through this framework of contextualization. Many textual sources,
travel accounts and other contemporary sources have been consulted
where sometimes, merger, dilution, differences and divisions appear
while comparing the data.
Divided into seven chapters, the first chapter of the present work
is an introduction outlining the importance of epigraphy with a brief
note on various approaches that have affected writings on the his-
tory of women, mainly Nationalist and Marxist. Debate on histo-
riography among historians on Indian periodization with different
perspectives has been entered into. A vast and diverse review of the
literature has been explored to conceptualize female identity. Through
this review, shaping and reshaping of congenial paradigms of gender
history emerges, which provides a panoramic growth sequence to the
forthcoming chapters. The review tries to introduce a gender lens by
meaningfully incorporating gender as a critical component of writing
history simultaneously trying to find her locus.
x Preface
The second chapter, divided into two inter-related segments, is an
attempt to analyse the position of a girl child on her arrival in the
family and opportunities of education made available to her. The
obsession of the society with sons rhetorically providing existence of a
mother only through her son, presents a case of gender bias for a girl
child from the time of her birth. Reversing the order to reconstruct the
previously held notion of deprivation of girls from education (through
textual sources), epigraphs present a different interpretation in curric-
ulum shift adapted from the Vedic education to decentralized subjects.
The third chapter carries forward the debate on marriage from the
previous chapter. The contrasting situation through inscriptions and
literary sources has been debated, where ideal society has been tried
to be created by smritikāras, but epigraphs often suggest diversity
of practices and complex matrimony relations existing in the early
medieval period. The chapter notices the extent of subordination of
a married female through bigamy and polygamy and of a widow by
either burning her as a glorified satī or making her follow the path of
asceticism. The chapter ends by noticing an important shift of widows’
religious interest from Hinduism to Jainism in the south in search of
ultimate salvation.
The fourth chapter observes a broader outlook of overall religious
activities of early medieval society and changing patterns through
gender perspective. Several tables and charts are appended with the
details of religious donations made by a diverse female section in
various capacities, bringing out how religious feelings were shaped
through donations. The concept of ‘salvation’ available to women in
three different dominating religions – Hinduism, Buddhism and Jain-
ism through their ideological trends – has been elaborated.
The focus of the fifth chapter is to explore the administrative caliber
of women through epigraphs. This chapter tries to place women at
the centre of feminist and nationalist debate and tracks the trajectory
of change in their position from a hidden place in the textual sources.
We see them in exotic roles where there are many charters, orders and
grants issued by women in various administrative capacities. There
can be no quarrel with the women administrators handpicked for
notice from epigraphs which offer a bird’s-eye view of their contribu-
tions in the field of politics and revenue.
What is offered in the sixth chapter is valuable historical mapping of
women’s property rights through epigraphs and literary sources that
allows one to understand whether women were marginalized in this
sector or not. Intriguingly, there is a striking disconnect between the
property rights of widows and the rest of the females coming under the
 Preface xi
family framework of mother, daughter, sister and wife. The inclusion
of devadāsī in the section of property rights is a deliberate attempt to
understand another social indicator that characterized early medieval
society vis-à-vis the position of females with a different tangent.
Strewn across almost all the chapters is the pervasive anxiety to
reach a conclusion about the visibility of women, especially the com-
mon class, through epigraphs that may differ with or assent to the
textual sources. The concluding chapter summarizes the data in its
entirety and debates on various issues culled from epigraphs in the
previous chapters. Nevertheless, the epigraphic data have also helped
in discerning some regional peculiarities. The contradictions and
conformity between inscriptional and literary sources have certainly
helped in understanding women’s invisibility as a deliberate attempt
in early medieval society. This chapter provides historical context
through charts and tables for a proper understanding of the female
in areas such as education, property rights, religious preferences, and
administration.
In most of the charts and tables, the place of inscriptions has been
indicated with territorial units within the states where they have been
found, along with the date of issue, donor, purpose and imprecatory
verses. As the length of epigraphs varies and deals with various aspects,
for convenience, I have chosen only those translated lines which dealt
with our subject. The epigraphs under study record various reasons of
grants, but I have used them to search out female identities and issues.
Names of the reigning kings have not been stressed. They are cited only
where required or supplied with. The same pattern has been adopted
while mentioning the names of inscriptions. Most of the inscriptions
cited from Epigraphia Indica have been named as they were captioned
by their editors and authors. Inscriptions consulted from South Indian
Inscriptions and Epigraphia Carnatica have not been named. Also,
the inscription where translation (English/Hindi) was not available has
not been cited.
In the chapter on religious aspects of women, a loose application of
methodological tools has been applied deliberately. Data in terms of
tables have been used and analysed, keeping in view the large number
of inscriptions and to avoid monotony, as most of the inscriptions are
keeping the same language pattern and almost the same context. The
references provided in tables have not been cited in the reference and
bibliography sections to avoid repetition.
A great caution has been taken to place inscriptions chronologi-
cally as far as they are dated. In discussions and analyses, sometimes
there are contradictions and paradoxes at places while comparing
xii Preface
inscriptional data with literary sources, which is obvious due to the
nature of both the sources. Also, the linear development of regular vis-
ibility of females cannot be drawn as the attitude of society depicted in
both the sources sometimes produces a huge gap. Though the focus of
the monograph remains to make visible the presence of women, many
times the influence of the elite class hovers over the picture. I have
tried to showcase the strengths and limits of female identity and to
present beauty, ugliness, compassion, serenity and chaos that existed
in defining her position in the society of the early medieval period at
various levels. Main focus is that the concept of visibility may not be
lost in managing a vast array of facts, still keeping in view the exten-
sive epigraphic data, but some spaces remain unspecified. Also, certain
themes are more complex than what has been managed here in this
monograph. I have tried to avoid the urge to pack more information in
than critical assessment of the issues discussed here requires.
Abbreviations

ARE Annual Report on [South Indian] Epigraphy, Delhi

AIR All India Reporter
ARMAD Annual Report of Mysore Archaeological Department,
Mysore
ARRMA Annual Report on the Working of Rajputana Museum,
Ajmer
ASMAR Archaeological Survey of Mysore, Annual Report
ASINIS Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperical Series
BORI Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona
BTC Bulletin of Traditional Culture
CII Corpus Inscriptionum Indiacarum
E. Br. Encyclopaedia Britannica
EC Epigraphia Carnatica
EI Epigraphia Indica
E. Soc. Sc. Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences
GOS Gaekwad Oriental Series, Baroda
HAS Hydrabad Archaeological Series
IA Indian Antiquary
IAS Institute of Asian Studies, Chennai
ICHR Indian Council of Historical Research
IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly
IHR Indian Historical Review
IESHR Indian Economic and Social History Review
IIAH Institute of Indian Art History
IIAS Indian Institute of Advance Study, Shimla
Ind. Arch. Indian Archaeology – A Review
IT India Today
JAS Journal of Asian Studies
JBRS Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Patna
JBORS Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society
xiv Abbreviations
JGJKSV Journal of the Ganganatha Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidya-
petha, Allahabad
JHS Journal of Historical Studies
JIH Journal of Indian History
JOI Journal of the Oriental Institute
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
Manu Manu Smriti
MAR Mysore Archaeological Report
Nārada Nārada Smriti
Nav. Navsāhsāṅkacaritam
QRHS Quarterly Review of Historical Studies
Rāj. Rājataraṅgiṇī of Kalhaṇa
SII South Indian Inscriptions
SUNY State University of New York
TASSI Transactions of Archaeological Society of South India
VIJ Vishweshwaranand Indological Journal
Yāj. Yājňavalkya Smriti
Key to diacritical marks

Vowels Consonants

v a d ka r t
vk ā [k kh Fk th
b i x ga n d
bZ ī ?k gh /k dh
m u ³ ṅ u n
Å ū p ch i p
_ ṛ N chh Q ph
, e t j c b
,s ai > jh Hk bh
vks o ´ ň e m
vkS au V ṭ ; y
B ṭh j r
M ḍ y l
< ḍh o v
.k ṇ “k ś
‘k ṣ
l s
g h
³ d
<+ dh
1 Introduction

Textual context
Epigraphy has proved to be an indispensable source for the study of
Indian history. The decipherment of a large number of inscriptions
from different parts of India has opened up the new era for Indian
history writing. Information provided by epigraphic evidence is con-
sidered as the most authoritative as well as authentic source material
for writing social, economic, cultural and political history. The study
of women’s history through epigraphical sources is considered as free
from brāhmaṇical male biases and closer to historical reality than
idealized Indian women portrayed in literature.1 But to develop a bal-
anced and comprehensive view on subjects of historical relevance, a
combined study of inscriptions, chronicles, official records and lit-
erary sources is amply suggested. Of course, poetry, folklore, folk
songs and narratives are valued new additions. The epigraphs gener-
ally offer information about personages and events of Indian history,
about which sometimes nothing is known from any other sources.
Their text is generally free from variant readings as they were not usu-
ally liable to modifications like those of literary works, which were
copied and recopied by people of later times.2 They are contemporary
records which throw a flood of light not merely on social, cultural,
religious and economic conditions of the time but also on battles,
kings, queens, political institutions and administrative details and
much more. They are helpful for genealogy, chronology, origin of the
dynasty, inter-state relations, growth of ideas and so on, although
one should be warned that their use requires the greatest care and
skill.3 Until the 1970–80s, the epigraphical material is frequently
seen as a means of checking and verifying the evidence from liter-
ary sources. The use of inscriptions for gender studies, institutions
2 Introduction
and social structures studies was considered comparatively new, since
earlier historians tended to use inscriptions largely for collecting
information on dynastic history.4 With the passage of time, explora-
tion and translation of more and more inscriptions, especially in the
South, enabled historians to bring these peripheral sources into the
centre. Nevertheless, we agree that epigraphic material has its own
limitations. The numerous epigraphic finds, a by-product of desul-
tory archaeological work, do not suffice either to restore a reasonably
comprehensive dynastic list or to define the regnal years and complete
territorial holdings of those Indian kings whose names survive.5 Thus,
the epigraphs need to be read carefully as they present the case of
‘reading between the lines’.
The earliest attempt at reading the inscriptions was made perhaps
by Feroz Shah, who invited a number of scholars to read the Aśokan
inscriptions.6 From the sixteenth century to twentieth century, regu-
lar efforts to read the inscriptions are seen at various levels, which is
continuing until today.7 These enthusiastic efforts created ripples up
to the regional level. The process of decipherment of large numbers of
Tamil records, which is the earliest regional language in Indian epigra-
phy, boosted further the reading of Kannada and Telugu inscriptions.
The Marathi language came into use in the inscriptions of the tenth
century ad, and the earliest Nāgarī inscription is on a Jaina image
dated ce 1022.8
Inscriptions from the seventh century onward are found in large
numbers, almost in every major region of India paved the way to
assess the social, religious, political and economic developments
through them. The trend of praśastis was replaced by the new socio-
religious movements from the seventh century onwards. Resultantly,
religious factors dominated inscriptional writing and tried to replace
royal orders. It seems very likely that the practice of engraving inscrip-
tions on rock gradually was replaced by copper-plates. Change in the
social set-up also influenced the contents of inscriptions. This sudden
emergence of newer and richer sources, entirely different in form and
content from those of earlier period, is indicative of a transformation
that society had gone through.9 Women’s studies also found its new
source other than textual. Inscriptions provided a new stage of com-
parative study with more accuracy and authenticity to re-work on the
status of women in structured patriarchic Indian society. Earlier, most
of the historians working on women’s issues provided inscriptional
references as supplementary proof, as they seemed more concerned
with defining the status of women on tripartite periodization sug-
gested by Orientalists.
 Introduction 3
Periodization and politics
The colonial tripartite periodization of Indian history remained in use
for a very long time. It was introduced by James Mill, who divided
Indian history for the first time into three major sections – Hindu Civi-
lization, Muslim Civilization and the British Period – in 1817 in his
History of British India.10 This trend was being stereotypically fol-
lowed with a slight change of ancient, medieval and modern periods.
Romila Thapar proposed the need of redefining the various periods of
Indian history, if periodization is necessary, or else to dispense with
such divisions altogether.11 Most of the historians until the 1970s deal-
ing with ancient Indian history considered the death of Harṣa to be the
closure of the Hindu period. Medieval historians who worked from
the period of ce 712 (like Woleseley Haig’s The Cambridge History of
India; i.e. arrival of Muhammad-Bin-Qāsim) suffered the same flaw.12
V.A. Smith’s observation of Harṣa as the last emperor of ancient Indian
history and the period after him as ‘a medley of petty states, with ever
varying boundaries and engaged in unceasing internecine War’ (Early
History of India) was accepted by most of the historians working on
ancient Indian history.13 K.A. Nilkanta Sastri and G. Srinivasachari
(Advanced History of India) worked on the South Indian history with
the same approach and tried to justify the rise of powerful kingdoms
in the south.14 Most of the early historians found it difficult to peep
through the dark clouds that gathered in the latter half of the sixth
century and found it difficult to place a span of almost six hundred
years at the place that could justify its slow severance from ancient and
entry into the medieval age in Indian history. But a study of epigraphs
at various places in India gave rise to the study of regional politics,
which proved that the early medieval period is not that bleak or deca-
dent as is generally believed. On the contrary, it is varied, rich and
complex in its content and character. This was the period that linked
ancient to the medieval period and shed light on both. This observa-
tion on the importance of a lesser known period made the historians
to declare that the historians of early medieval India need not feel less
respectable than those dealing with the ‘golden age’ on accounts of the
period they have chosen to study.15
The trend earlier was to study the history through political and
dynastic angles, where the political history of India during ce 600 to
1200 appears as the history of decentralization and disintegration of
the state in the country. Romila Thapar championed the cause of social
and economic changes for the basis of periodization. Historians like
B.D. Chattopadhayaya, Kesavan Veluthat, Upinder Singh and many
4 Introduction
more, successfully placed regional history as the period of transforma-
tions in the processes and structures in economy, society and polity.16
Regional history suddenly gained ground, as each component of var-
ied sources explored tries to co-relate and narrate the story. Regardless
of the theoretical framework invoked, regional and pan-Indian histori-
cal processes have emerged with greater vividness and detail than the
earlier centuries since the last two to three decades.17
Not pressing upon the rise of regional kingdoms, K.M. Pannikar
has cited many reasons for the weakening of the centralized political
system of India. According to him, India remained free from threats
of external aggression for over five hundred years (Toramaṇa to Mah-
mud of Ghazani). People started living under a facile feeling that there
was no question of their country being ever invaded. They lost a sense
of patriotism and national honour. During the early medieval period,
India isolated itself from the rest of the world and ceased to grow.18
Al-berūnī, who visited India in the eleventh century, tried to present
a very static, rigid and no-changers picture of Indian society by stat-
ing: ‘The Hindus believe that there is no country but theirs, no nation
like theirs, no kings like theirs, no religion like theirs, no science like
theirs’.19 The varṇāśrama-dharma, instead of being a social organiza-
tion of higher castes, more or less homogeneous in culture and tradi-
tions, became rigid. In the south, the brāhmaṇic minority imposed the
smṛti pattern of social life but in a different form from that in the north
India. The Dharmaśāstras as a source of fundamental law were looked
upon as a sacred and unifying force.20 But slowly with the emergence
of regional history, it was proved that society was never static, politi-
cally, socially or economically. Changes in the sixth to seventh and
twelfth to thirteenth centuries do not necessarily have to be envisaged
in terms of a collapse of the early historical social order.21 The shaping
of regional societies was a movement from within. B.D. Chattopad-
hyaya declared that, ‘in Indian history the crystallization of region
was a continuous process’.22 But rigidity within caste and communities
grew at a regional level that affected the growth of the societies. Upa-
nayana right was snatched from girls, and a further early age of mar-
riage was fixed that resulted in a denial of their education. A complete
ban on inter-marriages in various castes was suggested but was not
followed strictly. For subordination of women, various rules and regu-
lations were formulated against their natural rights. For widows, strict
rules of celibacy and self-restraint were prescribed. A glorified suicide
in the form of satī was prescribed for widows so that they may not get
their right to property. The male was selected as a widow’s guardian in
each sphere of life. Open arguments against women’s rights were put
 Introduction 5
forth. She was declared of ‘fickle mind and lacking strength, unable to
decide’. The royal class, being affluent, was degraded continuously in
moral standards, while commoners were living under distress.
Surprisingly, the economy did not collapse totally. It was char-
acterized by flourishing trade conditions, powerful guilds, village
assemblies and caste-based armies.23 It was marked by an extension
of production, increase in trade and cheapness of essential commodi-
ties. The Indian textile industry progressed. Strong trade organizations
were established. The variety and excellence of Indian textiles, metal
work and Indian jewellery are attested by literary as well as epigraphic
evidence.
Bhakti was the key ideological strand of the period. One form of it
was devotional hymns, and the second was the record of their extensive
itineraries at proliferating temple centres. Practices of tantra rites con-
tributed to the degeneration of feudal Indian society.24 In many signifi-
cant ways, the crystallization of major cults illustrates the ideological
dimensions of the early medieval period. The period between ce 600–
1200 seems to be of religious rivalry between various brāhmaṇical sects
and two other heterodox sects, Buddhism and Jainism. U.N. Ghoshal,
quoting the reference from Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa, pointed out that
‘not only the touch but even the sight of these sects was regarded by
some authorities as involving pollution’.25 The Vriddha-Harita enjoins
purification by touching Śaivas and on entering a Śaiva or a Buddhist
temple.26 The north was much dominated by brāhmaṇical practices.
Jainism gained ascendancy in the Deccan and retained its stronghold in
western India. Both Jainism and Buddhism developed theistic tenden-
cies on the analogy of Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism like idol worship with
devotional songs accompanied by rites and ceremonies. It was an age
of catholicity. A.D. Pusalker credits it to the efforts of Śaiva Nāyanārs
to stamp out Jainism from the Tamil area. Śaiva saints discarded the
caste system and recruited people from the lowest grade into their
fold.27 Different creeds merged and emerged. This process pressurized
Hinduism to either rethink its caste compartments or to revive its caste
considerations. K.M. Munshi observed that the Paurāṇic renaissance
added sanctity to the Dharmaśāstras.28 Commentators and writers
of diverse digests replaced law-givers. Medhātithi, most outstand-
ingly, wrote a commentary on the Manusmriti. Thus, the concept of
varṇāśrama-dharma remained in active operation. Philosophical lit-
erature was widely cultivated by the Buddhas, Jainas and brāhmaṇas.
The Bhāgavata Purāṇa was the culminating point of the strong the­
istic movement started by the Alvārs and the Nāyanārs in the south.
These socio-religious movements adopted many suitable methods to
6 Introduction
attract the masses, mainly emphasizing women. It was a strange phe-
nomenon to observe in the early medieval period that despite political
upheavals, the economy was growing and social restrictions imposed
by law-givers gave a chance to religious movements to expand their
base among the downtrodden section of society, especially among
śūdras and women. A sudden increase in a large number of lamp and
land grants and temple-building activities indicate the en-masse par-
ticipation at a much broader level.
Thus, the continuous efforts of historians since the last few dec-
ades have put early medieval India into the league of a ‘complete his-
tory period’ with the extra advantage of an indicator of transitional
phase. Many works have contributed in placing this period in con-
tinuity. The concept of periodizing early medieval India along with
literature and epigraphs forms the base of important information
provided in The Early Medieval in South India (2009) by Kesavan
Veluthat. In Rethinking Early Medieval India (2011), Upinder Singh
tried to critically discuss the debates and issues on the early medieval
period through contributive essays on theoretical models and politi-
cal process where political structures during the early medieval period
has been highlighted. In the present study, the trend of periodization
on the basis of social changes has been tried to follow as it covers
major aspects of the society and women during the period between
ce 600–1200. It is not an attempt to place women in history but
to make their appearance felt through epigraphs where their image
besides being royal women also comes out as common women. Also,
as certain literary sources have clear patriarchal underpinnings, their
brāhmaṇical origin remains undoubtedly a proven fact. Hence, while
prescriptive sources regard women as potential threats to the social
order, and recommend their protection and control, these can be jux-
taposed with divergent sources (like epigraphs) that reveal the tension
between prescription and practice.29

Conceptualizing female identities through literature

and inscriptions
The identity of women has been frameworked several times through
several dimensions. Literature for a very long time and epigraphy
recently has emerged as an important source of investigation to posi-
tion women during the early medieval period. Earlier textual stud-
ies on the said time period were based on Vedic literature, smṛtis,
dharmaśāstras and various law codes. Most of the nationalistic histo-
rians were satisfied with the tradition of giving the ‘prescribed due’ as
 Introduction 7
authenticated by the law codes to woman as mother, wife and daugh-
ter. They supported the traditional outlook on the basis that what has
been able to stand the test of time for ages past, and is yet alive and
has been regulating the social order until this day, envisaging at least
some merit in it.30 A change has occurred in the attitude of historians
when it was felt that there were occasions when injustice was done to
women by social ordeals, yet the force of tradition was so strong that
this injustice found no challengers. Historians with a liberal outlook
called for educational, economic and political rights to be given to
women to maintain social equality.31 Traditional ideals work against
the implementation of such ideals of social justice. The demand of
social equality gave rise to look at the position of women with another
perspective. Resultantly, a second framework emerged, which is cham-
pioned by historians like Kumkum Roy, Uma Chakravarti, Vijaya
Ramaswamy, Leslie C. Orr and many more. This framework defies an
easy and straight categorization of women. Though not synthesized as
a pan-subcontinental framework, yet it has opened up possibilities of
new dimensions in gender history.
The process of positioning of the woman is a highly complex pro-
cess as it involves several structures where her identity seems to be
lost from an individual to private or personal being. The status and
condition of women have been analysed by numerous social histo-
rians from different standpoints. Important studies from the begin-
ning of the twentieth century were undertaken to analyse their status
in ancient India. Bimla Churn Law’s Women in Buddhist Literature
(1927) is one of the earliest works in this direction. This study deals
with the position of women specifically in Buddhism highlighting their
status and achievements in the Buddhist Order. I.B. Horner’s Women
under Primitive Buddhism analysed the entry and various levels pro-
vided in Order to the Buddhist nuns. Also laws related to nuns given
in Buddhist scriptures were discussed. Simultaneously it pointed to the
limitation of Buddhism favouring a bhikṣu than to a bhikṣuṇī. Also
that the history of the Order of Almswomen suffers from the lacuna
of historical accuracy and a biased viewpoint. A.S. Altekar’s work
The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization came in 1938, which
proved literary operis pars classicorum. This book provided a com-
prehensive view on the position of women in different stages of life
(i.e., from childhood to marriage, widowhood to satī, property rights
to administration and religious sentiments to nunnery) from the Vedic
period to post-independence period. A pioneer in utilizing the avail-
able literary texts, Altekar also utilized epigraphs as supplementary
source. Maintaining a traditional approach, this work was successful
8 Introduction
in providing an alternative to the colonial writers. But the principle of
perpetual tutelage of Manu was provided a sugarcoating by Altekar
as he observed that even during the last two thousand years, the aver-
age woman continued to lead a happy and contented life, fondled by
her parents, loved by her husband and revered by her children.32 This
approach also got support from the views of Tara Ali Beg in Women
in India (1958), where he held that training in household management
remained a course of Indian girls from time immemorial even until
today.33 The family is more important than the individual, and women
have been docile in accepting this; the sacrifice of their own personal
happiness and creativeness has surely not been in vain.34 Such an atti-
tude in our traditional writing indicated the fixed brāhmaṇical set of
norms that also seem to be adhered by P.H. Prabhu in his work Hindu
Social Organisation (1940), which has kept a firm opinion on the
sanctity and validity of Hindu traditions. He tried to touch the nerve
of Hindu sentiments by favouring age-old traditions. R.C. Majumdar,
in The Age of Imperial Unity (1951), provided a complete picture of
the political, social, religious and economic conditions of the period
ce 985 to the end of the twelfth century. Swami Madhavananda and
R.C. Majumdar made an attempt in Great Women of India (1953)
to identify women in various colours and roles, such as saints of the
Bhakti movement, strong administrators and the poetess. They tried
to cover a wide range of women contributors in different spheres,
but their work did not provide an exhaustive study of any particular
period either utilizing literary or archaeological sources. These writ-
ers supported Indian social institutions to oppose colonial notions. In
the 1960s, a change was noticed when K.M. Kapadia’s Marriage and
Family in India (1955) deviated from the earlier works and declared
that equality was not followed in the case of woman, and she was
deprived of her due share. He tried to validate his viewpoint with the
help of various literary sources. K.K. Shah holds the view that the
concept of gender as a category of historical analysis, or the idea of
Herstory as distinct from History, did not find even a distant echo in
Carr’s scheme of constructing the past, which guided and governed the
historical research of the 1960s and 1970s.35
During the 1960s and 1970s, several historians worked on the
social, economic and cultural history of India with special reference
to the early medieval period. Chapters were devoted to the posi-
tion of women. Lallanji Gopal’s Economic Life of Northern India:
ad 700–1200 (1965) provided a very compact look at the political,
economic and some information on the social conditions of the early
medieval period citing specific literary works. His work explained how
 Introduction 9
women slaves, prostitutes and dancing girls contributed to the eco-
nomic development of the state. Though the main thrust of his work
remained on the economy, considerable light was thrown on social
factors and political moves, which makes the study of the period inter-
esting and informative. The concept of land grants, coins, guilds and
trade has been vastly dealt with, which helps in refinement of views on
the economy of the early medieval period. Brij Narain Sharma dealt
with the position of women in his book Social Life in Northern India
(1966), where he appreciated the services of women by calling their
progressive efforts ‘march of civilization’. Almost similar attempts
were made by Brijendra Nath in his work Social and Cultural History
of India (1972) and D.N. Jha in Economy and Society in Early India
(1993). All of these works tried to see women’s position with contem-
porary realities. Their observations were based primarily on literary
sources. At the same time, works on regional history appeared which
dealt with the position of women of a particular region in a particular
time period. A.P. Sah, in his Life in Medieval Orissa (1976), devoted
chapters on the position of women, where he has not forgotten to
mention the administrative achievements of Bhauma-Kāra queens
and more liberal views of Orissa society in accepting women as rulers
as compared to their contemporary Gaṅga rulers. Though Vijaya G.
Babras has tried to seek attention in The Position of Women During
Yadava Period: ad 1000–1350 (1996), this work is not successful in
thoroughly utilizing inscriptional and literary sources.
In Women in the Sacred Laws (1970), Shakuntala Rao Shastri pro-
vided keen observations on the patterns of change in society from the
tenth and eleventh centuries where rigorous restrictions were imposed
on the female. Child marriages and cases of satī became frequent as
they were enjoined by the law codes. Indian women were the most del-
icately targeted section.36 Nevertheless, the area of religious devotion
and ritual was socially sanctioned for women. Women were not only
encouraged to be devout but also even treated with extreme respect for
showing religious devoutness. In the 1970s and 1980s, a few histori-
ans tried to cover the religious aspects of women of the early medieval
period, which included Urmila Bhagoliwala’s Vaiṣṇavism and Soci-
ety in Northern India (1980). In 1981, M.P. Singh’s Life in Ancient
India appeared, where he worked on the observations of almost all
the foreign travellers visiting India during the early medieval period
and tried to explain the position of women through traveller’s eyes.
Saroj Gulati in Women and Society (1985) selected the period of the
eleventh and twelfth centuries under review, covering several facets
of the life of women. She examined, with the help of both literary
10 Introduction
and inscriptional sources, the contradictory aspect of satī on the one
hand and the widow as an administrator on the other hand. Women
in Ancient India (English Edition 1987, French edition originally
published in 1867), by Clarisse Bader, is a book highlighting women
under different roles such as of daughter, mother and widow, where an
endeavour has been made to trace their position from Vedic times by
following successive developments through the ages. By citing various
episodes from hymns and poems of paurāṇic and epic tales, the history
of women from various periods has been woven.
Uma Chakravarti made a bold attempt in 1988 through her article
‘Beyond the Altekarian Paradigm: Towards a New Understanding of
Gender Relations in Early Indian History’ to improve upon and look
from a different angle rather than the Altekarian study. Chakravarti
stressed not to keep Altekar’s traditional approach as the sole basis
of all research works on women as it cannot help in developing new
outlook. She opined that issues of women’s history need a fresh look
in modern perspectives. The folklore, stories, poetry, biographies and
narratives should be added as a source to work on women’s history as
in literature either she is absent, passive or portrait in all contended
form. Susie Tharu and K. Lalita, in Women Writing in India, vol. I
(1991), tried to discuss the context in which women wrote and the
issues addressed in their poetic and prose works. Although their work
is exhaustive, the authors have tried to present a deep insight into
women’s feelings/sentiments on various issues solely based on literary
sources. A perceptive study was made by Vijaya Ramaswamy in her
work Walking Naked (1997), where she focuses on women saints and
the concept of spiritual gain in south India. The social and religious
outlook of society was depicted in her work. She opined that impor-
tant historical and structural changes were responsible for influencing
the orthodox and conservative attitude of society towards women. In
the same year, Julia Leslie edited a book, Roles and Rituals for Hindu
Women, which pressed the need to see women not merely as the pas-
sive victims of an oppressive ideology but also as active agents of their
own positive constructs.
Many scholars are trying to work with a feminine point of view on
gender issues, with the argument that Indian historiography had been
exclusively created by men and under strong brāhmaṇical influence,
and therefore the historical experience of women hardly figured in
them. Gerda Lerner went to the extent of emphasizing that all history
written so far is the history of only half of the human race. It was the
history of the minority because women who have always constituted
the majority have been systematically excluded from it.37 Carrying
 Introduction 11
forth the cause, Joan Kelly Gadol cited two goals of ‘women’s his-
tory’: as to restore women to history and to restore our history to
women.38 Kumkum Roy stressed the need of studies on women to be
done outside the bounds of the family bond and avoiding stereotyp-
ing of women’s role. The historical perspective which brought to bear
upon studies on women itself has its roots in the ideology of patriar-
chy.39 Roy puts forth the debate against the traditional or nationalistic
approach by giving it a U-turn that the early Marxist writings brought
out both the hidden patterns outside of patriarchy-dominated soci-
ety as also the basic structure of the subordination of women within
the hierarchical order of brāhmaṇical patriarchy. These pioneering
views are now being carried forward to a more refined understand-
ing of a ‘structural framework of gender relations’.40 Altekar’s work
as the locus classicus has hampered the emergence of an alternative
approach. Thus, the arrival of a new millennium tried to open a vista
where different dimensions of female identity are being sought out.
New approaches and use of new sources along with literary sources
through the feminine perspective is being experimented. In this series,
successful interpretation of epigraphs to search for women’s identity is
gaining a resurgence.
The attempt taken by Leslie C. Orr in defining the role of devadasi
and female donors in her book, Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of
God (2000), accepted that Indian women seem to have been regarded
as instrumentals and patients, not only by colonizers, missionaries
and Indologists, but also by Indian nationalists and social reformers.
Even today, there is a tendency among scholars, including Western
feminists, to see the history of the women of India and of ‘third-world’
women generally as a history of submission and victimization; such
scholarship does not consider the possibility that these women may
have possessed autonomy or agency in shaping their circumstances.41
In a book edited by Julia Leslie and Mary Mcgee, Invented Identi-
ties: The Interplay of Gender, Religion and Politics in India (2000), a
broad-spectrum approach in defining female identities through a com-
bined intersection of themes on different aspects of female and society
using different methodologies and definitions, drawing different con-
clusions and emphasizing different points and perspectives is noticed.
They emphasize the need for more research to be done to understand
better the complexities of gender and religion in South Asia. K.K.
Shah’s work, The Problem of Identity: Women in Early Indian Inscrip-
tions (2001), initiated a debate to identify women exclusively through
inscriptions dated from bce 200 to ce 300. It was presented as an
alternative to Altekar’s paradigm as ‘to remove andocentric bias from
12 Introduction
historiography on early Indian women, and to work towards making
them visible, sources permitting, so as to restore a measure of balance
vis-à-vis men’.42 He has highlighted the value of epigraphic records as
sources of Indian tradition in addition to, and as corrective to, vast
textual sources. He strongly justifies the nature, purpose and context
of epigraphic records being radically different from literature. Also, a
move to come out of Altekar’s framework and to produce an alterna-
tive to his views is gradually picking up. Most of the present-day his-
torians have appreciated K.K. Shah’s attempt of renaming inscriptions
with that of the women who figure prominently in the record, but it
could not justify producing on alternative to Altekar’s work.
Vijaya Ramaswami tried to research the female representation
out of traditional bi-polar identity as the public woman and private
woman through the collection of various essays on females by put-
ting them into sections like music, cinema, theatre, literature, oral tra-
dition of folklore and folk tales, fiction and biographies, etc. in her
Re-searching Indian Women (2003). Kirit K. Shah, in History and
Gender: Some Explorations (2005), opines that the concept of gender
calls for the rewriting of all history, seeking historical space for the
missing half of humanity. Maithreyi Krishnaraj, in her article ‘Writ-
ing Women’s History or Writing Women Into History’, puts forth the
argument/opinion that the fact of women being missing from history
is in itself a revelation of several things: that men hold power and
women appeared not to have had the power to write themselves in.43
Re-reading of the sources of early medieval India to propose an alter-
native perspective was emphasized by Devika Rangachari in Invisible
Women Visible Histories: Gender, Society and Polity in North India
(Seventh to Twelfth Century ad), that appeared in 2009. She declares
that women appeared as rulers, advisers, court participants, donors,
builders and in a range of other prominent roles in Kashmir, Kanuaj
and Bengal-Bihar (during the early medieval period) and, significantly,
this spans the royal and non-royal segments of society in most cases. In
The Power of Gender and the Gender of Power (2010), Kumkum Roy
challenged the colonial notion that women were not homogenous,
unified, a naturally given category. It was therefore necessary to come
to terms with heterogeneity to ensure that we did not suppress differ-
ences in trying to retrieve our own version of the past. She finds one
of the major challenges in reconstructing histories of gender relations
pertain to understanding specific traditions of representation.44
The study of households and everyday life got space as a new study
recently. In Kumkum Roy (ed.), Looking Within and Looking Without
(2015), scholars like Uma Chakravarti, Supriya Verma, Jaya Menon,
 Introduction 13
R. Mahalakshmi, U.A. Kadam, Vijaya Ramaswamy and Ranjeeta
Dutta, through various articles try to search the place of the female
in the normative construction of marriage, widowhood, domesticity
and as an institution for constituting and demonstrating social identi-
ties. The reading becomes important when Orr puts forth the category
of non-wives from the analysis of a set of inscriptions. The present-
day historians accept that a full understanding of gender relations in
ancient and medieval India cannot be grasped without due attention to
the structures of the patriarchical family, as outlined in the Gṛhasūtras
and Dharmaśāstras, texts more obviously related to the maintenance
of property relations and the organization of production than those
of the court. But śāstric injunctions give us only a partial picture of
the feminine. They tell us little about the ideological structuring of
women’s subjectivity and experience.45
From the review of literature, it can be concluded that our tradi-
tional writings on the history of women constitute a practically undif-
ferentiated group, within a fixed set of prescribed ‘due’ and duties
towards women. Contrarily, present-day social history is becoming
more intelligible through recent sources and studies on women, which
are focussing on causes of social neglect and lack of active represen-
tation as well as participation of women in historical processes. His-
torians are trying to see visibility of women by forming connections
among various sources.
In India the beginning of moderate feminism is considered to have
been started with Raja Ram Mohan Roy in the early nineteenth cen-
tury when he, along with other social reformers, questioned the posi-
tion of women in society and attracted the attention of historians and
educationists about the growing inequalities and major evils of social
customs like child marriage, widow burning, the ban on widow remar-
riage and discrimination on the basis of sex. The historians of pre-
independence and post-independence penned their writings on females
with a nationalistic spirit of highlighting females with a contended look
at societal level, which was an attempt to defy the colonial approach.
In the Indian context, a major landmark was the committee formed in
1973 on the ‘Status of Women in India’, which sought to investigate
the extent to which constitutional and legal provisions had affected
women’s status, employment patterns and education over the decades,
and to suggest alternative measures whenever required.46 The informa-
tion revealed by the committee included a substantial erosion of wom-
en’s position in India, evidenced by the declining sex ratio, decline in
work participation due to labour displacement, as well as an increase
in female illiteracy. Against this background, a national debate on the
14 Introduction
women’s question was revived, and an attempt was made to scrutinize
the existing conceptual framework, as part of an effort to generate
new data on women which could assist in implementing development
policies and programmes for women’s uplift.47
In India, both tradition and modernity have been the off-shoots of
patriarchal ideology. From time immemorial, women faced the chal-
lenges of coping with a male chauvinistic milieu. Even after several
years of planned development in India, the status of women is low,
and their socio-economic conditions are miserable than that of men.
But nationalist historians working on the position of females defined
the concept of equality according to Hindu religious texts. Marxist
feminism defined women’s oppression as a historical effect of prop-
erty, while radical feminism believed in sexual inequality and rejected
a traditional division of labour. The year 1975 is considered historic as
the General Assembly of the United Nations declared it is as ‘Women’s
Year’. Since then there has been increased concern for women’s suf-
fering and a resolve to their employment in the society. Feminism has
been in the limelight since the celebration of International Women’s
Decade with its two schools of feminist thought.48 In India, radical and
socialist feminist groups are relatively of recent origin, and they are
few and scattered far and wide. Many feminists believe that women
should be considered to be ‘equal’ to men, but their concept of ‘equal-
ity’ was within the framework of Hindu religious texts.49
Present-day policies like structural adjustment programmes, glo-
balization and economic liberalization have worked against women’s
development. New global forces are reinforcing stereotypical roles of
their choice for women.50 Conservative and feudal practices like child
marriages are still getting strong defence from a large section of Indian
society in the garb of lame excuses of avoidance of dowry, feeling of
insecurity towards the daughter, caste factor and poverty.51 UNICEF
has observed that this trend is more popular in the lower strata of
society.52 India has the lowest average age of marriage in the world.
Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh have the highest percentage of mar-
ried minor females while Delhi, Punjab, Haryana and Gujarat have
the lowest sex ratio. A girl child is listed amongst the most unwanted.
Surprisingly, education, global exposure and affluence, all of which
translate into easier access to expensive technology, have made it eas-
ier to select the sex of the child. Thus, the practice of female feticide
has shifted its course from rural to urban areas as such places become
technologically more advanced. Even the rising educational level has
not diluted the myth that having a son is the solution to every emo-
tional, economic, spiritual and social problem in life.53 Society prefers
 Introduction 15
sons, as they are presented as the only way to increase their status in
the ‘otherwise subordinate life’ of a female.
From conception until death, the very existence of a female is chal-
lenged. She is discriminated against in every sphere of life. Widow-
hood in rural India is still an instant certificate of penury, privation
and mental torture from which there is no escape. Rural or urban, the
common thread that unites the widows in a chain of misery is the for-
cible deprivation of property and economic dependence. Her pathetic
condition can be judged from the statement of Inderjit Badhwar:
‘Reduced to virtual non-status through a series of rituals masquer-
ading under obscurantist religious section-breaking of her bangles or
banishing her from auspicious functions – she loses her independence
and capacity to fight for her property rights’.54 It was then considered
better to die now in glory (satī) than to live the life of a widow and per-
haps be compelled to commit suicide later. A stark and brutal reality is
that women in India were burnt alive until the twentieth century. Such
rituals remained the basis of a highly profitable religious worship. This
is but one more form of glorifying crimes against women. This seems
to be the criminalization of religion.55 Hemalata Prabhu opined that
gender and religion are responsible for lowering the interests, integrity
and identity of women in India.56 This combination has in fact been
made to eliminate the competitor for inheritance where both faithful-
ness and deification are suitably emphasized (emphasis added).57
Despite the enactment of laws such as the Child Marriage Restraint
Act (CMRA) 1929, Pre-natal Diagnostic Techniques Amendment
Act 1994, Hindu Succession Act 1956 and The Sati Restraint Act of
1829 for prevention of various crimes against women, the report of
the Human Development Index, which projects the standard of living
of people of a country keeping longevity and health, education and
decent standard of living as parameters, have pointed out strong gen-
der disparity in India.58
Today women are trying to make their presence felt through their
own struggle. They have considerably succeeded in generating debate
on the issues both at national and international levels. Governments
are also contributing positively by making stern laws and policies
favourable to the fairer sex. In the Indian context, reference may be
given of two amendments (73rd and 74th) in the Indian Constitution
by making provisions for reservation of seats for women in local bod-
ies of Panchayats and Municipal Committees. Also, the year 2001 was
declared as ‘Women Empowerment Year’, with a focus on achieving
the vision in the new century, of a nation where women would be an
equal partner with men. Over a long period of sustained efforts in
16 Introduction
the previous centuries, women are gradually becoming conscious of
their rights. An element of assertiveness and greater self-confidence is
becoming discernible among them. Voices in favour of women’s equal
treatment are coming from all corners. Legal reforms have been a
major avenue through which feminists in India have sought to achieve
the goal of gender equality. Legal reform is aimed at securing the rights
of women as well as clamping down on discriminating practices and
preventing crimes against women.59 The Human Development Report
2003 speaks about the millennium development goals to be achieved,
especially in gender equality and empowerment of women. In this con-
text the then Chief Justice of India, Justice A.S. Anand, observed:

The Indian legal system had adequate provisions to safeguard

women’s rights, but there was a need to properly implement them.
The problem is not about the existence of laws that safeguard
women’s rights, but about translating their de jure rights into de
facto ones.60

In 2013, the Justice J.S. Verma Committee, while responding to the

horrific December 16, 2012 gang rape in Delhi, prepared a report that
has heralded as one of the most comprehensive reports not only in
India but in the world. This report states:

The achievement of empowerment and equality of women has to

be necessarily a conjoint effort of the individual and the State.
Cases of individual women performing well are not indicative of
the empowerment of women as a collective responsibility under
the Constitution. The nation also suffers from, on the other hand,
dismal sex ratios in several states such as Punjab and Haryana.
The nation suffers from the existence of chauvinistic institu-
tions like khap panchayats, which, unfortunately, are politically
so powerful that they overrule, with impunity, the constitution-
ally mandated administration of equality in favour of women, by
using extra constitutional, oppressive methods of punishment.61

The report recommends finally that ‘The manner in which the rights
of women can be recognised can only be manifested when they have
full access to justice and when the rule of law can be upheld in their
favour’.62 Historians feel that the problem of the present has its roots
in the past. To understand adverse sex ratios, dowry, widowhood and
exclusion of women from the rights of property, we have to return to
the historical roots of many ills of contemporary Indian society, which
 Introduction 17
can be removed and amended by tracing their basic causes. The infor-
mation gathered from various sources such as literary, epigraphic,
numismatic and archaeological has to be utilized for devising a total
gender history of India. For the reconstruction of early and medie-
val history of India, the epigraphic records are the most important
because they provide definite source material for the reconstruction of
India’s social, cultural and economic history, including gender history.
History is witness that despite the pressures of society and systems,
women in different periods of history emerged to the forefront and
proved their mettle. There are few names that got space in the pages of
history, but thousands and thousands of women kept struggling for their
existence, for their rights, for their identity. Today, the whole world is
passing through a transitional phase so far as the issue of women’s devel-
opment is concerned. It would be evidently a great mistake to speak of
women as a homogeneous and monolithic social class. The disabilities
to which women have been exposed have not affected all women in the
same way and to the same extent. So it seems plausible that women’s
position needs to be looked into freshly in the past and the present
context. Taking into consideration the changing scenario, both Indian
scholars and others have written numerous academic books, papers and
articles on the role of women in Indian society. Earlier, it was limited
up to the position of royal class women, but with the growth of new
sources, ideas and theories, a study on the position of common women
is trending now. Social history is becoming more intelligible than simply
the quantum of writing on gender. The history of women is basically the
history of their struggle – not only for their survival but also to prove
their existence, their individuality in the society.
For analysing the position of women in the early medieval period,
fortunately, both literary as well as inscriptional sources are found
in abundance. The present work is an attempt to find the locus of
women through the study of inscriptions of the period roughly dated
ce 600 to 1200. We have analysed simultaneously contemporary lit-
erary sources. Indeed, many scholars have already made significant
contributions to the study of women and society in Vedic, Epic, Bud-
dhist, Mauryan and later periods of ancient Indian history, but very
few attempts were made to study the position of women during the
period analysed in this study through epigraphs, except few regional
contributions. The period is generally known for the culmination and
degeneration of the classical traditions of ancient Indian culture. Sev-
eral factors, including foreign invasions, social movements, economic
exploitations, political instability and religious affinities, greatly influ-
enced the women of the early medieval society. This monograph is
18 Introduction
an attempt to see the women proceeding and receding through their
struggle for their individuality even in those tough conditions where
they could not understand their identity as an individual but were try-
ing to come out of the web for their political, spiritual and economic
liberty.
Enormous epigraphical data on this period have still remained unu-
tilized to study the position of women. Most of the writers who have
studied the position of women during the early medieval period have
rested their debates primarily on the study of literary sources. A few
attempts in the form of regional study, contributing articles to journals,
and passing references of inscriptions of this period naturally cannot
give and are not intended to give any exhaustive view of this inter-
estingly vital subject. Therefore, an attempt has been made to study
the inscriptional data at a broader level through many excerpts from
original sources to portray an all-Indian perspective on women during
the period and to create sensitivity towards the aesthetic dimensions of
the position of women reflected in both epigraphs and literature. The
vast corpus of inscriptional material, in diverse languages and scripts,
have been tried to be gendered, but those south Indian inscriptions
that were not available in translated forms could not be cited. The
present work is neither fixed according to the Altekarian nationalist
framework, which is primarily based on literary sources, nor on K.K.
Shah or Leslie C. Orr’s line of use of inscriptions solely. This mono-
graph is based on a critical survey of inscriptional data simultaneously
consulting literary sources either to substantiate or validate or reject
the views. This may be accepted as fixing the data into the first frame-
work, as suggested by Kumkum Roy in her ‘Gender Relations during
the First Millennium’.63 The author is of the opinion that the exclusion
of one cannot justify the understanding of the other, which suggests
preoccupation implicitly. We have to take care of the thing that while
championing the cause of the female, we are not delimiting the gender
perspective into a female perspective only. Also through literature and
epigraphs we are trying to search for the identity of lost or unidentified
females. This book is not an attempt to reframe gender into new roles
which did not exist during the time under study, nor it is an attempt
to be too nationalist or Marxist. We find deviations and variations
frequently figuring in the sources while representing women. Although
many historians have cited the importance of epigraphic sources, yet
their use as basic source material on the position of women cannot be
justified in isolation. Over-reliance on any of the sources has been tried
to be avoided while identifying the spaces existing for women in both
literature and epigraphs. The present reading has been frameworked
 Introduction 19
into the linear concept of progress and regress of women at a societal
level, but wherever given a space, her identity coming out of that mon-
olithic, homogenous and passive social category has been highlighted.

Notes
1 K.K. Shah, The Problem of Identity: Women in Early Indian Inscriptions,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999, p. viii.
2 D.C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1965,
pp. 17–20.
3 B. Sheik Ali, History: Its Theory and Method, Palgrave Macmillan India
Ltd., Madras, 1st edn., 1978, reprint 1990, p. 303.
4 Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History: Some Interpretations, Ori-
ent Longman, New Delhi, 1978, p. 20.
5 D.D. Kosambi, ‘A Marxist’s Interpretation of Indian History’, in K. Satch-
idananda Murty, ed., Readings in Indian Politics and Philosophy, Allied
Publishers, New Delhi, 1967, pp. 37–8.
6 Radhakrishna Chaudhary, Inscriptions of Ancient India, Meenakshi
Prakashan, New Delhi, 1983, p. 1.
7 The Portuguese tried to decipher the Indian script in the Elephanta region.
In 1789, Wilkins deciphered the Gupta script. Between 1818–23, Todd
read some of the inscriptions in the region of Rajasthan, approximately
belonging to the period between the seventh and fifteenth centuries. In
1828, H.H. Wilson published a series of forty-three Sanskrit inscriptions,
found in Mount Abu. In 1836, James Prinsep published a long series of fac-
similes of ancient inscriptions, and this series continued in volumes of the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The credit for decipherment of the
Brāhmī script goes to James Prinsep and thereafter Georg Bűhler prepared
complete and scientific tables of Brāhmī and Khroṣṭhī scripts. Alexander
Cunningham planned three volumes of Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.
Bhagwanlal Indraji, R.G. Bhandarkar and J.F. Fleet contributed in complet-
ing histories of Maharashtra, Gujarat and Karnataka on the basis of epi-
graphical sources. Burgess started the publication of Epigraphia Indica and
Hultzsch started a series entitled South Indian Inscriptions. To B. Lewis
goes the credit of bringing twelve successful volumes of Epigraphia Carnat-
ica during 1884 and 1904. Bűhler and Kielhorn were the first to draw the
attention of scholars to the high literary value of inscriptions. D.C. Sircar’s
Indian Epigraphy is a major contribution in the field of Indian epigraphy.
8 Op.cit., p. 18.
9 Kesavan Veluthat, The Early Medieval in South India, Oxford University
Press, 2009, New Delhi, p. 29.
10 Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, p. 4.
11 Ibid., p. 22.
12 Wolseley Haig, ed., The Cambridge History of India, vol. III, S. Chand
and Co., New Delhi, 1965, p. 1.
13 V.A. Smith, The Early History of India, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1929,
4th edn., London, 1967, p. 370.
14 K.A. Nilkanta Sastri and G. Srinivasachary, Advanced History of India,
Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1970, reprint 1971, p. 239.
20 Introduction
15 Kesavan Veluthat, The Early Medieval in South India, p. 2.
16 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford Uni-
versity Press, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 18–19. Keshavan Veluthat, The Early
Medieval in South India, p. 3. Upinder Singh, Rethinking Early Medieval
India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2011, p. 1.
17 Odisha was being ruled by Kāras and the Bhaňjas in the early medieval
period. In Bundelkhand after Pratihāras, Candellas held sway over the
country. To them goes the credit of building magnificent temple-caves at
Khajurāho. The Kalachuris established themselves in Madhya Pradesh.
The kingdom of the Paramāras of Malava was established with a capital at
Dhāra. The Cāḷukyas held sway around Gujarat and Rajasthan. Rajasthan
was divided into several territorial units ruled by several dynasties. One was
Cāḷukyas, and another was Cāhamānas, who ruled near Jodhpur. Both had
regular confrontations. The Guhilas established themselves around Mewar.
Another branch of Guhilas ruled in Dhod near Udaipur (Rajasthan). In the
Haryana and Delhi regions, the Tomars established their supremacy. They
were contemporary to Pratihāra Bhoja, who ruled up to Sirsa and Karnal
district. One branch of Shāhīs or Shāhiyas established in Bhatinda (Punjab)
and another branch established itself between Kabul and Kishanganga val-
ley in Kashmir. Kashmir was ruled by Karkoṭa, Utpala and dynasties of
Yaśaskara and Parvagupta. A comprehensive list of Gurjara-Pratihāra rul-
ers of the early medieval period is provided by B.D. Chatopadhaya:
a. In Maharastra, the Eastern Cāḷukyas proved a constant trouble for the
Rāṣṭrakūṭas. The Eastern Gaṅgas extended their territory between ad
750–1000 up to lower coastal area of the Bhagirathi in north-east and
the Godavari in the south-west. The Somavaṁśīs established them-
selves in south Kosala with their capital at Sripura (i.e. Raichur Distt.).
The Cōlas of Thanjavur rose to power in Sangam Age. In ninth-tenth
century they affected the politics of south at a larger scale. Their kings
were known for their naval expeditions and village- administration
establishments. The Pāndyas were another successor to carry the herit-
age of Sangam Age up to the early medieval period. They remained
concentrated near Madurai. The Western Gaṅgas also dominated
southern politics sharing the influence with the Rāṣṭrakūṭas. The Pal-
lavas reigned in Tondamandalam with their capital at Kanchi. There
were some other minor kingdoms that are not discussed here.
b. After the disintegration of the Pālas, Pratihāras and Rāṣṭrakūṭas, petty
states originated throughout the country. They struggled within them-
selves and weakened the nation strength. It also encouraged feudalism.
Indian history is mostly witness to such incidents that after a glorious
period of any strong dynastic rule, period of chaos prevailed.
18 K.M. Pannikar, India Through the Ages, Discovery Publishing House,
New Delhi, 1985, pp. 129–31.
19 Al-Beruni’s India, ed. by Edward C. Sachau, S. Chand and Co., New
Delhi, 1964, vol. I, part I, chapter I, p. 22.
20 K.M. Pannikar, op. cit., p. 131.
21 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, p. xiii.
22 Ibid., p. 34.
23 Ibid., p. 35.
 Introduction 21
24 Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in Medieval South India,
Oxford University Press, Madras, 1985, p. 167.
25 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, op. cit., p. 29.
26 R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Age of Imperial Kanauj, Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan, Bombay, 1964, p. 373.
27 Ibid., p. 373.
28 Ibid., p. 292.
29 Devika Rangachari, Invisible Women Visible Histories: Gender, Society
and Polity in North India (Seventh to Twelfth Century ad), Manohar Pub-
lishers, New Delhi, 2009, p. 495.
30 P.H. Prabhu, Hindu Social Organisation, Popular Prakashan, Bombay,
1940, 6th reprint 1979, p. 3.
31 K.M. Kapadia, Marriage and Family in India, Oxford University Press,
Calcutta, 1955, p. 271.
32 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi, 1st edn., 1939, 2nd edn., 1959, p. 360.
33 Tara Ali Beg, ed., Women of India, Publication Division, New Delhi,
1959, p. 128.
34 Ibid., p. 130.
35 K. K. Shah, History and Gender: Some Explorations, Rawat Publications,
Jaipur, 2005, p. 1.
36 Shakuntala Rao Shastri, Women in Sacred Laws, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
Bombay, 1970, p. 64.
37 Gerda Lerner, ‘Majority Finds Its Past: Placing Women in History’, in
Maggie Humm, ed., Feminism: A Reader, Harvester Wheatsheaf, London,
1992, p. 328.
38 Joan Kelly Gadol, ‘The Social Relation of the Sexes: Methodological
Implications of Women’s History’, cited in ibid., p. 332.
39 Kumkum Roy, ed., Women in Early Indian Societies, Manohar Publishers,
New Delhi, 1999, p. ix.
40 Ibid., p. x.
41 Leslie C. Orr, Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God: Temple Women
in Medieval Tamil Nadu, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000, p. 12.
42 K.K. Shah, The Problem of Identity, p. viii.
43 Maithreyi Krishnaraj, ‘Writing Women’s History or Writing Women into
History’, in K. K. Shah, ed., History and Gender: Some Explorations,
p. 37.
44 Kumkum Roy, The Power of Gender and the Gender of Power: Explora-
tions in Early Indian History, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2010,
pp. 2–5.
45 Daud Ali, ‘From Nāyika to Bhakta: A Geneology of Female Subjectivity
in Early Medieval India’, in Julia Leslie and Mary Mcgee, ed., Invented
Identities: The Interplay of Gender, Religion and Politics in India, Oxford
University Press, New Delhi, 2000, p. 161.
46 Seemanthini Niranjana, ‘Transitions and Reorientations: On the Women’s
Movement in India’, in Peter Ronald de Souza, ed., Contemporary India –
Transitions, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2000, p. 268.
47 Ibid., p. 268.
48 Brahmananda Satapathy and Jyotirmati Samantray, ‘Status of Women:
A Global Perspective’, cited in Sharada Rath and Navaneeta Rath, eds.,
22 Introduction
Women in India: A Search for Identity, Anmol Publications, New Delhi,
1999, p. 19.
a. One of the school asserts that women are in no way inferior to men
and they are of equal worth. They put emphasis on gender equal-
ity. The other school, however, claims for women not a position of
equality with men, but one of superiority. The feminists speak of two
approaches to deal with the problems on women’s development issues.
These approaches are: (1) Moderate or Liberal Feminism, and (2) Radi-
cal or Marxist Feminism, and both are found in the women’s liberation
movement which is spreading in different forms and intensity in all
parts of the world.
49 Ibid., p. 20.
50 Kumkum Sangari and Uma Chakravarti, eds., From Myths to Markets:
Essays on Gender, IIAS Shimla and Manohar Publishers, New Delhi,
1999, p. xvi.
51 Asha Krishna Kumar and T.K. Rajalakshmi, ‘Child Brides of India’, Front-
line, 15 July 2005, p. 9.
a. Debate was raised over the statement of the then Chief Minister of
Madhya Pradesh, Babulal Gaur, where he issued the statement in favour
of child marriage that ‘social customs are stronger than the laws’, while
social workers, sociologists and humanitarianists cited various reasons
behind such practices (pp. 9 and 13).
52 Ibid., p. 9.
53 Shefalle Vasudev, ‘Missing Girl Child’, IT, 10 November 2003, p. 15.
54 Inderjit Badhwar, ‘Widows: Wrecks of Humanity’, IT, 15 November 1987,
p. 139.
55 Kumkum Sangari, ‘Perpetuating the Myth’, Seminar, 342, February, 1988,
p. 30. K. Sangari rejected the idea of co-relation between satī and religion
and called satī as criminalization of religion.
56 ‘Sati: A Pagan Sacrifice’, Special report by IT, 15 October 1987, p. 101.
a. A debate was presented on the issue of satī case in Deorala village
of Rajasthan, where the then Home Minister Gulab Singh described
the incident of satī as ‘a purely religious matter’. While intellectuals
describe satī as basis of highly profitable religious worship and as the
women’s entire personality is structured around her husband’s identity,
she believes there can be no life after his death’.
57 Romila Thapar, ‘In History’, cited in Seminar, 342, February 1988, p. 18.
58 Praveen Singhal, ‘Empower Women to End Gender Bias’, The Sunday
Tribune, Chandigarh, 23 April 2006, p. 8.
59 Seemanthini Niranjana, ‘Transitions and Reorientations’, p. 272.
60 C. Sivamurugan and V. Anbumani, ‘Empowerment of Women in India’,
Third Concept, 229, March 2006, p. 39.
61 Report of the committee on Amendments to Criminal Law, January, 23,
2013, para-22, p. 10.
62 Ibid., Conclusion and Recommendation Part, Para-3, p. 415.
63 Kumkum Roy, ‘Gender Relations During the First Millennium: An Over-
view’, in B.D. Chattopadhyaya, ed., A Social History of Early India, vol.
II, part 5, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civiliza-
tion, New Delhi, 2009, pp. 213–31.
2 Childhood and education

Reception in the family

On female education and marriage, several approaches have been
­carried out, from P.V. Kane and A.S. Altekar to K.K. Shah, Kumkum
Roy and Uma Chakravarty. The traditional approach favours the con-
cept of education for women up to a certain age only. Scholars have
highlighted the identity of even an educated woman in ideal family
perspectives only. Perhaps that was the reason for Altekar to suggest
a different study curriculum for girls which would convert them into
‘efficient and cultured housewives’.1 With great difficulty he accepted
that the Second World War has made it an economic necessity that
both partners should be educated and earn their livelihood. This time-
old approach was followed for several decades in India, but liberal
scholars challenged it and advocated an open and congenial atmos-
phere for education and personality development of women. They did
not want women to be identified through their traditional role of a
housewife but as a strong woman who was provided equal opportuni-
ties vis-à-vis her male counterpart. They also favoured professional
and technical fields of education for women and tried to bring forth
those aspects of women’s development from history which was hidden
under cover due to male dominance. The concept of the female as an
individual identity in traditional society does not exist because her
contribution in the society is collective, not as an individual. Educa-
tion can provide her a different identity, with the condition that it has
been out of the traditional education system.
The chapter under discussion has been divided into two sections:
the first part discusses the early life of a girl child, reception in the
family on her birth and her educational aspects. Also, an attempt has
been made to find out how far the society of the early medieval period
was able to understand educated women as an asset and uneducated
women as a liability.2
24 Childhood and education
In patriarchal societies the birth of a girl child is normally an
unwelcome event. India is no exception to this notion. In the Athar-
vaveda, rituals were performed to ensure the birth of a son.3 Con-
trary to it, in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣada comes certain rituals
to a householder ensuring the birth of a scholarly daughter.4 It was
in the early Vedic and Vedic period only due to tribal elements pre-
sent in the society that the birth of a girl child was welcomed. From
the later Vedic period onward, literature seemed to be inclined more
towards opposing woman on equal footing on the base of sex right
from their birth. A rapid shift from upanayana to vivāh saṁskār was
noticed for women from the seventh century onwards, and it was
done in such a systematic manner that no opposition came from
women because the environment of the society towards their politi-
cal and social exposure was made intentionally sterile. The basic
factor responsible behind the preference for male children seems to
be ancestor worship, which was to be performed by the sons only.5
Later, various other factors like more economic responsibility in a
girl’s marriage, prohibition on remarriage of a widow and strict wid-
owhood penance etc. accelerated this process. K.M. Pannikar has
cited the breakdown of social institutions, which was unavoidable
during periods of continuous invasion, the upsetting of traditional
political structures, the vast migrations of people and the economic
depression which followed prolonged unsettlement as reasons for
general depression of social life, especially among women.6 Vijaya
Ramaswamy advocated two primary factors behind the social
exploitation of women. First was lack of education, and the second,
economic dependence.7
Writers who flourished during the seventh and later centuries did
speak of the pathetic condition of the girl child. Bāṇa has described
the birth of a girl child as an occasion of sorrow in the family as: ‘The
worst of this fire of grief is that though both son and daughter are
equally one’s offspring, people get grief stricken the moment a daugh-
ter is born and give her water with tears’.8 The inscriptions also could
not conceal the truth of favouring a male child to a female child. The
Srinagar inscription of the reign of the queen Diddā of ce 992 found in
Srinagar supplements the above-stated fact. It reads as:

(The Lady) who gave birth to a jewel like son, lovely as Kāmadeva,
who, with well manifested fatherly love was a great benefactor of
all the cows (coming from) far of lands (and who was) an abode
of many acts which bear consummate fruit.
(v.1)9
 Childhood and education 25
Many inscriptions specifically with male preference were found in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Govindpur stone inscription of
ce 1137, which was found in the Gaya district of formerly Bengal
Presidency, describes the marital anxieties of a couple for the want of
a child which should obviously be a son.10 The language of the inscrip-
tion makes clear the motive behind the prayer to god:

This fortunate Manoratha married the daughter of Devaśarman, . . .

(v. 18)

[Here Manoratha is the father of Gaṅgādhara, who was the writer

of this eulogy.]
As for a long time they did not obtain the desired-for offspring,
both husband and wife, though not to blame, were naturally dis-
tressed in mind. Then Śiva himself came to them in a dream, and
told them that their anxiety was groundless; they would worship
him, and then they would have a son.
(v. 19)11

What is amazing as well as appreciable to note in the above-cited

inscription is that thankfully no blame was put on the wife for not get-
ting a son, as was the norm in Indian society. The inscription opened
with highlighting the virtues of Padmāṁbike, the mother. Though
writings of this period indicate that due to influence of commentators
of smṛtis and Dharmaśāstras, women had lost their right to participate
and perform in ritualistic ceremonies along with their husband. But
in the present inscription both husband and wife performed worship
because it was for the cause of begetting a son.
Contrary to the above-cited inscriptions, the Bayyāram Tank
inscription of Kākati Māilaṁa of ce 1183 welcomes the arrival of a
girl child.12 This inscription, which was found in the Yellendu Taluq
of Khammam district of Andhra Pradesh, carried only a welcome note
on the birth of a daughter as:

In the [śaka] year 1105, Śobhakrit on an auspicious day, a female

baby was born to Mahādeva and Bayyāmaṁbā.
(v. 22)

She was named by the parents [as Mailāṁbā] after the god
Mallikārjuna of Śrīśaila; besides that she obtained the name of
Dharmakīrti by her deeds of dharma.
(v. 23)
26 Childhood and education
Just as Menakā and Gaurī were born to Mainā and Himavān, the
Moon and Lakṣmī to Kṣīrābdhi (milk ocean) so also Gaṇapati and
Mailāṁambā were born to Boyyāṁbā and Mahādeva.
(v. 24)13

Comparing the inscription of Ablur (Maharashtra) and the inscription

of Kākati Māilaṁa (Andhra Pradesh), a clear-cut difference comes out
of the social status. In the Ablur inscription, the couple belonged to a
brāhmaṇa caste while in the Kākati Māilaṁa inscription, the arrival of
a girl in a royal class family had been a welcome gesture. Also the last
line makes it clear that a son was already born in the family. Thus, the
burden of a daughter seemed to be less on the royal household, and
the anxieties regarding a girl child were not felt in the manner as by
the couple in the former inscription.
The Sārnāth stone inscription of Kumāradevī, Queen of Govin-
dachandra (ce 1114–55) issued from the Varanasi district of Uttar
Pradesh speaks about the kṣatriya governor, Mahāna. His daughter
Śaṅkaradevī was given in marriage to Piṭhīpati Devarakṣita and gave
birth to Kumāradevī, who became the queen of Govindacandra.14 Per-
haps no son was born to the governor, which could be the reason why
the name of the daughter appears. Secondly, it was an alliance to the
higher level i.e. from governor to a king’s family and was a matter of
social prestigue.The inscriptional study tends to prove that the birth
of a son was always desirable while that of a daughter was deplored.
Her fate was highlighted a bit more favourable if she was born in the
house of a ruler or highly placed official where she could receive a
good atmosphere to grow. Interestingly, in most of the inscriptions
of the early medieval period, the name of the mother appears only
if she has given birth to a male child, whether she belonged to the
royal class or common class. Listed here are a few inscriptions for the
reference:15

1 Dūbī copper-plate inscription of Bhāskaravarman (ce 600–50),

Kamrup district Assam, pp. 1–2.
2 Sonpat copper seal inscription of Harṣa (ce 606–47), Rohtak dis-
trict, Haryana.
3 Madhuban copper-plate inscription of Harṣa (ce 631), Azamgarh
district, Uttar Pradesh, p. 224 (The names of Rājyavardhana and
Harṣavardhana appear but not that of the sister, Rājyaśrī).
4 Vaḍner copper-plate inscription of Buddharāja (ce 608), Nasik,
Maharashtra, p. 355.
 Childhood and education 27
5 Tipperah copper-plate inscription of Lokanātha (ce 664), Tippe-
rah district, Bangladesh, pp. 28–9.
6 Kalian copper-plate inscription of Śrī-dharanārata (ce 665–75),
Tipperah district, Bangladesh, p. 36.
7 Deo-baranark stone inscription of Jivita-gupta-II (ce 700–10),
Shahabad district, Bihar, p. 50.
8 Khalimpur copper-plate inscription of Dharmapāla (ce 775–812),
Malda district, West Bengal, p. 62.
9 Nālanda copper-plate inscription of Devapāla (ce 812–50), Patna
district, Bihar, p. 71.
10 Bhagalpur copper-plate inscription of Nārāyaṇapāla (ce 812–50),
Bhagalpur district, Bihar, p. 80.
11 Velūrpālaiyam copper-plate inscription of Nandivarman III, (ce
820–45), North Arcot district, Tamil Nadu, pp. 612–13.
12 Prabatiya copper-plate inscription of Vanamalavarman (ce 835–
60), Darrang district, Assam, p. 16.
13 Jodhpur stone inscription of Bāuka (ce 837), Jodhpur district,
Rajasthan.
14 Pāṇḍukeśwar copper-plate inscription of Lalitaśūra (ce 854),
Garhwal district, Uttar Pradesh, p. 268.
15 Chāṭsū stone inscription of Bālāditya (ce 900–20), Jaipur district,
Rajasthan, p. 363.
16 Yelivarru copper-plate inscription of Ammā II Vijayāditya
(ce 945–70), Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh, p. 517.
17 Partāpgarh stone inscription of Mahendrapāla II (ce 946), Chitor-
garh district, Rajasthan.
18 Suṅgal copper-plate inscription of Vidagdha (11th century), Chamba
district, Himachal Pradesh, p. 426.
19 Bhubaneśwar stone-inscription of Bhava-deva (ce 1090–1110),
Puri district, Orissa, p. 105.

