CHAPTER THREE

BUDDHIST LEGENDARY SOURCES

As I will demonstrate in the next chapter, the accounts of Shenrab Miwo in the
m o are largely derived from accounts of the life of the Buddha. There are
numerous accounts of the Buddha, and many of them were also translated into
Tibetan. I will introduce here three legen of the B ha’ life that were available
in Tibet earlier than the m o and are possible sources of the accounts of
Shenrab Miwo, as they appear in the m o . One of the earliest available
legends is the Phags pa rgya cher rol pa zhe ya a theg pa hen p i m o
(hereafter rGya cher rol pa), which is the Tibetan translation of the
Āryalalitavi taranāmamahāyāna tram (henceforth Lalitavistara). The other two
Buddhist texts are: ye pa i ra kyi rgy , the Tibetan translation of the
Jātakamālā, written y Āryaś ra, and the tra mDzangs blun zhe ya a i m o
(henceforth mDzangs blun).
Firstly, the Lalitavistara is a tra elonging to Mahāyāna B hi m, a
may be inferred from its title. Winternitz (1933, pp. 248–56) concluded that the
Lalitavistara i a re a ting of an ol Hīnayāna text elonging to the Sarvā tivā a
S hool, t enlarge an em elli he in the pirit of Mahāyāna. According to
Banerjee (1957, p. 247) and P. L. Vaidya (1958, p. ix), this tra belongs to
Mahāyāna Vaip lya tra 67. Both scholars assume that parts of the Lalitavistara
are based on some old accounts of the life of the Buddha. Vaidya (1958, p. ix)
argues that parts of the Lalitavistara are based on old stories from ‘orthodox’
schools of Buddhism and stories from the Avi reni āna in the Ni ānakathā of
Buddhaghoṣa, which seems likely to me. Nakamura (1980, reprint 1989, p. 131)
suggests that the Lalitavistara may be a compilation of fragmented biographies of
the Buddha, and that the influence of Mahāyāna is evident in the literary style of
this text. In any case, the Sanskrit original was already regarded as a Mahāyāna

67
For the li t of text elonging to the e tra , ee Vai ya 1958, p. ix.

53
 tra when it reached Tibet, and that is duly reflected in its Tibetan version, the
rGya cher rol pa, and its classification as a Mahāyāna text, by Tibetans.
The date of the Lalitavistara is a debated issue. It is approximated on the
basis of Chinese translations of legendary accounts of the Buddha that correspond
to the Lalitavistara. Several Chinese translations of Buddha legends are known.68
Vaidya (1958, pp. xi–xii) reports that the Lalitavistara was translated into Chinese
in the 1st century AD, although he does not specify the exact year. He apparently
determined this date on the basis of two Chinese translations of legendary accounts
of the Buddha, Nanjio 159 (Taisho 187) and 160 (Taisho 186),69 and particularly
on the basis of the latter one, which according to Nanjio’ Catalogue is dated in 68
AD.70 Thus in Vai ya’ view, its original obviously must be dated before that.
Mather (1987, p. 31) prefers to date the present Sanskrit version of the
Lalitavistara from the 3rd century AD, although he provides no clear evidence for
this date. However, since he refers to Vaidya (1958), he seems to follow an
alternative date of Nanjio 160 (Taisho 186), i.e. 308 AD, supplied in Vaidya
(1958, p. xi). Mather (1987, p. 32) explicitly writes that Nanjio 160 (Taisho 186)
was translated in 308 AD. According to the Database of Chinese Buddhist texts,
Nanjio 160 was translated y harmarakṣa (233–310 AD), sometime during the
Western Jin Dynasty (西晉, 265–316 AD).

68
Mather (1987, p. 31-32) lists five Chinese translations (Taisho 184, 185, 186, 188 and 189).
69
These two Chinese translations are catalogued in the Database of Chinese Buddhist texts,
digitized by the Documentation and Information Center for Chinese Studies (DICCS), Institute
for Research in Humanities, Kyoto University, and they are also numbered as Taisho 187 and
186 in volume 3 of the Chinese Tripitaka. Nakamura (1980, see note 17 in reprint 1989, p. 131)
provides titles of two Chinese texts next to the Lalitavistara, Fân-kwâṅ-tâ-kwâṅ-yen-ching and
-yao-ching, and writes that these two texts correspond to the Lalitavistara. I am grateful to Ms.
Ching Hsuan Mei for helping me to identify these two texts catalogued under Nanjio 159 (Taisho
187) and Nanjio 160 (Taisho 186) in the Database of Chinese Buddhist texts.
70
Thi ate a me in Nanjio’ Catalogue has been rejected by Winternitz (1933, p. 253, note. 3),
as he argues that there is no proof for this text being translated in 68 AD. In fact, the earliest
Chinese translation of Buddhist texts seemed to have begun only from the mid-2nd century AD
(Nattier 2008, p. 3, pp. 35ff.).

