Strange fruit: The rise of Brazil’s ‘new right-wing’ and

the Non-Partisan School Movement

Richard Romancini*
University of São Paulo, Brazil

Fernanda Castilho
Paula Souza Educational Centre, Brazil

Abstract
The new right-wing Brazilian Non-Partisan School Movement (in Portuguese, Escola
Sem Partido, or ESP) was created in 2004 to denounce ‘indoctrination in schools’. It
has, however, had greater repercussions via a strong presence on social media. The
objective of this article is to analyse these discussions on Twitter. ESP’s official
discourse and theoretical discussions about the role of social networks supported this
study. The content and network analyses of the tweets reveal the following relevant
conclusions: the dissemination of content is much stronger than any discussion, on
the part of both the new right wing and the left-wing partisans; there is a predominance
of ESP supporters in a discussion that has characteristics of an ‘anti-public sphere’;
communication between these two groups is weak; and the tone of the content spread
by ESP supporters resonates with many features of president-elect Jair Bolsonaro’s
communication style.

Keywords
Activism, Brazil’s new right-wing, Jair Bolsonaro, Non-Partisan School Movement,
Twitter

Introduction
Much has been written on the growth of street protests and the new social movements in Brazil
during and after the wave of mass mobilisations that characterised the events of June 2013. A
large literature now exists on the ‘Brazilian Spring’, highlighting attributes such as the use of digital
platforms by supporters and activists (Cammaerts & Jiménez-Martínez, 2014; Porto & Brant, 2015),
the roles of mainstream and alternative media in framing the movement (Fonsêca, 2013), the
protesters’ partisan identification (Winters & Weitz-Shapiro, 2014) and the roots and possible
developments of the movement (Vanden, 2014).
It is fair to say that ‘what started as a protest against a 10-cent (.20 real) increase in the public
transportation fare … widened into a protest against general conditions and government action,
if not against the whole neoliberal model’ (Vanden, 2014: 233); that the ‘demonstrations
remobilized the collective forces’ of an ‘insurgent citizenship, reclaiming them for a new
generation and for the contemporary streets of Brazilian cities’ (Holston, 2014: 894); and that

_______________________________________
*
Email: [email protected]

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‘broad segments of the population (from the lower and middle classes) had begun to mobilize and
seek new and different political involvements and [progressive] responses’ (Vanden, 2014: 237–
8). Yet this is only one side of the coin. It is true that ‘the protests articulate their arguments through
new identity politics and through the medium of the internet’ (Holston, 2014: 896); however,
among the new identities raised were also conservative, right-wing and even far-right groups.
The protests started with young left-wing activists (mostly students) and rapidly broadened
to include hundreds of thousands of middle-class protesters, generally with little in common. A
‘struggle for ownership of protests’ (Watts, 2013) – the political direction of the movement – soon
ensued. From the beginning, there were signs of a possible turn to the right of the movement, such
as the insistent rejection of political parties, as well as of Brazil’s traditional social movements, civic
organisations and workers’ unions as legitimate participants. As Mische (2016: 43) argues, ‘many
long-time activists feared that this rejection of partisanship was an indicator of right-wing or even
“fascist” tendencies within the movement’. Under these circumstances, the demonstrations often
acquired a strong middle-class and anti-left tone.
Right-wing opposition attempted to kidnap the movement, seizing the opportunity to grow
by criticising the left-wing government. In fact, the right-wing – until then hopelessly disorganized
– became more active and visible. After the end of the military dictatorship in 1985, only a few
isolated groups had claimed and expressed direct identification with right-wing ideas. Likewise,
the inequalities of Brazilian society seemed to make these non-progressive political views
unpopular. Right-wing politicians and parties therefore usually labelled themselves as being at
the centre of the political spectrum. But during the 2013 protests, many people defined themselves
as right-wing supporters1 and some far-right protesters defended the return of military rule.
Now, rather than feeling guilt or shame for their ideological standpoint, right-wing partisans
feel free to express their opinions on the streets after a long era of silence – that is, since the pre-
1964 coup mobilisations – through both mainstream and social media. It could be said that the
‘big protests tree’ of 2013 grew a ‘strange fruit’ – or, as Fortes (2016: 218) states, ‘the “anti-PT
[Workers’ Party]” sentiment that eventually emerged out of the 2013 protests set the stage for the
formation of a new ideological and activist Right in Brazil’. This new right found a great front man
in Jair Bolsonaro, the authoritarian populist who won the recent presidential elections in Brazil,
after a campaign in which political violence overshadowed policy debate. Due to the cases of
violence inspired by then-candidate Bolsonaro, an analyst (Sovik, 2018) also used the ‘strange
fruit’ metaphor in direct connection with the violence, to which it can be added that ‘many
[people] fear that attacks will continue’ (Brooks, 2018).
In this context, this article aims to shed light on one of the main political purposes of
Bolsonaro: to halt ‘left-wing indoctrination in public schools’. This claim is strongly supported by
the Non-Partisan School Movement, and we will analyse the conservative activism of this
movement on social networks in Brazil. The focus of this study is on clarifying the internal
communication features of this mobilisation, created by right-wing actors on the internet.