The references in these inscriptions cited as sample from pan-India

suggest that female identity was encircled after marriage as a mother
of a son; otherwise, she was neglected or perhaps a non-existing entity
in society. Hardly do we come across any inscription during the early
medieval period – except Bhauma-kāra inscriptions of Orissa – where
any female child is identified through the maternal side with respect.
Not even the name of a female child in the capacity of a daughter
appears in the fashion like we find of a son, grandson or great-grand-
son. Even in the Sārnāth stone inscription of Kumāradevī, the identity
of the daughter and grand-daughter comes out of a male relationship.
28 Childhood and education
Education and curriculum
The Ṛgveda offers the first glimpse of educated women. References to
learned ladies like Lopamudrā, Viśvavarā and Ghoṣā show that women
were also eligible to come out as products of the educational disci-
pline of brahmacarya. The evidence from the later Vedic period also
shows that education was not denied to women. The Bṛhadāraṇyaka
Upaniṣada mentions the rituals by which a person prayed for the birth
of a daughter who should be paṇḍitā, a learned lady.16 From the evi-
dence of the texts like the Taittirīya Saṁhitā,17 Maitrāyaṇī Saṁhitā,18
we come to know that women were taught some of the fine arts like
dancing, singing, etc. The Sūtras also suggest that education was not
denied to women. In the Mahājanapada age, the education of women
received a great setback. The Upanayana ceremony of girls came to
a close towards the beginning of the second century bce. A few his-
torians put it to unconscious, undefined and unacknowledged strug-
gle between priest and woman to retain ascendancy over man.19 Also
during the composition of the smṛtis, education for girl children was
neglected. As child marriage became the order of the day, so women’s
education suffered considerably.20 For several decades, women lapsed
into illiteracy and misery, but it was a failure on the part of many his-
torians who declared the period between ce 600–1200 as ‘dark ages’
in the history of women, solely making a few literary studies as their
base of observations, and declared the low marriageable age as the
basic cause of female illiteracy in the early medieval period. Contrary
to this observation, many inscriptional as well as literary sources of
the seventh to thirteenth centuries suggest that there was no dearth
of educationally qualified women, who showed their merit in differ-
ent fields of education during the critical period of political turmoil.
Women excelled in the fine arts as well as in administrative and mili-
tary skills. They also went for religious education. Even economy of
the state also remained their fields of study. Their expertise in Prākrit
and Sanskrit languages showed their academic intelligence.
A close look at the curriculum of education from the Vedic period
to the early medieval period shows that proficiency shifted in various
fields according to the aptitude and needs of the time. In the Vedic
period stress was on learning and reciting sacred hymns. Besides this
geometry, astronomy, grammar and etymology were the main subjects
of study for students.21 In the later Vedic period, besides the growth
of Brāhmaṇa literature, specialization in Vedic study took place.
The Vedic studies fell into the background during the first century to
the thirteenth century ad, but this age made its own contribution to the
 Childhood and education 29
march of knowledge by further developing astronomy, astrology, poet-
ics, classic Sanskrit literature, fine arts, logic and the different systems
of orthodox and heterodox philosophy. Women of the early medieval
period also could not remain unaffected by these developments. From
the field of politics and administration to religion, women have shown
their qualities. Successful rule of several queens and lady sāmantas in
the early medieval period could not deny this fact that women of royal
class were well trained in administrative as well as military fields, so
that in the time of crisis, they could manage the state affairs.
In the Māruṭūr plates of Satyāśraya Śrī Prithvīvallabha Pulakeśin
II (Andhra Pradesh) of the seventh century, the queen Kadaṁba
Mahādevī was described as possessing good qualities like political wis-
dom, humbleness, charity and good conduct.22 The specific reference
to her political wisdom proved that the queen was especially admired
for this quality. The history of the early medieval period is witness to
many queens and lady feudatories who acted as ruling heads of state,
governors and nāyakas or sāmantas in their respective domains. The
great success and luminous career with which Bhauma-kāra quuens
of Orissa and Kashmirian queens like Sugandhā and Diddā governed
their dominions naturally presuppose that they were put in the way to
efficiency by some previous instruction and practice.23 Women seem to
have been admitted to military training. Pataňjali indicated the forma-
tion of Śāktikī, which means a female spear-bearer during the Mau-
ryan Age.24 The study of Divyāśrayakāvya of Hemachandra proves
that the women of non-Aryan races accompanied their husbands to
the battlefield.25 Even in Aryan tribes, female servants or wives of
high officials accompanied their husbands to the battlefield. During
the early medieval period the inscription of Paśchimbhāg copper-plate
of Śrīcandra (Bangladesh) of ce 925–75 informed that, ‘the army of
Śrīcandra (was) being accompanied by his wife Kancikā in an attempt
to subdue Uttarapatha’.26 This inscription specifies the purpose of sub-
duing Uttarapatha alongwith the queen which shows that queen was
expert in military and warfare techniques and used to accompany king
in pitched battles and long expiditions of territorial gain.
Interestingly, both literary and inscriptional sources confirm that
not only the royal class women are found to be educated, but even
the lower strata of the society down to maid-servants seemed to be
well educated in politics and behaviour sciences. Many verses of the
Navasāhsāṅkacarita made this fact clear. The Cacnāmāh, which deals
with the ancient history of Sind, referred to Bāī, who was a queen-
sister of Dāhir, the king of Sind who fought very bravely with Kāsim
after the death of Dāhir. The Cacnāmāh gives a very vivid account of
30 Childhood and education
her fight with Kāsim, which ended with the ashes of Bāī.27 Besides the
Karpūrmaňjarī also refers to women-bodyguards, who are skilled in
various war-tactics who belonged to the common class.28 Altekar has
pointed out that Rājput princesses were adept in the use of both sword
and spear. They could lead the armies and direct the government in
the hour of need.29 In the inscriptions also there is no dearth of exam-
ples where women were accomplished in various arts and fields. An
inscription of ce 1041 from Hoskate Taluq of Karnataka speaks of a
lady (with no title) who attacked the enemy, fought bravely, recovered
the cows and died.30 This fight seems to be a part of cattle-raid where
the female (with no title) was able to win but died ultimately fighting.
As in most of the royal inscriptions, titles are attached; hence this case
can safely be places in common female category. In another inscription
from Karnataka (Kudur district) of ce 1195, the valiant activities of
the queen Kalā-Devī have been highlighted:

During the government of Pratāpa-Cakravartti Hoysaḷa-Vīra-

Ballāla-Dēva’s queen . . . Kalā-Devī, (on the date specified) robbers
having carried of the cows of the Brāhmaṇas of Keṅkeṛe, which
was a row of merchant-jewels, hearing the tumult, going forth,
fighting, slaying many, recovered the cows and gained the world
of gods.31

This inscription not only shows the military skill of the queen but
also that she took it on her heels to fight with robbers. The Hoysaḷa
king had faith in his wife’s ability, that is why he did not accompany
her. The last line of the inscription (she gained the world of gods)
indicates two views: either she died in the battlefield or she has been
praised in high colours. The first description, if taken into considera-
tion, indicates that women did not mind dying on the battlefield.32
Two inscriptions of ce 1196, ce 1197 from Honalli Taluq of Karna-
taka also speak of bravery of the queen named Umā-devī.33 Several
inscriptions speak of the title daṇḍanāyakīti attached to females. It
indicated the feminine title of daṇḍanāyaka (who was a superinten-
dent of district). This title was found especially in the inscriptions of
ce 1120.34 This post is associated with law and order maintenance.
The appointment of a female on such a post shows that gender baises
could not come across the barriers of calible. She might be having
good qualification or some institutional training to hold this posi-
tion.Another inscription from Shimoga district (Karnataka) dated ce
1177 bears a slightly dominating tone while describing the qualities
of the queen in the sense that she has been called a plunderer and
 Childhood and education 31
cow-raider,35 but it does not delimit her military accomplishments. It
reads as:

Be it well. In entitled to the band of five chief instruments, the

mahā-maṇḍaleśvara, . . . when Malla-Deva’s queen Padamala-
Dēvī having become hostile to Soyi-Deva, plundered . . . in
Kappaṭūr and raiding the fields, was carrying off the cows, – the
Hiriya-Māguḍi heggaḍe-kuppayya’s younger brother Śankayya
attacked, slew many, recovered the cows, drove back the enemy,
distinguished himself and gained the world of Gods. His sons set
up this stone.36

This inscription indicates the unsuccessful attempt of raid and plun-

der by queen Padamala-Dēvī and her fight and defeat. Inscriptions
do tell us that military education was imparted not only to the
royal princesses and queens but also to the daughters and wives of
mahāsāmantas and sāmantas. An inscription of ce 1106 from Bijapur
district (Karnataka) tells us about the slaughter of two generals by
the wife of a mahāsāmantas, named Cāgaladevī.37 These inscriptional
records stand as testimony to the brave deeds and the glory achieved
by the women from both, royal and common house in military fields.
Besides gaining proficiency in administrative and military fields,
women also excelled in sophisticated domains like poetry, dance,
music and fine arts during the early medieval period. The Harṣacarita
revealed that Rājyaśrī, sister of king Harṣa, got an education and
training in various arts including dancing and singing, along with
her colleagues under the guidance of their gurū Divākaramitra.38 S.H.
Deshpande observed that at the time of Haribhadra Sūrī (i.e., about
ce 700–770), it seemed that girls were given full education.39 Apart
from reading and writing, instructions were imparted to them in draw-
ing, painting, music and other useful arts. Like men, higher educa-
tion was also provided to them. It seems that the education of girls
was an individual and private concern, and the parents used to make
full efforts to educate their daughters.40 A study of Daśakumāracarita
reveals that the girls from the royal families and the aristocracy were
usually imparted training in the arts of dancing, music and painting.41
They were given education in various branches of learning according
to their aptitude. The princess Avantisundarī, the queen Kalpasundrī,
the maiden Kandukāvatī and others appear in Daṇḍin’s narratives
as well-versed in arts and learning. Even the maid-servants of royal
houses were well-versed in politics, behavioural sciences, and fine
arts like painting, singing and dancing.42 Inscriptions also speak of
32 Childhood and education
imparting training in fine arts to royal class women. The Kerehaḷḷi
Plates of Nītimārga Eregang from the region of the Western Gaṅgās
in Karnataka (ce 906) enumerated the achievements of women in arts
and dance as:

Rājamalla or Guṇdutta raṅga’s queen was Cardā-baḷabbā, the

daughter of illustrious master of the Amoghavarṣa. From her, who
was the source of good fortune, who was an assembly of modesty,
prosperity, fame and excellent character, well educated in such
arts as dancing [emphasis added] was born to Būtugendra a son,
the king Eṛegaṅga, the eloquent.
(v. 15)43

In the inscription cited earlier, fine arts included music and dance. Pro-
ficiency in these arts was enjoyed by the royal females. In the Kuknūr
plates of Mārasiṁha II of the Western Gaṅgas (found in Yellurga Taluq,
Raichur district, Karnataka) of ce 968–9, the reference to learning and
the fine arts of a royal female has been highlighted:

Gaṅga-Kandarppa, who had Mārasiṁha as his first name, had

elder sister named Kundaṇasāmī (v. 44). Her husband was the
king Rājāditya, who belonged to the Cālukya lineage and who
was the nephew (sister’s son) of the king Jayadūttaraṅga. (v. 45).
In verses 46–49, the rhetoric prose are devoted to Kundaṇasāmi’s
eulogy, highlighting her physical charms, wholesome beauty, her
accomplishments in learning and the fine arts, her patronage to
the erudite and the deserving, her deep devotion to Jaina and her
knowledge of Jaina philosophy.44

The inscription seems to provide important information regarding

Kundaṇasāmi’s proficiency in the field of fine arts and her knowledge
of Jaina philosophy. As philosophy is considered as a subject of inter-
est of saints and sages only (that too males only), the entry of women
into this field was a remarkable achievement because their identity
came out that way. Sometimes kings used to patronize these women
who were experts in various fields of fine arts irrespective of their
social status. The Telugu Academy plates of Bhīma I of ce 892 speak
of a village gift to a girl Chāllava, who was an expert in the art of
music.45 The identity of the girl is not revealed except her proficiency
in music that impresses the king upto the extent of gifting a village as
a reward.Inference can be drawn that she was a girl from ordinary
social background.
 Childhood and education 33
Importantly, Vātsyāyana’s Kāmasūtra’s subsidiary aṅgas included
singing, dancing and painting, which he suggested for women should
be studied before they attain youth (i.e., in their father’s house).
Although the Kamasūtra is the work of a much earlier period, yet
its direct influence can be felt on the society of the early medieval
period. The 64 kalās (I, 3. 16) enumerated in Kāmasūtra included
prahelikās (riddles of words), pustakavācana (chanting from books)
and kāvyasamasyā-purāṇa (compositor a suitable portion of a verse fit
within a portion given).46 These subjects are more or less highlighted
in literature and inscriptions of the period ce 600–1200. The inscrip-
tion of ce 1106 from Karnataka informs us of a daṇḍanāyaka three
daughters who were skilled in science, music and dance as:

(While) Ballāladeva was ruling the kingdom, to Chāmave-

daṇḍanāyakiti like a second Lakṣmī to Maṛiyāne-daṇḍanāyaka
were born Padamala-devī, Cāmaladevī, Bappādevī. These three
having grown up skilled in science, music and dance.47

An inscription of ce 1123 also speaks of a lady named Lakṣmī

who was expert in singing, instrumental music and dancing.48 The
curriculum of studies in the ninth century ce included sexual science
of Vātsayāyana, Dattaka, Viṭaputra and Rājaputra, the Nātyaśāstra
of Bharata, Viśākhila’s treatise on art, Dantila’s work on music,
Vrikśāyurveda, painting, needlework, woodwork, metalwork, clay
modelling, cookery and practical training in instrumental music, sing-
ing and dancing.49 Bilhaṇa extols the women of Kashmir for their
learning, which allowed them to speak both Sanskrit and Prākrit.50
Sunil Chandra Ray, with the help of Kuṭṭanīmaṭa kāvya and
Vikramāṅkadevacarita, informs about the education of women in
Kashmir in early medieval times.51 B.N. Luniya observed that music
and dancing, in addition to painting, were popular recreations among
ladies of higher ranks of society, and sometimes daughters of kings
and warriors took lessons in horsemanship.52 Epigraphs tend to prove
that these art forms were popular among both, common and royal
class of the society.
A cursory look at the study pattern of education until the early
medieval period shows that it shifted its course from the Vedic
education to the specialized study which was more complicated.
By putting a ban on Upanayana ceremony, the field of education –
especially the Vedic and religious study – was closed for women, but
the existence of numerous references in both the inscriptional and
literary sources show that women excelled in the fields of religious
34 Childhood and education
study and philosophy. Whether it was Hindu religion, Buddhist or
Jaina, they marked their presence. A good number of Hindu women
professing different sects, like Śaiva, Vīraśaiva, Śākta, Mahānubhāva,
etc., became nuns. Lakṣmīkara, the sister of the king Indrabhūti
(ce 717), preached her own peculiar theories on Tāntric Buddhism
in an interesting work named Advayasiddhi in Orissa.53 As earlier
reference came of the Kuknūr plates of Mārasiṁha II of the Western
Gaṅgas where Kundaṇasāmī shows her deep devotion to Jaina and
her knowledge to Jaina philosophy. Whenever and wherever women
got the opportunity, they showed their concern for their spiritual
preceptor. The Māruṭur plates of Satyaśraya Śrī Prithvīvallabha
Pulakeśin II of the seventh century from Andhra Pradesh make it
clear that a grant was made in order to fulfill the ‘saṁkalpa siddhi’
or the vow to please the gurū (swagurū samudartham) of the first
queen named Kadaṁba-mahādevī of the king.54 Another inscription
of ce 990 from the Kudur district of Karnataka speaks of a memorial
stone set up by a female disciple in the memory of her gurū, which
reads as:

Śāntiyabbe, younger sister of Havumbbe, a lay-disciple of

Vimaḷacandra-Paṇḍita-deva, (?) set up this memorial for the
departure (or death) of her gurū.55

The present inscription does not contain any royal reference and
indicates Havumbbe as lay-disciple who is setting up memorial on
the death of her guru. It seems very likely that education (religious/
spiritual) was also imparted to laywomen. There are many more
examples from epigraphic sources where common women, as well as
queens, had adopted particular gaṇas or saṅghas where they got full
opportunities to develop their spiritual potentialities. Since these insti-
tutions imparted education to them, so they in turn came forward to
help them. An inscription from the Kudur district of Karnataka of
ce 1054 further elaborated this concept.56 In this example, a female
disciple (identity not given whether she was a lay disciple or royal class
woman) purchased the land to build a basadi. Obviously, the effect of
this teacher and his sect was on the woman, that’s why she tried to pay
attention to build a basadi. This inscription reads as:

Jākiyabbeganti, female disciple of Vajrapāṇi-Paṇḍita of the

Sauraśta-gaṇa, having paid to the king the money in full and
received the land in full for a residence . . . left it to the basadi of
Sosavūr for a memorial.57
 Childhood and education 35
An inscription from Bangalore, dated ce 1058, goes a step further to
comment, where a queen established the image of her gurū whom she
had adopted perhaps as her spiritual teacher:

Rājādhirāja Kongāḷva’s mother Pochabbarasi had (image of) her

gurū Guṇasena- Paṇḍita -deva of the Dravila-gaṇa, nandi-saṅgha,
and Irungalānavaya, made and gave it with pouring of water.58

Such instances of religious and spiritual aspects of women make us

believe that even after marriage their interests varied. They are seen
studying and learning profound metaphysical doctrines from their
teachers. Their interest in the deepest truths of life shows the highest
standard of education and knowledge. In religious fields, they were
quite independent to adopt any sect.
In Maharashtra, during the Yādava period (ce 1000 to 1350) the
women from śūdra castes were attracted towards the Warkāri sect,
which emphasized the importance of the married life and never believed
in sanyāsa as the only precondition for salvation. The widows from the
brāhmaṇa community were attracted towards the Mahānubhāva sect
for salvation.59 The bhakti movement during the ninth to twelfth cen-
turies gave women a chance to show their understanding of religion.
Akkāmahādevī was a brilliant medieval Kannaḍa poetess and mystic
of the twelfth century. She wrote several noteworthy psalms. Even the
name of a prostitute like Sule Sankavva belonging to the same period
was associated in the list of poet-saints in the bhakti movement of the
south.60 Where many of the poet-saints of the bhakti movement were
artisans, it is unusual to find one who was a prostitute. Perhaps her
devotion level inspired the society to accept her as a saint. There is only
one or two examples in the whole range of inscriptions where temple-
priestesses (gauravi-priestess) was known. In ce 1005, six maṭṭars of
land were granted to Revabbe gauravi of Mūlasthana, at the request of
the eight gāvuṇḍas and the sixty tenants of Sirivur.61
Buddhism also produced numerous remarkable women within its
own fold, who played a prominent part as leaders of thought in the
religious reformation.62 Women were made eligible for admission to
what was known as the Bhikṣuṇī-saṅgha, the Order of Nuns, which
opened new avenues of culture and social service and ample oppor-
tunities for public life.63 There are also instances of learned women
becoming even heads of monasteries. Jainism also attracted a large
number of females from every section of society through its unique and
peculiar style. In the inscriptions of the Mysore (Karnataka) and Tamil
Nadu, the influence of Jainsim on women was more visible. Women
36 Childhood and education
from all sections of society joined the Śwetāmbara sect of Jainism as it
provided the way of salvation to them. A housewife, a sister, a mother
or a daughter would renounce the world, as per Jaina injuctions, when
the inner call came.64 An ordained Jain nun could exercise all the spir-
itual functions.65 A detailed discussion on various aspects of religious
participation of women has been taken up for discussion in Chapter 4.
From the references, quoting women as priestesses in Hindu temples
and Maṭhādhīś in monasteries, it can be taken that they were admitted
to religious institutions. Various religious sects and movements from
ce 600–1200 gave women a chance to show their religious caliber.
Besides it, this detailed description of inscriptional and literary sources
about the female accomplishments in various fields of academics,
fine art and religious study axiomatically prove that though received
with unwelcomed gestures, women tried to make the best use of their
available space in various educational fields. Not only royal class but
common women also took a keen interest in educational activities.
Though their place was not equal to men regarding access to the high-
est knowledge, still they tried to make their presence felt in society to a
remarkable extent in other fields of learning. Inscriptional sources do
tell us that fields of academic interest had diversified, and the special-
ized study was more complicated now. They stressed simultaneously
on pure academic matters and on artistic talents and it enabled women
to choose their field of interest.
The study of inscriptional sources in conjunction with literary
sources tends to change the view that there was a low rate of literacy
among women of the early medieval period.Even the limitation can-
not be kept that fields of academics and administrative education were
normally available to girls of royal class only. Fields like fine arts,
religious education and military education were within the approach
of both the sections of society. Historians also agree that girls of poor
classes probably remained illiterate though not exactly uneducated,
for they had opportunities of listening to religious and philosophical
discourses.66

Co-relation between age of marriage and education

Marriage was a social and religious duty in the Vedic age. Down to
bce 500, marriage was regarded as highly desirable, but society did not
insist that it should be performed at all cost. The Epics and Buddhist
literature show that down to bce 400, brides in cultured families used
to be about sixteen at the time of their marriage.67 About bce 300, mar-
riage became obligatory for girls perhaps because women had started
 Childhood and education 37
joining the Buddhist and Jain Orders. It was during this period that
upanayana ceremony was converted into a marriage (vivāh) ceremony
for girls which started at 12–14 years of age. Writers of Dharmasūtras,
between circa bce 400 to ce 100 had advised that marriage of girls
should not be delayed long after their puberty, but it was not obliga-
tory. Indian society of this period was passing through a transitory
phase. It was a period where rapid changes were taking place in social
and religious institutions. These mainly included institutions of nun-
nery in Buddhism and Jainism, pressure of the Hindu religion upon
purity-based sectarian affiliation and the conservative attitude of writ-
ers of Dharmaśāstras towards women.
Among Hindus, marriage was the continuance of family, with
chastity more strongly stressed. Even Manu who later contemplated
a pre-puberty marriage (a man of twenty-four should marry a girl of
eight)68 earlier went to the extent of permitting the father to keep the
daughter unmarried, even to the end of her life, if a suitable husband
cannot be procured.69 It was around ce 100 that insidious feelings in
favour of pre-puberty marriage of girls grew. By ce 200 pre-puberty
marriage became the order of the day. Kane has cited Parāśara70 and
Saṁvarta,71 who recommended that marriage of a girl of eight is highly
commended. Kaśyapa recommended that a girl is called gaurī when she
is seven, a kanyakā when she is ten, and kumārī when she is twelve.72
Marīci extolled that choosing a bride, who was five years older, was the
best.73 Yama, whose period has been ascribed about ce 600, presented
the complete transition from Manu when he vehemently declared that
even if a suitable match is impossible, the girl should be married before
she comes of age even to an unsuitable husband.74 The smṛti writers
of the period from ce 600–1000 began to encourage marriages much
before the time of puberty. They held that a girl should be regarded as
having attained puberty at the age of ten, and therefore her marriage
should not be postponed beyond that age. S.P. Sangar has opined that
in the sixth and seventh centuries it became an established practice for
a Brāhmaṇa girl to be married at the age of eight or ten.75 A.S. Altekar
and P.V. Kane opined that though marriages of girls of tender age were
purely sacramental,76 yet in spite of universal and terrible condemnation
of post-puberty marriages by Smṛti writers, child marriage remained
the concept of practicality only for the brāhmaṇas, not for kṣatriyas.77
Both epigraphic sources and contemporary literary sources throw
important light on the concept of the age of marriage of a girl. In the
Hebbal inscription of ce 975 of the Dharwar district of Karnataka,
there is a reference to the performance of child marriage of Revaka.78
The inscription tells us that during the reign of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Kṛṣṇa
38 Childhood and education
II (ce 878–912), Baddegadeva (i.e., his son Amoghavarṣavaddiga) gave
his daughter Revaka, the elder sister of Kṛṣṇa III, in marriage to the
Gaṅga prince Parmānadi-Būtayya, as the stanza of the inscription reads:

Hail! Baddegadeva (holding her) in (his) lap, gave Revaka, the

elder sister of Kannaradeva (Kṛṣṇa III) in marriage to Satyavākya-
Koṅguṇivarman, the pious mahārājādhirāja, the lord of mountain
Nandagiri, the illustrious Permānaḍi-Bhūtayya.79

As in the above-cited inscription, it has been mentioned that Badde-

gadeva is holding his daughter in his lap definitely the girl might be of
minor age. It would mean that the marriage of a girl child used to take
place until the tenth century among the royal class families. Altekar
has pointed out that parents in the lower section of the society, where
the pernicious custom of bride-price prevailed to a greater extent, were
the first to take advantage of the permission to marry girls at an early
age, which slowly became an accepted practice.80 The inscriptional ref-
erence proves that the royal class preferred it for political gratification,
but during the same time period under study, we find references where
grown-up girls were getting married. An inscription from Karnataka
of ce 1164 speaks of grown-up girls of a daṇḍanāyaka (feudal chief)
given in marriage to a king. It reads as:

(While) Ballāḷadeva was ruling the kingdom to Cāmave-

daṇḍanāyakiti like a second Lakṣmī . . . to Maṛiyāne-daṇḍanāyaka
were born Padamala-devī, Cāmaladevī, Bappādevī. These three
having grown up skilled in science, music and dance, worthy of
gracing the capitals of three separate kings, in 1025 śaka year,
these three virgins were given to Ballāḷadeva in wedding.81

To get more refined views on the age of marriage, literary sources need
to be consulted. The Kāmasūtra presupposes the existence of both
the post-puberty and pre-puberty marriages.82 The stories of Kathā-
sarit-sāgara refer to both child marriage as well as to love marriage.83
Daṇḍin appears not to be in favour of pre-puberty marriage. As it
was found in Daśakumāracarita, most of his male and female char-
acters are grown up to choose their own partners, at least they are
not minors.84 Bilhaṇa described that Candalādevī had attained the age
of romance (śringāra mitram vayāh) when she selected Vikramāditya
VI as her husband and informed her father the Śilahāra king accord-
ingly.85 But in the literature of the later period of the eleventh cen-
tury, we find references of pre-puberty marriage. The Vīsaladeva rāso
 Childhood and education 39
informed that the Paramāra princess Rājamatī was married to the
Cāhamāna king Vīsaladeva III at the age of twelve.86 The Pṛthvīrāja
rāso of Cand Bardāī further informed that the marriage of daughters
of the Parihāras and the Paramāras with Pṛthvīrāja III were also child
marriages.87 In Maharashtra, the custom of child marriage became
popular during the Yādava period. Vijaya G. Babras observed that the
commentators of the period made it compulsory for the guardian of a
girl to give her away in marriage before the age of puberty.88 N. Sub-
rahmanian has given a very fine observation on child marriage in Tamil
society of the early medieval period and reasons behind it. According
to him, pre-puberty early (child) marriage was the norm among upper-
caste people, especially brāhmaṇas, for they thought that post-puberty
girls were dangerous, so an age of less than ten was considered safe.89
It was not due to foreign invasions, though they used a handy excuse
for perpetrating the evil system. The anti-female sentiments were at
the bottom of wanting to get rid of the female child as early as one
could. Men too wished to marry very young pre-puberty girls so that
if a desire-free female was inducted into the household early enough,
thereafter the married status of the woman would wean her disturbing
thoughts of romantic love.90 Perhaps these feelings of deep south also
touched surface in the north. Haribhadra’s Dharmabindū gives the
right age of sixteen for boys and twelve for girls (in Rajasthan).91 The
fact that girls of a very tender age were generally given away in mar-
riage is also corroborated by the statement of Al-berūnī in the eleventh
century, which stated that no brāhmaṇa was allowed to marry a girl
above twelve years of age.92 But royal classes were not following the
rules of either majority or minority; their interests whether political or
social decided their marital priorities.
The society of the early medieval period is full of references where
marriage did not affect a woman’s journey of education. The upper
class was giving opportunity to its girls to grow and receive education
at the parental and in-laws house. The marriage of the girl did not
affect (education of the girls from) the lower strata much. A number
of queens or women of the common section of the society remained
attached to their teachers, although maximum instances among these
are of spiritual/religious teachers only. But wherever a woman found
her interest (even after her marriage) being shifted to the spiritual
side for which she adopted a teacher, she did not step back from that
direction. Marriage it seems had not been proving any hindrance in
her education. Though received as an economic burden and getting
socially conservative atmosphere for proper development, girls of the
early medieval period shined in various fields.
40 Childhood and education
Concluding remarks
Society of the period under study preferred the male child. Though
social, religious, political and economic reasons were put forth by
various writers and historians to explain the reason behind the dry
sentiments for girl children and denial of education to girls, they
proved their mettle wherever and whenever they got the opportu-
nity. Economic status of any family definitely affected the condition
of receiving the girl child with a smiling face or tearful eyes. Even
deprived of the right to initiation of education (upanayana), girls did
not remain illiterate. Their course of study shifted from the Vedic
study to the fine arts. The inscriptional sources provided wonderful
examples from all sections of society of educated ladies in various
fields who left their mark in the annals of Indian history. The tra-
ditional approach is singularly unjust towards appreciating women
and their achievements. The nationalistic historians were always seek-
ing the examples of Apālās, Ghoṣās and Maitreyīs of hoary past in
the academic field in later periods too. They have ignored the female
accomplishments in other fields of education. Selection of the Vedic
period as the only measurement scale was perhaps not fair. Measur-
ing women’s accomplishments specifically in academics, leaving other
sides unnoticed, would not be a fair assessment of them in any period
of history. Inscriptional examples are resplendent with the achieve-
ments of a good many learned, qualified and brave women in the
period between ce 600–1200, deriving from both (royal as well as
common) classes of society. Thus, the deliberate attempt to prove
females lesser qualified and more suited to manage the house only
was to subordinate her position.
In the field of marriage also commentators of smṛtis were crying
hoarse to get a girl married before the age of puberty. It was followed
by society up to a certain extent only. As the Hebbal inscription of
the tenth century ce narrated of a child marriage case, and the latter
inscription of the twelfth century discusses incident of marriage taking
place in a major age group. Perhaps literary sources developed their
attitude on the lines of commentators of smṛtis. The pattern of minor
or major age for marriage was not uniformly followed by society, but
certainly early or late marriage was not putting any hindrance on the
education of girls. All of these developments on the issues of birth,
education and age of marriage show that girls of the period ce 600–
1200 missed no chance to get education, marriage being the secondary
consideration. A more restrictive atmosphere diverted their education
from one branch to another.
 Childhood and education 41
Notes
§ All inscriptions marked with asterisk (*) have been cited from CD-ROM
(Epigraphia Carnatica – Old Series) published by the Indian Council of
Historical Research (ICHR), Southern Regional Centre, Bangalore.
1 A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 27.
2 Muriel Wasi, ‘Education’, in Tara Ali Beg, ed., Women of India, p. 153.
3 iqekal iq=a tu; ra iqekuuq tk;rkeA
Hkokfl iq=kk.kka ekrk tkrkuka tu;k’~p ;kuA
Atharvaveda, Part-III, sub-part V, 23, v. 3, cited by Damodar Satvalekar,
Atharvaveda kā Subodh Bhāśya, Swadhyaya Mandal, Pardi, 1985, p. 98.
4 vFk ; bPNsnqfgrk esa if.Mrk tk;sr
loZek;qfj;kfnfr frykSnua ikof;Rok
lfiZ”eUre’~uh;krkeh’ojkS tuf;roSA
  Now, in case one wishes, ‘That a learned (Paṇḍitā) daughter be born to
me! that she may attain the full length of life!’ – they two should have rice
boiled with sesame and should eat it prepared with ghee. They two are
likely to beget (her).
  Bṛhadāraṇyakapaniṣada, IV, 4.17 tr. by E. Roer, rpt., Nag Publishers,
New Delhi, 1979, p. 444.
5 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 4.
6 K.M. Pannikar, ‘The Middle Period’, cited in Tara Ali Beg, Women of
India, p. 9.
7 Vijaya Ramaswamy, ‘Anklets on the Feet: Women Saints in Medieval Soci-
ety’, IHR, vol. 17, No. 1–2, July 1990–January 1991, p. 66.
8 Harṣacarita, Nirnayasagar edition, pp. 140–1, cited by Dasharatha
Sharma, Early Chauhan Dyansties, 1st edn., Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi,
1959, p. 254.
9 B.K. Kaul Deambi, Corpus of Śāraḍa Inscriptions, Agam Kala Prakashan,
New Delhi, 1982, pp. 100–1.
10 F. Kielhorn, ‘Govindpur Stone Inscription of the Poet Gaṅgādhara’, EI,
vol. II, 1894, p. 340.
11 Ibid., p. 340.
12 P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, ‘The Bayyāram Tank Inscription of Kākati
Mailama’, in N. Venkataramanayya, ed., EA, vol. I, 1969, p. 73.
13 Ibid., p. 73.
14 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, vol. II, Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi,
1983, p. 293.
15 List of a few inscriptions appended from Select inscriptions for the refer-
ence, as these inscriptions have been cited in EI, IA and various journals.
16 Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣada, VI, 4, 17.
17 Taittīriya Saṁhitā, VI, 1, 6.5, cited by Damodar Satvalekar, Kṛṣṇaya­
jurvediya Taittīriya Saṁhitā a, Swadhyaya Mandal, Pardi, 1983, p. 254.
18 Maitrāyaṇi Saṁhitā, III, 7.3, cited by Damodar Satvalekar, Yajurvedīya
Maitrāyaṇi Saṁhitā, Swadhyaya Mandal, Pardi, 1984, pp. 259–60.
19 Usha Sharma and B.M. Sharma, Women Education in Ancient and Medi-
eval India, Commonwealth Publication, New Delhi, 1995, p. 3.
20 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 16.
21 A.S. Altekar, Education in Ancient India, Nand Kishore and Brothers,
Banaras, 1951, pp. 145–52.
42 Childhood and education
22 N. Ramesham, ‘The Māruṭūr Plates of Satyaśraya Śrī Prithvīvallabha
Pulakeśin II’, Copper-Plate Inscription of Andhra Pradesh, vol. I, 1962,
p. 12 and p. 38.
23 Rāj., VIII, 1820, 1823, 1968, 3096, ed. By M.A. Stein, Kalhaṇa’s
Rājatarangiṇī or chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, vol. I, Munshi Ram
Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1st edn., 1892, 2nd reprint edn., 1960, pp. 234,
239, 280.
24 Pataňjali, iv, I, 15(6), cited by R.K. Mookerji, Ancient Indian Education,
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, reprint edn., 1974, p. 245.
25 S. Narang, Hemachandra’s Dvyāśraya Kāvya – A Literary and Cultural
Study, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1972, p. 186.
26 D.C. Sircar, ‘Paśchimbhāg Copper-Plate Inscription of Śrīchandra’, Select
Inscriptions, vol II, pp. 92–3.
27 Chachnamah, tr. by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg, The Chachnamah: An
Ancient History of Sind, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, New Delhi, 1st edn.,
1900, reprint edn., 1979, p. 153.
28 Karpūrmaňjarī of Rajashekhara, Chapter no. IV, ed. by Ram Kumar Acha-
rya, Chaukhamba Vidya Bhavan, Varanasi, 1970, pp. 164–6.
29 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 22.
30 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. IX, no. 11, 1905, p. 89.*
31 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 15, p. 56.
32 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 28, 1902, p. 165.*
33 Ibid., no. 37, p. 166.*
34 R. Narasimhachar, EC, vol. II, no. 400, 1923, p. 170, and no. 129 (49),
p. 56.*
35 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, no. 412, 1904, p. 73.
36 Ibid., p. 73.
37 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 188, p. 245.
38 Harṣacarita of Bāṇa, ed. by K.P. Parab, Eng. tr. by E. B. Cowell and F. W.
Thomas, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1968, p. 258.
39 S.H. Deshpande, Physical Education in Ancient India, Bhartiya Vidya
Prakashan, New Delhi, 1992, p. 179.
40 N.C. Shastri, Haribhadra Ke Prākṛt Kathā – Sāhitya Kā Ālochnātmak
Parishīlan, Prakrit Jain-Shastra aur Ahimsa Shodh Samsthan, Mujjafar-
pur, 1965, p. 377.
41 Daśakumāracarita of Daṇḍin, Eng. tr. by M.R. Kale, Motilal Banarsi-
dass, Delhi, 1966, p. 54.
42 Nav., cento IV, v. 59, cento V, v. 23 and vv. 25–6, Hindi tr. by Jitendra
Chandra Bharatiya, Chowkhamba Vidyabhavan, Varanasi, 1963, pp. 63,
69–70, 85.
43 K.V. Ramesh, ‘Kerehaḷḷi Plate of Nītīmārga Eṛegaṅga’, Inscriptions of the
Western Gaṅgas, pp. 378–9.
44 K.V. Ramesh, Kuknūr Plates of Mārasiṁha II, no. 159, cited in ibid,
pp. 511–12.
45 K.V. Lakshmana Rao, ‘The Telugu Academy plates of Bhima I’, JBORS,
vol. VIII, part II, June 1922, p. 84.
46 Kāmasūtra of Vātsyāyana, I, 2, ed. by D.L. Goswami, Jai Krishandas-
Haridas Gupta, Banaras, 1929, pp. 1–3.
47 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 72, p. 482.
 Childhood and education 43
48 R. Narasimhachar, EC, vol. II, no. 132 (56), p. 60.*
49 Kuṭṭanīmata Kāvya of Damodargupta, vv. 123–4 tr. by Atridev Vidy-
alankar, Indological Book House, Varanasi, 1961, p. 25.
50 Vikramāṅkadevacarita, XVIII, 6, cited by Sunil Chandra Ray, Early History
and Culture of Kashmir, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1969, p. 114.
51 Ibid., p. 114.
52 B.N. Luniya, Life and Culture in Medieval India, Kamal Prakashan,
Indore, 1978, p. 145.
53 B. Bhattacharya, ‘Introduction to Sādhanamālā’, II, p. liv., cited by
Ayodhya Prasad Sah, Life in Medieval Orissa; Cir. A. D. 600–1200,
Chaukhambha Orientalia, Varanasi, 1976, p. 140.
54 N. Ramesham, ‘The Māruṭūr Plates of Satyaśraya Śrī Prithvīvallabha
Pulakeśin II’, Copper-Plate Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, vol. I, p. 12
and p. 38.
55 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 11, p. 60.
56 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 9, p. 60.
57 Ibid., p. 60.
58 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. IX, no. 35, p. 173.
59 Vijaya G. Babras, The Position of Women During Yadava Period (1000
A.D. to 1350 A.D.), Himalaya Publishing House, New Delhi, 1996,
pp. 116–17.
60 Susie Tharu and K. Lalita, Women Writing In India: 600 bc to the Present;
vol. 1, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1991, pp. 77–81.
61 SII, XI (i), 50 Yalisirur, cited by Jyotsna K. Kamat, Social Life in Medieval
Karnataka, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1980, p. 110.
62 R.K. Mookerji, Ancient Indian Education, p. 463.
63 R.K. Mookerji, ‘Women in Ancient India’, cited in Tara Ali Beg, Women
of India, p. 7.
64 Jyotsna K. Kamat, Social Life in Medieval Karnataka, pp. 108–9.
65 Ibid., p. 109.
66 Dashratha Sharma, Rajasthan Through the Ages, vol. 1, Rajasthan State
Archives, Bikaner, 1966,p. 450.
67 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 52.
68 Manu, IX, 94, tr. by Arthur Coke Burnell and Edward W. Hopkins, The
Ordinances of Manu, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi,
1st edn., 1884, 2nd edn., 1971, p. 261.
69 Manu, IX, 89, ibid., p. 260.
70 Parāśara, VII, 6–8, cited by P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. II,
part I, BORI, Poona, 1974, p. 445.
71 Saṁvarta, vv. 65–7, cited in ibid., p. 445.
72 Gṛhastharatnākara of Caṇḍeśvara quoted by Kaśyapa, p. 46, cited in
ibid., p. 445.
73 tUerks xHkkZ/kkuk}k i´~pekCnkRija ‘’kqHke~A
dqekjhoj.ka nkua es[kykcU/kua rFkkA
Maricī quoted in Parāśara-Mādhavīya, 1, 2, p. 177, cited in ibid., p. 445.
74 n|kn~xq.kors dU;ka ufXudka czãpkfj.ksA
vfi ok xq.kkghuk; uksi:U/;knztLoyke~AA
Smritichandrikā, Samskārakāṇḍa, p. 216, cited in A.S. Altekar, The Posi-
tion of Women in Hindu Civilization, pp. 56–7.
44 Childhood and education
75 S.P. Sangar, ‘Hindu Marriage in 16th and 17th Centuries’, JIH, vol. XLII,
Part ii, serial no. 125, August 1964, p. 543.
76 P.V. Kane, The History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. II, pt. I, p. 446.
77 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 58.
78 J.F. Fleet, ‘The Hebbal Inscription’, EI, vol. IV, 1896–7, p. 354.
79 Ibid., p. 354.
80 A.S. Altekar, op.cit., pp. 59–60.
81 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 72, p. 482.
82 Kāmasūtra of Vātsyāyana, chapter III, 2–4.
83 Kathā-Sarit-Sāgara, vol. 1, Chapter 24, tr. by C.H. Towney, Munshiram
Manoharlal, New Delhi, 2nd edn., 1968, pp. 194–6.
84 Amita Chakravarti, Life and Society in Ancient India: A Study on Daṇḍin’s
Daśakumāracarita, Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, Calcutta, 1985, p. 55.
85 Vikrmāṅkdevacaritam, Chapter VIII, vv. 44–5, cited by Jyotsna K. Kamat,
Social Life in Medieval Karnataka, p. 120.
86 Vīsaladeva Rāso, II, 7, cited in M.P. Singh, Life in Ancient India, Vishwav-
idyalaya Prakashan, Varanasi, 1981, p. 96.
87 Prithvīrāja Rāso by Chand Bardai, cited in ibid., p. 96.
88 Vijaya G. Babras, The Position of Women During the Yadava Period, p. 143.
89 N. Subrahmanian, Tamil Social History, vol. II, IAS, Chennai, 1998, p. 210.
90 Ibid.
91 Dharmabindu of Haribhadra, p. 14, cited by Dasharatha Sharma,
Rajasthan Through the Ages, p. 452.
92 Al-berūnī’s India, ed. by Edward C. Sachau, vol. II, p. 131.
3 Marriage, widowhood
and satī

Importance of marriage
The universality of marriage within different societies and cultures is
attributed to the many basic social and personal functions it performs,
such as procreation and provision for sexual gratification and regula-
tion, care of children, their education and socialization, regulation of
lines of descent, division of labour between the sexes, economic pro-
duction and consumption, and provision for satisfaction of personal
needs for affection, status and companionship.1
For many Indian women, marriage is like a second inning in their
life. This new phase of life continues until death. In Hindu society,
marriage is performed through ‘saptapadī’ (i.e., ‘I take thee to be my
companion in life’). With these final words, a daughter is given by
her father (in kanyādāna) to his son-in-law. In traditional society,
except Gandharva (a disapproved form of marriage), there was very
little scope of love marriage, so normally arranged marriages were
performed. Marriage in the Vedic age was regarded as a social and
religious duty. An unmarried person was considered as incomplete and
not eligible to participate in sacraments. Entry into the second āśrama
(i.e., gṛhasthāśrama) was considered with marriage mostly. Manu
has also stressed the necessity of the householder.2 Down to about
500 bce, though marriage was regarded as highly desirable for both
men and women, society did not insist that it should be performed
at all cost,3 but the introduction of the monastic order by about
300 bce and replacement of the upanayana ceremony by marriage
for girls made marriage obligatory (for girls). With this conserva-
tive attitude towards girls, smṛtikāras and later on commentators on
smṛtis, recommended pre-puberty marriage for girls. The nationalist
historians have opined that Hindu marriage is a sacrament. Liberals
46 Marriage, widowhood and satī
simultaneously raise the question of why marriage is the only sacrament
performed in a female’s life: what about the rest of the sacraments?
This chapter mainly deals with three sub-themes: marriage, wid-
owhood and satī. In the first part, various considerations of Indian
families, both royal and common class, involved in marriage have
been taken into the consideration. The inscriptional approach will be
applied to see the truth in the statement of Altekar and Kane that sug-
gested that inter-caste marriages were out of fashion during the tenth
century.4 Again this needs to be investigated whether inter-caste mar-
riages were performed or the early medieval society strictly followed
the rules of endogamy and exogamy narrated by the smṛtikāras. In
the Dark Ages hardly one can expect that woman can have any voice
in choosing a partner. Here the inscriptions supplement this fact or
narrate a different story that has to be seen. What was the treatment
meted out during and after marriage? Views of various liberal and
conservative historians and sociologists are taken into consideration
on all of these aspects. Other related issues with marriage like dowry,
and changes in its form, the practice of polygamy and its effects on
society during the early medieval period are also discussed.
In the next sub-section of this chapter, the effects of widowhood
on women’s life are taken into consideration. Conventional scholars
have argued that widowhood put a complete ban on the ceremonial
appearance of a widow. She had to spend a life of hard celibacy. Her
union to her deceased husband could be the only aim left for her sur-
vival in this world. This aim made her to perform various religious
activities.
The third sub-part will take cognizance of the debate on satī
between nationalists and liberals. Various forms of satī and various
ideas propagated through literary and inscriptional references are also
taken into consideration. Second dimension of the concept of satī has
been highlighted by epigraphs and literature as ‘Living Satī ’. This con-
cept remained under shadow and this book puts special emphasis on
the paradoxes existing in the position of widow, satī and living satī.

Rules of endogamy and exogamy

Endogamy, the practice of marrying someone within one’s own tribe
or group, is the oldest social regulation of marriage.5 The smṛti rules
followed both the concept of endogamy and exogamy – that mar-
riages cannot be performed within the same gotra or people who stood
sapiṇḍa to each other. Simultaneously, they recommended marriages
to be performed within one’s varṇa or jāti. Smriti writers condemned
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 47
the sagotra marriages vehemently. The prohibited degree sapiṇḍa
relations existed up to five degrees in ascending or descending lines
between two individuals in maternal ancestors and seven degrees in
ascending or descending lines of paternal relatives. Presently, these
degrees have been reduced up to five degrees on the paternal sides and
three degrees on the maternal side in Hindu Law. The words gotra and
sapiṇḍa are used for the rule of exogamy. No person according to
smṛti injunctions could marry a maiden of the same gotra or sapiṇḍa
in relation. Actually, these rules were designed to put a restriction
on free marital relationship within the extended family. The harmful
effects of inbreeding were perceived if inter-relation marriages were
freely allowed. This seems to be a scientific justification based on
eugenic considerations.6
As far as the inter-caste marriages of the royal class were concerned,
the smṛti laws did not make much difference to them. It was under
the garb of marriage only when their (especially the kṣatriya clan’s)
political ambitions shaped to set their positions on profitable sides.
Women of royal clans were used as a playing card to get due favour.
There are many instances where political alliances were enumerated
through marriage. Marriage provided a social legitimacy and collabo-
ration in wider areas of social and political activities.7 Political grati-
fication did not spare matrimony within gotra and sapiṇḍa relations.
Defying the rules of the smṛtikāras, an inscription of ce 1031 from
the Krishna district of Andhra Pradesh, (Kalidindi Grant of Eastern
Cālukya Rajarājā I) speaks about a Cola king giving his daughter to
his nephew in marriage (for political favour).8 In the south, earlier also
we hear of marriages between the close relations (like uncle and niece).
This inscription records that:

Vimalāditya’s marriage took place with Kundavvai and a son

Rājarājā was born to them whose coronation took place in śaka
944. Rājarājā when still a boy was invested with the necklace, the
insignia of the office of yuvarāja.
(ll. 52–3)

his uncle, the Cola emperor Rājēndra-Coḍa Madhurāntaka, hav-

ing heard of his great qualities, bestowed on him with affection
the hand of his daughter, the princess Ammaṅgā, who became his
chief queen.
(ll. 62–4)9

In simplified form, this relation can be understood as seen in Figure 3.1

48 Marriage, widowhood and satī

Eastern Cālukyas Colas

Married to
Vimalāditya Kundavvai

brother
son
Rājendra Cola
Rājarājā I daughter
Ammaṅgā

Marriage within maternal relations

Figure 3.1 Marriage within maternal relations10

Ammaṅgā was the daughter of his (Rājarājā’s) maternal uncle,

Rājendra Cola-deva, a fact known hitherto only from the records of
his descendants. This marriage was not merely the renewal of an old
alliance between the Colas and Eastern Cālukyas royal families but
served political purpose, too. Cālukyas Rājendra-Cola aimed at pro-
viding a permanent bond by which Vengi might be attached to his
kingdom; therefore, he bestowed the hand of his daughter Ammaṅgā
to his nephew. There are similar examples from the Dharwar region
of Maharashtra where marriages were performed within close rela-
tions. The Kadalur Grant of Marasiṁha-II of ce 962 informs that
Marasiṁha’s father Būtuga II also married Revakanimmaḍi, the
daughter of Rāṣṭrakūṭas Bāddega (Amōghavarṣa III), and had by her
a son called Maruladeva, who married the daughter of Kṛṣṇa III (vv.
22, 27).11 The Hebbal inscription (ce 933–40) further makes clear the
statement of Kadalur Grant that Kṛṣṇa III was the son of Amōghavarṣa
III, and accordingly he was the brother of Revaka and uncle of Maru-
ladeva (son of Revaka and Būtayya III).12 As the marriage of the daugh-
ter of Kṛṣṇa III and Maruladeva was being performed, it was between
the first-degree relations from the maternal side. The inference can be
drawn that smṛti rules had been violated in southern India. Here the
marriages within close relations were taking place without any social
obloquy for the purpose of political benefits.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 49
Though political favour was being sought in the north also as
inter-clan, inter-caste marriages were taking place. The references of
inter-caste marriages are found commonly in inscriptional and literary
sources of the early medieval period. In the Jodhpur stone inscription
of Bauka (Jodhpur, Rajasthan of ce 837), the Pratihāras were marry-
ing women of brāhmaṇa and kṣatriya castes. It states:

(There was) an illustrious brāhmaṇa named Haricandra and his

wife was Bhadrā, a kṣatriya. The sons born of them are known as
Pratihāras. . . .
That illustrious Haricandra married (first) the daughter of a
brāhmaṇa, and, (as) second (wife), the kṣatriya Bhadrā, belonging
to a noble family and possessed of good qualities.13

This inscription not only deals with inter-caste relationships but also
throws light on bigamy committed by brāhmaṇas. This inscription also
refutes the claim of historians that the inter-caste marriages were per-
formed by kṣatriyas alone. Besides inter-caste marriages, inter-dynasty
marriages were very common. Most of the time the reasons were
political and diplomatic moves of ruling clans. Resultantly, bigamy
and polygamy were increasing in society. In the Hebbal inscription of
ce 975 (Dharwar district of Maharashtra), reference of polygamy is
noticed as:

(While) Amoghavarṣa-vaddiga himself was reigning, to Būtayya

and Revaka (daughter of Amoghavarṣa) was born Maruḷadēva.
To Būtuyya and to Bijabbe (another wife) was born a son, (whom
it perhaps names as) Rachcha-Gaṅga. And immediately after this
person, i.e., Būtayya had ruled, there ruled another son of Būtayya,
‘by another wife’ named Kallabbarasī, viz. Mārasimha.14

The network was, however, more varied and widespread with the
Guhilas. Two records respectively of ce 1000 and ce 1008 mention two
wives of Guhila mahāsāmantādhipati of Nagahrada: one was Mahārānī
Jajuka, who was similarly the daughter of a mahāsāmantādhipati of
the solar family of Bharakachha (Gujarat).15 B.D. Chattopadhyaya
has opined that marriage relations, contracted by Guhilas with spe-
cifically Rajput clans, extended to the Cāḷukyas, the Paramāras, the
Rāṣṭrakūṭas, the Cāhamānas and the Hūṇas.16 In the above-cited refer-
ence, the inter-caste marriages between various Rajput clans shows
that it was preferential and very common to marry in another Rajput
clans. Secondly, Manu’s formulations were helping them to establish
50 Marriage, widowhood and satī
bigamous and polygamous relations openly in the society in the garb
of diplomatic relations.17 In the Bheraghat inscription of Alhaṇadevī
(Jabalpur, Central Provinces), ce 1155, the reference of the marriage
alliance between the Rajputs is found that reads as:

His (Vijayasiṁha’s) loving wife was the handsome daughter of

Udayāditya, the ruler of realm of Mālavā, – Śyāmaḷadevī.
(v. 21)

Having wedded her (daughter Alhaṇadevī) with due rites, (to) king
Gayakarṇa (deva), bestowed on her the most ardent affection.
(v. 23)18

Obviously, such matrimonial alliance between the Paramāras of

Malwa and Guhilots of Mewar helped in maintaining cordial relations
between the two houses. Also such relations were essential to main-
tain political stability and peace. In the inscriptions of Cāhamānas,
there seems to have been distinct preference for Rāṣṭrakūṭas. In an
inscription of Cāhamānas of Naddula (Udaipur, Rajasthan) dated
ce 1160, it can be observed that the lord of Naddula, who defeated
the Saurāṣṭrikas, married Annalladevī, a daughter of Aṇahula of the
Rāṣṭrauḍa race and of Cāhamānas lineage.19 The Panahera inscription
of the time of Jayasiṁhadeva of Malwa (Banswara state, Rajputana)
of CE1059, suggests that Paramāra Satyarāja of the Vāgadā family
married Rājaśrī of the Cāhamāna family.20 In the Pallava families of
Tamil Nadu also reference of matrimonial alliance to increase politi-
cal power and prestige are seen where in Velurpalaiyam Plates of
Nandivarma-III of 852 ce (found in Velurpalaiyam), a king Vīrakūrca
grasped the complete insignia of royalty with his marriage with the
daughter of the chief of serpents (Phaṇīndra).21 In the same inscription
the name of the chief-queen Reva (of Nandivarman-II) appears as the
mother of Dantivarman, whose chief-queen was Aggaḷanimmaṭī from
Kadamba family. In Chitrur plates of Nṛpatungavarman of ce 875, ref-
erence comes that Nṛpatuṅga was the son of Nandivarman-III through
the daughter of a Rāṣṭrakūṭa king.22
B. Hemalatha advances another reason that as per the peace treaty
made at the time of war, the victorious king would prefer the daughter
of the rival king for marriage as a means to settle the dispute, irre-
spective of the caste.23 This reason seems to be justified because during
the war, we get epigraphic references of the rākṣasa form of marriage,
which was a forceful and disapproved form of marriage. Obviously, the
defeated king was not left with any other option but to give his daughter
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 51
through an honourable and peaceful means, and on the part of the vic-
torious king it was a kind of war trophy to be taken back home.
These types of politic-matrimony also gave rise to anuloma and pra-
tiloma marriages.24 Āpastamba looked with disfavour even at anuloma
marriages. Gautama, Vasiṣṭha,25 Manu26 and Yājňavalkya27 prescribed
that a person should by preference marry a girl of his own varṇa (but),
also allowed the marriage of a person with a girl of another varṇa,
lower than his own. Most of them condemned pratiloma marriages.
The Jodhpur stone inscription of Bauka (Rajasthan) dated ce 837, pre-
sented a good example of anuloma marriage, where a brāhmaṇa was
found marrying two women, one of his own caste and another of a
lower than his.28 Further, Al-berūnī confirmed the notion of Manu that
number of wives depended upon the caste.29 He also observed that
according to Hindu marriage laws, it was better to marry a stranger
than a relative. The more distant the relationship of a woman with
regard to her husband, the better.30
Although numerous literary sources try to create an impression
that there existed only anuloma form of marriage in the early medi-
eval period, B. Hemalatha’s analysis of both anuloma and prati-
loma marriages indicate that both forms existed. She informed that
Narasiṁhadeva IV himself married Uttamadevī (śūdra), the daughter
of Arjuna Reddi Singamudusali.31 Even Pāla rulers who are gener-
ally regarded as of low origin maintained matrimonial relations with
the kśatriyas like Rāṣṭrakūṭas and the Haihayās. Inscriptions from
Drakśarama inform that a queen of śūdra caste called Akkā Sanī was
the queen of the kśatriya ruler of Oddali.32
Such instances prove that the royal class did favour inter-caste mar-
riages of anuloma and pratiloma type primarily for political gain. The
concept of marriage being ‘a sacramental rite’ was not found in such
marriages as they had political expediency, which added the number
of queens to the royal harem. We can deduce that in such political alli-
ances, the girl had no choice. In case the father of the girl was a defeated
king, she had no future but to be with the victorious king as a war
trophy. And, if it was a child marriage, then for a girl child it was a
ceremonious occasion of getting new clothes and ornaments where she
could not notice herself being treated as an object of exchange only.
Altekar wrongly assumed that widening cultural differences between
different communities discouraged such phenomenon.33 Kane has cited
the views of various commentators to strengthen the view that inter-
caste marriages were becoming less favourable to the society.34 From
the study of inscriptional evidence, it becomes clear that at least in
the Rajputana region and in the south, such marriages were common.
52 Marriage, widowhood and satī
Amita Chakravarty has tried to justify why smṛtikāras and their com-
mentators approved inter-caste marriages. According to her,

Theory of anuloma and pratiloma marriage was propounded to

establish the importance of birth as the basis of caste-division in
society though the fact may be interpreted in the way that human
nature cannot always be enchained by rules and regulations of
Śāstrakāras. Marriage, therefore, took place between different
castes and to sanctify these marriages, law-givers offered laws to
bring them within the purview of the śāstras. And this tendency
proves that society was dynamic.35

The present inscriptional study challenges the opinion of both Altekar

and Kane that inter-caste marriages had become out of fashion from
about the tenth century ad.

Matrimonial qualification
Leaving aside the political motives, social status, or form of marriage,
under normal circumstances, when it came to the match-making pro-
cess for his daughter, even a father of royal class felt the same anxi-
ety as a common Indian father feels when he starts thinking about a
suitable match for his daughter. In the Bayyāgram tank inscription
of Kākati Mailāṁa of ce 1183 (Andhra region), these feelings of the
father came out clearly. The epigraph says:

King Mahādeva, who bore the title of Kaṭakapurī-cūṛa-kāra while

ruling the kingdom of his ancestors after performing the marriage
of his son, enquired of his ministers about a suitable match for his
daughter, Mailāṁbikā. (v. 25); (they) recommended the name of
Natavāḍi Rudra of the same caste as that of the bride.
(v. 27)

He (Rudra), though very stern is very obedient to his gurūs, though

very liberal is strict in observance of religious principles, speaks
truth always and possesses an exemplary character.
(v. 31)

Mailāṁbā is Aṁbikā and Rudra is Maheśa; hence they formed

a proper match. Being thus advised by the ministers, Mahādeva
performed the grand function of the marriage of his daughter
Mailāṁbā with Natavāḍi Rudra.
(vv. 32–4)36
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 53
In the match-making process, qualifications of both bride and groom
were taken into consideration. In the Bayyāram tank inscription the
qualifications of the bridegroom have been mentioned. The ministers
suggested a suitable match for their king’s daughter; they preferred
Rudra for his being of the same caste, obedient to his gurūs, observant
of religious principles and for his exemplary character.37 The set of qual-
ification were applicable for the bride as well.38 Health, wealth, beauty,
intelligence and good family background were a few general qualifica-
tions at all times and applicable to all medieval societies.39 While Manu
and Yājňavalkya suggested more for physical fitness as qualification,
inscriptions suggest for all (health, wealth, beauty, intelligence and
good family).40 Also inscriptions indicate that the father mostly took
initiative in looking for a suitable boy for the kanyādāna of his daugh-
ter. The mother’s role is not mentioned in the epigraphic and literary
sources. Thus it seems likely that the father was the sole guardian while
arranging for the marriage of the daughter. Usually to marry a girl, the
marriage proposal was made from the side of the bridegroom.41 Here in
the above-cited inscription, the groom had been suggested of the same
caste (jāti), but a direct relationship (of goṭra and sapiṇḍa) had not
been shown. It cannot be ruled out that in the lower south region, it
was all chaos regarding the rules of endogamy and exogamy, though a
majority of inter-caste (anuloma and pratiloma) marriages are from the
Rajputana region because it was perhaps politically a turbulent area.42
In the Hebbal inscription43 and Bayyāram tank inscription,44 the father
seems to be performing all the ceremonies of marriage (kanyādāna) of
his daughter. The participation of the mother on this occasion has not
been mentioned. In the history of the early medieval period, it can be
felt that marriage was the only sacrament being performed in a girl’s
life, but she was nowhere being asked about her choice.

Forms of marriage and stridhana

In dealing with the concept of marriage, the expression ‘form of mar-
riage’ conveniently denotes the method of consecrating a marriage
union. Smṛtis have recognized eight forms of marriages.45 Out of these
eight forms, four initial forms (Brahma, Daiva, Ārṣa, Prajāpatya)
are approved and four other forms (Gandharva, Asura, Rākṣasa,
Paiśāca) are disapproved. The Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya suggests that
the approved forms of marriage require only the consent of the father,
but the disapproved forms need the consent of both the father and the
mother for validating the unions.46
Before we analyse various forms of marriages in epigraphic
sources, let us have sociological implications of the above-mentioned
54 Marriage, widowhood and satī
categories. In the brahma form of marriage (that was perhaps the most
admired form as prescribed by the smṛti rules), historians and sociolo-
gists opine that the gift of the bride was a mere formality in a religious
ritual; it did not invest with any right of ownership over either the wife
or children.47 But even the first-hand definition of the brahma form
makes it clear that the girl should be decked with ornaments, and the
father who could not afford such decorations had naturally to sell his
house-holdings to give his girl in marriage. Certainly, when a husband
had lordship over his wife, as is clear from the rituals performed dur-
ing the marriage ceremonies of approved form of marriage, so how
could that be the best form of marriage, which has in later periods
encouraged the dowry system and converting females into property?
It could be possible that gifts were either given out of love and affec-
tion and with the feeling of honouring the groom. It could also be to
provide financial security to the bride in adverse circumstances. It later
assumed the frightening name of dowry. For obtaining dowry by coer-
cion, and occasionally by force, began to be exercised, and ultimately
most marriages became a bargain.48
Similar is the case of the asura form of marriage. It has wrongly
been justified on the ground that it would be disgraceful for a girl
and her family if she was given in marriage for nothing, and it would
mean that the family has no status and respectability.49 Why was it
so that a price, gift (dāna), was needed to prove respect or the social
status of the family? If not education, at least good saṁskāras could
be the alternative of her value. In the smṛti period, when it has been
specifically stressed upon a virtuous girl, obviously she needed neither
ornaments nor her price. So the justification or glorification of such
marriage is not fair. There can be some element of justification in the
statement of Altekar, where he opined that the gift of the cow and
bull in the Ārṣa form of marriage is a relic of bride-price, which was
once very common because earlier societies considered cattle-wealth
of great importance.50
The rākṣasa form of marriage was a marriage by capture generally
practiced by warriors. Actually it was regarded as a matter of honour
for a warrior that he should have a woman whom he could point
out as a trophy of war. The reference to the rākṣasa form in inscrip-
tions also makes it clear that this disapproved form existed in the early
medieval period. In the Sanjan plates of Amōghavarṣa (in Thana dis-
trict of Bombay Presidency) of the tenth century ad, verses 7 to 10
tells that Indrāja married a Cāḷukya princess by the rākṣasa form.51
Mahārāja Śivākara I, also called Unmaṭṭasimha, married, according
to the rākṣasa form, to the lady Jayāvale, who was the daughter of a
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 55
ruler of Rāḍha in the valley of the river Ajay in the Burdwan region of
south-west Bengal.52 The Viśākhapaṭanam copper-plate inscription of
Anantavarman Coḍagaṅga of ce 1118 mentions the name of Rājarāja,
who won victory against the Dramilas and then married Rājasundarī,
daughter of Coḍa king Rājendracola.53 An inscription from the Shi-
moga district discloses a case of political rivalry that could not spare
even marriage ceremonies. In this inscription of ce 1157 the reference
of dowry is also noticed.54
It is clear that whether it was the brahma, ārṣa or asura form of
marriage, dowry was given in one form or another. As the royal class
could afford to give land and ornaments, naturally the lower strata of
society might have followed the trend. Information on dowry items is
provided in a few inscriptions as well. The Hebbal inscription of ce
975 mentions Baddegadeva, who gave as dowry, ‘the Puḷigere three
hunded, the Belvola hundred, the Kisukāḍ seventy, and the Bāge sev-
enty’ (to the daughter Revaka).55 These districts which were given as
land dowry to the daughter seem to suggest two things: (1) that dowry
items also included land, and (2) it could have been an ideal way of
giving property rights to the daughter. A. Swaminathan refers that
dowry was given in the form of land (village, house) or cash, which
formed part of her strīdhana.56 Krishna Kumari refers to Palnāṭivīra-
Carita, where she says that the whole region of Palnāḍu was given as
araṇamu or strīdhana to Mailamadevī by the Velanāṭi ruler Goṅka II
on the occasion of her marriage with Anugurāju.57 In the same work,
Śīrādevī was asked by her father to state what presents she wanted in
her wedding. In reply she stated one thousand well-bred cows and one
thousand sheep. Her father accordingly gave cattle-wealth and sent
her to her husband’s house.58
Earlier, dowry was given out of affection and to help the daughter
to establish in the new environment, but later it became a compul-
sion without which it was not easy to perform the marriage. In the
early medieval period we hear of fathers who did not welcome a girl
because of his poor condition. After so many centuries, the situation
remains almost the same for a girl child. If we closely look at the
form of dowry, earlier it was either in cash or kind (i.e., land and cat-
tle). With the changing social and economic conditions after the world
wars and the industrial growth that ensued after that, cash became the
main form of dowry. With the arrival of the twenty-first century, the
job salary of a bride became a new source of dowry. M.N. Srinivas
makes a strong appeal against the comparison of the modern concept
of dowry with strīdhana of ancient times. According to him, a gift or
dāna had to be accompanied by a subsidiary cash gift (dakśiṇā), and
56 Marriage, widowhood and satī
in kanyādāna the bride was given as a gift to the groom. On this anal-
ogy, the dowry became dakśiṇā. Strīdhana usually refers to the gifts
given to a woman by her natal kin or by her husband at or after her
wedding.59
Brief references of the choice of apparel and ornaments to be used by
women at various occasions appear in certain inscriptions, whereas in
several inscriptions, beauty remains the criteria to acclaim a female. The
Kanchipuram inscription of Narasimhavarman-II of the eighth century
(Kanchipuram Taluq, Chingleput district) refers to a lady (whose name is
lost) who is acclaimed for her beauty and grace. T.V. Mahalingam iden-
tifies her name as Raṅgapataka, whose beauty is well complimented in
another record from the same temple.60 From the Kashmir to the south,
women seem to be enchanted by cotton and silk fabric. Pearls and gold
were her preference in ornaments. According to the Rājatarangiṇī, the
women wore a long lower garment (adhara-ambara), which reached
down to their feet. The upper part of the body was covered with half-
sleeved blouses or jackets (kaňcuka). Veils were also used sometimes to
cover the face. Various ornaments of gold and other precious metals
as well as of precious stones and pearls were worn. Among these may
be mentioned necklaces, pendants, tilaka, earrings, armlets, wristlets,
etc. An ornament of gold known as ketaka-leaf finds special mention
at several occasions. Collyrium was applied to enhance the beauty of
the eyes. Camphor was used as a perfume.61 Almost the same infor-
mation is provided on costumes and textiles of ancient and medieval
India.62 Rājaśekhara in the Kāvyamīmānsā expressly mentions the tai-
lor.63 Dasharatha Sharma gives a very vivid picture of ornaments and
dress material of the Rajasthan. According to him,

at the time of Padmaśrī’s marriage, women put on her wrist the

holy kankaṇa along with divine herbs and white mustard. They
put collyrium in her eyes, sandal-paste on her body, jewelled
nūpura (on her feet), kuṇḍalas (in her ears), mukuṭa (on her
forehead), necklace round her neck and tinkling girdle round her
waist. They tied her tresses with a string of white flower, and put
on her a pair of white kṣauma garments.64

The Kuṭṭanīmatam of Dāmodargupta has also left interesting

vignettes of the contemporary costumes and fabrics of the northern
India.65 The ornamental description was also found in various verses
of Navasāhsāṅkacaritam of Padmagupta.66 Besides it Rājashekhara
also mentions numerous ornaments such as girdles, anklets, kuṇḍala,
necklace and bracelets in Karpūrmaňjarī.67 An inscription of ce 1160
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 57
from Chiknayakanhalli Taluq of Karnataka has provided a very vivid
description of ornamental tastes of women of various regions of the
then India almost matching the tone of literary descriptions. It goes as:

Sandal ornaments on sloping forehead of the disdainful Malaya

woman, the musk ornament on the cheek of the Coḷa (woman),
the cord round the loins of the Lāṭa woman, and wavy garland
between the breasts of Āndhra woman, bee kissing the lotus face
of the dignified Gaṇḍa woman, a jewel bracelet mirror to the moon
face of the ever persisted and virtuous loving Karnataka woman.68

In the Bilhari stone inscription of the Central Province, the reference

to ornaments on the forehead of women of Kashmir and Kalinga are
found.69 Another inscription from East Bengal (of the eleventh cen-
tury) describes fully the ornamental tastes of the women of Bengal. It
reads as:

This was his (Hemaṅtasena’s) devotion under all circumstances,

precious stones and flowers, necklaces and earrings, anklets, gar-
lands and golden bracelets being worn by the wives of his servants.
(v. 11)70

This inscription and the description given by R.C. Majumdar are

more or less similar. Studded jewels were perhaps the charm of ladies
throughout India. In the neighbouring regions of Nepal there seemed
to be a prohibition on wearing certain ornaments. An inscription from
Nepal dated from the seventh century informs that the king (simulta-
neously) issued some concessions, but the purpose behind prohibition
could not be ascertained. It reads:

The king favour all those living within the boundaries of

Dakṣiṇakoligrāma by allowing them to put on all ornaments
except padaka (an ornament for the neck), keyūra (a bracelet worn
on the upper arm) and nūpura (an anklet).
(ll. 14–15)71

Polygamy
In the history of the development of women also came certain inter-
secting paradoxical situations, which though they never wanted in life
but had accepted under forced circumstances. The commentators of
the smṛtis have laid down several injunctions that put more and more
58 Marriage, widowhood and satī
restrictions on the freedom of women in early medieval times. The
frequent occurrences of polygamy and satī show the helplessness of
women. In marriage the woman was used as a playing card only, so
also she had no right to raise her voice in bringing another woman into
the home, whether it was in the garb of political alliance, war trophies
or something else. He was the same husband who promised before
sacred fire that he would never forsake her in his pursuit of pleasure,
wealth and spirituality. And these promises were time and again being
made with subsequent wives without caring about their sentiments.
Surprisingly, we heard that the first woman had a status of a senior, but
the fate of the second was uncertain. In the Kanchipuram inscription
of Narasimhavarman-II of the eighth century, found in the Chingleput
district, a queen claims her superiority over Pārvati, the wife of Śiva,
whose sign is also the bull and over Puṣkaradēvatā (lakṣmi), the wife of
Narasiṁhāviṣṇu (her husband’s namesake). Though the reason behind
this superiority has not clearly been mentioned, language indicates her
status as senior queen.72 In Chitrur Plates of Nṛpatuṅgavarman of ce
875, reference of a Bāṇa king, Paraňjaya’s wife Pṛthivimāṇikka comes,
who is as pleasant as moon to the matted hair of Śaṅkara, which
specifies her senior queen position. In the same plate reference comes
that Nṛpatuṅga was the son of Nandivarman-III through the daugh-
ter of a Rāṣṭrakūṭa king.73 The language of the inscription specifies a
polygamous alliance. In Harṣa’s Banskhera copper-plate of the sev-
enth century (found in Sujanpur, Uttar Pradesh), the queen Yaśomati
has been mentioned with the titles ‘paramabhaṭṭārika-mahādevī-rajňi’.
All of the other queens have only ‘śrī’ as prefixed to their names.74
This difference in titles shows the supremacy of the chief-queen in the
polygamous society. What second or third wife could say if she was an
outcome of the political alliance or a war trophy? The position of the
senior wife worsened on the account of not producing a male child.
Even the name of queen will appear in the inscriptions only if she is the
mother of a son, although the smṛtikāras provide great respect to the
foster mother by saying that she must be counted equal to the mother.
High titles could keep her happy for a moment only, but in reality
nobody could imagine her pains. A.L. Basham opines that polygamous
households were not necessarily unhappy, and the first wife must con-
sole herself, if she had male children, with the knowledge that she was
the chief wife, the mistress of the household, entitled to the first place
beside her husband at the family rites.75
Many historians consider that polygamy existed, but it was by no
means a general rule. Before putting our argument on this issue, a
quick review on the general history of polygamy in India is required.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 59
In the Ṛgvedic times, polygamy was known. Kings and chiefs were
almost invariably polygamous. Even the smṛtikārs and their commen-
tators had more than one wife.76 In ordinary circumstances polygamy
was not encouraged by the earlier legal literature. The Nārada and
Āpastamba Dharmaśāstra forbid a man to take a second wife except
in certain recommended conditions. The Arthaśāstra also discouraged
polygamy.77 No doubt the presence of co-wives of the husband was a
disadvantage, but women had perhaps no right to revolt against it. She
had to accept it as a usual practice. During the early medieval period,
men were allowed to have more than one wife according to their caste
and status in society.
If we take into consideration the caste and status factor of the four
varṇas, brāhmaṇas and kṣatriyas were polygamous. Epigraphic evi-
dence proves it beyond doubt that polygamy was widespread. The
Bhubaneswar stone inscription of Bhava-deva, minister of Harivar-
man, dated ce 1090–1110, from the Puri district, Odisha speaks
about a brāhmaṇa family in which Ādideva was the minister of war
and peace to the king of Vaṅga. His son Govardhana had two wives,
named as Sarasvati and Saṅgokā.78 Some historians give the excuse
that polygamy was limited to the royal and feudal classes only, but
inscriptional instances are quite revealing. The Vejibror stone inscrip-
tion of the reign of Yaskaradeva of the year ce 1177 found at the town
of Vejibror reads as:

Om. In the year 53, on the 10th Lunar day of the bright half of
Śrāvaṇa in the reign of Yaskaradeva. (There was one) Bhālakṣaka.
His wife (was) Cuḍhā. His son was Āhala. His (Āhala’s) wife was
Lakṣā and mother Bhojā.79

Earlier cited Jodhpur stone inscription of Bauka (Rajasthan) of ce

837 reveals how bigamy was being practiced by a brāhmaṇas Hari-
candra, who married a brāhmaṇa girl first and a kṣatriya girl sub-
sequently.80 R.C. Majumdar also declares that Kukkuka who was
born to Durlabhadevī became the step-brother and successor of
Bāuka.81 In the Nāḍlāī stone inscription of the twelfth century found at
Nadol, Rajastha names of two queens, Mahibaladevī and Jālhaṇadevī
appear.82 In an undated praśasti from the reign of Mahendrapāla of
Kanauj of ce 882 (at Pehova, Haryana), there is a description of king
Jajjuka’s two wives.83 From Karnataka (Tumkur district) the Keregōḍi
Raṅgapura-plates of Rājamalla of the ninth century ce the inference
of bigamy can be drawn as it speaks of Abbalabbā, who was the sec-
ond wife of the western Gaṅga prince Būtuga.84 In the Kadalur Grant
60 Marriage, widowhood and satī
of Marasiṁha-II, found in Dharwar district of Maharashtra, the
names of three queens of Būtuga II (Revakanimmaḍi, Kallabbārasi,
Paddabbarasī) makes the concept of polygamy clear.85 The prevalence
of polygamy among the ruling elites of eastern India is also well-known
from the Belava copper-grant of Bhojavarmādeva.86 An inscription of
ce 1077 speaks of the polygamous nature of kings and feudal lords
of the royal class. It speaks of Tailapa’s two wives (Moṅkabbarasi,
Kelayabbarasi), four wives of Bīra-deva (Birsla-mādevī, Vīra-mādevī,
Bijjala-devī, Achala devī) and Arumuli’s four wives (Gāvabbarasi,
Abbala-devī, Śāntiyabbarasi and Jākala-devī).87
A Karnataka inscription of ce 1164 tells us how a daṇḍanāyaka
gave in marriage his three (well-educated, skilled in music, dance and
science) daughters to Ballāladeva, a king.88 The reason seems to be that
Ballāladeva was a king, and Cāmave was a daṇḍanāyaka. The politi-
cal compulsions and increase in the political prestige perhaps forced
him to give his three daughters to the king.
While discussing epigraphic evidence from central India, the Ratan-
pur inscription of Pṛthvīdeva (ce 1167) mentioned one Dēvagaṇa hav-
ing two wives.89 No specific introduction about Dēvagaṇa is given (in
royal capacity), so he can be taken as a commoner. The practice of
bigamy by commoners in many inscriptions shows that it was not con-
fined to the specific section of society.
The Bijholi rock inscription of the Cāhamāna Someśvara (Udaipur,
Rajasthan) of ce 1170 speaks of three pedigrees of a Jaina layman who
were all polygamous by nature.90 It first mentions about Puṇyarāśi,
who had two wives. One of his (Puṇyarāśi’s) successors Siyaka had
two wives. Further, Siyaka’s son Lālaka had three wives.
In the Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallideva and Manmasatya
II (Godavari district Andhra Pradesh) of ce 1194, there is a reference
of bigamy:

His (Mummādi-Bhīma I) excellent wife was Chhadvīdevī, who

was as slender as a creeper. The elder son of this couple (was)
prince Venna. His younger brother (was) the fortunate (and) glori-
ous prince Rājapaṛeṇḍu (I), the lord of Kōṇamaṇḍala, who married
two noble queens Lakṣmī and Toṇḍambikā.
(v.9f)91

Moving towards Orissa (Ganjam district), the Ressukonda plates

of Neṭṭabhaňja inform of his two wives named as Kśatridevī and
Kaivartadevī.92 The inscription tends to suggest that the wives of
Neṭṭabhaňja belonged to the kṣatri and kaivarta communities. A.P.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 61
Sah, besides mentioning the names of these queens of Neṭṭabhaňja, gives
the list of six wives of the Gaṅga King Anantavarman Cāḍagaṅgadeva:
(1) Kastūrīkāmodinī, (2) Indirā, (3) Candralekhā, (4) Somalamahādevī,
(5) Lakṣmīdevī and (6) Prithvīmahādevī. He also suggested that all of
these queens were not of high castes. A few of them belonged to lower
castes, and kings did not hesitate in marrying a low-caste girl.93
Even the inscriptions from Tamil Nadu suggest the polygamous
society. It refers to an inscription at Tiruvidaimarudur in the reign
of Kulōṭṭuṅga, which named his three queens (Dīnacintāmaṇi, Eliśai­
vallabhī and Tyāgavallī).94 The Uttaramallur inscription of Kampa­
varman of ce 804 narrates how bigamy was being practiced by a
brāhmaṇa, where categorically the identity of a female donor turns
out to be the second wife (iḷaiyāḷ) of a brāhmaṇa.95 Further, Krishna
Kumari gives examples of the polygamous nature of Cālukya-Cola
rulers of Andhradesa. She mentions Kulōṭṭuṅga I, the Velanāṭi chief
Goṅka II, who had a large number of queens. She tells that his eldest
queen was Śubbama, the mother of Coḍa II. His other queens were
Sommāṇḍi-Ammā, Prolama and Kamadevī. His successor Coḍa II had
several queens (e.g., Akkāṁbikā of the Koṇḍapādumaṭi family and
Pinajuyyā, Paṇḍāṁbikā and Gokāṁbikā).96 The Rayakota plates of
Skandaśiṣya of the eighth century speaks about the king Skandaśiṣya
who was born of a Nāga woman. No specific title has been attached
to the name of the queen-mother that indicates her status not even
of a queen.97 A large number of inscriptional references make it clear
that kings used to have many queens. Even common society was all
monogamous, bigamous and polygamous.
The sad story of this moral decline in the early medieval period
has been relentlessly exposed by the inscriptional sources. Kings did
not even hesitate in cohabiting with women in close relations. The
Sāṅglī copper-plate inscription of Govinda IV Suvarṇavarṣa (ce 933),
Kolhapur district, Maharashtra while praising a king Govinda, adds
that he is better than Sāhasāṅka because he did not occur disgrace by
cohabiting with the wives of his brother (or relative).98 More cases
have come from the upper strata of society. Literary sources too men-
tion at length about the prevalence of polygamy. The Kalacuri king
Gaṅgeyadeva’s obtaining mukti at Prayag with his hundred wives has
been mentioned in several literary and inscriptional sources.99 The
Rājataraṅgiṇī mentioned the polygamous nature of the kings. They
maintained the seraglio full of queens and concubines to satisfy their
political ambitions and bodily desires. The king Kailāśa had seventy-
two ladies in his seraglio.100 Concubines were a part of these seraglios.
Chapter 4 mentions several donations given to temples and monasteries
62 Marriage, widowhood and satī
by concubines of kings. Devika Rangachari explains the process of this
moral decline as explorations of the female agency in relation to the
patriarchal structure and its need for control over women.101
The inscriptions under discussion tend to validate argument that
the chief-queen was given a very high place in the polygamous family
provided she could bear a male child; otherwise, preference would
shift to the next queen. An inscription from Shikarpur Taluq of Kar-
nataka dated ce 1096 speaks about Padmāvatī becoming the crowned
queen of Malla and Basavala-devī becoming the favourite queen. Her
son Sōma seems to be made the king. Perhaps the crowned queen was
unable to give the successor to the king, so the king chose another
queen as favourite to get the successor.102 The consequent results of
polygamy were also foster relations. Epigraphic sources indicate that
foster relations did exist in Indian society, but they were dealt tenderly.
In the six Eastern Cāḷukya copper-plate inscriptions of ce 918 (Madras
Presidency), the concept of the foster mother has been discussed.103 As
the right of succession existed, it seems that the son of the chief-queen
was made the king. The sons of remaining queens were not neglected,
and were appointed suitably to important offices in accordance with
their capabilities. In the present inscription, the king granted a village
to a General, who was the son of Gāmakāṁbā (king’s foster sister), as
the verses 5 to 8 of this inscription make clear that:

King Cāḷukya-Bhīma had a foster-mother, named Nāgipōṭi; she

was (to him) like a second earth, like a warrior endowed with
endurance. She had a daughter, named Gāmakāṁbā, . . . who
drank her mother’s milk, sharing it with king Bhīma. She brought
forth a son, endowed with strength like Kumāra, the high spirited
Mahākāla, who became a General of king Bhīma. In the battle
where fire is produced by the clashing together of the opponent’s
arms, going before his master, this brave one more than once has
annihilated the enemy’s army.104

In the Pattadakal pillar inscription of Kīrtivarman II (found in Bijapur

district, Bombay Presidency) of ce 754, the importance of uterine
blood relations has been highlighted. The chief-queen bore the title of
mahādevī, and the other queens are called rajaňī (as also mentioned in
Harṣa’s inscription). The inscription bears testimony to the fact that
uterine blood relations (i.e., born of the same mother but of different
fathers) existed and were accepted by the society.105 As in the pre-
sent inscription, there is an indication that the chief-queen was unable
to give any successor to Vikramāditya (II), Satyāśraya, so he married
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 63
her uterine blood younger sister, whose son was declared the succes-
sor of Vikramāditya (II) Satyāśraya. The plea taken by the smṛtikaras
was that such relations (foster and uterine) were permitted to save the
genealogical tree from extinction. Also that same dynasty did not pre-
fer a girl to succeed as administrative head, so they went for such type
of relations to get a son as a successor to the throne.
From the large number of inscriptions, it is proved that society was
all monogamous, bigamous and polygamous. Even society did not
mind having foster and uterine relations. In a society where wealth
and lust became a practice in the upper strata that could have influ-
enced the other sections of society too, it seems to be the reason why
the examples of polygamy are also found in lower sections of the soci-
ety. Saroj Gulati very aptly co-related the concept of polygamy with
social acceptance of satī as a large number of queens or wives of a
deceased man must have posed difficulties for the society and family.
If a king could not keep them in check during his lifetime, how could
one expect them to be chaste after his death? The widows from royal
households could not marry an ordinary person, and thus the best
way to save their families and society was satī.106 Thus, large number
of wives lately posed social and economic complications and satī was
a safe and silent solution to it.

