The Suhrawardi Silsilah in India: Saints, Organization, and Teachings
1. Introduction of Suhrawardi Silsilah in India
he Suhrawardi order, founded by Shaikh Shihab-u’d-din Suhrawardi, expanded
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into India due to the displacement caused by the Ghuzz and Mongol invasions.
The Indian branch was organized primarily by Shaikh Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya,
although other notable figures like Shaikh Jalal-u’d-din Tabrizi and Qazi
Hamid-u’d-din Nagauri played significant roles.
2. Prominent Suhrawardi Saints in India
● Shaikh Jalal-u’d-din Tabrizi
○ Initially active in Hansi, Bada'un, and Delhi before settling in Bengal.
○ Attributed with converting many Hindus, though his khanqah did not
expand significantly.
● Qazi Hamid-u’d-din Nagauri
○ Renowned scholar but lacked organizational capacity.
○ Preferred mystical ecstasy over formal spiritual leadership.
● Sayyid Nur-u’d-din Mubarak Ghaznavi, Maulana Majd-u’d-din Haji, and
Shaikh Zia-u’d-din Rumi
○ Connected closely with rulers, limiting their broader mystical
influence.
. Shaikh Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya: The Architect of Suhrawardi Silsilah in
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India
● Early Life and Education
○ Born in 1182-83 in Kot Aror near Multan.
○ Studied the Quran’s seven recitation methods and pursued
advanced religious studies in Khurasan, Bukhara, Medina, and
Palestine.
○ B ecame a disciple of Shaikh Shihab-u’d-din Suhrawardi in Baghdad,
who appointed him as his successor after 17 days of training.
Establishment of Multan Khanqah
●
○ Set up a khanqah in Multan, a strategically important city, making it a
major center for Suhrawardi mysticism.
○ Lived and taught in Multan for over 50 years, passing away on
December 21, 1262.
4. Mystical Philosophy and Practices
● Balanced Approach to Life
○ Advocated a balanced lifestyle, caring for both the body and spirit.
○ Rejected excessive fasting or extreme self-mortification,
emphasizing a practical adherence to Quranic principles:"Eat of
what is pure and act righteously."
● Emphasis on Religious Forms
○ Focused on external religious practices and observance.
○ Known for intolerance towards those neglecting religious duties, as
illustrated in the expulsion of a dervish, Sulaiman, for improper
prayer practices.
5. Legacy and Influence
espite the lack of comprehensive early records, Shaikh Baha-u’d-din
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Zakariyya’s teachings influenced later Suhrawardi mystics. His balanced and
disciplined approach set the foundation for the order's expansion in medieval
India. TheFawa’id-u’l-Fu’adis one of the few early texts providing insight into his
life and ideology.
Conclusion
he Suhrawardi Silsilah, with its structured emphasis on external religious
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observance and balanced living, stood in contrast to the Chishti Silsilah. Shaikh
Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya’s organizational acumen and spiritual discipline were
rucial in establishing the Suhrawardi order as a significant mystical force in
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India.
Khanqah Organization of the Suhrawardis
he Suhrawardi khanqahs in India, especially under Shaikh Baha-u'd-din
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Zakariyya, were significantly different from the Chishti jama'at khanahs in their
structure, organization, and approach to worldly affairs.
1. Political Involvement and Wealth Management
● P olitical Engagement:
Unlike the Chishtis, the Suhrawardis actively engaged in politics. Shaikh
Baha-u'd-din Zakariyya maintained close ties with the ruling Sultans,
participated in political matters, and accepted government honors.
● Wealth Accumulation:
Shaikh Baha-u'd-din was known for amassing wealth throughfutuh
(voluntary charity), which he carefully managed instead of distributing
immediately to the poor, contrasting with Chishti practices.
○ He maintained a treasury with significant reserves of gold and silver.
○ His wealth was so extensive that it rivaled that of medievaliqta’dars
(landed officials).
○ His grandson, Shaikh Rukn-ud-din, accepted ajagir(land grant) of
100 villages from Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq.
2. Structure and Atmosphere
● P hysical Layout:
The Suhrawardi khanqahs were expansive and provided separate
accommodations for each inmate and visitor, in contrast to the communal
living style of the Chishti jama'at khanahs, where everyone shared a
common hall for living, praying, and sleeping.
● Aristocratic Ambience:
The Suhrawardi khanqahs exuded an aristocratic air, being more
magnificent and better organized. However, religious devotion remained a
entral aspect, with even slave girls engaged in constant recitation of
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God's praises.