The new right wing and the Non-Partisan School Movement

The June mobilisations posed difficult challenges for the Brazilian left, but protests against Dilma
Rousseff’s government were even worse. They took place from 2015 until the president’s
impeachment, then protesters took to the streets due a confluence of dissatisfactions: the
economic crisis, the poor quality of public services and the corruption scandals – mainly the Lava
Jato operation, which involved millions of dollars in bribes and implicated more than
80 politicians as well as members of the business elite, including the former president, Luiz Inácio
Lula da Silva. It should be noted here that right-wing partisans learned new methods and tactics
of mobilisation during the events of June 2013, which they used in these anti-PT protests.

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Richard Romancini and Fernanda Castilho: Strange fruit 9

Paradoxically, those engaged with this ‘new right’ share some features with leftist groups,
such as street mobilisation and the strong use of social media to spread their political messages.
Due to this first feature, Delcourt (2015: 13) points to a similarity between Brazil’s new right and
the Tea Party in the United States, while others draw parallels between the Brazil’s radical right
and Trumpism (Vigna, 2017). In trying to explain what is new in Brazil’s ‘new right’, Cowan
(2016: 348) highlights ‘the context of social media, new technologies, and the entrenchment of
identity politics’.
These features explain why a previously unknown movement called the Non-Partisan School
Movement (henceforth referred to as ESP, the acronym of its Portuguese name, Escola Sem Partido)
gained momentum and is now an important agent of the ‘new right wing’ in Brazil. Indeed, from
the obscure creation of ESP in 2004 until 2014, the media ignored it (Brait, 2016: 162), and it
only started to gain greater public visibility when its ideas took to the streets with protests against
Dilma Rousseff. The picture of a man with a poster that read ‘No more Marxist indoctrination –
Enough of Paulo Freire’ was all over social media.2 The educator Paulo Freire is widely recognised
around the world, and holds the title of ‘patron of education in Brazil’, but the leftist background
of his ideas is abhorred by the right wing, so many conservative personalities, politicians, and
groups (such as Movimento Brasil Livre [Free Brazil Movement], MBL) started to support ESP.
ESP was founded by attorney Miguel Nagib, who was inspired by similar initiatives in the
United States, such as the now-defunct No Indoctrination website, in which students reported
‘biased’ teachers. This and other US initiatives did not, however, take the step that seems to have
been fundamental for ESP to become more visible in Brazil: proposing legal initiatives to prevent
‘indoctrination’. As legislative projects have obvious implications in the daily life of schools, they
received media attention, generating reactions and thus more social repercussions.
Since it was launched, ESP has had a close relationship with the digital environment as it
emerged from a website,3 which still exists today, that disseminates its proposals and receives tip-
offs on ‘ideological indoctrination’ in schools and maintains profiles on Facebook (with almost
206,000 followers) and on Twitter (about 41,300 followers). 4 The movement seems to have
understood, as other right-wing political actors have, that its causes can now be articulated and
disseminated through the internet (Engesser et al., 2017: 1110).
ESP’s legal activism began in 2014 when Nagib wrote a draft Bill at the request of radical
right-wing congressman of the Christian Social Party (Partido Social Cristão, PSC) Flávio Bolsonaro,
Jair Bolsonaro’s son. Later, other conservative politicians sought ESP support for initiatives against
‘indoctrination in schools’. ESP is thus a strong supporter of this kind of action, and its website
currently indicates another electronic address, with the suggestion of legislative texts (and
municipal executive decrees) related to the proposal. 5 According to a survey of the Teachers
Against Non-Partisan School collective, ESP has inspired 124 legal initiatives so far, of which 90
are at the municipal level (with nine approvals), 22 are state initiatives and 12 are federal.6
The legislative projects inspired by ESP define the students as a ‘captive audience’ that must
be protected from ‘biased teachers’. Thus, to prevent ‘indoctrination’, one of these projects
proposes to put a mandatory poster in elementary school classrooms with the ‘teacher’s
obligations’ – that is, rules such as not promoting their ‘own interests, opinions, ideologies or
ideological preferences’ and ‘fairly provid[ing] the students with … the main versions, theories,
opinions, and perspectives relevant to the subject’.7
Educational researchers have criticised this and other dimensions of ESP (e.g. Frigotto, 2017),
such as the restriction of teachers’ freedom and autonomy (values highlighted in the federal
Constitution). It is clear that ESP seeks to impose parameters and control devices external to the
educational context. At the same time, ESP’s ‘pluralistic’ concern is inconsistent, mainly because
it is linked to the idea that content and perspectives should be presented in a ‘neutral’ way. It

