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Sufii

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11 views19 pages

Sufii

Uploaded by

akshita.2023.71
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
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‭The Suhrawardi Silsilah in India: Saints, Organization, and Teachings‬

‭1. Introduction of Suhrawardi Silsilah in India‬

‭ he Suhrawardi order, founded by Shaikh Shihab-u’d-din Suhrawardi, expanded‬


T
‭into India due to the displacement caused by the Ghuzz and Mongol invasions.‬
‭The Indian branch was organized primarily by Shaikh Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya,‬
‭although other notable figures like Shaikh Jalal-u’d-din Tabrizi and Qazi‬
‭Hamid-u’d-din Nagauri played significant roles.‬

‭2. Prominent Suhrawardi Saints in India‬

‭●‬ ‭Shaikh Jalal-u’d-din Tabrizi‬


‭○‬ ‭Initially active in Hansi, Bada'un, and Delhi before settling in Bengal.‬
‭○‬ ‭Attributed with converting many Hindus, though his khanqah did not‬
‭expand significantly.‬
‭●‬ ‭Qazi Hamid-u’d-din Nagauri‬
‭○‬ ‭Renowned scholar but lacked organizational capacity.‬
‭○‬ ‭Preferred mystical ecstasy over formal spiritual leadership.‬
‭●‬ ‭Sayyid Nur-u’d-din Mubarak Ghaznavi, Maulana Majd-u’d-din Haji, and‬
‭Shaikh Zia-u’d-din Rumi‬
‭○‬ ‭Connected closely with rulers, limiting their broader mystical‬
‭influence.‬

‭ . Shaikh Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya: The Architect of Suhrawardi Silsilah in‬


3
‭India‬

‭●‬ ‭Early Life and Education‬


‭○‬ ‭Born in 1182-83 in Kot Aror near Multan.‬
‭○‬ ‭Studied the Quran’s seven recitation methods and pursued‬
‭advanced religious studies in Khurasan, Bukhara, Medina, and‬
‭Palestine.‬
‭○‬ B ‭ ecame a disciple of Shaikh Shihab-u’d-din Suhrawardi in Baghdad,‬
‭who appointed him as his successor after 17 days of training.‬
‭ ‬ ‭Establishment of Multan Khanqah‬

‭○‬ ‭Set up a khanqah in Multan, a strategically important city, making it a‬
‭major center for Suhrawardi mysticism.‬
‭○‬ ‭Lived and taught in Multan for over 50 years, passing away on‬
‭December 21, 1262.‬

‭4. Mystical Philosophy and Practices‬

‭●‬ ‭Balanced Approach to Life‬


‭○‬ ‭Advocated a balanced lifestyle, caring for both the body and spirit.‬
‭○‬ ‭Rejected excessive fasting or extreme self-mortification,‬
‭emphasizing a practical adherence to Quranic principles:‬‭"Eat of‬
‭what is pure and act righteously."‬
‭●‬ ‭Emphasis on Religious Forms‬
‭○‬ ‭Focused on external religious practices and observance.‬
‭○‬ ‭Known for intolerance towards those neglecting religious duties, as‬
‭illustrated in the expulsion of a dervish, Sulaiman, for improper‬
‭prayer practices.‬

‭5. Legacy and Influence‬

‭ espite the lack of comprehensive early records, Shaikh Baha-u’d-din‬


D
‭Zakariyya’s teachings influenced later Suhrawardi mystics. His balanced and‬
‭disciplined approach set the foundation for the order's expansion in medieval‬
‭India. The‬‭Fawa’id-u’l-Fu’ad‬‭is one of the few early texts providing insight into his‬
‭life and ideology.‬

‭Conclusion‬

‭ he Suhrawardi Silsilah, with its structured emphasis on external religious‬


T
‭observance and balanced living, stood in contrast to the Chishti Silsilah. Shaikh‬
‭Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya’s organizational acumen and spiritual discipline were‬
‭ rucial in establishing the Suhrawardi order as a significant mystical force in‬
c
‭India.‬

‭Khanqah Organization of the Suhrawardis‬

‭ he Suhrawardi khanqahs in India, especially under Shaikh Baha-u'd-din‬


T
‭Zakariyya, were significantly different from the Chishti jama'at khanahs in their‬
‭structure, organization, and approach to worldly affairs.‬

‭1. Political Involvement and Wealth Management‬

‭●‬ P ‭ olitical Engagement:‬


‭Unlike the Chishtis, the Suhrawardis actively engaged in politics. Shaikh‬
‭Baha-u'd-din Zakariyya maintained close ties with the ruling Sultans,‬
‭participated in political matters, and accepted government honors.‬
‭●‬ ‭Wealth Accumulation:‬
‭Shaikh Baha-u'd-din was known for amassing wealth through‬‭futuh‬
‭(voluntary charity), which he carefully managed instead of distributing‬
‭immediately to the poor, contrasting with Chishti practices.‬
‭○‬ ‭He maintained a treasury with significant reserves of gold and silver.‬
‭○‬ ‭His wealth was so extensive that it rivaled that of medieval‬‭iqta’dars‬
‭(landed officials).‬
‭○‬ ‭His grandson, Shaikh Rukn-ud-din, accepted a‬‭jagir‬‭(land grant) of‬
‭100 villages from Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq.‬