3. Food and Hospitality
● C ontrolled Hospitality:
While Shaikh Baha-u'd-din was generous in entertaining guests, he did not
maintain an open table. Only invited individuals could dine with him, unlike
the Chishtis, who welcomed all at their communal meals.
● Resource Management:
Suhrawardi khanqahs maintained large stocks of cereals and well-funded
treasuries, supported by regular revenues from jagirs. This financial
stability contrasted with the Chishtis' reliance on irregularfutuhdonations.
4. Selective Access and Spiritual Guidance
● E
xclusive Admission:
The Suhrawardi khanqahs were not open to everyone. Shaikh
Baha-u'd-din believed in distinguishing between the "general public" and
the "select."
○ He focused on the "select," providing spiritual guidance according to
their capacities, expressing skepticism about the reliability of the
general public.
Conclusion
he Suhrawardi khanqahs under Shaikh Baha-u'd-din Zakariyya's leadership
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were defined by their political engagement, wealth management, aristocratic
structure, and selective spiritual guidance. These features made them a powerful
and distinct institution in medieval India, differing significantly from the more
egalitarian and communal approach of the Chishti order.
Contrasts with Chishti Khanqahs
he Suhrawardi khanqah of Shaikh Baha-u'd-din Zakariyya stood in sharp
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contrast to the communal and egalitarian approach of the Chishti jama'at
khanahs:
1. Aristocratic Structure:
○ Suhrawardi khanqahs were exclusive and luxurious, offering
individual accommodations for both residents and visitors, unlike the
shared hall used by the Chishtis.
○ The wealth was meticulously stored and used strategically,
symbolized by hidden pitchers of silver tankahs discovered in grain
stores.
2. Hospitality Policy:
○ Unlike the open-table tradition of the Chishtis, only invited guests
could dine at the Suhrawardi khanqah, emphasizing its exclusive
nature.
3. Financial Stability:
○ The Suhrawardis maintained large stocks of cereals and relied on
regular jagir revenues, making their financial base more stable than
the Chishtis, who depended on unpredictablefutuhdonations.
4. Selective Spiritual Guidance:
○ Shaikh Baha-u'd-din believed in providing spiritual benefits only to
the "select," avoiding engagement with the general public, reflecting
an exclusive approach to spiritual leadership.
Service of Humanity in Sufi Teachings
he Sufis of medieval India regarded social service as the ultimate objective of
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their spiritual practices. The mystical journey was seen as incomplete if it did not
result in tangible benefits for society. Bergson described this dynamic, saying,
"The great mystic has felt the truth flow into him from its source like a force in
action... His desire is with God's help to complete the creation of the human
species."
he idea of service was central to the teachings of the leading Sufi orders of the
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time. For example, when Shaikh Mu’in-u’d-din Chishti was asked about the
highest form of devotion, he replied, "It is helping the poor, the distressed, and
the downtrodden." This belief was shared by other prominent Sufi saints who
iewed a solitary, contemplative life as insufficient for fulfilling the true purpose of
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mysticism.
Shaikh Nizam-u’d-din Auliya differentiated between two types of devotion:
1. Lazmi (Obligatory Devotion):Benefitting only the devotee, this form
includes personal religious practices such as prayer, fasting, and
pilgrimage.
2. Muta'addi (Communicable Devotion):Benefitting others, it involves acts
like charity and compassion. He emphasized that muta'addi devotion yields
"endless and limitless" rewards, surpassing the benefits of personal rituals.
his principle ofta'at-i-muta'addi(communicable devotion) guided Sufi efforts,
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with a focus on alleviating suffering and spreading joy. Mystics taught that helping
others and addressing the needs of the destitute would earn the greatest reward
on the Day of Judgment. Thus, Sufi teachings elevated social service to a
religious duty, blending spirituality with the practical task of improving human
lives.
Tark-i-Dunya (Renunciation of the World)
In medieval Sufism,tark-i-dunya(renunciation of the world) did not imply a
complete withdrawal from society or adopting an ascetic, hermitic lifestyle.
Rather, it referred to rejecting materialism and worldly attachments that hinder
spiritual growth. The mystics of that era viewed excessive involvement in material
pursuits as a distraction from the path toward divine realization.