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could produce socio-pedagogical contradictions, such as a lack of explanations for the reasons
behind a teachers’ strike.
In this case, teachers could be accused of ‘promoting their interests’, and it is important to
note that the coincidence of ESP’s legal and political activism increased after the cycle of student
mobilisations (2015 and 2016) in public schools. In these cases, there was a strong political
activism and youth mobilisation to improve education (Romancini & Castilho, 2017: 94). Civic
debate and advocacy would be hindered or impaired with the approval of laws inspired by ESP,
which would foster ideals of a technical and conservative education (Penna, 2017: 38).
A moral dimension was later added to the movement’s conservative political dimension.
Authors such as Miguel (2016: 595) note that the growth of ESP occurred when it came to
emphasising not only ‘ideological indoctrination’, but also the fight against ‘gender ideology’. In
discussing this aspect, Franco (2017: 238) points out that ESP promotes a caricature of the
theoretical field on the subject, pejoratively called ‘gender ideology’, associating it with a negative
image and immoral behaviour. Indeed, it is possible to observe the same trend in other Latin-
American countries, where the right wing creates a ‘threatening fiction over’ this term (Gallo,
2017). This could be an indication of the circulation of topics and issues of debate among right-
wing groups in Latin America, likely benefited by the internet, which boosts the right-wing groups’
articulation at the global level.

Analytical and theoretical dimensions

ESP’s official discourse and conservative expression on the internet

Although studies on ESP are concerned mainly with critically exposing the characteristics of the
movement, there are also some discussions about the movement’s communication, as in work by
Penna (2015, 2017) and Franco (2017).
Penna argues that ESP uses ‘fascist discursive strategies’, which relate to the demonisation
of the ‘other’ – especially the teachers who were accused of being indoctrinators. The texts on the
ESP’s website refer to these individuals with deprecatory and dehumanising language: teachers
who promote school ‘contamination’ are an ‘army of partisans’, so education must be ‘disinfected’
(Penna, 2017: 43).
These characteristics are exacerbated further in graphic content (cartoons and memes)
spread on the internet by supporters, according to the author. The ‘other’ in sight might be the
Workers’ Party, ‘communism’ or thinkers associated with supposed indoctrination, always in
terms of the perspective of dehumanisation of these opponents of the ‘indoctrination-free’ school.
It is possible to see an example in the meme where Gramsci is shown as a vampire in a coffin,
receiving a stake to the heart that represents the ESP movement, shared on the Facebook profile
of ESP’s founder.8
A simplistic and antagonistic discourse is thus elaborated, in which ‘disqualification is not
through a rational argument, but through personal attacks and images that represent the teacher,
the school and its thinkers as threats to innocent children’ (Penna, 2015). To the right wing,
Gramsci and ‘cultural Marxism’ are seen as symbols of the left’s ‘indoctrination’ project, as well
as of Paulo Freire in more pedagogical terms.
In his study of ESP’s website, particularly the section devoted to criticism of ‘gender ideology’,
Franco (2017: 237) emphasises that the movement does not elaborate its own original discourse,
but usually appropriates and manipulates texts and other types of content that have already been
produced. The other strategy is to republish controversial news relating to extraordinary cases in
school environments – such as a story about a principal who displayed images of sex between
men to students who had been in a fight. In this way, an attempt is made to create the ‘false

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impression that the expansion of gender discussions has engendered a moral relaxation so great
that it would have led to a much more frequent occurrence of such cases’ (Franco, 2017: 238).
Selectivity and similar bias are found in cases such as supposed problems in textbooks, as
pointed out by ESP. The concern is not to make a critical analysis of these issues, but rather to
construct a Manichean perspective of the struggle between the ‘good’ (represented by the right-
wing movement) against the ‘evil’ people (proponents of gender diversity treated as immoral). In
summary, aspects such as Manichaeism, simplification, more reactive than argumentative content
and a right-wing bias characterise the language used by official ESP channels, according to these
authors.

Discourses of leaders and supporters

Among previous studies on the communication of ultra-right groups, Padovani (2016) notes that
there is a trend in media being used by such groups to spread their ideologies. The channels then
analysed (mainly websites) showed an inherently top-down form of communication. Nowadays,
however, due to changes in the digital media environment, the author asks whether this model
would still be applicable in arguing ‘that we need to become more attentive to audience members’
own contributions to the making of ultra-right discourses’ (Padovani, 2016: 403). Indeed, this
highlights the relationship between the discourse of the leadership and that of the followers in the
age of interactivity.
The concepts that highlight characteristics such as leaderlessness, horizontality and
spontaneity in social movements – as ‘swarms’ (Hardt & Negri, 2005) or ‘networks’ (Castells,
2008) – are not perceived in ESP, in comparison with the previous description of its origin and
development. An alternative theoretical perspective is given by Gerbaudo (2012), who coined the
term ‘choreography of assembly’ to stress the complex impact of social media in the 2011
movements in Egypt, Spain and the United States. Particularly noticeable in our use of this theory
is the hypothesis ‘that far from inaugurating a situation of absolute “leaderlessness”, social media
have in fact facilitated the rise of complex … “soft” forms of leadership which exploit the
interactive and participatory character of the new communication technologies’ (Gerbaudo,
2012: 13).