‭2. Structure and Atmosphere‬

‭●‬ P ‭ hysical Layout:‬


‭The Suhrawardi khanqahs were expansive and provided separate‬
‭accommodations for each inmate and visitor, in contrast to the communal‬
‭living style of the Chishti jama'at khanahs, where everyone shared a‬
‭common hall for living, praying, and sleeping.‬
‭●‬ ‭Aristocratic Ambience:‬
‭The Suhrawardi khanqahs exuded an aristocratic air, being more‬
‭magnificent and better organized. However, religious devotion remained a‬
‭ entral aspect, with even slave girls engaged in constant recitation of‬
c
‭God's praises.‬

‭3. Food and Hospitality‬

‭●‬ C ‭ ontrolled Hospitality:‬


‭While Shaikh Baha-u'd-din was generous in entertaining guests, he did not‬
‭maintain an open table. Only invited individuals could dine with him, unlike‬
‭the Chishtis, who welcomed all at their communal meals.‬
‭●‬ ‭Resource Management:‬
‭Suhrawardi khanqahs maintained large stocks of cereals and well-funded‬
‭treasuries, supported by regular revenues from jagirs. This financial‬
‭stability contrasted with the Chishtis' reliance on irregular‬‭futuh‬‭donations.‬

‭4. Selective Access and Spiritual Guidance‬

‭●‬ E
‭ xclusive Admission:‬
‭The Suhrawardi khanqahs were not open to everyone. Shaikh‬
‭Baha-u'd-din believed in distinguishing between the "general public" and‬
‭the "select."‬
‭○‬ ‭He focused on the "select," providing spiritual guidance according to‬
‭their capacities, expressing skepticism about the reliability of the‬
‭general public.‬

‭Conclusion‬

‭ he Suhrawardi khanqahs under Shaikh Baha-u'd-din Zakariyya's leadership‬


T
‭were defined by their political engagement, wealth management, aristocratic‬
‭structure, and selective spiritual guidance. These features made them a powerful‬
‭and distinct institution in medieval India, differing significantly from the more‬
‭egalitarian and communal approach of the Chishti order.‬

‭Contrasts with Chishti Khanqahs‬


‭ he Suhrawardi khanqah of Shaikh Baha-u'd-din Zakariyya stood in sharp‬
T
‭contrast to the communal and egalitarian approach of the Chishti jama'at‬
‭khanahs:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Aristocratic Structure:‬


‭○‬ ‭Suhrawardi khanqahs were exclusive and luxurious, offering‬
‭individual accommodations for both residents and visitors, unlike the‬
‭shared hall used by the Chishtis.‬
‭○‬ ‭The wealth was meticulously stored and used strategically,‬
‭symbolized by hidden pitchers of silver tankahs discovered in grain‬
‭stores.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Hospitality Policy:‬
‭○‬ ‭Unlike the open-table tradition of the Chishtis, only invited guests‬
‭could dine at the Suhrawardi khanqah, emphasizing its exclusive‬
‭nature.‬
‭3.‬ ‭Financial Stability:‬
‭○‬ ‭The Suhrawardis maintained large stocks of cereals and relied on‬
‭regular jagir revenues, making their financial base more stable than‬
‭the Chishtis, who depended on unpredictable‬‭futuh‬‭donations.‬
‭4.‬ ‭Selective Spiritual Guidance:‬
‭○‬ ‭Shaikh Baha-u'd-din believed in providing spiritual benefits only to‬
‭the "select," avoiding engagement with the general public, reflecting‬
‭an exclusive approach to spiritual leadership.‬

‭Service of Humanity in Sufi Teachings‬

‭ he Sufis of medieval India regarded social service as the ultimate objective of‬
T
‭their spiritual practices. The mystical journey was seen as incomplete if it did not‬
‭result in tangible benefits for society. Bergson described this dynamic, saying,‬
‭"The great mystic has felt the truth flow into him from its source like a force in‬
‭action... His desire is with God's help to complete the creation of the human‬
‭species."‬

‭ he idea of service was central to the teachings of the leading Sufi orders of the‬
T
‭time. For example, when Shaikh Mu’in-u’d-din Chishti was asked about the‬
‭highest form of devotion, he replied, "It is helping the poor, the distressed, and‬
‭the downtrodden." This belief was shared by other prominent Sufi saints who‬
‭ iewed a solitary, contemplative life as insufficient for fulfilling the true purpose of‬
v
‭mysticism.‬