Definition of the "World" (Dunya)
● S
ymbolism of Dunya: In Sufi literature, the world is often personified as a
seductive force—depicted as treasure, women, or government
service—each representing different temptations.
○ A Chishti anecdote mentions that Christ encountered the world as an
old woman, who revealed she had countless "husbands" (victims)
whom she had "finished off," symbolizing the destructive nature of
worldly allurements.
Core Barricades Between God and Man
1. Lust for Wealth(Maal): The desire for material accumulation.
2. Government Service(S hughl): Involvement in political power or
bureaucratic roles.
3. Carnal Desires(S
hahwat): Pursuit of sensual pleasures.
hese were viewed as the main barriers (hijabat) that separated individuals from
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spiritual enlightenment.
Practical Interpretation by Sufi Saints
● S
haikh Nizam-u’d-Din Auliyaclarified thattark-i-dunyawas not about
abandoning basic necessities but about detachment from possessions:
○ Accept what comes unasked, use it without hoarding, and avoid
emotional attachment to material things.
○ "Rejection of the world" meant maintaining balance—wearing
clothes, eating food, and living in society while remaining spiritually
unattached.
Chishti Perspective on Private Property
● The Chishti saints advised their followers to avoid accumulating wealth:
○ Minimalism: Keep only essential items (e.g., basic clothing).
○ Charity: Distribute excess possessions to those in need.
○ This approach encouraged humility, generosity, and a focus on
spiritual over material wealth.
hus,tark-i-dunyarepresented a conscious, internal detachment from worldly
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temptations rather than a literal abandonment of societal life
Pacifism and Non-Violence in Medieval Muslim Mysticism
edieval Indo-Muslim mystics, particularly those from the Chishti and other Sufi
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orders, championed a philosophy of peace and non-violence in their approach to
human relations and societal problems. They believed that the use of force only
led to further conflict, and that true resolution came from patience, forgiveness,
and self-reflection.
Key Principles of Non-Violence:
1. Patience and Endurance:
○ M ystics emphasized the development of patience as a virtue. Anger
and irritation, they believed, degraded a person's spiritual progress.
Instead of suppressing anger, it should be overcome through
forgiveness. Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya famously said, "If a man
places thorns in your way, and you do the same, it will be thorns
everywhere."
2. Self-Criticism and Humility:
○ The mystics taught that self-reflection was essential for minimizing
societal friction. Examining one’s own behavior and motivations in
the face of conflict helped reduce bitterness. Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din
Auliya advised, “If I am in conflict with another, I should cleanse my
heart of any thoughts of revenge. If I do this, the other’s desire to
harm me will also lessen.”
3. Balancing the Nafs and Qalb:
○ Mystical philosophy posits that every person has both anafs(animal
soul), which harbors negative traits like anger and pride, and aqalb
(human soul), which is the center of peace and goodwill. The key to
resolving conflicts is to approach opposition with compassion and
humility, countering thenafswith the peacefulqalb. The mystics
believed that if a person responds to hostility with hostility (nafs vs.
nafs), conflict would nevercease.
Ideal Human Relations:
● Mystics classified human relations into three types:
1. Neutral: No harm or good between individuals (similar to inanimate
objects).
2. Beneficial: One person does good to another but doesn't expect
anything in return.
3. Harmful yet Patient: The ideal relationship, where a person does
good to another and, if harmed, remains patient and does not
retaliate. This ideal was upheld by the mystics as the behavior of the
siddiqin(Truthful).
Application in Daily Life:
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he lives of medieval Muslim mystics were examples of these pacific
principles in action. They faced provocation from various
ources—orthodox theologians, governmental officials, and even fellow
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ascetics—but responded with patience and tolerance. Shaikh Farid, for
example, advised his disciples to "placate your enemies," and famously
preferred the use of a needle (for mending) over a knife (for cutting).
The mystic response to adversity is beautifully encapsulated in the
●
following verse, often recited by Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya:"He who is
not my friend—may God be his friend! And he who bears ill-will against
me, may his joys increase. He who puts thorns in my way on account of
enmity, may every flower that blossoms in the garden of his life be without
thorns."
Extending Non-Violence to All Living Beings:
● S
ome mystics even extended their principles of non-violence to animals.
Shaikh Hamid-u'd-Din Nagauri, for instance, was known for his dislike of
animal slaughter. The Sarur-u's-Sudur records that he abhorred the taking
of life, not just for his own benefit but in general, believing that every living
being should be treated with compassion.
hus, the mystics’ philosophy of non-violence was rooted not just in avoiding
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harm to other humans but in fostering a broader sense of love and respect for all
living creatures.