Public sphere on the internet

The discursive production of social movements occupies a place in the spheres where debates
about society occur – especially in Brazil. For Cammaerts (2007: 73), the contemporary landscape
with a growing number of voices, each with different content, as well as several channels of
expression makes the Habermasian model of a unified public sphere (a space of rational and
consensual discussion of the society) almost inviable, yet the discursive differentiation and
fragmentation of voices would not necessarily be negative for citizenship and democracy. From
an agonistic pluralistic perspective, the author defends a democratic normative model in which
different public spheres coexist (including counter-hegemonic ones), some of them interacting
between themselves. Some of these spheres seek to penetrate the dominant public sphere,
controlled largely by the state and the market, while others remain independent.
It is in these counter-hegemonic spheres that actors and social movements can connect and
organise themselves to promote change. They can thus develop an ‘understanding of civic
engagement as both contestation and proposals for alternatives, as practices beyond protest’
(Uldam & Vestergaard, 2015: 7). Downey and Fenton (2003: 194) associate the dominant public
sphere with media of this type, and counter-spheres with ‘civic media’. In this way, it is possible
to understand social media as an environment for counter-spheres; however, this environment
has problems such as the commercial nature of platforms and surveillance:

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At the same time, a lot of the information that we receive via social media platforms
presents one aspect of an issue, bits of information or factoids, connecting likeminded
users (within specific alternative public spheres) rather than challenging our presumptions
or offering new perspectives. (Uldam & Vestergaard, 2015: 7)

Due to such aspects, Cammaerts (2007) develops the notion of the ‘anti-public sphere’ – that is,
the meeting of individuals who are against values of the culture of citizenship. In this case, unlike
the idealised, potential or real form of democratic dialogue and the discussion space through
which the notion of the public sphere was conceived for bourgeois liberal democracies, anti-
public spheres serve as anti-democratic propaganda forums. In other words, they operate as
spaces that empower participants of the conservative and reactionary movements, acting as ‘echo
chambers in which opinions and ideologies are reinforced and reproduced, and never challenged,
critically questioned or held to account’ (Askanius & Mylonas, 2015: 61).
The role of political extremism (right-wing and left-wing alike) in the emergence of digital
echo chambers is highlighted by Bright (2018), who indicates that the confidence people have in
their own beliefs is the main factor for a group not being open to debate. A group that
communicates online, however, in relative isolation from those who think differently (for different
reasons – among them safety), does not necessarily constitute an anti-public sphere, since the
communication of this group can have criticality and internal dialogue, as well as appreciation of
democratic values in an autonomous counter-hegemonic sphere model. On the other hand, what
tends to predominate in anti-public spheres are precisely the types of authoritarian discourses,
that promote hatred, intolerance, violence, and stigmatisation of certain social groups,
constructed as the ‘other’.

Research questions
From the previous discussion, we address the following research questions:
1 What is the position of people who are involved in Twitter discussions about ESP: against,
favour or neutral? Is there any interaction among these people? If so, of what kind? In
other words, is it possible to find a digital counter-hegemonic public sphere or an anti-
public sphere?
2 Do supporters radicalise the discourse of the leadership of ESP, making extremist
positions linked to the cause more explicit? This question is linked to Padovani’s (2016:
401) claim that this is a common situation in ultra-right movements.
3 Is it possible to note, in conversations about ESP on Twitter, actors with greater influence,
producing/spreading items with higher virality – possibly ‘soft leaders’, in the terms of
Gerbaudo’s theorisation?
4 Are there periods of greater activity during the period of analysis? If so, by which group?
Why and what kinds of content were shared the most?

Research methodology
To understand these issues, data collection for our case study was carried out in various forms:
bibliographic and media sources about ESP as well as Twitter data that addressed this subject. It
is important to highlight that the number of Twitter accounts of Brazilian users is around
27.7 million (Aslam, 2018) – that is, 23.8 per cent of the 116 million Brazilian internet users.
Although this is not as high a percentage as for other networks, its spreadability is high because
Twitter’s business strategy clearly relies heavily ‘on playing a vital part in the corporate media
ecosystem of news propagation’ (Puschmann & Burgess, 2014: 47). Several studies point out that
the architecture of Twitter as a political platform, used to spread data among other users, who
‘can be both individuals and collectives, with aims that are strategic, casual, or a dynamic