Widowhood
Once a woman ceases to be a wife (especially if she is childless),
she ceases to be a ‘person’, neither daughter nor daughter-in-law.107
Finally, it is only death (through neglect and overwork) that brings
peace to the anguished widow. For everyone else, the widow’s death
is a relief, especially since the family honour of both households, the
natal and affinal, has been upheld through a ‘sacred’ widowhood.108
Widowhood, which became a complete inauspicious sign in the life of
a woman of the early medieval period, was not considered bad dur-
ing the Vedic age as she was allowed to remarry. But gradually this
practice came into disrepute during 300 bce to ce 200.109 Due to the
process of texualization and codification of various rules, transfor-
mation in the status of women was noticed. The growing influence
of the ascetic ideals, the opposition to widow remarriage began to
grow stronger from ce 200 onwards.110 Manu lays down that a widow
should not even think of remarriage after her husband’s death.111 The
second husband was not permitted to good women.112 Manu even
referred to the Vedic mantras, where neither niyoga nor remarriage
for the widow was prescribed.113 This way he closed the doors even for
64 Marriage, widowhood and satī
child-widows for the re-marriage who did not know even the meaning
of being married or widow. Most of the smṛtikāras of the early medi-
eval period have cited Manu for condemning the remarriage of the
widow. Nārada (ce 500) recommended that the girl’s marriage could
take place only once.114About ce 600, the prejudice against widow
remarriage began to become deeper reaching up to ce 1000.115 Even a
child widow was not allowed to remarry, about whom once smṛtikāras
and Dharmaśāstras had a very soft view. In consequence of the pro-
hibition of remarriage, many young widows found it a hard ordeal
to lead a life of ‘enforced celibacy’ and began to prefer to die with
their husbands rather than live after his death. It was nothing less
than a ‘forced suicide’ both ways. Widows were treated as bad omens
on sight. Secondly, the question of chastity came time and again in a
widow’s life. Thirdly, austerities were to be performed in such a way
as the penances for the sins which she might have committed in her
previous birth due to which she was to suffer widowhood.116 Dur-
ing the early medieval period, stress on fasts and austerities proves
the societal outlook where a widow had to lead a life of celibacy
in the hope of reunion with her deceased husband in the next world.
The widow’s asceticism, bearing no personal results equivalent to that
of the male ascetic, is nevertheless necessary in order to ensure the
peace of mind and happiness of her dead lord. Devotion and loyalty
to her husband remain the key point of a widow’s life and require celi-
bacy; the widow’s asceticism is thus negative not positive.117 This dual
approach of the society even in the matter of celibacy and asceticism
proved a widow completely únwanted’even if she died performing the
austerities.
Inscriptions clearly demonstrate that a few royal families where wid-
ows survived, even they had to follow strict rules regarding fasts and
austerities. The Sirpur stone inscription of the time of Mahāśivagupta
(Raipur district of Central Province) dated to the ninth century, informs
us that the mother of Mahāśivagupta was Vāsṭā, who was a widow
and caused a temple of Hari to be constructed; the same to which this
inscription was affixed.118 The inscription gives a vivid description of
fasts and austerities observed by a widow in the hope of reunion with
her deceased husband. Such austerities were to be observed even if
they caused bodily weaknesses. Perhaps, it was a step towards slow
suicide, which was being performed by the widows in the form of
fasts. Nowhere in the inscriptions was the pain felt by a widow eluci-
dated, but the diversion of her energies more towards the religious side
shows that she tried to seek solace in religious and spiritual activities.
Because such activities put her at some convenient socially acceptable
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 65
level and were also a way out to channel her energies towards spiritual
benefits, thus widows inclined towards religion and spirituality.
Another inscription of ce 1142 speaks of the life of the woman after
her husband’s death. It was due to polygamy or widowhood that a lot
of women were attracted towards religious activities for seeking termi-
nal salvation. In the present inscription, the dowager (a woman hold-
ing a title) queen Lāhiṇī renovated an ancient temple of the Sun and
stepped well, both of which were out of order, for her own spiritual
welfare. The widow resided at Vaṭapura under her brother’s protec-
tion.119 Very importantly this inscription specifies that a queen is resid-
ing in her maternal village under the protection of her brother. Does
that mean that the queen left the house of her deceased husband or
that she was thrown out by her in-laws after the death of her husband?
After coming back to her maternal home, she tried to seek solace in
such activities as temple renovation for her spiritual benefit. It seems
that neither society nor the smṛtikāras gave any chance to the widow
to lead a normal life. For observing certain fasts, the Vṛddha-Harita
detailed a complete chart of what a widow should do all her life. This
chart was supported by most of the smṛtikāras and their commenta-
tors. According to this chart:

She should give up adorning her hair, chewing betel-nut, wearing

perfumes, flowers, ornaments and dyed clothes, taking food from
a vessel of bronze, taking two meals a day, applying collyrium to
her eyes; she should wear a white garment, should curb her senses
and anger, she should not resort to deceits and tricks, should be
free from laziness and sleep, should be pure and of good conduct,
should always worship Harī, should sleep on ground at night on a
mat of Kuśā grass, she should be intent on concentration of mind
and on the company of the good.120

In the descriptions of contemporary literature of the early medi-

eval period, the widow’s life seems to be following this chart. The
Vikramāṅkadevacarita speaks of the physical appearance of widows,121
and the Navasāhasāṅkacaritam narrates asceticism being followed by
widows.122 Aparna Chattopadhyaya’s observations in this regard car-
ries weight as she noted remarkably that law-givers prescribed the
life of asceticism for widows, which laid emphasis on giving up good
food, good dress, etc., instead of spiritual contemplation, meditation
and study of religious works.123 It seems that in such a situation they
found the option of committing satī more suitable than that of living
a miserable life as a widow.
66 Marriage, widowhood and satī
As far as the concept of tonsure of widows was concerned, it was
an attempt to make the outwardly appearance of widow ugly as well
as to control her sexuality, and it was not in vogue in the society dis-
cussed here, though an inscription of the ninth century makes it clear
that widows did not decorate their hair. The undated praśasti from
the reign of Mahendrapāla (Haryana) of ce 882 tends to indicate
it.124 This inscription clearly says that curly hair were not decorated
and they became straight. This shows that only oiling and decora-
tion was stopped, but tonsure was not done. Some smṛtis like that
of Vedavyāsa, which was composed probably later than this period,
began to recommend that if a widow does not become a satī, she
should tonsure her head.125 Obviously many widows who found it
very difficult to observe the life of celibate asceticism suitably opted
for satī.

Inclination towards religion and spirituality

As the society of the early medieval period declared asceticism of a
widow as negative, a Hindu widow could not become a sanyāsinī
because all the fasts, all the austerities were to be performed with the
husband. She was to live like a sanyāsinī inside the house.126 Even
nirvāṇa in Buddhism was beyond question for a woman, or even in
the company of a woman.127 I.B. Horner has given reasons to escape
the sorrows of practical life as a joining factor behind Buddhist monas-
tic life.128 Only the Śwetāmbara sect of Jainism provided the way of
kaivalya for women. Most of the women in the south preferred to join
the Jaina Order as laywoman or nun, as marriage or widowhood did
not affect her status in joining the Order. The desire of kaivalya led
many women (both married and widows) to take the path of even the
strongest penances because it could perhaps give their asceticism, some
religious approval for the ultimate salvation. It was specifically in Kar-
nataka that cases of voluntary termination of life by many women took
place. The death by samādhi chosen by the pious ladies was believed
not only to liberate them from worldly woes but also to ensure them
a place in heaven. They were supposed to have reached heavenly ter-
race (svargāgra), the abode of heaven (svargālaya), the world of gods
(suraloka), or of Indra (Indraloka), or a place at the feet of god or
Lord Indra (surapāda or Indrapāda etc.). In other words, they were
believed to have attained the status of siddha and become the Perfect
(siddhastha).129 Pujyapada simplified the distinction between samādhi
and suicide by stating that samādhi death was devoid of attachment
(rāga) while suicide was motivated and accompanied by passion.130
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 67
The moment alternate of kaivalya was provided to female lot, they
readily offered themselves ‘sanyāsinī in samādhi’.
A well-known inscription of ce 1123 from Chikka Betta Taluq of
Karnataka speaks of the death of Mācikabbe by way of Jaina samādhi-
maraṇa.131 It speaks that

Mācikabbe was married to senior-perggaḍe Mārasingayya. She

had a daughter named Śantala. Mācikabbe, who lost her husband,
was much heartbroken at the loss of her only daughter (Śantala)
that she thought it futile to live thereafter. Taking the severe vow
of sanyāsana132 in the presence of her gurūs, she enriched her
mind with spiritual knowledge and prepared herself to complete
the difficult task. Adopting a posture of half-closed eyes, repeat-
edly chanted the five expressions (paňcapadas)133 fasting for one
month, listing to the account of the samādhi,134 narrated by her
teacher and other saints, she effortlessly attained the state of gods,
amidst the plaudits of earth-dwellers.

I.B. Horner has cited two reasons of women joining the religious
orders. She explained it in the phenomenal and transcendental sense.
In the phenomenal sense it was an easy escape from worldly troubles,
cares, responsibilities, temptations, grief, boredom and the cloying
senses; in the transcendental sense, it was a release from the round of
existences.135 In the above-cited inscription the transcendental sense
seems to be working over for taking such a sanyāsana, while the phe-
nomenal sense remain almost hidden,136 but it works. If we see another
example of observing a vow by a female, the difference clearly comes
out that although a nun (here) was observing a vow for three months,
her glorification does not touch that level as in the former inscription
where a vow prolonged for one month. This inscription of the tenth
century from Karnataka reads as:

Nagamati-ganti, a Jaina nun disciple of Mōni-guravaḍigal of Cit-

tur in Adegaṛe-nāḍ ended her life after having observed the vow
for three months.137

In case of performance of religious fasts and austerities, the Jaina

religion excelled others in the south, especially Karnataka in the early
medieval period. Hinduism had no option for its widows for their
complete salvation. A widow was depicted as a reminiscence of her
husband whom she had to meet after her death. Life was bondage to
her, and these fasts and austerities were leading her life to slow death.
68 Marriage, widowhood and satī
Challenging the established norms
Sometimes women also dared to challenge or work against the pre-
scribed rules. In Hindu saṅskāras, the rite of piṇḍa-dāna is done by
male members. The basic philosophy of three debts (trī-ṛṇas) pre-
scribed by Yajurveda works behind it. They are deva-ṛṇa, pitṛ-ṛṇa and
rṣi-ṛṇa.138 For them a son was to be begotten who could perform these
rites. In the Yajurveda, we find a serious two-fold modification of the
Ṛgvedic ancestor worship. First, we are told that the ancestors have to
be given piṇḍa in the śrāddha, and secondly, that it is the three immedi-
ate ancestors – father, grandfather and great-grandfather – to whom
the śrāddha should be given by the son.139 Generally the śrāddha
ceremony is performed by males only. A Hindu woman even today
scarcely performs the śrāddha of her relatives, though the pains of
their departed souls are felt equally by both male and female relatives.
But some inscriptions of the early medieval period provide new infor-
mation on the śrāddha that was performed by women that challenged
the set-norms of structured framework provided by the smṛtikāras in
the early medieval India. We have two inscriptions which specifically
deal in the śrāddha ceremony being performed by women. Both these
inscriptions are of the twelfth century wherein first, the funeral rites
were being performed by the sister and daughter. The second inscrip-
tion explores the śrāddha being performed by the widow of the per-
son. An inscription from Shimoga district of Karnataka (ce 1172)
informs us that:

the mahāmaṇḍalēśvara Kirttī-Dēva’s senior General Kirttīyaṇṇa

had gone to bring tribute from Hayve, his brother-in-law Bin-
jimayya’s son Vemaṇṇa gained the world of gods. His younger
sister, (Caṭṭikabbe), Kirttīyaṇṇa’s wife and his daughter Uddhare
Mahāsingaya’s wife Hellabe built the Oḍana tank, performed his
funeral rites and setting up a biragāl.140

The second inscription was from Gaya and of the twelfth century ce
and reads as:

Mallikārjuna’s wife was Gaurī who caused to perform the Gayā-

śrāddha, (apparently) of her husband Mallikārjuna . . . v. 10.
(ll. 21–23)141

Sircar and Sharma have identified Mallikārjuna as the predecessor of

Pratāparudra Deva of the Kākatiya dynasty. The real cause of death
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 69
of the husband has not been mentioned. Verse 11 of the inscription
further tells us of Gaurī’s daily entry through the gate of Gaya, and
to her securing the salvation of the foremost of her relations (i.e., her
husband).
In the history of the early medieval period, when prejudices of vari-
ous kinds against women continued in numerous forms, the inscrip-
tions discussed in the foregoing pages throw a fresh light on the
notions of traditional views. Their number is not very high, but they
tend to convey a message that albeit patterned on age-old traditions,
women tried to amplify their existence wherever and whenever pos-
sible. The inscriptions from Shimoga and Gaya can be cited as a chal-
lenge to the society of the early medieval period that tried to keep
female at the lowest ebb. Some of the inscriptions do narrate wonder-
ful stories where women did not accept the baised rules of the smṛtis
and society both.

Satī Imposed or opted

bek ukjhjfo/kok% lqiRuhjkatusu lfiZ’kk lafo’kUrqA
vUkJoks·uehok% lqjRuk vkjksgUrq tu;ks ;ksfuexzsAA142

The wrong interpretation of this śloka perhaps forced many widows

to become satī. The last word ‘agre’ was misinterpreted as ‘agne’.143
Many widows were thrown into the fire, acting upon the truth of the
misinterpreted word. Whether the last word is to be read ‘agre’ or
‘agne’ the protracted debate extended among scholars on its exact
reading. P.V. Kane supported the cause of widows living after the
death of their husbands instead of committing satī by stating that

there is no Vedic passage which can be cited as incontrovertibly

referring to widow burning as then current, nor is there any man-
tra which could be said to have been repeated in the very ancient
times at such burning nor do the ancient gṛhya-sūṭras contain
any direction prescribing the procedure of widow burning. It
therefore appears probable that the practice arose in brāhmaṇical
India a few centuries before Christ.144

The issue of satī provides a field where mainly two interpreta-

tions between two different schools of historians are found. One is
the conservative interpretation (also called traditional or nationalis-
tic approach). It basically works according to the rules laid down in
70 Marriage, widowhood and satī
age-old Vedic, smṛtis and brāhmaṇic literary concepts. A.S. Altekar,
R.C. Majumdar, M.B. Padma and S.K. Aiyangar etc. are the main
champions of this school of interpretation. A.S. Altekar opines that
satī was mainly popular in the fighting class only.145 They argued that
the rules of smṛtis and Dharmaśāstras favoured satī. They oppose call-
ing it a ‘forcible suicide’ with the argument that Dhramaśāstras and
smṛtis did not accept that a person can attain heaven after committing
suicide. So a woman could not meet her husband, had it been the
case of suicide. Rather, they challenged kaivalya of the Jaina Order as
another form of slow suicide which was gained through the process
of fasting unto death. Few historians mention that there was a great
problem of widow remarriage because Hindu Dharmaśāstras of the
early medieval society opposed it vehemently. It was ‘self-willingness’
on the part of the woman which persuaded her to go ahead for satī. She
considered it her religious duty, social obligation and moral responsi-
bility to perform satī so that an example of her chastity, her true love
and devotion could be established. Also they put forth the reason of
penance, by burning for the sins which she might have committed in
her previous birth due to which she was to suffer widowhood.146
The second approach (i.e., liberal or progressive) is championed by
Romila Thapar, R.S. Sharma and K.M. Pannikar, etc. They have taken
a U-turn in the matter of discussion on satī by arguing that social,
religious, economic and other causes were responsible for satī. Romila
Thapar opines that satī was a symbol of aristocratic status, which was
a step in furtherance for the subordination of woman in patriarchal
society. Secondly, the notion of bride-price where her purchase could
be justified by dying together with her husband and it was directly
related to inheritance.147 Also the male section wanted to have control
over female sexuality.148 In the garb of satī they were satisfying their
ego of being superior. It was given the name of ‘dharma’ and attached
social, religious and economic identities with it. Also, she rejected the
argument of the Muslim invasion as a cause of satī, but counts it as a
check to the entry of the Hindu female in the socio-religious moves of
the early medieval period.149 Ram Sharan Sharma has cited a distinct
reason behind this custom. He puts forth the argument that in India,
man’s domination over woman and the idea of treating her as cattle
becomes prominent in the early medieval period when we have feu-
dal developments. It is this idea which eventually gave rise to the satī
system and led to its spread.150 The widows were burnt either under
social pressure or because of their entrenched belief in their eternal
and exclusive loyalty to their husbands.151 Sarmishtha Adhya tried to
aptly question that one easily finds the examples of widows fighting
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 71
for their rights for self-immolation, but seldom is she found fighting
for emancipation.152
Surprisingly, most of the smṛtis opposed this custom vehemently, but
in contemporary literary and inscriptional sources regular references
of satī veneration are noticed. While Manu kept a silence on the issue
of satī, Medhātithi, a major commentator on Manu, strongly opposed
widows becoming satī. He argued that the practice (of widow burn-
ing) was adharma and aśāstrīya. He maintained that it amounted to
suicide, which was forbidden.153 Viṣṇu and Yājňavalkya kept the ideal
and soft opinion on a widow’s rights of inheritance. Devaṇa-bhaṭṭa, a
twelfth-century writer from south India, maintains that the satī cus-
tom is only a very inferior variety of dharma and is not recommended
at all.154 Though Mitākṣarā, a commentary on the Yājňavalkya smṛti
recommended satī for all the castes except brāhmaṇa widows or wid-
ows with infant children or expecting mothers.155 In the Vyāsa smṛti
(ce 600–900) for the first time we find smṛtikāra recommending satī
for a brāhmaṇa widow too.156 Despite this opposition by most of the
smṛtikāras among all the classes of society, inscriptional and literary
writings of the early medieval period prove that the custom of satī pre-
vailed. Kalhaṇa mentioned many queens who burnt themselves with
kings.157 In the Kathā-sarit-sāgara many references to brāhmaṇa wid-
ows becoming satī are found.158 Muslim travellers like Al-berūnī gave
the account that women had two options after their husband’s death:
either they (1) ended their lives by burning themselves, or (2) if they
wanted to live, they had to lead a life of widowhood, full of misery,
and they preferred the first.159 Also in the option of widowhood there
were chances of committing something unworthy of their illustrious
husbands. Bāṇa was the only writer of the early medieval period who
condemned satī vehemently and rationally.160
Discussing on the developmental stages of the custom of satī, Altekar
has provided his analysis from the pre-historical concept of using things
(dead and alive things including clothes, vessels and persons) in the
next world.161 He has not forgotten to mention that primitive war-tribes
preferred to kill their wives so that they did not fall into the enemy’s
hands.162 From the old belief that dead persons comes to meet their
beloved ones, the idea of sending the wife along with her husband origi-
nated. But in the Vedic times, satī was not prevalent because the Aryan’s
migration had kept them in small groups. They needed more numbers
of their clans or kula, which is why they did not oppose niyoga and
remarriage. Even Buddhist literature does not speak about satī. It can
be presumed that the rules regarding satī were not formulated until
ce 300. Only with the final composition of some Purāṇas around
72 Marriage, widowhood and satī
ce 400, scarce references started coming in, and the gradual process of
its popularity began. It seems that satī or self-immolation of widows
was an established institution in the period ce 600–1200. The burning
of the widow on the death of her husband was known as sahamaraṇa
or sahagamana (i.e., ascending of the blazing funeral pyre of her hus-
band and burning along with his corpse). Anumaraṇa, however, was
slightly different from sahamaraṇa and was practiced only when the
wife, on hearing the death of her husband, after his cremation, resolved
upon death, prepared the funeral pyre and burnt with her husband’s
ashes or pādukas (sandals) or even without any memento of his, if none
be available. There are numerous instances of both anumaraṇa and
sahamaraṇa in the early medieval literature as well as in epigraphic
records.163 Satī was an object of highest veneration and so was taken out
to the accompaniment of music in a grand procession.164 She was deco-
rated with saubhāgya symbols of various types. Ram Sharan Sharma
observed that it appears that the practice of satī was not only the even-
tual product of a class-divided, property-based patriarchal society in
militant communities but also the result of the deeply entrenched idea
that the suicide ritual would confer great religious merit on widows.165
Inscriptional and literary sources indicated that from the seventh
century onwards the mindset of women was bending towards this
custom. The high venerations involved in this custom invited several
females to die a ‘respectable death’ than leading a miserable life of a
widow. For the royal section, it was a symbol of prestige and supreme
sacrifice for the husband. The mother of Harṣa, queen Yaśomatī,
did not care to wait until the death of her husband; when his case
was pronounced to be hopeless, she gave away her ornaments, took
a sacred bath, put on all the marks of a lady with her husband liv-
ing and entered the funeral pyre.166 Dāhir’s queen Rānī Bāī committed
Jauhar (custom of committing satī jointly by several females for their
respective husbands) to save themselves from falling into the hands of
enemies when the husband had died on the battlefield.167 The first clear
historical instance of sahagamana is found in an epigraph of Karna-
taka belonging to the tenth century, which states that:

when a man by name Bidiyaṇṇa died in ad 972, his wife Jakkabbe

also followed suit. She thus (perhaps) became satī and her sister
Jabe set-up a stone in her memory. . . . At about the same time,
Gundabbe, the sister of the celebrated Attimabbe, performed
sahagamana.168

This event has been described by the famous Ranna Nāgādeva (who
was in service of the Cālukya emperor Ahvamalla Deva) had two
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 73
wives by name Attimabbe and Gundabbe. Attimabbe had a son by the
name Anniga. When Nāgādeva died, his wife Gundabbe argued with
the co-wife Attimabbe that for a true wife, who lost her husband, there
were only two duties left: one was the observance of Jinadharma and
the other was to perform satī.
As Attimabbe was the mother of a son, she should remain alive to look
after him. Thus convincing Attimabbe, Gundabbe mounted the funeral
pyre of her husband.169 This instance proves that the mother with the
infant child or the pregnant woman was exempted from this custom.
Reference of the observance of Jinadharma suggests that women had
an option to lead a life according to the Jaina way of life and opt for
kaivalya, which is marked as slow suicide by several historians.
Saroj Gulati opined that Rajput ladies of Rajasthan burnt them-
selves alive more willingly than the women of other parts of India.170
The earliest epigraphs in Rajasthan about satī come in ce 842. The
reference of ce 842 speaks about the mother of the Cāhamāna king
Caṇḍamahāsena who became a satī.171 The Ghaṭiyala inscription of
Rāṇuka (ce 890) speaks of satī Sāṁvaladevī.172 A Cāhamāna inscrip-
tion of Vikrama of ce 1132 from the Nagaur district of Rajasthan
informed about the death of a Cāhamāna king along with his three
wives. This inscription does not directly speak about satī, but from
its language, the inference can be drawn. Only the name of the chief-
queen has been mentioned (i.e., Sāṁvaladevī).173 Further, Dashratha
Sharma in his study of Rajasthan provided an exhaustive list of satī
incidents in Rajasthan.174 His epigraphical studies included:

1 Satī . . ., wife of Thākura Guhila (Puṣkara inscription, No. 407, ‘Ins­

criptions of Northern India’).
2 Satī Kaṇahullā, mother of Chaṇḍamahāsena of Dholpur (ZDMG,
XL, p. 39).
3 Satī . . . wife of Sindarā Ḍoḍ, Saṁvat 1234.
4 Satī . . ., Pāl inscription of v. 1244 (No. 423, ‘Inscriptions of Nor­
thern India’).
5 Nine satīs, wives of Bāgaḍya Salakhaṇa.
6 Satī Mohili Rājī, wife of Rāṇā Motiśvara (Unstrā Inscription of V.
1248, ‘Inscription of Northern India’, No. 423).
7 Satī Hammiradevī, wife of Māngaliya Rāva Sīho.

Thus in Rajasthan satī became a non-reformable social custom. With

the passage of time satī was venerated as Goddess. Still in the north
India, especially in the Rajasthan, the existence of hundreds of satī-
peethas proves that these females were placed on the highest pedestal
in society. Besides it, memorial stones have been found in numbers
74 Marriage, widowhood and satī
and are called devlī.175 These are small upright stones, sometimes
sculptured with figures engraved with an inscription. They were
erected in commemoration of widows who became satīs.176 Debat-
ing the argument of putting satī into the category of forced sui-
cide, Upendra Thakur defines two types of suicides: the first one is
religious – in which sallekhaṇa (the Jaina way of getting rid from the
circle of birth and death) comes. It was motivated by religion. Satī
has a religious sanction, which is why he puts it in the same category.
The second one was general suicide motivated by social, economic
and political factors.177 In this case the self-immolation is performed
by servants, wives, soldiers etc., which is mostly out of the sense of
duty for the masters. In Kashmir, Kalhaṇa mentions about a strange
case of Gajjā, who cremated herself along with her son Ānanda for
the sake of her brother Dilhabhaṭṭāraka.178 This case can be put into
the second category discussed by Upendra Thakur. Most historians
agree that such cases cannot be kept in the category of satī as satī
was a custom evolved for reunion between the husband and the wife.
But such instances happened due to grief or sorrow which was felt
for the departed soul. It could be for family or political reasons also
where relatives and slaves tried to immolate themselves after the
death of the king. In the south, such immolations by servants or
faithful ministers or feudal lords to demonstrate depth of devotion
and sacrifice to the royal houses were called Vēlevāli,179 Jolavāli180
and Leňkāvali.181 Besides it another form of sacrifice also existed,
which was known as Siḍitale,182 but these sacrifices are very different
in motive and intention that was included in satī. Only sahagamana
and anugamana of the wife for her husband were considered into the
preview of satī.
A.S. Altekar opined that down to ce 1000 instances of satī were
rare in the Deccan and rarest in the deep south.183 Contrarily, in the
Sendalai pillar inscription found in the Tanjore district of Mysore
in the eighth century, there is a reference to queens committing satī.
Perumbiḍugu Muttaraiyaṇ (alias Śuvaraṇ Māraṇ) was the king. At
Tiňgalur he defeated the Teṇṇavar (i.e., the Pāṇḍya), causing their
queens to mount the funeral pyre.184 In this inscription the reference
to entering the stone (i.e., becoming virakals) by the wives of the ene-
mies has been portrayed. Kiran Kumar Thaplyal in a very appropriate
language refers to the stones which were laid down in the memory of
the women who became satī.185 Further, S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar
added to our information that there is a numerous class of archaeo-
logical monuments in south India, known as virakal and māstikkal.
The former are the stones erected in the memory of a person who
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 75
displayed valour, either in the field of battle or by some other act
of personal courage.186 An inference can be drawn that women also
used to go into the battlefield, and if they died, virakals were erected
in their memory, as virakals could be erected for both the male or
female. An inscription of ce 1200 from Belur Taluq, Karnataka
speaks of a virakal set up by the wife of the deceased.187 These inscrip-
tional references support Aiyangar’s statement. So far as the concept
of māstikkal was concerned, Aiyangar differentiates it from virakals
on the ground that māstikkal basically represented mahāsatī-kal (i.e.,
a stone erected in the memory of one who performed a mahāsatī or
act of self-immolation by a woman on the pyre of her husband).188
In the south we find references of sati incidents. An inscription from
the Kolar district of Karnataka (of ce 1018) speaks about satī in the
following language.

the wife of Mūkkaiyan, the gāmuṇḍa of Kuḷattur in Naḷumba-

pāḍi, became a satī189

Next comes the most-cited south Indian inscription on satī (i.e., the
Belaturu inscription of the time of Rājendradeva of ce 1057 of the
Mysore region).190 The nationalistic historians have tried to convince
that satī was quite a volunteer effort performed by widows out of love
and devotion for their husbands. They also explain that the woman
had a stern sense of duty towards this act, and she was hopeful about
the concept of eternal union with her beloved husband in heaven. Self-
willingness to become satī was so overpowered that she found no pur-
pose in living after her husband. Widowhood seems to be an option
for the pregnant woman or widow with the infant child. The Belat-
uru inscription importantly discusses many issues in one instance. It
speaks about caste considerations, about the form of pyre, and about
high donations (that could conceal the sin of the family and the state
involved in killing a widow and could also satisfy her veneration up to
the level of a goddess). This inscription opens with the information of
two families of Kuḍiyas (śūdras), viz. the Avaca family of Nugunāḍu
and the Kuṛuvanda family of Pervayal in Navalenāḍu. To the first one
belonged Raviga, who was raised by the Cola king to the rank of
superintendent of a province. Raviga’s daughter Dēkabbe was given in
marriage to Echa of the Kuṛuvanda family. When the king killed Echa
at Talekāḍu, his widow committed herself to the flames. Before she
ended her life, she granted a garden to the name of Śiva for a perpetual
lamp, and a paddy-field for oblations. Dekabbe’s father, Raviga, set up
a stone which bears this inscription as a memorial of his daughter.191
76 Marriage, widowhood and satī
In some relevant passages, the vivid description of her act (committing
satī) was found. It states:

When the beautiful woman, the light of the family of Raviga,

heard the report that they had pierced and killed the strong hero
who was called, ‘the Veḷa (skanda) in the age of sin’, she walked
to the (fire)-pit in order to die.
(v. 15)

Then all (her relatives) united said: ‘Do not (die)!; desist!;‘ (but)
Dekabbe said: ‘Speak not. But go!; I will not desist;’ and respec-
tively giving land, gold, clothes, cows and money as a present, she
piously put the palms of (her) hands together (in obeisance) to the
god of gods, entered the blazing flames, and went with glory to the
world of gods, so that the whole earth will be pleased (with her)
and continually praise her.
(v. 20)192

The observations of R.F. Kittel on this inscription are quite important

as it simultaneously cleared several notions about satī. According to
him, this is the first inscription that has been discovered concerning
the self-immolation of a śūdra wife after her husband’s death.193 Satī
was prescribed by many commentators and writers of the early medi-
eval period for kṣatriyas (which later also spread among brāhmaṇas).
Because of highlighting it as the greatest sacrifice and supreme sign of
conjugal fidelity, the kṣatriya women were superseding the brāhmaṇa
women. This inscription defies the claim of those who prescribed it
for two varṇas. Secondly, this self-immolation is not identical with
the so-called satī of brāhmaṇical usage. In this instance, there was no
pyre (citā), but a konda, a hole in the ground for any fire, especially
one for the fire of a burnt oblation.194 If we do not see this incident in
connection to brāhmaṇa or śūdra usage, but through the Altekarian
observation, it becomes more clear that it was the southern trend of
satī which rendered an escape impossible.195 And in the present case,
konda seem to be the same fire-pit. Thirdly, sahagamana was not cus-
tomary among the śūdra. In fact, the incident of the Belaturu inscrip-
tion was of anumaraṇa, which was even followed by Harṣa’s mother.
In the Karnataka region many examples of anugamana or anumaraṇa
are found. An inscription of ce 1118 from Karnataka stated that a
lady by the name Śikkavai entered the fire, when she heard that her
husband Siňja Gāmunda died while fighting with a tiger.196 While in
another inscription of ce 1191 (of Karnataka) Bīrana, the husband,
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 77
embraced death. His wife Biyavve set up the stone and died along with
him.197 This is a case of sahagamana, as she died along with her hus-
band on the same funeral pyre. The practice of sahagamana or anuga-
mana was mostly followed with donating grants in the honour of the
satīs. In the Belaturu inscription also Dēkabbe granted land, clothes,
gold, cows and money etc.198 Another inscription of ce 1088 (from
Mysore) stated that Tapare Kammārī, the young wife of Navalāṣi
Rājan, performed sahagamana by leaping into the fire on the death of
her husband. There upon her father-in-law by name Alagiya- Cola of
Pervvayalu, the nādgāvuṇḍa of Navile-nāḍ, offered on that occasion a
flower garden, 100 ghaṭṭas land in Kādamman-era and 10 kolaga of
dry and wet lands in Kongunigere.199 So far as the question of grants
issued by a woman committing satī before her final departure was
concerned, it used to take shape of such a luxurious procession that
even the king did not object to such grants. Perhaps it could enhance
the prestige of their kingdom, and indirectly they encouraged this cus-
tom as the woman who committed satī was promoted as an object of
veneration. All of these were the concocted means to get rid of widows
prestigiously. In two inscriptions from Kurgod of ce 1173 (of the Bel-
lary district, Madras Presidency), it is recorded that when Bēcirāja was
going to Kailāśa in bodily form, (i.e., when he had died) and his corpse
was being cremated, his wives Baiḷiyakka and Malpāṇiyakka entered
the fire (i.e., immolated themselves with his corpse by the rite of suttee
(satī)), and just before doing that, obtained the permission of the rul-
ing prince for making certain other grants.200 This inscription makes
clear that females of bigamous marriage committed satī with social
sanction. The series of inscriptions from the south forfeits the claim of
Devaṇa-bhaṭṭa where irrespective of caste factor, family and state all
seem to be involved in promoting this practice. Also it tends to defy
the claim of Altekar that satī did not exist in the south.
A.P. Sah makes interesting observations on the prevalence of the
satī system in Orissa. According to him, instances of widowhood are
there, but no reference of satī was found in the early medieval Orissa.
The Bhauma-kāra queens led the life of widowhood after their hus-
band’s death.201 Coming down to Tamil Nadu, the same trend was
followed in the case of satī as of northern India. N. Subrahmanian
makes a very critical comment over the issue of satī. According to
him, the status of women has always been the Achilles heel of Hindu
brāhmaṇical society. Satī could have been preferred by many widows,
who dreaded the status of widow but once she self-immolated on the
funeral pyre of her husband, the society always on the point of creat-
ing new deities – apotheosized her and put her in the pantheon.202
78 Marriage, widowhood and satī
Among the list of contemporary literary sources, the satī custom is
quite commonly mentioned in the Kathā-sarit-sāgara in brāhmaṇa,203
kṣatriya,204 vaiṣya205 and śūdras.206 Julia Lesie debates the glorification
of satī cases as by women who see themselves not as victims of their
culture but as active agents in the creation of their own, but we find
that women did not realize this victimization under the great garb
of huge donations and pomp and show being done to perform and
glorify ritual of satī.207

Living satī
The effect of the word‘satī’ was so deeply venerated by society of the
early medieval period that it became a synonym of ‘virtuous woman’.
Virtue can be referred as much to the broader ethical norms of society
as to individual morality. From here, the move to the concept of the
‘virtuous woman’ upholding morality, of the family, community and
society, was just a small step.208 In India, the term ‘satī’ has tradition-
ally referred not to the dead but to the woman herself, who is rendered
as a goddess for her superhuman bravery and strength. The satī in the
Indian case therefore is never a widow. Instead she becomes a ‘good
woman’ because she is faithful to her husband and does not suffer the
fate of becoming a widow.209 A satī, in a sense, serves as a powerful sym-
bol of a woman who sustained family, lineage and domestic virtues.210
Such explanations further devalued the penances and asceticism of a
widow if she did not commit satī. Many inscriptional references make
it clear that faithfulness, devotion, chastity, skill in fine arts etc. were
the main criteria of defining a ‘living satī’. Phase-wise development of
this concept can be traced. During ce 600–700, more emphasis was
given on the faithfulness and devotion of a woman towards her hus-
band. It shifted to a ‘living satī’ in the ninth and tenth century, which
comprised a high character, chaste woman. In the eleventh century
more stress was laid on the aesthetic beauty of a woman possessing
skills in fine arts. In the fourth phase the focus shifted to philosophical
and religious qualities. The society of the early medieval period seems
to have changed its interest in defining ‘living satī’ according to its con-
venience, but devotion and faithfulness towards the husband remained
the basic criterion of this definition. To the royal class, beauty and skill
in fine arts was an extra advantage. At the end of the tenth century
knowledge of philosophy and religion was also added to the virtues of
‘living satī’. It could be due to socio-religious moves which were taking
place in the history. Perhaps it was a kind of web woven to encircle the
identity of female into certain particular norms only. Every time she
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 79
was given a kind of target to achieve and prove herself the best among
the criteria of ‘being good, chaste, faithful and full of virtues’. Hardly
do we come across such standerdisation of values and character for
the male section.
Starting from the first phase, we take an example discussed in the
inscription of ce 754, found in Belgaum. It discusses the virtues of
Indrarāja’s queen. Purity, lineage and faithfulness are described as the
main qualities of the queen.211 During the ninth century we find a
change in drafting the language of inscriptions dealing with ‘living
satī’. Patience, beauty, intelligence and perfection in fine arts were the
main considerations of a virtuous female. A large number of inscrip-
tions of the ninth century dealt with one or more of these qualities
of a woman and consider her a virtuous female or ‘living satī’. Main
inscriptions from all corners of the country that throw welcome light
on the established notions about the virtues of women prevalent in
society then are; Bahur plates of Nṛpatuṅgavarman of the ninth cen-
tury, from Pondicherry,212 the Kerehaḷḷi plate inscription of Western
Gaṅgas of ce 906 (Mysore),213 and Kuknūr plates of Western Gaṅgas
of ce 968 (Raichur district),214 Bayana inscription of Citralekha of ce
954 (Bharatpur state),215 and Mandkila Tal inscription of ce 987 from
Jaipur, Rajasthan,216 and the Sarāhan praśasti of Chamba of the tenth
century.217 Most of these inscriptions speak of devotedness towards
her husband, a charming personality, sweetness of speech, simplicity,
magnanimity, purity and tolerance as the main qualities of a virtuous
female.
The shift was noticed towards defining women with more religious
tastes and practical approach in collaboration with other qualities as
‘living satī’ in the eleventh to twelfth century onwards. This could pos-
sibly be due to the influence of various socio-religious movements. An
inscription, for example, from Belur Taluq of Karnataka extols to the
skies by giving the title of mahāsatī while defining the qualities of an
ideal woman. A study of the language makes it clear as:

fortunate, beautiful, worthy, ready for enjoyment, distinguished,

dignified, intelligent, devoted to her husband, was the mahāsatī
Gujjala-Dēvī. Shining in the three worlds and spreading to the
points of compass, as long as sky is spread, as long as earth, sun
and moon endure, may the fame be established of Gujjala-dēvī.218

Besides, the copper-plate grant of Vaidyadeva, king of Kamarupa

of ce 1142 from Banaras,219 Barrackpur grant of Vijayasena from
Chaubis Paragana of West Bengal (ce 1158),220 Rattanpur inscription
80 Marriage, widowhood and satī
of Prithvīdēva of the period ce 1167 from Central Provinces,221 and
Pithapuram pillar inscription of Mallidēva and Manmasatya II of ce
1194222 and many other inscriptions issued in various regions speak
of virtues of females which make them stand in the category of ‘living
satī’. In some of these inscriptions they have directly been titled as ‘liv-
ing satī’ whereas in others inferences help to put them in this category.
From the inscriptions discussed above (from the southern region), an
interesting fact can be deduced that effort was made by the writers
of the epigraphs to portray her as an ideal woman with her devotion
towards the husband and religion. This concept changed its shape in
the northern region where beauty has dominated her image. It can be
inferred that most of the inscriptions where the identity of the women
has been portrayed in administrative or religious colours, maximum
stress remained on defining their virtues. All inscriptions dealing with
the royal identity of women do speak of their virtues in high volume.
This iconization of image building and their emergence over a period
of time suggested that in the first phase (i.e., the eighth and ninth cen-
turies), the writers of the documents wanted to bring out a woman’s
faithfulness and devotion to her husband. In the second phase (i.e.,
the tenth century), satī (living or dead) dominated the social sphere of
society. It may be permitted to conjecture that various political, social,
religious and economic factors involved during the period between
ce 600–1200 made the word satī – ‘a living ideal woman’ – to be in
demand. Foreign invasions, upheaval in the social order and the influ-
ence of Dharmaśāstras on society contributed more to it. The third
and fourth phase (i.e., eleventh to thirteenth centuries) is affected more
by affluences of beauty as the highest virtue possessed by women. The
religious bent of mind and qualities such as fine arts were also appre-
ciated. It can be seen that throughout the early medieval period the
word ‘living satī’ was considered as a signal honour for women who
were the epitomes of purity and perfection.
The life of women of the early medieval period on the issues of
marriage and widowhood seems to be very restrictive. In the field of
marriage, in royal houses destiny forced her to be a part of political
moves by both approved and disapproved forms of marriages. Her
individual choice (royal and common) was never asked or considered.
Even the age factor stood on the side of minority. The mother’s right
of guardianship was symbolic on matrimonial issues. Mostly society in
the early medieval period seems to be polygamous despite the advice
of smṛtikāras to lead a monogamous life. As we notice in inscriptions,
a large number of females participating in religious activities, it could
be an outcome of the polygamous lifestyle which caused neglect and
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 81
family bereavements. Few historians put forth the opinion that many
women joined the Jaina Order in a negative spirit of escapism, but
this possibility cannot be ruled out. The smṛtikāras had laid much
emphasis on the concept of marriage within one’s jāti or caste, but still
there are several references to inter-caste marriages found in the liter-
ary and inscriptional sources. Various reasons like advanced cultural
differences, political ambitions, economic aspirations on the side of
the groom etc. are put forth as the main reasons responsible for and
against inter-caste marriage.223
Though the argument of an inborn aversion to the sensuous life
and hankering for a spiritual life also stand on strong footing, yet the
life of a widow seems to be deliberately made tough and sterile so
that she could choose the second option, satī, which was deliberately
made highly venerated. In the south, though socio-religious moves
affected the efforts of Hindu smṛti commentators (to dominate), the
north seems to be completely under the influence of these smṛtikāras
and their commentators. The word ‘satī’ seems to be replacing widow-
hood. It existed among kśatriyas mainly, but it was highlighted to such
an extent that other sections (brāhmaṇa and śūdras) also followed it. It
seems that the concept of satī worked more in living form. The list of
virtues, both for the married and widows included basically devotion
and faithfulness towards the husband. Women of the early medieval
period, instead of developing their individual and independent out-
look, seemed to be working on the suggested lines of smṛtikāras and
their commentators.

Notes
§ All inscriptions marked with asterisk (*) have been cited from CD-ROM
(Epigraphia Carnatica – Old Series) published by the Indian Council of
Historical Research (ICHR), Southern Regional Centre, Bangalore.
1 The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 7, p. 871.
2 ;Fkk ok;q lekfJR; orZUrs loZtUro%A
rFkk x’gLFkekfJr orZUrs loZa vkJek%AA
As all beings depend on air, so all orders depend upon the householder.
Manu, III, 77, tr. by Burnell and Hopkins, p. 55.
3 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 32.
4 Ibid., p. 77.
5 The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 7, p. 871.
6 P.H. Prabhu, Hindu Social Organisation, p. 158.
7 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, p. 79.
8 N. Venkataramanayya, ‘Kalidindi Grant of Eastern Chalukya Rajaraja I’,
EI, vol. XXIX, p. 57.
82 Marriage, widowhood and satī
9 Ibid., p. 60.
10 Fig. 3.1 shows the matrimonial relationship between Eastern Cālukyas
and Colas.
11 G.S. Gai, ‘Kadalur Grant of Marasimha II’, in Some Select Inscriptions,
Agamkala Prakashan, New Delhi, 1990, p. 131.
12 J.F. Fleet, ‘The Hebbal Inscription’, EI, vol. IV, p. 351.
13 R.C. Majumdar, ‘Jodhpur Stone Inscription of Bauka’, EI, vol. XVIII,
p. 97.
14 J.F. Fleet, op. cit., p. 351.
15 Annual Report on the Working of Rajputana Museum Ajmer (ARRMA),
1936, p. 2.
16 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, p. 78.
17 lo.kkZxzs f}tkrhuka iz’kLrk nkjdeZf.kA
dkerLrq izo’rkukfeek% L;q% Øe’kksojk%AA
  For twice-born men, at first, a woman of the same caste is approved
for marrying; but of those who act from lust, those of lower caste may in
order (be wives).
’kwnzSo Hkk;kZ ’kwnzL; lk p Lok p fo’k% Le’rsA
rs p Lok pSo jkt’p rk’pLok pkxztUeu%AA
A Śūdra woman alone (is) a wife for a Śūdra; both she and a woman of his
own caste (are) legally (wives) of a vaiśya; they two and also a woman of
his own caste (are wives) of a kṣatriya; both they and a woman of his own
caste (are wives) of a brāhmaṇa.
  Manu, III, 12, 13, Eng. tr. by Burnell and Hopkins, pp. 46–7.
18 F. Kielhorn, ‘Bhera-Ghat Inscription of the Queen Alhaṇadevī’, EI, vol. II,
p. 16.
19 F. Kielhorn, ‘The Chahamānas of Naddula’, EI, vol. IX, p. 67.
20 R.R. Halder, ‘Two Paramāra Inscriptions’, EI, vol. XXI, p. 43.
21 T.V.Mahalingam, ‘Velurpalaiyam Plates of Nandivarman-III’, Inscriptions
of the Pallavas, no. 121, pp. 372–9.
22 Ibid., pp. 439–50.
23 B. Hemalatha, Life in Medieval Northern Andhra, Navrang, New Delhi,
1991, p. 38.
24 When a male of a higher caste married a woman of a lower caste, the mar-
riage was said to be anuloma; and in the case of a woman of a higher caste
married into the lower caste, it was said to be a pratiloma marriage.
25 P.V. Kane, The History Dharmaśāstra, vol. II, p. I, p. 53.
26 Manu, III, vv. 12–13, Eng. tr. by Burnell and Hopkins, pp. 46–7.
27 Yāj. I, 55 and 57.
28 R.C. Majumdar, ‘Jodhpur Stone Inscription of Bauka’, p. 97.
29 Al-Beruni’s India, ed. by E.C. Sachau, vol. II, p. 155.
  He quoted Manu III, verse 13 that a brāhmaṇa may have four, a kṣatriya
three, a vaiśya two and a śūdras one wife.
30 Ibid., p. 155.
31 SII, vol. XI, no. 1034, cited by B. Hemalatha, Life in Medieval Northern
Andhra, p. 38.
32 SII, vol. IV, no. 1368, cited in ibid.
33 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 77.
34 P.V. Kane, The History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. II, pt. I, p. 451.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 83
  Medhātithi on Manu III, 14 suggested that about ad 900 at the latest
marriages of brāhmaṇa with kṣatriya and vaiśya girls took place rarely
in his day, but not with śūdras women; Mitākṣara also said that dvijātis
(anuloma ones) marriages had entirely ceased to be regarded as valid by
its time.
35 Amita Chakravarty, Life and Society in Ancient India: A Study of Daṇḍin’s
Daśkumārcarita, Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, Calcutta, 1985, p. 48.
36 P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, ‘The Bayyaram Tank Inscription of Kākati
Mailamba’, EA, vol. I, p. 73.
37 Ibid.
38 P.H. Prabhu, Hindu Social Organisation, p. 153.
  He has suggested mainly fulfilment of obligations of a student’s life for
males, virginity for females and rules of endogamy and exogamy for both.
39 M.P. Singh, Life in Ancient India, p. 87.
40 ghufØia fu”iq:”ka fu’NUnks jkse’kk’kZle~A
{k;~;ke;kO;iLekfjf’pf=dqf”Bdqykfu pAA
uks}gsRdfiyka dU;k ukf/kdkx~³ks u jksfx.khe~A
uky¨fedka ukfrykseka p okpkVka u fix~³yke~AA
  One should avoid marriage ties with these ten families:
  That by which rites are neglected, which has no males, which possesses
not the Vedas (chandas) (the member of) which are hairy, or have piles;
also families (afflicted) with consumption, dyspepsia, epilepsy, albinoism
and leprosy.
  Let him not marry a towny maiden, nor one with superfluous members,
nor a sickly (maiden), nor one without hair, or with excessive hair, nor a
chatterbox, nor one red-(eyed).
  Manu, III, 7–8, tr. by Burnell and Hopkins, pp. 45–6. Almost similar
description is provided by Yājňavalkya, I, 54, tr. by V. C. Pandey, p. 22.
41 op.cit., p. 91.
42 The Kalidindi Grant makes it clear that political gains stood above the
general matrimony rules. (EI, vol. XXIX, p. 57).
43 J.F. Fleet, ‘The Hebbal Inscription’, EI, vol. IV, p. 354.
44 P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, ‘The Bayyaram Tank Inscription of Kākati
Mailamba’, EA, vol. I, p. 73.
45 A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, Sidgewick and Jackson, Lon-
don, 1967, p. 169.
a. Brahma, marriage of a duly dowered girl to a man of the same class by
the ceremony prescribed
b. Daiva, when a householder gives a daughter to a sacrificial priest as
part of his fee
c. Ārṣa, in which, in place of dowry, there is a token bride-price of a cow
and a bull
d. Prajāpatya, in which the father gives the girl without dowry and with-
out demanding bride-price
e. Gandharva, marriage by the consent of the two parties, which might be
solemnized merely by plighting troth. This form of marriage was often
clandestine.
f. Asura, marriage by purchase
g. Rākṣasa, marriage by capture
84 Marriage, widowhood and satī
h. Paiśāca, which can scarcely be called marriage at all – seduction of a
girl while asleep, mentally deranged, or drunk
46 Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya, II, 10–11, Hindi tr. by Udayvir Shastri, Meharch-
and Lachhmandas, New Delhi, 1964, p. 11.
47 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 47.
48 Paras Diwan, Modern Hindu Law, Allahabad Law Agency, Faridabad,
1972, 14th edn., 2001, p. 69.
49 A.S. Altekar, op.cit., p. 39.
50 Ibid., p. 44.
51 D.R. Bhandarkar, ‘Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I’, EI, vol. XVIII,
p. 252.
52 D.C. Sircar, ‘Śāntiragrāma Grant of Daṇḍimahadēvī’, EI, vol. XXIX,
p. 81.
53 D.C. Sircar, ‘Viśākhapaṭanam Copper-Palte Inscription of Anantavarman
Choḍagaṅga’, Select Inscriptions, p. 165.
54 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, 1904, p. 65.
This inscription of ad 1157 reads as:
When Trailokyamalla-dēva’s victorious kingdom was extending, and
(on the date specified), when Kanna . . . having given to Kaḷeya, the
son of Lakuma-gavuṇḍa of Kātikavaḷḷi in the Eḍenāḍ-70, his daughter
Kāchajjyama with a dowry, was himself making his village, – by order
of maṇḍalēśvara Malli-Dēvarasa of Hayve, Singa,Maṇḍalika came
with servants and horses, raided Kātikavaḷḷi.
It can be inferred if Kaḷeya was defeated/or died in the said raid, his wife
was obviously the property of winner.
55 J.F. Fleet, ‘The Hebbal Inscription’, EI, vol. IV, p. 354.
56 A. Swaminathan, ‘Some Epigraphical Gleanings on Dowry System in the
Chola Period’, VIJ, vol. XX, Parts I-II, January–December 1982, p. 173.
57 Krishna Kumari, The Rule of the Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesa, B. R.
Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 1985, p. 195.
58 Palnativira Charita, p. 29, cited in ibid., p. 195.
59 M.N. Srinivas, Some Reflections on Dowry, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, 1984, p. 11.
60 T.V.Mahalingam, ‘Kanchipuram Inscription of Narasimhavarman-II’,
Inscriptions of the Pallavas, no. 59, p. 195.
61 Ashvini Agrawal, ‘Social Picture in Rājataraṅgiṇī’, VIJ, vol. XIX, 1981,
p. 207.
62 Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient
and Medieval India, Oriental Publishers, New Delhi, 1975, p. 105.
63 Kāvyamīmānsā of Rājaśekhara, GOS ed. Baroda, 1906, pp. 8–9.
64 Dashratha Sharma, Rajasthan Through the Ages, p. 463.
65 Kuṭṭanīmata-kāvya of Damodargupta, v. 29, vv. 111–2, v. 148, vv. 293–
4., v. 986, Hindi tr. by Jaganath Pathak, Mitra Prakashan Ltd., Allahabad,
1961, pp. 8, 27–8, 34, 64 and 209.
66 Nav., I, vv. 21–7, VIII, v. 6, X, v. 60, XIV, vv. 20–22, XV, vv. 29, 41,
43, 44–5, XVI, vv. 40–41, Hindi tr. by Jitendrachandra Baratiya, pp. 5–6,
117, 156, 213, 232, 246.
67 Karpūrmaňjarī of Rājashekhara, Hindi tr. by Ram Kumar, pp. 74–7.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 85
68 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. XII, no. 21, p. 77.*
69 F. Kielhorn, ‘Bilhari Stone Inscription of Rulers of Chedi’, EI, vol. I,
p. 266.
70 Ramaranjan Mukherji, ‘Deopārā Inscription of Vijayasena’, Corpus of
Bengal Inscriptions: Bearing on History and Civilization of Bengal, no.
35, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyaya, Calcutta, 1967, p. 257.
71 Manabendu Banerjee, Sanskrit Inscriptions of Nepal: A Politico-Social
Study of the Inscriptions of the Time of Amṣuvarman Jiṣṇugupta and
Viṣṇugupta, Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, Calcutta, 1985, p. 55.
72 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Kanchipuram Inscription of Narasimhavarman-II’,
Inscriptions of the Pallavas, no. 58, p. 194.
73 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Chitrur Plates of Nrpatungavarman’, no. 152, ibid.,
pp. 439–50.
74 G. Bühler, ‘Banskhera Copperplate Inscription of Harṣa’, EI, vol. IV,
1896–7, pp. 210–11.
75 A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, p. 175.
76 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 105.
  Manu is said to have had ten wives, and Yājňavalkya had two wives.
77 Arthaśāstra of Kauṭilya, III, 47–50.
78 D.C. Sircar, ‘The Bhubaneswar Stone-Inscription of Bhava-Deva’, Select
Inscriptions, p. 105.
79 B.K. Kaul Deambi, ‘The Vejibror Stone Inscription of the Reign of Yaska-
radeva’, Corpus of Sharada Inscriptions of Kashmir, pp. 106–7.
80 R.C. Majumdar, ‘Jodhpur Stone Inscription of Bauka’, EI, vol. XVIII,
p. 97.
81 Krishna Gopal Sharma, Early Jaina Inscriptions of Rajasthan, Navrang,
New Delhi, 1993, p. 10.
82 Ibid., p. 34.
83 G. Bühler, ‘An Undated Praśasti From the Region of Mahendrapāla of
Kanauj’, EI, vol. I, 1892, p. 249.
84 K.V. Ramesh, ‘Keregōḍi-Raṅgapura Plates of Rājamalla’, in Inscriptions of
the Western Gaṅgas, pp. 348–9.
85 G.S. Gai, ‘Kadalur Grant of Marasimha II’, in Some Select Inscriptions,
p. 131.
86 Radhagovinda Basak, ‘Belava Copper-Plate of Bhojavarmadeva’, EI, vol.
XII, p. 42.
87 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, no. 35, pp. 134–5.*
88 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 72, p. 482.
89 F. Kielhorn, ‘Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvideva’, EI, vol. I, p. 51.
90 A.K. Vyas, ‘Bijholi Rock Inscription of Cāhamāna Somadeva’, EI, vol.
XXVI, p. 99.
91 E. Hultzsch, ‘Pithampuram Pillar Inscription of Mallideva and Manma-
satya II’, EI, vol. IV, p. 94.
92 D.C. Sircar, ‘The Ressukonda Plates of Nettabhanja’, EI, vol. XXVIII,
p. 260.
  The king Neṭṭabhaňja had (two) wives, namely Kshatridevī and
Kaivartadevī, and rāja-putrī (princess) Meghāvalīdevī (who) made grants
for the access of three ladies to the heaven. . .
93 A.P. Sah, Life in Medieval Orissa, p. 139.
86 Marriage, widowhood and satī
  94 E. Hultzsch, ‘Miscellaneous Inscriptions in Tamil’, SII, vol. III, Parts I-II,
pp. 158–9.
 95 T.V.Mahalingam, ‘The Uttaramallur Inscription of Kampavarman’,
Inscriptions of the Pallavas, no. 216, pp. 560–1.
  96 Krishna Kumari, The Rule of the Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesa,
p. 194.
 97 T.V.Mahalingam, ‘Royakota Plates of Skandasisya’, no.257, op.cit.,
pp. 632–5.
  98 D.C. Sircar, ‘Sāṅglī Copper-Plate Inscription of Govinda IV Suvarṇavarsha’,
87A, Select Inscriptions, p. 495.
  99 F. Kielhorn, ‘Jabalpur Copper-Plate Inscription of Yashakarnadeva’, EI,
vol. II, p. 6.
100 Rāj., VII, 520–1, ed. by M.A. Stein, p. 125.
101 Devika Rangachari, Invisible Women Visible Histories, p. 497.
102 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 117, p. 85.
103 F. Kielhorn, ‘Six Eastern Chalukya Copperplate Inscriptions’, EI, vol. V,
1898–99, p. 118.
104 Ibid., p. 134.
105 J.F. Fleet, ‘The Pattadakal Pillar Inscription of the Time of Kirtivarman
II’, EI, vol. III, 1894–5, pp. 1–7.
106 Saroj Gulati, Women and Society: Northern India in 11th and 12th Cen-
turies, Chanakya Publications, New Delhi, 1985, p. 112.
107 Uma Chakravarti, ‘Gender, Caste and Labour: The Ideological and
Material Structure of Widowhood’, in Martha Alter Chen ed., Widows
in India: Socia Neglect and Public Action, Sage Publications, New Delhi,
1998, p. 64.
108 Mythily Sivaraman, The Hindu, (opinion section), February 15, 2000.
www.thehindu.com/2000/02/15/stories/05152523.htm
109 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 152.
110 Ibid., p. 153.
111 dkea rq {ki;snsga iq”iewyQyS% ‘kqHkS%A
urq ukekfi x’âh;kRiR;kS izsrs ijL; rqAA
  (But) she may at will (when he is dead) emaciate her body by (living
on) pure flowers, fruits (and) roots. She may not, however, when her
husband is dead, mention even the name of another man.
Manu, V, 157, tr. by Burnell and Hopkins, pp. 131–2.
112 u f}rh;’p lk/ohuka dfprHk~nrksZifn’;rsAA
. . .(nor) is a second husband anywhere permitted to good women.
Manu, V, 162, in ibid., p. 132.
113 uks}kfgds”kq eU=s”kq fu;ksx% dhR;Zrs ôfpr~A
u fookgfo/kkoqDra fo/kokosnua iqu%AA
  In the mantras on marriage (such) a commission is never mentioned, and
the second marriage of a widow is not spoken of in the rule of marriage.
Manu, IX, 65, in ibid., p. 255.
114 Nārada, XII, 28, Eng. tr. by Julius Jolly, 1981, p. 83.
115 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 155.
116 Saroj Gulati, Women and Society, p. 116.
117 Uma Chakravarti, ‘Gender, Caste and Labour: The Ideological and
Material Structure of Widowhood’, in Martha Alter Chen ed., Widows
in India: Socia Neglect and Public Action, p. 73.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 87
118 Hira Lal, ‘The Sirpur Stone Inscription of the Time of Mahasivagupta’,
EI, vol. XI, p. 196.
119 Harihar Vittal Trivedi, Inscriptions of Paramār Chamdellas, Chachchapa­
ghālas and Two Minor Dynasties, CII, vol. VII, Part II, 1978, p. 231–2.
The Vasantagadh stone inscription also confirmed Manu’s theory of tute-
lage of women under a male member after becoming a widow; Lāhiṇī,
even though holding the property rights of her husband, was living under
the protection of her brother.
120 Vṛddha-Hārīta, XI, 205–10, cited by P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra,
vol. II, part-I, p. 584.
121 Vikramāṅkadevacarita of Bilhaṇa, Hindi tr. by Gajanan Shastri, p. 42.
122 Nav. X, v. 17, Hindi tr. by Jitendra Chandra, p. 147.
123 Aparna Chattopadhyaya, ‘Position of Widows in Early Medieval India in
the Light of the Kathā-sarit-sāgar’, JOI, vol. 24, p. 401.
124G. Bühler, ‘Pehova Praśasti of the Reign of Mahendrapāla’, EI, vol. I, p. 249.
125 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 160.
126 Saroj Gulati, Women and Society, p. 115.
127 Shaikh M.H. Kidwai of Gadia, Woman, Seema Publications, New Delhi,
1976, p. 10.
128 I.B. Horner, Women Under Primitive Buddhism, p. 76.
129 S. Settar, Inviting Death: Historical Experiments on Sepulchral Hill,
IIAH, Karnatak University, Dharward, 1986, p. 95.
130 Ibid., p. 131.
131 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. II, no. 176, pp. 431–3.
132 S. Settar, op. cit., p. 109.
Sanyāsana means renunciation of the worldly commitments as well as
attachments, and a ritual death without such detachment is bound to be
defective. In Prākrit and Sanskrit texts in general, sanyāsana is regarded
as part of the ritual leading to the voluntary termination of life, while
records and texts of lower Deccan elevated sanyāsana itself to the status
of Samādhi. (p. 112).
133 Ibid., pp. 106–7.
S. Settar defined Paňcapada as prayer of five phrases – i.e., Arhanta (the
omniscient), Siddha (the perfect), Upādhyāya (the teacher), Ācārya (the
wise) and the Sādhu (the saint). The hymn which provides this magico-
mystic power is as follows:
Ṇamo-arahantāṇaṃ, ṇamo-siddhāṇaṃ, namo-ayiriyāṇaṃ, ṇamo-
uvajjhāyāṇaṃ, ṇamo-loye-sarvva-sāhuṇaṃ.
134 Ibid., p. 116.
S. Settar defined Samādhi (meditation) as the finale of the mortifying
process, with vows like ācāmla, sallekhaṇā, sanyāsana, ārādhanā, pre-
ceded or accompanied the Samādhi (i.e., concentration and meditation).
Control of senses and concentration of mind constitute two important
links of samādhi-ritual.
135 I.B. Horner, Women Under Primitive Buddhism, p. 165.
136 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. II, no. 176, pp. 431–3.
137 Ibid., no. 23.
138 Taittiriya Saṁhitā, VI. 3. 10. 5, tr. by Arthur Berriedale Keith, The Veda
of the Black Yajus School Entitled Taittiriya Saṁhitā, Part 2, Kāṇdas IV-
VII, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1st issue 1914, 2nd issue 1967, p. 526.
88 Marriage, widowhood and satī
  A Brāhmaṇ on birth is born with a threefold debt, of pupil-ship to the
Rṣis, of sacrifice to the gods, of offspring to the piṭrs. He is freed from his
debt who has a son, is a sacrifier, and who has lived as a pupil.
139 S. Dhar and M.K. Dhar, Evolution of Hindu Family Law: Vedas to
Vasistha, Deputy Publications, New Delhi, 1986, p. 219.
140 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, no. 468, p. 79.
141 D.C. Sircar and K.H.V. Sharma, ‘Inscriptions From Gaya’, EI, vol. XXX-
III, p. 106.
142 Rigveda, X, 18, 7, ed. by F. Max Muller, Rigveda Saṁhitā: The Sacred
Hymns of the Brāhmanas Together with the Commentary of Sayana-
karya, Oxford University Press, London, 1892, pp. 50–1.
143 Reinhold Rost, ‘On the Supposed Vaidik Authority for the Burning of
Hindu Widows, and on the Funeral Ceremonies of the Hindus’, JRAS,
vol. XVI, 1854, pp. 201–14. cited in H.H. Wilson, Essays and Lectures
on the Religions of the Hindus, Asian Publication Services, New Delhi,
1976, p. 275.
  Rost observed that if not a willful alteration of the text, the words are
arohantu yonim agre, literally, “let them go up into the dwelling first”;
the reading to which it has been altered is, arohantu yonim agneh, “let
them go up to the place of the fire”: agneh, the genitive of agni, having
been substituted for agre.
144 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. II, pp. 1, 625.
145 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 125.
146 Saroj Gulati, Women and Society, p. 116.
147 Romila Thapar, ‘In History’, Seminar, I. No. 342, February 1988, p. 15.
So far as the question of inheritance of widow was concerned, R.S.
Sharma (Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India,
Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1983, p. 97) also opines that greed
for landed property in male-dominated society reached such limits that it
tried to get rid of widow claimants by strengthening the ideology behind
widow burning. He calls satī as a suicide ritual, which would confer great
religious merit on widows (p. 99). Ashvini Agrawal also suggests the
same views on satī (Kiran Pawar, ed., Women in Indian History, p. 65).
148 Ibid., p. 15.
149 Ibid., p. 16.
150 R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India,
p. 95.
151 Ibid., p. 96.
152 Sarmishtha Adhya, ‘Role of the Widows in the Struggle for Social and
Political Justice in Ancient India’, QRHS, vol. 39, p. 8.
153 Romila Thapar opines that Medhātithi felt it necessary to comment force-
fully on satī, whereas Manu does not even refer to it, which indicates its
wider prevalence during the later period (Romila Thapar, in Seminar,
p. 15).
154 Vyavahārakāṇḍa, p. 598, cited by A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women
in Hindu Civilization, p. 124.
155 Mitākṣara (Acara), v. 86, cited by Saroj Gulati, Women and Society,
p. 127.
  Performance of Satī is for women of most of the castes and all of the
widows except that of brāhmaṇa caste and those who were expecting or
with infant children.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 89
156 Vyāsa Smriti, Ch. II, v. 53, cited in ibid., p. 127.
157 Rāj., V, 226, p. 80 and VII, 859 and 862, p. 137.
158 firk rL; p ckyL; lr% i¥~pRoek;;kSA
ekrk rsu lHka iR;k foos’k p gqrk’kue~AA
Kathā-sarit-sāgara, volume II, Lambak VIII, Tarang VI, verse, 160,
Hindi tr. by Sarswat Kedarnath, Bihar Rashtrabhasha Parishad, Patna,
1961, p. 407.
159 Al-Beruni’s India, vol. II, p. 155.
160 Kādambarī of Bāṇabhaṭṭa, Purvārdha, ed. and Eng. tr. by M.R. Kale,
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 4th edn., 1968, p. 227.
  It states that it (satī) brings no good whatsoever to the dead person. In
the first place it is not a remedy to bring him back to life; nor is it a means
of adding to the stock of his religious merit, nor the cause of securing a
world of bliss for him, nor a remedy against his falling in hell, nor the
way to see him, nor the cause of mutual union.
161 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 115.
162 Ibid., p. 116.
163 Upendra Thakur, Some Aspects of Ancient Indian History and Culture,
Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1974, p. 230.
164 A.S. Altekar, op. cit., p. 133.
165 R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India,
p. 99.
166 Harṣacarita of Bāṇa, ed. by P.V. Kane, Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi, 1968,
p. 289.
167 Swami Madhavananda and R.C. Majumdar, eds., Great Women of
India, p. 291.
168 M.B. Padma, ‘The Practice of Sati, Sahagamana and Other Forms of
Sacrifice in Medieval Karnataka’, JHS, vol. 16, pp. 64–5.
169 Ibid., pp. 65–6.
170 Saroj Gulati, Women and Society, p. 119.
171 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 130.
172 D.R. Bhandarkar, ‘List of Inscriptions of Northern India. . .’, EI, vol.
XX, 1929–30, pp. 43–66.
173 Ind. Archaeology: A Review: 1962–3, p. 54.
174 Dasharatha Sharma, Rajasthan Through the Ages, p. 457.
175 Shakuntala Rao, ‘Suttee’, BORI, Poona, 1932–33, p. 233.
176 Saroj Gulati, Women and Society, p. 118.
177 Upendra Thakur, Some Aspects of Ancient Indian History and Culture,
p. 220.
178 Rāj., ed. by M.A. Stein, p. 185.
179 In Veḷevāḷi, the Velevādicha or the person who had been fed by the
king or queen used to take a vow to court death voluntarily when his or
her master or mistress died. Taking of such a vow was called Veḷegoḷ
(M.B. Padma, ‘The Practice of Satī’, sahagamana and Other Forms of
Sacrifice in Medieval Karnataka, p. 65).
180 Jolavāli meant the gratitude shown for the person who offered food. If
the person who gave food was in trouble and died, then the receiver of
food from him/her should show his gratitude by helping him/her or even
courting death for his/her sake (ibid., p. 65).
181 In Leṅkavāli, Leṅkas were also called garūdas during the time of Hoy-
salas. Garūdas were, those who committed suicide in a particular way on
90 Marriage, widowhood and satī
the death of their royal masters. A person desirous of becoming a garuda
had to stand before his master, take an oath, and tie on his left leg, an
ornament called ‘Gandapendara’ given by his master (ibid., p. 65).
182 In Siḍitale, the person who had to fulfill this vow had to sit with crossed
legs in the manner of one meditating. Then his/her plait would be tied to
a post bent and buried in the earth. When his or her head was cut off, it
would suddenly burst up (ibid., p. 65).
183 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 128.
184 K.V. Subramaniyam Aiyer, ‘Sendalai Pillar Inscription’, EI, vol. XIII,
1913–14, p. 148.
185 Kiran Kumar Thaplyal, ed., The Inscriptions of the Maukharis, Later
Guptas, Puśyabhūtis and Yaśovarman of Kanauj, p. 57.
186 S. Krishnasvami Aiyangar, ‘Self Immolation Which Is Not Sati’, IA, vol.
XXXV, 1906, pp. 129–30.
187 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. XV, no. 361, p. 8.
188 S. Krishnasvami Aiyangar, op. cit., pp. 129–30.
189 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. XVII, no. 97, 1965, p. 23.
190 R.F. Kittel, ‘Belaturu Inscription of the Time of Rajendradeva’, EI, vol.
VI, p. 213.
191 Ibid., p. 214.
192 Ibid., pp. 218–19.
193 Ibid., p. 215.
194 Ibid.
195 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 134.
Altekar has observed that the funeral pyre was piled in a deep pit in many
parts of the country, especially the Deccan and the Western India.
196 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 38, p. 46.
197 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, no. 29, pp. 131–2.
198 R.F. Kittel, ‘Belaturu Inscription of the Time of Rajendradeva’, EI, vol.
VI, p. 219.
199 MAR, no. 57, 1936, pp. 210–11.
200 L.D. Barnett, ‘Two Inscriptions From Kurgod’, EI, vol. XIV, p. 207.
Two wives of a person made grants of grounds of Munivur, south of (the
sanctuary of) the goddess Tungabhadra, east of the boundary of the dry-
lands of Sugur, two maṭṭer of unploughed land.
201 A.P. Sah, Life in Medieval Orissa, p. 18.
202 N. Subrahmanian, Tamil Social History, vol. II, pp. 74–5.
203 Kathā-sarit-sāgar, vol. I, II, chapter V, XXI, LXXIII, Eng. tr. by C.H.
Towney, p. 29, 171, 195.
204 Ibid., vol. II, chapter LVIII, p. 13.
205 Ibid., vol. II, chapter LIII, p. 13.
206 Ibid., vol. II, chapter LXXV, p. 240.
207 Julia Lesie, ed., Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women, Pinter Publishers,
London, 1991, p. 3.
208 K.K. Shah ed., History and Gender, p. 9.
209 Anne Hardgrove, ‘Satī Worship and Marwari Public Identity in India’,
JAS, vol. 58, no. 3, August 1999, p. 730.
210 Ibid., p. 736.
211 J.F. Fleet, ‘Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions’, IA, vol. XI, p. 114.
212 E. Hultzsch, ‘Bahur Plates of Nripatungavarman’, EI, vol. XVIII, p. 13.
 Marriage, widowhood and satī 91
213 K.V. Ramesh, ‘Kerehaḷḷi Plates of Nītīmārga Eṛegaṅga’, Inscriptions of
Western Gaṅgas, no. 120, p. 379.
214 K.V. Ramesh, ‘Kuknūr Plates of Marasiṁha-II’, in Inscriptions of West-
ern Gaṅgas, pp. 511–12.
215 R.D. Banerjee, ‘Bayana Inscription of Chitralekha’, EI, vol. XXII,
pp. 126–7.
216 B. Ch. Chhabra, ‘Mandkila Tal Inscription’, EI, vol. XXXIV, pp. 87–8.
217 J. Ph. Vogel, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part-I, Inscriptions of the Pre-
Muhammadan Period, ASI NIS, Calcutta, 1911, pp. 152–9.
218 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. V, part-I, pp. 176–7.
B.L. Rice, EC, vol. II, No. 135 (117), pp. 406–7.
B.L. Rice, EC, vol. IX, pp. 40–1.
219 Arthur Venis, ‘Copper-Plate Grant of Vaidyadeva, King of Kamarupa’,
EI, vol. II, p. 357.
220 R.D. Banerjee, ‘Barrackpur Grant of Vijayasena’, EI, vol. XV, pp. 285–6.
221 F. Kielhorn, ‘Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvidea’, EI, vol. I, p. 51.
222 E. Hultzsch, ‘Pithapuram Pillar Inscription of Mallideva and Manma-
satya II’, EI, vol. IV, p. 96.
223 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 77.
4 Women and sacred rites