Chishti Attitude Towards the State
he Chishti mystics of medieval India held a strong and distinct attitude towards
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political power and state service. Their rejection of involvement with kings and
government was based on a combination of spiritual, legal, and philosophical
considerations, all rooted in their belief in spiritual purity and service to God.
Key Reasons for Rejecting State Involvement:
1. Distraction from Spiritual Goals:
○ The mystics believed that engaging in government service (shughl)
would detract from the single-minded pursuit ofma'rifat(Gnosis or
divine knowledge). They held that the materialistic nature of political
power—focused on class interests—was incompatible with the
mystic's spiritual mission of living solely for the divine. In their view,
serving the state was tantamount to spiritual self-destruction.
2. Illegality of State Income:
○ As highlighted by Imam Ghazzali, the income of most rulers was
derived from sources consideredharam(forbidden). The mystics
viewed the state's revenue—largely consisting of taxes likejiziyah,
which was often extracted through coercive means—as morally
tainted. This made working for the state, in their view, an unethical
choice that would compromise a mystic's spiritual integrity.
3. Secularization of Political Power:
○ The mystics saw the political structures that emerged after the fall of
the Rashidun Caliphate as secular organizations, divorced from true
religious principles. The court life, with its focus on luxury, power,
and materialism, was considered alien to the Islamic ideal of piety.
Mystics, therefore, believed that associating with the ruling class
obstructed spiritual progress and perpetuated cruelty and injustice.
4. Alienation from the Masses:
○ By engaging with the rulers, a mystic risked becoming part of the
exploitative bureaucracy rather than remaining connected with the
common people. The Chishti saints emphasized that the mystic’s
primary duty was to serve the masses, and aligning with the elite
would detach them from their true calling.
Historic Examples of Rejection:
● Imam Abu Hanifah: He rejected the offer to become a qazi under the
Abbasid caliph, demonstrating the mystics' principle of avoiding
government service to preserve spiritual purity.
● Khwaja Abu Muhammad: A senior Chishti saint, he refused the gifts of a
prince, stating, "None of our elder saints has accepted such things."
● Shaikh Farid-u'd-din Ganj-i-Shakar: Following the traditions of his
teacher, he cautioned his disciples to avoid the company of kings and
nobles, stressing that such associations led to spiritual decline.
Abstention from the Court:
● K
hwaja Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar: He visited the court of Iltutmish only
once and under circumstances beyond his control. Khwaja Mu'in-u'd-din
Chishti, despite his deep respect from the Sultan, avoided the court and
refrained from participating in political matters.
● S
haikh Faridand others likeShaikh Abu Sa'id Tabriziwarned against
consorting with kings, emphasizing that true spiritual attainment required
isolation from the material distractions of power and wealth.
The Mystic's Ideal:
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he Chishti mystics valued spiritual discipline over worldly power. They
criticized themuqallid(those who follow traditional forms without
understanding) andjirrat(those who seek material gain by aligning with
kings), emphasizing that a true mystic should be detached from material
wealth and political power. The ideal was to lead a simple, ascetic life,
devoted to the service of humanity and the divine.
In sum, the Chishti mystics upheld an attitude of contempt and indifference
towards political power, emphasizing spiritual purity and social service over any
association with the state. Their rejection of royal courts and government service
was not simply a political stance but a manifestation of their deeper commitment
to a life of humility, devotion, and true spiritual pursuit.
2. Rejection of Jagirs
he Chishti saints of medieval India not only distanced themselves from the
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company of kings and nobles but also firmly rejected any offers ofjagirs(land
grants) orendowmentsmade by the rulers. They believed that accepting such
gifts would compromise their spiritual independence, making them subservient to
the royal whims and interests. They viewed reliance on material gifts as a
hindrance to their soul’s freedom and purity.
Key Principles Behind the Rejection:
1. Spiritual Independence Over Material Gains:
○ The Chishti saints believed that any material benefit, such as land or
wealth from the ruler, would create an obligation, effectively binding
them to the royal will. In their view, true sustenance came directly
from divine providence, free from any external dependencies or
obligations. As one saying goes:
○ "The king gives a village and holds us under an obligation; our
Providence gives us our daily bread without placing any such
obligation."