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Richard Romancini and Fernanda Castilho: Strange fruit 13

combination of both’ (Puschmann & Burgess, 2014: 47). Our study thus collected and analysed a
set of tweets that approached the subject under scrutiny in order to understand such dynamics.
Tweets were collected during a seven-month period (28 May to 28 December 2017), using
the hashtag #escolasempartido; during this time, nothing particularly significant was noted in
terms of political changes associated with this movement. We ran tests with other hashtags before
choosing the one that was most used and that had the greatest representativeness. The probable
existence of ordinary people’s activism against and for ESP – beyond the leaders of the movement
or other institutions – also justified this option.
It is necessary to recognise Twitter’s sample limitation as, despite the use of hashtag structure
discussions on this platform, not all messages and conversations on the subject are captured (not
all people use the hashtag). However, the use of thematic hashtags indicates a commitment to
participating in a general debate, since following and posting a hashtag makes it possible for the
user to communicate with the surrounding community (Bruns & Burgess, 2015: 13). In other
words, ‘hashtags have the intertextual potential to link a broad range of tweets on a given topic
or disparate topics as part of an intertextual chain, regardless of whether, from a given perspective,
these tweets have anything to do with one another’ (Bonilla & Rosa, 2015: 5).
After data collection (the corpus contains a total of 8365 tweets), using the digital tool TAGS,
tweets were transferred to another piece of software (Tableau) to perform some descriptive
analysis. This approach allowed us to understand the temporal dynamics of hashtag usage; the
amount of original content (tweets); content with mention to other users; as well as retweets
appropriation, contextualised in the network analysis; this helped us to understand the dynamics
of communication exchanges. In this case, the tools used were Tableau and Gephi. In order to
select the metrics for analysis, we took Larsson and Moe’s (2012) article as a point of departure,
as the authors analysed the uses of Twitter in the Swedish elections in 2010. Finally, some of the
most popular tweets were identified and studied. These were subjected to a semantic analysis in
order to clarify the questions to investigate.

Analysis9

Descriptive analysis
The corpus contains a total of 8365 messages, 5662 of which were retweets, 1692 original tweets
and 1011 @mentions (tweets with mentions to other users) (Table 1). There were 4574 profiles
that had participated actively in the conversion mediated by the hashtag #escolasempartido and
produced some content.
Table 1: Types and positions of tweets

Tweet type/tweet @mention Tweet original Retweet (RT) Tweets sum

position
N % N % N % N %
Favourable to ESP 925 12.1 1407 18.5 5283 69.4 7615 91.0
Against or neutral to
86 11.5 285 38.0 379 50.5 750 9.0
ESP
Sum 1011 12.1 1692 20.2 5662 67.7 8365 100.0

In Table 1, we can see the tweets classified among those who support the ESP cause and
those who are neutral or against it (mostly in this sub-group). The classification of tweets under
these variables was relatively simple due to the fact that the messages were short, clearly
indicating their position. The analyses indicated a broad predominance (as might be expected) of
the right wing (supporters who produced 91 per cent of the messages with the hashtag). The type
of tweet that represents a clearer interaction (@mention) represents a minority in the whole

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(12.1 per cent), with retweets (67.7 per cent) and original tweets (20.2 per cent) prevailing. Both
the tweets of users favourable to the cause and those of those who were critics or neutral have
this characteristic. In other words, the type of tweet most characteristic of communicational
exchanges – not just the dissemination of content or expression of opinion – constitutes a minority
in both groups (12.1 per cent for ESP and 11.5 per cent for critics/neutral). ESP-contrary and
neutral users, meanwhile, produced more original tweets (38 per cent vs. 18.5 per cent).
Analysing the tweets’ distribution on a timeline shows that ESP-friendly tweets (in blue)
almost always prevail against counter or neutral messages in relation to the movement (in orange)
(Figure 1).

Figure 1: Tweets timeline

We can see five major ‘peaks’ in the circulation of pro-ESP content, and we will explore
them later (as well as the smaller ‘peaks’ of tweets against the right-wing movement). However,
we will present the network analysis in the next topic, reinforcing these peaks of descriptive
analysis, as well as indicate characteristics of content circulation among users, identifying the
main actors and their discourses.

Network analysis
As mentioned in the methodological section, we used social network analysis as a method to
explore the tweets indexed by the hashtag #escolasempartido, as we can see in Figure 2.
It is possible to observe in the first image (Figure 1) that the general network topology (created
with Yifan Hu’s Gephi layout) indicates that there is a small set of more influential Twitter actors
in conversations about ESP, represented by the larger points around which the discussion takes
place. The smaller points at the centre represent the other actors who mentioned the issue less
often. On the other hand, the edges in lilac highlight that the number of connections between
subjects that had a great potential of virality largely correspond with the retweets.

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* In the second image, the main actors of the network were identified with Gephi’s scale of degree 40 >.