‭Shaikh Nizam-u’d-din Auliya differentiated between two types of devotion:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Lazmi (Obligatory Devotion):‬‭Benefitting only the devotee, this form‬


‭includes personal religious practices such as prayer, fasting, and‬
‭pilgrimage.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Muta'addi (Communicable Devotion):‬‭Benefitting others, it involves acts‬
‭like charity and compassion. He emphasized that muta'addi devotion yields‬
‭"endless and limitless" rewards, surpassing the benefits of personal rituals.‬

‭ his principle of‬‭ta'at-i-muta'addi‬‭(communicable devotion) guided Sufi efforts,‬


T
‭with a focus on alleviating suffering and spreading joy. Mystics taught that helping‬
‭others and addressing the needs of the destitute would earn the greatest reward‬
‭on the Day of Judgment. Thus, Sufi teachings elevated social service to a‬
‭religious duty, blending spirituality with the practical task of improving human‬
‭lives.‬

‭Tark-i-Dunya (Renunciation of the World)‬

I‭n medieval Sufism,‬‭tark-i-dunya‬‭(renunciation of the world) did not imply a‬


‭complete withdrawal from society or adopting an ascetic, hermitic lifestyle.‬
‭Rather, it referred to rejecting materialism and worldly attachments that hinder‬
‭spiritual growth. The mystics of that era viewed excessive involvement in material‬
‭pursuits as a distraction from the path toward divine realization.‬

‭Definition of the "World" (Dunya)‬

‭●‬ S
‭ ymbolism of Dunya‬‭: In Sufi literature, the world is often personified as a‬
‭seductive force—depicted as treasure, women, or government‬
‭service—each representing different temptations.‬
‭○‬ ‭A Chishti anecdote mentions that Christ encountered the world as an‬
‭old woman, who revealed she had countless "husbands" (victims)‬
‭whom she had "finished off," symbolizing the destructive nature of‬
‭worldly allurements.‬

‭Core Barricades Between God and Man‬

‭1.‬ ‭Lust for Wealth‬‭(‬‭Maal‬‭): The desire for material accumulation.‬


‭2.‬ ‭Government Service‬‭(‭S ‬ hughl‬‭): Involvement in political power or‬
‭bureaucratic roles.‬
‭3.‬ ‭Carnal Desires‬‭(‭S
‬ hahwat‬‭): Pursuit of sensual pleasures.‬

‭ hese were viewed as the main barriers (‬‭hijabat‬‭) that separated individuals from‬
T
‭spiritual enlightenment.‬

‭Practical Interpretation by Sufi Saints‬

‭●‬ S
‭ haikh Nizam-u’d-Din Auliya‬‭clarified that‬‭tark-i-dunya‬‭was not about‬
‭abandoning basic necessities but about detachment from possessions:‬
‭○‬ ‭Accept what comes unasked, use it without hoarding, and avoid‬
‭emotional attachment to material things.‬
‭○‬ ‭"Rejection of the world" meant maintaining balance—wearing‬
‭clothes, eating food, and living in society while remaining spiritually‬
‭unattached.‬

‭Chishti Perspective on Private Property‬

‭●‬ ‭The Chishti saints advised their followers to avoid accumulating wealth:‬
‭○‬ ‭Minimalism‬‭: Keep only essential items (e.g., basic clothing).‬
‭○‬ ‭Charity‬‭: Distribute excess possessions to those in need.‬
‭○‬ ‭This approach encouraged humility, generosity, and a focus on‬
‭spiritual over material wealth.‬

‭ hus,‬‭tark-i-dunya‬‭represented a conscious, internal detachment from worldly‬


T
‭temptations rather than a literal abandonment of societal life‬

‭Pacifism and Non-Violence in Medieval Muslim Mysticism‬

‭ edieval Indo-Muslim mystics, particularly those from the Chishti and other Sufi‬
M
‭orders, championed a philosophy of peace and non-violence in their approach to‬
‭human relations and societal problems. They believed that the use of force only‬
‭led to further conflict, and that true resolution came from patience, forgiveness,‬
‭and self-reflection.‬

‭Key Principles of Non-Violence:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Patience and Endurance‬‭:‬


‭○‬ M ‭ ystics emphasized the development of patience as a virtue. Anger‬
‭and irritation, they believed, degraded a person's spiritual progress.‬
‭Instead of suppressing anger, it should be overcome through‬
‭forgiveness. Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya famously said, "If a man‬
‭places thorns in your way, and you do the same, it will be thorns‬
‭everywhere."‬
‭2.‬ ‭Self-Criticism and Humility‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭The mystics taught that self-reflection was essential for minimizing‬
‭societal friction. Examining one’s own behavior and motivations in‬
‭the face of conflict helped reduce bitterness. Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din‬
‭Auliya advised, “If I am in conflict with another, I should cleanse my‬
‭heart of any thoughts of revenge. If I do this, the other’s desire to‬
‭harm me will also lessen.”‬
‭3.‬ ‭Balancing the Nafs and Qalb‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭Mystical philosophy posits that every person has both a‬‭nafs‬‭(animal‬
‭soul), which harbors negative traits like anger and pride, and a‬‭qalb‬
‭(human soul), which is the center of peace and goodwill. The key to‬
‭resolving conflicts is to approach opposition with compassion and‬
‭humility, countering the‬‭nafs‬‭with the peaceful‬‭qalb‬‭. The mystics‬
‭believed that if a person responds to hostility with hostility (‬‭nafs vs.‬
‭nafs‬‭), conflict would never‬‭cease.‬