2. Rejection of Royal Gifts:
○ WhenIltutmish, the Sultan of Delhi, offered a jagir toShaikh
Qutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar Kaki, the saint declined the offer,
maintaining his spiritual independence.
○ Shaikh Hamid-u'd-din Nagaurialso chose to live in poverty rather
than accept gifts from the Sultan, demonstrating his commitment to
spiritual asceticism.
○ Baba Farid Ganj-i-Shakarresponded curtly toUlugh Khan, who
offered him villages, stating:
○ "There are many who desire it; give it to them."
○ Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliyarejected royal grants by commenting:
○ "If I accept this, the people would say: The Shaikh goes to the
garden: he goes to enjoy the view of his land and cultivation.
Are these acts proper for me?"
3. Avoidance of Material Entanglements:
○ Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliyaalso provided clear instructions to his
disciples, advising them never to accept any villages, stipends, or
favors from kings and officials. He emphasized that for a dervish (a
mystic), it was not permitted to accept such material gifts as they
would detract from one's spiritual journey.
Conclusion:
he Chishti mystics' rejection ofjagirsand royal grants was deeply rooted in
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their philosophy of spiritual autonomy. They sought to live lives free from the
entanglements of materialism, seeing divine providence as the only true source
of sustenance. For them, accepting royal gifts would compromise their spiritual
freedom and tarnish their commitment to an ascetic, self-reliant existence. This
stance further solidified their detachment from the worldly power structures,
focusing instead on personal devotion and spiritual growth.
3. Rejection of Government Service
he Chishti saints strongly condemned participation in government service,
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emphasizing that it hindered spiritual development and disconnected a mystic
from his divine purpose. The attitude was clear:"No shughl"(no government
service). The saints believed that spiritual work and governmental responsibilities
were incompatible, as serving both God and Mammon was impossible.
Key Beliefs Behind the Rejection:
1. Spiritual Purity vs. Government Service:
○ The Chishti saints believed that engaging in government service
tainted one's spiritual integrity. They held that those who served the
state, answering to royal orders, could not fully dedicate themselves
to the divine and would struggle to achieve higher spiritual goals.
○ One's soul, the mystics believed, could not remain pure and
independent if it was bound to the state’s demands. Serving the ruler
meant aligning oneself with worldly power, which could corrupt
spiritual practice.
○ As the saints put it,"God and Mammon cannot be served
simultaneously."
2. Strict Prohibition for Higher Mystics:
○ ShaikhQutb-u'd-din Bakhtiyar Kakifirmly rejected the title of
Shaikh-u'l-Islamdespite his respect for SultanIltutmish. His
refusal was rooted in his belief that such a position would conflict
with his spiritual mission.
○ Shaikh Hasan, another mystic, went to the extreme of feigning
madness to avoid an administrative role. Once Khwaja Qutb-u'd-din
Bakhtiyar Kaki learned of this, he praised his wisdom, saying,
"Shaikh Hasan is not mad, he isdana(wise)."
3. Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliya’s Stance:
○ Shaikh Nizam-u'd-din Auliyademanded that his disciples refrain
from government service, reinforcing this through frequent
exhortations. His influence over his followers shaped their dedication
to spiritual paths rather than worldly affairs.
○ After his death, his disciples, includingMaulana Shams-u'd-din
YahyaandShaikh Qutb-u'd-din Munawwar, strongly opposed any
attempts to bind the saints to state obligations, even resisting the
threats of SultanMuhammad bin Tughluq.
4. Exceptions for Ordinary Disciples:
○ While the higher-order mystics were firmly prohibited from
government service, the rules were somewhat more flexible for
ordinary disciples. SomeShaikhs, likeShaikh Nasir-u'd-din
Chiragh, allowed certain types of service if they did not interfere with
a person's devotion to God.
○ H amid Qalandarrecorded a conversation in which aMulla
danishmand(a learned man) sought advice on reconciling
government duties with spiritual practices. The Shaikh affirmed that
doing good for mankind in the civil service did not harm one’s
spiritual health, provided that the individual remained devoted to
God, continuously reciting His name and engaging in prayer.
5. Amir Khusrau’s Role:
○ A key question often raised is whyAmir Khusrau, Shaikh
Nizam-u'd-din Auliya’s most beloved disciple, spent much of his life
in royal courts and military camps despite his mentor's aversion to
government service. The explanation lies in the fact that Khusrau
was not a mystic of the highest order. He had not received the
khilafat namah(spiritual authority) that would have barred him from
such service. His closeness to the Shaikh allowed for certain
exceptions, but his participation in court life was seen as a different
case compared to that of higher-level disciples.