Figure 1: #escolasempartido full network with main actors*

In the second image in Figure 1, following the indicated metrics, the colour of the nodes
(points/actors) represents the output degree of each user – that is, the darker its colour, the more
messages were sent by this actor, and the lighter the colour, the more messages they received.
Since the size of the node depends on its input degree, the larger the node, the more messages
were directed there. It is possible to classify the most active users on the network according to
Larsson and Moe’s (2012) categories: (1) senders (darker, smaller points), (2) receivers (lighter,
larger points) and (3) receptors (darker, larger points).
We can see in the examples of relevant users identified (Table 2) that the main profiles are
of common people, usually right-wing individuals.10
Table 2: Classification of actors on networks, by messages’ output and input degree
User category Examples of identified users
Senders user1, antesdepoisfede, user2
bolsonarosp, user3, user4, user5, user6, user7, user8, depsostenes,
Receivers
odecarvalho, conexaopolítica
Sender-receivers user9, user10, user11, user12, user13

In accordance with the data presented previously, only one account (user2, highlighted in
bold red) in Figure 1, opposes ESP. Three individuals (right-wing congressmen Eduardo
Bolsonaro 11 and Sóstenes Cavalcante, 12 and ‘philosopher’ Olavo de Carvalho) 13 and an
informative profile aligned to the cause (conexaopolítica) were important receivers. In short, the
network was characterised by the pro-ESP activism of ‘ordinary’ individuals – an aspect that will
be discussed later.
On the other hand, from the second network we were able to identify the most central and
influential actor in the network, represented by the largest red point. Considering this information
with the qualitative analysis, we find a very active and conservative individual (user9). In addition,
between those who sent and received the most messages (with the hashtag #escolasempartido),
we also noted a point of stronger links (wider edges) – that is, the viral power of their links and
content is very strong. In the next section, we analyse what became viral on this network.

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Semantic analysis
As noted, there were five ‘peaks’ of ESP content’s circulation, which took place on 30 May, 6 June,
4 August, 16 August (one day after a demonstration convened by the ESP movement) and
28 October 2017. Table 3 highlights the characteristics of these tweets, as well as the figures of
those most retweeted.

Table 3: Types of ESP-friendly tweets on days with more activity

Tweet with
@mention Original tweet Retweet (RT) Sum of tweets
Day more RT
N % N % N % N % N %
30 May 24 5.5 26 6.0 383 88.5 433 100.0 314 72.5
6 June 6 2.2 19 7.1 242 90.7 267 100.0 203 76.0
4 August 5 1.4 6 1.6 355 97.0 366 100.0 354 96.7
16 August 15 3.2 59 12.7 391 84.1 465 100.0 67 14.4
28 October 14 4.8 43 14.6 237 80.6 294 100.0 127 43.2

Table 3 highlights the importance of retweets in the discussion, indicating which had
achieved greater popularity. It was not possible to reproduce the image of the first tweet (whose
text is the following: ‘GLOBO X ESCOLA SEM PARTIDO – Vejam a manipulação da Globo
atacando a #EscolaSemPartido na minissérie Os Dias Eram Assim’ [GLOBO X NON-PARTISAN
SCHOOL – See Globo’s manipulation in attacking #NonPartisanSchool in TV series ‘Days Were
So’]), because whoever elaborated it had their account suspended. As for the others (Figure 2),
we can observe the general appearance of right-wing content.

Sources: https://goo.gl/uNggvL, https://goo.gl/unJ9w1, https://goo.gl/mSNP6C and https://goo.gl/jFPQ3A.

Figure 2: Posts with most retweets by users favourable to ESP14

Looking at these tweets and user accounts, we see the relevant use of media, including those
produced by users themselves, and also that these accounts are those of real people (not bots).
The case of the first tweet (which is not in Figure 2), however, allows us to problematise the
‘amateurism’ of the productions and the ‘spontaneous’ content of mobilisation as the individual
who wrote the message (user3) is, or was, in fact an employee of congressman Eduardo
Bolsonaro.15 This man has a YouTube channel16 with several videos in support of Jair Bolsonaro,
and his tweet seems to have been written with the goal of being highly propagated in the
discussion, especially because there is a short video in which the user himself speaks to the
camera in a critique of the TV series Os Dias Eram Assim (in a free translation, ‘Days Were So’),
a series that tried to show daily life during Brazil’s military rule, defending ESP17 in an emotional

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Richard Romancini and Fernanda Castilho: Strange fruit 17

way (calling the channel ‘dirty Globo’). This assessment stemmed from the understanding that this
series in fact attempted to undermine the ESP movement.
The second tweet (the first in Figure 2, by user6), in turn, uses one medium (JornaLivre) fully
aligned to ESP, biased and of low quality, to disseminate this story, and is a perfect example,
among other manifestations, of this right-wing trend. On the other hand, the following two content
excerpts, from the accounts of Eduardo Bolsonaro and user9, used static images that seek, in the
first case, to ‘prove the indoctrination’ and, in the second one, to criticize the ‘troublemaking’
enemies of ESP.
The strongly emotional tone comes back in the fifth tweet (by user10), also accompanied by
a short video, in which a teacher says that ‘students should not be used as mass of manoeuvre’
and that the problem of Brazil’s education is not a lack of resources but rather the formation of
‘partisans’ in schools. It thus makes an association – common among ESP’s supporters – between
the education’s lack of quality and ‘indoctrination in schools’. The problem, she says, will be
solved next year when, ‘God willing, we will have a right-wing president’.
The most significant tweets from these five days of intense circulation of content (left or
neutral) appear in Table 4. Obviously, it should be pointed out that the production of this type
was much smaller and it is possible to perceive again the importance of retweets and that a low
number of @mentions equally draws our attention.