‭Ideal Human Relations:‬

‭●‬ ‭Mystics classified human relations into three types:‬


‭1.‬ ‭Neutral: No harm or good between individuals (similar to inanimate‬
‭objects).‬
‭2.‬ ‭Beneficial: One person does good to another but doesn't expect‬
‭anything in return.‬
‭3.‬ ‭Harmful yet Patient: The ideal relationship, where a person does‬
‭good to another and, if harmed, remains patient and does not‬
‭retaliate. This ideal was upheld by the mystics as the behavior of the‬
‭siddiqin‬‭(Truthful).‬

‭Application in Daily Life:‬

‭●‬ T
‭ he lives of medieval Muslim mystics were examples of these pacific‬
‭principles in action. They faced provocation from various‬
‭ ources—orthodox theologians, governmental officials, and even fellow‬
s
‭ascetics—but responded with patience and tolerance. Shaikh Farid, for‬
‭example, advised his disciples to "placate your enemies," and famously‬
‭preferred the use of a needle (for mending) over a knife (for cutting).‬
‭ ‬ ‭The mystic response to adversity is beautifully encapsulated in the‬

‭following verse, often recited by Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya:‬‭"He who is‬
‭not my friend—may God be his friend! And he who bears ill-will against‬
‭me, may his joys increase. He who puts thorns in my way on account of‬
‭enmity, may every flower that blossoms in the garden of his life be without‬
‭thorns."‬

‭Extending Non-Violence to All Living Beings:‬

‭●‬ S
‭ ome mystics even extended their principles of non-violence to animals.‬
‭Shaikh Hamid-u'd-Din Nagauri, for instance, was known for his dislike of‬
‭animal slaughter. The Sarur-u's-Sudur records that he abhorred the taking‬
‭of life, not just for his own benefit but in general, believing that every living‬
‭being should be treated with compassion.‬

‭ hus, the mystics’ philosophy of non-violence was rooted not just in avoiding‬
T
‭harm to other humans but in fostering a broader sense of love and respect for all‬
‭living creatures.‬

‭Chishti Attitude Towards the State‬

‭ he Chishti mystics of medieval India held a strong and distinct attitude towards‬
T
‭political power and state service. Their rejection of involvement with kings and‬
‭government was based on a combination of spiritual, legal, and philosophical‬
‭considerations, all rooted in their belief in spiritual purity and service to God.‬

‭Key Reasons for Rejecting State Involvement:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Distraction from Spiritual Goals‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭The mystics believed that engaging in government service (shughl)‬
‭would detract from the single-minded pursuit of‬‭ma'rifat‬‭(Gnosis or‬
‭divine knowledge). They held that the materialistic nature of political‬
‭power—focused on class interests—was incompatible with the‬
‭mystic's spiritual mission of living solely for the divine. In their view,‬
‭serving the state was tantamount to spiritual self-destruction.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Illegality of State Income‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭As highlighted by Imam Ghazzali, the income of most rulers was‬
‭derived from sources considered‬‭haram‬‭(forbidden). The mystics‬
‭viewed the state's revenue—largely consisting of taxes like‬‭jiziyah‬‭,‬
‭which was often extracted through coercive means—as morally‬
‭tainted. This made working for the state, in their view, an unethical‬
‭choice that would compromise a mystic's spiritual integrity.‬
‭3.‬ ‭Secularization of Political Power‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭The mystics saw the political structures that emerged after the fall of‬
‭the Rashidun Caliphate as secular organizations, divorced from true‬
‭religious principles. The court life, with its focus on luxury, power,‬
‭and materialism, was considered alien to the Islamic ideal of piety.‬
‭Mystics, therefore, believed that associating with the ruling class‬
‭obstructed spiritual progress and perpetuated cruelty and injustice.‬
‭4.‬ ‭Alienation from the Masses‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭By engaging with the rulers, a mystic risked becoming part of the‬
‭exploitative bureaucracy rather than remaining connected with the‬
‭common people. The Chishti saints emphasized that the mystic’s‬
‭primary duty was to serve the masses, and aligning with the elite‬
‭would detach them from their true calling.‬