Her position
Religion in its simplest form perhaps can be termed as ‘human beings
relation to that which they regard as holy, sacred, spiritual and divine’.
Worship is probably the most basic element of religion, but moral
conduct, right belief and participation in religious institutions are
(generally) also the constituent elements of religious life as practiced
by believers and worshippers, and as commanded by both religious
sages and scriptures.1 From another corner, religion can be looked
at as a particular system, or a set of systems, in which doctrines,
myths, rituals, sentiments, institutions and other similar elements are
interconnected.2
The history of humankind has shown the pervasive influences of
religion, thus the study of religion, involving the attempt to under-
stand its significance, origin and myriad has become increasingly
important in modern times. In the Indian literary context, the San-
skrit word dharma is usually rendered into English as ‘religion’. But
dharma is much wider in its signification than ‘religion’. It includes
the ideas of virtues, piety, duty and law. In ancient India, the pro-
motion of dharma was regarded as the foremost aim of the state.3
In fact, religion is both a personal matter and a social reality. It is
not possible for religion to exist in isolation. In India, what may be
broadly called Hinduism has its roots in antiquity. Monier Williams
uses three words – Vedism, Brāhmaṇism and Hinduism – as conveni-
ent expressions for the three principal stages or phases in the develop-
ment of the complicated system of Hindu religion.4 (He used the term
‘Hinduism’ arbitrarily and confessedly unsatisfactorily as there was
no other expression sufficiently comprehensive.)5 Further he divided
Hinduism into five principal sects: (1) worshippers of Śiva (Śaivas),
(2) worshippers of Viṣṇu (Vaiṣṇavas), (3) worshippers of the female
 Women and sacred rites 93
personifications of divine power, regarded as the wives of the deities
(śăktas), (4) worshippers of Gaṇeśa or Gaṇapati as god of luck and
good fortune (Gaṇapatyas), and (5) worshippers of the sun (Savras).
Besides these five sects, another sect called Pāśupata (or, by ānanda-
girī, Kāpālika), found in the south of India, is occasionally added,
which is nothing but a sub-division of the Śaivas.6
Lord Buddha preached his eight-fold path to eliminate the causes of
dukha and gain the perfect world – nirvāṇa. Buddhism and Jainism
were originally moral codes, rather than a metaphysical or religious
system in the western sense of the term,7 but the philosophy of Bud-
dhism could not survive without the help of Brāhmaṇism or it had to
adopt certain brāhmaṇic rituals for the wider acceptability. That’s why
among the two later sects of Buddhism, Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna, the
latter seems closer to Brāhmaṇa philosophy for greater acceptance at
masses. In Mahāyāna, the century after the Christian era, the erection
and worship of Buddha-images came into vogue, and devotees found a
means for expressing their devotion.8 Buddhism paved the way for the
admission of women in religious sects for the sake of spiritual salva-
tion for the first time. Even the special code of rules for nuns entitled
Bhikkuṇī-Patimokka was written.
Jain tradition speaks of twenty-four Tirthāṅkara, each of whom
preached the doctrine to his own age. It was less hostile and more
accommodating to Hinduism than the other heterodox systems. It was
in the Mauryan age only that religion was clearly and skillfully used
for political ends. Kauṭilya’s secularism did not envisage any institu-
tional separation of state and religion.9 The post-Mauryan age was
again an age of brāhmaṇical revival. The foreign invaders finding the
doors of Hinduism closed embraced Buddhism, which accorded them
a better treatment. The Gupta kings being the most Catholic in their
outlook upheld Brāhmaṇism, but at the same time supported Bud-
dhism.10 From the end of the Gupta period onwards, Indian religion
became more permeated with primitive ideas of sympathetic magic and
sexual mysticism, and Buddhism was much affected by these devel-
opments. A third sect, ‘the Vehicle of the Thunderbolt’ (Vajrayāna),
appeared in eastern India in the eighth century, and grew rapidly in
Bengal and Bihar.11 The introduction of Jainism into the south was
affected (according to Jain tradition) by a body of emigrants who were
driven out of the north from their homes by the pressure of a twelve
years’ famine, in the reign of Chandragupta Maurya,12 and Buddhism
by missionary works of Aśoka’s brother or son Mahendra. V.A. Smith
opines that the imperial religion (whether it was Buddhism or Jain-
ism) does not seem to have become at any time the dominant creed of
94 Women and sacred rites
the south, although it attained a considerable amount of popularity
during several centuries.13 The growth, on the one hand, of an intense
emotional bhakti to Śiva or Viṣṇu, and, on the other, of an outspoken
hatred of Buddhists and Jains, are the chief characteristics of the new
epoch. This great wave of religious enthusiasm attained its peak in the
early seventh century ce and had not lost sight in the middle of the
ninth century.14 The religious history of the early medieval period was
clearly blended with contemporary as well as ancient Indian thought.
The political developments definitely affected religious tastes of both
royal as well as of common folk. Women also did not remain unaf-
fected by such changes.
Generally women derive their ideological and moral basis and their
institutionalized roles from religion. Evidently, the various restrictions
imposed on women and our notions about their proper roles in the
domestic and social sphere have been greatly influenced by religious
conceptions in regard to their fundamental characteristics. These deep-
rooted notions have taken centuries to establish themselves in female
minds. Privileges accorded, or denied, to women by religion throw
valuable light on their position in society.15 In the Vedic age women
enjoyed all the religious rights and privileges which men possessed.
Womanhood was not an impediment in the path of religion. Women’s
presence and co-operation were indispensable in the religious rites
and ceremonies. This naturally increased her religious value. Such
circumstances were responsible for ensuring her a religious status as
high as that of her husband. Normally religious prayers and sacrifices
were offered jointly by the husband and the wife.16 The ancient Hindu
pattern of living admitted women to the same privileges as men, for
woman was held to be the embodiment of god’s śakti – his creative
force working in and through man and universe. As such she was the
friend and equal of man. During the age of the Brāhmaṇas, the Vedic
sacrifices became complicated, and participation of woman became a
matter of mere formality. The relegation of woman to a subordinate
role came almost simultaneously with the formulation of the Laws of
Manu.17 Piloo Nanavutty defended the religious conservatism by put-
ting forth the reason for this reversal to be sought in the economic and
sociological changes in the structure of Indian society and not in any
religious sanction.18 The new bhakti and Paurāṇic schools rose into
prominence around ce 500, and they threw their doors open to all
including women, but religious disenfranchisement created a vacuum
that could not be fully filled.
The compilation of various smritis and Dharmaśāstras in the early
medieval period tried to create again a restrictive atmosphere for the
 Women and sacred rites 95
religious participation of women. It was simultaneously threatened by
the dominance of other religions, which came with their liberal atti-
tude towards women. Hinduism was trying to curb and divert their
religious energies through strict ordinances. The new developments
in women’s outlook in respect of religious matters took place among
the contrasting situations presented by Hinduism, Buddhism and
Jainism. An extra impetus was added by the new bhakti cult, which
emerged mainly in the south during the same period. The participa-
tion of women in various religious activities and how they drew their
status and merits from such participation is discussed in the pages
that follow.
In promoting religious activities, temples, maṭhas and idols played
a very significant role. Various grants and endowments by women
to temples, maṭhas and basadis show their interest in making them
more religious. Various religious donations including land, perpetual
lamps, gold, silver and bronze would be taken into consideration.
Here we intend to study whether women were making such dona-
tions to increase their religious merit in the existing world, or if the
idea of salvation was haunting their psyche or some socio-political
considerations were involved. The salvation or spiritual liberation of
women has been a matter of great controversy and of abiding inter-
est among all the major sects existing in Indian society. How much
women of the early medieval period understood the spiritual concepts
of liberating the soul from the cycle of births and deaths (as a female)
and what were the methods of salvation available to her will also be
considered.
The Indian religious life is manifested by the existence of a number
of theistic religions, the votaries of a particular divinity, worshipping
him as the supreme god. Various devotional songs created by saints and
devotees deeply affected the religious sentiments of the masses. How
much could women contribute in creating an atmosphere of devotion?
The influence of women-saints on the society of the early medieval
period would be observed. How much the women could have their say
in religious conversions and what effect did such conversions produce
upon the society are some of the questions discussed and probed and
commented upon through epigraphic evidences.

Buddhism and Jainism: alternate to Hinduism

Romila Thapar observes that throughout Indian history, there has
been a stream of social consciousness urging and encouraging the lib-
eralization of attitudes toward the status of women. The two major
96 Women and sacred rites
heterodox religions, Buddhism and Jainism, supported greater free-
dom for women than did Brāhmaṇism.19 The effect of this wave could
be felt even in the seventh century, during the rule of Harṣa. Image
building and Buddha’s worship in bodily form came into prominence
from the Kuṣāṇa period onwards. Buddhism was a living religion in
Bihar and Bengal during the eighth to twelfth centuries when the Pālas
were ruling. That seems to be the reason for maximum activities of
image building of Lord Buddha and vihāra – construction by women
from all sections of the society were noticed in and around Bihar and
Bengal. Inscriptional references do support this claim thoroughly.
The Kurkihāra bronze image (Balarāma) inscription of the time of
Devapāla, of the ninth century, found in the Gaya district, recorded
the gift of the image of Siddhamaka to a monastery by the wife of a
village chief.20 Although it does not speak directly of the image of Lord
Buddha, inference can be drawn that the gift of an image to the Bud-
dhist monastery might be of Lord Buddha or Bodhisattvas. Another
Kurkihāra bronze image inscription of the time of Rājyapāla (dated
tenth century) found in the Gaya district observed a religious gift of
the image by one Mūlakā, the wife of Mahiaru, a resident of Āpaṇaka
monastery.21 This inscription indicates the residency of women in
monasteries. The third inscription also speaks on the same line that
the religious gift of an image to Āpaṇaka monastery was made by
a lady during the reign of the same king.22 The above-cited inscrip-
tions clearly indicate that the Mahāyāna Buddhism not only attracted
the clergy but also the laity. In literature also we find such references.
According to the Sahajasiddhipaddhantināma, the ṛṣi Jagadīśvara
taught Sahajaratnopadeśa Tantra to the princess Mahālīlādevī, who
taught to the king Vairavajra, . . . Thus men and women, of high and
low class, had been the preachers or gurūs of the Sahajiya cult based
on the Guhyasamāja Tantra.23
Women participated in the construction of vihāras and chaityas
activities very enthusiastically. Many inscriptions of the twelfth cen-
tury made it clear that royal class women liberally contributed for
the cause of Buddhism. The Sarnath inscription of Kumāradevī of
ce 1130 recorded the construction of a vihāra and the repair of the
Dharmacakra-Jina of Aśoka’s time by Kumāradevī, one of the queens
of Govindacandra of Kanauj.24 It informs that Govindacandra was
himself an orthodox Hindu, and his fourth wife Kumāradevī was a
Buddhist. Even concubines did not lag behind in making donations
to the temples of the Lord Buddha. Two pillar inscriptions at Amra-
vati (dated ce 1183–85) speak of a concubine who made donations
for perpetual lamps in the temple of the Buddha.25 In the end of the
 Women and sacred rites 97
inscription, another woman also seems to be making a similar type of
donation:

Gosavi-Sūrama-devī, (one) among the concubines (of the king

Keta II), gave for her own merit to the holy god Buddha, 55 sheep
for a perpetual lamp.
(l. 141)

Prolomadevī, (who was in-charge) of the treasury, gave for her

own merit to the holy god Buddha, 55 sheep for a perpetual lamp.
(l. 145)26

Kalhaṇa has recorded that some rulers of Kashmir in the seventh

century gave patronage to Buddhism.27 The king Meghavāhana was
a Buddhist. His queen, Amṛtprabhā, built Amṛtabhavan for the use
of Buddhist monks and also erected a high vihāra. Yūkadevī, another
queen of Meghavāhana, also constructed a large monastery in Nada-
vana. Indradevī, a third queen of this king, is said to have built a
four-storeyed monastery and a stūpa. His other queens, Khādanā and
Sammā, are also reported to have constructed many monasteries and
stūpas for the Buddhists.28 Raṇāditya’s queen installed a beautiful
statue of Lord Buddha in the vihāra built by the queen Amṛtprabhā
of Meghavāhana. Galuṇa, a minister under king Vikramāditya, son
and successor of Raṇāditya, had caused a vihāra to be constructed in
the name of his wife Ratnāvalī.29 The innovations of Mahāyāna like
image-worship, prayers, pompous ceremonies and rituals made the
religion of Lord Buddha easily acceptable to the society, but these fea-
tures, with time, resulted in the inner decay of the faith. The introduc-
tion of elaborate Tāntric ceremonies in Buddhism further narrowed
down the distinction between Buddhism and Hinduism.
Society feared to initiate women into their philosophical or religious
doctrines. Reasons put forth were that if she comprehended the van-
ity of earthly things, was it not to be feared that her character might
acquire that proud independence which scorns to bend to a human
yoke?30 Thus appeared Manu to regulate the society and placed Śūdras
and women at the lowest range of the societal scale. He did not rec-
ognize women’s right to lift their soul to god. Ordinances issued by
Manu were especially harsh on the issue of granting religious freedom
to women. He declared that, ‘for women there is no space for sacrifice,
nor vow, nor even fast; if a woman obeys her husband, by that she is
exalted in heaven’.31 Even the fourth aśrama (i.e., sanyāsa), among
the four varṇāśrama system was denied to women which led to the
98 Women and sacred rites
attainment of mokṣa.32 K.V. Rangaswami Aiyangar observed a very
different tone for this prohibition. According to him,

the more emotional nature of woman necessitates the prohibition

of asceticism to her, as she may lose herself in it. She needs to be
shielded from its roughness. The home is her best field and by it
path to emancipation is made easier and shorter for her.33

But the woman of the early medieval period tried to find an alternative
to this male chauvinistic prohibition. She diverted her energies from
the Vedic tinge to other religious activities, like temple-building, image
building, land and lamp grants to the temples, etc. Cynthia Talbot
opines that the patronage of religion may have been the only pub-
lic activity women could engage in. The reasons could be that social
norms restricted their opportunities for growth in other fields. That is
why royal women (of south India) often played a more prominent role
as donors of temples than did the men in their families.34
Although Bhakti cults originated from Hinduism, but Alvārs and
Nāyanārs provided them the colour which was more suitable to the
Dravidian culture of the south. Women expressed their special inter-
est in religious activities. She found her most suitable expression in
temple-building, lamp and land-donating activities. The study of Tal-
bot stresses more on the size of temples with the sex of donors (i.e.,
women donors tend to be associated with larger shrines),35 whereas
Harihar Singh opts for major and minor dynasties for locating wom-
en’s patronage of religious institutions. Singh interprets the evidence
of women patrons as an index of their high familial and social sta-
tus.36 There are a large number of donations by females to various
temples in the early medieval times. Besides the construction of tem-
ples, a large number of inscriptional grants during the period from ce
600–1200 consist of land which was chiefly donated by royal females
for various religious purposes. The growth of massive Hindu temples
and religious establishments in south India is seen as coinciding with
the increasing popularity of donating land and other objects, without
which their maintenance would have been impossible. In this regard
a compilation of a list of land-grants donated for various purposes is
worth noticing (Table 4.1).37 These are sixty-one land-grants cover-
ing the period between ce 600–1200. These have been issued from
various corners of the country, mainly covering the southern region
of India. Specifically only those land-grants have been included which
were donated by females in various capacities (e.g., queen, wife,
 Women and sacred rites 99
chief-queen, mother-queen, dowager etc.). Most of the land-grants are
donated for temple-building or installation of deities. Some are for
feeding brāhmaṇs, and the rest are for making arrangements for the
bath of deities, gardens of temple, for paddy fields, tanks, oil mills and
education, etc. In this regard R.S. Sharma observes that, the intention
behind the grant and the purpose for which they were made mostly
was the spiritual welfare of her own, ancestors and family members;
the acquisition and increase of the spiritual merit and reputation of
the parents is frequently given as a ground of the grant. But the tem-
ples were given land for performing certain religious activities, and
the brāhmaṇas for cultivating some branch of Vedic learning or run-
ning religious-cum-educational institutions called agrahāra, which
provided subsistence to the brāhmaṇas. Grants were made to temples,
maṭhas and basadis to enable them to perform religious, educational
and charitable functions.38 It is evident that land-grants are important
not only for the history of the land system but also for the crops,
crafts, trade, currency system, taxation, towns, irrigation, migration
and settlements.39 In Table 4.1, most of the land-grants cover the area
of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.
A large number of epigraphs tend to prove that the royal females
at pan-India level had religious freedom to adopt any sect and issue
grants. Two inscriptions from Jaipur of the seventh century speak that
the queen was a follower of Hinduism, while the king was a Buddhist.40
The queen erected a Śiva temple which was named as Mādhavēśvara.
This description can be derived from plate A. Plate B explains Queen
Vatsādevī, who installed the image of Cāmuṇḍā in question apparently
in a temple. She was probably the wife of one of the early Bhauma-
kāra kings.41 The Sattamangalam inscription of Kampavarman found
in North Arcot district, dated ce 875, records that Mādavī, wife of
Kāṭakadiyaraiyar, renovated the temple, caused the construction of the
mukha-maṇḍapa, renovated the cavern, caused the construction of the
temple of Yakka Paḍāri and donated a big gong to the cavern.42 Kesa-
van Veluthat opines that the land grants of the Pallavas indicate the
beginning of a structured relationship in the matter of land rights.43
A long list of Śaiva devotee in royal dynasties is provided by B.N.
Sharma.44 The influence of Śaiva sect could be felt even up to Kashmir
where Queen Sugandhā was seen as a Śaiva devotee.45 Śiva worship was
prevalent in many forms, including image and liṅga worship. Śaiva sect
was also popular in Nepal where the Jiṣṇugupta inscription of ce 705
speaks of three liṅgas constructed by three royal ladies. These liṅgas
were even named after three different names of Śiva: Sūrabhogeśvara,
100 Women and sacred rites
Laḍitamaheśvara and Dakṣiṇeśvara.46 The Saugar stone inscription
of Sankaragana, found in the Central Province, recorded some meri-
torious work (kīrti) done by a lady named Kriṣṇādevī for the religious
merit of her mother and father. V.V. Mirashi opines that this temple
of the eighth century ce was being dedicated to Śiva by her.47 Simi-
larly, an inscription of ce 733–4 from Pattadakal speaks of the Śiva
temple named after the queen, Lōkamahādevī.48 Her younger sister
Trailokyamahādevī, the second queen of Vikramāditya II, also built
a temple which was named as Trailokēśvara temple after her name.49
Even Pallava queens kept a great religious influence upon kings. An
inscription of the eighth century speaks of the fact that Raṅgapatākā,
the chief-queen of Rājasiṁha, got an independent dedicatory shrine
built at Kanchipuram.50 It seems that temple building was associ-
ated deeply with the political, social, religious and financial status of
not only the donor but even with the state and the ruler. Laxman S.
Thakur observed that,

Temple-building seemed to be the most culturally, religiously and

socially sanctioned act for royal class. It also benefited new bhakti
cults in spreading its message from elite class to that of the com-
mon masses. To masses temples served as a large land-owner, a
consumer of goods and also the largest employer, having on its
rolls a number of employees. On the social side, the temple was
the centre of performing and decorative arts and crafts. They were
also educational centres and centres of various sacramental prac-
tices and ceremonies which were in vogue at that time. At the time
of war, it served as place of refuge.51

Association of women from various sections of the society proves

that despite other social sanctions on her existence, at least this field
was left open to her. This was certainly another attempt to sub-
due many issues. Sometimes women made religious grants in co-
operation with male members of the family. The Chitrur Plates of
Nṛpatuṅgavarman of ce 875, reference of a Bāṇa king, Parāňjaya’s
wife Pṛthivīmāṇikkā comes who requested her husband to grant
some land to the brāhmaṇas. The king did so naming the village as
Pṛthivimāhādevī-caturvēdimaṅgalam after the name of the queen.52
Such examples are found in three inscriptions from Hattur, Dharward
district, Karnataka in ce 1064. These inscriptions belong to the reign
of Somēśvara I.53 They stated that besides making various bounti-
ful gifts to men of eminence, Kēṣi constructed a temple of Śiva with
 Women and sacred rites 101
the title of Keśaveśvara. For this temple an endowment was granted
by Joyiyarasa, Toyīma-deva and Mailaladevī. The language of these
inscriptions clearly shows the influence of the Śaiva sect on royal as
well as on common folk. The influence of Śaiva could also be seen in
the region of the Western Himalayas, where in the Chamba district of
Himachal Pradesh in ce 1070–80, the queen-mother Rarḍhā founded
one of the two temples of Śiva in memory of her husband.54 During the
same period (ce 1088) in Raichur Doab, Āditya-Bhaṭṭa together with
his wife Mamchikabbe constructed the Śiva temple called Somanātha
or Someśvara.55 Besides royal class women, even the wives of com-
moners did not lag behind. A Karnataka inscription of ce 1092 speaks
of Gundabbe, the wife of Mārayya-Seṭṭi (merchant) of Śrotroiyūr, who
had a temple constructed for the god Mūlasthāna.56
The Brahmeśvara temple inscription of Mahābhāvagupta IV Uddya-
takesarin is a very important inscription cited by the scholars nam-
ing Kalāvatī who was the mother of Uddyatakesarīn and erected a
shrine of god Brahmēśvara (i.e., Śiva).57 Another important inscrip-
tion is Kanchipuram inscription of Nandivarman-II of ce 759 issued
from Chingleput district that mentions the name of the queen
Dharmamahādevi, who granted ten paṭṭi of land to a temple named
after her as Dharmamahādevīśvara.58 Another important aspect of this
inscription is the list of names of fifteen dancing girls mentioned. Leslie
C. Orr has also cited several dancing girls who donated lands to the
temples.59
The temples were constructed for several purposes mainly for spir-
itual gain either individually or collectively. An inscription of ce 1118
from Godawari district of Andhra Pradesh tells that Kolani Somaya
was lord of Kamalākarapura. He built a temple of Ramēśvara at
Duttika for the merit of his wife Anyamādevī.60 Even reverse trend
was followed. As a Karnataka inscription speaks of a Śiva temple
being erected in the memory of her husband by a wife, Chaṇḍavve.61
Another inscription from Bombay Presidency dated ce 1125 records
a grant of land made by Kadamba mahā-maṇḍaleśvara Jayakeśin II
and his senior queen Mailaladevī, for the maintenance of a temple of
Śiva founded by a daṇḍanāyaka Singarasa.62 It may be emphasized
that the royal women understood the religious feelings of people and
regularly donated lands, lamps, gardens and study halls to temple
authorities. The Bheraghat stone inscription of the queen Alhaṇadevī
not only recorded the erection of a Śiva temple but ensured all proper
arrangements of study hall, gardens and fountain-stone and for their
Table 4.1 Land grants issued by females Reference No. – 37

S.No. Donor Nature of beneficiary Place Date Reference

1. King’s mother Land Grant Goa seventh century EI, vol. XXXIII, p. 64.
2. Queen Village land to a brāhmaṇa Pulivendala Taluq, Andhra seventh century Inscriptions of Andhra
Pradesh Pradesh, no. 9, p. 8.
3. Regent Village land to a person Ratnagiri district, eighth century IA, vol. VIII, p. 47.
queen Maharashtra
4. Royal lady Grant of land for Śivālaya Challakere Taluq, ce 815 EC, vol. XI, no. 33,
Karnataka p. 100.*
5. Queen Land to brāhmaṇas North Arcot district, Tamil ce 875 Inscriptions of Pallavas,
Nadu p. 440.
6. Queen Grant of an agrahāra Mulbagal Taluq, ce 890 EC, vol. X, no. 38, p. 78.*
Karnataka
7. Queen Grant of land for temple – do – - do – _____, no. 50, p. 88.*
Noḷamba-Nārāyaṇēśvara
8. Queen Village land to 800 Akola district, ce 929–30 Ind. Arch., 1965, p. 51.
brāhmaṇas Maharashtra
9. Lady (status Land to deity Narasiṁhā Bharmaur, Himachal ce 940–60 The Archtiectural Heritage
not Pradesh of Himachal Pradesh,
mentioned) p. 130.
10. Chief-queen Land for offering to the Tanjore district, Tamil ce 975 SII, vol. XIX, no. 141,
temple of Tirunālarkōyil- Nadu p. 71.
mahādeva
11. Lady Land to brāhmaṇas Shikarpur Taluq, ce 978 EC, vol. VII, no. 61, p. 53.*
Karnataka
12. Queen Land to temple of Tanjore district, Tamil ce 982 SII, vol. XIX, no. 327,
Tirukkilkoṭṭati-Perumal Nadu p. 163.
and flower garden to god
13. Queen Land to the temple of Tanjore district, Tamil ce 986 SII, vol. XIX, no. 404,
Tirukkoḷamabadevar Nadu p. 212.
14. Lady 2 mā of land for sacred bath Tiruchirappalli district, ce 986 SII, vol. XIX, no. 389,
of god Tiruvudaittalai- Tamil Nadu p. 204.
Perumal
15. Queen Land to the temple of Tanjore district, Tamil ce 986 SII, vol. XIX, no.407,
Kayilayam-udaiya-mahādeva Nadu p. 214.
16. Queen Land for sacred bath of god Tiruchirappalli district, tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 39, p. 17.
Tamil Nadu
17. Two ladies Land for feeding two Tanjore district Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 103,
brāhmaṇas in a temple Nadu p. 50.
18. Lady Land for rice offerings to Tiruchirappalli district, tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 171, p. 96
temple of Tiruvālandurai- Tamil Nadu
mahādeva
19. Wife Two plots of land for South Arcot district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 225,
offerings to Viṣṇu and Nadu p. 121.
1000 potfuls of water
20. Queen Land to goddess Lokanavva Kurnool district, Andhra tenth century Ind. Arch., 1961, p. 42.
Pradesh
21. Lady Land purchased for 55 Tiruchirapalli district, tenth-eleventh SII, vol. XVII, no. 634,
Kalaňju Tamil Nadu century p. 292.
22. Queen Land (inference) Raichur district, ce 1033 Ind. Arch., p. 53.
Karnataka
23. Queen Land to Mahādeva-śanaṅgi Bellary district, Karnataka ce 1036 SII, vol. IX, no. 92, p. 62.
Kṛṣnayya and Tuppada-
Devayya for having
immersed the bones of
Noḷamba-mahādevī in
Gaṅges

(Continued)
Table 4.1 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of beneficiary Place Date Reference

24. Queen Land to Gonadabedaṅgi- Bijapur district Karnataka ce 1047 SII, vol. XI, no. 80, p. 73.
Jinālaya temple
25. Lady Land to dancing girls, Dharwad district, ce 1048 SII, vol. XVIII, no. 61,
musicians, student hostel, Karnataka p. 49.
offerings in temple
26. Royal lady For agrahāra, the paddy Kudur district, Karnataka ce 1049 EC, vol. VI, no. 21, p. 62.
fields
27. Queen’s gurū Land and money to Bijapur district, Karnataka ce 1049 SII, vol. XI, no. 85, p. 79.
and wife temples of Siddheśvara,
Hāṭakēśvara, Viṣṇudeva,
Caṇḍikā etc. for worship,
offerings, temple repairs
and feeding of students
and ascetics in maṭha
28. Queen Land to a god Dharwar district, ce 1050 SII, vol. XI, no. 86, p. 82.
Karnataka
29. Queen Land for tank (vithi) Dharwar district, ce 1059 SII, vol. XVIII, no. 65,
Karnataka pp. 54–5.
30. Lady Land for education of Alampur district, Uttar ce 1060 Kannada Inscriptions of
ascetics on the occasion of Pradesh Andhra Pradesh, no. 114,
Pavitrārohaṇa ceremony p. 40.
31. Queen ½bhu of land on the name Chamba district, Himachal ce 1060–80 The Architectural Heritage
of god Śiva Pradesh of Himachal Pradesh,
p. 130.
32. Queen Land to god Bhogeśvara Raichur district, ce 1068–76 Ind. Arch., 1964, p. 85.
Karnataka
33. Queen Land to god Kāmeśvara Kalemva ce 1069 Inscriptions in the Central
Province and Berar,
p. 163.
34. Queen Land to the temple of Bijapur district, Karnataka ce 1077 SII, vol. XX, no. 51, p. 62.
Chaṇḍeśvara, garden and
oil-mill, also to temples of
Vināyaka and Ādityadeva
35. Queen Two villages to brāhmaṇas Gulbarga district, ce 1086 Ind. Arch., p. 48.
Karnataka
36. Senior queen Land for god Kali Challakere Taluq, ce 1087 EC, vol. XI, no. 21, p. 99.*
Karnataka
37 Senior queen Land to god Brahmeśvara Andhra Pradesh ce 1101 Kannada Inscriptions of
Andhra Pradesh, no. 108,
p. 38.
38. Chief-queen Land (inference) – Two Jagdalpur, Central ce1111 and ad EI, vol. IX, pp. 165–6.
temples constructed of Provinces (Madhya 1030
Śiva, land grant Pradesh)
39. Queen 11 maṭṭars of land for god Rangapuram district ce 1116 SII, vol. IX, no. 195,
Narasiṅghadeva p. 189.
40. Not mentioned Land and money for dancing Dharwar district, ce 1121 SII, vol. XVIII, no. 117,
girls in the temple of god Karnataka pp. 136–7.
Kāleśvara
41. Queen-mother 3 mā of land to Not mentioned ce 1127 SII, vol. XXIV, no. 117,
temple-garden p. 143.
42. Queen 2 plots of land, for gardens Tiruchirapalli district ce 1154 EI, vol. XXXVIII,
to god Śrī-Raṅganātha Tamil Nadu pp. 228–9.

(Continued)
Table 4.1 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of beneficiary Place Date Reference

43. People with Land to god Mallikārjuna Bijapur district, Karnataka ce 1155 SII, vol. XV, no. 236,
approval of p. 291.
queen
44. Lady named Land grant to temple of Shikarpur Taluq, ce 1174 EC, vol. VII, no. 236,
lachchala- Boppeśvara Karnataka p. 137.*
devī
45. Royal lady Lands for perpetual lamp Kudur district, Karnataka ce 1175 EC, vol. VI, no. 53, p. 11.
46. By dowager Land of a village for Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh ce 1180–8 CII, vol. IV, pp. 651–2.
mother religious merit
47. Brāhmaṇa lady Money and land grant to Tirunelveli district eighth to twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 230,
temple centuries p. 133.
48. Lady 960 kuḷi of land in Kanchipuram Taluq ce 877 Inscriptions of the Pallavas,
four plots to God no. 204, pp. 541–42.
Mahāviṣṇukkal-Irunda-
Perumānāḍigal
49. Brāhmaṇa lady Construction of a shrine Chingleput district ce 884 Inscriptions of the Pallavas,
and the setting up of the no.159, pp. 464–65.
image of Gaṇapati-Bhaṭāra
(earliest reference of
setting up of the image of
god Gaṇapati, during the
Pallava period)
50. Daughter Gift of a village for offerings South Arcot district ce 851 Inscriptions of the Pallavas,
(with the no.325, p. 716.
permission
of her elder
brother)
51 Brāhmaṇa lady Constructed temple of Chingleput district Ninth century Inscriptions of the Pallavas,
Vaikuṇṭhanāthar CE no. 330, p. 763.
52. Sister Land from her own portion Jagdalpur, Central ce 1111 and ce EI, vol. IX, pp. 165–6.
Provinces (Madhya 1030
Pradesh)
53. Queen Built a temple for god Cuttack district Eighth century Inscriptiuons of Orissa,
Bhava/ Mādhaveśvara no.1, pp. 101–2.
54. Queen 10 mālas of land through Dhenkanal district Tenth century Inscriptiuons of Orissa,
copper-plate issued by the no.22, pp. 210–15
ruling queen
55. Queen Village grant through Ganjam district Tenth century Inscriptiuons of Orissa,
copper-plate issued by the no.18, pp. 185–90
ruling queen
56. Queen Village grant through royal Cuttack district Ninth century Inscriptiuons of Orissa,
order of the ruling queen no.18, pp. 191–96.
57. Wife Building a temple of Viṣṇu Bhatinda district, Punjab tenth century ad Inscriptions of Haryana,
Hiamchal Pradesh,
Punjab, Kashmir and
adjoining Hill Tracts,
No.18, pp. 152–53.
58. Brāhmaṇa lady 40 kāḍi of paddy as arcanā- Chingleput district ce 884 Inscriptions of the Pallavas,
bhōgam for shrine no. 159, pp. 464–65.
59. Queen Land grant for food Bellari district, Karnataka ce 1112 Ind. Arch., 1980, p. 63
offerings to deity
Mūlasthāna-dēva
60. Wife Land, house-site, oil-mill Dharwar district, ce 1112 SII, vol. XI, no. 191, p. 248
and hay-stock for god Karnataka
Ādityadeva
61. Daughter Gift of land to temple- Combatore district, Kerala ce 1183 SII, vol. XXVI, no. 164,
servant p. 107
108 Women and sacred rites
maintenance.63 This important inscription dated ce 1155 found in the
Jabalpur district of Central Provinces states:

That noble Alhaṇadevī, the mother of the illustrious Narasiṁhadeva,

ordered this temple of the moon-crested (god) to be built together
with that cloister with wonderful floors.
(v. 27)

She too made her people construct that hall of study, (and) lay-
out that long line of gardens, in two ranges (adjoining) Śambhū’s
temple.
(v. 28)

To make know her good report, the queen gave to this god, styled
Vaidyanātha, the village named Nāmaliṇḍi together with every
income (thereof), in the Jāulī pattalā.
(v. 29)

And the right bank of Narmadā, in the land adjoining the hills, she
gave to him another village named Makarapāṭaka
(v. 30).64

Such references of Śaiva ascetics were also found in Three inscrip-

tions from Hattur, dated ce 1064.65 As referred earlier, it was a joint
grant issued by Joyiyarasa, Toyimadeva and Mailaladevī to the temple
of Śiva. As a supplement to this endowment, Toyimadeva’s mother
Akkādevī assigned to the Śaiva monastery the fee due to her, on the
occasion of ‘laving the feet’, formally transferring it to the lady-gurū
Gaṅgikabbe. It is interesting as well as important information to find
a woman holding such a representative position in a community of
Śaiva ascetics. Lines 35–8 speak of one ascetic lady Gaṅgikabbe, who
was the lady-gurū of Akkādevī.66
The devotees of Viṣṇu also tried to follow the example of Śaivites.
The Pithapuram pillar inscription of Prithvīśvara, which was found in
the Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh dated ce 1086, records the
grant of the village of Navakhandavada to the temple by Jayāmbikā (v.
53), Jayāmāmba (v. 66), Jayāmahādevī (l. 143), or Jayāma-mahādevī (l.
150), the queen of Goṅka III and mother of Pṛthvīśvara.67 In fact, two
prominent deities, Śiva and Viṣṇu, overpowered the minds of Indians
to a greater extent to show out their devotion. The study conducted
by N. Karashima, Y. Subbarayalu and P. Shanmugam suggests that
both Śaiva-maṭhas and Vaishṇava-maṭhas existed mostly in Tamil
 Women and sacred rites 109
Nadu.68 Reference of maṭhapatis appear, but the name of any female
maṭhapatis does not appear in any of the inscriptions.
Among the Vaiṣṇavism, the concepts of pūjā and bhakti prevailed to
a larger extent. It was closer to the Paurāṇic form of Hinduism. The
age of the Guptas witnessed the evolution of neo-vaiṣṇavism from the
primitive form of Bhāgavatism. It was more popularized in the south
by the devotional songs of Alvārs and Nāyanārs. But temple-donation
prevailed at pan-India level. Women also donated liberally to the tem-
ples. In ce 882, a reference of donation to the triple temple of Viṣṇu by
one of the royal queens at Pehova (Haryana) was found.69 The Sirpur
stone inscription of the time of Mahāśivagupta reveals that the temple
of Hari was being constructed by the widow mother-queen Vāsaṭa in
the ninth century in the Raipur district of Central Province.70 Most of
the inscriptions of Vaiṣṇavism start with the worship of Viṣṇu along
with Śrī-Lakṣmī, which is correlated by Urmila Bhagowalia with the
ideal of conjugal life of the female partner who enjoyed social privi-
leges by virtue of her marriage but had no independent status.71 In
these royal grants, no independent identity of women is coming out
who are perhaps enjoying this privilege of granting land, erecting huge
temples by virtue of their marriage in royal houses.

Spiritual gain
In a few inscriptions, a tinge of spiritual merit is also found along with
religious donations to a particular deity. The merit could be for herself
or for any other member of the family. The Tippasamudram inscrip-
tion of Kampavarman of ce 886 found in the North Arcot district
records the digging of a channel called Vilupperaraiyaṇ, from the river
to the lake at Valivalakkamaṅgalam by Pṛthivyaṅgaraiyar, the chief of
the nāḍu and his wife Illāḍapperundevīyār for the merit and memory
of their son.72 Two inscriptions of the Vaillabhaṭṭāsvāmin temple at
Gwalior dated ninth century ce record four donations to two temples,
which were built by one Alla for the increase of spiritual merit of
himself and his wife Vavvā. This inscription reveals the futility of the
world.73 Similar content was found in the Kankali inscription of ce
915, in Kawardha, which recorded the construction of a temple for
salvation of father and mother by a daughter.74
Women of the early medieval period did believe in futility of this
world. In ce 661, the Udaypur Inscription of Aparājitā grant (dated ce
661) showed that religious merit was gained in support of spirituality.
This grant was made by the wife of a minister named Yaśomati. She
considered the world full of troubles and consequently built a temple
110 Women and sacred rites
to make space in the next world easily. She found this world full of
the vanity of youth and wealth. She seems to be inclined towards
Vaiṣṇavism (building a temple of Viṣṇu).75 The concept of spiritual
gain worked to such an extent that people constructed temples for
the spiritual gain of their deceased ones. The Kankali inscription
praśasti of the temple of Lakhā Maṇḍal at Madha in Jaunsar Bawar
of Uttrakhand (c. ce 654–1000) speaks of a temple constructed by a
widow donatrix for the spiritual welfare of her deceased husband.76
A strange tone of one of the Pallava inscriptions catches the attention
where a queen named Lōkamahādevī was affected by a Brahmarākṣasa
and mentions an ācārya of Magiḷampaḷḷi.77 This seems to be a case of
witch-craft.
Spiritual teacher-pupil relation got its roots stronger in Jainism. Sal-
vation was presented as the ultimate of devotion to everybody irre-
spective of caste, character, sex or status. It was perhaps more to repel
the other religious forces. In Hinduism, temple-donations added an
extra advantage to the cult of bhakti. This comprehensiveness of Hin-
duism gave every section of society a feeling of cultural unity. Śaivism
and Vaiṣṇavism had a thorough impression on people. Laymen and
women donated for perpetual lamps, and royal class mainly for the
temples. The Bayānā inscription of Chitralekhā, of ce 954, found in
the Bharatpur state of Maharastra, speaks of the construction of a
Viṣṇu temple by a queen Chitralekhā.78 Chitralekhā, who was the
wife of a chief, Maṅgalarāja, caused the temple of Viṣṇu and gave two
villages named Gōgrapura and Nāgapallī, as well as certain fields in
Hāḍhapallī to the deity (cakrin).79
So far as the question of raising the finances for religious dona-
tion was concerned, it seems that women of the royal class were quite
independent in such affairs, while laywomen had to seek the shelter
of the royal class. The Mamballi plate of Srivallavangodai, found in
Trevandrum, daughter of Ādichchan, set up a bhaṭṭāraka (image) in
the temple at Ayūrūr. The king Śrīvallavaňgodai made a gift of land
to Umaiyammai for the purpose of keeping up the services of the
bhaṭṭāraka (set up in the Ayūrūr temple), and she, in her turn, made
over the subject matter of the gift to the Tiruchchenguṇṛūr temple, in
order that it might be placed under the management of poduvāḷs of
that temple.80 This inscription of ce 973 does not provide us the name
of the deity for whom the temple was erected, but it indicates the
spiritual nature of the daughter for whom the king readily rendered
the help. It also shows that limited resources did not prove a great hin-
drance in religious activities. The state used to bail them out to carry
such affairs.
 Women and sacred rites 111
The view that in temple-building activities the Cola empire was
much more liberal is unanimously held by the historians. Out of a large
number of donations, only a few we are taking into consideration to
avoid monotony. Among Colas the name of Sembiyan Mahādevī, the
mother of Uttama-Cola shines the most. Cola religious history is full
of her religious activities. In this series, an inscription of ce 981 from
Tanjore district informs that (while) Parāntakaṇ-mādevaḍiyaḷār alias
Sembiyan mahādevīyar, the mother of Uttama-Cola, the daughter of
Malavaraiyar caused to be rebuilt the temple of stone, the original
brick structure of the central shrine of the temple of Mahādeva at
Tirukkoḍikāval in Nallāṛṛūr-nāḍu. She ordered the re-engravement on
its walls, and this is borne out of several records of endowments origi-
nally incised on loose slabs.81
In Cola history, the credit of making it religiously rich not only
goes to the royal class, but even to commoners who were regularly
engaged in various religious activities. A tenth-century inscription
of the Salem district registered an endowment of money for feed-
ing on ekādaśī days in the temple made by Muri-Amadaṇār, the
lady who was the wife of Ilaṅgonaḍigal.82 An inscription of ce 1042
found in Gangapuram of Andhra Pradesh refers to the construc-
tion of a temple of Mallahaṇī Devī, who was a devotee of the god
Bhīmesvara.83 Religion to a limited sense created a political har-
mony amongst two rival kings worshipping the same deity. A gift
of a Pāṇḍya queen to a temple in the Cola territory in ce 1014 is
noteworthy as it indicated friendly relations between the two kings.
It registered a gift of a gold necklace containing the tāli (auspicious
ornament) set with precious stones and other parts, to the temple
of god Tiruviśatur-Mahādeva, by Atiyirāmaṇ Kundappāviyār, the
queen of Pāṇḍya Śrīvalluvar.84
The famous Vasantagarh inscription of Purṇapāla of the Paramāras
of Malwa in ce 1042 speaks of a sun temple being renovated by a
dowager queen.85 B.N. Sharma opines that advancements in the field
of astrology and the growth of people’s belief in supernatural things
would have popularized their worship.86 The Sun was considered a
planet among the navagrahas in Indian astrology. These navagra-
has were collectively found in temple walls of many early medieval
Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva temples, but this example of the sun temple is the
single one being renovated by a woman.87 Epigraphic as well as liter-
ary evidence shows the popularity of Viṣṇu and his many incarnations.
B.N. Sharma observes that out of ten incarnations, Kṛṣṇa has become
so popular that he had practically been identified with Viṣṇu.88 The
worship of Kṛṣṇa and Baladeva in the Tamil country about the time
112 Women and sacred rites
of the Guptas is evident from the literature.89 Orissa popularized the
worship of Lord Kṛṣṇa up to a great extent, where in Jagannāth Purī,
the temple of Kṛṣṇa, Baladeva and Subhadrā was constructed from
the tenth century onwards, on the site of an earlier temple, and begun
by King Anantavarman Codagaṅga Deva, first of the Eastern Gaṅga
dynasty. The inscriptions of the twelfth century indicate the popular-
ity of Kṛṣṇa worship. A Bhubaneshwar inscription in the Royal Asiatic
Society speaks of a royal lady Candrā-devī (Candrikā), whose husband
fell in battle, and she built a temple of Kṛṣṇa, Baladeva and Subhadrā
in his memory.90 No testimony is available to tell whether it was an
extended contribution to the previously existing temple or if a new
temple was constructed by the royal lady because her name nowhere
appears in the history of the Purī temple.
Various historians have put forward several reasons for making a
large number of gifts and endowments to temples. T.N. Subramaniam
suggested that the Dharmaśāstras had come to lay down that in Kali-
yuga, dāna should be preferred to yajna or sacrifice for merit. This
has been mainly responsible for the desire of the people to make gifts
and endowments on every possible occasion to the temples.91 Temple-
building might also be a part of these activities. Pushpa Niyogi sug-
gested that sometimes kings kept their treasures stored up in temples
as security.92 Thus, temple building seems to be at the centre of reli-
gious activities for the ruling class as it sevred social, economic and
religious purpose for the state.

Bhakti saints
The tradition of Bhakti, popularly known as the Vārkari Sampradāya
or Panth (cult), is a unique contribution of the saint poets of Maha-
rashtra to the religious movements of the medieval period of Indian
history.93 In the surcharged atmosphere of bhakti cults, the contribu-
tion of female saints cannot be undermined. Hindu devotional cults
saw the emergence of women saints on an unprecedented scale. The
author of the Dharmaśāstras on the one side were trying to encour-
age age-old orthodox practices of religion for women, while the
bhakti movement was motivating its women to go open in society
to preach. This led orthodox Hinduism to let loose its strong bonds
against women. Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism both gave full opportunities
to women to propagate the basics of their philosophies. Vijaya Ramas-
wamy has tried to give a new dimension into the spiritual outlook of
female saints of early medieval India. She very efficiently categorized
 Women and sacred rites 113
women saints on the basis of their choice of spiritual path and their
interaction with the traditional society. In her words,

If at one end of the spectrum were rebels like Mīra and Akkā-
Mahādevī, at the other end were pious and chaste housewives,
the ideals of womanhood like Vasukiyar, the wife of Tiruvalluvar,
Gaṅgambika and Nāgalocane, Basava’s wives, Viṣṇupriyā, wife of
Caitnya Mahāprabhu and Bahinābāī.94

She has very interestingly provided a list of Vīraśavite and Vaiṣṇavite

female saints. In the list they seemed to belong to every class of the
society as merchant, priestly, ruling, weaver, carpenter, agriculturists
and even prostitute class. She observes that the majority of lower-caste
women saints seem to have been associated with the heterodox, some-
times anti-brāhmaṇical sects of the bhakti movement. These female
saints contributed a lot through their propaganda in favour of the
bhakti movement. Society seems to have adopted a liberal and respect-
ful attitude towards them. Vijaya G. Babras quoted distinguished
women like Mahādevī, Akkāmahādevī, Muktyakka, Gunddave, Rem-
mave and Annaladevī who took active part in the reform movement
of the Vīraśaivas.95 Susie Tharu and K. Lalita have made an extensive
study of the writings of women saints. They, on the one hand, have
commented upon the mystic complexity of Akkā-Mahādevī’s verses,
and on the other hand, Sule Sankavva becomes the subject of their
observation. The latter was a prostitute who later joined the bhakti
movement in the twelfth century.96 Daud Ali points out the short-com-
ing of poetic and dramatic texts from the perspective of gender as they
present authorial, narrative and dramatic voices,97 and the work of
Susie Tharu and K. Lalita present the right case.
Generally, the brāhmaṇical way of treating women’s salvation
was the surrender of the ego by becoming a self-sacrificing mother,
a chaste wife and an obedient daughter. Obviously brāhmaṇical soci-
ety opposed their presence in the religious field as preachers. Vijaya
Ramaswamy confirms this through her observation that, ‘Her behav-
iour ipso facto, being defined as “deviant”, also gets to be ostracized
and marginalized like a prostitute. Both are nityasumaṅgalī, the eter-
nal wife whose husband can never die’.98 She counts them among the
list of loners. Her observation clearly indicated the reason behind such
stigmatization of women saints by males. It was an obvious reaction to
male chauvinism whenever women tried to come out of the ‘protective
shield’ provided by them, they did not recognize her identity on that
114 Women and sacred rites
religious level. Hardly were they seen establishing any order or Hindu
devotional streams. Ultimately she comes to the same conclusion that
only non-patriarchal, non-brāhmaṇical cults like Tāntricism sustained
female monastic orders. They also tried to create an atmosphere of
philosophical debate in various sects. But the presence of a large num-
ber of Hindu women saints proves that despite strict religious codes,
women entered into this arena. Jyotsna K. Kamat has provided a long
list of Hindu women who professed in favour of various religious
sects.99 The name of Gaṅgikabbe, a Śaiva female ascetic, appears in
several inscriptions and literary sources, who received endowments
from Akkā-Mahādevī for imparting education at the maṭha of Hot-
turu. She practiced all the austerities compulsory for male ascetics like
prayers, concentration and silence.

Temple endowments
To express their religious feelings, women chose donative ways of
expression. In complete contrast to the motive of kings (governing the
building activities), women rulers and queens apparently built, largely
to symbolize their piety and nobility, or as an act of atonement.100
Engagement of women in such activities remained a very important
ingredient of their religious sentiments. Inscriptions narrate various
stories of their building activities. The Narttamalai inscription of
Nṛpatuṅgavarman of ce 876 found in the Pudukkottai district speaks
about construction of mukha-maṇḍapa, Ṛṣabha, Nandī- maṇḍapa
and bali-pīṭha to be made for a temple.101 The Tirumayyam inscrip-
tion of the eighth century, found in the Pudukottai district, records
that Perumpiḍigu Perundevī, the mother of Viḍelviḍugu Vilupperadi-
Araiśaṇ, repaired (the temple) and granted a village along with collec-
tion rights.102 Among the list of various items, donation of perpetual
lamps seems to be within the reach of every section of society, as they
could bear the expenses of it and contribute easily to show their religi-
osity. Gertrude Emerson Sen has exhaustively counted the value of one
perpetual lamp.103 Sen observed that maintenance of a lamp required
a substantial donation of animals, from whose milk the ghee to be
used as oil would be made. Laxman S. Thakur has also co-related
the supplies of curd and the ghee to temple with cattle-rearing activi-
ties and an essential base of the rural economy.104 Some grants men-
tion the donation of only (enough) animals to maintain a half lamp.
Food to be offered to the deity and afterwards to be distributed as
prasāda was another popular donation.105 The exact amount of rice,
curd, pulses, spices, vegetable, sugar, salt and firewood to prepare the
 Women and sacred rites 115
food are mentioned in specific grants. The bath of the deity too was
an important feature of the daily temple rituals. Though three pots
of water might serve for ordinary days, upon special occasions many
more were provided. The bath might even consist of honey, ghee and
curds, instead of water. Further requirements of the temple parapher-
nalia were flowers, incense, sandal-paste, camphor, fly whisks, para-
cola and quantities of vessels. Valuable ornaments were also given to
the deities. (In most of the Hindu temples in India, this kind of worship
is still followed). Table 4.2, showing various items donated for burn-
ing of a perpetual lamp, has been prepared which has covered 102
inscriptions.106 In most of these inscriptions kalaňju/kāsu, which were
gold coins (in circulation in the Deccan), have been donated to burn
a perpetual lamp. The number of kalaňju varied from five to thirty. In
most of the cases where fewer kalaňju had been donated, the loss was
compensated by further donation of sheep. The number of sheep too
varied from 45 to 90. In most of the inscriptions sheep have specifi-
cally been mentioned as unaging and undying, meaning thereby that
cattle-wealth was to be procured properly for religious purpose. Cows
and buffalo were taken as cattle-wealth. Kalaňju as gold was the next
most common item, which was donated to burn a perpetual lamp.
The table shows that besides the royal class, common females up to
the level of servants also donated for the perpetual lamp. Dancing girls
also donated. Lesie finds relatively smaller number of references to
temple women in Vaisnava temples during the Cola period because of
a lesser number of Vaiṣṇava temples.107 Here the purpose is to identify
common female who is donating for the religious purpose according
to her economic capacity. In case of lamp grant, more than 75% of
female donors are not attached to royal identification and can be put
into the category of common female. This visibility of common female
is hardly shown in the literary sources of the early medieval period.
Even in common female, further categorization is there.
Most of the inscriptions dealing with the perpetual lamp show this
tendency is more prevalent in the reign of Tamil Nadu and Andhra
Pradesh. Perpetual lamps are seen donated to lord Śiva, though
addressed through various names and forms.
Besides perpetual lamps, a number of other gifts were also offered
to various gods and goddesses. They included various items of gold
(kalaňju, image, tāli), silver (lotus, vessel, pot), copper (pot, image),
rice and ghee, fly-whisk, money and oil-mill etc. An analysis of various
gifts in Table 4.3 shows that women of the early medieval times were
thoroughly influenced by the waves of bhakti cults.108 Great influence
of it could be felt in the Tamil Nadu and Karnataka regions. While
Table 4.2 Perpetual lamps donated to temples by females in various capacities Reference No. – 106

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

1. Daughter and 15 kalaňju of gold and North Arcot district, ce 863 Inscriptions of Pallavas,
mistress one Uḷakku of oil for Tamil Nadu pp. 402–3.
perpetual lamp
2. Senior queen 10 kalaňju of gold and a Tiruchirapalli district, ce 897 SII, vol. XII, no. 323,
bronze-lamp and land Tamil Nadu p. 172.
3. Queen-mother 30 kalaňju of gold and one North Arcot district, ce 989 IA, vol. XL, p. 114.
perpetual lamp to lord Śri Tamil Nadu
Parasurāmēśvaragarām
4. Daughter Perpetual lamp to god Tanjore district, Tamil ninth century ce Ind. Arch., 1961, p. 45.
Mahādevar Nadu
5. Female servant One perpetual lamp and 90 South Arcot district, ce 900–940 EI, vol. VII, p. 132
undying and unaging sheep Tamil Nadu
6. Queen One perpetual lamp to Lord South Arcot district, ce 900–940 EI, vol. VII, p. 133.
Mahādeva, 100 undying Tamil Nadu
and unaging sheep
7. Female 90 sheep for burning Tanjore district, Tamil ce 931–2 SII, vol. XVII, no. 483,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 199
8. Female 96 sheep for burning a Tanjore district, Tamil ce 936 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 241,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 168
9. Sister 96 sheep for burning a Tanjore district, Tamil ce 943 SII, vol. XVII, no. 480,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 198
10. Wife 45 sheep for a lamp Tanjore district, Tamil ce 943 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 321,
Nadu p. 226
11. Children of 90 sheep for perpetual lamp Tanjore district, Tamil ce 949 SII, vol. XVII, no. 530,
maid-servant Nadu p. 217
12. Queen 100 sheep for lamp to god South Arcot district, ce 954 EI, vol. VII, p. 138
Mahādeva Tamil Nadu
13. Wife of servant For perpetual lamp North Arcot district, ce 958 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 65,
Tamil Nadu p. 40
14. Mother of a Cola 30 kalaňju of gold for Tanjore district, Tamil ce 973 SII, vol. XIX, no. 74,
queen perpetual lamp Nadu p. 39
15. Queen 30 kalaňju of gold for Tanjore district, Tamil ce 979 SII, vol. XIX, no. 239,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 123
16. Lady in-charge of 90 sheep for lamp and 50 Tanjore district, Tamil ce 980 SII, vol. XIX, no. 276,
local shepherd sheep for ghee Nadu p. 138
17. Queen 90 sheep for lamp Tanjore district, Tamil ce 980 SII, vol. XIX, no. 257,
Nadu p. 130
18. Wife 7½ kalaňju of gold for Pudukottai state ce 980 SII, vol. XIX, no. 241,
perpetual lamp p. 123
19. Daughter Gift of gold for perpetual South Arcot district, ce 981 SII, vol. XIX, no. 283,
lamp Tamil Nadu p. 141
20. Wife 96 sheep for perpetual lamp Tanjore district, Tamil ce 981 SII, vol. XIX, no. 295,
Nadu p. 146
21. Wife 96 sheep for perpetual lamp Tiruchirapalli district, ce 982 SII, vol. XIX, no. 333,
Tamil Nadu p. 168
22. Wife 2 kalaňju of gold for Salem district, Tamil ce 984 SII, vol. XIX, no. 360,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 188
23. Lady 8 kalaňju and 20 kalam of South Arcot district, ce 986 SII, vol. XIX, no. 394,
paddy for perpetual lamp Tamil Nadu p. 207
24. Dancing girl 10 kalaňju of gold to Tiruchirapalli district tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 88,
Tiruvarangam temple for Tamil Nadu p. 42
burning a twilight lamp
and sacred bath of deity

(Continued)
Table 4.2 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

25. On behalf of a 30 kalaňju of gold for Tiruchirapalli district, ce 986 SII, vol. XIX, no. 408,
lady perpetual lamp Tamil Nadu p. 214
26. Queen For lamp and repairs of Tanjore district, Tamil ce 993 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 362,
temple Nadu p. 250
27. Lady Cows of perpetual lamp Tirunelveli district, ce 994 SII, vol. XIX, no. 423,
Tamil Nadu p. 221
28. Queen 20 kalaňju of gold for Tamil Nadu Ninth and tenth SII, vol. III, no. 47,
perpetual lamp century ce p. 98
29. Senior queen Gift of oil-mill for perpetual Shikarpur Taluq, ce 1163 EC, vol. XI, no. 77,
lamp Karnataka p. 65.
30. Wife 90 sheep for perpetual lamp Tanjore district, Tamil During the reign of SII, vol. XXIII, no. 33,
and 8 sheep for special Nadu Parantaka I p. 16
days in a month
31. For benefit of Gift of lamp On Bilvanathesvara During the reign SII, vol. III, Parts I-II,
daughter temple of Kulottunga no. 59, p. 120
Coladeva
32. Wife 12½ kalaňju of gold for South Arcot district, tenth century ce SII, vol. XIX, no. 61,
perpetual lamp for image Tamil Nadu p. 36
of Candraśe-Khara-
Perumal
33. Wife 96 sheep for a perpetual South Arcot district, tenth century ce SII, vol. XIII, no. 94,
lamp in the temple of Tamil Nadu p. 45
Tiruvālandurai-Udaiya-
Paramasvāmī
34. Wife 25 kalaňju of gold for lamp Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XII, no. 116,
to Mahādeva Nadu p. 58
35. Lady 90 sheep for perpetual lamp South Arcot district, tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 198,
Tamil Nadu p. 108
36. Wife 12 īlakkāśu for lamp to god Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 226,
Tiruchcheyalūr mahādeva Nadu p. 122
37. Woman 15 kalaňju of gold for Salem district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 242,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 129
38. Wife 25 īlakkāśu for two Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 246,
perpetual lamps in the Nadu p. 131
temple of Tirukkuḍiṭṭai-
Perumāl
39. Wife 50 sheep for perpetual lamp Tirunevelli district, tenth century EI, vol. XXIII, pp. 287–
to god Āditya-bhatāra Tamil Nadu 8
40. Queen-mother 20 kalaňju of gold for a Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 304,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 162
41. Wife 90 sheep for perpetual lamp Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XXIII, no. 308,
and another sheep for a Nadu pp. 225–6
lamp
42. Wife 100 sheep for a perpetual Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 337,
lamp in the temple Nadu p. 178
of Tiruneyattānattu-
mahādeva
43. Daughter 100 sheep for a perpetual South Arcot district, tenth century EI, vol. VII, pp. 141–3
lamp to god Perumāl + Tamil Nadu
One perpetual lamp
44. Concubine 15 kalaňju of gold for South Arcot district, tenth century EI, vol. VII, p. 138
perpetual lamp to god Tamil Nadu
Perumal
45. Mother One perpetual lamp and Tiruchirapalli, Mysore tenth century EI, vol. XV, pp. 71–2
plate and dish of silver district Tamil Nadu

(Continued)
Table 4.2 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

46. Lady 25 kalaňju of gold for Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIX, no. 465,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 237
47. Wife Endowment for two lamps Tanjore district, Tamil tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 197,
Nadu p. 107
48. Women servant 53 kāśu for perpetual lamp Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1014 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 45,
Nadu p. 24
49. Wife Three plots of land for Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1014 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 49,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 29
50. Queen 40 kāśu for land and 30 kāśu Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1015 SII, vol. XIII, no. 348,
for perpetual lamp Nadu p. 239
51. Sister A nondā lamp and a Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1017 SII, vol. XXVI, no. 682,
perpetual lamp to god Nadu p. 446
Tirunallamuḍaiya-
mahādeva
52. Lady Sheep for a lamp Tirunelveli district, ce 1019 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 73,
Tamil Nadu p. 46
53. Queen Land and half vēlī for a Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1041 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 347,
perpetual lamp Nadu p. 237
54. Chief-queen Grants for perpetual lamp to Orissa undated Inscriptions of Orissa,
god MadukEśvaradeva vol. II, part I, no. 10,
p. 14
55. Queen Grants for perpetual lamp to Orissa ce 1068 Inscriptions of Orissa,
god Madukeśvaradeva vol. III, no. 8, p. 12
56. Royal lady Land for perpetual lamp Kudur district, ce 1075 EC, vol. VI, no. 53,
Karnataka p. 11
57. Queen 180 sheep for perpetual lamp Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1096–7 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 304,
Nadu p. 213
58. Women A wet land piece for Vishakhapatam ce 1102 SII, vol. X, no. 654,
perpetual lamp district, Andhra p. 359
Pradesh
59. Wife A gift of 5 māḍas for upkeep Vishakhapatam ce 1118 SII, vol. X, no. 659,
of perpetual lamp district, Andhra p. 354
Pradesh
60. Daughter A standing nanḍa lamp. 32 South Arcot district, ce 1120–21 SII, vol. XXVI, no. 399,
cows, 70 palam of bell- Tamil Nadu pp. 257–8
metal for standing lamp,
bronze for eating plate
and 29 palam of bell-
metal and one kāśu to god
Tiruppulippagavardevar
61. Lady A cow and a calf for ghee to Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1123 SII, vol. XXII, no. 298,
a lamp Nadu p. 205
62. Daughter 5 mōḍas for perpetual lamp Vishakhapatam ce 1124 SII, vol. X, no. 665,
district, Andhra p. 356
Pradesh
63. Queen A lamp to god Bhīmeśvara East-Godavari district, ce 1128 Kolluru inscriptions
Andhra Pradesh of minor Calukya
dynasties, no. 18,
p. 44/also SII, vol. IV,
no. 1195
64. Queen A lamp to god Bhīmeśvara East-Godavari district, ce 1128 Kolluru inscriptions of
Andhra Pradesh the minor calukya
dynasties, no. 19,
p. 45 SII, vol. IV, no.
1191

(Continued)
Table 4.2 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

65. Queen A lamp to god Bhīmeśvara East-Godavari district, ce 1128 Kolluru inscriptions of
Andhra Pradesh the minor calukya
dynasties, no. 20,
p. 46 SII, vol. IV, no.
1192
66. Queen A lamp to god Bhīmeśvara East-Godavari district, ce 1128 Kolluru inscriptions of
Andhra Pradesh the minor calukya
dynasties, no. 21,
p. 46 SII, vol. IV, no.
1197
67. Queen A lamp to god Bhīmeśvara East-Godavari district, ce 1128 Kolluru inscriptions of
Andhra Pradesh the minor calukya
dynasties, no. 22,
p. 47 SII, vol. IV, no.
1198
68. Queen A lamp to god Bhīmeśvara East-Godavari district, ce 1128 Kolluru inscriptions of
Andhra Pradesh the minor calukya
dynasties, no. 17,
p. 43 SII, vol. IV, no.
1196
69. Wife A perpetual lamp Vishakhapatam ce 1137 SII, vol. X, no. 668,
district, Andhra p. 357
Pradesh
70. Daughter 5 Rājanārāyaṇa gadyānas Guntur district, ce 1140 SII, vol. X, no. 108,
for a perpetual lamp Andhra Pradesh p. 49
71. A dancing girl 50 inupa-yeḍlu for a East-Godavari district, ce 1141 SII, vol. X, no. 110,
perpetual lamp Andhra Pradesh p. 50
72. Queen A perpetual lamp to god Ganjam district, ce 1145 SII, vol. X, no. 699,
Nileśvara Orissa p. 368
73. Lady A perpetual lamp to god Vishakhapatanam ce 1145 SII, vol. X, no. 698,
Nileśvara district, Andhra p. 367
Pradesh
74. Lady A perpetual lamp to god Vishakhapatanam ce 1147 SII, vol. X, no. 686,
Nileśvara district, Andhra p. 363
Pradesh
75. Mother-in-law 55 impuyeḍlu for a Krishna district, ce 1153 SII, vol. X, no. 133,
perpetual lamp in the Andhra Pradesh p. 62
temple of Malleśvara
76. Wife Gift of sheep for lamp to god Guntur district, ce 1153 SII, vol. X, no. 124,
Mūlasthana-mahādeva Andhra Pradesh p. 58
77. Daughter 12 birdu-gadyas for a Guntur district, ce 1153 SII, vol. X, no. 128,
perpetual lamp Andhra Pradesh p. 60
78. Daughter 50 sheep for lamp to god Guntur district, ce 1153 SII, vol. X, no. 129,
Traipurusha-mahādeva Andhra Pradesh p. 60
79. Wife A nanḍa lamp to god Chingliput district, ce 1169–70 SII, vol. XXVI, no. 364,
Tiruviṛkōlamu-ḍaiyār Andhra Pradesh p. 239
80. Dancing girl Perpetual lamp and food Yalandur district ce 1184 EC, vol. XIV, no. 110–
offerings to god Rameśvara 12, p. 49
81. Lady A land grant and 55 Guntur district, twelfth century SII, vol. X, no. 221,
sheep for lamp to god Andhra Pradesh p. 114
Choḍeśvara
82. Daughter 10 dināra for perpetual lamp Ramanathapuram eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 9, p. 5
to god Śrīsthaliśa century

(Continued)
Table 4.2 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

83. Wife 25 cows for a lamp to Madurai district, eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 64,
Peruntirukkoyil-devar Tamil Nadu century p. 44
84. Wife For maintenance of a South Arcot district, eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 169,
perpetual lamp Tamil Nadu century p. 94
85. Mother 12 kāśu for lamp to god Tirunelvedi district, eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 190,
Danṣiṇā-mūrtideva Tamil Nadu century p. 104
86. Wife Gift of money to temple of Tirunelvedi district, eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 202,
Somanāthadeva for a lamp Tamil Nadu century p. 115
87. Wife A sheep for lamp to god Tirunelvedi district, eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 209,
Tamil Nadu century p. 119
88. Lady Gift of buffalows to burn Tirunelvedi district, eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 215,
lamp Tamil Nadu century p. 122
89. On behalf of A sheep for lamp to temple Ramanathapuram eighth-twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 222,
daughter of Tiruttāṇdōnṛiśvaram- district century p. 126
Uḍaiyār
90. Lady Gift of a sheep for lamp in a Tanjore district Tamil ce 980 SII, vol. XIX, no. 245,
temple Nadu p. 125
91. Queen Provided for decorations, Channarayapatna ce 1184 EC, vol. V, no. 254,
illuminations of god, Taluq, Karnataka p. 231.
offerings, perpetual lamp,
temple repairs
92. Wife of temple 13 kalaňju of gold for Chingleput district, ce 885 Inscriptions of the
priest perpetual lamp Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no.163,
p. 471.
 93. Daughter 12 kalaňju of gold to god Tanjore district, Tamil ce 887 Inscriptions of the
Perumānaḍaimuḍi for Nadu Pallavas, no.166,
perpetual lamp pp. 476–77.
94. Wife A lamp and ornamented hall Shikarpur Taluq, ce 890 EC, vol. VII, no. 45,
Karnataka p. 49.
95. Wife and 48 kalanju of gold for South Arcot district, ce 857 Inscriptions of the
daughter-dual burning two perpetual Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no.124,
identity lamps pp. 384–85.
96. Daughter and 15 kalaňju of gold for a North Arcot district, ce 863 Inscriptions of the
mistress perpetual lamp Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no.132,
pp. 402–3
97. Mother 2 kalaňju of gold for a lamp Chingleput district, ce 898 Inscriptions of the
and daily offerings Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 235,
pp. 594–95.
98. Mistress (bhōgi) 30 kalaňju of gold for a Chingleput district, ce 889 Inscriptions of the
lamp in the temple of god Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 238,
Mahādeva pp. 600–1.
99. Mistress (bhōgi) 30 kalaňju of gold for a Chingleput district, ce 899 Inscriptions of the
lamp in the temple of god Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 239,
Mahādeva pp. 602–3.
100. Wife 100 sheep for a perpetual Chingleput district, ce 900 Inscriptions of the
lamp in the temple of god Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 240,
Mahādeva pp. 600–1.
101. Queen 30 kalaňju of gold for a Chingleput district, ce 902 Inscriptions of the
lamp in the temple of god Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 242,
Mahādeva pp. 608–9.
Table 4.3 Various gifts donated for religious purpose by females Reference No. – 108

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

1. Queen-mother Silver lotus to Hara’s linga Nepal ce 737–8 IA, vol. IX, p. 178

2. Queen 30 kalaňju of gold Chittur district, Tamil ce 742 EI, vol. XI, pp. 239–40
to a temple of god Nadu
Paraśurameśvara
3. Lady Gift of gold to god Madurai district, Eighth–twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 215,
Vyyokkoṇḍaḷvār Tamil Nadu century p. 122
4. Brāhmaṇa lady 10 poṇ to god Chingleput district, Eighth–ninth Inscriptions of the
Nārāyaṇasvāmī Tamil Nadu century ce Pallavas, no.267,
p. 648.
5. Two widows 100 diramam to a temple Madurai district, Eighth–twelfth SII, vol. XIV, no. 198,
Tamil Nadu century p. 113
6. Mistress 15 kalaňju of gold to god South Arcot district, ce 813 Inscriptions of the
(bhōgiyār) Perumāṇaḍigal Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no.108,
p. 351.
7. Daughter-in- 5 kalaňju of gold to a temple North Arcot district, ce 859 Inscriptions of the
law Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 126,
pp. 388.
8. Queen 171/2 kalaňju of gold to god Tanjore district, Tamil Ninth century Inscriptions of the
Mahādeva Nadu Pallavas, no. 145,
pp. 423–5.
9. Queen 61/2 kalaňju of gold to god Tanjore district, Tamil Ninth century Inscriptions of the
Mahādeva Nadu Pallavas, no.147,
pp. 429–31.
10. Queen Gift of the taxes leviable Chittoor district, ce 867 Inscriptions of the
from a village for a tank Andhra Pradesh Pallavas, no. 330,
maintenance p. 721.
11. Queen Image of Cāmuṇḍā installed Cuttack district, Ninth century Inscriptions of Orissa,
Odisha No.24, p. 222
12. Wife Property endowed for the Kulathur Taluq ce 869 Early Pallava and Cola
conduct of worship and inscriptions, no. 19,
offerings pp. 20–21
13. By a chief for 101/2 kalaňju of gold to the Tiruchirapalli district, ce 871 Inscriptions of the
the welfare sabhā of Muttayil Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 149,
of his pp. 435–36.
mother
14. Mother of a 16 kalaňju of gold to god South Arcot district, ce 872 Inscriptions of the
chief Mahādeva Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 150,
p. 437.
15. Queen 108 kalaňju of gold to sabhā Chingleput district, ce 880 Inscriptions of the
Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no.156,
pp. 460–1.
16. Wife 27 kalaňju of gold for food Chingleput district, ce 880–86 Inscriptions of the
offerings Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 219
pp. 566–7.
17. Elder sister 736 kalaňju of gold for daily North Arcot district, ce 886 Inscriptions of the
feast Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no. 220,
pp. 568.
18. Brāhmaṇa lady 10 poṇ to god Chingleput district Eighth–ninth Inscriptions of the
Nārāyaṇasvāmī century Pallavas, no.267,
p. 648.