Table 4: Types of ESP-opposing tweets on days with more activity

@mention Original tweet Retweet (RT) Sum of tweets Tweet with more RT
Day
N % N % N % N % N %
29 September 0 0.0 8 11.4 62 88.6 70 100.0 56 80.0
13 November 0 0.0 7 15.9 37 84.1 44 100.0 36 81.8
7 December 0 0.0 5 15.1 28 84.9 33 100.0 13 39.4
8 December 1 3.2 6 19.4 24 77.4 31 100.0 17 54.8
11 December 2 7.1 0 0.0 26 92.9 28 100.0 25 89.3

All the most retweeted tweets in this group were still online, so it was possible to reproduce
them (Figure 3). It is important to note that the third-day tweet was also the most widespread on
the fourth day, so there are only four tweets in the figure.

Source: https://goo.gl/RYC67p, https://goo.gl/xB9U6E, https://goo.gl/gpnmEC and https://goo.gl/7G2pzm.

Figure 3: Tweets most retweet by users against to ESP18

It is possible to notice that the use of media (along with the tweet) properly created by the
users is less frequent, where a cartoon made by the author himself is preferred (user2); the
dissemination of a critical material to ESP by an online vehicle (Nexo Jornal), an online newspaper
that seeks to distinguish itself by more analytical approaches; a council woman’s report contrary
to ESP (in two tweets transmitted by an institutional account) and, finally, another message,

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18 Journal of Alternative and Community Media, vol. 4 (2019)

composed by a council woman from the Workers’ Party on the same subject. Critical and
informative content is what prevails in these tweets.
However, there are no significant discussions either among these ESP-opposing users or
between ESP-opposing users and those who are in favour of the proposal. There are a few (usually
teachers – perhaps because they are the group most affected by ESP) who try to escape from what
we might call the intrinsic limits of Twitter – that is, the message format limited to 280 characters
(the limit used to be 140 until mid-2017). They seek, for example, to elaborate more developed
texts on another platform and make it available in more fruitful conversations.19 Another teacher
published a set of tweets with links to discuss the subject with another user (favourable to ESP).20
In both cases, however, the discussion had no follow-up. At least these frustrated debates do not
have the general fate of the conversations between left-wing and right-wing users on Twitter –
that is, ironies21 on the meaning of the proposal, rudeness22, accusations23 or mutual cursing.24

Discussion and final considerations

Following the objective and the research questions, we present a more general and conclusive
data analysis. In relation to RQ1, we wanted to identify who was involved in discussing the topic
(friendly, against or neutral) and found that it was mainly right-wing supporters of ESP who used
the hashtag #escolasempartido. We also found that there were few interactions between groups
in favour and those against the cause. Even in both main profiles of participants, we notice an
uncivil way of using the media – that is, a use that does not encourage debate, but rather reinforces
general beliefs, tending towards emotional – even inflammatory – language, as observed by Perrin
and Vaisey (2008) in letters to the editor. Unlike these authors, we did not find two parallel
audiences, as both supporters and non-supporters showed the same uncivil behaviour towards
the other group (as would also be observed in Brazil’s presidential election). Perhaps the network
of discussion studied can be seen as ‘antisocial’: deeper dialogue is thin both between opposing
groups and internally in each of them (in this case, phatic messages of mutual support prevail).
The notion of ‘anti-public spheres’ (Cammaerts, 2007) thus seems to be valid in the description
of what represents the subject investigated.
In relation to RQ2, the official/unofficial communication of the movement on the internet is
very close, in themes and language, to debates on Twitter. Thus, in most cases, these right-wing
discourses on social media do not ‘radicalise’ the movement positions. There is, however, a
critical tone of debauchery in the conservative enunciation of ESP that permeates the
communication of leaders and supporters alike. It is possible to characterise the tweets’ discourse
more broadly as an expression of an emotional character that seeks to convince not by well-
grounded ideas but rather by a rhetoric of ‘accusation’ and ‘indignation’.
At this point, it is important to note that these features match the rhetoric of Bolsonaro’s
presidential campaign, particularly in terms of his strong emphasis on topics of morality and ‘against
political indoctrination’. He also used to lie (for example, when, during an important TV interview on
Globo Network, he mentioned the so-called ‘gay kit’ (Romancini, 2018) that had been given to
students at public schools) and was ‘accused of benefiting from an undemocratic and criminal industry
of fake news’ (Phillips, 2018). His supporters shared this content on all digital platforms, mainly
WhatsApp.
In response to both RQ3 and RQ4, it can be said that, while communication seems fairly
horizontal (there were 4574 profiles involved), with a low presence of ‘official’ voices of ESP, we
identified ‘soft leaders’ in the case of individuals, such as user3 and user9, who tried to appear
only as supporters, but could potentially be professional activists with conservative causes (this is
certainly the case for the former). They produced and shared content many times, using
participatory media techniques (narratives like YouTubers, memes and short videos with the
ability to be broadly disseminated). This type of content, following analyses of ‘peaks’, dominates