‭Historic Examples of Rejection:‬

‭●‬ I‭mam Abu Hanifah‬‭: He rejected the offer to become a qazi under the‬
‭Abbasid caliph, demonstrating the mystics' principle of avoiding‬
‭government service to preserve spiritual purity.‬
‭●‬ ‭Khwaja Abu Muhammad‬‭: A senior Chishti saint, he refused the gifts of a‬
‭prince, stating, "None of our elder saints has accepted such things."‬
‭●‬ ‭Shaikh Farid-u'd-din Ganj-i-Shakar‬‭: Following the traditions of his‬
‭teacher, he cautioned his disciples to avoid the company of kings and‬
‭nobles, stressing that such associations led to spiritual decline.‬

‭Abstention from the Court:‬

‭●‬ K
‭ hwaja Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar‬‭: He visited the court of Iltutmish only‬
‭once and under circumstances beyond his control. Khwaja Mu'in-u'd-din‬
‭Chishti, despite his deep respect from the Sultan, avoided the court and‬
‭refrained from participating in political matters.‬
‭●‬ S
‭ haikh Farid‬‭and others like‬‭Shaikh Abu Sa'id Tabrizi‬‭warned against‬
‭consorting with kings, emphasizing that true spiritual attainment required‬
‭isolation from the material distractions of power and wealth.‬

‭The Mystic's Ideal:‬

‭●‬ T
‭ he Chishti mystics valued spiritual discipline over worldly power. They‬
‭criticized the‬‭muqallid‬‭(those who follow traditional forms without‬
‭understanding) and‬‭jirrat‬‭(those who seek material gain by aligning with‬
‭kings), emphasizing that a true mystic should be detached from material‬
‭wealth and political power. The ideal was to lead a simple, ascetic life,‬
‭devoted to the service of humanity and the divine.‬

I‭n sum, the Chishti mystics upheld an attitude of contempt and indifference‬
‭towards political power, emphasizing spiritual purity and social service over any‬
‭association with the state. Their rejection of royal courts and government service‬
‭was not simply a political stance but a manifestation of their deeper commitment‬
‭to a life of humility, devotion, and true spiritual pursuit.‬

‭2. Rejection of Jagirs‬

‭ he Chishti saints of medieval India not only distanced themselves from the‬
T
‭company of kings and nobles but also firmly rejected any offers of‬‭jagirs‬‭(land‬
‭grants) or‬‭endowments‬‭made by the rulers. They believed that accepting such‬
‭gifts would compromise their spiritual independence, making them subservient to‬
‭the royal whims and interests. They viewed reliance on material gifts as a‬
‭hindrance to their soul’s freedom and purity.‬

‭Key Principles Behind the Rejection:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Spiritual Independence Over Material Gains‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭The Chishti saints believed that any material benefit, such as land or‬
‭wealth from the ruler, would create an obligation, effectively binding‬
‭them to the royal will. In their view, true sustenance came directly‬
‭from divine providence, free from any external dependencies or‬
‭obligations. As one saying goes:‬
‭○‬ ‭"The king gives a village and holds us under an obligation; our‬
‭Providence gives us our daily bread without placing any such‬
‭obligation."‬
‭2.‬ ‭Rejection of Royal Gifts‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭When‬‭Iltutmish‬‭, the Sultan of Delhi, offered a jagir to‬‭Shaikh‬
‭Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar Kaki‬‭, the saint declined the offer,‬
‭maintaining his spiritual independence.‬
‭○‬ ‭Shaikh Hamid-u'd-din Nagauri‬‭also chose to live in poverty rather‬
‭than accept gifts from the Sultan, demonstrating his commitment to‬
‭spiritual asceticism.‬
‭○‬ ‭Baba Farid Ganj-i-Shakar‬‭responded curtly to‬‭Ulugh Khan‬‭, who‬
‭offered him villages, stating:‬
‭○‬ ‭"There are many who desire it; give it to them."‬
‭○‬ ‭Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliya‬‭rejected royal grants by commenting:‬
‭○‬ ‭"If I accept this, the people would say: The Shaikh goes to the‬
‭garden: he goes to enjoy the view of his land and cultivation.‬
‭Are these acts proper for me?"‬
‭3.‬ ‭Avoidance of Material Entanglements‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliya‬‭also provided clear instructions to his‬
‭disciples, advising them never to accept any villages, stipends, or‬
‭favors from kings and officials. He emphasized that for a dervish (a‬
‭mystic), it was not permitted to accept such material gifts as they‬
‭would detract from one's spiritual journey.‬

‭Conclusion:‬

‭ he Chishti mystics' rejection of‬‭jagirs‬‭and royal grants was deeply rooted in‬
T
‭their philosophy of spiritual autonomy. They sought to live lives free from the‬
‭entanglements of materialism, seeing divine providence as the only true source‬
‭of sustenance. For them, accepting royal gifts would compromise their spiritual‬
‭freedom and tarnish their commitment to an ascetic, self-reliant existence. This‬
‭stance further solidified their detachment from the worldly power structures,‬
‭focusing instead on personal devotion and spiritual growth.‬