54
 Nakamura (1980, reprint 1989, p. 131) argues that the Nanjio 159 (Taisho
187) was actually translated by Divākara in 683 AD. He identified ivākara’
Nanjio 159 as a translation of the Sanskrit version of the Lalitavistara, as Nanjio
159 contains twenty-seven chapters and they correspond to the twenty-seven
chapters of the Lalitavistara.71 If Nanjio 159 (Taisho 187) has to be dated to the 7th
century AD, it is possible that, when the other Chinese translations of Buddha
legends were prepared, there was not yet a Sanskrit version of the Lalitavistara that
closely corresponds to the Sanskrit text that we have now. This shows that the
legend of the Buddha that we know today as the Lalitavistara already existed at
least when ivākara prepared his translation of Nanjio 159, in 683 AD.
When the present version of the Lalitavistara reached Tibet, it was
translated into Tibetan through the collaboration of four Indian and Tibetan
translators: namely Jinamitra, Dānaśīla, Munivarman and Yeshe De.72 It belongs to
a group of Buddhist texts translated during the early translation period that ended
around 836 AD. The Tibetan version, rGya cher rol pa, has twenty-seven chapters
in total. It presents an account of the life of B ha ākyam ni, tarting from hi
descent to earth from heaven until his teaching of the first sermon. 73 Unlike the
m o , the legend of the Buddha does not end with the final day of the Buddha,
known as parinirvāṇa.
The first translation in a European language of the rGya cher rol pa is the
French translation by Philippe Edouard Foucaux, published about one and half

71
I have also compared the titles of the twenty-seven chapters of the Lalitavistara with the twenty-
seven chapters of Nanjio 159, and found that they are almost identical. This suggests that Nanjio
159 probably is an actual Chinese translation of the Lalitavistara. I am indebted to Ms. Ching
Hsuan Mei for helping me to compare the contents of these two texts.
72
Martin 2006, p. 158. Yeshe De is also known as Yeshe Nyingpo De, Zhang Yeshe De and
Nanam Yeshe De. Some of his other co-tran lator are īlen ra o hi, S ren ra o hi,
rajñāvarman an B hapra hā, Viś ha iṁha, Vi yākara iṁha, Jñānagar ha an alt eg
(a.k.a. Kawa Paltseg), who were also active in translation of Indian Buddhist texts (see Martin
2006, pp. 164, 172, 175, 178, 261, 278, etc.).
73
For a short summary of all twenty-seven chapters, see Banerjee 1957, pp. 247-257 and even
shorter in Vaidya 1958, pp. xii-xiii.

55
centuries ago. This French translation of the Sanskrit and Tibetan originals has
been further translated into English by Gwendolyn Bays more than two decades
ago. Gwendolyn Bays translation seems to be the first and only English translation
of the rGya cher rol pa. A note in the p li her’ prefa e, thi Engli h tran lation
has been made by comparing it word for word against the Tibetan version, and by
occasionally consulting the Sanskrit original too. Due to its accuracy and its very
close rendering of the original Tibetan version of the rGya cher rol pa, I decided to
use this English translation in my comparison of the life of the Buddha and
Shenrab. However, whenever necessary I shall implement a few minor changes
when presenting the relevant passages. Therefore, I am fully responsible for any
errors regarding the use of her translation.
Secondly, the ye pa i rabs kyi rgyud was translated by Vi yākara iṁha
an Mañj śrīvarman (Ti . ’jam dpal go cha), who lived around the 9th century
AD.74 Nakamura (1980, reprint 1989, p. 136) and Winternitz 1933, pp. 273–76)
have discussed the Jātakamālā at some length, and I refer the reader to their works.
I will briefly present a few important points here. Winternitz reports that the
Jātakamālā of Āryaś ra closely resembles the alpanāmaṇḍitikā in its style.
Interestingly, he also reports that the first story of this Jātakamālā is not found in
the āli olle tion of Jātaka torie . The Tibetan translation can be found in
volume Hu (pp. 2–269) of the Derge Tanjur, made from the wood-block prints of
the Tibetan Buddhist canon prepared at Derge Printing Press in Tibet, in the 18th
century AD.75 This text contains thirty-four short stories about the many lives of the
Buddha before his birth as ākyam ni.
Thir ly, the tra mDzangs blun contains a collection of legendary accounts of
the Buddha. The complete text can be found in volume A (cf. overall volume no.