(Continued)
Table 4.3 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

19. Queen 5 kalaňju of gold to god Chingleput district, ce 887 Inscriptions of the
Mahādeva Tamil Nadu Pallavas, no.168,
pp. 481–2.
20. Queen 5o kalaňju of gold to god Tanjore district, Tamil ce 891 Inscriptions of the
Mahādeva Nadu Pallavas, no.178,
pp. 501–2.
21. Queen Rice and ghee to temple Kamalapuram Taluq, Ninth century Inscriptions of Andhra
Andhra Pradesh Pradesh Cuddapah
district, no. 84, p. 93.
22. Queen 90 sheep and one īlavilakku Chingliput district, Ninth and tenth Ind. Arch., 1968, p. 53
for Tiruvarriyur-mahādeva Tamil Nadu century
23. Queen 30 + 30 kalaňju of gold to North Arcot district, ce 907 EI, vol. XXVI, p. 235.
god Tiruvūraḷ-mahādeva Tamil Nadu
24. Lady 25 kalaňju of gold for Tanjore district, Tamil ce 919 SII, vol. XVII, no. 484,
food offerings to deity Nadu p. 200
Tirumaṛaikkāṭṭu-
mahādevar
25. Lady 30 kalaňju of gold to deity Tanjore district, Tamil ce 925 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 261,
Nadu pp. 178–9
26. Lady Gift of fly-whisk coated with Tanjore district, Tamil ce 944 SII, vol. XVII, no. 517,
gold and silver Nadu p. 212
27. Senior queen Gift of golden image Tanjore district, Tamil ce 945 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 254,
Nadu p. 173
28. Queen Construction of plinth of the Dharwar district, ce 975 EI, vol. IV, pp. 355–6.
temple and outlet of tank Karnataka
29. Queen A silver vessel weighing 5 Tiruchirapalli district, ce 980 SII, vol. XIX, no. 260,
palam or 77¾ kalaňju to Tamil Nadu p. 132
god Tirumalavādi-Udaiyār
30. Queen’s Money for special worship Tanjore district, Tamil ce 982 SII, vol. XIX, no. 311,
daughter Nadu p. 155.
31. Queen Golden forehead plate for Tanjore district, Tamil ce 985 SII, vol. XIX, no. 381,
god Śrī Kailāyamudaiya- Nadu p. 201
mahādeva
32. Queen Fly-whisk with golden Tanjore district, ce 985 SII, vol. XIX, no. 382,
handle weighing 30 Tamil Nadu p. 201.
kalaňju
33. Queen-mother 507½ kalaňju of gold for Tanjore district, Tamil ce 985 SII, vol. XIX, no. 383,
special offering to god Nadu p. 201
34. Queen-mother 100 kalaňju of gold Salem district, Tamil ce 986 SII, vol. XIX, no. 409,
for temple and its Nadu p. 215
management
35. Son to her Some cheritable work (not Srinagar (Jammu and ce 992 Corpus of Śāradā
mother defined) Kashmir) inscriptions of
during the Kashmir, no.2,
reign of pp. 100–1.
king (queen)
Diddā
36. Maid-servant A golden tāli (marriage Tanjore district, Tamil ce 993 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 278,
string) set with a double Nadu p. 191
row of gems weighing 9½
kalaňju, a necklace of 27
pearls and a pair of pearl
siḍukku to the image of
Umā-bhaṭāraki

(Continued)
Table 4.3 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

37. Queen-mother A silver pot for bath of god Tanjore district, Tamil Tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 332,
Śrikuḍittiṭṭa’s-mahādeva Nadu p. 176
38. Lady 5 kalaňju of gold to god North Arcot district, Tenth century SII, vol. XII, no. 50,
Tamil Nadu p. 20
39. Lady 20 kalanju of gold for Salem district, Tamil Tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 232,
feeding 20 brāhmaṇa Nadu p. 124
40. Lady 20 kalaňju of gold for Salem district, Tamil Tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 244,
feeding 20 brāhmaṇa Nadu p. 130
41. Lady 25 kalaňju of gold for Salem district, Tamil Tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 261,
feeding brāhmaṇa Nadu p. 139
42. Queen Golden cāmara to god Tanjore district, Tamil Tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 53,
[Tiru]- vaiyarudaiyar Nadu p. 25
43. Queen-mother Copper-vessel for sacred Tanjore district, Tamil Tenth century SII, vol. XIII, no. 144,
bath, golden pot and set Nadu p. 73
for god
44. Daughter For monastery, a filed and Bijapur district, ce 1004 EI, vol. XVII, pp. 9–10
50 maṭṭar of land Karnataka
45. Sister 57 gadyāṇa in gold, 1359 Hoskote Taluq, ce 1023 EC, vol. IX, no. 10,
golden grains of rice and Karnataka pp. 88–9.*
42 poruḷ
46. Senior queen Gifts for offerings (items not North Arcot district, ce 1042–3 Ind. Arch., 1975, p. 51
specified) Tamil Nadu
47. Mother and Installation of deity named Mahboob nagar, ce 1042 Ind. Arch., 1961, p. 42
nurse Chandaleśvara Andhra Pradesh
48. Queen Income grant to temple Place not mentioned ce 1053 SII, vol. XVIII, no. 63,
of Kalidevasvāmi of pp. 52–3
Mūlasthāna
49. Queen Land, 4 bullocks, oil-mills Honalli Taluq, ce 1055 EC, vol. VII, no. 1,
Karnataka p. 157.*
50. Queen Donations to god Akkeśvara Place not mentioned ce 1058 EI, vol. XV, pp. 109–10
51. Queen Grant of land, oil-mill Bijapur district, ce 1062 SII, vol. XVIII, no. 67,
and a garden to god Karnataka pp. 57–8
Siddheśvaradeva
52. Senior queen Gift of sandal, incense Shikarpur Taluq, ce 1074 EC, vol. VII, no. 295,
and offerings for Karnataka p. 150.*
the Mūlasthana god
Rameśvara
53. Lady Land, money and utensils to Dharwar district, ce 1080 Ind. Arch., 1968, p. 55
god Uttareśvara Karnataka
54. Queen Income gift for daily Gulbarga district, ce 1082 EI, vol. XXVIII,
worship to god Someśvara Andhra Pradesh pp. 36–8
55. Queen Gift of money-land for Place not mentioned Eleventh–twelfth SII, vol. XXIV, no. 62,
offerings to god century pp. 66–7
56. Lady (Royal Made for the temple of god Arkalgud Taluq, ce 1094 EC, vol. V, no. 95,
class) Pallāditya a Nandi and a Karnataka p. 262.*
treasure-maṇṭapa
57. Queen Temple of Vāsudeva. Manjarabad Taluq, ce 1095 EC, vol. V, no. 18,
Provided for the worship, Karnataka p. 226.*
daily offerings and for
the festivals of Caitra and
Pavitra
58. Queen One hāela of Yugaṁdharī to Pali district Eleventh century Early Jaina Inscriptions
the god Mahāvīra of Rajasthan, p. 31.
Also in EI, XI,
PP. 46–47.

(Continued)
Table 4.3 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

59. Lady Gift of tax-free land for South Arcot district, ce 1105–06 SII, vol. XXVI, no. 409,
food offerings in temple of Tamil p. 264
Tiruppulippagavodevar Nadu
60. Son in the A sanctuary to god Dharwar district, ce 1112 EI, vol. XIII, pp. 37–8
memory of Chandaleśvara Karnataka
mother
61. Daughter/sister Golden vessel, mirror, cover Chidambaram ce 1114 EI, vol. V, pp. 103–4
of shrine with gold and
god
62. Feudal lady Tax money to deity and Nanded district, ce 1116 Ind. Arch., 1975, p. 52
repairs of temple Maharashtra
63. Lady Gift of an image to a temple Hassan district, ce 1117 EC, vol. XV, no. 275,
Karnataka p. 5 (Suppl.)
64. Lady One kāśu for daily supply of Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1119 SII, vol. XXIII, no. 280,
an earthern pot to temple Nadu p. 193.

65. Queen Grant for god. Repair of a Karnataka ce 1135 EC, vol. XII, no. 30,
temple p. 93.*
66. Queen Repairs of Śaṅkara-nārāyaṇa Nagamangala Taluq, ce 1135 EC, vol. IV, no. 3,
temple. For Bath of god Karnataka p. 113.*
and offerings
67. Lady (status 30 shares to brāhmaṇas Gubbi Taluq, ce 1140 EC, vol. XII, no. 13–14,
not Karnataka pp. 19–20.*
mentioned)
68. Maid-servant A golden image of the Talandore Taluq, ce 1141 EC, vol. XIV, no. 178,
goddess Karnataka p. 23 (suppl.)*
69. Merchant’s Gift of image to god’s temple Kudur district, ce 1144–61 Ind. Arch. 1967, p. 44
wife Karnataka
70. Chāgaladevī Gold (amount not specified) Nagar Taluq, ce 1147 EC, vol. VIII, no. 37,
(Royal) and baskets Karnataka p. 141.*
71. Bhāgasvāmi Rice and ghee to temple Kolar Taluq, ce 1153 EC, vol. X, no. 1009,
Āḷvāṅgaisāni Karnataka p. 30.*
72. Lady Gift of an image to a temple Hassan district ce 1162 EC, vol. XV, no. 274,
Karnataka p. 4.*
73. Queen Gift of an image to a temple Tanjore district, Tamil ce 1162 SII, vol. XXVI, no. 674,
Nadu p. 458
74. Crowned Endowment to god Kali Challakere Taluq, ce 1165 EC, vol. XI, no. 77,
queen and grants for god Karnataka p. 65.*
Mallikārjjuna
75. Queen A copper-charter to increase Preserved in Madras ce 1169 EI, vol. VI, pp. 141–2.
the merit of parents Museum
76. Queen Erection of fountain-stone in Chamba district, ce 1170 Antiquities of Chamba,
the honour of god Himachal Pradesh plate No. 33,
pp. 223–4
77. Sister and aunt Gift of an image of Śaṅkara Kolar Taluq, ce 1179 EC, vol. X, no. 132,
and Umā Karnataka p. 49.*
78. Physician’s Provided for worship of Chamaranjanagar ce 1181 EC, vol. IV, no. 158,
wife Pāraveśa, for daily gifts to Taluq, Karnataka p. 21.*
munis

(Continued)
Table 4.3 Continued

S.No. Donor Nature of gift Place Date Reference

79. Wife and Endowment of money to Place not mentioned ce 1185 SII, vol. XXIV, no. 137,
daughter god Alagiyamaṇavāla- p. 167.
Perumāl
80. Grand- Set up a liṅga Challakere Taluq, ce 1187 EC, vol. XI, no. 33,
daughter of Karnataka p. 10.*
a nāyaka
81. Queen Gift of interest (of land Shikarpur Taluq, ce 1191 EC, vol. VII, no. 87,
revenue) to a temple of Karnataka p. 58.*
Ballēśvara
82. Mother Gift of income to god South Arcot district, ce 1197 SII, vol. XVII, no. 180,
Tirunāgiśuramudaiya- Tamil Nadu p. 60
Nāyanar
83. Lady Pillar erected in the honour Dharwar district, Twelfth century SII, vol. XV, no. 561,
of deity Karnataka p. 376.
84. Lady Gift of an image to a temple Monghyar district, Twelfth century Inscriptions of Bihar, no.
Bihar 118, p. 98.
 Women and sacred rites 135
donating kalaňju, which was a type of gold coin in the south region,
most of the time the purpose has been assimilated behind it. Some-
times it was for food offerings, sometimes for burning the lamp or the
bath of the deity or for feeding brāhmaṇs. Golden cāmara was also
donated in the services of the god. Various ornaments like tāli, neck-
lace and forehead decoration ornaments (mukuta) were also donated
in temples. The land by common women was also donated. It shows
their independent property rights or it can be assumed that at least
objection was not there from the family. Money was also gifted. Some-
times utensils and hay-stacks have also been donated. The table also
mentions a few dancing girls who donated various items, including
gold and perpetual lamps. J.N Farquhar defines these dancing girls as
dedicated to the service of the god, but they give their favours to his
worshippers.109 While Leslie C. Orr defines them as a woman – who
may or may not be a prostitute or dancer – who is associated with a
temple, either by having some kind of regular service function in a
temple or because her primary social identity is defined with reference
to a temple.110 Here in this inscriptional data they have been identified
as dancing girls associated with the temple.

Alvārs and Nāyanārs

Besides gifts to Hindu deities, women paid their homage to living
preachers of religion (i.e., Alvārs and Nāyanārs). During the culmina-
tion of the bhakti movement in the south during the tenth to elev-
enth centuries, temples were donated to these preachers of Vaiṣṇavism
and Śaivism. Though idols installed in temples could be of Śiva or
Viṣṇu, temples were named after their preachers. Viṣṇu temples gen-
erally have a separate shrine for the images of the Alvārs. There is
uncertainty about the historicity of some of the saints, and it is often
difficult to disentangle fact from myth in their hagiographies.111 Dona-
tion of lands and lamps to Alvārs and Nāyanārs continued in the same
fashion as was done for a deity. A Cola inscription of ce 950 found
in the south Arcot district recorded a gift of 12½ kalaňju of gold for
a perpetual lamp in the temple named after Tirvananteśvarattālvār by
Tāyaṇ Vaḍugi, a lady of Vādavūr in Paṇḍi-nāḍu.112 The temple might be
of Viṣṇu and Tiruvanteśvara could be Thirumalisai, the name of Alvār.
Almost a similar description was found in two inscriptions of ce 974
from the Salem district (Tamil Nadu).113 These Alvārs were also affili-
ated to Hindu society’s deep-rooted notions of worship, so the mode
of worship and offering in the temples dedicated to them was exactly
similar to the Hindu temples. Another inscription of ce 979 found in
136 Women and sacred rites
the Tanjavur district of Tamil Nadu gives a detailed description of the
mode of worship in a temple dedicated in the name of the Alvār.114
Though the name of the god has not been specifically mentioned, it
could be a Viṣṇu temple. Various gifts are discussed in the inscription
such as:

This records an endowment of land after purchasing the plots

from several persons, made by the queen-mother of Gaṇḍarādittaṇ
Madhurāntaka Śrī Uttamacola for the merit of her son, to the
temple of Tiruchchelūr-Alvār at Rājakesarī-Caturvedīmaṅgalam to
provide for the sacred bath of the god with 108 pots of water on
all days of saṅkranti, for offerings and a pair of cloth for the deity
and for the remuneration of the nimbi (priest) who performed
worship in the temple.115

Susmita Pande finds Alvār literature as the best example for a deep
study in theistic mysticism.116 The name of the famous female devotee
of Viṣṇu, known as Āṇṭāl or Āṇdāl, is frequently found in Tamil lit-
erature. Though we don’t find much evidence of her in inscriptional
sources, it doesn’t disprove her existence and her acceptability as Alvār
in the society. Vijaya Ramaswamy informs us that the image of Āṇdāl
is found in almost every Vaiṣṇavite temple on the left side of the image
of Viṣṇu. This practice was started by Ramanuja in the eleventh cen-
tury.117 She was considered as the first of the ‘mystic brides’. Vijaya
Ramaswamy lamented that ‘women within the Bhāgavata movement
was partially visible, almost wholly inaudible’.118 Also no reference to
the element of protest or dissent in Alvār and Nāyanārs poetry, which
attracted masses in the South, is present in the inscriptions, but their
presence in inscriptions justify that people accepted their reformatory
zeal and higher class of the society placed them on a high pedestal of
worship.

From Moksa to Kaivalya

These large descriptions of various Hindu religious expressions of
women and their participation at a large scale confirmed that revival of
Hinduism in the north gave them an open arena of religious participa-
tion for the first time, while in the south the bhakti movement was try-
ing to develop a liberalized religious atmosphere in favour of women.
It was also to counter the competition of other heterodox religious
sects like Buddhism and Jainism. Buddhism was on the decline after
the seventh century CE, but in the south, especially in the Karnataka
 Women and sacred rites 137
region, Jainsim received a great impetus. While Asim Kumar Chaterjee
defines Rajasthan, Gujarat, Bengal, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar
Pradesh and Karnataka as the major centres of Jainism.119 In inscrip-
tions, we find Rajasthan, Karnataka, Andhra and Tamil regions where
female presence for donation and adaption in Jainism is noticed. In
the religious sphere though, Hinduism had softened its manual codes,
(women could participate as independent donor) ; however, the doors
of final liberation (i.e., mokṣa) were still closed to her. It could be due
to the influence of the Dharmaśāstras, which were against women’s
accepting the life of nuns. Haripada Chakraborti has tried to justify
this argument in favour of Hindu Dharmaśāstras views in the follow-
ing words:

the real idea underlying sannyāsa has been the renunciation of the
household fires. This household fire is kindled by a man and so its
renunciation is also possible only by a man. A woman does not at
all come into the picture.120

Under such strenuous circumstances, Jainism came to the rescue of

women. In contrast to the satī in Hinduism, Jainism produced on
alternate of kaivalya to women. Its main influence was in the south. In
the early medieval period, many ruling dynasties patronized Jainism,
like the Digambara sect was patronized by Amōghavarṣa.121 K.A. Nil-
kanta Sastri credits it to the contribution made by Jaina authors to the
literature of Kannada and Tamil that Jainism had an influence in Kar-
nataka and Tamil country.122 The wives of these kings were also the
followers of Jainism, and they liberally granted lands for the basadi
(shelter place of Jaina monks) and temples of the Jains.
Table 4.4 of Jaina monasteries and temple construction shows that
like land grants, the royal class was more interested than the com-
moners in temple-building activities.123 It could be due to economic
reasons. In basadi and temple construction, more financial liabili-
ties are involved. As Karnataka was considered the main centre of
Jainism, obviously most of the basadi and temples are dedicated by
the women of this area. Even the cases of samādhi and sallekhaṇa
(voluntary renunciation of body) of women are noticed in this area
only. Besides basadi and temples, in the matter of other donations,
Jainas followed the Hindu trend. The gift of perpetual lamp land,
flower garden and oil-mill was also made to Jaina temples. Some-
times, even kings belonged to different religions, but they granted lib-
erally to those religions under whose influence their queens were. Such
activities kept the energies of women engaged. Also temple-building
Table 4.4 Contribution of females in Jaina monastery and temple-building activities Reference No. – 123

S.no. Donor Nature of beneficiary Place Date Reference

1. Vijayāditya on the Jaina monastery construction Mysore district, ce 707 EI, vol. XXXII,
request of his sister Karnataka p. 324
Kunkumadevī
(Royal)
2. Kandacci (Royal) Jaina temple Lōkatilaka Mysore district, ce 776–7 Inscriptions
constructed, repairs of wells and Karnataka of Western
temples Gangas, no. 48,
pp. 188–9
3. Jakki-Sundarī (Royal) Basadi construction Taluq Chitraldurg ce 968 EC, vol. XI, no.
74, p. 16.
4. Kundavai (Royal) Jaina temple called Śrī-Kundavai North Arcot district, ce 1012 EI, vol. IX,
Jinālaya and 20 kāśu for Tamil Nadu p. 233
perpetual lamp
5. Somaladevī (Royal) Gift of land, oil-mill, flower garden Hyderabad, Andhra ce 1024 Ind. Arch., 1961,
to a basadi Pradesh p. 41
6. Akkādevī (Royal) Land grant for Jaina temple Bijapur district, ce 1047 EI, vol. XVII,
Karnataka p. 123
7. Pochabarassi (mother) Basadi construction Coorg Taluq, Karnataka ce 1050 EC, vol. IX, no.
37, p. 174 and
EC, vol. I, no.
37, p. 66.
8. Female (name Basadi construction Kudur district, Karnataka ce 1054 EC, vol. VI, no.
and status not 9, p. 60
mentioned)
9. Chāgaladevī (Royal) Makara-toraṇa in front of Basadi Shimoga district ce 1062 EC, vol. VIII, no.
Karnataka 47, pp. 150–51
10. Kuṁchalamahādevi Revival of endowment of village Nagar Taluq, Dharwar ce 1072 SII, vol. XX, no.
(Royal) for basadi district, Karnataka 46, p. 51
11. Chaṭṭala-devī (Royal) Pancha-Jinālaya Nagar Taluq, Karnataka ce 1077 EC, vol. VIII,
nos. 39–40,
pp. 143–4.*
12. Wife and two Jina temple Shikarpur Taluq, ce 1077 EC, vol. VII, no.
daughters Karnataka 5.*
13. Queen Jina-Chaityālaya Sorab Taluq, Karnataka ce 1077 EC, vol. VIII, no.
262, p. 41.*
14. Makala-devī Jina-Chaityālaya Tiptur Taluq, Karnataka ce 1078 EC, vol. XII, no.
101, p. 61–2.*
15. Malabbe (lay-disciple) Image presented to Tirthada-basadi S’Belgola Taluq, ce 1080 EC, vol. II, no.
Karnataka 484, p. 163.*
16. Kannabe-devī Image presented to Tirthada-basadi S’Belgola Taluq, ce 1080 ______, no. 485,
Karnataka p. 163.*
17. An army General For worship and offerings in Chikkabetta Taluq, twelfth EC, vol. II, no.
basadi built by mother and wife Karnataka century 154 (125),
of a Hoysala king pp. 410–11
18. Asavabbarasī (Royal) Construction of basadi and gift of Tumbadevanahalli, ce 1096 Archaeological
wet land Karnataka Survey of
Mysore Annual
Report, 1939,
pp. 151–2
19. Mother (name Basadi construction Karnataka eleventh EC, vol. I, no. 68
and status not century (37), p. 45
mentioned)
20. Queen Chaityālaya and Jina temple Shimoga Taluq, ce 1113 EC, vol. VII, no.
Karnataka 97, p. 35.

(Continued)
Table 4.4 Continued

S.no. Donor Nature of beneficiary Place Date Reference

21. Mailama (Feudal lady) Basadi and land with various Warangal, Andhra ce 1117 EI, vol. IX,
arrangements Pradesh p. 267
22. Mothers (Māchikabbe Jaina temple and a Mandara (a car Chikkabitta Taluq, ce 1117 EC, vol. II, no.
and Śāntikabbe) on which record is engraved) Karnataka 170 (137),
pp. 428–29
23. Lakṣmī Jina Temple S’Belgola Taluq, ce 1118 EC, vol. VII,
Karnataka no. 130(68),
pp. 57–8.*
24. Lady (Royal) (name Gift of village to a Jaina disciple Chikkabetta Taluq, ce 1123 EC, vol. II, no.
not mentioned) and basadi Karnataka 162 (132),
p. 419
25. Śāntala devī Jina temple, provision for worship Chikkabetta Taluq, ce 1123 ________, no.
and food. Land grant. Also a Karnataka 132 (56),
tank to the basadi, garden of 50 p. 60.*
kolagas of wet land.
26. Dēmikabbe, (Royal) Trikūla-Jinālaya, basadi Krishnarajapet Taluq, ce 1125 EC, vol. IV, no.
Karnataka 3, p. 99.*
27. Hariyala-devī (Royal) Chaityālaya with gōpuras or Mudgere Taluq, ce 1129 EC, vol. VI, no.
towers and to provide for repairs Karnataka 22, p. 62.*
of temple, for daily worship,
distribution of food to ascetics
and old women
28. Ladies (royal) Land for basadi and arrangements Sorab district, Karnataka ce 1139 EC, vol. VIII, no.
Suggiyabbarasi and for food 233, pp. 35–6
Chaṭṭiyabbarasi
29. Pampadevī (Royal) Chaityālaya for Jina-worship Nagar Taluq, Karnataka ce 1147 EC, vol. VIII, no.
37, p. 141.*
30. Daughter (name Two Jaina temples Shimoga district, ce 1159 EC, vol. VII, no.
and status not Karnataka 159, p. 123.
mentioned)
31. Jakkavve (Royal) – do – Honnali Taluq, Karnataka ce 1160 EC, vol. VII, no.
5, p. 5.*
32. Nāyakiti Chenna-Pārāva-basadi Chiknayakanhalli Taluq, ce 1160 EC, vol. XII, no.
Karnataka 21, p. 77.*
33. Queen-mother Land granted on the name of Marwar, Rajasthan ce 1164 EI, vol. X, p. 29
(royal) (name not Mahāvīra
mentioned)
34. Wife (Feudal Basadi construction Mysore district, ce 1181 EC, vol. II, no.
lady) (name not Karnataka 444 (327),
mentioned) pp. 501–2
35. Royal women (name Jina temple Magamangal Taluq, ce 1184 EC, vol. V, no.
not mentioned) Karnataka 32, pp. 120–
21.*
36. Queen (name not Jina temple and image Chikkabetta Taluq, Twelfth EC, vol. II, no.
mentioned) Karnataka century 161(131),
p. 418
37. Royal women (name Jaina temple Chikkabetta taluq, Twelfth EC, vol. II, no.
not mentioned) Karnataka century 160 (130),
p. 417
142 Women and sacred rites
(whether in Hinduism or Jainism) was the most common expres-
sion of royal women after perpetual lamp donation. References to
the construction of Jain images are also found (e.g., Ajmer Museum
Mahāvīra image inscription of ce 1004 inscribed on the pedestal of a
red-stone image of Mahāvīra by a śrāvikā Mahādevī).124 The Ajmer
Museum image inscription of ce 1159 records the obeisance of Viga,
the daughter of Rāhila and Sonama, the former of whom was a devo-
tee of ācārya Cārūkīrti of Mathura – saṁgha.125 Inscriptions from the
south also inform of the image construction of Jain religious heads by
females. Normally females of royal dynasties joined religious sects for
spiritual and philosophical gains, and to show their respect towards
these sects they donated to them liberally. Slowly image and temple-
building also became a part of this religious activity, which was specifi-
cally followed in the Śwetāmbara sect of Jainism. A Jaina record from
Chikkanāyakanhalli Taluq informs that in ce 1160, the Jaina image
was caused to be constructed by Śrīyādevī, consort of Sāmanta-Gōva,
who was a lay-disciple of Candrāyaṇa-dēva.126 In fact the followers of
the Śwetāmbara sect imitated the Hindu practice of image building to
such an extent that like Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva ascetic temples (Alvārs and
Nāyanārs), temples on the name of Jaina teachers and preachers were
also constructed. An inscription of ce 1058 from the Bangalore district
speaks of a temple donated on the name of a Jaina teacher by a woman
in the following language:

Rājādhirāja Kongālva’s mother Pochabbarasi had (an image of) her

gurū Guṇasena-Paṇḍita-deva of the Dravila-gaṇa, nandi sangha,
and Irungalānavaya, made and gave it with pouring of water.127

Such a blind reproduction produced a big challenge to Hinduism. It

was hard for Hindu law codes to find any solution to the problem
of salvation (mokṣa) for women except the horrible practice of satī,
which was for married women only and that too for the vain idea
of reunion in heaven with husband. The Śwetāmbara sect of Jainism
propagated rules and regulations of kaivalya for a female on the equal
ground as that for a man. Many royal class as well as laywomen joined
various sanghas of the Śwetāmbara sect and beg the shelter of various
gurūs. Table 4.5 of Jaina female disciples shows that women joined
various sanghas and attained various levels there (e.g., they were lay
disciples, priestess and women ascetic etc.).128 They tried to find the
depth of spiritual and philosophical aspects of religion for which they
had chosen teachers who were eminent scholars. They not only taught
them about religious philosophies but also educated them in the field
Table 4.5 Female disciples of various Jaina sanghas Reference No. – 128

S.no. Designation with Name of guru and sangha Place Date Reference
name of pupil

1. Dhaṇṇekuṭṭārevi Perumālu-guravaḍigal S’Belgola Taluq, Mysore ce 700 EC, vol. II, no. 7 (10),
(guravi-priestess) district Karnataka p. 3.
2. Nāgamati-gantiyar - do – S’Belgola Taluq, Karnataka - do - EC, vol. II, 20(2),
pp. 5–6.*
3. Rajňimati-ganti Āli-gaṇa of Nimilūr sangha - do – - do – ______, no. 97, p. 43.*
4. Prabhāvatī - do - - do - - do – ______, no. 114 (27),
p. 45.*
5. Kamvaṅgare-kanti Uttanindipuri-Maṇḍala- Kolar Taluq, Karnataka ce 903 EC, vol. X, no. 90,
(female-discipline) bhaṭṭāra p. 27.*
6. Cāmekāmbā (Royal Arhanandin (with line of Not mentioned ce 945 EI, vol. VII, pp. 191–2
class woman) succession)
7. Śāntiyabbe (lay- Vimalacandra-paṇḍita-deva Mudgere Taluq, Karnataka ce 960 EC, vol. VI, no. 11,
disciple) p. 60.*
8. Pāmbabbe (senior Devendra Siddhānta- Kadur Taluq, Karnataka ce 971 EC, vol. VI, no. 1, p. 1
queen) bhaṭāra, chief of the
Desiya-gaṇa
9. Kanakavira-kurattiyar Gunakirtti-bhatara North Arcot district, Tamil tenth SII, vol. XIII, no. 245,
(a woman-ascetic) Nadu century p. 130
10. Pōcabbarasi (lay- Guṇasena-Paṇḍita-deva of Coorg Taluq, Karnataka ce 1050 EC, vol. IX, no. 37,
disciple) Dravila-gaṇa of nandi p. 174
sangha
11. Jakiyabbe-ganti (lay- Vajrapani-Pandita of Mudgere Taluq, Karnataka ce 1054 EC, vol. VI, no. 9,
disciple) Surastragana p. 60

(Continued)
Table 4.5 Continued

S.no. Designation with Name of guru and sangha Place Date Reference
name of pupil

12. Pōcabbarasi (Royal, Guṇasena-Paṇḍita-deva of Coorg Taluq, Karnataka ce 1058 EC, vol. I, no. 35,
lay-disciple) Dravila-gaṇa of nandi p. 66.*
sangha
13. Echla-devī (lay- - do – Arkalgud Taluq, Karnataka ce 1060 EC, vol. V, no. 98,
disciple) p. 262.*
14. Mālabbe (lay-disciple) Devanandi-bhaṭṭāraka S’Belgola Taluq, Karnataka ce 1080 EC, vol. II, no. 484,
p. 163.*
15. Arasavve-ganti (lay- Ramacandra-deva of Arkalgud Taluq, Karnataka ce 1095 EC, vol. V, no. 96,
disciple) Kalnele of Surasta-gaṇa p. 262.*
16. Macave-ganti (lay- Ravicandra Tumbadevanahalli ce 1096 Arch. Survey of
disciple) Mysore, 1939,
pp. 151–2
17. Basavave-ganti (lay- Divakaranandi-siddhanta- Yedatore Taluq, Karnataka ce 1099 EC, vol. IV, no. 24,
disciple) deva of Desi-gaṇa of śrī- p. 55.*
mūla-sangha
18. Lakṣmī (lay-disciple) Śubhacandra- Chikkabetta Taluq, ce 1113 EC, vol. I, no. 68 (37),
Siddhāntadeva of Mūla- Karnataka p. 45
samgha
19. Bacala-devī (Royal) Desiya-gaṇa, Śrī-Mūla- Shimoga Taluq, Karnataka ce 1113 EC, vol. VII, no. 97,
sangha p. 36.*
20. Lakṣmī (lay-disciple) Śubhacandra- S’Belgola taluq, Karnataka ce 1118 EC, vol. II, no.
Siddhāntadeva of Mūla- 130(68), pp. 57–8.*
samgha
21. Demiyakka (lay- Śubhacandra- Mysore district, Karnataka ce 1120 EC, vol. II, no.
disciple) Siddhāntadeva of Mūla- 129(49), pp. 56–7.
samgha
22. Jakkiyavve - do – - do – ce 1120 EC, vol. II, no. 400,
(daṇḍanāyakiti) p. 170.*
(lay-disciple)
23. Lakṣmīmatī Śubhacandra- S/Belagola Taluq, ce 1121 EC, vol. II, no.
(daṇḍanāyakiti) Siddhāntadeva of Mūla- Karnataka 128(48), p. 56.
(lay-disciple) samgha
24. Śāntala devī (senior Prabhācandra- Mysore district of ce 1123 EC, vol. II, no.
queen) Siddhāntadeva Karnataka 132(56), p. 60.
25. Hariyala-devī (Royal) Māghanandi-siddhānta- Mudgere taluq, Karnataka ce 1129 EC, vol. VI, no. 22,
devā of Śrī-Mūla-sangha p. 62.*
26. Jakavve-kantiyar and Prabhācandra- siddhānta- Nagamangala Taluq, ce 1130 EC, vol. IV, no. 21,
Rukamavve (lay- devā of Śrī-Mūla-sangha Karnataka p. 117.*.
disciple)
27. Suggiyabbarasi Māghanandi-bratīndra Sorab Taluq, Shimoga ce 1139 EC, vol. VIII, no. 233,
district, Karnataka pp. 35–6
28. Jākkave (royal) Nayakīrti Devayatī Hassan district, Karnataka ce 1155 EC, vol. V, no. 57,
Padamiyakka (elder p. 16
sister)
29. Śrīyādevī (lay-disciple) Candrāyaṇa-dēva Chikkanayakanhalli Taluq, ce 1160 Annual Report of
Karnataka Mysore Archaeology,
1918, p. 45
30. Māciyakka (lay- Gaṇḍavimukta-deva of Tumkur Taluq, Karnataka ce 1160 EC, vol. XII, no. 38,
disciple) Desiya-gaṇa of Śrī-Mūla- p. 10.*
sangha
31. Acaladevī (Royal) Bālacandra Not mentioned ce 1173 Transactions of
Archaeological
Society of South
India, 1958, pp. 24–6

(Continued)
Table 4.5 Continued

S.no. Designation with Name of guru and sangha Place Date Reference
name of pupil

32. Sōma (Royal) Nayakīrti Shravanbelagola Taluq, ce 1181 EC, vol. II, no.
Karnataka 327(124), p. 138.
33. Acala-Devī (lay- Nayakīrti-siddhāntadeva of Channarayapatna Taluq, ce 1182 EC, vol. V, no. 185,
disciple) śrī-mūla-sangha Karnataka p. 192.*
34. Jakkala-devī(Royal) Māghanandi Nagamangal Taluq ce 1184 EC, vol. IV, no. 32,
Karnataka pp. 120–1
35. Ecikabbe (lay-disciple) Śubhacandra-siddhānta- S’Belagola Taluq, ce 1185 EC, vol. II, no.
deva Karnataka 384(144), p. 167.*
36. Lakṣmī (lay-disciple) īubhacandra-Siddhānta- Mysore district, Karnataka twelfth EC, vol. II, no. 160
deva of Mūla-samgha century (130), p. 417
37. Śāntala (Royal) Prabhā-Candramuni Chikkabetta taluq twelfth EC, vol. II, no. 161
Karnataka century (131), p. 418
38. Nagamati-ganti (lay- Moni-guravaḍigal Karnataka Not EC, vol. II, no. 23 (20)
disciple) mentioned
39. Somaladevī (lay- Śubhacandra- Shikarpur Taluq, ce 1200 EC, vol. VII, no. 232,
disciple) siddhāntadeva Karnataka p. 133.*
40. Maḷiyakka (lay- Bālacandra-paṇḍita -deva Gubbi taluq, Karnataka ce 1200 EC, vol. XII, no. 5,
disciple) of Desiya-gaṇa and sri p. 17.*
mūla-sangha
 Women and sacred rites 147
of grammar, logic, poetry and drama. The description given of the
qualities of a gurū of a royal female in an inscription of ce 1155 (found
in the Hassan district of Karnataka) made it clear that joining of any
sangha was not a decision taken in haste, but the knowledge of these
gurūs on various aspects attracted their attention, as is clear from the
language of the inscription.129 These religious teachers preached the
path of strī-mokṣa, and for it a proper dīkṣā process was prescribed
in these sanghas. A Kannada inscription of ce 1117 made it clear that
dīkṣā was also given to women.130 It was considered as the first step
towards their entry into the spiritual world. They gave up home, mar-
riage and husband in search of salvation. It raised a controversy in
Hinduism and Jainism, because Hinduism did not show any such lib-
erality towards women. Salvation to a Hindu woman was her house
and husband. Women in Jainism are seen as more powerful and free to
opt for religious and spiritual growth, but nowhere have we seen these
females engaged in theological debates or becoming a spiritual icon.
In Jainism too, there was a strong conflict between Śwetāmbara and
Digambara sects regarding the concept of strī-mokṣa. Padmanabh S.
Jaini has debated the issue of salvation of women in these two Jaina
sects. According to him, ‘It is no surprise that clothes came to occupy
a central position in the debates on the possible salvation of women’.
Digambaras though never permitted nudity to women, but wearing
clothes were ‘possessions’ and without renouncing all ‘possessions’
mokṣa could not be attained. Śwetāmbara, on the other hand, did
not consider clothes a possession (parigraha) but rather an indispen-
sable component of the religious life. Therefore, nuns wore clothes in
strict accordance with monks and were granted the full status of men-
dicancy.131 More important, however, was that women were thus con-
sidered eligible to attain mokṣa in that very female body – a prospect
possible to any nun who was sufficiently adept spiritually. Mokṣa was
therefore based not on the biological condition but on spiritual devel-
opment alone.132 Padmanabh S. Jaini further credits this viewpoint of
the Śwetāmbara to Yāpanīyas sect, which was an obscure Jaina sect of
the second century CE.133
Jainism further opened its door for sanyāsana and sallekhanā for
women. They were regarded as claimants to kaivalya (complete eman-
cipation). Jyotsna K. Kamat tries to argue that a housewife, a sister, a
mother or a daughter would renounce the world, as per Jaina injunc-
tions, when the inner call came,134 but until then they could lead a
saintly life as devotees (śrāvikīs). Attimabbe, the great philanthro-
pist, was only a śrāvakī, like Saviyabbe.135 Even the female disciples
(śiṣyanti) of Ācārya Śrīnandi Paṇḍitadeva observed the severe eight
148 Women and sacred rites
fasts and therefore known as aṣtōpavāsiganti.136 The Śwetāmbara sect
definitely gave a different religious outlook to the issue of women’s
salvation. Widows in the south found it more suitable than satī. In the
chapter on ‘Marriage, Widowhood and Satī’ in this book, an elaborate
discussion on this issue has been done, but here a few more examples
are being cited. In ce 950, an inscription of Bangalore district referred
a woman who expired performing sanyāsanam as:

May prosperity to the Jina śāsana. Śrīmat Nāgattara’s daughter

Toṇḍabbe, performing sanyāsanam expired.137

Jainism although laid particular emphasis on non-injury to living

beings, yet encouraged religious suicide called sallekhaṇa. There are
numerous inscriptional references speaking of sallekhaṇa through
sanyāsanam. An inscription of ce 1050 from Coorg taluq of the Ban-
galore district speaks of it in the familiar tone as:

Be it well . . . desiring the other world and benefactress of others,

without hesitation deciding, ‘I will obtain mukti, obtaining the
consent of her relatives, the wonderful Jakkiyabbe, the mantraki
of Chandiyyabegavuṇḍi, the śrāvaki of Kastūrī-bhaṭṭāra performed
sanyāsanam and expired. Her husband was the śrāvaka Edayya.138

This inscription shows that both husband and wife had adopted Jain-
ism. The wife exceeded and chose for sanyāsanam with the consent of
her relatives. The sanyāsa and samādhi references are found frequently
in the inscriptions dating from the seventh century to the thirteenth
century CE.139 An inscription of ce 971, found in the Kadur district of
Karnataka, speaks of the method of penance in Jainas.140 Overall, it
seems that women had distinctly better liberty in the so-called hetero-
dox sects than in brāhmaṇism, as we do not find women of brāhmaṇical
order making a large number of donations in this period.141
A senior queen penanced for thirty long years and set an extraor-
dinary example of the strong Jaina notion of penance. Besides it an
inscription of ce 1131 from Sravana Belgola taluq of Karnataka also
speaks in a very devotional tone about the sanyāsa and samādhi per-
formance of a lady named Mācikabbe in the following words:

‘The queen has attained the state of the gods; I cannot remain
(behind)’, thus saying her mother, the proficient Mācikabbe, came
to Beḷagola, and, adopting severe sanyāsana, she too renounced
the world. The half closed eyes, the repetition of five expressions,
 Women and sacred rites 149
the method of meditating on Jinēndra, the dignity in taking leave
of relatives, evidencing sanyāsa, Mācikabbe, fasting cheerfully, for
one month, easily attained the state of gods by samādhi in the
presence of all the blessed. Devoted to the feet of Jina, endowed
with virtues, remarkable for devotion to her husband, – thus
praised by people of Mācikabbe.142

The very first line of the inscription equates queen with the attainment
of state of God (goddess), while equating women with goddesses is
tantamount to denying them a status of normality of existence. This
symbol of transcendence detracts from women’s actual position in
society.143 Jainism also propagated life after attainment of samādhi
almost in the similar fashion as that of heaven gain in Hinduism. In
this way it tried to capture en-masse Hindu faith, especially female.
An inscription of ce 1174 speaks of Haryyale, who while performing
Jaina rites of final departure expressed her wishes for the construction
of a Jina temple and further about the next world in the following
manner:

Then, in the presence of the feet of Jīnendra, repeating with a loud

voice the five words without forgetting them, breaking the net of
desires by which she was surrounded, – so that all the people in
the world applauded, the woman Haryyale, by means of tomb,
entered the Indraloka. Hearing of her arrival, the celestial nymphs
of the city of the immortals came forth, adorned her with garland
and jewels, and invited her to mount the car of glory. And bearing
her along with songs and music and waving of chāmaras, she thus
made her entry into the Surendra-loka.144

The language of this inscription carries the tone of Jaina samādhi

and Hindu swarga in the same breath. Such symbolic representation of
heaven naturally attracted Hindu women lot to get attracted towards
Jainism that was coming with dual purpose; first, here on the earth
she was being highly venerated and secondly, it was liberating her soul
from the bondage of birth and death. This was different from satī
which was performed to re-unite with husband in heaven (swarga).
Generally nisidhi was constructed in honour of self-mortifying
monks and nuns. Place as well as posture was selected by themselves
only. S. Settar has divided nisidhis into three categories. First, those
nisidhis which were erected in the honour of those who followed
Jaina rituals like sanyāsana, samādhi and sallekhaṇa. Secondly, it
was erected for those who without formal initiation and meditation
150 Women and sacred rites
observed partial vows and died. The third category was of those
who did not go through the rituals but due to their social or eccle-
siastical status or because of their services rendered remarkably in
promoting the dharma.145 Their observance of rituals was consid-
ered symbolic rather than real. S. Settar informed that all the nisi-
dhis, erected earlier than ce 1100, commemorate the death of the
houseless or monks and nuns.146 We have three examples from Chik-
kabetta taluq of Karnataka of the period ce 1113,147 ce 1122148 and
ce 1123,149 where nisidhis were constructed by a wife, a husband
and brother-in-law, respectively. Such descriptions also defy the
claims of Al-berūnī’s statement that religious suicide ‘was resorted
to by those who are tired of life, who are distressed over some incur-
able disease, some irremovable bodily defect or old age or infim-
ity’. Burning oneself is forbidden to brāhmaṇas and kṣatriyas by a
‘special law’,150 but Al-berūnī speaks of Hindu forms of religious
suicides. Jainas opened it for all without taking into consideration
the barriers of caste and sex. It seems to be possible that women
were more attracted towards Jainism and adopted difficult process
of penance and samādhi in the hope of mokṣa. And Jainism took
full advantage in glorifying sanyāsana and samādhi as Hinduism
did for satī. A large number of inscriptions dating from ce 600 to
1200 speak of cases of females adopting the Jaina way of attain-
ing samādhi. Inscriptions of ce 700 from Sravana Belgola taluq of
Karnataka speak of such cases.151 Other cases belonging to the early
medieval period have also been noticed.152 An inscription of ce 975
from the Shimoga district recorded the samādhi of a Jaina woman in
the following words:

The death of Amritabbe, a Jaina nun by the rite of penance and

Samādhi and the erection of a memorial for her by her son.153

It doesn’t indicate her husband being alive as a memorial was erected

by the son, so the woman could be a widow. Another inscription of
ce 1121 of Chikka Betta taluq of Mysore speaks of a Jaina devotee
Pōchāṃbike performing sallekhaṇa. It reads as:

Lo! when I think of making an effort to describe it, my hair stands

on end. Obeisance to Vitarāga, triumphing over the effects of being
a house-holder and a woman and of the present times, Pocāṃbike
easily took possession of the world of gods by the perfection of
the rite of sallekhaṇa.
On Monday, the 5th lunar day of the bright fortnight of Āṣāḍha,
in the Śaka year 1043, the year Śārvari, adopting sanyāsana,
 Women and sacred rites 151
observing the rule of lying on one side only, uttering the five salu-
tions, she went to the world of gods.154

An inscription of ce 1200 found in Shikarpur Taluq of Karnataka speaks

of the death of Sōmala-devī through Jaina rites.155 An inscription of
ce 31131 from Sravana Belgola taluq of Karnataka also speaks about the
attainment of samādhi by way of fasting by a female named Mācikabbe.156
Jainism and Buddhism both provided two options to women seek-
ing spiritual gain and salvation. First, becoming lay disciples, and sec-
ondly becoming bhikkuṇīs, nuns or adopting sanyāsa and samādhi.
The shifts from worldly enjoyment to monastic renunciation, from
courtesan to nun, tend to be replaced with more subtle transforma-
tions from selfish household existence or sensual enjoyment to various
states of pleasure through the paradigm of servitude.
From the study of inscriptional sources, certain observations can be
drawn on the religious freedom of women:

• It was a period of religious rivalry and co-ordination simultane-

ously. All the religions including Buddhism, Jainism and Hinduism
tried to attract women by various religious activities and ideas.
Though Buddhism was almost declining, its influence could be felt
only in Bengal and Bihar.
• Jainism was flourishing in south India. It replaced Buddhism
there. The doctrine of kaivalya of Jainism successfully attracted
the women in the south.
• Brāhmaṇism was successful in retaining its hold in the northern
part of India. Though in the south, due to the bhakti movement
and the challenge of Jainism, it had to come up with a liberal
outlook. In the eastern part of India the influence of Buddhism,
Hinduism and Śaivism was prevalent.
• The brāhmaṇical attempts to oust women from ritual involvement
have more or less failed as they diverted from Hinduism to Jain-
ism and somewhere towards Buddhism, which was a setback to
Hinduism.
• The study of various tables in the chapter shows:
a. I In the early medieval period, land was getting concentrated
in temples, basadis and monasteries. Women were liberally
donating land for the cause of religion. Due to economic rea-
sons, the royal women donated more than common women
for the construction of huge temple structures.
b. The study of perpetual lamp donations shows the high level
of participation of common masses as well as concern for its
152 Women and sacred rites
cattle-wealth in the south. Besides perpetual lamp, donations
of gold, silver and copper shows the transactions at various
levels besides monetary gains to religious institutions.
c. Female saints had a deep influence over the society of the
south. They were liberally accepted by the society. Due to
their influence, Hinduism had to liberate its bonds on women.
d. Women of the early medieval period were joining various
sects. Though direct reference to their inter-religious conver-
sion was not found, a feeling of competition was there among
these religions, and their special emphasis was to attract
women.
e. In Jaina sanghas, no reference to a female teacher/tutor was
found. A large number of Jaina female disciples are referred
to in the epigraphic sources there, but no female name was
found that headed the Jaina sangha.

Notes
§ All inscriptions marked with asterisk (*) have been cited from CD-ROM
(Epigraphia Carnatica – Old Series) published by the Indian Council of
Historical Research (ICHR), Southern Regional Centre, Bangalore.
1 The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 9, p. 1019.
2 Ibid., vol. 26, p. 509.
3 N.Q. Pankaj, State and Religion in Ancient India, Chug Publications, New
Delhi, 1983, p. 187.
4 Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India, rpt., Orient Books
Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, (1883), reprint 1974, p. 2.
5 According to M. Williams, Vedism was the earliest form of the religion
of the Indian branch of the great Aryan family. Brāhmaṇism grew out
of Vedism. It was a philosophy rather than a religion, and its funda-
mental doctrine was spiritual Pantheism. Finally, Hinduism grew out of
Brāhmaṇism. He defines that Hinduism is Brāhmaṇism modified by creeds
and superstitions of Buddhists and non-Aryan races of all kinds, including
Drāviḍians, Kolarians and perhaps pre-Kolarian aborigines. (ibid., p. 3).
6 Ibid., p. 59.
7 R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Age of Imperial Unity, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
Bombay, 1951, 4th edn., 1968, p. 372.
8 Ibid., p. 387.
9 N.Q. Pankaj, State and Religion in Ancient India, p. 191.
10 Ibid., p. 199.
11 A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, p. 267.
12 V.A. Smith, Early History of India, p. 458.
13 Ibid., p. 459.
14 K.A. Nilkanta Sastri, A History of South India, Oxford University Press,
London, 1966, p. 423.
15 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 194.
 Women and sacred rites 153
16 Ibid., p. 196–7.
17 Piloo Nanavutty, ‘The Influence of Religion’, cited in Tara Ali Beg ed.,
Women of India, p. 132.
18 Ibid.
19 Romila Thapar, ‘Looking Back in History’, cited in Devaki Jain ed., Indian
Women, Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,
New Delhi, 1975, p. 13.
20 B. Sahai, ed., Inscriptions of Bihar, no. 95, Ramanand Vidya Bhawan,
New Delhi, 1983, pp. 82–3, and JBORS, vol. XXVI, no. 88, p. 251.
21 Ibid.
22 Ibid., no. 97, pp. 83–4, and JBORS, vol. XXVI, no. 79, p. 248.
23 B.P. Majumdar, ‘A Revolution of Buddhism in Bihar and the Uttar Pradesh
(c. 635–1197 ad)’, JBORS, vol. 1, 1956, p. 464.
24 Sten Konow, ‘Sarnath Inscription of Kumāradevī’, EI, vol. IX, 1907–8,
pp. 327–8.
25 E. Hultzsch, ‘Two Pillar Inscriptions at Amravati’, EI, vol. VI, 1900–01,
p. 146.
26 Ibid., p. 156.
27 Rāj., III, 2, p. 24.
28 Ibid., III, 9–12, p. 24.
29 Lalamani Joshi, Studies in Buddhistic Culture of India: During Seventh
and Eighth Centuries A.D., Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, 1987, p. 18.
30 Clarisse Bader, Women in Ancient India: Moral and Literary Studies,
Anmol Publications, Delhi, French edition originally published in 1867,
reprint 1987, p. 12.
31 ukfLr L=h.kka i’FkX;Kkas u o’ra ukI;qiks”k.ke~A
  For women there is no separate sacrifice, nor vow, nor even fast; if a
woman obeys her husband, by that she is exalted in heaven.
  Manu, V, 155, ed. by Burnell and Hopkins, p. 133.
32 laR;T; ;nk I’;s}yh ifyrekReu%A
iq=s”kq Hkk;kZa fuf{kI; ou’ xPNsRlgSo okAA
  All food from towns is to be given up, and all the utensils as well. He may
go to the jungle, having given his wife over to (his) sons, or with her also.
  Manu, VI, 3, in ibid., p. 134.
  The option is to leave his wife behind, when he retires to forest, or take
her with him is interpreted by Medhātithi as implying that she is to be left
behind if still a matron (taruṇī) and taken to the forest if she is also aged.
But no Dharmaśāstras talks of mokṣa on the same line as that of male to
female also. Immortality seemed to be associated with males only.
33 K.V. Rangaswami Aiyangar, Aspects of the Social and Political System of
Manusmriti, Lucknow University, Lucknow, 1949, pp. 163–4.
34 Cynthia Talbot, ‘Temples, Donors and Gifts: Patterns of Patronage in
Thirteenth Century South India’, JAS, vol. 50, no. 1–4, February–Novem-
ber 1991, p. 328.
35 Ibid., pp. 335–6.
36 Harihar Singh, ‘Women’s Patronage to Temple Architecture’, cited in
Kumkum Roy ed., Women in Early Indian Societies, p. 286.
37 Table 4.1 dealing with women’s association with land grants. These land
grants, which were given mostly for religious purposes, mostly belong to
royal females of the south India.
154 Women and sacred rites
38 R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India,
Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1983, 2nd edn., 1995, p. 274.
39 Ibid., p. 280.
40 D.C. Sircar, ‘Two Inscriptions From Jaipur’, EI, vol. XXVIII, 1949–50,
pp. 182–3.
  Plate A: Haṁsēśvara temple inscription of the time of Bhauma-Kāra
dynasty reads as ‘There was a mighty king in Bhauma family with the
name (Śu) bhākara. Queen Mādhvadevī as the wife of king built a temple
of god Bhava (i.e., Śiva) entitled Mādhaveśvara, deity was installed on
behalf of the queen Mādhvadevī after her name’ (vv. 2–3).
41 Plate B: Cāmuṇḍā image inscription of Vatsadevī, cited in ibid., pp. 183–4.
42 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Sattamangalam Inscription of Kampavarman’, The
Inscriptions of Pallavas, no. 198, p. 532.
43 Kesavan Veluthat, The Early Medieval in South India, p. 85.
44 Plate B: Cāmuṇḍā image inscription of Vatsadevī, EI, vol. XXVIII, 1949–
50, p. 184.
45 Rāj., V, 158, p. 78.
46 Indraji Bhagwanji and G. Bȕhler, ‘Inscriptions From Nepal’, IA, vol. IX,
1880, p. 172.
47 V.V. Mirashi, ‘Saugar Stone Inscription of Sankaragana’, EI, vol. XXVII,
p. 164.
48 J.F. Fleet, ‘Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions’, IA, vol. X, p. 164.
  The temple of Lōkeśvara (Śiva) named after the Lōkamahādevi, the
queen Vikramāditya II.
49 J.F. Fleet, ‘Pattadakal Pillar Inscription of the Time of Kirtīvarman II’, EI,
vol. III, pp. 6–7.
50 E. Hultzsch, ‘The Pallava Inscriptions of the Kailāśanātha Temple at
Kanchipuram’, SII, vol. I, no. 20, p. 24.
51 Laxman S. Thakur, The Architectural Heritage of Himachal Pradesh:
Origin and Development of Temple Styles, Munishram Manoharlal, New
Delhi, 1996, p. 129.
52 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Chitrur Plates of Nrpatungavarman’, Inscriptions of
the Pallavas, no. 152,pp. 439–50.
53 L.D. Barnett, ‘Three Inscriptions From Hattur’, EI, vol. XVI, p. 82.
54 J. Ph. Vogel, Antiquities of Chamba State, pp. 196–9.
  The copper-plate inscriptions of Somavarman and Āsaṭa record of
Rarḍha-devī, the queen of Sālavāhana, who erected two temples of Śiva
and Viṣṇu. It also follows that the queens of Chamba did not become satī
after the death of their husbands, while Rajasthan, which was a nearby
state, was producing glaring examples of satī in this period.
55 HAS, 5–10, 1922, pp. 10–12.
56 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. III, no. 164, p. 112.
57 Almost similar translated verses of the Brahmēśvara temple inscription of
Mahābhavagupta IV Uddyatakesarin are found in Ajay Mitra Shastri, ed.,
Inscriptions of the Sarbhapurīyas, Pāṅduvaṁśins and Somavaṁśins, Part
II, ICHR, New Delhi, 1995, p. 308.
58 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Kanchipuram Inscription of Nandivarman-II’, Inscrip-
tions of the Pallavas, pp. 259–60.
  The names mentioned in the inscription are viz., (1) Perunaṅgai
Poṇṇaḍi, (2) Atimāṇi Mādevī, (3) Kumaraḍi Māṇikkadevī, (4) Tigaimaṇi
 Women and sacred rites 155
Guṇatuṅgi, (5) Tigaimaṇi Śuddi, (6) Sindaḍikumaraḍi naṅgādai Aṇiyātitti,
(7) Mūttiavvaḍiviňcaḍi pādaḍi Kulakkoḍi, (8) Avvaḍinaṅgaṇ muḍiyakkaṇ
Śrīdevī, (9) Naṅkāmi Mādevī, (10) Nilimaṇavāṭṭi devaḍimaṇippoṛṛi Arimāṇi,
(11) Naṅguṇavibahuvalakāmi, (12) Maḷalainocci Tālimāṇikkam, (13) Cit-
tiranidi Nerippāgi, (14) Viṇayaḍi avvaḍi Śiṛunaṅgai, (15) Kāmaḍi mādi
Tigaimaṇi.
59 Leslie C. Orr, Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God: Temple Women
in Medieval Tamil Nadu, pp. 66.
60 SII, vol. X, no. 262, p. 136.
61 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 37, p. 8.
62 L.D. Barnett, ‘Inscriptions at Narendra’, EI, vol. XIII, p. 299.
63 F. Kielhorn, ‘Bhera-Ghat Stone Inscription of the Queen Alhaṇadevī’, EI,
vol. II, p. 8.
64 Ibid., 16.
65 L.D. Barnett, ‘Three Inscriptions From Hattur’, EI, vol. XVI, p. 81.
66 Ibid., p. 82.
67 E. Hultzsch, ‘Pithapuram Pillar Inscription of Prithvīśvara’, EI, vol. IV,
pp. 52–3.
68 N. Karashima (et.al.), ‘Maṭhas and Medieval Religious Movements in
Tamil Nadu: An Epigraphical Study (Part II)’, IHR, vol. 38, no. 2, 2012,
pp. 199–211, 203.
69 G. Bȕhler, ‘An Undated Praśasti From the Reign of Mahendrapāla of
Kanauj’, EI, vol. I, p. 250.
70 Hira Lal, ‘Sirpur Stone Inscription of the Time of Mahaśivagupta’, EI, vol.
XI, pp. 195–6.
71 Urmila Bhagoliwal, Vaiṣṇavism and Society in Northern India: A.D. 700–
1200, Intellectual Book Corner, New Delhi, 1980, p. 72.
72 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Tippasamudram Inscription of Kampavarman’,
Inscriptions of the Pallava, no. 221, pp. 569–70.
73 E. Hultzsch, ‘Two Inscriptions of Vaillabhattaswamin Temple at Gwalior’,
EI, vol. I, pp. 157–8.
74 Hira Lal, ‘Kankali Inscriptions’, Inscriptions in the Central Province and
Berar, 1932, p. 177.
75 F. Kielhorn, ‘Udaypur Inscription of Aparajita’, EI, vol. IV, p. 30.
76 G. Bȕhler, ‘Praśasti of Temple of Lakhā Maṇdal at Maḍhā in Jaunsār
Bāwar’, EI, vol. I, p. 15.
77 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Kanchipuram Inscription’, Inscriptions of the Pallava,
no. 315, p. 706.
78 R.D. Banerjee, ‘Bayana Inscription of Chitralekha’, EI, vol. XXII, p. 120.
79 Ibid., p. 121.
80 T.A. Gopinatha Rao, ‘Mamballi Plate of Srivallavangodai’, EI, vol. IX,
1907–8, p. 235.
81 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 292, p. 144. C.V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol.
XIII, no. 102, p. 49. T.N. Subramanian, South Indian Temple Inscriptions,
vol. III, part II, Government Oriental Manuscripts Library and Research
Centre, Madras, 1957, p. 98.
82 C.V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol. XIII, no. 243, p. 130.
83 G.S. Gai, SII, vol. XXII, no. 46, p. 24.
84 P. Sreenivasachar, Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, no. 25, p. 10.
85 F. Kielhorn, ‘Vasantagadh Inscription of Purṇapāla’, EI, vol. IX, p. 12.
156 Women and sacred rites
86 Brij Narain Sharma, Social Life in Northern India: ad 600–1000, Mun-
shiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1966, p. 180.
87 F. Kielhorn, op. cit., pp. 11–12.
88 B.N. Sharma, op. cit., p. 146.
89 P.N. Chopra, B.N. Puri and M.N. Das, A Social, Cultural and Economic
History of India, Palgrave Macmillan India Ltd., Madras, 1974, p. 207.
90 L.D. Barnett, ‘Bhubaneshwar Inscription of the Royal Asiatic Society’,
EI, vol. XIII, pp. 154–5.
91 T.N. Subramanian, SII, vol. III, part II, p. 196.
92 Pushpa Niyogi, Contributions to the Economic History of Northern
India, Progressive Publishers, Calcutta, 1962, p. 297.
93 Kumkum Roy, Looking Within Looking Without: Exploring House-
holds in the Subcontinent Through Time, Primus Books, Delhi, 2015,
p. 220.
94 Vijaya Ramaswamy, ‘Anklets on the Feet’, p. 95.
95 Vijaya G. Babras, The Position of Women During the Yadava Period,
p. 151.
96 Susie Tharu and K. Lalita, eds., Women Writing in India: 600 bc to the
Present; vol. I, pp. 88–9.
97 Daud Ali, ‘From Nāyikā to Bhakta: A Genealogy of Female Subjectivity
in Early Medieval India’, in Julia Leslie and Mary McGee, ed., Invented
Identities: The Interplay of Gender, Religion and Politics in India, p. 160.
98 Vijaya Ramaswami, Walking Naked: Women, Society and Spirituality in
South India, IIAS, Shimla, 1997, pp. 10–11.
99 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. XVI, no. 11, p. 85.
100 Devika Rangachari, Invisible Women Visible Histories, p. 111.
101 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘The Narttamalai Inscription of Nrpatungavarman’,
Inscriptions of the Pallavas, no. 154, pp. 452–3.
102 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Tirumayyam Inscription’, no. 260, ibid., p. 640.
103 Gertrude Emerson Sen, The Story of Early Indian Civilization, Orient
Longmans, New Delhi, 1964, p. 114.
  90 sheep and goats, 25–30 cows or 5–6 buffaloes were essential to
maintain one perpetual lamp.
104 Laxman S. Thakur, The Architectural Heritage of Himachal Pradesh,
p. 133.
105 Gertrude Emerson Sen, op. cit., pp. 114–15.
106 In the table on perpetual lamp donations in temples by women during the
period from ad 600–1200, mainly young sheep and Kalaňju (gold coin)
formed the items for perpetual lamps. This trend was mainly followed in
the south.
107 Leslie C. Orr, Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God: Temple Women
in Medieval Tamil Nadu, p. 5.
108 A table of various gift items by women donated for religious purpose
shows their large participation. For convenience, I have divided gift items
into gold (first), silver (second), copper (third) and other categories.
109 J.N. Farquhar, Modern Religious Movements in India, 1st edn, Palgrave
Macmillan India Ltd., New York, 1914, Munshiram Manoharlal Orien-
tal Publishers, New Delhi, 1967, pp. 408–9.
110 Leslie C.Orr, op.cit.
 Women and sacred rites 157
111 Upinder Singh, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India, p. 617.
112 C.V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol. XIII, no. 60, p. 27.
113 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 85, 86, p. 44.
  It speaks of gifts of gold for burning a perpetual lamp in the temple
dedicated to Kūḍal-Alvār by queens (temple would be of Viṣṇu).
114 Ibid., no. 285, p. 119.
115 Ibid.
116 Susmita Pande, Birth of Bhakti in Indian Religions and Art, Books and
Books Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p. 115.
117 Vijaya Ramaswamy, Walking Naked, IIAS, Shimla, 1997, p. 122.
118 Ibid., p. 121.
119 Upinder Singh, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India, p. 608.
120 Haripada Chakraborti, Asceticism in Ancient India, Punthi Pustak, Cal-
cutta, 1973, p. 95.
121 V.A. Smith, Early History of India, p. 446.
122 K.A. Nilkanta Sastri, A History of South India, pp. 437–8.
123 A table on Jaina basadi and temple construction shows that royal class
women were more involved than common class women in such activities.
124 Krishna Gopal Sharma, Early Jaina Inscriptions of Rajasthan, p. 93.
125 Ibid., p. 99.
126 Annual Report of Mysore Archaeological Department. (ARMAD), Ban-
galore, 1918, p. 45 and B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. XVI, no. 93, pp. 14–5.
127 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. IX, no. 35, p. 173.
128 Table of various females who joined Jaina sanghas and names of their
teachers have also been provided. The names of sanghas in inscriptions
have been provided and given due consideration.
129 B. Lewis Rice, vol. V, part I, p. 16.
Her elder sister (Jakkave’s) was Padamiyakka. Her gurū, skilled in all
grammar and logic, in poetry, in drama, in composing of verse with
purpose, in philosophy, in religious lore, in worldly wisdom, in all
arts, in agreeable speech was the great Nayakīrtti-Deva-yatika, the
siddhānta-chakreśvara.
130 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. II, no. 170 (137), 1970.
  This inscription states two women who received dīkṣa from Bhānukīrti
of Mūla-samgha and Desiga-gaṇa.
131 Padmanabh S. Jaini, Collected Papers on Jaina Studies, Motilal Banarsi-
dass, Delhi, 2000, p. 165.
132 Ibid., p. 166.
133 Ibid., p. 167.
134 Jyotsna K. Kamat, Social Life in Medieval Karnataka, pp. 109–110.
135 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. II, no. 138, p. 409.
136 Jyotsna K. Kamat, op. cit. (IA, vol. XVIII, p. 173), p. 110.
137 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. IX, no. 94, p. 19.
138 B. Lewis Rice, vol. I, no. 31, p. 64.
139 Ibid., vol. II, no. 132 (114), p. 402.
  This inscription states that Prabhāvatī and Amitamatī of the Namilura
samgha attained samādhi at Katvapragiri.
140 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 1, p. 1.
158 Women and sacred rites
141 Vijaya Laxmi Singh, Women and Gender in Ancient India: A Study of
Texts and Inscriptions, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2015,
p. 118.
142 R. Narasimhachar, EC, vol. II, no. 143 (53), p. 74.
143 Devika Rangachari, Invisible Women Visible Histories, p. 106.
144 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. XII, no. 93, p. 60.
145 S. Settar, Inviting Death, p. 123.
146 Ibid., p. 124.
147 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. II, no. 155 (126), 1973, p. 412.
148 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. II, no. 157 (128), p. 416.
149 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. II, no. 135 (117), pp. 406–7.
150 Al-Biruni’s India, tr. by E.C. Sachau, vol. II, p. 170.
151 R. Narasimhachar, EC, vol. II, no. 7 (10), p. 3.
  Ibid., no. 18 (5), p. 5; no. 20 (2), p. 5; no. 97, p. 43.
152 Ibid., no. 35 (24), p. 8 (ad 800); no. 118, pp. 48–9 (ad 1120); no. 128
(48), p. 58(ad 1120).
153 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, no. 55, p. 30.
154 R. Narasimhachar, EC, vol. II, no. 136 (118), pp. 407–8.
155 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 232, p. 133.
156 R. Narasimhachar, EC, vol. II, no. 143 (53), p. 73.
5 Capacity for governance

Female rulers of the early medieval period

Society and religion are the two fields where Indian patriarchy has
given a respectable titled place not space to its women. In religious and
spiritual fields, they have been given an opportunity to showcase their
abilities. But the issue of political rights of a woman is not uniformly
commented upon in the legal texts. The political arena which was
open for women via sabhā, samiti and Vidatha in the Vedic times was
closed in subsequent centuries. The conservative attitude of society
could not produce a conducive environment for the female’s idealistic
development on administrative lines. Her political and administrative
capabilities always remained unapproved. Male-dominated society
was not able to accept a female ruler who could show her capabili-
ties on equal terms as that of a male.Most of the historians depicting
women through textual literature presented the same notion about the
Indian society. But even literature highlighted female rulers’ achieve-
ments those who came to rule mostly either in the absence of male heir
or as a regent queen. The Śāntiparva of Mahābhārata accepts women
as political heirs only in the absence of male heirs.1 Kauṭilya declared
that in the event of the king dying intestate the minister should invest
with authority a princess or widow of the late ruler, to ensure conti-
nuity of rule in the same dynasty.2 However, he made it clear that the
female was evidently not to succeed in her own right, but just as the
widow to wield the authority, until a son was begotten and was duly
crowned (i.e., she serves as a regent only).
Never was it the case that the female by birth lacked administra-
tive skills, but with the development of family institution, complexi-
ties grew in her political and administrative participation in state
affairs. There had been no written law that made women ineligible for
political succession, but various obstacles were created in their way of
160 Capacity for governance
choosing a political career. A few historians put forth the dominance
of patriarchal society; others credited it to the female herself being of
fair sex. Moreover, warfare and internal security were considered as
male-oriented activities, and women were not considered fit to assume
these roles. The natural tendency of society became so that it could
safeguard women from the clutches of invaders (both internal and
external), and it led to a more and more restricted atmosphere for
women to grow administratively. Most of the literary sources blame it
to the sex of female that she cannot be a part of administration, war
or polity.
The idea to keep women within the four walls of the house did
not originate suddenly. It was a gradual process where social (repro-
ductive) and political circumstances contributed much for the devel-
opment of the idea of conservatism for the freedom of women. The
environment became more sterile for the open participation of women
in political affairs from the Later- Ṛgvedic period to the Mauryas.
Although the success of the Guptas in north India and the Colas and
Cālukyas in south India speaks very highly of the social upliftment of
women, the simultaneous development of strict smṛti rules against the
political rights of females forfeits the earlier claim. Historians of 60s
and 70s have interpreted the story of the characterization of the early
medieval period as the ‘dark age’ in the history of women’s develop-
ment which is more or less a diluted concept now.
In this chapter mainly we have tried to re-read the story of politi-
cal and administrative capacities of females in the early middle ages
through inscriptional sources. Our main focus was to analyse the
contribution of women in administrative and political developments
of the early medieval period from holding the central position in an
empire down upto a village head. Whenever she was given the chance
to rule, what were her approaches and contribution towards politi-
cal and socio-economic developments? Various rules of succession
has been highlighted as many females survived their husbands after
death. In the royal household, sometimes women were provided the
opportunity to rule as an independent ruler, or as a regent. To what
extent were they able to understand contemporary politics? A woman
during this period also got the chance of getting military education;
however, if she did not emerge a winner of war, then she had to face
after-war treatment from the winner side. What stigma was accorded
to her when she returned from the enemy camp? Was she treated like
an untouchable or did society accept her, taking into consideration her
situation? Also a part of society was constituted by prostitutes. How
far they were treated as untouchables by the society has also be taken
 Capacity for governance 161
into consideration. Our law codes in ancient India seemed to be biased
against the female even in the matter of punishment. Some light will
be shed on this aspect also through inscriptional and literary sources.
Due to the patriarchal society or the sex of the female, they could
contribute too little. This opinion is held by several historians. A few
also put blame on the low education rate due to early marriage. But
our history is witness to spectacular records of those female rulers
who, when they came to succeed as administrators, excelled in the
fields. Many occasions came in history when people chose a woman
as an administrative head of the state. In this regard, the first literary
evidence comes from Megasthenes’ Indicā, where he mentioned about
a Pāṇḍya queen ruling over the Malabar territory. The Arthaśāstra of
Kauṭilya also gave the provision of regent queens as rulers in the Mau-
ryan age. The early chapters of Gupta history tell that Chandragupta
I was ruling the kingdom jointly with his queen Kumāradevī.3 Even
the Dharmaśāstras considered the married wife of a king as the de
jure ruler. The history of the early medieval period also abounds with
instances of women who had excellent administrative talents. Among
these, first come the Bhauma-kāra queens of Orissa who succeeded to
the throne six times one after another. A more refined example than
this succession of a series of women is hard to find in Indian history.
In northern India, Kashmir was headed by queen rulers like Sugandhā
and Diddā. Although they ruled as regents, their capabilities as admin-
istrators were unchallengeable. Various orders and charters issued by
them showed their seriousness towards administrative affairs. The
state even relied upon their women as governors, feudatories or vil-
lage heads. Many females acted as successful and popular heads of
their respective provinces, districts or villages. Their number in the
south even exceeds the present female civil servants in India. In this
chapter, an attempt has been made to bring out the visibility of those
female rulers in various capacities from epigraphs who are missing or
deliberately neglected by the literary sources.
Convinced by a nun and persuaded by the cabinet and feudal lords to be
the ruler after the king, gave not only Orissa but India a chance to witness
a different and glaring ruling epoch created by a series of women rulers
and set a land-mark in the history of female administrators. These queens
were: Tribhuvanamahādevī I, Tribhuvanamahādevī II, Gaurīmahādevī,
Daṇḍīmahādevī, Vakulamahādevī and Dharmamahādevī. The Taltali
plate stands as the first strongest evidence telling the story of this succes-
sion. According to it, Daṇḍīmahādevī was succeeded by her step-mother
Vakulamahādevī of the Bhaňja family, who in turn was succeeded by
Dharmamahādevī, the donor of the plate.4 This record helped to knit
162 Capacity for governance
together ties of succession of Bhauma queens extended over six genera-
tions. From the genealogical table given in the plate, it can be inferred
that four female members successfully ruled the Bhauma kingdom
after Śubhākaradeva IV, who possibly left no male heir to the throne.
Furthermore, Daṇḍīmahādevī was succeeded by her step-mother. It
was an uncommon state of affairs in the succession. Ghanshyam Das
and K.C. Panigrahi opined that Vakulamahādevī, the step-mother of
Daṇḍīmahādevī, was a daughter of the Bhaňja family, and it is quite possi-
ble that her step-motherly jealousy led her to oust her half-daughter from
the throne with the help of her father’s family. After Vakulamahādevī,
Dharmamahādevī secured the succession for herself, probably with the
help of the same agency, to the exclusion of the direct descendents of
Śubhākaradeva IV. Dharmamahādevī must have a reason to be grateful
to the Bhaňja family, otherwise so important a change as the substitute of
the word ‘Bhaňja’ in the place of ‘Kāra’ could not have been allowed to
be made in her copper-plate grant.5 Also this succession by step-mother
indicates the participation of female in court-politics to be at the centre
of power.
From the copper-plate, the following genealogical tree can be
chalked out, as seen in Figure 5.1.
The question of the genealogy and succession of Bhauma queens
is exemplary because the literature of the early medieval society pre-
sented a sterile environment for the growth of administrative and polit-
ical thought of females. It is difficult to imagine six consecutive female
rulers, while other contemporary dynasties did not support women
as rulers. Also, such type of female succession is not found in the suc-
ceeding centuries of Orissa’s history. So the question of their genealogy
is read and re-read very minutely by historians. There is yet another
example in the Ratnagiri plates of Somavaṁśī Karṇa of the tenth to
eleventh century found in Kosala and Utkala (Orissa),7 where in the
plates it had been stated that the Bhauma-kāra queen Daṇḍīmahādevī
was ruling over Utkala at least down to the year 187 (187 + 606 = ce 793)
of the Bhauma-kāra era, probably corresponding to ce 793. She is
known to have been succeeded to the throne by two other rulers, viz.
her step-mother Vakulamahādevī and her aunt Dharmamahādevī.
The Śāntigrama grant of Daṇḍīmahādevī found in the Cuttack dis-
trict of Orissa belonging to the eighth century confirms the state-
ment of succession made in the Taltali plate of Dharmamahādevī.8 It
states that Śubhākara III (also called Kusumahāra or Siṁhadhvaja)
was probably succeeded first by his mother Tribhuvanamahādevī
Daṇḍīmahādevī I alias Sindagaura I alias Gosvaminī and then by his
young son Śāntikara III. Paramabhaṭṭārika Tribhuvanamahādevī
 Capacity for governance 163