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Richard Romancini and Fernanda Castilho: Strange fruit 19

the periods of greater activity on Twitter. At the time (2017), this was a relative novelty in the
political communication of Brazil’s right-wing views; however, such content also marked
Bolsonaro’s use of social media in his campaign.25
Some authors argue that Twitter offers more opportunities for participants from extremist
movements (Van Kessel & Castelein, 2016: 596), due to the reduced textual space. This limitation
makes the discussions much less argumentatively developed. In fact, it is difficult to develop the
nuances and opacities that characterise the deepest messages based only on the texts of tweets.
This, coupled with a more mediatised rather than dialogical character of what participants post,
might hinder the crucial component of public debate: the development of a well-grounded
opinion. This is mainly due to the fact that this kind of discussion involves more complex issues
(Bergie & Hodson, 2015: 264), with education certainly being one of them.
The fact remains that we do not yet know whether this emotional and antagonistic way of
communicating, born in digital networks, has been transferred to broader political discourse of
Brazil’s right-wing groups (e.g. Bolsonaro’s campaign and potentially his future government) or
whether there is an interplay or mutual reinforcement between these spaces. It is true, though,
that previously Bolsonaro and other actors of the Brazilian right wing made outrageous statements,
often seen only as jokes, with no consequences.
Bolsonaro’s victory changes the game. Today, promoting more dialogic and rational ways
of communicating is a new topic for Brazilians. We need to discover how to produce it, both in
tweets and on the streets.

Acknowledgement
We would like to thank Gianlluca Simi for reviewing the language of the English version of this
text.

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Notes

1
A survey with protestors in the city of São Paulo in June 2013 shows that 20.7 per cent of
them identified their political orientation as ‘right’ (Porto & Brant, 2015: 193).
2
This picture can be seen here: https://goo.gl/1b3Qt5.
3
See http://www.escolasempartido.org/.
4
Respectively at https://pt-br.facebook.com/pg/escolasempartidooficial and
https://twitter.com/escolasempartid.
5
See https://www.programaescolasempartido.org.
6
See https://goo.gl/56BSXE.
7
See http://escolasempartido.org/deveres-do-professor.
8
See https://goo.gl/KpGNqd.
9
For ethical reasons, we prefer not to use the real names of user accounts that are not
individuals or public entities in the presentation of the data analysed in the sequence.
10
This feature is observed in images used by individuals on their Twitter profiles (e.g. right-
wing symbols, the Brazilian flag, photos of Jair Bolsonaro), as well as the types of messages
they usually publish on Twitter.

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11
He is the third child of Jair Bolsonaro. On the first round of the elections, on 7 October, he
received the most votes of any federal congressman in Brazil’s history (1,843,735).
12
He is a member of the Evangelical caucus and was re-elected on 7 October with
94,203 votes.
13
This individual has a history of defence of conservative causes using social networks. Gatehouse
(2015) provides some information about Carvalho and other Brazilian right-wing partisans.
14
Texts on the posts: ‘Socialism and Liberty Party (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade, PSOL)
have lost school’s council to students’ parents’ (first post); ‘There is no indoctrination in
school, buddy, trust me. #EscolaSemPartido’ (second post); ‘School is not a political
committee and students are not electoral partisans’ (third post); ‘Firstly, get indoctrination
out of schools. #EscolaSemPartido’ (fourth post).
15
We discovered this through this post in a Facebook group: https://goo.gl/17aJ23.
16
Available at https://goo.gl/wQpBVY.
17
Although the user account has been suspended, the video is available on YouTube:
https://goo.gl/pqVxk5.
18
Texts on the posts: ‘Amem #ensinoreligioso (religious education) #STF (Brazilian Supreme
Court) #escolasempartido’ (first post); ‘The map that plots #EscolasemPartido’s projects in the
country. Mapping allows identification of political parties and religious group of supporters.
Story by @NexoJornal:’ (second post); ‘#URGENTE (breaking news) councilwoman
@samiabonfm denounces a coup to approve #EscolaSemPartido’s project at @camarasp’ (third
post); ‘Lost to (councilman) Holyday, today. The Non-Partisan School Project was not voted.
#escolasempartido is #escolacomcensura (censured school)!’ (fourth post).
19
It is the case of a user who tried several times to interact with ESP partisans, showing a text
against this cause (https://goo.gl/ctGVBR); however, he was not able to generate debates.
20
See https://goo.gl/FcD6ya.
21
See https://goo.gl/bPF2ia and https://goo.gl/GYGT4e.
22
See https://goo.gl/xhjDbm and https://goo.gl/Rx8n7D.
23
See https://goo.gl/VdRd3E and https://goo.gl/aZVxDh.
24
See https://goo.gl/aJ5MXG and https://goo.gl/UZPjMM.
25
It is important to note that the first public speech by Bolsonaro after the election was via a
live stream on Facebook.

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