Conclusion:
he Chishti mystics maintained a strong stance against government service,
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associating it with spiritual impurity and distraction from the divine path. They
believed that engaging with the state, whether through holding office or accepting
royal favors, compromised one's spiritual integrity. However, exceptions were
made for those not holding high spiritual authority, allowing some to serve in
government positions, provided their devotion to God was not compromised. The
contrast between the strict spiritual discipline of higher-order mystics and the
flexibility allowed for ordinary disciples highlights the nuanced approach of the
Chishti order toward worldly engagement
Suhrawardi Attitude Towards the State: A Factual Overview
he Suhrawardi Silsilah maintained a unique relationship with the state,
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engaging with rulers and the political machinery, in contrast to other Sufi orders
like the Chishti Silsilah, which discouraged such associations. This approach was
supported by specific principles and pragmatic objectives:
Justifications for Engagement with the State
1. Addressing Public Grievances:
○ Suhrawardi saints argued that visits to royal courts allowed them to
address the needs of the poor by petitioning rulers directly:
■ Sayyid Jalal-u’d-din Bukhari, for instance, traveled to Delhi
to gather resources for the marriage of his teacher’s seven
daughters. He emphasized that his journey was not for fame
or personal gain but for the fulfillment of a charitable purpose.
■ Shaikh Rukn-u’d-din, when traveling to the court, was
frequently approached by people who entrusted him with
petitions for the Sultan, which he presented for their redressal.
2. Influencing Rulers' Conduct:
○ The Suhrawardi saints believed in guiding rulers to uphold ethical
governance and prevent harmful influences:
■ Shaikh Shihab-u’d-din Suhrawardiintervened to prevent a
philosopher with potentially heretical views from influencing
the Caliph, reflecting his commitment to safeguarding the
ruler’s moral compass.
■ They held that a ruler's behavior profoundly affected society,
and thus, their spiritual guidance was indispensable for the
well-being of the state.
3. Legitimacy and Obedience to Authority:
○ Drawing from Quranic verses, such as“Obey Allah, obey His
Prophet, and obey those with authority among you,”the Suhrawardi
saints emphasized obedience to legitimate rulers, even if they were
unjust:
■ Shaikh Najib-u’d-din ‘Abdul Qahir Suhrawardidiscouraged
rebellion against rulers and upheld the Abbasid Caliphs'
authority, advocating for the principle of legitimacy.
Political Contributions
1. Support for Unification of Political Authority:
○ Shaikh Baha-u’d-din Zakariyya, based in Multan, played a political
role during the fragmented period following Aibak’s death. Despite
residing in a territory controlled byNasir-u’d-din Qubacha, he
supportedIltutmishin consolidating the Delhi Sultanate:
■ H e co-conspired with Multan’s Qazi to undermine Qubacha’s
authority and invited Iltutmish to invade Multan.
■ When confronted by Qubacha with evidence of his letter to
Iltutmish, the Shaikh openly admitted his role, attributing it to
divine guidance. His popularity with the local population and
Qubacha’s political considerations prevented any
repercussions.
2. Role in Dealing with Mongol Invasions:
○ The Suhrawardi saints assisted in mitigating external threats such as
Mongol incursions:
■ During the 1246 Mongol siege of Multan,Shaikh
Baha-u’d-din Zakariyyanegotiated with the besieging forces
on behalf of the city. He convinced them to accept monetary
compensation and withdraw, thus averting a potential
catastrophe.
A Practical Approach to Power and Society
he Suhrawardi engagement with the state was grounded in their belief that
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spiritual leaders could positively influence rulers and help address societal
challenges. By balancing their spiritual duties with pragmatic interventions, they
contributed to the stability of their regions and the alleviation of public suffering.
This cooperative stance toward governance distinguished them from other Sufi
orders of the time.
Contribution of Muslim Mystics to Indian Society and Culture
Pre-Ghurid Presence and a Critical Hindu Society
izami refutes the widespread assumption that Muslim saints arrived in India
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solely in the wake of Ghurid conquests. By the time Shihab-ud-Din Ghuri and his
Turkish commanders began their campaigns, Sufi mystics had already
established centers of spiritual activity across northern India. These mystics
entered a Hindu society in decline, burdened by:
1. The Rigidity of Caste:
○ T he caste system had ossified, depriving society of its adaptive
energy and deepening inequalities.