Śāntikara I/Śivakara–I / Unmaṭṭa-siṁha

(married Jayāvali)

Gayāḍa Information supplied from

Śāntigrama Grant of
Daṇḍīmahādevī
d h d
Śāntikaradeva-II/Gayāḍa-II/Loṇabhāra-I
(Married Hīramahādevī)

AD 747-48 AD 755-56
Śubhakāradeva-III/Kusumahāra-II Śivakaradeva-III
(married Prithvīmahādevī or Lalitabhāra-II/Kusumahāra
Tribhuvanamahādevī-II) (married Tribhuvanamahādevī-I)

Śubhākaradeva IV (married to) Śāntikaradeva-III/Loṇabhāra

Gaurī-mahādevī (married Dharmmamahādevī)
Vakulamahādevī

Daṇḍīmahādevī (AD 786-94)

kull
ku
Vakulamahādevī (AD 810)
(step-mother of Daṇḍīmahādevī)

Dharmamahādevī

Figure 5.1 Genealogical tree of six Bhauma-kāra queens of Orissa6

was said to have been requested by the feudatories to assume the reign
of government.
While exploring the great Indian women in history, Swami Mad-
havanand and R.C. Majumdar also worked on this succession and
inform that Tribhuvananamahādevī I was the daughter of Rājamalla,
a southern Nāga chief, whereas Tribhuvanamahādevī II was the
daughter of the king Swabhāvatuṅga of Kosala.9 The Hindol plate
of Śūbhākaradeva, year 103, issued in the ninth to tenth century at
Dhenkanal district, states that the queen Tribhuvananamahādevī was
the daughter of diadem of the Nāga chief.10 Although great ambi-
guity is found in the description of Bhauma-kāra kings, queens and
164 Capacity for governance
their relations, yet on the basis of inscriptional evidence on the natal
identity of these queens some conclusion can be drawn. D.C. Sircar
further observed that Śāntikara III married Dharmamahādevī, while
Śūbhakara IV had two queens, viz. Gaurī and Vakulamahādevī. Both
of these kings apparently died without leaving any male issue. After
the death of Śūbhākara IV, the throne passed to his queen Gaurī (who
is mentioned in verse 9). Queen Gaurī was succeeded by her daugh-
ter, Daṇḍīmahādevī, who issued the charter under discussion in the
year 180 (i.e., ce 786). The throne next passed to Dharmamahādevī,
queen of Daṇḍīmahādevī’s parental uncle Śāntikara III.11 Verily this
inscription adds to the information provided by the Taltali plate. It
speaks about the wives of Unmaṭṭasiṁha and Śāntikaradeva II. Also
it helps in clearing the ambiguity related to the date of the reign of
Tribhuvanamahādevī (ce 726) and Daṇḍīmahādevī (ce 786).12 The
name of the wife of Unmaṭṭasiṁha, Mahādēvī Śrī-Jayāvalidevī, appears
in the Chaurasi grant of Śivakara found in the Puri district of Orissa.13
Though taking into consideration contemporary examples, it is hard
to assume that the royal family did not opt for adoption rather than
accepted female rule. We hear the names of the kings with equally high
titles who got married to these queens, but the grants issued by these
kings and queens show that administration always remained in the
hands of queens. Also we do not hear any voice of resentment from
the masses being ruled by female queens, which shows that people
accepted their administrative capabilities, and king on the name of the
male ruler was there on the record.
The names of the husbands of these queens appear regularly
in the grants but the administrative caliber of queens over-shad-
owed their existence as king. Another inscription of (two plates of
Tribhuvanamahādevī from Baud) Orissa dated ce 764 speaks about
the identification of the husband of Tribhuvanamahādevī I.14 It is the
first inscription which seeks the attention about Tribhuvanamahādevī
I as the wife of Kusumahāra. The other inscriptions have mentioned
his name as Śivākaradeva III or Lalitabhāra II. It can be assumed
that Prithvīmahādevī, who was the wife of Śubhākaradeva III, was
called Tribhuvanamahādevī II, and the wife of Śivākaradeva III or
Lalitabhāra II was called Tribhuvanamahādevī I. Highlighting the
religious side of the queen this inscription seems to be issued by
Tribhuvanamahādevī I at the request of Śaśilekhā for the repairs of
the temple which was constructed by Śaśilekhā, who seems to be the
friend of Tribhuvanamahādevī I. This inscription further confirmed
that Tribhuvanamahādevī I was basically a devotee of Viṣṇu, and the
ruling queen used to participate in religious discourses. The Terundia
 Capacity for governance 165
plate of Śubhākara, year 100, issued from the Puri district in the ninth
to tenth century suggests the name of the other queen of Śubhākara
as Nṛṇṇā but no further information on this queen is available.15 The
kings appear with different names in the grants, so in the table all of
the names have been mentioned.
The genealogical description of these Kāra queens is found in various
inscriptions including one from the Kumurang plate of the tenth century
(found in the Puri district of Orissa).16 It discusses that Daṇḍīmahādevī,
who was the daughter of Śūbhākara IV, was born out of his wedlock
with his first wife Gaurīmahādevī. It suggests that the king married
more than one queen but could not get either a male heir or a female
even. This situation allowed the queen and her daughter to get involved
in state affairs as rulers. But usually either the male relatives of the
king start taking interest in the administration or sometimes the ambi-
tious cabinet conspires against the king in such situation to overthrow
and start his own rule. But in this case king was a nominal head and
centre of the power was queen. This inscription, like the Dhenkanal
grant of Tribhuvanamahādevī, shows the seriousness of the Bhauma-
kāra queens in the administrative affairs, as the queen Daṇḍīmahādevī
issued orders to various officials regarding the collection of upārika.17
Verse 9 describes the queen of Śūbhākara IV as Gaurī who ascended
the throne after her husband. Verses 10–15 describe her illustrious
daughter with high titles like mahārājādhirāja, paramabhaṭṭārika,
paramamāheśvarī Daṇḍīmahādevī, the reigning queen who ascended
the throne of the Kāra family after her mother. These verses are fol-
lowed by a long prose passage in lines 25 to 36, recording the
details of the grant made by the reigning queen Daṇḍīmahādevī who
had been glossed as paramamāheśvarī, paramabhaṭṭārika and
mahārājādhirāja – parameśvarī to fit her in tune with her capabilities.
She has issued a charter related to the grant, addressing the present
and future administrators and other officials in the viśya of dakṣiṇa
Kosala.18 The political maturity shown in the grant to deal with admin-
istrative matters also suggests that with the successive rule, administra-
tive maturity also succeeded from one to another in the Bhauma-kāra
queens. Although no reference is found whether these queens also acted
as governors of the province to get administrative experience, which
we usually find in the case of the princes who were to become a future
king. But their observation on revenue matters is highly appreciable.
Also the control of these queens over their mahāsāmantas, rājaputras,
antaraṅgas, upārikas, viśyapatis and kumāramātyas is clearly notice-
able. These ruling queens also kept the knowledge of their armed
troops updated. Daṇḍīmahādevī’s grant of the year 180, which is
166 Capacity for governance
preserved in the office of the collector of Ganjam (Orissa), is of ce
786.19 It first enumerates the genealogical tree of the Bhauma-kāras up
to the reign of Daṇḍīmahādevī. Then it proceeded to the knowledge
of the queen regarding her officials and armed troops. The undated
grant of Daṇḍīmahādevī is another inscription of paramabhaṭṭārika
and mahārājādhirāja-parameśvarī Daṇḍīmahādevī (l. 21), the names of
whose ancestors are given exactly as in the previous grant (A).20 From
the ‘camp of victory’, i.e., battlefield at Guheśvarapataka (l. 3), this
queen issues the order to the various functionaries, as they may be pre-
sented from time to time, in the Kōṅgōdu-maṇḍalaka in dakṣiṇa Kosala.
Issued from the bettle-field to various administrative functionaries, the
inscription indicates that the queen even while in battle-field, never lost
the site of her administrative responsibilities.
The question of the coronation of the first successor queen (i.e.,
paramabhaṭṭārika Tribhuvanamahādevī) is confirmed from, the Dhen­
kanal grant of Tribhuvanamahādevī. This grant is an order for the
grant of a village which is issued in the tenth century (found in the
Dhenkanal district of Orissa).21 In this female-dominated ruling atmo­
sphere, where the males of the family find themselves situated is a big
question. The Neulpur grant of Śūbhākara can be taken as a refer-
ence which was issued in the eighth century by Śubhākara-dēva. This
grant is important for two reasons. Firstly, it makes clear the status
of Śubhākara-dēva as a prince, and secondly, the male genealogy of
Bhauma-kāra has been provided in this grant,22 which supplements
Figure 5.1. Furthermore, seven copper-plate records of the land grants
from the Dhenkanal district of Orissa belonging to the tenth century
is important to know the circumstances leading to the rule and suc-
cession of queens. 23 First, it showed the line of succession passing
over to the female ruler with due consent and request of ministers,
feudatories and people of the state. Naturally they identified the latent
talent of their widowed queen as an administrator. Secondly, the influ-
ence of religion in administrative matters can be felt. These were the
efforts of a nun who convinced her that she should opt for becom-
ing a ruler. The queen made donations to her. Donation was also
made to a religious/philosophical teacher. It shows the influence of
religion in state politics. Swami Madhavananda and R.C. Majumdar
have provided very valuable information about the religious tastes of
Bhauma-kāra queens.24 They stated that originally the Bhauma-kāras
were Buddhists, but Tribhuvanamahādevī I had developed an interest
in the Vaiṣṇva religion. Daṇḍīmahādevī developed her interest for the
Śaiva religion. These queens took an interest in making donation to
the other religions as well.
 Capacity for governance 167
Their rule suggests their acceptability, as is explained in the Tal-
cher plate of Śubhākara of the eighth century found in the Dhenkanal
district of Orissa.25 This plate clearly states that after Kusumabhāra
(Śubhākaradeva III), his mother Tribhuvanamahādevī took up the
burden of administration. Interestingly, we get one grant issued by
paramamaheśvarī Vakulamahādevī in the year 204 (ce 810).26 The
importance of this record lies in the fact that it is the only charter of the
reign of Vakulamahādevī known so far. Also, these three plates provide
the name of Hīrāmahādevī as the mother of two sons, Śubhākara-dēva
and Śivākara-dēva. The verses describe the Bhauma-kāra family up to
Daṇḍīmahādevī. Verse 11 introduces her step-mother Vakulamahādevī
who issued the charter under study, while verse 12 describes the quali-
ties of paramamaheśvarī, which are also found in the other records
mentioned above. The charter basically recorded the grant of a village.
The grant was made by paramamaheśvarī Vakulamahādevī for the
increase of the merit and fame of the donetrix as well as her parents.27
From the above inscriptional data on Bhauma-kāra queens, it can be
inferred that the series of favourable circumstances like absence of a
male successor, non-adoption of any male heir, and pursuance of reli-
gious and administrative heads gave an opportunity to queens of the
Bhauma-kāra dynasty to rule. The question has been pointed out by
many historians, but inscriptions nowhere point out that the gover-
nors, feudatories or the people of the state ever demanded a male suc-
cessor. Perhaps the capabilities of the initial Bhauma queens attracted
the subordination of feudatories towards them, and they did not insist
upon the male descendant. Later their interest in power politics grew
up to the extent that even aged queens (Vakulamahādevī) also ruled
over the state. These queens were not only efficient in administra-
tive and revenue fields, but they also shared military responsibilities.
Tribhuvanamahādevī I was endowed with many qualities of head
and heart, as described in the Talcher grant of Śubhākaradeva IV,
and she carried the administration of the kingdom very efficiently.28
She suppressed the rebellions firmly. Similarly, the Kumarang grant
of the year 187 informs us that Daṇḍīmahādevī successfully subdued
the formidable and hostile kings by her prowess and secured the bor-
ders of her kingdom.29 Malati Mahajan analyses the role of maternal
background in the rise of these queens. She opines that the Gaṅga
king Rājamalla must have played an important role in elevating his
daughter Tribhuvanamahādevī I to the Bhauma-kāra throne, while
the Somavaṁśī king Janamejaya killed the king of Orissa and helped
his daughter Prithvīmahādevī in ascending the throne.30 But Shishir
Kumar Panda points out that non-participation of Gaṅga queens and
168 Capacity for governance
the Gajapati dynasty shows decline in the status of women.31 This is
highly surprising to find that two contemporary dynasties (Bhauma-
kāra and Gaṅga) are quite opposite in their outlook to appreciate the
political or administrative capabilities of their females. Even if it is
contributed to this fact that the Gaṅga dynasty had male heirs to rule,
we must appreciate Bhauma-kāra dynasty that relied upon the admin-
istrative caliber of its women and created new history. The reason
could be that the Gaṅga queens perhaps never got any opportunity to
show their administrative capabilities. But it can be said that Bhauma-
kāra queens’ successful regular succession to the throne was a tremen-
dous achievement in the patriarchal society of early medieval Orissa.

Regent queens
The society of early medieval period also relied upon its regent queens
who came to the throne as a guardian of their minor son and did
exceptionally well. From each corner of the country, we find exam-
ples of regent queens but the most glaring example comes from the
Kashmir where names of two queens Sugandhā and Diddā shines in
the Indian galaxy of regent queens. Diddā outshines her contemporary
kings of northern India as an energetic and powerful queen who ruled
over the destiny of Kashmir for 23 years. She was the daughter of
Siṁhārāja of Lohāra, and the grand-daughter of the Shāhī king Bhīma
or Bhīmapāla of Udabhandapura. By virtue of her ancestry she inher-
ited the valour, statesmanship and other characteristics of two houses.
She was married to the Kashmir king Kṣemagupta (ce 950–8). During
the lifetime of her weak and effeminate husband, Kṣemagupta, she
was the virtual head of the state and wielded sovereign powers. On the
coins of Kṣemagupta the letter ‘Di’ is prefixed to the name of the king
meaning Diddā-Kṣema, which became the nickname of the king, cast-
ing reflections on his political impotency as against his all-powerful
queen who acted for him and ruled like the real king. No wonder
then if, on account of her valour, political astuteness and masculine
traits, she was styled by the people as king Diddā in the lifetime of
her husband and during the regency of her first son Abhimanyu (who
died in ce 972) and grandson Nandīgupta.32 Politics seems to corrupt
her when we read the episode of favour to Tuṅga (her minister) that
enraged other ministers, who entered into a league and conspired to
dethrone Diddā, but their attempts were all in vain. During her last
days, Diddā selected Saṁgrāmarāja as a yuvarāja who was to suc-
ceed her.33 She was politically active to the extent that her religious
donations even became a part of her diplomatic moves. The Srinagar
 Capacity for governance 169
Buddhist image inscription of the reign of Queen Diddā, now lying in
Sri Pratap museum, Srinagar, is of ce 989.34 This epigraph recorded the
consecration of a religious gift (deya-dharma) consisting of the bronze
statuette of Bodhisattva Padmapāṇi, by rājanāyaka Bhīmaṭa, a Bud-
dhist devotee (upāsaka) and son of Cāvaṭa and by the four brothers
of Gaṅgādevī described as divine mother (amar-mātā). The inscription
mentions Queen Diddā with the masculine epithet of ‘deva’ instead of
‘devī’.35 Cynthia Talbot very aptly justifies the acceptability of regent
queens for the security of the kingdom, which would fall into a state
of anarchy without a ruler.36
It was also not the case that before Diddā no other female ruled in
Kashmir. Sugandhā ruled as a regent queen of Gopālavarman, who
was the son of Śaṅkaravarman. She was helped out by her minister
Prabhākaradeva to carry out her state affairs. Later Prabhākardeva,
out of greed to acquire the throne, unsuccessfully conspired to kill
Gopālavarman after a rule of two years and Samukṭa succeeded him.
Samukṭa could rule only for ten days and died. Now it was the turn
of Sugandhā to fill in the vacuum.37 A brief reign of Sugandhā was sig-
nalled by her defeat from the Tāntrins and death in ce 914.
Besides the Bhauma queens of Orissa and Sugandhā and Diddā of
Kashmir, there are some queens who did not get their due place in his-
tory, yet their contribution towards the development of their provinces
was commendable. The names of Akkā-Mahādevī and Mailaladevī of
Karnataka are found in various inscriptions that state about the ter-
ritories administered by them. Their seriousness towards the adminis-
trative affairs led them to be appointed as the provincial heads. About
Akkādevī, a broad introduction is provided by Swami Madhavanand
and R.C. Majumdar. They have placed her in the list of the famous
heroines, saints and administrators of Karnataka (ce 1010–64). She
was a Cālukyan princess who ruled over various divisions of Cālukya
dominions, such as Banavasi, Kisukaḍu and Masavaḍi for nearly half a
century.38 She is described in inscriptions as fierce in battle and as hav-
ing subjugated a large number of enemies. The seat of her government
was Vikramapura (modern Arashibidi, Bijapur district). She seemed to
have married the Kadaṁba chieftain Mayūravarman, and along with
him ruled Banavasi in ce 1037.39
In the series of inscriptions belonging to Akkādevī comes three
inscriptions from Hattur of the reign of Jayasiṁha II, found in Dhar-
war district (of ce 1037) stating that at the time of the endowment to
be chronicled Akkādevī was ruling the Banavasi twelve thousand.40 It
is worthy to note that the Banavasi province was at this time under
the rule of both Akkādevī and Mayūrvarman. The inscription ‘C’ of
170 Capacity for governance
Hattur shows that Mayūrvarman was married to Akkādevī and that
Toyimadeva was their son.41 The administrative skills of Akkādevī
were surely recognized by Someśvara I. An inscription of ce 1050,
found in the Dharwar district, registered a gift of land by Akkādevī.
It speaks about the large territory administered by Akkādevī. The last
line of the inscription suggests her high political status where it has
been poited out that a mahāsāmanta was subordinate to her.42 The
Sudi inscription of ce 1051 also gives a description about the area
being administered by Akkādevī. It begins by stating that the reigning
sovereign was the Cālukyas Vikramāditya VI, and the Kisukad-Sev-
enty being administered by Akkādevī.43 Religion and administration
seem to be holding symbiotic relations in the case of royal females.
Akkādevī, of course, was not an exception to it. Most of her grants
were issued for religious purpose, mostly to the brāhmaṇas.44
The name of great Cola queen Sembiyan mahādevī living in the
royal palace as a widow, right through the lives of several Cola
crowned monarchs, rearing them up and guiding them in the admin-
istration, and evolving the entire Cola dynasty as one dedicated to
the service of God is amongst the rarest examples of the administra-
tive trainer. M. Thiru Arunachalam presents a unique picture of this
great regent queen, who entered the royal Cola house as the wife of
prince Gandarāditya and daughter-in-law of Parāntaka-I (ce 907–50).
Gandarāditya ruled for a short period (ce 950–57) after his father,
leaving behind his widow Sembiyan mahādevī and his young son,
later to become the Cola ruler Uttama-Cola (ce 970–85). After her
husband’s death, she was successful in maintaining the peace in the
country by temporarily foregoing her son’s right to the throne and
placing on the throne her husband’s brother Ariňjayan, who ruled only
for a few months. On his death, again she did not press her own son’s
legitimate claim but placed Ariňjaya’s son, Sundara Cola/Parāntaka-II
(ce 957–70) on the throne. She witnessed his death and the self-
immolation of Vānavanmādevī, queen of Sundara Cola and mother of
Rājarājā. Then only did the crown go to her son, crowned as Uttama-
Cola. When he died, Rājarājā ascended the throne (ce 985). She was
responsible as the grand-aunt of the emperor in bringing him up in
childhood and also for bringing up Rājarājā’s own son, who later was
crowned as Rājendra-I (ce 1012–44).45 The example of such a long
rule as regent is unique. Sembiyan Mahādevī saw at least seven rulers
in her lifetime. In most of the inscriptions we find her involved in wel-
fare and religious activities. Perhaps she, unlike queen Diddā, did not
interfere in state politics, but morally she remained a guide to various
successive Cola rulers.
 Capacity for governance 171
The burden of handling administrative affairs was more on regent
queens than on the direct ruling queens. First, being the guardian of a
minor son they needed the support of their ministers to run the admin-
istration smoothly and to protect their child. Secondly, they needed the
support of feudal lords, so that they may not rise in revolt. Thirdly,
they needed the support of military generals, as a state without a male
ruler (major) was more prone to attacks of neighbouring kings. The
indications can be drawn from the above-cited evidence that queens
might have received administrative training to be used in the time of
emergency. The regular instances of successful rule of regent queens
prove it. Even the Yādava queens did not lag behind to prove their
administrative acumen. Two Yādava charters from Devalali of the
Ahmadnagar district, Maharashtra of ce 1052 initially speak about
the donor of the grant who is a Yādava king Bhillama II.46 It further
goes with the illustration of the death of Bhillama II, before his son
Vasūka came of age. Then his widowed queen Lachchiyavvā placed
the minor boy on the throne, taking upon her the burden of adminis-
tering the kingdom as regent rendering yeoman service to the Yādava
family at a critical time, and thus saving the family from complete
extinction.47
The period under-study is full of instances of regent queens who
are found almost in all parts of India. In the north, Diddā; in the
south, Sembiyan and Lachchiyavvā; and in Orissa, a passing refer-
ence of Daṇḍīmahādevī as a regent queen of her grandson Śāntikara II
is discussed.48 Surprisingly, even in western India instances of regent
queens are found. Tripat Sharma has cited Nāikī devī, Karpūr devī and
Mynul devī as regent queens of western India.49 Nāikī devī was the
chief-queen of Ajayapāla and mother of Mūlarāja II and Bhīmadeva
II. Mūlarāja II was still a minor when he had to come upon the throne
after the death of his father. Nāikī Devī had supported him as a queen-
regent mother. As cited earlier, sometimes the kingdom became vulner-
able in the absence of a major heir, the same happened with the minor
Mūlarāja II, but Nāikī Devi was a brave lady who fought against the
mlechhas at Gadurgarh taking the child in her lap. It is stated that she
was helped in her struggle by god due to her chaste life, but Tripat
Sharma credits it to her active control over the kingdom.50 Her name
does not appear anywhere but for the occasion of the actual conflict
with the mlechhas. Mularāja ruled as a minor under the regency of
his mother for three years and then died. Bhīmadeva II succeeded the
throne, obviously a minor, and again under the regency of his mother.
Whether the historians give the name of Mūlarāja II or Bhīmadeva
II, it is certain that the Turks were defeated under the regency of the
172 Capacity for governance
valiant queen-mother Nāikī devī. All credit goes to her personal valour
and character.51
These regent queens not only handled the political and military
affairs, even the economy flourished during their regency. Sharma has
cited Karpūrdevī, who was a Kalachuri princess of Tripuri and the wife
of Cāhamāna Somēśvara.52 He had two minor sons, namely Prithvīrāja
III and Harirāja. After his death, the throne of Ajmer and Śākambharī
were left with Somēśvara’s wife Karpūradevī and her two minor sons.
She picked up the courage and assumed the charge of administra-
tion.53 The description of the prosperous conditions of Ajmer during
the regency of queen Karpūradevī and the coronation of Prithvīrāja III
was found in Prithvīrāja Vijaya.54 Tripat Sharma, while discussing the
western regent queens of the early medieval period, mentioned Mynul
devī through the study of Rāsmalām. Mynul devī was the daughter of
the king Jayakeśee of Chanderpur.55 The period of regency of Mynul
devī was a difficult one, but she executed her duties excellently and
exhibited rare courage. It was during her regency that two reservoirs
were constructed as those received names after her:Meenulasur at
Veerugam and Monsur at Dholka. The most important act on the part
of Mynul devī as a regent was the remission of the tax at Bahuloda
on the pilgrims going to Somnatha, which yielded seventy-two lakh
rupees to the treasury.56
So far as the concept of the age of coronation of a minor son as
a king proper was concerned, no specific age was fixed. Perhaps it
depended upon the understanding of administrative affairs by the
yuvarāja. When ministers found him capable of holding state affairs,
they recommended his coronation, and then the status of regent queen
changed to queen-mother.

Female administrators at state, district and village level

Both, epigraphs and literary sources provide a long list of queens
administering both large and small provinces. The Bhor state museum
plates of Khambha II (of ce 1079) lists Śrīyādevī or Śrīdevī and
Mahalādevī taking part in administration of the small kingdom of
Shirval.57 The areas were specially allotted to the various ministers
in their services. It may be pointed out that this was quite in con-
sonance with the tradition of the Cālukyas family, which entrusted
important administrative offices to their queens. Thus Akkādevī,
the elder sister of Jayasiṁha III, was the governor of the Kisukad-
seventy from ce 1022 to 1053. Lakṣmādevī, the favourite queen of
Vikramāditya VI, held several important posts in the administration
 Capacity for governance 173
including the governorship of the capital.58 Mailaladevī, one of the
queens of Someśvara I, was holding the important post of the gov-
ernor of Banavasi-twelve thousand in ce 1054. She was the daughter
of Vikramāditya VI. Various inscriptions throw light on her admin-
istrative capabilities when she was ruling Banavasi-twelve thousand.
The Tilvalli inscription of the reign of Someśvara I of ce 1052 speaks
of the above-stated fact59 in consonance with other inscriptions of ce
1053.60 Beside temples, Mailaladevī also gifted land for gardens and
an oil-mill. A Bombay-Karnataka inscription of ce 1094 in the Bijapur
district speaks of this fact.61 The Momigatti inscription of the 49th
year of Vikramāditya VI of ce 1124 found in the Dharwar district
of Bombay Presidency introduces the Kadaṁba feudatory Jayakeśin
[II] and his senior queen Mailaladevī (the daughter of Vikramāditya
VI) as jointly reigning.62 In the same inscription (at Narendra) of the
time of Vikramāditya VI and the Kadaṁba Jayakeśin II of ce 1126
comes a very clear reference of the area which was being governed by
Mailaladevī. It records that Mailaladevī made the present grant while
she was in Kundur, and from this line onwards a large description of
the area which was being governed by Mailaladevī comes:

(Mailaladevī) being in Kundur, while ruling the nine-hundred of

the Koṅkaṇ, the thirty of Uṇukal and Sabbi, the thirty of Kon-
takuli, the five hundred of Hānuṅgal, the thirty of Utsugrāme (and)
Kāḍaravaḷḷi, the thirty of Palalgunde, the seventy of Vēlugrāme,
the five hundred of Haive, (and) the lakh and a quarter of Kavaḍi-
dvīpa, so as to suppress the wicked and to protect the eminent,
in a reign advancing in a course of increasing success (to endure)
as along as moon, sun, and stars, with the enjoyment of pleasant
conversation.
(ll. 9–12)63

Such a large description of the area allotted to a queen makes clear

beyond any doubt that society of the south permitted its women to
rule at various levels of administration. The inscription at Narendra
speaks in a very high volume of her capabilities, her marriage and her
virtues. In fact this inscription seems to be completely dipped in the
praise of Mailaladevī. The basic object behind this inscription of ce
1125 (found in Dharwar district) seems to record a grant of land made
by the Kadaṁba mahā-maṇḍaleśvara Jayakeśin II and his senior
queen Mailaladevī for the maintenance of a temple of Śiva founded by
a certain daṇḍanāyaka Singarasa in Kundur.64 But it is highly surpris-
ing to note how historians forget to give her due place in the history
174 Capacity for governance
of the early medieval period. Even the contemporary literary sources
speak very little about her contribution.
In other references of queens ruling over certain territorial provi-
sions comes an inscription issued in ce 815 by parameśvara Pallavādi’s
wife Gavaganabbe who was ruling over a certain territory, and
another woman Madarikal Nolamba-mādave’s name also appears in
ruling capacity.65 Besides, an inscription of ce 900 from Sira taluq of
Karnataka speaks of four queens with their territorial description as:
Bijaa-mādevī – ruling Baragur, Parama-mahadevī – ruling Dharmma-
volal, Akkabbe – ruling Siyarur, Dombabbe – ruling Trailōkavolal.66
An inscription of ce 918 found in Shikarpur taluq of Karnataka speaks
at length about Jakkiyabbe’s administrative skills.67 Inscriptions from
Hunsur Taluq (Karnataka) dated ce 92068 and ce 99769 speak of
Pampadevī and Paramabbe as rulers, respectively. Balli-devī, a senior
queen, seems to be ruling in ce 1087 in Challakere Taluq of Karna-
taka.70 An inscription of ce 1089 speaks of a feudatory’s wife ruling
over certain terriroty.71 The inscription of ce 1120 from Belur taluq of
Karnataka speaks of Śāntala devī assuming the crown.72 An inscription
from Arsikere taluq (Karnataka) of ce 1136 speaks of Bammala-devī
governing the Āsandi-five hundred and three hundred.73 An inscrip-
tion of ce 1138 tells about Cālukya Tribhuvanamalladeva’s queen
Paṭṭa-mahādevī ruling over the same territory as in the previously cited
inscription.74 An inscription of ce 1190 of the same territory states that
the Hoysala queen Umā-devī ruled over Dōrasamudra.75 An inscrip-
tion of the twelfth century found in the Dharwar district referred to
Jākalamahādevī, the queen of Vikramāditya, as governing a territory,
the name of which is lost.76
This long list of ruling queens prove that the society of the early
medieval period despite few restrictions, accepted the administrative
accumane of many brave and able women who ruled over various
big and small territories of the nation. Even several queens during an
emergency came out of the curtains, saved their kingdoms and restored
peace. They succeeded to the throne sometimes after the death of the
king either as a ruler or a regent queen. Although the instances of
regency, especially of queens assuming the charge of administration,
are few, they do occur often when a king died leaving behind a minor
heir. We find references where ministers requested the widow-queen to
rule as a regent. But the point which needs consideration is that women
of royal household were definitely provided administrative and mili-
tary education both at their maternal house and in-laws’ house. They
remained continuous participants in state affairs. Although they are
shown both in literary as well as in inscriptional sources as busy most
 Capacity for governance 175
of the time in religious and welfare activities, without the education
of statecraft it was not possible to acquire wisdom in state affairs at
such short notice. Agreeing to the view of Tripat Sharma, these regent
queens are not provided due credit for their excellent administration
in the annals of contemporary history due to the tradition favour-
ing male monarchs.77 But present-day historians have assiduously
searched numerous examples of such queens who reigned on behalf
of their minor sons in the history of the early medieval period from
the seventh to thirteenth centuries. They were always there but their
contribution was ignored for a very long time.The names of several
queens, regent-queens and queen-mother appear in literature but there
are many other females who ruled as either provincial or district or
village heads. In the south, it seems that people’s attitude was more lib-
eral to accept female as their political head. There are many instances
where wives of feudatories in the south have been given the charge
of a few villages jointly or individually. D.R. Bhandarkar opines that
in ancient times the husband and wife were jointly concerned in all
affairs of life, not excluding administration of the kingdom. In the
successive period of time, this co-right of woman fell in desuetude in
the north, but continued to be recognized longer in the south. Thus
when a member of the royal family was crowned as a king in the
south, he was originally crowned along with his wife.78 Inscriptional
evidences prove that kings often used to appoint them independently
on other administrative posts. There exists a long list of inscriptions
where ladies belonging to the governing class were assigned numerous
administrative duties. Sometimes kings used to favour these ladies on
account of their being the wives of provincial heads. One inscriptional
reference in this regard comes from Badami, which is dated to the sev-
enth century and belongs to Vijayamahādevī, the wife of Candrāditya
(the latter was the elder brother of the Cālukya king Vikramāditya I of
Badami).79 We have two copper-plate grants issued by her. She made
these grants independently without any reference to her husband.
This authority she might have derived from her position as mahiṣī
or crowned queen, as she had actually been called, of Candrāditya.
There is another inscription of ce 1182 found in Channarayapatna
taluq of Karnataka which speaks of the undeclared but specific order
of a Cola queen regarding the grant of land to the son of a deceased
feudal lord.80
Another reference is of the land grant issued by Vasantīporī-
Colamahādevī. She was the queen of pormukharama puṇyakumāra
Pṛthvīvallabha Colamahārāja. It has been found in the Telugu Cola
record from Anantapur and Cuddapah and dated to the seventh
176 Capacity for governance
century CE.81 The basic independence in the administrative affairs of
the state or district ruled by a female can be judged from these inde-
pendent land grants and royal charters. Two grants of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa
queen Śīlamahādevī need special attention here. The first inscription of
ce 779, which is found in the Nasik district of Maharashtra, recorded
the gift of Brihat-Pushkarika village in the Pratishthana division of
Vardhana, to a brāhmaṇa of Kauśika-gotra by Durgahasti of Sendra,
who was a vassal of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa family. The charter was drafted
by a Baladeva minister for peace and war, of the queen Śīlamahādevī,
wife of King Dhruva.82 In ce 786 we find Śīlamahādevī, making a long
grant on her own.83 Obviously, she felt that being the crowned queen,
she had an inherent right to issue routine administrative orders with-
out any reference to her husband; or, the latter may have expressly
invested her with ruling powers, including the power of making land
grants. This inscription was found in Indore. Interestingly, she was
neither a regent during the minority of any of her sons nor an autono-
mous ruler. This shows that the high-sounding royal titles which are
coupled with her name are not an empty boast, but a clear indication
of the fact that she was a co-partner of her husband in the Rāṣṭrakūṭa
sovereignty.84
These epigraphic instances show clearly how queens, princesses and
feudal ladies, in the face of smṛti doctrine of the perpetual depend-
ence of women, exercised a commanding influence upon the admin-
istration of the state. Princesses became governors of the provinces
and held administrative charges.85 In the Chilamakuru inscription of
Vikramāditya Colamahārāja II also there is a reference to the land
grant issued by the queen, Colamahādevuḷ, with Uttamāditya (prob-
ably the king’s son) as sāmantaka was ruling at Chirumburu.86 The
above-cited inscription is ‘H’ part of the Telugu Cola record from
Anantapur and Cuddapah. In the next part (I) in Nellacheruvepalle
an inscription of Vikramāditya Colamahārāja II, the queen Maṁkhi
(Maňci) seems to be ruling at Ujjaini.87 Lastly, the Chamaluru inscrip-
tion of Pṛthvīvallabha Vijayādi(tya) Cola referred to the grant made by
the queen-mother (Cola mahārā-juḷa-amma).88 All of these parts are
fragmented records of the Telugu-Cola period of the seventh century.
It may be conjectured that the process of liberalization in adminis-
tration for women had roots even in the seventh to eighth centuries,
which is generally considered as a period of political upheavals shift-
ing from the centralized system to decentralization. An inscription
of ce 766–67 of the western Gaṅga king Śrīpuruṣa ruling at Kolar
in Eastern Mysore stated that Śrīpuruṣa’s queen was ruling Āgali.89
The Salem plates of Gaṅga Śrīpuruṣa specify the name of the queen
 Capacity for governance 177
of Duggamāra Ereyappa (Śrīpuruṣa’s son). This inscription is of ce
771, where a reference to queen Kaňchiyabbe, who was the wife of
Duggamāra, comes who was governing Āgali.90 It seems that after
Śrīpuruṣa, his son Duggāmara-Ereyappa came to the throne and he
gave the province Āgali, which was being ruled by his mother (earlier),
to his queen Kaňchiyabbe (subsequently).
Next comes the Kūragallu inscription of Permmānaḍi of ce 920
found in the Periyapatna taluq of the Mysore district.91 It speaks
about the ruling queen Paramābbe, the wife of Butuga, in the follow-
ing language:

While Permmānaḍi was ruling the kingdom of the world: Ereyappa

ruling the Koṅgal-nāḍu-8000, and Saramabbe, Būtugas queen
Paramābbe ruling Kurggallu.92

No specific identification of the designation and area is given in the

inscription, but it doesn’t lower the value of Paramābbe’s being the
ruler of any (small or big) land. While in the Hulgar inscription of
Khottiga (ce 972) found in the Mysore state, it seems that her husband
was a feudatory of a king. He identified the genesis of an adminis-
trator in his wife and granted land to her for administration.93 The
objective of the inscription is to record the renewal of a grant by the
daughter of Dānapāla (i.e., Aṅkabbarasi) to the temple of the goddess
Pulluṅgūrabbe. The gift consisted of six gardens, twenty-four maṭṭars
of Kisukadu, ‘red land’ and the cess realized on the occasion of fairs.94
The inscription of Dorayya of ce 997 found in Karnataka refers the
name of Pampā-devī.95 A. Padma opines that the feudatory chiefs were
usually away from their kingdoms either participating in the wars for
the extension of their area of control or helping their emperors in the
campaigns. For the administration of their domains, they depended
mostly on their ministers and officials. Under such circumstances, per-
haps, their wives began interfering in the administrative affairs of their
kingdoms.96 But inscription nowhere tend to portrait female adminis-
trators as ambitious enough to interfere into the political affairs of the
state. Rather, they seem to be serious enough to conduct state affairs
in the best possible way.
In the list of Miscellaneous inscriptions in Tamil comes the inscrip-
tion at Tiruvidaimarudur of the reign of Kuloṭṭuṅga found in the Tan-
jore district (ninth to tenth century).97
It refers to a single queen, who is styled ‘the mistress of the whole
world’ and who is . . . perhaps identical with Madhurānkakī, the
daughter of Rājendradeva.
178 Capacity for governance
In addition to this queen, the subjoined inscription mentioned the
other three queens, viz. Dīnachintāmaṇi, Eliśai-Vallabhī and Tyāgavallī.
Of the last of this inscription it has been stated that ‘she had the right
to issue the orders together with the orders of the Śeṇṇi (the Cola
king)’. The last line of the inscription makes clear that the third queen
Tyāgavallī made the orders along with her husband. The special refer-
ence to only the third queen shows her interest in official matters.
So far as the case of direct ruling of princesses and queens was con-
cerned, there are many inscriptional instances where the right to issue
orders by the queens is noticed. But possessing land as a ruler individu-
ally was altogether a new feature. Was it a beginning of administrative
training? Sometimes it was started from a village, then to a province
and at most of the occasions it was joint ruling with the king. A Bom-
bay-Karnataka inscription of the ninth century found in the Dharwar
district tells about the wife of Inda, who is described as priya-tanay-
ātmaja of Amoghavarṣa, named Gōyindabbe, who was administering
the village (i.e., Divageri).98 In the Hebbal inscription of ce 975, the
queen Bhujjabarasi comes out as ruling the village of Paṭṭu.99 She was
the grandmother of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Būtayya. Another inscrip-
tion of ce 1076 from the Dharwar district belonged to the reign of
Someśvara II, recorded the renewal of a previous grant made by 400
mahājanas for the entertainment of other mahājanas arriving from
other places.100 It registered the gift of ten gadyāṇas out of five hun-
dred gadyāṇas for pavitrarohaṇa of god Svayaṁbhū Kālīdevaswāmin
by Suggaladevī, the daughter of Āhavamalladeva and younger sister
of the king, who was then administering the agrahāra of the Nidu-
gundis in Kisukāḍu-seventy. It could be possible that the sister of the
king was not married, as no indication from her in-laws’ association is
shown. She was being imparted administrative training by giving her
an agrahāra as an experimental field. In these inscriptions, the iden-
tity of the female administrators comes out either from their paternal
home or in-laws’ side. It was apparent that families in power were
aware that these women had to assume the role of sovereigns in the
absence of a male successor, or as a guardian of the minor son in the
event of the sudden death of the king to ensure continuity of political
control. In addition, constant wars might have damaged the peaceful
life of the country. Administrative and military training was necessary
for queens who were left behind so that kingdoms may not go to ruins.
Thus, it appears that women’s involvement in the affairs of the state
was almost continuous.101
The society of the early medieval period never forgot to portrait these
feudal females as religious-minded who were continuously donating
land to increase their religious merit while administering. We have to see
 Capacity for governance 179
whether it was just to satisfy the female urge of being administrator that
kings and feudal lords provided them de jure status. By religious weap-
onry they wanted to keep the attention of their women diverted. Small
pieces of land were given to women who had some interest in adminis-
trative affairs while their religious spirits were kept high to divert their
attention. In support of the above-stated fact, besides other examples
stated earlier we may cite an example from a Kannada inscription
which speaks of a queen Padmaladevī, who was ruling over an agrahāra
and ordered a nāyaka to make a gift of land for the service of the god.
This inscription of ce 1116 was found in the Rangapuram district of
the Madras Presidency.102 In the next series comes Revakabbarasī, who
was the wife of a daṇḍanāyaka and she herself was governing over
Bannigola. This inscription of ce 1025, of the time of Trailokyamalla
Someśvara, found in the Raichur district of Karnataka reads:

Revakabbarasī, wife of daṇḍanāyaka Vavanarasa, as holding the

office of mahāpāsayite and governing over Bannigola.103

An inscription of ce 1028 of Banavasi speaks about the western

Cālukya queen Kunḍala who was ruling over Banavasi.104 Besides it,
the inscription speaks of the Kongālva princess named Padmalā-devī,
wife of Rājendra-Cola Kongālva ruling in Coorg in ce 1077.105 The
similar inscription of ce 1080 found in the Dharwar district speaks
that a queen who is ruling a town, and mahājanas and seṭṭis made gift
to a temple.106 It was not that the kings or princes, did not make such
type of donations, but such an influence of religion is not shown in
their case. A. Padma has expressed the opinion that sometimes grants
made by the queens at places of religious importance suggested the
extension of the king’s authority over the area. Towards the last quar-
ter of the eleventh century, the eastern Andhra region was governed
by various feudatory dynasties, and a part of it was also under the
control of the western Cālukyan king, Vikramāditya VI. The grant by
Mailāṁbikā, wife of Kandūri (Eṛuva) Toṅḍaya-Cola dated ce 1084–86
at Drākṛārāma for the welfare of the kingdom of the western Cālukyan
king Vikramāditya VI suggested the conquest of the eastern Andhra
region by the king with the help of local chiefs of Telangana who were
loyal to him.107 The areas under the direct control of the king were
given to the queen. An inscription of the eleventh century found in the
Bellary district of Karnataka states that:

The Cālukya king Tribhuvanamalladevā whose queen Piriya-

Keta-Ladevī is stated to have been ruling over Siruguppe in
Tekkellu-twelve.108
180 Capacity for governance
The description of the area Tekkellu-twelve is not very clear. It could
be either a cluster of twelve villages or the name of a single village,
but surely the Cālukya queen had exercised authority over it. This
inscription serves a very important purpose while explaining the shift
of power and administrative responsibility given to the queen. Gener-
ally the defeated kingdoms are volatile and need more control. So the
present inscription tends to suggest the political maturity of the queen
to manage administration of the newly added area. Krishna Murari
has cited an inscription dated ce 1107, discovered in the Bellary dis-
trict of Karnataka, in which a Cālukyan princess makes a revenue
grant. It reads as:

At Chinna Tumbaḷam, Malayamatidevī sanctioned the follow-

ing grants out of the revenues of the village which was under her
direct rule – eight gadyāṇas to the expounded of the commentar-
ies, eight gadyāṇas to the reader of the Purāṇa, 12 gadyāṇa to
two teachers Khaṇḍikas in the Ṛgveda and the Yajurveda and two
gadyāṇas for the brāhmaṇa tending the sacred fire – 30 gadyāṇas
in all.109

Through the distribution list of the amount of revenue of the vil-

lage to various readers of commentaries, the Purāṇa and the Vedas,
the understanding on revenue along with religious matters of the
Cālukyan queen Malayamatidevi comes out. Maximum distribution
(twelve gadyāṇas) was given to the teachers of the Vedas, then to the
expounder of commentaries and Purāṇa-readers (eight each). The low-
est grant was to the brāhmaṇas tending the sacred fire (two gadyāṇas).
It showed that the queen preferred the philosophical aspect of religion
to be promoted rather than the sacrificial. Also perhaps the study of
the Vedas and the Purāṇas was closer to the ruling queen than reli-
gious sacrifices, as the distribution pattern in the grant makes clear.
Bammalādevī was a Hoysala queen ruling the ‘Āsandi-500’ division.
This information is provided in an inscription of the Hassan district of
Karnataka (ce 1136).110
It is very interesting to note that even the dowager queen sometimes
used to rule the kingdom. The Vasantagarh stone inscription of the
time of Pūrṇapāla of ce 1142 speaks about the Lāhiṇī, who was the
younger sister of the Paramāra king Pūrṇapāla. She was married to
king Vigraharāja. After becoming a widow, she came under the protec-
tion of her brother and started ruling at Vaṭapura.111 Another inscrip-
tion of the Bijapur district, dated ce 1155, speaks of the authority of
the queen in religious matters. It recorded a gift of land to the god
 Capacity for governance 181
Mallikārjuna in Kapilāśrama by Gayādharanāyaka with the approval
of the Sinda queen Lakṣmīdevī. Though the grant does not speak of
any ruling place of the queen, it seems that she might be having some
land on her own accord, which she donated for religious purpose on
the request of some feudal lord. A close look over the charters and
orders issued on revenue matters and administrative matters by female
rulers indicated that the state could make progress under their rule.
Their involvement in welfare activities proved their attachment to
social and religious issues. In previous chapters, we found in certain
inscriptions that females issued charters/orders from the battlefields,
which showed their concern for state affairs.
A galaxy of distinguished and brilliant women administrators tend
to prove that there was no dearth of qualified ladies having good
capacities for governance. Also revenue and religious grants issued by
them prove that power is not only manifest in the public and political
but also in multiple forms besides the possession of formal political
office. The perception of women as largely powerless has to be revised
in the light of such evidence.112 Also a large number of female admin-
istrators tend to defy the statement of Cythia Talbot that although
Hindu gender ideology mandated that rulers be males, it was flex-
ible enough to accommodate women whose overt behaviour was suf-
ficiently masculine.113 In these inscriptions, except queen Diddā, no
ruling queen emerges with a masculine suffix or prefix. To prove her
worth as a good administrator, she need not show her behaviour to be
‘sufficiently masculine’; rather, it was her political maturity to make
the state or people accept her as their ruler.

Charitable acts of females of ruling families

Women are mostly considered the best specimen of chastity and hon-
our. Their involvement in welfare activities is considered an extra merit
on their virtuous character. In most of the inscriptional and literary
sources, the royal females are seen more turning towards welfare and
charitable works than their male counterparts. The royal and com-
mon women found an alternative in welfare activities in gaining social
respect in addition to religious merit. Through inscriptional data we
need to check whether it was a natural behavioural tendency on the
part of women or if social restrictions compelled her to divert her ener-
gies towards such activities. Another reason could be that traditional
society opted religion as the base and when king is not getting enough
time for such activities, he involved his female counter-part to take
lead on this front. It served two purposes; first, king could concentrate
182 Capacity for governance
solely on state affairs. Second, social and religious prestigue of queen
and king was enhanced.In a previous chapter, a large number of grants
issued by queens, queen-mothers and widow-queen mothers have
been tabled to confirm this fact. Here we are citing inscriptions where
females are seen involved in charitable acts.
A large number of ponds and tank-construction in the South indi-
cate that perhaps south Indian towns and hamlets faced a paucity of
water. So tank-building was considered as the highest welfare activity.
Among four inscriptions of Solapuram, the inscription of Śaka-saṁvat
871 (i.e., ce 949) (No. C) found in Vellore of Tamil Nadu records a
pond construction.114 It was called Kaḷḷinaṅgai pond in memory of
a woman named Kaḷḷinaṅgai. Some other inscriptions of Karnataka
dated ce 890,115 ce 920,116 ce 953,117 ce 1077118 and ce 1181119 speak
of tank-building activities with the active participation of women.
The Aphsad stone inscription of Ādityasena (seventh century CE)
records two constructions.120 One was of the temple of Viṣṇu by king
Ādityasena on the wish of his mother Mahādevī Śrīmati, and also
the construction record of a tank by his queen Koṇadevī. Through the
construction of the temple, a religious purpose was served, and the
construction of the tank served a drinking or bathing purpose. It was
also confirmed by the Mandar Hill rock inscription of Ādityasena.121
Besides ponds and wells, among other construction activities cov-
ered under charity were maintaining almshouses, gardens and parks.
Perhaps it depended upon the preference of the donor and also the
societal needs in a particular area. An inscription of ce 982 from the
Bombay Presidency mentioned an almshouse.122 The Deval praśasti
of Lalla the Chhinda of ce 992 found in the North-West Provinces
recorded a grant for parks, gardens, wells and temples to gods.123 The
inscription basically recorded the erection of two temples (i.e., of Śiva
and Pārvatī) and making certain donations. It tends to indicate that
welfare activities of these females were deeply associated with their
religiosity. It seems likely that such activities were an outlet of reli-
gious expressions. Inscriptions always speak very high of such dona-
trix. In certain inscriptions the process of highlighting of donors merits
had gone to such an extent that tanks, wells or temples were named
after them. Perhaps the composer of the epigraphs wanted to immor-
talize their patrons’ welfare deeds forever. In this series an inscrip-
tion of ce 992 found in the Karimnagar district of Andhra Pradesh
speaks of the construction of a tank named after its female donor,
Āchabbe.124 Sometimes on festive occasions large grants were made. It
also included tanks, especially in south India. The Ālhaḷḷi inscription
of Būtuga (found in the Shimoga district of Karnataka dated in the
 Capacity for governance 183
tenth century CE) speaks of the donation of a tank on the festive day
of the coronation of Eryeppa-permāḍi while Būtuga was governing:

he (Būtuga) granted the tank behind the badari tree north of the
northern tank to his queen Chikkabbe, for the god during the
administration of Pocarasa (son or servant) of Biḷḷar.125

In the above-cited inscription the tank is being granted to the queen.

Eṛyeppa-permāḍi did not donate it directly to the people. It can be
well assumed that the queen would be donating it to the people on an
appropriate time because the burden of performing welfare activities
was more upon the women of society. In literature and inscriptions
both, they have been portrayed as they seemed to be destined to per-
form such activities. Another inscription of ce 1095 found in Coorg
Taluq, Bangalore is a fragmented inscription but provides important
information.126 The very first line of the inscription speaks of the appli-
cation forwarded by a queen for tank-building to the king. Perhaps
there was some difficulty in tank-building in that area, so the queen
had to adopt the process of moving an application to draw the special
attention of the king, or it could be a neglected or far-flung area from
where people approached through application to the queen. People
may have come with an application for the improvement of their lands
because the next lines of the inscription speak of rice fields near the
river given to the brāhmaṇa. They found the queen as an appropriate
source to reach the king.
Tanks were also constructed in the memory of deceased. An inscrip-
tion of the Sorab district of ce 112, which was earlier cited for an
exceptional case of performance of funeral rites by a female in Chap-
ter 3, also speaks of tank-building.127 Beside tanks, reading halls were
also donated to the general public in memory of those who passed
away. Generally such donations were made by female relatives of the
deceased. An inscription of ce 1139 of Chikka Betta taluq of Karna-
taka records building a reading hall and tank.128 The record stated
that Baladeva, grandson of a daṇḍanāyaka and disciple of Prabhā-
Candradēva, passed away at Morimgere by sanyāsana in ce 1139. To
immortalize his death, his sister Ēchiyakka and mother Nāgiyakka got
built a reading hall (paṭṭasāle) at Ommaligeya-hala in Kabbappun-
adu and made it over to Prabhācandra-siddhanta deva. Furthermore,
gifts of tank were also made.129 Like today’s van-mahotsava, during
the early medieval period we find references of charity fairs where
mass-level tree planting was done. An inscription of ce 1190 found in
the Bijapur district speaks of a charity fair which was organized, and
184 Capacity for governance
trees were planted at the request of the wife of a general.130 It is note-
worthy that after making parks and gardens, kings and queens did not
leave them at the mercy of god. They were taken care of and restored.
It is clear from the Jhōḷāḍi stone inscription of the time of Dhārāvarṣa
of ce 1198, where the object of the inscription is to record the restora-
tion of the maṇḍapa of a garden by Śrīṅgāradevī, the chief-queen of
Dhārāvarṣa.131
From the above discussion on welfare activities of women in the
early medieval period it can be analysed that it included construction
of tanks, wells and ponds primarily. It served basically a benefit in
the areas facing scarcity of water. Whereas temples, parks and gar-
dens served religious, environmental and recreational motives, the
reading halls and charity fairs presented a place of social get-together.
Such works were primarily for the general public welfare but mainly
prompted by religious fervour.

Post-war treatment
Epigraphs need to testify to the Altekarian view that the real touch-
stone to the test of genuineness of society’s sympathy towards the
weaker sex was when they were maltreated during the wars.132 A.
Padma has observed that for the man, woman has remained a sym-
bol of his own prestige. At every stage of her life, she was dependent
on man; her behaviour and character indicate the social status of the
man. The identity of female always remained encircled by the ‘pres-
tigue notion’ of the male so the insult faced by her was an insult to
him. Applying this to the relationship between the king and the king-
dom, the prestige of the king or the kingdom was viewed in terms of
the status of the wives of the king or women of the kingdom. If any
insult was caused to the women, it indicated that the king’s status
received a great setback.133 The attitude of the smṛti and the purāṇas
was sympathetic towards the captive women of war. Altekar quotes
the cases and situations referred to by Vasiṣṭha and Matsya Purāṇa
where woman could be accepted back in the society after captivity
with certain purification rituals. For example, Vasiṣṭha declared that
if a woman is taken into captivity by an enemy, or spirited away by
thieves, or ravished against her will, she ought not be abandoned by
her family.134 Similar views are expressed in the Matsya Purāṇa.135
A brief discussion on the treatment meted out to women during the
early medieval period who were captured during wars is necessary.
The Paśchimbhāg copper-plate inscription of Śrīcandra (ce 925–75),
 Capacity for governance 185
from Sylhet district, Bangladesh speaks about Śrīcandra’s military suc-
cess causing distress to the women of the Yavanas, Hūṇas and Utka-
las.136 In ce 605 when the Maukharī king Gṛahavarman was defeated
and killed in war, his wife was put in prison with heavy fetters on
her feet.137 The same system of war treatment followed in subsequent
centuries. The Rāṣṭrakūṭa grant of Kṛṣṇā II, issued in ce 910–11, found
in Gujarat, states that Amōghavarṣa kept the wives of his enemies in
chains.138 It can be inferred that queens and other feudal ladies of a
few dynasties got military training and faced enemies in the battle-
field. When defeated, these females were kept imprisoned by victori-
ous kings, whereas a general practice was that queens and other royal
females often had to enter the harem of the conqueror. It was a matter
of honour for a warrior to have a wife or maid whom he could point
out as a trophy of war. Some instances of the rākṣasa form of mar-
riage have already been pointed out in Chapter 3. The Sanjan plates of
Amōghavarṣa-I found in the Thana district of the Bombay Presidency
indicated the rākṣasa form of marriage. It tells about Indrarāja, who
married the daughter of the Cālukya king at Khēṭaka by the rākṣasa
form.139 Perhaps such a mindset of the winner kings made the society
of the early medieval period, not to expose its female lot to polity,
military and administration.
There exists a long list of titles which were generally assumed by vic-
torious Andhra kings during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. These
titles themselves stand as witness to treatment meted out to the women
of the opposite camps: Virodhīrāja vanītalaṁkāra bhaṁgāvaham
(one who has disturbed the ornaments of women of royal chiefs),140
virodhīmaṇḍalika vadhū maṅgalasūtradāṭra (one who takes away
the marriage token of the wife of the vanquished),141 paravadhū
vaidhavyadikshāgurāh (one who has taken an oath to make the wife
of the enemy as widow),142 pratyaṛdhikantagala sūtra dātra (one who
destroyed the ornaments and honour of women of the rival king)143
and paravadhū mangaḷasūtra haraṇa (one who abducts the marriage
token of the wives of the opponents).144
We can agree to some extent with the Altekarian view that until
the end of the tenth century, women were treated leniently. Also due
to the process of decentralization of states in India during the early
medieval time, the kings and feudal lords were at dagger’s end now
and then. Their defeat or victory could not allow them to purge with
women as discarded after returning from captivity. Even the attack of
Mohammed-bin-Qāsim in ce 712 could not affect this process much.
But the eleventh century was a period of great conflict and assimilation
186 Capacity for governance
of two different cultures. Great change occurred in the treatment of
war-captive females who returned back home. Even the law-makers of
the eleventh century adopted a stern attitude towards them. Women
carried into captivity by force could no longer hope of regaining their
old position in traditional Hindu society. The advice of the smṛtis,
which recommended a contrary course, was silently brushed aside, and
the doors of Hinduism were once and for all closed to such women.145
Even south India could not remain unaffected by the waves of these
changes.
Another change that was noticed in the eleventh century was regard-
ing the treatment meted out to the women of the defeated side. Earlier
they were entered into harems as queens or maid-servants, or they
were kept imprisoned. But physical punishment including disfigure-
ment drove another nail into the coffin of the liberty of women dur-
ing the eleventh to thirteenth centuries. An inscription of the eleventh
century, during the time of Rājādhirāja, speaks of the dual treatment
to war-captive females of the defeated camp. Young women were
entered into the harem, and the old were severed from their physical
beauty.146 The entry of young women into the harem was a common
course which was followed until the tenth century. But the cutting of
the nose was definitely a stringent punishment. Another inscription
of ce 1050–70, found at the junction of the Tunga and Bhadra rivers,
was issued on the occasion of King Vīra Rājendra’s victory over the
Cālukya’s general mahādaṇḍanāyaka Cāmuṇḍārāja. The latter was
killed, and his daughter Nāgalai, who was the queen of Irugayaṇ, was
maltreated.
It is evident from these inscriptions that forms of punishment
to the war-captive females changed a lot during the eleventh and
twelfth centuries. Such physical disfigurement of victims of wars
seems to be horrible. Perhaps victorious kings symbolized the cutting
of the nose of the female as the disgraceful defeat of the opposite
party.

When the Cola forces attacked and destroyed the army of the
Western Cālukyas which had been sent to the Vengī country, the
king cut off the head of the chief Cāmuṇḍārāja, seized his daugh-
ter, wife of Irugayaṇ and cut off her nose.147

During the cattle-raids also women were molested and despoiled of

honour. A large number of inscriptions from the tenth to thirteenth
centuries dealing with the cases of molestation or maltreatment stand
witness to the fact that women always remained sufferers of war.
 Capacity for governance 187
Inscriptions mostly from Karnataka are witness to it. A list in this
regard can be produced as:148

1 ce 950 : EC, vol. X, no. 161, p. 114 (Mulbagal Taluq)

2 ce 950 : EC, vol. X, no. 163, p. 115 (”)
3 ce 977 : EC, vol. VI, no. 23, p. 117 (Nagamangala Taluq)
4 ce 1000 : EC, vol. XII, no. 43, p. 96
5 ce 1058 : EC, vol. VII, no. 83, p. 57 (Shikarpur Taluq)
6 ce 1064 : EC, vol. VII, no. 4, p. 2 (Honalli Taluq)
7 ce 1064 : EC, vol. IX, no. 24, p. 33 (Nagamangala Taluq)
8 ce 1092 : EC, vol. VII, no. 205, p. 128 (Shikarpur Taluq)
9 ce 1156 : EC, vol. VIII, no. 175, p. 25 (Sorab Taluq)
10 ce 1170 : EC, vol. VII, no. 181, p. 116 (Shikarpur Taluq)
11 ce 1175 : EC, vol. VII, no. 75, p. 56 (– do –)
12 ce 1197 : EC, vol. VIII, no. 251, p. 39
13 ce 1187 : EC, vol. VIII, no. 419, p. 74

It seems likely that no fixed criterion was followed in the treatment of

war-captive females. If they were young queens or daughters, normally
they were married to kings or princes. But the fate of wives of small
feudal lords and common women was uncertain indeed. They were
admitted as maid-servants in royal households or gifted to rich people
of the town. It encouraged slavery and concubinage. S.N. Sinha and
N.K. Basu opined that concubinage arose as a female’s status in the
royal harem (out of the condition of slavery to all female captives of
war) was discriminately reduced.149 Beside war-captive females and
royal concubines, their next generations also adopted or were forced
to lead a courtesan’s life.

Female slaves
Slavery existed in society of the early medieval period in India. Lal-
lanji Gopal’s study throws a light on slavery in early medieval north
India. He has discussed topics such as an increasing number of slaves,
treatment meted out to them and Muslim influence on slavery. The
practice of enslaving prisoners no doubt goes back to the early period.
Medhātithi observed that ‘the captive of war’ mentioned by Manu
does not refer to the kṣatriyas but to the slaves who after the defeat
of their owner were brought over and enslaved by the captor. It may
follow from this that a war brought to the victor not only slaves pre-
viously owned by the vanquished but also captives.150 Deterioration
in the general economic condition of the masses was another factor
188 Capacity for governance
responsible for the increase in the number of slaves.151 These slaves
were essentially domestic servants and had to perform diverse house-
hold tasks, including those in the fields.152 About slave girls he keeps
the same views as defined in inscriptions that slave girls had been used
as concubines since very early times. Thus in the early medieval period
slavery seems to be thoroughly institutionalized. According to the
commentator Maheśvara, the practice of keeping female slaves men-
tioned in Dāyabhāga refers to women kept for enjoyment. Medhātithi
also speaks of slave girls who were kept for pleasure and received food
and clothing.153 The actual condition of women slaves was not dif-
ferent from the one discussed in contemporary treatises cited above.
Among female war-captives, some were booked for services of the
common women as domestic servants, but generally they were sexu-
ally assaulted during and after wars. References to the involvement of
female slaves in production activities are least noticeable in the epi-
graphic sources.
A valuable document of the thirteenth century that sheds light on
various social and political aspects of the period under study is the
Lekhapaddhati. Important in this connection are the four documents
related to slavery that record the sale of female slaves, stating that
women captured during war were sold as slaves. Once a girl was
brought under the fold of slavery, she suffered a total break with her
family including her husband. The document shows that relatives of
the slave girl from either the father’s or husband’s side (should she
have married) could not claim her or even disturb her in any way while
she was working as a slave.154 She was the exclusive property of the
owner (purchaser), who was called janmagrāhaka in recognition of his
right to even her life.155
A few references of girls’ abduction are also found. Sometimes the
purpose of abduction is clear whereas sometimes indication has to
be drawn from the context of abduction. The Ta-velur inscription
of Kampavarman, found in the North Arcot district, dated ce 877,
speaks about the death of a chief’s servant, while encountering a fight
with the thieves in order to release a girl belonging to Muruṅgaiśēri
(who was abducted by thieves).156 What is interesting to note is that
in Vedic times during clashes between rival tribal chiefs, cattle was the
main item of abduction. It continued to be so in the south for a longer
period. The smṛti laws also speak about the protection of cattle and
women.
Inscriptions provide a bit more lenient viewpoint on religious
ground to the female slaves. Moving back to the tenth century, we
look across many inscriptions indicating directly or indirectly about
 Capacity for governance 189
women slaves. The Stray plate in the Madras Museum (of the tenth
century) threw light on women’s labour by stating that both men and
women were employed on a daily-wage basis; and secondly, they were
paid either in cash or kind.157 The condition of wives of small feu-
dal lords who were captured during the war was a bit better. They
were given in services of royal women of victorious kings where they
got the liberty to perform their religious rituals at their wish. It has
been observed by Lallanji Gopal that the condition of slaves largely
depended upon their masters.158 In an inscription of Parāntaka I,
found in the south Arcot district (ce 900–940), the reference to the
lamp grant to a temple by a female attendant has been mentioned.
Although it has not been specified that this female attendant was
either captured during war or was already a palace-maid by birth,
it records the gift of two lamps by a servant of Kokkilānaḍigaḷ, the
queen of Parāntaka I.159 It seems that in granting religious donation,
the queen-mother might have helped the female attendant in rais-
ing the finances. An inscription of ce 971 (the Nagarle inscription of
Permmāḍi) found in the Mysore district, Karnataka is basically a pil-
lar gift of Rācamma, the son of Nīlabbe, the domestic maid-servant of
Permāḍi.160 It shows her religious involvement, as the pillar had been
stated as pious. The religious expressions of maid-servants were not
curbed during this period. Besides it, an inscription of Parāntaka I (of
ce 1141), found in Yalandore Taluq of Mandya of Mysore, speaks
of a gift of the golden image of a goddess by a female servant in the
following words:

It records that a female servant Kīrtinārāyaṇa Talaikkoli, pre-

sented a gold image of the goddess to be fixed on the breast of the
God Kīrtinārāyaṇa and that she was made the recipient of certain
honours in the same temple.161

It is very ironic to note that no law-giver talked openly to protect the

individual rights of these female slaves. It seems that the definition of
Manu on the concept of punishment was totally forgotten, which once
declared that ‘Punishment governs all mankind; punishment alone
preserves them, punishment awakes while their guards are asleep; the
wise consider punishment as protection of justice’.162 It seems to be
the discretion of a few benevolent kings that they adopted the liberal
attitude towards females and worked on certain rules for their ben-
efits. As in ce 710 in the Anjaneri plates of Bhogshakti, found in the
Nasik district of the Bombay Presidency, rules had been laid down for
the fines in the case of certain offences committed by the residents and
190 Capacity for governance
young merchants evidently of the same town against females. They
are:

For violent offences against unmarried girls (the offender will

be fined) a hundred and eight rūpakas; for adultery, thirty two
rūpakas; for boxing of ears, sixteen rūpakas; for injury to the head,
four rūpakas. If the offence is committed against a labour woman,
a merchant’s fine is 108 rūpakas. The charter was executed by the
illustrious Tējavarma rāja.163

This inscription very precisely prescribed the amount of fine for each
offence. It also depicted the nature of offences committed during the
Kalacuri-Cedi period. It seems that maximum offences were committed
against unmarried girls and women working as labourers. The amount
of fine against both cases is the highest and equal to 108 rūpakas.
In the tenth and eleventh centuries, disfigurement of an organ was
also a symbol of defeat. It is strange that society of the early medi-
eval period allowed its men to go openly for bigamy and polygamy
but punished its women for adultery. This biased behaviour has been
highlighted in our inscriptional sources, but literary sources speak in a
very low tone on polygamy and leave no chance to highlight adultery
cases. The general practice of the strict smṛti laws in actual practice
was testified by the Arab writer Abu Zayd. Zayd observed that ‘in case
of adultery both man and woman are put to death, while man alone
is punished if woman is found to have been forced against her will’.164
Al-berūnī, however, noticed that ‘an adulterous woman was generally
driven out of the house of her husband and banished’.165 Sulaiman
observed: ‘if the woman consented to the evil deed of adultery, they
are punished with death’.166 In light of these statements, it can be
assumed that purity-based fundamentalism became essential, and con-
sequently the smṛti writers adopted quite a strict path for the adulter-
ous woman. An inscription of ce 972, three Vaidumba inscriptions
from Kalakada found in the Chittoor district, speak of punishment for
adultery.167 Firstly, if the woman was caught red-handed, committing
adultery, and in sudden provocation, the husband murdered his wife
and a man, no punishment was prescribed for the same. Secondly, if
the nose of an adulterous woman was cut by her husband, the punish-
ment of 64 gādyas was imposed.168 In the first part the husband seems
to have been authorized to kill his adulterous wife and a man involved
in affairs. No punishment for killing was given to the husband. Noth-
ing is said about the punishment for the person with whom the wife
committed adultery. It is diametrically opposite to the present penal
 Capacity for governance 191
code of India, where the cognizance of adultery is limited to adultery
committed with a married woman, and the male offender alone has
been made liable to punishment. Thus, under the Code, adultery is an
offence committed by a third person against a husband in respect of
his wife.169 Taking the second case where for cutting the nose of the
adulterous wife, a fine of 64 gādyas was imposed. It could be that dis-
figurement was considered a more severe crime than a murder.