‭3. Rejection of Government Service‬

‭ he Chishti saints strongly condemned participation in government service,‬


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‭emphasizing that it hindered spiritual development and disconnected a mystic‬
‭from his divine purpose. The attitude was clear:‬‭"No shughl"‬‭(no government‬
‭service). The saints believed that spiritual work and governmental responsibilities‬
‭were incompatible, as serving both God and Mammon was impossible.‬
‭Key Beliefs Behind the Rejection:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Spiritual Purity vs. Government Service‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭The Chishti saints believed that engaging in government service‬
‭tainted one's spiritual integrity. They held that those who served the‬
‭state, answering to royal orders, could not fully dedicate themselves‬
‭to the divine and would struggle to achieve higher spiritual goals.‬
‭○‬ ‭One's soul, the mystics believed, could not remain pure and‬
‭independent if it was bound to the state’s demands. Serving the ruler‬
‭meant aligning oneself with worldly power, which could corrupt‬
‭spiritual practice.‬
‭○‬ ‭As the saints put it,‬‭"God and Mammon cannot be served‬
‭simultaneously."‬
‭2.‬ ‭Strict Prohibition for Higher Mystics‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭Shaikh‬‭Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar Kaki‬‭firmly rejected the title of‬
‭Shaikh-u'l-Islam‬‭despite his respect for Sultan‬‭Iltutmish‬‭. His‬
‭refusal was rooted in his belief that such a position would conflict‬
‭with his spiritual mission.‬
‭○‬ ‭Shaikh Hasan‬‭, another mystic, went to the extreme of feigning‬
‭madness to avoid an administrative role. Once Khwaja Qutb-u'd-din‬
‭Bakhtiyar Kaki learned of this, he praised his wisdom, saying,‬
‭"Shaikh Hasan is not mad, he is‬‭dana‬‭(wise)."‬
‭3.‬ ‭Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliya’s Stance‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliya‬‭demanded that his disciples refrain‬
‭from government service, reinforcing this through frequent‬
‭exhortations. His influence over his followers shaped their dedication‬
‭to spiritual paths rather than worldly affairs.‬
‭○‬ ‭After his death, his disciples, including‬‭Maulana Shams-u'd-din‬
‭Yahya‬‭and‬‭Shaikh Qutb-u'd-din Munawwar‬‭, strongly opposed any‬
‭attempts to bind the saints to state obligations, even resisting the‬
‭threats of Sultan‬‭Muhammad bin Tughluq‬‭.‬
‭4.‬ ‭Exceptions for Ordinary Disciples‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭While the higher-order mystics were firmly prohibited from‬
‭government service, the rules were somewhat more flexible for‬
‭ordinary disciples. Some‬‭Shaikhs‬‭, like‬‭Shaikh Nasir-u'd-din‬
‭Chiragh‬‭, allowed certain types of service if they did not interfere with‬
‭a person's devotion to God.‬
‭○‬ H ‭ amid Qalandar‬‭recorded a conversation in which a‬‭Mulla‬
‭danishmand‬‭(a learned man) sought advice on reconciling‬
‭government duties with spiritual practices. The Shaikh affirmed that‬
‭doing good for mankind in the civil service did not harm one’s‬
‭spiritual health, provided that the individual remained devoted to‬
‭God, continuously reciting His name and engaging in prayer.‬
‭5.‬ ‭Amir Khusrau’s Role‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭A key question often raised is why‬‭Amir Khusrau‬‭, Shaikh‬
‭Nizam-u'd-din Auliya’s most beloved disciple, spent much of his life‬
‭in royal courts and military camps despite his mentor's aversion to‬
‭government service. The explanation lies in the fact that Khusrau‬
‭was not a mystic of the highest order. He had not received the‬
‭khilafat namah‬‭(spiritual authority) that would have barred him from‬
‭such service. His closeness to the Shaikh allowed for certain‬
‭exceptions, but his participation in court life was seen as a different‬
‭case compared to that of higher-level disciples.‬

‭Conclusion:‬

‭ he Chishti mystics maintained a strong stance against government service,‬


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‭associating it with spiritual impurity and distraction from the divine path. They‬
‭believed that engaging with the state, whether through holding office or accepting‬
‭royal favors, compromised one's spiritual integrity. However, exceptions were‬
‭made for those not holding high spiritual authority, allowing some to serve in‬
‭government positions, provided their devotion to God was not compromised. The‬
‭contrast between the strict spiritual discipline of higher-order mystics and the‬
‭flexibility allowed for ordinary disciples highlights the nuanced approach of the‬
‭Chishti order toward worldly engagement‬

‭Suhrawardi Attitude Towards the State: A Factual Overview‬

‭ he Suhrawardi Silsilah maintained a unique relationship with the state,‬


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‭engaging with rulers and the political machinery, in contrast to other Sufi orders‬
‭like the Chishti Silsilah, which discouraged such associations. This approach was‬
‭supported by specific principles and pragmatic objectives:‬