○ Non-caste individuals, constituting the majority, were relegated to
social and economic peripheries.
2. Exclusionary Practices:
○ The caste system's obsession with physical purity excluded the
lower castes from cities, temples, and sacred texts.
○ Urban centers, symbols of power and privilege, became inaccessible
after sunset, exacerbating societal fragmentation.
In this context, Sufi khanqahs emerged as beacons of hope for the
disenfranchised, offering a radically egalitarian social order.
Khanqahs: Instruments of Social Revolution
he khanqahs, established by early Indo-Muslim mystics, were not mere places
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of worship or meditation. They embodied and operationalized the Islamic
principles of equality (tauhid) and brotherhood, serving as sanctuaries for the
oppressed. Nizami highlights their unique features:
1. Classless Society:
○ The khanqahs were open to all—rich and poor, high and low caste,
urban and rural—creating an inclusive community.
○ Shared meals, spaces, and prayers erased the distinctions so
deeply entrenched in Hindu society.
2. Education and Accessibility:
○ Unlike Hindu sacred knowledge, often restricted to the upper castes,
the Quran was made available to all.
○ Mystics championed literacy and knowledge, particularly among
marginalized groups, in defiance of ruling elites who sought to
preserve these privileges for the upper strata.
A Counterbalance to Political Power
he rise of the Ghurid empire undoubtedly expanded the geographical reach of
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mystics, but it also brought challenges. Nizami notes that Sufis often found
themselves at odds with the Turkish rulers, whose hierarchical and autocratic
governance contrasted sharply with the Sufis’ egalitarian ideals:
● Independence from the State:
○ While rulers like Balban enforced rigid social hierarchies, the
khanqahs rejected distinctions of nobility and birth, emphasizing
spiritual equality.
○ Sufis maintained their autonomy, resisting courtly influences to
preserve the purity of their mission.
● Moral Reformation:
○ At a time when Delhi’s political elite indulged in moral laxities,
mystics upheld ethical standards. They decried social ills such as
slavery, profiteering, and venality, acting as custodians of moral
integrity.
Syncretism and the Bhakti Movement
izami argues that the mystics' greatest legacy was their ability to bridge cultural
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divides. Their approach to Hinduism, unlike the theological critiques of scholars
like Al-Biruni, prioritized emotional and psychological understanding. This
facilitated:
1. Emotional Integration:
○ Sufis sought to forge bonds of mutual respect and empathy, paving
the way for shared cultural values.
○ This emotional resonance was more effective and far-reaching than
ideological synthesis, which remained confined to intellectual elites.
2. Inspiration for the Bhakti Movement:
○ The teachings of mystics profoundly influenced the Bhakti saints,
many of whom emerged from marginalized communities.
○ Leaders like Kabir, Nanak, and Dadu often lived in or near
khanqahs, absorbing the ideals of equality and universal love.
Linguistic and Cultural Evolution
he mystics' emphasis on bridging cultural gaps also shaped India’s linguistic
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landscape. Nizami asserts that the Hindvi language, which later evolved into
Urdu, was born in the khanqahs:
● A Common Medium:
○ Early Hindvi served as a bridge for communication between diverse
cultural groups.
○ The mystics’ poetry and teachings in this vernacular resonated with
both Hindus and Muslims, fostering cultural unity.
A Catalyst for Moral and Cultural Stability
In the face of rapid urbanization and its attendant moral challenges, the mystics
provided a stabilizing force. Nizami emphasizes their role as moral custodians:
● Critics of Social Evils:
○ Mystics spoke out against practices such as hoarding,
black-marketing, and exploitation.
○ Their teachings reinforced communal ethics and societal harmony,
countering the divisive tendencies of the era.
● Agents of Social Renewal:
○ By emphasizing simplicity, piety, and mutual respect, the mystics
offered an alternative to the hedonism and excesses of the ruling
elite.
hrough their teachings, practices, and khanqahs, the Sufis transcended the
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boundaries of religion, caste, and culture, forging a shared moral and cultural
ethos in India. Nizami’s analysis underscores that the mystics were not mere
spiritual figures but dynamic agents of social change, shaping Indian society’s
trajectory toward inclusivity and cohesion. Their legacy, rooted in principles of
equality, brotherhood, and cultural synthesis, continues to resonate in India’s
pluralistic ethos