Untouchability
Adultery, prostitution or untouchability are amongst certain practices
that exist in every society. As far as the concept of untouchability was
concerned, it existed from the Vedic period when clashes with Dasyus
or Cāṇḍālas took place. Vivekananda Jha has given a vivid analysis
of the origin of untouchability.170 We have a moving description of
untouchability given in an epigraph issued during the time of Taila-II
from Belgaum, dated ce 980.171 The writer of the inscription intro-
duces us to a distinguished Śaiva saint Gaṅgarāśī and to one of his
lay-disciple, named Kaňcikabbe. The final verse of the inscription stip-
ulates that the cooking at the almshouse must be done by a brāhmaṇa
woman only. It describes the pitiable condition of cāṇḍālas in the fol-
lowing words:

She (Kaňcikabbe) is (the wife) of the amiable Kētimayya, Kari’s

son, of Mārājana-Beḷavāḍi; an ocean of abounding virtues, a Mēru
of godliness, who are there that do not praise this Kaňcikabbe?
(v. 16)

On seeing how the cāṇḍāla woman, having mixed dog’s flesh in

a human skull and poured (over it) toddy, was covering it with a
leather shoe at the time while cooking it, Indra questioned her (as
to the reason for covering it).
(v. 32)

(She answered that her food was) unfit to eat, if touched by dust
from the feet of the sinner who should have appropriated the
estate of gods and brāhmaṇa: hence are any more degraded than
he who infringes a god’s estate?
(v. 33)

for the alms-house, in which jointly the town and the prior of
the establishment shall religiously maintain in operation this pious
192 Capacity for governance
foundation, a brāhmaṇa woman shall be the cook. Happiness!
Great Fortune!.
(vv. 67–8)172

The aforementioned inscription deals with three aspects. Firstly, the

existence of a cāṇḍāla woman and her miserable condition; secondly,
the food habits of cāṇḍālas; and thirdly, the supremacy of brāhmaṇa. It
was evident that the food of the cāṇḍālas which was cooked by them
was unfit to eat. Also it could be possible that deliberately the food
habits of cāṇḍālas have been shown in bad form to justify the cooking
by a Brāhmaṇa woman. P.V. Kane has observed that in the early medi-
eval period, the rules regarding dining had become very rigid. A food
of a śūdra was generally forbidden to the twice-born.173 It was laid
down that the contact of cāṇḍālas with the brāhmaṇas would pollute
the latter. Different kinds of prāyaścittas were prescribed for each of
the four varṇas if they drank water from the pot of a cāṇḍāla.
From the analysis of inscriptions of the early medieval period in
collaboration with literary references, a few observations have been
made possible:

• Female administrators were working at pan-India level during the

early medieval period serving at various levels of the centre-state
administration.
• Women used to get education in administrative and military fields
so that in the time of any crisis they could deal with the emer-
gency. Though it was mostly confined to royal class, like queens,
feudal ladies and petty land ladies.
• The vast number of inscriptions dealing with administrative capa-
bilities of women on various levels invite enthusiastic admiration.
The misconception of historians calling the early medieval period
as ‘dark ages’ in women’s history as it was deeply related with
non-limitation of education and marriage at early age cannot be
supported.
• The only flaw which is noticeable in inscriptional study on the
administrative capabilities of women is that they seem to be more
inclined towards religion and welfare activities. Feminity cannot
be an excuse behind it, but it was part of politics of promoting
ethical codes of the smṛtis. Various reasons have been discussed in
the chapter behind such approach. But one cannot deny that even
rulers were highly religious and donated liberally.
• Women were the most targeted section during wars. A new change
from the enslavement of women to disfigurement was noticed in
 Capacity for governance 193
the late eleventh to thirteenth centuries. Also strong codes against
the women captured during wars made them crippled to return
back to main Hindu society.
• Biased were the notions even while imparting punishment for var-
ious offences against women. Gender discrimination was high in
cases of punishment for adultery and bigamy.
• Untouchability prevailed and the condition of untouchable women
was pathetic. No struggle for equality and no authority to ham-
mer biases against women were mobilized by anyone. The general
condition of untouchable women was dismal.

Notes
§ This chapter is a substantially revised version of the article published
in Indian Historical Review, vol. 37, no. 1, June 2010 entitled ‘Women
Administrators in Epigraphic Sources: ad 600–1200’.
§§ All inscriptions marked with asterisk (*) have been cited from CD-ROM
(Epigraphia Carnatica – Old Series) published by the Indian Council of
Historical Research (ICHR), Southern Regional Centre, Bangalore.
1 P.V. Kane, The History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. III, p. 40.
2 A. Padma, The Socio-Cultural World of Women in Medieval Andhra:
From 11th to 13th c. A.D., Bharatiya Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 2001,
p. 34.
3 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 186.
4 Ghanshyam Das and Krishna Chandra Panigrahi, ‘Taltali Plate of Dhar-
mamahadevi’, IHQ, vol. XXI, September, 1995, p. 215.
5 Ibid., p. 216.
6 Figure 5.1 shows the genealogical tree of the Bhauma queens of Orissa,
who ruled the kingdom during the eighth to twelfth centuries. This tree
was prepared after consultation of various plates issued by Bhauma queens
and other literary sources.
7 D.C. Sircar, ‘Note on Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsikarna’, EI, vol. XXXIII,
p. 272.
8 D.C. Sircar, ‘Śāntigrāma Grant of Daṇḍīmahādevī’, EI, vol. XXIX, p. 82.
9 Swami Madhavananda and R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Great Women of
India, p. 287.
10 Snigdha Tripathy, ed., ‘Hindol Plate of Śūbhākaradeva: Year 103’,
Inscriptions of Orissa, ICHR and Pratibha Prakash, New Delhi, 1999,
pp. 125–30.
11 D.C. Sircar, ‘Śāntigrāma Grant of Daṇḍīmahādevī’, EI, vol. XXIX, p. 82.
12 Ibid., p. 81.
13 Snigdha Tripathy, ed., ‘Chaurasi Grant of Śivakara Found in Puri District
of Orissa’, Inscriptions of Orissa, pp. 105–9.
14 S. C. De, ‘Two Plates of Tribhuvanamahadevi From Baud’, EI, vol. XXIX,
1951–2, pp. 210–11.
15 Snigdha Tripathy, ed., ‘The Terundia Plate of Śubhākara: Year 100’,
Inscriptions of Orissa, pp. 120–4.
194 Capacity for governance
16 Snigdha Tripathy, ed., ‘The Terundia Plate of Śubhākara: Year 100’,
Inscriptions of Orissa, pp. 120–4.
17 Ibid., pp. 201–2.
18 Ibid., pp. 201.
19 F. Kielhorn, ‘(A) Dandimahadevi’s Grant of the Year 180’, EI, vol. VI,
p. 133.
20 F. Kielhorn, ‘(B) Undated Grant of Dandimahadevi’, EI, vol. VI, pp. 140–1.
21 Snigdha Tripathy, ‘Dhenkanal Grant of Tribhuvanamahadevi: Year 160’,
Inscriptions of Orissa, pp. 171–2.
  The lines of inscription reads as:
The reigning queen (the donor) who was the daughter of Rājā Mal-
ladeva . . . and who married Lalitahāra.
(ll. 17–22)

This royal order is relating to the grant of village named Kontaśyarā,

situated in the district of Tosala, was issued by the reigning queen, for
the enhancement of merits of her parents, self and all other creatures
and was to be continued as long as the sun, the moon, and the earth
would endure.
(ll. 23–38)

22 R.D. Banerjee, ‘Neulpur Grant of Subhakara: The 8th Year’, EI, vol. XV,
1920, pp. 1–8.
23 Hara Prasad Shastri, ‘Seven Copper-Plate Records of Land Grants From
Dhenkanal’, JBORS, vol. II, part I, 1916, p. 420.
24 Swami Madhavananda and R.C. Majumdar, The Great Women of India,
p. 287.
25 Snigdha Tripathy, ‘Talcher Plate of Shubhākara: Year 141’, Inscriptions of
Orissa, no. 10, p. 138.
26 P.R. Srinivasan, ‘A Grant of Vakulamahadevi: Year 204’, EI, vol. XXXVI,
p. 309.
27 Ibid.
28 Snigdha Tripathy, ‘Talcher Plate of Shubhākara: Year 141’, Inscriptions of
Orissa, p. 138.
29 Snigdha Tripathy, ‘Kumarang Plate of Dandimahadevi’, Inscriptions of
Orissa, p. 202.
30 Malati Mahajan, Orissa: From Place Names in Inscriptions; c. 260 bc –
1200 A.D., Sharada Publishing House, New Delhi, 2003, pp. 258–63.
31 Shishir Kumar Panda, Medieval Orissa: A Socio-Economic Study, Mittal
Publications, New Delhi, 1991, p. 95.
32 Swami Madhavananda and R.C. Majumdar, The Great Women of India,
pp. 288–9.
33 Bansi Lal Malla, Sculptures of Kashmir (A.D. 600–1200), Agam Kala
Prakashan, New Delhi, 1990, p. 11.
34 B.K. Kaul Deambi, Corpus of Śārada Inscriptions of Kashmir: With Spe-
cial Reference to Origin and Development of Śārada Script, pp. 97–8.
35 Ibid.
 Capacity for governance 195
36 Cynthia Talbot, ‘Rudrama-Devi, the Female King: Gender and Political
Authority in Medieval India’, in David Shulman ed., Syllables of Sky,
Studies in South Indian Civilization, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
1995, p. 408.
37 Bansi Lal Malla, Sculptures of Kashmir (A.D. 600–1200), p. 10.
38 Swami Madhavananda and R.C. Majumdar, The Great Women of India,
pp. 314–15.
39 Ibid.
40 L.D. Barnett, ‘Three Inscriptions From Hattur’, EI, vol. XVI, p. 76.
41 Ibid.
42 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 86, p. 82.
43 L.D. Barnett, ‘C – Inscriptions of Sudi’, EI, vol. XV, p. 76.
44 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 88, p. 84.
45 M. Thiru Arunachalam, ‘Sati Cult in Tamilnadu’, BTC, 1978, pp. 89–90.
46 S. Sankaranarayan, ‘Two Yadava Charters From Devalali’, EI, vol. XXX-
VII, p. 74–6.
47 Ibid., p. 76.
48 A.P. Sah, Life in Medieval Orissa: c. A.D. 600–1200, p. 18.
49 Tripat Sharma, ‘Regent Queens of Western India: A Study’, op. cit., p. 156.
50 Ibid., pp. 156–7.
51 Ibid., p. 158.
52 Ibid., pp. 158–9.
53 Ibid., p. 159.
54 Prithvīrāja Vijaya, canto XI, cited in Chandra Prabha, Historical
Mahākāvyas in Sanskrit;Eleventh to fifteenth century ad, Meharchand
Lachhmandas, New Delhi, 1976, p. 151.
55 Ibid., p. 160.
56 Ibid., p. 163.
57 A.S. Altekar, ‘Two Bhor State Museum Copper-Plates’, EI, vol. XXII,
p. 186.
58 Ibid., p. 188.
59 L.D. Barnett, ‘Tilvalli Inscription of the Reign of Somesvara I’, EI, vol.
XVI, p. 82.
60 G.S. Gai, SII, vol. XVIII, no. 63, pp. 52–3.
61 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XX, no. 61, p. 74.
62 L.D. Barnett, ‘Momigatti Inscription of 49th Year of Vikramaditya-VI’,
EI, vol. XVII, p. 118.
63 Ibid., p. 323.
64 L.D. Barnett, ‘Inscriptions at Narendra’, EI, vol. XIII, p. 299.
65 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. XI, no. 33, p. 100.*
66 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. XII, no. 24, p. 91.*
67 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. VII, no. 219, p. 130.*
  It starts with King Kannaradeva’s giving the grade of nāl-gāvuṇḍa to
the wife of a mahāsāmanta who died. Her name was Jakkiyabbe. She was
granted the territory of some Avatarūr area. It further states as: skilled in
ability for good governance, faithful to Jinendra . . . Jakkiyabbe when pro-
tecting it well, though a woman, in the pride of her own heroic bravery.
68 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. IV, no. 92, p. 92.*
69 B.L. Rice, EC, no. IV, no. 50, p. 89.*
196 Capacity for governance
70 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. XI, no. 21, p. 99.*
71 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 21, p. 4.*
72 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. V, no. 16, p. 47.*
73 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. V, no. 32, p. 121.*
74 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. V, no. 124, p. 168.*
75 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. V, no. 85, p. 145.*
76 G.S. Gai, SII, vol. XVIII, no. 127, p. 159.
77 Tripat Sharma, ‘Regent Queens of Western India: A Study’, JGJKSV, vol.
XL, part 1–4, January–December 1984, p. 164.
78 D.R. Bhandarkar, ‘Jethwai Plates of Rāṣṭrakūṭa Queen Śīlamahādevī’, EI,
vol. XXII, 1933–4, p. 101.
79 J.F. Fleet, ‘Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions’, IA, vol. VII, p. 164.
80 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. V, no. 205, pp. 213–14.*
81 K.A. Nilkanta Sastri and M. Venkataramayya, ‘Telugu Cola Record
From Anantapur and Cuddapah (G)’, EI, vol. XXVII, p. 234.
82 Ind. Arch. – A Review: 1961–2, p. 83.
83 D.R. Bhandarkar, ‘Jethwai Plates of Rāṣṭrakūṭa Queen Śīlamahādevī’, EI,
vol. XXII, p. 100.
84 Ibid.
85 R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Struggle for Empire, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
Bombay, 1964, pp. 482–4.
86 K.A. Nilkanta Sastri and M. Venkataramayya, ‘Telugu Cola Record
From Anantapur and Cuddapah-H’, EI, vol. XXVII, p. 237.
87 Ibid., p. 239.
88 Ibid., p. 242.
89 Robert Sewell, The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India and Out-
lines of Political History, Diocesan Press, Madras, 1932, p. 29.
90 G.S. Gai, ‘Salem Plates of Ganga Sripurusha’, EI, vol. XXVII, 1947–8,
p. 147.
91 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. IV, no. 92, 1989, p. 92.
92 Ibid.
93 G.S. Gai, ‘Inscription of Khottiga’, EI, vol. XXXIV, 1960–61, p. 59–62.
94 Ibid., p. 62.
95 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. IV, no. 50, 1898, p. 89.
96 A. Padma, The Socio-Cultural World of Women in Medieval Andhra,
p. 35.
97 SII, vol. III, Parts I-II, 1987, p. 155–9.
98 SII, vol. XVIII, no. 14, 1975, p. 8.
99 J.F. Fleet, ‘The Hebbal Inscription’, EI, vol. IV, p. 351.
100 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 117, 1986, p. 117.
101 A. Padma, The Socio-Cultural World of Women in Medieval Andhra,
p. 35.
102 R. Sharma Shastry, SII, vol. IX, no. 195, p. 139.
103 Ind. Arch. – A Review: 1957–8, p. 57.
104 Robert Sewell, The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India and Out-
lines of Political History, p. 67.
105 Ibid., p. 86.
106 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 126, p. 145.
107 A. Padma, The Socio-Cultural World of Women in Medieval Andhra, p. 41.
 Capacity for governance 197
108 R. Sharma Shastry, SII, vol. XV, no. 159, p. 145.
109 Krishna Murari, The Chalukyas of Kalyāṇī: A.D. 973–1200, Concept
Publishing Company, New Delhi, 1977, p. 265.
110 Robert Sewell, The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India and Out-
lines of Political History, p. 102.
111 Harihar Vittal Trivedi, ‘Inscriptions of Paramāras, Chandellas,
Chachchapaghālas and Two Minor Dynasties’, in CII, vol. VII, no. 62,
pp. 231–2.
112 Cynthia Talbot, ‘Rudrama-Devi, the Female King’, pp. 392–3.
113 Ibid., p. 409.
114 E. Hultzsch, ‘Four Inscriptions at Solapuram’, EI, vol. VII, p. 195.
115 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. X, no. 38, p. 78.*
116 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. XII, no. 39, p. 95.*
117 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. X, no. 3, p. 198.*
118 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, no. 35, pp. 134–5.*
119 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. V, no. 161, p. 197.*
120 J.F. Fleet, ‘Aphsad Stone Inscription of Adityasena’, CII, vol. III, p. 200.
121 J.F. Fleet, ‘Mandar Hill Rock Inscription of Adityasena’, ibid.,
pp. 211–12.
  Although in both, Aphsad and Mandar inscription of Adityasena,
no date is mentioned but it is generally held that the Mandar hill-rock
inscription is of a later date than the Aphsad inscription.
122 F. Kielhorn, ‘Nilgund inscription of Taila-II’, EI, vol. IV, 1896–7, p. 205.
123 G. Bühler, ‘Dewal Praśasti of Lalla the Chhinda’, EI, vol. I, p. 84.
124 P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, ‘Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh’, vol. I, no. 8,
1974, p. 21.
125 K.V. Ramesh, ‘Alhalli Inscription of Butuga’, Inscriptions of the Western
Gaṅgas, no. 137, pp. 409–10.
126 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. IX, 1905, pp. 176–7 and B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol.
I, no. 57, p. 70.
  On the application of his lawful wife, Cikkala-Devī, . . . having the
Rājā . . . tank built, and . . . erected, having . . . to brāhmaṇas, having rice
fields made at the river and performing many deeds of Dharma – having
gained Śiva-laka (i.e., died).
127 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VIII, no. 468, 1904, p. 79.
128 R. Narasimhachar, EC, vol. II, no. 174 (141), pp. 429–30.
129 Ibid.
130 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XX, p. 218.
131 Harihar Vittal Trivedi, ‘Inscriptions of Paramāras, Chandellas,
Chachchapaghālas and Two Minor Dynasties’, CII, vol. VII, no. LXXIV,
part II, pp. 254–5.
132 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 305.
133 A. Padma, The Socio-Cultural World of Women in Medieval Andhra,
p. 50.
134 A.S. Altekar, op.cit., p. 308. Matsyapurāṇa, 227, 126.
135 Ibid., p. 308.
136 D.C.Sircar, ‘The Paśchimbhāg Copper-Plate Inscription of Śrīchandra’,
127A, Select Inscriptions, p. 92.
137 op.cit., p. 315.
198 Capacity for governance
138 E. Hultzsch, ‘A Rāṣṭrakūṭas Grant of Kriṣṇā II’, EI, vol. I, p. 57.
139 D.R. Bhandarkar, ‘The Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarṣa I’, EI, vol. XVIII,
p. 238.
140 SII, vol. VI, no. 124, cited in A. Padma, The Social-Cultural World of
Women in Medieval Andhra, p. 50.
141 AR, 721, of 1920, cited in ibid., p. 50.
142 SII, vol. V, no. 105, cited in ibid., p. 50.
143 SII, vol. X, no. 74, cited in ibid., p. 50.
144 SII, vol. VI, no. 594, cited in ibid., p. 50.
145 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 309.
146 E. Hultzsch, SII, vol. III, no. 28, Parts I-II, 1987, pp. 57–8.
147 Robert Sewell, The Historical Inscriptions of Southern India and Out-
lines of Political History, p. 79. E. Hultzsch (SII, vol. III, no. 20) has spe-
cifically provided the name of invader king and wife of defeated feudal
lord. While the description of R. Sewell is conclusive.
148 A list of cases of molestation has been provided from Karnataka dealing
with the period from the tenth to thirteenth centuries.
149 S.N. Sinha and N.K. Basu, Women in Ancient India: Vedas to Vatsyāyana,
Khama Publishers, New Delhi, 2002, p. xvii.
150 Lallanji Gopal, The Economic Life of Northern India: c. A.D. 600–1200,
Motilal Banarsidas, Varanasi, 1965, p. 71.
151 Ibid., p. 72.
152 Ibid., p. 78.
153 Ibid., p. 79. (Medhātithi on Manu, IX, 143).
154 Pushpa Prasad, ‘Female Slavery in Thirteenth Century Gujarat Docu-
ments in Lekhapaddhati’, IHR, vol. 15, no. 1–2, July 1988–Janu-
ary 1989, p. 271.
155 Ibid., p. 269.
156 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Ta-Velur Inscription of Kampavarman’, Inscriptions
of the Pallavas, no. 202, p. 539.
157 P.R. Srinivasan, ‘Stray Plate in Madras Museum’, EI, vol. XXXIII, 1959–
60, pp. 173–5.
158 Lallanji Gopal, The Economic Life in Northern India, p. 77.
159 E. Hultzsch, ‘Six Inscriptions at Tirunamanallur’, EI, vol. VII, p. 134.
160 K.V. Ramesh, ‘Nagarle Inscription of Permmadi (Marasimha)’, Inscrip-
tions of the Western Gaṅgas, no. 142, p. 453.
161 M.H. Krishna, EC, vol. XIV, no. 178, 1943, p. 23.
162 Punishment rules all men; punishment alone protects them: punishment
is watchful while they sleep; the wise know punishment (to be) justice.
Manu, VII, 18, Eng. tr. by A.C. Burnell and E.W. Hopkins, p. 150.
163 V.V. Mirashi, ‘Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era’, CII, vol. IV, no.
32, part I, 1998, p. 156.
164 R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 377.
165 Al-Beruni’s India, vol. II, p. 162.
166 M.P. Singh, Life in Ancient India, p. 321.
167 H.K. Narasimhaswami, ‘Three Vaidumba Inscriptions From Kalakada’,
EI, vol. XXX, 1953–4, p. 278–82.
168 Ibid.
169 Ratanlal Dhirajlal, Indian Penal Code, Wadhwa and Company, Nagpur,
27th edn., 1994, pp. 564–5.
 Capacity for governance 199
170 Vivekanand Jha, ‘Candala and the Origin of Untouchability’, IHR, vol.
XIII, no. 1–2, July 1986–January 87, pp. 1–2.
171 L.D. Barnett, ‘Sogal Inscription of the Reign of Taila-II’, EI, vol. XVI,
1921–22, p. 2.
172 Ibid., pp. 7–9.
173 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. II, pt. II, p. 790.
6 Property rights

Long history of deprivation

Property is a concept that refers to the rights and obligations, the
privileges and restrictions that govern the behaviour of man in society
towards the scarce objects of value in that society.1 Today most of the
social systems of the world are trying to provide equal property rights
to both males and females. In India also, recent constitutional and
legal developments have enhanced the scope of inheriting property by
the female almost equal to her male counterpart. Otherwise, history
is witness to those sorry moments when such rights were denied to
women. Reasons put forth for this gender-biased discrimination were
biological dependence, women’s economic deplorability or sometimes
spiritual inferiority. From the Vedic times to the present, a woman had
to fight to get equal rights. She was rarely recognized as an individual.
Her individuality remained encircled by her identity as a daughter,
wife, mother or widow. She even witnessed the times when her exist-
ence was equated with cattle. Besides familial identity, rarely did she
have a chance of holding any other socially, politically or economically
responsible position where she could show her abilities. It was under
the patriarchal society’s influence that her rights were not equated with
those of males. Her economic dependence gave no chance to expose
herself independently.
A woman, in Manu’s opinion, was always under the tutelage of
father, husband and son.2 She independently did not possess any right.
Even in property matters, the male always decided the fate of female
successors. The female was represented as the joint owner in property
matters in Vedic times. There was no explicit reference to women’s
right to inherit property. The Ṛgvedic hymns show that the husband
was deemed to have a natural proprietary right even upon the wife.
The deterioration in her right reached a climax during the later-Vedic
 Property rights 201
period. Later on, in the Mahābhārata also Draupadī’s sale episode is
an open confiscation of her feminity and individuality and shows the
lowest ebb of a woman’s place in the social order. Women were treated
as saleable property. S. Dhar and M.K. Dhar have suggested reasons of
supposed dependence on males and also spiritual inferiority of females
as major causes of excluding females from inheritance.3 It was only in
the first century that women was successful in seeking the attention of
writers of Dharmaśāstras, where they openly declared that women and
children cannot be the objects of sale or gift under any circumstances.4
From the second century bce onwards, there seems to have been a
reversal in the unfavourable attitude of the brāhmaṇical law-givers, for
women’s right to property came to be openly recognized. The views of
various writers and smṛti commentators of ancient and medieval times
suggested that women’s rights were like playing cards in their hands.
Manu, who advocated honourable treatment to women, considered
a wife, son and a slave unfit to be independent owners of property.5
This chapter would take cognizance of various property rights avail-
able during the early medieval period to a daughter, wife, mother and
widow. For the linear development of the subject, both inscriptional
and literary sources are being evaluated. References from ancient
times will help to check the growth or depression in property rights of
women. But division between ‘family women’ and ‘non-wives’ is not
followed here, though its shadow is seen at several levels.
The struggle of women until recent times to get equal property
rights through the court of justice will also be taken into considera-
tion. The property rights of women of the early medieval period dated
ce 600–1200 in regional contrast is also being taken into considera-
tion. The main thrust of study is to evaluate through inscriptions the
rights of daughter, wife, mother and widow through direct succession
among the list of natural heirs to the property. The property rights of
devadāsī also form a part of the chapter.

Property rights of the daughter

The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act, 2005, has put the son and
the daughter on equal footing in the matter of succession, both testate
and intestate. Earlier in the Hindu Succession Act, 1956, the daughter
got a place among the heirs, who could not be excluded from the list
of heirs of the property. Each of these reforms appeared to open the
door for change in gender ideologies and women’s rights. To get this
right, women of India covered a long span. In fact, the story of women
from womb to tomb remained one of deprivation only. Since her birth
202 Property rights
a girl’s social, religious and economic status in her own family is never
the same as that of her brother. In Ṛgvedic society, a daughter was first
to get her right of inheritance recognized, but on the sole ground of
not having any brother.6 Baudhāyana, Gautama and Vasiṣṭha omit the
daughter as an heir.7 Yajňavalkya and Viṣṇu both rejected this starkly
explicit notion of legal gendering of property ownership and recog-
nized the daughter as an heir after the widow. Nārada recognizes the
daughter as an heir after the son on the ground that she continues
the lineage (of the deceased father) just like a son.8 The main liberal
thinkers like Yajňavalkya, Bṛhaspati and Nārada wanted to get the
daughter’s rights of inheritance continued. Their cause was finally rec-
ognized, and the daughter was called to inherit the father’s property
in the absence of the brother. After a considerable controversy over
the issue whether and to what extent a daughter should succeed along
with a son, Manu and Yajňavalkya conceded that a daughter should
get one-quarter of the share of a son. But even here was a difference of
opinion, whether one-quarter share was by way of marriage expenses
or independent of it.9 Al-berūnī added to our information by stating
that if she was not married, the money (one-quarter share) was spent
on her until the time of marriage, and her dowry was bought by means
of her share. Afterwards she had no more income from the house of
her father.10 Thus, unlike the son, the property rights of a daughter
were made extremely limited and far from equal. S. Dhar and M.K.
Dhar have made very keen observations in this regard from the Vedic
texts:

1 That a son and a grandson excluded a daughter from inheritance;

2 That a daughter, however, is entitled to a marriage portion;
3 That if a daughter chose not to marry, she would be entitled to
residence and maintenance in her father’s family;
4 That sometimes brotherless daughters even after marriage returned
to stay in their father’s family and got a share;
5 That a sonless father was legally entitled to stipulate, at the time
of marriage of his daughter, with his son-in-law, that the son to
be born to the daughter would be his son; and this son would be
Putrī kā-putra who would offer oblations of food and libations of
water to his maternal grandfather, continue his line and take the
inheritance; and
6 That, generally, a daughter does not inherit her father’s property.11

If we see through the Dharmaśūtras, they were openly in favour of

an extremely patrilineal form of inheritance in which daughters were
normally kept aside. In this regard N.N. Bhattacharyya observes that
 Property rights 203
daughters were never the natural heirs of their father. The father was,
however, at liberty to give any amount of wealth as a gift to his daugh-
ter.12 He also confirmed to the view of a putrika of the Dharmaśāstras
and further stated that the wealth owned by the mother will pass on
to the daughter.13 Baudhāyana merely acknowledged the daughter’s
right to own her mother’s ornaments.14 Āpastamba laid down that in
a partition the share of a wife comprised her ornaments and wealth
given to her by her agnate relations.15
So where smṛtikāras generally limited the property rights of
women, in inscriptions we have examples where a daughter suc-
ceeded her mother’s property. The case of Bhauma-kāra queens is a
glaring example of a daughter’s succession to her mother’s property
including throne, though it was considered more of an administra-
tive and political interest than a familial relation. An inscription of
Jayasiṁha, dated tenth century of Madras state, sufficiently throws
light on the property rights of a daughter.16 In this fascinating inscrip-
tion, the concept of Kanyādāna has also been discussed. The king
gifted a piece of land to a damsel. The lady converted the barren
and rocky piece of land into a fertile field. Then arose the question
of property rights over this piece of land. The record ended with a
statement to the effect that the right of succession to the ownership of
the land should devolve upon the female children in the lineage of the
female and not the male offspring. In case there was no female issue,
the right was to pass to the male children. The text of the inscription
reads:

Jayasiṁha, having said to Mōcabbarasi, ‘I have made you a gift

due to an unmarried girl (of the family)’, she received (it), felt glad.
(ll. 5–7)

In the lineage of excellent Jōgavve, the right (of succession) goes

to the female children and not to the line of male children; when
there are no female issues it goes to the male children.
(ll. 26–7)17

D.L. Narasimhachar and N. Lakshminarayana Rao suggest the rela-

tion between the damsel, Jōgavve and the king. According to them,
the king Jayasiṁha could be the brother of Jōgavve and the damsel
Mōcabbarasi could be the daughter of Jōgavve. The king granted a
piece of land through the mother to a daughter.18 But this inscription
clearly shows the dominant trend of absolute interest over the prop-
erty and independent transfer of land to the daughter by a mother on
the basis of first preference.
204 Property rights
So far as the property relation between daughter-father was con-
cerned, obviously the father kept a soft corner for his daughter. The
relatives of the royal class of the early medieval period are found
as keeping sentimental feelings for their women in property mat-
ters, except for a widow. In the Mamballi Plate of Srivallavangodai
(ce 973), found in the Thiruvanthapuram region, the father made the
gift of land to his daughter. The finances, for raising the statue of a god
as well as a temple on that land, also came from the father’s side. The
dependence of a daughter even in religious matters though without
any formal obligation can be seen. The inscription reads as:

Ādicehaṇ Umaiyammai of Tirukkalayapuram, daughter of

Ādichchaṇ, set up a bhaṭṭāraka (image) in the temple at Ayurūr.
The king Śrī Vallavaṅgōdai made a gift of land to Umaiyammai
for the purpose of keeping up the services of the bhaṭṭāraka set
up in the Ayurūr temple; and she, in her turn, made over the sub-
ject matter of the girl to the Tiruchcheṅguṇṛūr temple, in order
that it might be placed under the management of Poduvāḷs of that
temple.19

An inscription of ce 1188 from Mudgere taluq of Karnataka interest-

ingly mentions a case where a father left his land for both son and
daughter and later on the daughter’s children encroached upon the
land of the son’s children. Surprisingly, no hue and cry was raised over
it. Neither do we hear of any case against this injustice nor any law
that seems to be working against it.20 It could be possible that the chil-
dren of the daughter had a strong economic or political background,
and when they encroached, keeping in view their power, the children
of the son did not raise any objection. Another inscription from the
Mysore region dated ce 1188 refers to a gentleman named Māci, who
partitioned his landed property among both his sons and daughters.21
M.P. Singh has opined that the property rights of women improved
considerably in the early medieval period.22 After considering various
viewpoints of the smṛtis on the property rights of women, U.N. Gho-
shal concluded that ‘a distinct improvement of their status is observed
in respect of their right of property’.23 The Talangere Inscription of
Jayasiṁha tends to confirm this opinion. This document challenges
the conservative opinion of Baudhāyana, Gautama and Vasiṣṭha, who
omitted the girl from the list of heirs. Even law-givers such as Manu
and Yājňavalkya’s views were set aside by this inscription by declar-
ing a daughter as absolute owner of the mother’s property. Also, an
 Property rights 205
inscription of ce 1188 from Mudgere taluq of Karnataka (cited above)
did not omit the daughter from rights.
In the period ce 600–1200, we have many references to quote where
the daughter not only succeeded her mother’s property but took a keen
interest in the sale-purchase transactions of the property. An inscrip-
tion in the Raṅganathasvāmī temple (Kongu country) in the twelfth
century recorded the endowment of land by sale by a daughter.24
Although her identity as a wife was also depicted in the epigraph, she
had not lost her parental connection. In the Srirangam inscription of
Patta-mahādevī, the endowment of two plots of land was done by a
queen in a daughter’s capacity in ce 1154 in the Tiruchirapalli district of
Tamil Nadu.25 The Manampundi inscription of Vayirameghavarma of
the ninth century found in the South Arcot district records the name
of a daughter, along with her identity as a wife, who got an irrigation
tank excavated.26 These inscriptions also suggest that the woman was
almost free in her transactions of property. Secondly, it was not nec-
essary that her individual identity as a daughter was lost even after
marriage. The daughter got ample opportunities (of developing her
religious tastes) in connection with property matters. An inscription
of ce 986 from the Tiruchirapalli district (Tamil Nadu) recorded a
sale of land by the mahāsabhā to a temple, which was endowed by the
daughter of a Cera king.27 It reads:

This records a sale of land, 6 mā and odd in extent, free of taxes

by the mahāsabhā of Nityavinītamaṅgalam, a brahmadeya in
Iḍaiyāṛṛu-nāḍu to the temple of Īśvara-Bhaṭāra at Tiruttavatturai,
for 30 kalaňju of gold, which had been endowed to the temple
for burning a perpetual lamp of Śankaraṇ-kuṇṛappōḷaṇ of Puttūr
in Malai-nāḍu on behalf of Kōkiḷānaḍigaḷār, the daughter of
Śeramaṇāṛ Cera king.28

In the literary sources, Śukra has championed the cause of a daughter’s

share in her patrimony, even if she was not brotherless.29 Although
A.S. Altekar opined that the Śukranīti as a whole came out in about
ce 1300, and this leniency for a daughter’s inheritance on equal share
could be due to the influence of the Muslim law.30 The inscriptional
sources refute this opinion. We have several evidences in inscrip-
tions which seem to have followed Śukra’s viewpoint in the division
of property. The Talangere inscription of Jayasiṁha championed the
cause of daughters on very straight lines in the tenth century only.31
In ce 990, in inscriptions of the Kudur district (Karnataka), girls were
206 Property rights
listed along with their male counterparts in the division of property,
and that too for the equal share as for the male.32 A previously cited
inscription from the Mysore region dated ce 1188 refers to a gentle-
man named Māci, who partitioned his landed property among both
his sons and daughters.33 At least in the south region of India, daugh-
ters had received a full share in property in the early medieval period.
These inscriptions, therefore, present a view in contradiction to those
statements that favour a woman’s share directly or indirectly in the
husband’s property, but never in the father’s property. Inscriptions of
ce 600–1200 cite those examples also where women have participated
in property matters as a daughter even after getting married.

Issue of strīdhana
Several inscriptions prove that during early medieval India, property
from the paternal home shifted in the form of dowry items including
cash, land or even cattle to the in-laws’ house. Especially rich and
royal families did not mind such a transfer as it was more an alliance
for territorial gain, money and power than the individuals involved.
One such example is given in the Hebbal inscription of the Dharwar
district of ce 975, which clearly stated the dowry items in the form of
land given to the daughter in marriage.34 This inscription tells first that
it was during the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Kṛṣṇa III that Baddēgadēva (i.e., his
son Amōghavarṣavādiga) gave his daughter Revaka in marriage. In the
last lines land-items in dowry have been listed. It reads as:

Hail! Baddegadeva (holding her) in (his) lap, Revaka . . . gave her

in marriage to the illustrious Permānaḍi – Bātayya, and gave, as
(her) dowry, the Puligeṛe three hundred, the Belvola three hun-
dred, the Kisukāḍ seventy, and the Bāge seventy.35

Although this inscription does not make it clear whether it amounted

to one-quarter share of the total property or not, but it was certain
that land was given in the form of dowry items, and it was consid-
ered strīdhana. Women had absolute right over strīdhana. They could
manage it anyway they liked. The early medieval law books enlarged
the scope of strīdhana. R.S Sharma, while defining the feudalism, also
points out the changes taking place due to expansion in state-land that
ultimately affected social systems as well. Relaxation in a few social
norms seems to have been the result of the incorporation of tribal peo-
ple into the brāhmaṇical system.36 An inscription of ce 986 belonging
to the Tanjore district called for a gift of land by a Cola queen to a
 Property rights 207
temple. The land was stated to have been purchased for the religious
purpose from a lady by the name Kāḍaṇ Śiṅgam, to whom it belonged
as strīdhana.37 Srimati Basu argued that women often valued dowry
gifts in place of inheritance because they provide ‘feelings of being
done right’ by and of being loved by the natal family. Women often
refused natal inheritances because they did not want to cause a rift
with their brothers or because they wanted to keep their natal fami-
lies prosperous.38 It could also be possible that due to early marriage
and lack of education, a woman could not ask for her property rights
though right of inheritance was allowed to her. The question which
remains to be probed further is whether the amount of strīdhana,
when given as dowry, constituted one-quarter share of property of the
father in a true sense. For it first of all the concept of strīdhana needs
some explanation.
Strīdhana literally means woman’s property.39 It has also gotten its
identification sometimes as bride-price. Manu gives a comprehensive
description of strīdhana. According to him, that

which is given over the nuptial fire (adhyāgnī), that which is given
in the bridal procession (adhyāvahanikā), that (which is given) for
an act of love (dattam-prītīkarmaṇī), and that (which is) received
from brother, mother and father, (all this) is called the six-fold
property of woman.40

Yājňavalkya has also given a similar enumeration but added to the list
the compensation which is given to a superseded wife (adhivedanika).
The text of Yājňavalkya says, ‘what was given to a woman by father,
brother, mother or her husband or received by her at the nuptial fire or
presented on her suppression (adhivedanika) and the like (ādi), is the
woman’s property’ (that which is given (to the bride) by her bandhus,
śulka, anvadheyaka, then her kinsmen (bāndhavas) take if she dies
without ‘issue’).41
Altekar has opined that from about the seventh century, we find
the general tendency to enlarge the scope of strīdhana.42 Gifts cited by
Manu mostly included ornaments and costly apparel. Devala included
further ‘maintenance, ornaments, śulka (bride’s gratuity), the profits
of money-lending’ in the list of strīdhana.43 Land is hardly ever men-
tioned as an item of strīdhana by early law-givers, but Yājňavalkya
proposed the most extensive additions to the scope of strīdhana by
including property, which she may have acquired by inheritance, pur-
chase, partition, seizure and finding.44 K.K. Shah deduced from the
explanation offered by the commentator Yājňavalkya that strīdhana
208 Property rights
stood for property of any description belonging to a woman.45 P.V.
Kane concluded it through Dāyabhāga’s views, which included all gifts
from relations except a gift of immovable property made by the hus-
band and gifts from even strangers made before the nuptial fire or on
the bridal procession constitute strīdhana, but property inherited by a
woman or obtained on partition, gifts from strangers (other than the
two kinds noted above) and property acquired by her by mechanical
arts or by her labour are not strīdhana.46
In the seventh and eighth centuries the question arose as to whether
a woman possessed full powers of ownership over strīdhana or not.
P.V. Kane, after observing from the Kātyāyana and Nārada smṛti,
concluded that neither the husband nor the son, nor the father, nor the
brothers have the power to use or alienate the strīdhana of a woman.
Also a Hindu woman during her maidenhood could dispose of her
strīdhana property of every description at her pleasure. Besides it
during her widowhood she could dispose of every kind of strīdhana,
including movable property given by the husband but not immovable
property (given by him), and that a married woman whose husband
was living could dispose of at her pleasure only that kind of property
called saudāyika (i.e., gifts from relations except those made by the
husband).47 Jīmūtavāhana limited the scope of strīdhana by declar-
ing that only that much property was strīdhana, which women were
allowed to dispose of according to their own free will, but conceded
to women full proprietary rights over its time-honoured six varieties.48
But so far as pieces of inscriptional evidence in the matter of strīdhana
in the period ce 600–1200 are concerned, it can be seen that property
rights as accorded to women in theory did not have some substance
in reality. An inscription from the Tanjore district (ce 986) made this
clear that the woman was free in the property rights granted to her as
strīdhana.49 A. Swaminathan has cited a number of examples from the
Cola period to make the concept and limitations of strīdhana during
this period clear. From the study of inscriptions it could be deduced
that strīdhana was given to a bride either in the form of properties or
cash, which could not be sold or spent by her husband. He must get
the consent of his wife and also vice versa.50
An inscription found at Kilaiyur in the Tanjore district dated in the
tenth year of Koluṭṭuṅga I registered a sale of 115 kuli dry land by
a woman to a temple for 690 kāśus. She sold the land through her
husband.51 Another inscription found in Mayuram Taluq datable to
the twenty-seventh year of Kuloṭṭuṅga I referred to the sale of a house
through her husband. It further mentioned that he had signed in the
document.52 So the opinion of A. Swaminathan (that a woman was
not independent in her property rights) does not carry much weight.
 Property rights 209
But it is very much clear from literary as well as inscriptional sources
that the amount given to the bride on her marriage as strīdhana could
not be spent lavishly by her husband. If he spent the amount, he must
reimburse the same either by equal share of land or by any other
means. It was mentioned in the inscription of Vikrama Cola that a
person spent the money which was given to the bride as strīdhana by
her father. Later the bridegroom compensated the loss by giving her a
share of land equal to the value of the amount.53 Miserably enough,
women could be seen fighting for their property rights of strīdhana
even until the twentieth century, where in the Pratibha Rani v. Saroj
Kumar case, the Supreme Court had to declare that the husband is a
pure and simple custodian of the property (strīdhana) of his wife, and
the mere fact of joining her husband would not indicate that she has
entrusted her strīdhana to her husband.54
Apart from inscriptional evidence on strīdhana from the Cola period,
there are inscriptional instances from other parts of India that also
prove that a woman was free in her property dealings. For instance,
the Uttaramallur inscription of Nandīvarman II of ce 755 found in the
Chingaliput district of Tamil Nadu clearly shows no influence of the
husband on his wife in sale-purchase matters of property. She con-
ducted the affair of sale-purchase of land quite independently.55 It was
not clear whether land sold by the brāhmaṇa lady was her strīdhana,
but her free hand dealings are appreciable. Another inscription of
early Pallava and Cola times (ce 869) from Kulattur Taluq Tamil
Nadu made it clear whether the lady transacted in property matters
for religious or some other purpose, she was free in her dealings. This
inscription which identified a lady in the capacity of wife tells that she
endowed property for worship and offerings.56 Uttaramallur inscrip-
tion of Kampavarman from the Chingleput district of ce 877 regis-
ters a gift of 960 kuḷi of land in four plots, as arccanā-bhōgam by
prior purchase by Araiyandai-Pramāṇi to god Mahāviṣṇukkaḷ-Irunda-
Perumāaḍigal in the maṇḍapa constructed by her.57 Another Uttara-
mallur inscription of Kampavarman from the Chingleput district of
ce 804 registers endowment of two plots of land to the temple of god
Mahādeva at Mullaivāyil, by a brāhmaṇa lady Tāliccāni. The inscrip-
tion further states that temple was constructed by the donatrix and
her husband.58

Property rights of a married female

In this section, we have ample inscriptional evidences from all over
India to show that women freely transacted in property matters. The
Narttamalai inscription of Nrpatungavarman of ce 876 found in the
210 Property rights
Pudukkottai district speaks about construction of mukha-maṇḍapa,
Ṛṣabha, Nandi- maṇḍapa and bali-piṭha to be made for a temple
by a married female named as Paliyili Śiṛiya-naṅgai who endowed one-
quarter śey of land, purchased from the kāṇi land of three veli held by
Śavaiň Cāttaṇ.59 In this inscription, identity of the donetrix has been
provided as a daughter and wife initially, but when it comes to land
transaction, she is doing it independently. An inscription of the Colas
from the Tanjore district (of c. tenth century CE) informs us about the
sale of land by the wife of a village headman.60 Another inscription
found in the south Arcot district, dated tenth century CE, recorded
the endowment of land by queens. No permission was being sought
from the king for such transactions.61 In the inscription of ce 1016
found in the Tanjore district, freedom in property transactions can be
seen. Here a queen purchased land for a medical relief camp through
a sabhā. Among the sellers list was also a brāhmaṇa lady. Her identi-
fication through her husband and caste has also been mentioned, but
its influence on this transaction was nowhere being felt.62 Similarly,
an Uttaramallur inscription of Nandivarman-II of the Chingleput dis-
trict issued in 755 ce registers a gift of three pāḍagam of land by
Caturvaidyan Perumaňcigaṇ, the madhyastha of the village, after pur-
chasing the share of one pāḍagam each from Kuravaśiri Viṣṇukumāra-
trivediyar, a brāhmaṇa lady who was the wife of Taḍakkaḍaiyār of
Irāyūr.63 Some historians are of the considered view that a qualitative
change may have occurred towards property relations from the tenth
century onwards. Could this be due to the fact that two law-givers,
Jīmūtavāhana and Vijňāneśvara, were quite generous in recommend-
ing property rights to women? This is also surprising to notice that
in matrimonial affairs, social sanctions are involved and patriarchy
is dominating, but society is loosening its bonds for property trans-
actions by married females. There are inscriptions that show female
efficiency in various money transactions. Whether it be a case of land
purchase jointly with a male fellow or something else. For example,
the Bhubaneshwar inscription of the Eastern Ganga King Rāghava
dated in the year 1090 of the śakā era (ce 1168) told about a joint
transaction of a lady with the male fellows.64
N.N. Bhattacharya has opined that the wife, the widow, the mother
or the grandmother could not demand a partition by themselves but
were entitled to a share when the partition took place. The wife’s
share in most cases was equal to that of a son.65 An inscription of
ce 1060 belonging to Srikakulam Taluq of the Vishakapattanam dis-
trict (Andhra Pradesh) stated about the division of property of a vil-
lage land among the son, three daughters and wife of a person named
 Property rights 211
Dālamapeggaḍa by the king. The second part of the village land was
again divided into five different shares. In the distribution list, wives
have been given an equal place.66
While in ruling capacity, woman had more chances of the free hand
in property dealings. A Bombay-Karnataka inscription of ce 1062
refers to the donation given for medical relief, an oil-mill and a garden
by the queen when she was ruling over an agrahāra.67 The Sāṇḍerāv
stone inscription of Kelhaṇadva of the twelfth century ce found at San-
derav of Rajasthan speaks about the bhukti being the personal prop-
erty of the queen named Jālhaṇadevī.68 Besides this, a large number of
land donations by ruling women (Table.4.1 provided in Chapter 4)
prove that they had property rights over land. The females in this table
are land donetrix from all sections of the society, though due to strong
economic background, royal class of course seems dominating. Also,
mostly land grants are for religious purpose. In these inscriptions sale-
purchase of land has a religious purpose behind donations. An inscrip-
tion from the Tanjore district mentioned about a gift of land purchased
by the queen in ce 1027–28 from a brāhmaṇa woman, for the worship
of the deity.69 It seems that land might be earlier in the name of the
brāhmaṇa lady. Similarly, a Kannada inscription of Andhra Pradesh
dated ce 1101 recorded an endowment, probably of land, to the god
Brahmēśvara of Hatampura, by the senior queen Abhinava-Pārvatī
Mannvādevī.70
In the list of property, jewels were also counted upon which the
women had absolute rights. A. Swaminathan has correctly opined that
the jewels of a woman appear to be her own property, which could be
sold without the consent of her husband or any member of her fam-
ily.71 This is borne out by an inscription issued from the twenty-second
year of the reign of Rājarājā I, which stated that:

A lady by name Perarullān-kerri purchased 100 kuli of lands by

selling her jewels.72

It further informs that having great faith in Śaivism, the lady wrote a
will in such a way that her whole property must be given to the local
Śiva temple as a gift after her death. The reference of the will indicates
her freedom not only to issue this document (will document) but also
no consent factor (from family) is influencing her decision. Even the
state does not seem to be interfering. Rather we find references where
donation of land is made tax-free by the state. The question of mak-
ing land tax-free generally belonged to the royal class women who
purchased the land and subsequently made it tax-free. An inscription
212 Property rights
of ce 986 from the Tanjore district recorded an endowment on behalf
of a Cola queen, which she made tax-free after purchasing it from the
village assembly.73 Another inscription is also a land grant issued by
a queen of Uttama-Cola in the tenth century (Trichinopoly district,
Tamil Nadu). It was made tax-free, and no interference of the king was
recorded.74 We have another inscription where a woman purchased
land from the sabhā and subsequently made it tax-free. This evidence
was found in the South Arcot district in ce 1105–06, where this inscrip-
tion recorded a gift of 2500 kuli of land, a tax-free maḍappuṛam to
provide for food offerings . . . by a certain woman Sūryyādevī alias
Niṇṛatavanjudāḷ, wife of Nūnūṛṛuvan Malaiyaman, after purchasing
the land from the sabhāi of Śiṛṛingūr.75 It also recorded a gift of nattam
land, by the same Sūryyādevī after purchasing it from the brāhmaṇa
Bhāradvāja Kumārasvāmī-parāyaṇam and others.76 It seems that for
welfare activities, land was declared tax-free.
The seven Vatteluttu inscriptions from the Kongu country in the tenth
century found in the Coimbatore district further inform us about wom-
en’s right to property.77 In the second inscription (i.e., Piramiyam inscrip-
tion of the seventeenth year of king Vīraśola Kalimūrkkap-Perumāl), it
has been indicated that women had the right to the sale and purchase
of land. Here in this inscription, the lady sold two shares of her land.78
In the third part of the same inscription (i.e., Piramiyam inscription of
the twenty-fourth year of Vīraśola Kalimūrkkap-Perumāl), it was men-
tioned that the queen purchased the land from the sabhā.79
Here comes a list of inscriptions which are mainly land grants
donated for various purposes mostly by queens. Our purpose is to
show that the woman was free in her land donation affairs. The Jaith-
wai Plates of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa Queen Śīlāmahādevī of ce 786 found in the
Indore state stated about the land grant made by the crowned queen
(Śīlāmahādevī) on her own authority. It may be that being crowned
queen, she had an inherent right to issue routine orders without any
reference from her husband; or the latter may have expressly invested
her with certain ruling powers.80 Queens even purchased land for tem-
ple services. In another inscription of ce 975 from the Tanjore district,
it has been expressly mentioned that the chief-queen purchased land
for religious endowments.81 Further, an inscription of ce 986 from
Trichinopoly district recorded the land grant for the purpose of the
sacred bath by a lady whose identity has not been specifically men-
tioned.82 An inscription of the tenth century from the Tanjore district
discusses about a land endowment made by two ladies who seem to be
the daughters of some village official. This land endowment was made
for feeding persons irrespective of their sex distinction.83
 Property rights 213
There are a series of inscriptions issued by Akkādevī, a great Cola
queen. From the contents of inscriptions issued during her period,
property rights given to women seem to be unquestionable. In this
series of land grants of Akkāmahādevī, an inscription of ce 1047,
found in Bijapur, registered a grant of land while she encamped at
Gokage.84 An inscription of ce 1049 (found in Bijapur district) does
not mention the name of Akkāmahādevī directly, but she has indirectly
been mentioned as the senior queen of Someśvara I, who made land
grants for the repairs of temple.85 An inscription of ce 1050 found at
the Dharwar district clearly mentioned her (Akkādevī’s) administra-
tive skills while donating the land.86 Another inscription of ce 1053
found at the Bijapur district, Akkādevī gifted land to forty-two learned
brāhmaṇas.87 In fact, Akkādevī was listed under those administrators
of the southern region of the early medieval period who had set up an
example of excellency. They reigned independently of their husbands
and proved their efficiency as a good administrator. These land grants
form a part of her independent rights to dispose of property at her own
accord. There were certain other queens who marked their presence in
the history of the early medieval period. Among them was Pampadevī,
who was the queen of Someśvara II. One of her inscriptions, dated ce
1068–76 found in the Raichur district, speaks of a land grant issued by
her to lord Bhogeśvara or Bhattāgrāma.88 An inscription dated ce 1077
found in the Bijapur district introduced us to Kētaladevī, who has
been identified as queen of Tribhuvanamalladeva. She granted land,
a garden and oil to some temples.89 Another inscription of ce 1086
found at the Gulbaraga district introduces queen Mailaladevī, wife of
Vikramāditya VI, who granted two villages to brāhmaṇas in the first
installment and five sunyagrāmas in the next year.90 An inscription
of ce 1094 from the Bijapur district of the same queen (Mailaladevī)
registered a gift of land, a garden and an oil-mill while administrating
Kannavalli.91
All the above-cited inscriptions suggest that women, whether they
belonged to the royal or common section of the society, were having
full rights over their strīdhana property. In the matters of property
transactions, whether it was strīdhana property, self-acquired prop-
erty, or the property of the husband, she had no restrictions on her
dealings. Her right was almost absolute. The husband seems to have
not interfered in her property dealings. Though certain commentators
of smṛtis tried to curtail her power, society of the period ce 600–1200
adopted quite a liberal attitude towards the wife’s property rights.
Kumkum Roy opines that both inscriptional and literary examples
of cross-cousin marriage as well as marriage with the maternal uncle
214 Property rights
disclose the attempt to keep the property which went to the daughter
within the control of the natal family.92 But such control does not seem
to be working, especially while donating for religious purposes.

Property rights of a mother

The mother, who is recognized as the apostle of love, care and affection,
remained an undisputed legal successor of her son always. Her right to
inherit the property of her son was recognized since early times. Manu,
who did not recognize the widow as an heir, concedes to the mother
the right to inherit the property of a son dying without any issues.93
Yājňavalkya allowed the widowed mother a share equal to that of her
son.94 Altekar has opined that some writers attempted to curtail the full
share allowed to the mother by suggesting that the expression ‘equal
share’ is not interpreted literally; it is really intended to mean just as
much money as may be necessary for her maintenance.95 Inscriptions
across north to south throw light on the property rights of the mother,
starting from Chamba (Himachal Pradesh) in the northern region,
where a title-deed of queen-mother had been explained in a copper-
plate inscription of Somavarman and Āṣata.96 Her name (Rardha)
sounds among the persons who enjoyed the lands at the time when the
grant was made in ce 1070–80. From the language of the title deed it
can be inferred that she was alive at the time of donation, and subse-
quently survived her husband as his widow. In the inscription her title
was of queen-mother, who possessed a jāgīr, which has been indicated
by the name of kuloṭī, out of which she granted four bhu of land. It
was also mentioned in the copper-plate that she was the founder of one
of the temples to which the grant was made.97 Coming down to the
south, we find open participation of the mother in property matters.
A record of ce 979 found in the Tanjore district registered an endow-
ment of land after purchasing the plots from several persons.98 It was
made by the queen-mother of Gaṇḍrādittaṇ Madhurāntaka Śrī Uttama-
Cola for the merit of her son in the temple of Tīruchchelūr-Alvār. In
the above-cited inscription as the queen-mother purchased land from
several persons, it seems likely that she was quite independent in her
property matters. Perhaps this exalted position and independence was
limited only to royal class mothers. Among commoners, the mother
was dependent. An inscription of ce 1193 of the Tanjore district where
no royal identification of the woman was given except generally giving
the names of husband and son reads as follows:

It registers a sale of land which was tank irrigated and which

measured 2 mā, 3 kāṇi and odd in extent for 800 kāśu to the
 Property rights 215
temple of Viruviśalūr-Uḍaiyār by Amūdāṇḍāl-Sāmi, wife of Gōma­
ḍattu Yajňamaṇināyaka-Bhaṭṭa of Kiṭānaḍichcheri a quarter of
Vembaṛṛūr, with her son Śrīrāma-Bhaṭṭa acting on her behalf as
mudukaṇ (guardian). The land is said to have formed part of a
bigger plot presented by her husband to her and to her (another)
son Mahādeva- Bhaṭṭa, the latter of whom had previously sold his
share to the temple.99

It seems surprising to find that husband and wife both are alive, and
even then a son was acting as guardian of the mother in money mat-
ters. The only possibility could be that both the parents were too
old to enter into such transactions, so the son acted on behalf of his
mother.
The property rights of the mother in the early medieval period
extended even from the daughter’s side. An inscription of Raṅga­
nāthasvāmi temple from the south of Trichinopoly, ce 1127, recorded
the property rights of the mother of a queen in the following words:

It registers a gift of mā of land bounded by Jayaṅgoṇḍaśolaṇ-

tirunandavanam on the west, Rājādhirājan-tirunandavanam on the
north, Ālappiṛandān-tirunandavanam on the east and Kāverī on the
south by Tillaiyalagiyār, the mother of queen Araiyanulaguḍaiyār
alias Ologa (Loka) – Mahādevīyār to Kandādai Tiruvaranga-
nārāyaṇaṇ Śrī-Śadagōpaṇ for a flower garden in her name and for her
own welfare at the instance of Kalivalam- uḍaiyāṇTiruvayikulam-
uḍaiyāṇ alias Vaḷavanārāyaṇa-mūvendaveḷāṇ, the Śrīkāryam of the
temple.100

Very precise demarcation of the boundaries of land gifted by the

mother of the queen tend to indicate that the queen had given
this piece of land with absolute property rights to her mother for
further use.

Property rights of a widow-mother

Altekar has opined that the widowed mother was regarded as the sole
controller of the estate, though the sons were its legal heirs and own-
ers.101 This statement seems to be correct for those widowed moth-
ers who acted as regents. They held offices of their kingdoms just
as guardians of the state and minor son. It was never so that they
absolutely inherited the kingdoms after the death of their husbands.
Many law-givers provided property rights to a widow only if her hus-
band died sonless. It is only in the Dāyabhāga School that a widow’s
216 Property rights
inheritance in the property of the husband was accepted. But here we
are concerned with mothers mainly. They were custodians of the state-
heir and state-property. In the above-cited inscriptions, the widowed
mother is found donating for religious purpose. Perhaps the only way
of getting socialized in a widow-mother’s life was religious participa-
tion. The stigmatization of widowhood was covered under the reli-
gious donations. Society of the period ce 600–1200 tried its level best
to give religious colours to widowhood, either in the garb of satī and
if she survived as a widow, then in the form of religious donations.
Her existence was always found under the tutelage of her son. It was
nowhere defined how much portion of the kingdom was allotted to
her in a motherly capacity which she could spend on religious cer-
emonies. Bṛhaspati was the only smṛtikāra who supported the cause
of mothers in inheriting property. According to him, when a son dies
without leaving his own wife or male issue, his mother is to be con-
sidered as her son’s heir, or a brother may succeed with the consent of
the mother.102 Also Jīmūtavāhana, in support of the Smṛti texts, argued
that the daughter, widow, the mother and the grandmother have a
right to succession to the property of the paternal grandfather.103 Kane
observed that the mother (or step-mother), when the sons come to a
partition after the father’s death, is entitled to a share equal to that of a
son in the coparcenary property.104 Even in the present Hindu Succes-
sion Act of 1956, the property rights of mothers have remained undis-
puted. The mother has a place in the list of class-I heirs succeeding to
the property of a male Hindu dying intestate. She has been made an
equal partner in succession along with a son, daughter and widow.105

Property rights of a widow

There is a considerable debate going among scholars about the property
rights of widows. The story of social deprivation of widows continues
in economic matters also. For a long time widows’ right to inherit the
deceased husband’s property have remained unrecognized. In fact, a
Hindu widow neither got the share in her father’s property nor in the
husband’s for her support in her widowed life. Before the Hindu Suc-
cession Act of 1956, mostly due to non-possession of legally enforce-
able rights to property, the position of widows remained precarious.
Uma Chakravarti conceptualized the widowhood of women as a state
of social death.106 Both liberal and conservative smṛtikāras have tried
to prove the correctness of their point of view on this issue. In the
early medieval period the champions of the liberal school included
smṛtis of Viṣṇu, Yajňavalkya, Jīmūtavāhana and Bṛhaspati, whereas
 Property rights 217
Baudhāyana, Āpastamba and Manu smṛtis repeatedly asserted an
orthodox point of view on the issue of property rights of widows.
Both of these schools have their own arguments and notions for and
against the widow’s property rights.
Searching the history of property rights of widows in the Vedic
texts, a reluctant look was found in this regard. Niyoga was suggested
as the only way for the widow to acquire any property right in the
house of the deceased husband but that too as a guardian of the son,
to whom that property would be handed over when he would come of
age. Most of the Dharmasūtras are also opposed to widow’s property
rights, whether he was Baudhāyana who expressly rejected the wife’s
(widow’s) claim,107 or Āpastamba who preferred male sapiṇda rela-
tives than a widow.108 Manu has also echoed the same bias against the
fairer sex in the matter of property rights by declaring bluntly that the
property of a sonless person will first devolve upon his father, then
upon his brother, and finally upon a sapiṇda or sakulya in accordance
to his propinquity. When none of these options was available, first a
preceptor, then a disciple, and finally the king should take it away.109
Medhātithi, who was a commentator on the Manusmṛti, has pointed
out this flaw of the Code of Manu. Nārada also confirmed the same
tone.110 Gautama tried to put forth a modest proposal that the widow
should be regarded at least as a co-heir with other sapiṇdas.111 These
strong defenders of Hindu laws of joint ownership found the claim of
widows as an individual’s demand against the legal norms. The historic
shift occurred after the first century CE, with the statement of Viṣṇu
demanding the property rights to be vested in woman by declaring that
a widow will succeed as first heir of a deceased person in the absence of
a son.112 Yajňavalkya with a liberal social outlook strongly upheld the
claims of the widow and a daughter as heirs in the absence of a son.113
According to the Dāyabhāga, there being no apratibandha-dāya, the
widow of a sonless member even in a joint family succeeds to his share
in the family property, and there is no difference between joint-family
property and separate property.114 Bṛhaspati has argued in favour of
the widow’s share in the property in a very convincing manner:

Since a wife has been considered as half of her husband in shar-

ing his good and evil deeds, when a man dies leaving behind his
widow he still continues to live as being represented by her. How
can therefore anyone succeed to his property except his widow?115

Hence these legal debates were the marker of the broader discursive
shift which occurred from the time of Manu to Bṛhaspati in the matter
218 Property rights
of the property rights of the widow. It seems that during the early
medieval period many centrifugal and centripetal forces were working
in favour of widows. Vijay Nath has worked on the opinion that dur-
ing the early medieval period, the king used to take heirless property
under state control. The exercise of this royal prerogative must have
made it absolutely expedient for the family to bring even female mem-
bers within the purview of property inheritance. To keep immovable
property under the control of the family and preclude, as much as
possible, all chances of its seizure by the state, even the widow of the
deceased came to be invested with the right of inheritance.116
Present-day historians have tried to work out the hidden range of
factors involved in property matters in historical perspectives. Restric-
tions on the rights of women over property have been aptly described
by Henry Maine in his work Early Institutions in the following words:
‘There are in fact clear indications of a sustained general effort on the
part of the brāhmaṇical writers on mixed law and religion to limit the
privileges of women which they seemed to have found recognized by
older authorities’.117 Romila Thapar and Kiran Pawar both have co-
related inheritance and satī with the economy. Romila Thapar counts
‘elimination of a competitor for inheritance where both faithfulness
and deification are emphasised’ amongst the three reasons of the glo-
rification of satī, and the other two being sentimental exploitation and
to avoid violation of the wife by the enemy.118 Kiran Pawar very satiri-
cally remarked that,

when there were no proprietary rights for widows there was nei-
ther eagerness nor the very idea of getting rid of them. With the
gradual development of the idea of widows right to property, the
emphasis on the custom of satī also increased till it was given
the status of the ‘only dharma’ for the widow.119

R.S. Sharma has associated the same reason that ‘greed for landed
property in the male dominated society reached such limits that it tried
to get rid of widow claimants by strengthening the ideology behind
widow burning’.120 Altekar opines that down to the twelfth century
CE, the widow was intended to be given only a limited power over her
inheritance.121 N.N. Bhattacharya has denounced the modern treatise
on Hindu law texts depriving widows of property rights and strīdhana
by taking shelter for ancient texts, which deprived widows of property
rights for their own reasons and circumstances.122 These historians
have argued on the line that what the law meant for women depended
 Property rights 219
heavily upon the existing social and economic relations of societies
upon which it was imposed.
In Chapter 5, we have already discussed several grants and dona-
tions made by royal widows for charitable work or religious merit.
In continuation to that, the first inscription which is being discussed
is of the eighth century ce found in the Ratnagiri district, where the
grant was made by Vijayamahādevī, or Vijayabhaṭṭārikā, the queen
consort of Candrāditya. The language of the grant indicates that
Vijayabhaṭṭārikā continued to reign after her husband’s death, prob-
ably as a regent during the childhood of her son. She granted some
land in memory of her husband.123 It is clear that a widow in the early
medieval period (if she did not adopt the path of satī) had to observe
very strict rules of chastity. She was prescribed a thorough outlook in
religious matters. That’s why in maximum land donations of widows,
religious donations dominated. In an inscription of ce 979 from the
Tanjore district, the widow queen-mother made a land grant for the
merit of her son to the temple of Tiruchchēlūr Alvār.124
A.S. Altekar informs that the expressed permission of the reversion-
ers (who hold the right of ultimate succession) was an essential pre-
requisite for widow while dealing in property matters.125 It seems that
in the case of women inheriting property, merely the right of custody or
possession would seem to have conceded. They were not allowed the
right to alienate that property in any way, thus rendering the woman
a dependent rather than owner of property. To royal class widows, no
such situation arose, whereas in some inscriptions from south India
this opinion seemed to be acted upon in practice on several occasions.
A tenth-century epigraph from Mysore recorded a gift of land given by
a widow and her brother-in-law.126 Altekar opined on this inscription
that the brother-in-law was introduced to show that he had consented
to the widow for such a transaction. Otherwise, she alone could not
have sold the property.127 He proceeds a step further in his argument
by stating an example of the twelfth-century inscription from Mysore
state, which recorded the donation given by a widow to a temple along
with her brother-in-law and Śrīvaiṣṇavas, to prove that not only the
next reversionary but the consent of the whole caste was deemed nec-
essary to validate the transaction.128
It seems very likely that during the Cola period the bias against the
widow reached the extent that property was given to the Crown/sabhā
(as prescribed by Manu) but not to the widow of the deceased per-
son. An inscription found at Achchalpuram, dated in the fourteenth
year of Rājādhirāja II, gives a clue that in the case of a sudden demise
220 Property rights
of the husband, the sabhā possessed all rights to decide the right of
lands, jewels and other properties of the deceased person.129 Ironically,
it included jewels also among the list of property of the deceased hus-
band, which was counted among the strīdhana of the woman. What
to say of common women, since even widows hailing from the royal
class came under the authority of these unfair laws? The position of
widowed queen-mothers seems to be better off to the extent that they
could donate land grants for religious purpose. Also the question of the
specific share in property did not bother them much. Small pieces of
land donations satisfied their religious urges, completed social respon-
sibility and also enhanced the prestige of the king. But they could
never enjoy fairly extensive ownership rights over any immovable
property. It does not seem to have amounted to anything more than
their right to claim maintenance from their immediate male guardians.
It was possible that she could only spend some allotted pieces of lands.
Instances are found when mothers are seeking the permission of their
sons to donate land.
The statements of contemporary travellers indicated that the widow
was not acknowledged as the inheritor of property. Al-berūnī stated:
‘If a widow does not burn herself, perhaps to remain alive, the heir of
her deceased husband has to provide her with nourishment and cloth-
ing as long as she lives’.130 He does not speak about inheriting the hus-
band’s property by the widow. Restrictions on sale, gift and disposal of
her share without the permission of her co-parceners show that though
in theory she could get some property rights but in actual practice no
change had occurred in her deprived social and economic condition.
Even if we observe contemporary regional developments taking place
in the property rights of women, we do not find favourable conditions
except in Bengal, where Jīmūtavāhana asserted the right of a widow to
inherit her husband’s entire property in the absence of any male issue.
Jīmūtavāhana noted the conflicting views on this subject and refuted
the opinion of those who held that the brother and other relatives of
the deceased should have preference over his widow, or that the latter
would be entitled only to maintenance. He added, however, that the
widow shall have no right to the sale, mortgage, or gift of the property,
and her enjoyment should be consistent with the life of a chaste widow,
solely devoted to the memory of her husband. She should live in her
husband’s family with his parents, abstain from luxury and spend just
enough to keep herself alive in order that she might do all acts and rites
beneficial to her dead husband. Besides, she had to be fully subservient
to her husband’s family, even in respect of the disposal of her property.
In the absence of any male relation of husband, down to a sapiṇḍa,
 Property rights 221
she must live under the guardianship of her father’s family.131 All of
these instructions suggest her status not as an owner of the property
but as a guardian only. Vijaya G. Babras informed that during the
Yādava period (ce 1000–1350) in Maharashtra, after the husband’s
death, the widow was not given any share in the belongings.132 N. Sub-
rahmanian, while referring to the property rights of women in Tamil
Nadu, has said that they had rights only over strīdhana property.133
But significantly, he has cited one rare inscription in Achchapuram
where a widow inherited the lands, the slaves and other articles of her
dead husband. This was found mentioned in a resolution passed by the
sabhā of Koluṭṭuṅga Cola Caturvedīmangalam.134 It may be presumed
that such inheritance occurred because there were no male members to
inherit in the absence of agnates.
Dhar has assigned two prime reasons responsible for excluding
women from inheritance. First being their supposed dependency on
males, and secondly, their spiritual inferiority. Next, he holds sex as
the necessary disqualification of women.135 The judgment passed by
P.C. Tyagaraja Iyer in 1935 re-survived the condition of women cen-
turies ago when he stated that ‘the very principle of the joint-family
is against the equal rights to female’.136 It was only after the Hindu
Women’s Right to Property Act 1937 that a widow was included
among the heirs to the intestate succession of her husband’s separate
property and provided her with the same interest as her husband in
his joint property, although widows took this property only with a
limited interest known as a ‘woman’s estate’. The Act of 1937 was
the first Act in itself to introduce women as owners of property within
the coparcenary.137 Today, she (widow) is grouped in Class-I heirs of
a Hindu (dying intestate) along with the son, daughter and mother in
the Hindu Succession Act of 1956.

Property rights of the sister

So far as the property rights of the sister are concerned, earlier it
was included as a matter of daughter-father relations. The Bombay
school was the most progressive in recognizing the right of succes-
sion of women in the wide range of female heirs, which also included
sisters.
An inscription from south India, discovered from Trichinopoly dis-
trict in the tenth century, registered a sale of land specifically by the sis-
ter of a Cola king. It is not stated whether she was married or not.138 In
another inscription of ce 1142, the woman has donated in the capacity
of a sister and widow for her own spiritual benefit.139
222 Property rights
S. Dhar and M.K. Dhar seem to be correct in their analysis that with
all the rules regarding the exclusion from inheritance, our ancient law
was still very humane. It gave full legal protection to those who were
excluded from a share by way of maintenance.140

Property rights of the devadāsī

Devadāsī, which literally means ‘female slaves of the deity’, were a
specialized group of women who dedicated themselves to the deities
of a temple. Leslie Orr identifies them as a socially distinct category
of ‘devotee of God’ (tevaraṭiyār), ‘daughter of God’ (tevaṇār makal)
and ‘woman of the temple’ (taliyilār, patiyilār).141 During the early
medieval period, they were the main beneficiary of royal patron-
age. In many inscriptions their names appear. Besides being associ-
ated to the temple, they seem to be involved in land transactions. In
a Kanchipuram inscription of Nandivarman-II of Chinleput district,
dated 759, names of fifteen dancing girls appear.142 They were the
dancers of both religious and secular significance. Abu-Zaid-al-Hasan
(ninth century) called them ‘women of the idol’.143 Aloka Parasher-Sen
and Kanakalatha Mukund have worked exhaustively on the temple
girls and the land grant economy of temples of the Deccan during the
early medieval period from an inscriptional point of view. Kanakalatha
Mukund has opined that the inscriptions refer to several kinds of prop-
erty transactions – gifts to temple, sales and assignment of property,
and land revenues to the tevaraṭiyal for their services. These transac-
tions also indicate that the ownership rights of women with regard to
their property extended to the power of alienation through gifts and
sales.144 Aloka Parasher-Sen has categorized temple land grants with
respect to temple girls under four categories.145 Among these, the first
category was of those temple girls who made endowments to the tem-
ple, implying their access to property which they could dispose of in
the manner that pleased them. In this category comes the inscription of
Challabbe (W) Saṅgameśwara temple at Pattadakal in Badami Taluq
of Bijapur ce 730 that speaks of Śrī Vijayeśvarada sūle who made a
votive offering of three pillars in the main hall of the temple.146
The third inscription of Siriyave (W) Kalleśvara Temple of Har-
panhalli Taluq of Bellary (Karnataka), ce 1035, tells that the donor
was a dancer of the temple whose name was mentioned as Siriyāve,
and she gifted her house to the temple on the condition that those
who lived there would pay 2 paṇas per year to maintain a perpetual
lamp before the god.147 From the above-cited inscriptions, it can be
inferred that these devadāsīs were quite well-off financially, agreeing
 Property rights 223
to the views of Sudha Jha that these temple women, being unmarried,
enjoyed economic autonomy. Also, temple women used donations as
a way to forge and strengthen connections with the temples in their
locality, connections, which are critical to their status and identity as
temple women.148 They were themselves serving in the temple and con-
tributing also to the temple economy. Although their contribution as
compared to their patrons was negligible, even then they tried to show
their concern in this way. Most of the time these temple girls were sup-
ported by kings and nobles in their economic matters, so even if people
sometimes opposed them in the society, due to the support of the royal
and feudal classes, their existence was maintained.
Next in the list are those inscriptions which record independent
grants made to temple girls, wherein sometimes they were mentioned
by their names. The Ratnagiri copper-plate inscription of Karṇa
(ce 1100–10) issued from the Cuttack district of Orissa, mentions the
name of Rāṇī Karpūraśrī, who was the daughter of Mahārī (devadāsī)
Māhūṇadevī and the daughter’s daughter of Udayamatī. She hailed
from the Mahāvihāra of Saloṇapura in Utkala-deśa. Sircar opines that
Karpūraśrī, the queen of the king Karṇa, was thus apparently a danc-
ing girl attached to the Buddhist temple in the monastery at Saloṇapura
(Solampur near modern Jajpur).149 This is a very unique and different
inscription, perhaps the only one of its kind, which speaks about a
devadāsī as a queen. Also the openness shown to introduce her family
of a dancing girl leaves the reader to guess her position high as a queen
or low as a dancing girl.
The Bujjabeśware temple (Hebbal) in Lakshmeshwar Taluq, Dhar-
war district, tells about the donor who was the grandmother of the
Gaṅga prince Būtayya. She granted 20 maṭṭars of land to five temple
girls whose names were not mentioned in the inscription. This grant
was made in ce 975.150 Another grant of Rāmeśvara temple Raniben-
nur Taluq, Dharwar district (ce 1048), speaks about the grant made
by petty feudatories. The grant was of 25 maṭṭars of land made
specifically for six temple girls. The names of six temple girls have also
been mentioned.151
Grants of lands to temple girls tend to demonstrate that dancing
girls had some property rights. Not only temple women were unique
among women in medieval Tamil Nadu, in that they constituted a
group whose economic activity and autonomy was not reduced in the
course of the Cola period, but they were also different from other
women in the means by which they acquired property.152 Temples were
patronized by royal kings and feudatories, and temple girls consti-
tuted an important part of these temples. They have specifically been
224 Property rights
mentioned as ‘beneficiaries of land grants’, meaning thereby that soci-
ety was willing in granting property rights to women. This tendency
was seen mostly in the south Indian temples. Aloka Parasher-Sen aptly
stated that ‘in contrast to the sisters, wives and widows in the above
examples who got land either through gifts or inheritance; temple girls
distinctly received land grants for their skill in the religious functions
and duties they performed in the temple’.153 Presently, Devadāsī have
become almost extinct, but during the early medieval period, they
formed a very significant part of social and economic activities, espe-
cially in the temples of the south India.
In this whole episode of granting property rights to women, surpris-
ingly, both society and most of the law-makers of the early medieval
period seems to be following the liberal approach, but it could never
equate their right with men in absolute property rights. Leslie spe-
cifically mentions through the inscriptional study of Cola grants that
women had more access to property and more autonomy in disposing
of their property than the normative texts would lead us to expect,
but this access and autonomy for most types of women was less than
that of men.154 It is strange to note that it was only in the case of
property rights of the female that development stages were noticed to
gradually upgrade; otherwise, in the rest of the socio-political and eco-
nomic stages of women participation the reverse trend was perceptible
if we only and only take into consideration literary sources, ofcourse
the epigraphs narrate a different story. In the case of the daughter’s
property right, the tenth-century inscription of Jayasimha stands as a
milestone. It openly forfeited the claim of smritikāras that only the son
could succeed to the property. The free dealing of women in land and
money transactions specifically of strīdhana shows that male domi-
nance worked less in practicality. The royal class female had the inde-
pendence to make land tax-free. Even the widow, who was completely
denied the right of inheritance, was shown some sympathy in property
rights in the inscriptions. As she was leading a more religious way of
life as a widow, her interest of land donation naturally took a more
religious turn, but she was given a free hand in religious land dealings.
Her legal relationship to property also illuminated contradictions. For
her survival, inscriptions indicate, she might get a share in the property
of the deceased husband. Similarly, the society of the period between
ce 600–1200 followed the liberal trend in providing property rights
to the mother and sister. The inscriptional study also contradicts the
observations of those historians who emphasized that women were
granted the right to inherit property mainly to save it from falling
escheat of the state in the absence of complete ownership over the
 Property rights 225
inherited property. The available inscriptional evidence may not be
much in number but it is conclusive in character. Smṛtikārs seem to
be successful in restricting the rights of property up to a certain extent
in the north, but in the south its influence was very restricted.