‭Justifications for Engagement with the State‬


‭1.‬ ‭Addressing Public Grievances‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭Suhrawardi saints argued that visits to royal courts allowed them to‬
‭address the needs of the poor by petitioning rulers directly:‬
‭■‬ ‭Sayyid Jalal-u’d-din Bukhari‬‭, for instance, traveled to Delhi‬
‭to gather resources for the marriage of his teacher’s seven‬
‭daughters. He emphasized that his journey was not for fame‬
‭or personal gain but for the fulfillment of a charitable purpose.‬
‭■‬ ‭Shaikh Rukn-u’d-din‬‭, when traveling to the court, was‬
‭frequently approached by people who entrusted him with‬
‭petitions for the Sultan, which he presented for their redressal.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Influencing Rulers' Conduct‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭The Suhrawardi saints believed in guiding rulers to uphold ethical‬
‭governance and prevent harmful influences:‬
‭■‬ ‭Shaikh Shihab-u’d-din Suhrawardi‬‭intervened to prevent a‬
‭philosopher with potentially heretical views from influencing‬
‭the Caliph, reflecting his commitment to safeguarding the‬
‭ruler’s moral compass.‬
‭■‬ ‭They held that a ruler's behavior profoundly affected society,‬
‭and thus, their spiritual guidance was indispensable for the‬
‭well-being of the state.‬
‭3.‬ ‭Legitimacy and Obedience to Authority‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭Drawing from Quranic verses, such as‬‭“Obey Allah, obey His‬
‭Prophet, and obey those with authority among you,”‬‭the Suhrawardi‬
‭saints emphasized obedience to legitimate rulers, even if they were‬
‭unjust:‬
‭■‬ ‭Shaikh Najib-u’d-din ‘Abdul Qahir Suhrawardi‬‭discouraged‬
‭rebellion against rulers and upheld the Abbasid Caliphs'‬
‭authority, advocating for the principle of legitimacy.‬

‭Political Contributions‬

‭1.‬ ‭Support for Unification of Political Authority‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭Shaikh Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya‬‭, based in Multan, played a political‬
‭role during the fragmented period following Aibak’s death. Despite‬
‭residing in a territory controlled by‬‭Nasir-u’d-din Qubacha‬‭, he‬
‭supported‬‭Iltutmish‬‭in consolidating the Delhi Sultanate:‬
‭■‬ H ‭ e co-conspired with Multan’s Qazi to undermine Qubacha’s‬
‭authority and invited Iltutmish to invade Multan.‬
‭■‬ ‭When confronted by Qubacha with evidence of his letter to‬
‭Iltutmish, the Shaikh openly admitted his role, attributing it to‬
‭divine guidance. His popularity with the local population and‬
‭Qubacha’s political considerations prevented any‬
‭repercussions.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Role in Dealing with Mongol Invasions‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭The Suhrawardi saints assisted in mitigating external threats such as‬
‭Mongol incursions:‬
‭■‬ ‭During the 1246 Mongol siege of Multan,‬‭Shaikh‬
‭Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya‬‭negotiated with the besieging forces‬
‭on behalf of the city. He convinced them to accept monetary‬
‭compensation and withdraw, thus averting a potential‬
‭catastrophe.‬

‭A Practical Approach to Power and Society‬

‭ he Suhrawardi engagement with the state was grounded in their belief that‬
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‭spiritual leaders could positively influence rulers and help address societal‬
‭challenges. By balancing their spiritual duties with pragmatic interventions, they‬
‭contributed to the stability of their regions and the alleviation of public suffering.‬
‭This cooperative stance toward governance distinguished them from other Sufi‬
‭orders of the time.‬

‭Contribution of Muslim Mystics to Indian Society and Culture‬

‭Pre-Ghurid Presence and a Critical Hindu Society‬

‭ izami refutes the widespread assumption that Muslim saints arrived in India‬
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‭solely in the wake of Ghurid conquests. By the time Shihab-ud-Din Ghuri and his‬
‭Turkish commanders began their campaigns, Sufi mystics had already‬
‭established centers of spiritual activity across northern India. These mystics‬
‭entered a Hindu society in decline, burdened by:‬

‭1.‬ ‭The Rigidity of Caste‬‭:‬


‭○‬ T ‭ he caste system had ossified, depriving society of its adaptive‬
‭energy and deepening inequalities.‬
‭○‬ ‭Non-caste individuals, constituting the majority, were relegated to‬
‭social and economic peripheries.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Exclusionary Practices‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭The caste system's obsession with physical purity excluded the‬
‭lower castes from cities, temples, and sacred texts.‬
‭○‬ ‭Urban centers, symbols of power and privilege, became inaccessible‬
‭after sunset, exacerbating societal fragmentation.‬