Notes
1 International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, ed. By David L. Sills,
vol. 12, Palgrave Macmillan India Ltd. and The Free Press, New York,
1968, p. 590.
2 firk j{kfr dkSekjs] HkrkZ j{kfr ;kSousA
j{kfUr LFkfojs iq=k] u L=h LokrU«;egZfrAA
  The father guards them in childhood, the husband guards them in
youth, in old age the sons guard them. A woman ought not to be in a state
of independence.
  Manu, IX, 3, tr. by A.C. Burnell and E.W. Hopkins, p. 245.
3 S. Dhar and M.K. Dhar, Evolution of Hindu Family Law: Vedas to
Vasistha, p. 308.
4 Yāj., II, 175, Sanskrit-Hindi tr. by Umesh Chandra Pandeya and Naray-
ana Mishra, Chaukhamba Sanskrit Samsthan, Varanasi, 7th edn., 2003,
p. 323.
5 Hkk;kZ iq=’p nkl’p =;, ok/kuk% Le’rk%A
;=s lef/kxPNfUr ;L; rs rL; r)ue~AA
  Wife, son, and slave, these three are said to be without property: what-
ever property they acquire is his to whom they (belong).
  Manu, VIII, 416, tr. by A.C. Burnell and E.W. Hopkins, pp. 243–4.
6 vHkzkrso iaql, fr izrhph xrkZ:fxo lu;s /kukuke~A
  Rigveda, II, 124, 7, Hindi tr. by Jiyalal Kamboj, Rigved Samhita, Vidya-
nidhi Prakashan, New Delhi, 2004, p. 358.
7 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. III, p. 714.
8 Ibid., p. 714. (Narada, II. 296).
9 Jyotsna Tribhuwan, Law Relating to Women in India, Anusuya Mudrana-
laya, Poona, 1965, p. 67.
10 Al-Beruni’s India, ed. by E.C. Sachau, vol. II, p. 164.
11 S. Dhar and M.K. Dhar, Evolution of Hindu Family Law: Vedas to
Vasistha, pp. 314–15.
12 N.N. Bhattacharyya, ‘Proprietary Rights of Women in Ancient India’,
cited in Kumkum Roy, ed., Women in Early Indian Societies, Manohar
Publishers, New Delhi, 2001, p. 118.
13 Ibid., pp. 118–19.
14 Baudhāyana-Dharmasūtra, II, 2.3.44, ed. by Umesh Chandra Pandya,
Chaukhamba Sanskrit Series, Varanasi, 1972, p. 192.
15 Āpastamba-Dharmasūtra, II, 6.1.4.9.
16 D.L. Narasimhachar and N. Lakshminaryana Rao, ‘Talangere Inscription
of Jayasimha’, EI, vol. XXIX, 1951–2, p. 203.
17 Ibid., p. 206.
18 Ibid., p. 209.
19 T.A. Gopinatha Rao, ‘Mamballi Plate of Srivallavangodai’, EI, vol. IX,
1907–08, p. 235.
226 Property rights
20 B.L. Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 24, p. 63.*
21 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. III, p. 772.
22 M.P. Singh, Life in Ancient India, p. 130.
23 U.N. Ghoshal, ‘Social Condition’, in R.C. Majumdar ed., The Struggle for
Empire, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 2nd edn., 1966, p. 496.
24 P.R. Srinivasan, ‘Inscription of Ranganathasvami Temple’, SII, vol. XXIV,
no. 104, p. 127.
25 K.G. Krishnah, ‘Srirangam Inscription of Pattamahadevi’, EI, vol. XXX-
VIII, p. 229.
26 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Manampundi Inscription of Vayirameghavarman’,
Inscription of the Pallavas, no. 266, p. 647.
27 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 408, pp. 214–15.
28 Ibid.
29 Śūkranīti, IV, 5, 299–200, cited in A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in
Hindu Civilization, p. 241.
30 Ibid.
31 D. L. Narasimhachar and N. Lakshminarayana Rao, ‘Talangere Inscrip-
tion of Jayasimha’, EI, vol. XXIX, p. 209.
32 B. Lewis Rice, EC, vol. VI, no. 9, p. 2.
33 EC, vol. VI, no. 24 cited in A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu
Civilization, p. 242.
34 J. F. Fleet, ‘The Hebbal Inscription’, EI, vol. IV, p. 350.
35 Ibid., p. 354.
36 R.S. Sharma, Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation,
Orient Longman, Kolkata, 2001, pp. 242–3.
37 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 404, p. 212.
38 Srimati Basu, She Comes to Take Her Rights: Indian Women, Property
and Propriety, SUNY Press, New York, 1999, p. 98.
39 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. III, p. 772.
40 v/;XU;/;kokgfuad nÙka p izhfrdeZf.kA
Hkzkr’ekr’ fir’ izkIra “kfM~o/ka L=h/kua Le’re~AA
  Manu, IX, 194, tr. from the Sanskrit by A. C. Burnell and Hopkins,
p. 279.
41 fir’ ekr’ ifr Hkzkr’ nÙke/;XU;qikxre~A
vf/kosnfudk|a p L=h/kua ifjdhfrZre~AA
cU/kqnÙka rFkk ‘qkYdeUok/ks;deso pA
vrhrk;keiztfl ckU/kokLrnokIuq;q%AA
  Yaj., II, 143–4, ed. with commentary by Umesh Chandra Pandey,
pp. 301–2.
42 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 221.
43 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. III, p. 777.
44 Yaj., II, 143, ed. with Hindi commentary by Umesh Chandra Pandey,
pp. 301–2.
45 K.K. Shah, ‘Legal Rights of Women to Landed Wealth: A Case-Study of
Candella Queens’, cited in Kiran Pawar, ed., Women in Indian History,
p. 74.
46 P.V. Kane, op.cit., p. 781.
47 Ibid., p. 784.
48 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 225.
49 D. C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 404, p. 212.
 Property rights 227
50 A. Swaminathan, ‘Some Epigraphical Gleanings on Dowry System in the
Chola Period’, VIJ, vol. XX, Parts I-II, June–December 1982, p. 175.
51 ARE No. 83 of 1925.
52 ARE No. 70 of 1925.
53 ARE No. 39 of 1925.
54 Pratibha Rani v/s Saroj Kumar, AIR, 1985, SC, 628.
55 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Uttaramallur Inscription of Nandivarman-Ii’, Inscrip-
tions of Pallavas, no. 78, pp. 256–7.
56 K.R. Srinivasa Aiyar, ‘Inscriptions in the Pudukkottai State’, Early Pallava
and Chola Inscriptions, part-I, no. 19, 1941, pp. 20–1.
57 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Uttaramallur Inscription of Kampavarman’, no. 204,
op.cit., pp. 541–2.
58 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Uttaramallur Inscription of Kampavarman’, no. 216,
ibid., pp. 560–1.
59 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Narttamalai Inscription of Nrpatungavarman’, no.
154, ibid., pp. 452–3.
60 C.V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol. XIII, no. 193, p. 105:
  This registers a sale of land by Kuravaśrī Tiruvoṛṛiyūraḍigaḷ-kramavittaṇ,
a member of the āluṅganam of Amaninārāyaṇa-chaturvedīmaṅgalam, to a
lady named Nakkaṇ-Varaguṇā, wife of Mārudaṇ Paṭṭan alias Śoḷaveḷāṇ,
the headman of Karugāvūr.
61 C. V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol. XIII, no. 225, p. 121:
  It records an endowment of two plots of land after purchase, one by
Ādi[t]taṇ Kodaippirāṭṭiyār, the queen of Ariňjigai-Paṇmar, ‘who died
at Āṛṛur’ for offerings on the day of Viṣṇu in Chittirai, and another by
Vimaṇ-kundavaiyār, another queen, towards the supply of 1000 potfuls of
water for the same purpose.
62 P. R. Srinivasan, SII, vol. XXVI, no. 683, p. 467:

It records a gift of land as Ā[tular]bogam (charity for medical relief)

by queen Alvār Śrī-Parāntakāṇ Kuṇdavaippiraṭṭiyār staying in her pal-
ace at Paḷaiyāṛu. The gift was made for the people of Tirunallam, a
Brahmadeyam in Veṇṇādu in Uyyakkondar Valanadu and gift land
was purchased from the sabhāi of some place . . . the various pieces
of land and house-site were purchased through sabhāi who had made
them tax-free, from several local residents including brāhmaṇi Vaḍugaṇ
Nakkapirāṭṭi, the wife of Veyaṇśāttaṇ-kuṇṛaṇ.

63 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Uttaramallur Inscription of Nandivarman-II’, Inscrip-

tions of the Pallavas, no. 78, pp. 256–7.
64 D.C. Sircar, ‘Bhubaneswar Inscriptions of Raghava’, EI, vol. XXX,
pp. 159–60.
  A lady Meḍamadevī, apparently to cover the expenses of the perpetual
lamp, purchased, in conjuction (Samavāya) with a leading merchant (sādhu-
pradhāna) named Jayadeva, from the hands of a śreṣṭhin, a piece of land
entitled Vāhiḍā at Devadhara-grāma, and granted it in favour of the god.
65 N.N. Bhattacharya, ‘Proprietary Rights of Women in Ancient India’,
p. 122.
66 G.S. Gai, ‘Arasavalli Plates of Vajrahasta (III)’, in Some Select Inscrip-
tions, pp. 192–4.
228 Property rights
67 G.S. Gai, SII, vol. XVIII, no. 67, pp. 57–8:
  It states that a grant of land, an oil-mill and a garden for worship and
offerings to god Siddheśvaradeva. The gift was made by Ketaladevi, queen
of Trailōkyamalladeva (Someśvara I) while residing at Kalyāṇa.
68 Krishna Gopal Sharma, Early Jaina Inscriptions of Rajasthan, p. 32. Also
cited in EI, XI, pp. 51–2.
69 P.R. Srinivasa Rao, op. cit., p. 458.
70 P. Sreenivasachar, ‘Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh’, Andhra
Pradesh Government Archaeological Series, (APGAS), 1961, no. 108, p. 38.
71 A. Swaminathan, ‘Some Epigraphical Gleanings of Dowry System in the
Chola period’, VIJ, vol. XX, p. 175.
72 ARE, No. 431 of 1919.
73 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 407, p. 214.
  This records an endowment of land after purchasing it tax-free from
the assembly of the village, to the temple of Kayilāyam-udaiya-mahādeva
at Tripura . . . maṅgalam a brahmadeya in Kurumbu(r)-nāḍu, by Gōpaṇ
Śakappu . . . a queen of Uttama – Cola.
74 C.V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol. XIII, no. 39, p. 17.
  It registers a land made tax-free after purchase, by Siddhavaḍaṇ Śūttiyār,
a queen of Uttama- Cola and the daughter of a Milāḍu chief, to provide for
108 plots of water for sacred bath on the day of saṅkrāṅti every month, of
the god at Tiruviśalūr in Northern bank of Kāverī.
75 P.R. Srinivasan, SII, vol. XXVI, no. 409, p. 264.
76 Ibid.
77 K.V. Subramanya Aiyar, ‘Seven Vatteluttu Inscriptions From the Kongu
Country’, EI, vol. XXX, 1953–4, p. 95.
78 Ibid., p. 104.
79 Ibid., p. 105.
80 D. R. Bhandarkar, ‘Jethwai Plates of Rāṣṭrakūṭa Queen Śīlamahādevī’, EI,
vol. XXII, 1933–4, pp. 99–100.
81 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 141, p. 71.
82 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 389, p. 204.
83 C.V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol. XIII, no. 103, p. 50.
  It records an endowment in land for feeding two Brāhmaṇas, a
brāhmaṇa woman and some yogīs in the temple every day, made by two
ladies Nakkaṇ Kavaḍiyakkaṇ and her sister Nakkaṇ Vichchiyakkaṇ, both
daughters of a certain Devaṇār of the village.
84 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 80, p. 73.
85 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 83, p. 75.
86 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 86, p. 72.
  It registered a gift of land to a god by Akkādevī who was ruling over
Kisukāḍu Seventy, Bāgaḍage Seventy, Toṛagale. . ., Māsiyavāḍi one hun-
dred and forty and other district from Ponnāvaḷekya-Koṭe. The gift was
made in the presence of her subordinate Mahāsāmanta Ajjarasa.
87 K.V. Ramesh, SII, vol. XI, no. 88, p. 84.
88 Ind. Arch.: A Review, 1961–2, p. 85.
  Inscription belonged to the reign of Someśvara II and introduces his
queen Pampadevī, daughter of Chamaladevī, and records a grant of land
made by her to god Bhogeśvara at Bhattagrama Kappakallu while camp-
ing at Kereyuru.
 Property rights 229
89 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XX, no. 51, p. 62.
90 Ind. Arch.: A Review: 1960–61, 1961, p. 48.
91 D.C. Sircar, op.cit.,no. 61, p. 74.
92 Kanakalatha Mukund, ‘Turmeric Land: Women’s Property Rights in
Tamil Society Since Early Medieval Times’, cited in Kumkum Roy, ed.,
Women in Early Indian Societies, p. 136.
93 vuiR;L; iq=L; ekrk nk;eokeq;kr~A
ekr;Zfi p o’Ùkk;ka firqekZrk gjs)ue~AA
  The mother should receive the heritage of a childless son, and in case
the mother is also dead, the father’s mother should receive the property.
  Manu, IX, 217, tr. by A. C. Burnell and E.W. Hopkins, p. 284.
94 fir’H;ka ;L; ;Nra rÙkL;So /kua HkorsA
firq:/koZa foHktrka ekrk∙I;a’ka lea gjsr~AA
ekrk firk ftl ¼foHkDr½ iq= dks tks oLrq nsrs gSa og mlh dk /ku gksrk gSA firk dh e’R;q ds ckn
¼;fn L=h/ku u feyk gks½ rks foHkkx ds le; ekrk Hkh iq=ksa ds cjkcj va’k x’g.k djsA
  Yaj., II, 123, tr. in Hindi by Umesh Chandra Pandeya and Narayana
Mishra, p. 279.
95 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 274.
96 J. Ph. Vogel, ‘Chamba-Copperplate Inscription of Soma-Varman and
Āṣaṭa’, Antiquities of Chamba, no. 25, Calcutta, 1911, p. 193.
97 Ibid.
98 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 228, p. 119.
99 G.S. Gai, SII, vol. XXIII, 1979, no. 353, p. 243.
100 P.R. Srinivasan, ‘Inscription of Raṅganāthansvāmī Temple’, SII, vol. XIV,
no. 117, 1982, p. 143.
101 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 270.
102 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. III, p. 721.
103 Savita Vishnoi, Economic Status of Women in Ancient India, Kusuman-
jali Prakashan, Meerut, 1993, p. 97.
104 P.V. Kane, op. cit., p. 605.
105 Jyotsna Tribhuvana, Law Relating to Women in India, p. 77.
106 Uma Chakravarti, ‘Gender, Caste and Labour: The Ideological and
Material Structure of Widowhood’, in Martha Alter Chen, eds., Widows
in India: Social Neglect and Public Action, p. 64.
107 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. III, p. 702.
108 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 251.
109 u Hkzkrjks u firj% iq=k fjDFkgjk% firq%A
firk gjsniq=L; fjDFka Hkzkrj, o pAA
  Neither brothers, nor parents, (but) sons take the inheritance of a
father; the father should take the inheritance of (a son who dies) without
a son, and also the brothers.
vuUrj% lfi.Mk|LrL; rL; /kua Hkosr~A
vr Å/oZ ldqY;% L;knkpk;Z% f’k”;, o okA
  The property (of one deceased) should belong to that (man) who (is)
next after the Sapiṇḍa; next to him, one of the same clan should be (the
heir); (next) the teacher, or even a pupil.
  Manu, IX, 185 and 187, Eng. tr. from A. C. Burnell and E. W. Hop-
kins, pp. 277–8.
110 Nārada, XIII, 50–2.
111 A.S. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 252–3.
230 Property rights
112 P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstras, vol. III, p. 702.
113 iRuh nqfgrj’pSo firjkS HkzkrjLrFkkA
rRlqrk xks=tk cqU/k f’k”; lczãpkfj.kAA
,”kkeHkkos iwoL;Z /kuHkkxqÙkjksÙkj%A
Lo;ZkrL; ãiq=L; loZo.ksZ”o;a fof/k%AA
  Yaj., II, 135, 136, tr. in Hindi by Umesh Chandra Pandeya and Naray-
ana Mishra, pp. 289–90.
114 P.V. Kane, op. cit., p. 708.
115 Ibid., p. 708.
116 Vijay Nath, ‘Women as Property and Their Right to Inherit Property
up to Gupta Period’, IHR, vol. XX, no. 102, July 1993–January 1994,
p. 13.
117 Henry Maine, ‘Early Institutions’, pp. 321–4, cited in Jyotsna Tribhu-
wana, Law Relating to Women in India, p. 69.
118 Romila Thapar, ‘In History’, Seminar, No. 342, February 1988, p. 18.
119 Ashvini Agrawal, ‘Economic Aspects of Sati’, cited in Kiran Pawar, eds.,
Women in Indian History, p. 65.
120 R.S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India,
p. 97.
121 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 261.
122 N.N. Bhattacharyya, ‘Proprietary Rights of Women in Ancient India’,
p. 115.
123 J.F. Fleet, ‘Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions’, IA, vol. VIII,
pp. 45–7.
124 D.C. Sircar, SII, vol. XIX, no. 235, p. 119.
125 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 265.
126 EC, vol. IX, no. 33, cited in Ibid.
127 Ibid.
128 EC, vol. X, no. 100A, cited in ibid., pp. 265–6.
129 ARE, No. 538 of 1918.
130 Al-Beruni’s India, ed. by E.C. Sachau, vol. II, p. 164.
131 R.C. Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal: Vol. I, Hindu Period, N. V.
Publications, Patna, Reprint 1971, p. 610.
132 Vijaya G. Babras, The Position of Women During the Yadava Period,
p. 145.
133 N. Subrahmanian, Tamil Social History, vol. II, p. 206.
134 ARE of 1919, Part II, pp. 97–8, cited in ibid, p. 207.
135 S. Dhar and M.K. Dhar, Evolution of Hindu Family Law, pp. 308–9.
136 Mytheli Sreenivas, ‘Conjugality and Capital: Gender, Families and
Property Under the Colonial Law in India’, JAS, vol. 63, no. 4, Novem-
ber 2004, p. 937.
137 Ibid., p. 949.
138 C.V. Srinivasa Rao, SII, vol. XIII, no. 240, p. 128:
  It registered a sale of half a veli of land, tax-free by the sabhā of
Maṇalkāl, a brahmadeya to the temple of Īśvara-Bhaṭṭāraka for 30
kalaňju of gold endowed for a lamp in it by Nangal Varaguṇa-Perumānār,
the sister of the Cola king.
139 Harihar Vittal Trivedi, ‘Vasantagadh Stone Inscription of the time of Pur-
napala’, CII, vol. VII, Part Ii, no. 62, p. 226.
140 S. Dhar and M.K. Dhar, Evolution of Hindu Family Law, p. 328.
 Property rights 231
141 Leslie C. Orr, Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God: Temple Women
in Medieval Tamil Nadu, p. 37.
142 T.V. Mahalingam, ‘Uttaramallur Inscription of Nandivarman-II’, Inscrip-
tions of the Pallavas, no.78, p. 260.
143 B.N. Sharma, Social and Cultural History of Northern India, p. 74.
144 Kanakalatha Mukund, ‘Turmeric Land: Women’s Property Rights
in Tamil Society Since Early Medieval Times’, cited in Kumkum Roy,
Women in Early Indian Societies, p. 127.
145 Aloka Parasher-Sen, Social and Economic History of Early Deccan,
Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 1993, p. 245.
146 J.F. Fleet, ‘Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions’, IA, vol. X, p. 169.
147 SII, vol. IX, No. 89, p. 60 cited op. cit., p. 262.
148 Sudha Jha, ‘Social Status of Devadasi-Nityasumangali’, Journal of the
Oriental Institute, Baroda, vol. LI, no. 1–2, September–December 2001,
pp. 85–6.
149 D.C. Sircar, ‘The Ratnagiri Copper-Plate Inscription of Karṇa’, 140A,
Select Inscriptions, pp. 156–7.
150 J.F. Fleet, ‘The Hebbal Inscription’, EI, vol. IV, pp. 355–6.
151 L.D. Barnett, ‘Inscriptions of Sudi’, EI, vol. XV, p. 89.
152 Leslie C. Orr, Donors, Devotees, and Daughters of God: Temple Women
in Medieval Tamil Nadu, p. 73.
153 Aloka Parasher-Sen, Social and Economic History of Early Deccan,
p. 248.
154 Op.cit., p. 71.
7 Conclusion

The gender history emerged as a powerful discipline of study in recent

decades. E.H. Carr’s What is History lends credence itself to an argu-
ment for gender as a way of seeing without which we deprive ourselves
of an important analytical tool and handicap ourselves with partial
blindness.1 The fact is that neither history can be studied without gen-
der perspective nor gender studies exist without history. Whether we
portray gender as a masculine or feminine colour depends on percep-
tions, facts and interpretations. To treat gender history as women’s
history or as separate history has been opposed by many historians.
Women’s history has to be conjoined with histories of societies in all
their ramifications by retrieving, reinterpreting, repositioning, but
integrated finally into mainstream history.2
Kumkum Roy opines that women were deliberately rendered invisible
(in history) or were represented from the perspective of the powerful,
almost invariably upper-caste/upper-class men.3 The attempts of histo-
rians to represent women through literature and inscriptions have been
through leftist or rightist lenses, but this monograph takes its direction
from invisibility to visibility through both. This pan-India research nar-
rates the story where a daughter is welcomed by her family with tears,
but tried to excel in education at her respective social, political and eco-
nomic level of the society. It is a story of the struggle of women to make
their presence felt in the battlefield, administration and even in religious
sanghas. The brāhmaṇical and patriarchically dominated literature kept
trying to push her identity aside as a strong pillar of society, but inscrip-
tions seem to come to her rescue while narrating the stories of neglect and
biases, still coming out as winner, donor, administrator and even granter.
Inscriptions provide valuable information on the position of women
during the early medieval India. As discussed in the foregoing chap-
ters, Indian social norms of the early medieval society were based
upon the rules set up by Smṛti writers, but society implemented or
defied them according to convenience. The inscriptions throughout
 Conclusion 233
prove the obsession of society to prefer the male child up to the extent
that the identity of a mother was for bearing a son. Various reasons
were put forth by historians for the existence of such gender biases.
A sharp contrast is observed in literary and inscriptional sources on
the question of the education of a girl child. Historians, who worked
on the basis of literary sources of the early medieval period, held that
the early age of marriage lowered the education avenues for a girl
child. Contrarily, a full chapter dealing exclusively with the admin-
istrative and military skills of women at all levels of administration
(Chapter 5) indicates that they received education in these fields. From
many inscriptions the curriculum of education selected for girls can
be derived, which included the subjects of science, philosophy, spir-
itual and religious education, military, music, dance and other fields
of fine arts. Table 7.1 shows the various fields of education open to

Table 7.1 Various fields of education open to women4

S. no. Field of Royal/ Date Place Reference

education Common

1. Dancing Royal ce 906 Karnataka Inscriptions

of Western
Gaṅgas, no.
120, pp. 378–9.
2. Fine arts, Royal ce 968–9 - do – -do-, no. 159,
Philosophy, pp. 511–12.
Religion &
others
3. Science, Music, - do - ce 1164–6 - do – EC, vol. VII, no.
Dance 72, p. 482.
4. Military - do – ce 925–75 Bangladesh Select Inscriptions,
vol. II, pp. 92–3.
5. - do – - do – ce 1106 Karnataka SII, vol. XI, no.
188, p. 245.
6. - do - - do – ce 1177 - do - EC, vol. VIII, no.
412, p. 73.
7. - do – - do – ce 1195 - do – EC, vol. VI, no.
15, p. 58
8. - do – Common ce 1200 - do – EC, vol. XV, no.
361, p. 8.
9. Polity – A large number of inscriptions show that women used to get
political education also, though mostly in the royal and feudal class.
10. Religion – A great participation has been shown by the women
in religious activities in Chapter 4. Various charts show her
participation level. Religious education changed its course from
Vedic to spiritual.
11. Spiritualism – Many examples in chapters II and IV show that the
female opted religious gurus who imparted them spiritual education.
234 Conclusion
women in the early medieval period. The clear-cut difference can be
seen on the line that both, royal class girls and common girls got the
chance to get administrative and military education along with fine
arts, dance and music. The basis of categorization in the table is the
information provided in epigraphic and literary sources supplement-
ing each other. Military education was also imparted to women. Many
grants by queens and female provincial heads have been issued from
battlefields. Due to maltreatment of women of the defeated side, it
seems that common women were less interested in this field. It can be
admitted that most of these inscriptions belong to the royal class, but
the participation of common women has also been indicated. In these
inscriptions, mostly the southern region of India, especially Karna-
taka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, has been indicated depending
on the availability of inscriptions dealing with the educational aspect
of women. But throughout the study, it comes out that the fields of fine
arts like music, dancing and painting, religion and administration, etc.
were available to both royal and common class females.
The women of the early medieval period seem more inclined
towards religious activities. Various reasons have been probed behind
this inclination in Chapter 4. Inscriptions dealing with the spiritual
aspect show that women were not blind followers of religious preach-
ing. They were constantly working on the futility of the world, and
through a large number of religious grants they were finding the way
out for their salvation. Common women’s participation in the reli-
gious field is seen maximum.
It is indeed surprising to note that nationalistic historians have
always sought brahmavādinīs like Apālās, Ghoṣās and Maitreyīs in
the academic field in all ages. They did not realize that the definition
of education has undergone change time to time. When the strict rules
of the smṛtis further narrowed the space of progress for women, their
education changed its curriculum from the Vedic study to administra-
tive, religious or fine arts. Despite the thwarted approach of law-givers,
the low age of marriage for girls recommended by smṛtikāras was not
strictly adhered to, and change in the scope and contents of education
proved a step towards social maturity. There is no dearth of educated
females during the early medieval period, and like nationalist histori-
ans, we cannot put their educational accomplishments (into different
fields) into one box. Also, the inscriptions have presented a contrary
view to the universalization of minor age of marriage as they recorded
both the cases of early as well as mature age of marriage of girls. Most
of the social historians consulting only literary sources have indicated
Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan and Maharashtra regions as centres where the
 Conclusion 235
child-bride was a common practice, especially among the brāhmaṇas
and kṣatriyas. Contrary to it, inscriptional sources indicate that leav-
ing aside some adverse circumstances and political compulsions; at
least in the royal class it seems to be the discretion of the girl to get
into any field of education and to get married at any age throughout
India. Even after marriage, scholars in the field of philosophy, sciences,
religion and fine arts were arranged for the education of the women
in royal houses. In lieu of their services, these females dedicated plots
of lands, set up memorials and erected the images of their teachers.
Sometimes under the influence of Jaina teachers, they joined sanghas
and opted for samādhi as a means of attainment of ultimate salvation.
Marriage within the caste is one of the reasons of social inequality,
as it proceeds on the basis of endogamy. This is the root of women’s
inequality, which keeps them trapped within the caste, religion and
circumstances of their birth and limits the possibility of what John
Dewey called ‘social endosmosis’.5 During the early medieval period,
smṛtikāras tried to impose the rules of endogamy and exogamy on the
society, but despite such social restrictions, in both inscriptional and
literary sources inter-caste and inter-clan marriages were performed
(Table 7.2 shows marriages which were performed out of rules sug-
gested by smṛtikāras).

Table 7.26 Cases of disapproved forms of marriages

S. no. Marriage Status Date Place Reference

performance

1. Within Royal ce 933–40 Karnataka Some Select

blood Inscriptions,
relations pp. 130–2/ EI,
vol. IV, p. 351.
2. - do – - do – ce 1031 Andhra EI, vol. XXIX,
Pradesh p. 60.
3. Inter- Royal ce 1000 and Rajasthan ARRM, 1936,
dynasty 1008 and p. 2.
Gujarat
4. - do – - do – ce 1059 Rajasthan EI, vol. XXI,
p. 43.
5. - do – - do – ce 1155 Madhya EI, vol. II, p. 16.
Pradesh
(C.P.)
6. - do – - do – ce 1160 Rajasthan EI, vol. IX,
p. 67.

(Continued)
236 Conclusion
Table 7.2 Continued

S. no. Marriage Status Date Place Reference

performance

7. Intercaste + Common ce 837 - do – EI, vol. XVIII,

anuloma + p. 97.
bigamy
8. Same caste Royal ce 1183 Andhra EA, vol. I,
Pradesh pp. 92–3.
9. Rākṣasa - do – 10th century Maharashtra EI, vol. XVIII,
form of p. 252
marriage
10. - do – - do – - do – Bengal EI, vol. XXIX,
pp. 81–2.
11. - do – - do – ce 1157 Karnataka EC, vol. VIII,
1904, p. 65.

The matrimony seems to be in a complete situation of chaos in

royal houses of the early medieval period. Politically, socially and reli-
giously, it was a period of unrest and upheavals, so it did not give any
chance to law-makers to implement hard-and-fast rules of matrimony.
The only thing they could do was to approve or disapprove various
forms of marriages and rules regarding them. Despite their recom-
mendations, marriages were being performed within the blood rela-
tions. Several times in the battlefield, kings and feudal lords did not
hesitate in performing a rākṣasa form of marriage. During the eleventh
and twelfth centuries, a rise in inter-dynastic matrimonial relations
and disapproved forms of marriage can be observed for territorial and
political gain. Such marriages also gave rise to bigamy and polygamy
in the society, for social, economic or religious reasons. As this prac-
tice was carried out in both royal and common classes, so no hue and
cry was raised against it. A selected case study in Table 7.3 on bigamy
and polygamy cases indicates a sudden rise in bigamy and polygamy
marriages in the tenth century, except in the Eastern region. The posi-
tion of women in the bigamous and polygamous family can be well
imagined. It seems very likely that behind their more religious bent of
mind, familial and social neglect was hidden. This issue seems to be
deliberately ignored by the historians who worked on the position of
women through literary sources. The present inscriptional study also
challenges the opinion of both Altekar and Kane that inter-caste mar-
riages had become out of fashion from about the tenth century CE.
Altekar wrongly assumed that widening cultural differences among
different communities discouraged such phenomenon.7Kane put forth
the views of various commentators to prove that inter-caste marriages
 Conclusion 237
Table 7.39 Cases of bigamy and polygamy

S. no. Bigamy/ Royal/ Place Date Reference

Polygamy Common

1. Polygamy Royal Uttar Pradesh 7th c. ce EI, vol. IV,

600 p. 210.
2. Bigamy Common Rajasthan ce 837 EI, vol. XVIII,
p. 97.
3. - do – Royal Haryana ce 882 EI, vol. I,
p. 249.
4. - do – - do – Karnataka 9th c. Insc. of
Western
Gaṅgas,
pp. 340–1.
5. Polygamy - do – - do – ce 975 EI, vol. IV,
p. 351.
6. - do – - do - Maharashtra 10th c. Select
Inscriptions,
p. 132.
7. Bigamy - do – Orissa - do – EI, vol.
XXVIII,
p. 260.
8. Polygamy - do – Tamil nadu - do – SII, vol. III,
pp. 158–9.
9. - do – - do – Uttar Pradesh - do – EI, vol. II, p. 6.
10. Bigamy - do – Karnataka - do – JHS, vol. 16,
pp. 64–5.
11. Polygamy - do – Tamil nadu 9–10th c. SII, vol. III,
pp. 155–6.
12. Bigamy - do – Gujarat and ce 1000 ARRM, 1936,
Rajasthan and ce p. 2.
1008
13. Polygamy - do – Karnataka ce 1164 EC, vol. VI, no.
72, p. 482.
14. Bigamy - do – Madhya ce 1167 EI, vol. 1,
Pradesh p. 51.
(C.P.)
15. Polygamy Common Rajasthan ce 1170 EI, vol. XXVI,
pp. 111–12.
16. - do – - do – Karnataka ce 1173 EI, vol. XIV,
p. 207.
17. Bigamy Royal Andhra ce 1194 EI, vol. IV,
Pradesh p. 94.

were becoming less favourable to the society.8In fact, regular occur-

rence of bigamous and polygamous marriages also encouraged foster
and uterine blood relations. In marriages, dowry commonly prevailed
during the early medieval period. Royal class marriages listed mostly
238 Conclusion
slaves, land and ornaments as the items of dowry. Indication of women
as a commodity cannot be ruled out.
Smṛti rules seem to be harsh, especially on widows who preferred
slow death by observing fasts and austerities than instant glorified sui-
cide after the death of their husband in the garb of satī. Her inaus-
picious image was presented before the society, whereas the vested
property interests and her chastity issues were involved behind her
honour killing as satī. Even the pomp and show during performance of
satī was deliberately performed by the family with the support of state
machinery so that the rest of the women could get motivated and the
status of dying female could be shown on a high pedestal. The word
satī had such a great influence over females of this period that those
widows who could reduce their bodies into skeletons were praised
highly as ‘living satī ’, and married females who were ‘virtuous’ were
also termed as ‘living satī ’. Among the rules of celibacy prescribed for
women, religious observances kept a distinct place, and it could be an
obvious reaction that women of the early medieval period tried to find
solace in religious activities to avoid the unnecessary limitations of
society. A widow was denied many rights. She lost her right to succeed
to the property of her husband. She could not become a sanyāsinȋ.
Hearing only religious verses and eating an under-nutritious diet were
the prescribed routine in a widow’s life. Religion, along with economic
calculations, involved itself in it. Satī was being glorified considerably
as a ‘religiously prescribed mode of female sacrifice’. Chastity, true
love and unflinching devotion for the husband were attached to it so
that she could not escape from its clutches. The prevalence of most
of the satī cases and satī-stones prove that the Rajputana region was
under the strong influence of satī. Even the last recorded case of satī
(1987: Roop Kanwar) also came from the Rajasthan. In the northern
region of India, satī was propagated among the kṣatriyas only, but in
the south almost every section of society was under its influence. It
seems likely that the bhakti movement tried to divert the attention of
women. In the south, widows instead of committing satī or observ-
ing austerities of widowhood chose Jaina sangha to liberate their life
by way of samādhi. Table 7.4 presents a comparative chart of the
affected regions of satī and samādhi cases. Almost an equal number
of satī cases has been registered in inscriptional sources from royal as
well as common classes. Many common class women chose samādhi
in the hope of ultimate salvation. The society of Karnataka seems to
have welcomed all ideas of women’s ultimate liberation, but ironically
no state throughout India tried to implement any policy to save and
 Conclusion 239
Table 7.410 Few cases of satī and samādhi

S. no. Satī: Class Date Place/Region Reference

1. Royal 7th century Tamil Nadu EI, vol. XIII, p. 148.

2. Royal ce 890 Rajasthan EI, vol. XX
3. Common 10th century Karnataka JHS, vol. 16,
pp. 64–5.
4. Royal 10th century Karnataka JHS, vol. 16, p. 66.
5. Common ce1018 - do – EC, vol. XVII, no.
97, p. 23.
6. Śūdra (Royal) ce 1057 - do – EC, vol. VI, p. 213.
7. Royal ce 1088 - do – MAR, no. 57,
pp. 210–11
8. Common ce 1118 - do – EC, vol. VII, no. 38,
p. 46.
9. Royal ce 1132 Rajasthan IAR, 1962–3, p. 54.
10. Common ce 1173 Karnataka EI, vol. XIV, p. 207.
11. Common ce 1191 - do – EC, vol. VIII, no.
29, pp. 131–2.
Samādhi:Class
1. Common ce 975 - do – EC, vol. VIII, no.
55, p. 20.
2. Common 10th century - do – EC, vol. II, no. 23.
3. Common ce1050 - do – EC, vol. IX, no. 31,
p. 173.
4. Common ce 1123 - do – EC, vol. II, no. 176,
pp. 431–3.

provide a better life to its widows. Society seems to have glorified satī
and samādhi for religious gratification.
In the perusal of the contents of inscriptions on women during ce
600–1200, a continuous shadow of religion hovered on her mental
and physical spheres. The commentators of the period have tried to
create an atmosphere which led religion to have a deep impact on the
female psyche. Brāhmaṇism put its pressure in a stronger way than
earlier on its women section by highlighting traditional culture. It
was an attempt to prevent the shift towards heterodox religions. Jain-
ism was gaining ground in the southern and western India. A large
section of women in the south joined sanghas. Many of them opted
for the Jaina way of death, by fasting (samādhi). Both Śaivism and
Vaiṣṇavism emerged in the south to counter the Bhakti movement
and Jainism. To promote religion and personal faith, various types of
religious donations, including land, perpetual lamps, gold, silver and
240 Conclusion
images, were made to the temples. The devotional atmosphere cre-
ated by Alvārs and Nāyanārs was helpful in involving women in their
activities in south India. Inscriptions from Andhra, Tamil Nadu and
Karnataka roughly belonging to the eleventh to thirteenth centuries
mostly eulogized its women for their religiousity. It seems that the
social restrictions imposed on them diverted their energies towards
religious participation. Most of the land grants recorded in the epi-
graphs for various purposes have been reported from the southern
region of India. Sometimes the names of queens resembled the name
of a deity, and if she donated for the temple, it was named after her
(name resembling god/deity) so that both could be honoured. Huge
involvement and participation of royal class women is seen in temple-
building activities while in lamps and other donations the common
women outnumbered. What is surprising to observe is that while royal
and common women are found joining religious sects, no female rose
to the status of head of the religious institutions. Even the Jaina reli-
gion, which tried to make a difference for women’s emancipation, did
not credit women to become head of their religious institutions. She
used to think about the futility of this world, and thought of spiritual
gain for the ultimate salvation. Women saints of the bhakti cult were
accepted by the society liberally. Due to their large number of follow-
ers, mass appeal and influence in rural and urban areas, it was not
possible to ignore them irrespective of their castes and sex.
Though the injunctions and codes of smṛtikāras tried to curtail the
liberty of women within four walls of the house, yet royal class women
got the opportunity to establish their own field of influence in admin-
istrative circles. In the administration, the achievements of women are
applaudable. From the six continuous successions of Bhauma queens
and the efficient administration of regent queens like Diddā, there is
a series of women administrators down to the village level in early
medieval India. There were very few instances of revolts during the
period of female rulers, agreeing to the view of Tripat Sharma11and
A. Padma12 that these regent queens are not provided due credit for
their excellent administration in the annals of contemporary history
due to the tradition favouring male monarchs. Inscriptions are elo-
quent in highlighting the role of queens who ruled from provincial to
state levels. Whatever might be their administrative capacity, they have
shown their seriousness towards political affairs of the state. A galaxy
of distinguished and brilliant women administrators tend to prove that
there was no dearth of qualified ladies with good capacities for govern-
ance. Also their revenue and religious grants prove that power is not
manifest in the public and political but also in multiple forms besides
 Conclusion 241
the possession of formal political office. Also a pan-India presence of
female administrators tends to defy the statement of historians who
claim that to accommodate women as administrator, her overt behav-
iour had to be sufficiently masculine. Efficiency in administration and
knowledge of revenue matters shown by several ruling women show
that to prove their worth as a good administrator, they need not show
their behaviour to be ‘sufficiently masculine’.
Examples provided in Table 7.5 show that the process of decentrali-
zation, which started after the death of Harṣa, prevented India from
becoming a single entity under a single monarch, but it gave a chance
to a large number of potentates including females to test their gov-
erning capabilities. Most of the examples of female provincial heads
remain concentrated in the south, while examples of regent queens are
found throughout India. Karnataka and Gujarat seem to have pro-
vided a chance to their women to rule even at the village level. It shows
the political maturity of women. They ruled large kingdoms (Kashmir:
Diddā, Orissa: Bhauma queens; Coḷa estate: Sembiyan Mahādevī),
capitals as governors (Gujarat: Maiḷaladevî), agrahāras (Karnataka:
Suggaladevī, Andhra–Tamil area: Padmaladevī) and various large and
small kingdoms throughout India. These examples reject the theory of
selective inclusion within the structures of power. The achievements
such as smooth running of administration, understanding of revenue
affairs and participation in battlefields indicated in the epigraphs tend
to portray women as efficient as their male counterparts. But most of
the female rulers are not provided due credit for their excellent admin-
istrative caliber.
Inscriptional sources indicated that during the seventh to eighth
centuries, women captured during wars were taken back leniently in
society. A change was noticed in the eleventh century regarding the
treatment meted out to the women of the defeated side. Earlier they
were entered into harems as queens or maid-servants, or they were
kept imprisoned. But inscriptions indicate that physical punishment
including disfigurement was inflicted on captured women to show dis-
respect to the defeated side during the eleventh to thirteenth centuries.
Royal class women entered either as queens or maid-servants in the
palace of victorious kings, where the chance of getting a bit lenient
treatment was possible. They were shown granting lamps, pillars and
golden images in the temples. The rest of the common women were
exploited either as slaves or as concubines. It is ironical that any move-
ment towards the liberation of female slaves was brushed aside by
law-givers. In cases of punishment inflicted for offences, women were
dealt with severely. However, literary sources try to paint a picture of
Table 7.513 Showing administrative capabilities of women

S. no. Name Territorial unit Date Place Reference

1. Coḷamahādevul Sāmanta (head 7th century Andhra EI, vol. XXVI, p. 237.
official of district) Pradesh
2. Maṁkhi Small Kingdom - do – - do – EI, vol. XXVI, p. 239.
3. Kaǹchiyabba - do – ce 771 Karnataka EI, vol. XXVII, p. 147.
4. 6 Bhauma queen rulers Orissa 8–11th centuries Orissa IHA, XXI, pp. 221–2.
EI, vol. XXXIII, p. 273.
EI, vol. XXIX, p. 82.
5. Goyindabbe Village 9th century Karnataka SII, vol. XVIII, no. 14, p. 8.
6. Paramābbe Small kingdom ce 920 - do – EC, vol. IV, no. 92, p. 92.
7. Bhujjabarasī Village ce 975 - do – EI, vol. IV, p. 351.
8. Pampadevī Small kingdom ce 997 - do – EC, vol. IV, p. 89.
9. Regent-Diddā Ruler Kashmir 10th century Kashmir Corpus of Sarada Inscription, p. 98.
10. Regent-SembiyanMahādevī Cōḷa state - do – Vijayanagar Bulletin of Traditional Culture, 1978, p. 89.
11. Revakabbarasī Small area ce 1025 Karnataka IAR, 1957–8, p. 57.
12. Akkādevī Large territory ce 1037 - do – EI, vol. XVI, p. 76.
13. Lachchiyāvvā Small kingdom ce 1052 Maharashtra EI, vol. XXXVII, p. 76.
14. Lakṣmadevī Large kingdom ce 1054 Karnataka EI, vol. XVI, p. 82.
15. Suggaladevī Agrahāra ce 1076 - do – SII, vol. XI, no. 117, p. 117.
16. Śrīdevī and Mahaladevī Small territory ce 1079 Gujarat EI, vol. XXII, p. 188.
17. Name not mentioned – do – ce 1080 Karnataka SII, vol. II, no. 126, p. 145.
18. Governor, Mailaḷadevī Capital 11th century Gujarat EI, vol. XXII, p. 188.
19. Piriyā-kelala-devî Small area - do – Karnataka SII, vol. XV, no. 159, p. 145.
20. Jakalamahādevî - do – 12th century - do – SII, vol. XVIII, no. 127, p. 159.
21. Padmaladevȋ Agrahāra ce 1116 Andhra- Tamil SII, vol. IX, no. 195, p. 189.
Area
22. NāikiDevȋ Small kingdoms 10–12th centuries Western India JGJKSV, vol. XL, part 1–4, Jan.-Dec. 1984,
KarpūrDevȋ (Gujarat) p. 156–63.
MynulDevȋ
 Conclusion 243
equal treatment to both male and female offenders. But contrary to it,
inscriptional examples tend to indicate that the contemporary society
allowed men to go unhesitatingly polygamous but inflicted severe pen-
alty including death to women for committing adultery.
Though the ideology of conservatism had gripped tightly the free-
dom of women in the early medieval period, still there were certain
areas left generally free for women. Besides religion, it was the field
of property rights where leniency by both society and smritikars was
shown. The process of giving ‘due share’ to females in property was
supported by Yājǹavalkya. Inscriptions throw sufficient light on the
property rights, sale-purchase transactions and property donated for
religious or welfare activities like temple-building, dry and wet land
grants and for perpetual lamps etc. by female in various capacities.
A long list of inscriptions have been provided in this monograph,
where women have used their property for various purposes, whether
it belonged to them as strîdhana, or inherited, or purchased property.
A. Swaminathan has cited a number of examples from the Coḷa period
to make the concept and limitations of strīdhana during this period
clear. From the study of inscriptions it could be deduced that strīdhana
was given to a bride either in the form of property or cash, which
could not be sold or spent by her husband.14Altekar seems to sup-
port brahmanical evidences regarding non-granting of any property
rights to widows, but inscriptions, though royal (maximum), refute
the claim. A.S. Altekar opined that leniency for a daughter’s inherit-
ance on equal share could be due to the influence of the Muslim law.15
The inscriptional sources refute this opinion as well. Several evidences
in inscriptions seem to have followed the Śukranīti in the division of
property.
The mother had always been a co-sharer in the property, but mostly
both society and law-givers of the early medieval period have excluded
widows from the list of the successors of property. During the period
of the Coḷas the biases against women were more felt as the property of
a deceased husband went to the crown or sabhā, not to the widow of
a deceased husband. In Bengal, the law-giver Jîmūtavāhana stood up
for the cause of a widow’s property rights. This period is known for
the liberal attitude of smṛtikāras towards property rights of the female,
is why even dancing girls/devadāsîs got property rights. They granted
lands, lamps and money for temples out of the money they acquired.
It is quite ironical that the society accepted their donations but failed
miserably to treat these women on equal footing.
The majority of the inscriptions discussing the identity of women
are from south India. To understand the true picture of women of
244 Conclusion
north India, we have consulted both inscriptional and literary sources.
Indeed, most of the inscriptions discussed gave more space to royal
women, mostly the ruling strata of society who issued them. Despite
limited space given to the common women, wherever they are repre-
sented in inscriptions, we have tried to interpret the data in every pos-
sible way to make her identity visible, however faint it might appear.
In the present study, the approach towards male representations as
‘frozen’ into ‘icons’ (either ‘good’ or ‘bad’) has not been followed.
The woman’s identity as a contributor at various levels of society, as
a struggler to prove her right place and as a fighter against the set
brāhmaṇical norms, has been highlighted at appropriate places. The
image of the common female is not very dismal in the inscriptions.
The present monograph is a panoramic study of the journey of women
from ‘invisibility to visibility’ through epigraphs and literature at a
pan-Indian level.

Notes
1 Alice Kessler Harris, ‘What is Gender History Now?’ in David Con-
nadine, ed., What is History Now?, Palgrave Macmillan India Ltd.,
London, 2000, p. 96. Also seen https://link.springer.com/chap-
ter/10.1007/978-0-230-20452-2_6 visited on 18.01.2018.
2 Kumkum Roy, The Power of Gender and the Gender of Power: Explora-
tions in Early Indian History, p. 3.
3 Ibid., p. 2.
4 Table 7.1 shows the various fields of education open to women in the early
medieval period.
5 Ananya Vajpeyi, ‘Ambedkar and the Struggle for Women’s Equality’,
Antyajaa: Indian Journal of Women and Social Change, vol. 1, no. 1,
2016, pp. 5–9.
6 Table 7.2 shows marriages which were performed out of rules suggested
by smritikars.
7 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 77.
8 P.V. Kane, The History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. II, pt. I, p. 451.
9 A selected case study in Table 7.3 on bigamy and polygamy cases shows a
sudden rise in bigamy and polygamy marriages in the tenth century.
10 Table 7.4 presents a comparative chart of the affected regions of satī and
samādhi.
11 Tripat Sharma, ‘Regent Queens of Western India: A Study’, JGJKSV, vol.
XL, parts 1–4, January–December 1984, p. 164.
12 A. Padma, The Socio-Cultural World of Women in Medieval Andhra:
From 11th to 13th c. ad, p. 35.
13 Examples provided in Table 7.5 show that few female administrators of
the early medieval period were depicted in the epigraphs.
14 A. Swaminathan, ‘Some Epigraphical Gleanings on Dowry System in the
Chola Period’, VIJ, vol. XX, Parts I-II, June–December 1982, p. 175.
15 A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 241.
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B. journals and reports

Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
Annual Report of Mysore Archaeological Department
Annual Report on the Working of Rajputana Museum
Antyajaa
Bulletin of Traditional Culture
Hydrabad Archaeological Series
Frontline
India Today
Indian Antiquary
Indian Archaeology: A Review
Indian Economic and Social History Review
Indian Historical Review
International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences
Journal of Asian Studies
Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Institute
Journal of the Ganganatha Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapeetha
Journal of Historical Studies
Journal of the Oriental Institute
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
New Encyclopaedia Britannica
Report of the committee on Amendments to Criminal Law
Seminar
Social Scientist
Transactions of Archaeological Society of South India
Third Concept
The Hindu
The New Encyclopaedia Britannica
The Tribune
Vishveshwarananda Indological Journal
Index of names

Adhya, Sarmishtha 70, 88 Deshpande, S.H. 31, 42

Agrawal, Ashvini 84, 88, 230 Dhar, S., M.K. Dhar 88, 201 – 2, 230
Aiyangar, K.V.R. 9, 75 Diwan, Paras 84
Aiyar, K.V. Subrahmanaya 228
Ali, B. Sheik 19 Gadol, Joan Kelly 11, 21
Ali, Daud 21, 113 Ghoshal, U.N. 5, 204, 226
Altekar, A.S. 7 – 8, 10 – 12, 18, 21, Gopal, Lallanji 8, 187, 189, 198
23, 30, 38, 41 – 4, 46, 51 – 2, 54, Gulati, Saroj 9, 63, 73, 86 – 9
70 – 1, 74, 77, 81 – 2, 84 – 91,
152 – 3, 184 – 5, 193, 195, 197 – 8, Haig, Woleseley 3, 19
205, 207, 214 – 15, 218 – 19, 226, Hardgrove, Anne 90
229 – 30, 236, 243 – 4 Hemalatha, B. 50
Arunachalam, M. Thiru 195 Horner, I.B. 7, 66 – 7, 87

Babras, Vijaya G. 9, 39, 43 – 4, 113, Jaini, Padmanabh S. 147, 157

156, 221 Jha, Sudha 223, 231
Bader, Clarisse 10, 153 Jha, Vivekananda 191, 199
Badhwar, Inderjit 22, 115 Joshi, Lalmani 153
Banerjee, Manabendu 85
Basham, A.L. 58, 83, 85, 152 Kale, M.R. 40, 42, 89
Basu, Srimati 207, 226 Kamat, Jyotsna K. 43 – 4, 114, 157,
Beg, Tara Ali 8, 21, 41, 43, 153, 147
249, 254 Kane, P.V. 23, 37, 43 – 4, 46, 51 – 2,
Bhagoliwal, Urmila 9, 109, 155 69, 82, 87 – 9, 199, 192 – 3, 208,
Bhattacharya, N.N. 210, 218, 227 216, 225 – 6, 229 – 30, 236, 244
Kapadia, K.M. 8, 21
Chakraborti, Haripada 137, 157 Karashima, Noboru 108, 155
Chakravarti, Amita 44, 52, 83 Kidwai, Shaikh M.H. 87
Chakravarti, Uma 7, 10, 12, 22 – 3, Kosambi, D.D. 19
86, 216, 229 Krishnaraj, Maithreyi 12, 21
Chandra, Moti 84 Kumari, Krishna 55, 61, 84, 86
Chandra, Prabha 195
Chattopadhyaya, Aparna 65, 87 Lal, Ratan, Dhirajlal 198
Chattopadhyaya, B.D. 4, 20 – 2, 49, Lerner, Gerda 10, 21
81 – 2 Leslie, Julia 11, 21, 156
Chaudhary, Radhakrishna 19 Luniya, B.N. 33, 43
262 Index of names
Madhavananda, Swami, R.C. Shah, Kirit K. 8, 10 – 12, 18 – 19, 21,
Majumdar 8, 89, 166, 193 – 5 23, 90, 207, 226
Mahajan, Malati 167, 194 Sharma, Brijendra Nath 9
Majumdar, R.C. 8, 21, 57, 59, 70, Sharma, Brij Narain 9, 156
82, 85, 89, 152 – 3, 163, 166, 169, Sharma, Dashratha 43, 73, 84
193 – 6, 198, 226, 230 Sharma, Krishan Gopal 85, 157,
Malla, Bansi Lal 194 – 5 228, 246
Mukherji, Ramaranjan 85, 246 Sharma, R.S. 70, 88 – 9, 99, 154,
Mukund, Kanakalatha 222, 229, 226, 230
231 Sharma, Tripat 171 – 2, 175, 194 – 6,
Murari, Krishna 180, 197 240
Sharma, Usha, B.M. Sharma 41
Nanavutty, Piloo 94, 153 Shastri, N.C. 42
Narang, S. 42 Shastri, Shakuntala Rao 9,
Nath, Vijay 218, 230 21, 89
Niranjana, Seemanthini 21 – 2 Singh, Harihar 98, 153
Niyogi, Pushpa 112, 156 Singh, M.P. 9, 44, 83, 198, 226
Singh, Upinder 3, 6, 20, 157
Orr, Leslie C. 7, 11, 18, 21, 101, Singh, Vijaya Laxmi 158
135, 155 – 6, 222, 224, 231 Singhal, Praveen 22
Sinha, S.N., N.K. Basu 187, 198
Padma, A. 177, 184, 193, 196 – 8, Sircar, D.C. 19, 41 – 2, 68, 84 – 6, 88,
240, 244 154 – 5, 157, 164, 193, 195, 197,
Padma, M.B. 70, 89, 179 223, 226 – 31
Panda, Shishir Kumar 167, 194 Smith, V.A. 19, 93, 152, 157
Pande, Susmita 136, 157 Sreenivas, Mytheli 155, 230
Pankaj, N.Q. 152 Srinivas, M.N. 55, 84
Pannikar, K.M. 4, 20, 24, 41, 70 Subrahmanian, N. 39, 44, 77, 90,
Prabhu, P.H. 8, 21, 81, 83 221, 230
Prasad, Pushpa 198 Swaminathan, A. 55, 84, 208, 211,
227 – 8, 243
Ramaswamy, Vijaya 7, 10, 13, 21,
24, 41, 112 – 13, 136, 156 – 7 Talbot, Cynthia 98, 153, 169, 181,
Rangachari, Devika 12, 21, 62, 86, 195, 197
156, 158 Thakur, Laxman S. 100, 114, 154,
Rath Sharada, Navaneeta Rath 21 156
Ray, Sunil Chandra 33, 43 Thakur, Upendra 74, 89
Rost, Reinhold 88 Thapar, Romila 3, 19, 22, 70, 88,
Roy, Kumkum 7, 11 – 12, 18, 21 – 3, 95, 153, 218, 230
153, 156, 213, 225, 229, 231 – 2 Tharu, Susie, K. Lalita 10, 43, 113,
156
Sah, Ayodhya Prasad 43 Tribhuvana, Jyotsna 229
Sangar, S.P. 37, 44 Tripathy, Snigdha 193 – 4
Sangri, Kumkum 22
Sastri, K.A. Nilkantha 3, 137, 152, Veluthat, Kesavan 3, 6, 19 – 20, 99,
157, 196 154
Sen, Aloka Parashar 222, 224, 231 Vishnoi, Savita 229
Sen, Gertrunde Emerson 114, 156
Settar, S. 87, 149 – 50, 158 Williams, Monier 92, 152
Sewell, Robert 196 – 8 Wilson, H.H. 19, 88
Index of terms and subjects

administration i, xi, 7, 16, 20, 29, brāhmaṇas 5, 26, 28, 30, 35, 37, 39,
160, 164 – 5, 167, 170 – 8, 180, 49, 51, 59, 61, 71, 76, 78, 81 – 3,
183, 185, 192, 232 – 4, 240, 241 88, 93 – 4, 99 – 100, 102 – 3, 105 – 7,
adultery 190 – 1, 193 126, 170, 176, 180, 183, 191 – 2,
agrahāra 99, 102, 104, 178 – 9, 211, 197, 209 – 13, 228, 235
241 – 2 brāhmaṇical 8, 23 1, 5 – 6, 8, 10 – 11,
Akkāmahādevī 35, 113, 213 69, 76 – 7, 93, 113 – 14, 201, 206,
Alhaṇadevī 50, 59, 82, 101, 108, 218, 232, 243 – 4
155, 211 B, 201, 206, 218, 232, 24, 28, 41
Alvārs 5, 98, 109, 135, 142, 240 bride 22, 36 – 8, 52 – 6, 70, 136,
Amma8, 47 – 8 207 – 9, 235, 243
Amōghavarṣa 32, 38, 48 – 9, 54, 137, Buddhism x, 5, 7, 34 – 5, 37, 66, 87,
178, 185, 198, 206 93, 95 – 7, 136, 151, 153
ancestor 24, 47, 52, 68, 99, 166 Buddhist 5, 7, 17, 34, 36 – 7, 66, 71,
anuloma 51 – 3, 82 – 3, 236 94, 96 – 7, 99, 152 – 3, 166, 169,
anumaraṇa 72, 76 223
Ārṣa 53 – 5, 83
Arthaśāstra 53, 59, 84 – 5, 161, 245 Cāgaladevī 31
asceticism x, 64 – 6, 78, 157 Cāhamāna 20, 39, 49 – 50, 60, 73
aśrama 45, 97 Cālukyas 20, 48 – 9, 82, 160, 170,
asura 53 – 5, 83 172, 186
Atharva-veda 24, 41 caste 4 – 5, 14, 35, 39, 46 – 7, 49 – 53,
Attimabbe 72 – 3, 147 59, 61, 71, 75, 77, 81 – 2, 86, 88,
110, 113, 150, 210, 219, 229,
basadi 34, 95, 99, 137 – 41, 151, 157 232, 235, 236, 240
bhakti 5, 8, 35, 94 – 5, 98, 100, celibacy 4, 46, 64, 238
109 – 10, 112 – 13, 115, 135 – 6, class xi, xii, 5, 17, 26, 29 – 30,
151, 157, 238 – 40 32 – 4, 36, 38 – 40, 46 – 7, 51 – 2,
Bhauma-kāra viii, 9, 27, 77, 154, 55, 59 – 60, 70 – 2, 74, 78, 83, 96,
161 – 3, 165 – 8, 203 100 – 1, 110 – 13, 115, 131, 136 – 7,
bigamy viii, x, 49, 59 – 61, 190, 193, 142 – 3, 157, 175, 192, 204, 211,
236 – 7, 244 214, 216, 219, 220 – 1, 223 – 4,
birth x, 23 – 6, 28, 40, 52, 64, 70, 232 – 41, 244
74, 88, 95, 149, 157, 159, 189, Cola 20, 47 – 8, 55, 57, 61, 75, 77,
202, 235 82, 111, 115, 117, 135, 160,
brahma 53 – 5, 83 170, 175 – 6, 178 – 9, 186, 196,
264 Index of terms and subjects
206, 208 – 10, 212 – 14, 219, 221, feminism 13 – 14, 21 – 2
223 – 4, 228, 230, 241 – 3 feminist x, 14
colonial 3, 8, 12 – 13, 230
commentator 5, 25, 39 – 40, 45, Gandharva 45, 53
51 – 2, 57, 59, 65, 71, 76, 81, 188, Ga, 53va0, 108, 114
201, 207, 213, 217, 236, 239 garden 75, 77, 99 – 101, 103, 108,
community 4, 35, 51, 60, 72, 78, 129, 136 – 8, 173, 177, 182, 184,
108, 236 211, 213, 215, 228
conception 15, 94 gender x, 1, 7 – 13, 15 – 18, 21 – 2, 30,
copper-plates 2, 26 – 7, 29, 42 – 3, 55, 86, 90, 113, 156, 158, 181, 193,
58, 60 – 2, 79, 84 – 6, 91, 107, 115, 195, 200 – 1, 229 – 30, 232 – 3, 244
130, 154, 162, 166, 175, 184, gender studies 1, 232
194 – 5, 197, 214, 223, 229, 231 genealogy 1, 156, 162 – 3, 166
courtesan 151, 187 gotra 46 – 7, 53, 176
gṛhasthāśrama 45
Daiva 53, 83 Guhila 49, 73
Da, 8387n 229 30, 33, 38, 145
decipherment 1, 2, 19 Hebbal inscription 37, 40, 48 – 9, 53,
devadāsī xii, 11, 201, 222 – 4, 231, 55, 178, 206
243 Hindu 3, 7 – 8, 10, 14 – 15, 21,
dharma 4, 25, 70 – 1, 92, 150, 153, 34, 36 – 7, 41 – 5, 47, 51, 66,
161, 169, 197, 218 68, 70, 77, 81 – 92, 94, 96, 98,
Dharmamahādevi 101, 161 – 4, 193 112, 114 – 15, 135 – 7, 142, 147,
Dharmaśāstras 4 – 6, 13, 25, 37, 149 – 50, 152, 181, 186, 193,
43 – 4, 59, 64, 70, 80, 82, 87 – 8, 197 – 8, 201, 208, 216 – 18, 221,
94, 112, 137, 193, 199, 201 – 3, 225 – 6, 229 – 30
217, 225 – 6, 229 – 30, 244 Hinduism x, 1, 5, 67, 92 – 3, 95,
Diddā 24, 29, 129, 161, 168 – 9, 181, 97 – 9, 109 – 10, 112, 136 – 7, 142,
240 – 2 147, 149 – 52, 186
donor xi, 11 – 12, 21, 61, 98, 100, household 8, 26, 39, 58, 137, 151,
115, 137, 161, 171, 182, 194, 160, 174, 188
222 – 3, 232
dynastic 2, 3, 20, 236 inheritance 15, 70 – 1, 88, 201 – 2,
dynasty 1, 20, 49, 63, 68, 87, 98 – 9, 205, 207, 216, 218, 221 – 2, 224,
112, 121 – 2, 137, 142, 154, 159, 229, 243
167–8, 170, 179, 185, 197 inscription xi, 2, 24 – 7, 29 – 35,
37 – 8, 40 – 2, 47 – 53, 55 – 62, 64 – 9,
empire 111, 160, 196, 226 73 – 7, 79 – 80, 82 – 7, 90 – 1, 96 – 7,
endogamy 46, 53, 83, 235 100 – 1, 108 – 12, 114, 135 – 6, 142,
epigraphy ix, 1 – 2, 6, 19, 84, 155, 147 – 51, 153 – 7, 164 – 6, 169 – 70,
227 – 8, 244 173 – 80, 182 – 4, 186, 188 – 92,
exogamy 46 – 7, 53, 83, 235 194 – 9, 203 – 6, 208 – 15, 219, 221,
224 – 31, 242
family x – xi, 8, 11, 21, 23 – 4, 26, 40,
49 – 50, 53 – 4, 58 – 9, 61 – 3, 74 – 7, Jain 36 – 7, 42, 93, 142, 153
81, 88, 99, 154, 160, 164 – 7, 171, Jaina 2, 8, 32, 34, 36, 60, 66 – 7,
176, 188, 201 – 2, 217 – 18, 220 – 1, 70, 73 – 4, 81, 85, 131, 137 – 43,
223, 225 147 – 52, 157, 228, 235, 238 – 40
fasts 64 – 5, 67 – 8, 97, 148, 153, Jainism 1, 5, 10, 35 – 7, 66, 93, 95 – 6,
238 110, 136 – 7, 142, 147 – 51, 239
feminine 10 – 11, 13, 30, 232 jāti 46, 53, 81
 Index of terms and subjects 265
Jîmūtavāhana 208, 210, 216, 220, 243 99 – 102, 105 – 6, 108 – 9, 111 – 14,
Jolavāli 74, 89 116 – 17, 119, 123 – 7, 129 – 30,
132, 134, 136, 138 – 9, 141 – 2,
Kākati Mailāṁa 25 – 6, 41, 52, 83 147 – 8, 161 – 3, 165, 167, 169 – 72,
kalaňju 103, 115 – 20, 124 – 30, 135, 175 – 7, 182 – 3, 189, 200 – 3, 207,
156, 205, 230 210, 214 – 16, 219, 221, 224, 229,
kanyādāna 53, 56, 203 233, 243
Kri, 56, 2 100
kṣatriya 26, 47, 49, 51’, 59, 76, 78, Nārada xiv, 59, 64, 86, 202, 208,
82 – 3 217, 225, 229
Kumāradevī 96 Nāyanārs 5, 98, 109, 135 – 6, 142,
Kundaadevī, 32, 34 240
nisidhi 149
land-grants 98 – 9 niyoga 63, 72, 217
Leňkāvali 74, 89
liberal 7, 9, 22 – 3, 45 – 6, 52, 70, 95, Padmāṁbike 25
111, 113, 151, 175, 189, 202, Padmāvatī 62
213, 216 – 17, 224, 243 Paiśāca 53, 84
lineage 32, 50, 78 – 9, 202 – 3 pan-Indian 4, 9, 27, 99, 109, 192,
literary x – xii, 1, 5 – 11, 17 – 19, 28 – 9, 232, 241, 244
33, 36 – 8, 40, 46, 49, 51, 53, 57, patriarchy 11, 13, 159, 210
70 – 2, 78, 81, 92, 111, 114 – 15, perpetual lamp 106, 116 – 25, 138
160 – 1, 172, 174, 181, 190, political institutions 1
192 – 3, 201, 205, 209, 213, 224, polygamy x, 6, 8 – 10, 46 – 7, 49,
233 – 6, 241, 244 57 – 63, 65, 190 – 1, 236 – 7, 244
Prajāpatya 53, 83
Mācikabbe 67, 148 praśasti 59, 66, 79, 85, 87, 110,
Mahādevī 29, 34, 58, 62, 103, 155, 182, 197
108, 111, 113 – 14, 142, 163 – 4, Pratihāra 20
169 – 70, 174, 182, 205, 241 pratiloma 51 – 2, 82
Mahārānī 49 process 2, 4, 6 – 7, 9, 13, 24, 53,
Mahāsabhā 205 62 – 3, 70, 72, 87, 147, 151, 160,
Mailaladevī 101, 108, 169, 173, 176, 183, 185, 241, 243
213, 241 – 2 property xi, 7, 10, 13, 15, 55, 84,
Maitrāyaṇī Saṁhitā 28, 41 87 – 8, 127, 135, 188, 200 – 6,
Manu xiv, 8, 37, 43, 45, 51, 53, 229 – 31, 238, 243
63 – 4, 71, 81 – 3, 85 – 6, 88, 94, 97, property rights 7, 10, 55, 87, 135,
153, 187, 189, 198, 201 – 2, 204, 200 – 4, 207 – 11, 213 – 18, 220 – 4,
207, 214, 217, 219, 225 – 6, 229 229, 231, 243
marital 25, 39, 47 putrika 203
Marxist 9, 11, 14, 18, 22
masculine 168 – 9, 181, 232, 241 Rājarāja 47 – 8, 81, 170, 211
māstikkal 74 – 5 Rājatarangiṇī 14, 42, 56, 61
maṭhā 104, 114 Rajput 30, 49, 73
Maṭhādhīś 36 rāk 49, 50, 53 – 4, 83, 185, 236
mokṣa 98, 136 – 7, 142, 147, 150, Rā 83, 185, 20, 37, 48 – 51, 58, 176,
153 178, 185, 196, 198, 206, 212, 228
monastery 8, 96 – 7, 108, 130, 138, remarriage 13, 24, 63 – 4, 70 – 1
223 Rēvaka 37 – 8, 48 – 9, 55, 206
mother x – xi, 7, 10, 25 – 7, 35 – 6, 50, Ṛgveda 28, 180
53, 58 – 9, 61 – 2, 64, 72 – 3, 76, ritual 9, 72, 78, 87, 151
266 Index of terms and subjects
Sacrament 45 – 6, 53 strîdhana 53, 55 – 6, 206 – 9, 213,
Sagotra 47 218, 220 – 1, 224, 243
sahamaraṇa 72 strī-mokṣa 147
sallekhaṇa 74, 137, 147 – 8, 150 Sugandhā 29, 99, 161, 168 – 9
salvation 10, 35 – 6, 65 – 7, 69, 93,
95, 109 – 10, 113, 142, 147 – 8, Taittirīya Saṁhitā 28, 41, 87
151, 234 – 5, 238, 240 Tāntric Buddhism 34
samādhi 8, 66, 87, 137, 148 – 51, Temple-priestesses 36
235, 238 – 9 textual ix – xi, 2, 6, 12, 159
sangha 35, 142 – 7, 152, 238 traditional 7 – 8, 10 – 14, 23 – 4, 40,
sanyāsa 35, 97, 148 – 9, 151 45, 69, 113, 181, 186, 239, 242
sapi 51, 46 – 7, 53, 217, 220, 229 Trailokyamahādevī 100
saptapadī 45
satī 4, 9, 10, 15, 22, 46, 58, 63, 65, upanayana 4, 24, 28, 33, 37, 40, 45
69, 70 – 80, 88, 90, 137, 142, 149, Uttamadevī 51
154, 195, 216, 218, 238 – 9, 244
Sembiyanmahādevī 242 varṇa 46, 51
Siḍitale 74, 90 Vatsādevī 99, 154
smṛtikaras 45 – 7, 52, 58, 63 – 5, 68, vedic x, 6 – 7, 10, 17, 24, 28, 33, 36,
71, 80 – 1, 203, 216, 234 – 5, 240, 40, 45, 63, 69 – 71, 94, 98 – 9, 159,
243 188, 191, 200, 202, 217, 233 – 4
sm 240 6, 25, 28, 40, 45, 53, 57, Vēlevāli 74, 89
66, 69 – 71, 186, 192, 204, 213, vihāra 96 – 7
216 – 17, 234 virakal 74 – 5
society x–xiv, 1–2, 4–6, 9–14, 16–17, virtuous 54, 57, 78 – 9, 181
19, 21, 23–5, 27, 29, 33, 35–40,
44–6, 49–52, 55, 58–66, 69–73, widow x, 10, 13, 15, 24, 46, 63 – 72,
77–80, 83, 86–9, 94–7, 100, 75, 77 – 8, 81, 86 – 8, 109 – 10,
110, 112–14, 136, 145, 149, 152, 150, 159, 170, 180, 182, 185,
155–6, 159–62, 168, 173–4, 178, 200 – 2, 204, 210, 214 – 21, 224,
181, 183–7, 190–1, 193, 200, 202, 238, 243
210–11, 213, 216, 218, 223–4, widow-mother 215
226, 229, 231–3, 235–41, 243–4
spirituality 58, 65 – 6, 109, 156 Yājǹavalkya 51, 53, 71, 83, 85, 202,
śrāddha 68 207, 214, 216, 243