I‭n this context, Sufi khanqahs emerged as beacons of hope for the‬
‭disenfranchised, offering a radically egalitarian social order.‬

‭Khanqahs: Instruments of Social Revolution‬

‭ he khanqahs, established by early Indo-Muslim mystics, were not mere places‬


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‭of worship or meditation. They embodied and operationalized the Islamic‬
‭principles of equality (‬‭tauhid‬‭) and brotherhood, serving as sanctuaries for the‬
‭oppressed. Nizami highlights their unique features:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Classless Society‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭The khanqahs were open to all—rich and poor, high and low caste,‬
‭urban and rural—creating an inclusive community.‬
‭○‬ ‭Shared meals, spaces, and prayers erased the distinctions so‬
‭deeply entrenched in Hindu society.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Education and Accessibility‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭Unlike Hindu sacred knowledge, often restricted to the upper castes,‬
‭the Quran was made available to all.‬
‭○‬ ‭Mystics championed literacy and knowledge, particularly among‬
‭marginalized groups, in defiance of ruling elites who sought to‬
‭preserve these privileges for the upper strata.‬

‭A Counterbalance to Political Power‬

‭ he rise of the Ghurid empire undoubtedly expanded the geographical reach of‬
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‭mystics, but it also brought challenges. Nizami notes that Sufis often found‬
t‭hemselves at odds with the Turkish rulers, whose hierarchical and autocratic‬
‭governance contrasted sharply with the Sufis’ egalitarian ideals:‬

‭●‬ ‭Independence from the State‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭While rulers like Balban enforced rigid social hierarchies, the‬
‭khanqahs rejected distinctions of nobility and birth, emphasizing‬
‭spiritual equality.‬
‭○‬ ‭Sufis maintained their autonomy, resisting courtly influences to‬
‭preserve the purity of their mission.‬
‭●‬ ‭Moral Reformation‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭At a time when Delhi’s political elite indulged in moral laxities,‬
‭mystics upheld ethical standards. They decried social ills such as‬
‭slavery, profiteering, and venality, acting as custodians of moral‬
‭integrity.‬

‭Syncretism and the Bhakti Movement‬

‭ izami argues that the mystics' greatest legacy was their ability to bridge cultural‬
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‭divides. Their approach to Hinduism, unlike the theological critiques of scholars‬
‭like Al-Biruni, prioritized emotional and psychological understanding. This‬
‭facilitated:‬

‭1.‬ ‭Emotional Integration‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭Sufis sought to forge bonds of mutual respect and empathy, paving‬
‭the way for shared cultural values.‬
‭○‬ ‭This emotional resonance was more effective and far-reaching than‬
‭ideological synthesis, which remained confined to intellectual elites.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Inspiration for the Bhakti Movement‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭The teachings of mystics profoundly influenced the Bhakti saints,‬
‭many of whom emerged from marginalized communities.‬
‭○‬ ‭Leaders like Kabir, Nanak, and Dadu often lived in or near‬
‭khanqahs, absorbing the ideals of equality and universal love.‬

‭Linguistic and Cultural Evolution‬


‭ he mystics' emphasis on bridging cultural gaps also shaped India’s linguistic‬
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‭landscape. Nizami asserts that the Hindvi language, which later evolved into‬
‭Urdu, was born in the khanqahs:‬

‭●‬ ‭A Common Medium‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭Early Hindvi served as a bridge for communication between diverse‬
‭cultural groups.‬
‭○‬ ‭The mystics’ poetry and teachings in this vernacular resonated with‬
‭both Hindus and Muslims, fostering cultural unity.‬

‭A Catalyst for Moral and Cultural Stability‬

I‭n the face of rapid urbanization and its attendant moral challenges, the mystics‬
‭provided a stabilizing force. Nizami emphasizes their role as moral custodians:‬

‭●‬ ‭Critics of Social Evils‬‭:‬


‭○‬ ‭Mystics spoke out against practices such as hoarding,‬
‭black-marketing, and exploitation.‬
‭○‬ ‭Their teachings reinforced communal ethics and societal harmony,‬
‭countering the divisive tendencies of the era.‬
‭●‬ ‭Agents of Social Renewal‬‭:‬
‭○‬ ‭By emphasizing simplicity, piety, and mutual respect, the mystics‬
‭offered an alternative to the hedonism and excesses of the ruling‬
‭elite.‬

‭ hrough their teachings, practices, and khanqahs, the Sufis transcended the‬
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‭boundaries of religion, caste, and culture, forging a shared moral and cultural‬
‭ethos in India. Nizami’s analysis underscores that the mystics were not mere‬
‭spiritual figures but dynamic agents of social change, shaping Indian society’s‬
‭trajectory toward inclusivity and cohesion. Their legacy, rooted in principles of‬
‭equality, brotherhood, and cultural synthesis, continues to resonate in India’s‬
‭pluralistic ethos‬

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