74
This is the earlier translation. According to Martin (2006, p. 486), the Jātakamālā was translated
again by Lodoe Gyaltsen (1294-1376 AD) and Lodoe Palzang (1299-1353/4 AD) at the order of
their teacher Panglo Lodoe Tenpa (1276-1342 AD).
75
A brief history of this printing press and its current situation is written in the introduction of sDe
dge par shing dkar chag.

56
74, pp. 257–595) in the tra e tion (Ti . mdo sde) in the Derge Kanjur. It is said
to be translated into Tibetan from a Chinese version by ’gos Chodrub (ca. 830–860
AD).76 According to Nakamura, the Sanskrit original is lost, but he supplies the
possible Sanskrit title as amam kani āna tra.77 However, it is not entirely clear if
there ever was any original Sanskrit text and that is probably the reason why no
Sanskrit title appears in this Tibetan translation.
The rGya cher rol pa was one of the first o r e of the B ha’ life that
was translated into Tibetan and is considered to be a Mahāyāna text. Its Sanskrit
original, the Lalitavistara tra, wa alrea y regar e as a Mahāyāna text when it
reached Tibet, although, earlier, it may have been enlarged and embellished from
the Sarvā tivā a literat re. This also influenced the classification of the rGya cher
rol pa a a Mahāyāna text among the Ti etan . The date when the Lalitavistara was
written is uncertain, and scholars have approximated its date variously, on the
basis of the Chinese texts corresponding to this tra. However, on the basis of
Divākara’ Chinese translation of legendary accounts of the Buddha, we may
conclude that the present version of the Lalitavistara was known form at least
before 683 AD.
The Sanskrit original was translated into Tibetan during the early
translation period of Buddhist canon, which ended around 836 AD. Around the
same time, the other two legendary accounts of the Buddha, ye pa i ra s kyi rgyud
(Jātakamālā) and the tra mDzangs blun, were also translated into Tibetan. The latter
is from the Chinese version, as the Sanskrit original has been lost. Since these three
Buddhist legendary sources were translated into Tibetan before the 10th century AD,
they evidently are earlier than the m o . Therefore, in principle, it is possible that
the early Bonpos had access to these translations and utilized them to compose the life
accounts of Shenrab Miwo.

76
Cf. Martin 2006, p. 201 and 672.
77
Cf. Nakamura (1980, reprint 1989, p. 141) and also see Strong 2004, p. 57.

57
58
 CHAPTER FOUR
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE LIFE OF
SHENRAB MIWO AND KYAMUNI BUDDHA

INTRODUCTION
Shenrab Miwo is the mythical founder of the Bon religion. What follows is a
comparison be een he life s ories of Shenrab and k am ni, from a Mah na
perspective. This reveals many parallels between the two stories and shows that
numerous narratives in the mDo d s most likely were appropriated from Buddhist
sources. My comparison will be based primarily on the mDo d s78 and the rGya
cher rol pa, the Tibetan translation of the Lalitavistara. Occasionally, the
comparison will also be extended to the sK es pa i rabs k i rg d and the mDzangs
blun, and on other earlier Tibetan translations of Buddhist texts containing the
s ories of he B ddha s pas li es. The rGya cher rol pa is a well-known Mah y na
account of the life of the Buddha k am ni in Tibet. It is known that this text
was available in Tibet before the emergence of the earliest known Bon texts. It is
highly likely that the early Bonpo authors had access to this text when creating the
account of Shenrab.
My anal sis is di ided in o hree main sec ions: Shenrab s earl life, his life
as an ascetic, and his later life. The first section includes his descent from heaven,
the dreams and the visions of his parents, his miraculous birth, his education, and
his journey to teach in other continents. In the second section, I shall look at the
similarities between the ascetic lives of Shenrab and k am ni, in relation to the
following: the four sights, their departure from home, becoming monks, practicing
a s eri and M ra Kh apa Lagring and his famil performing magical ricks o
hinder their practice. I will also dwell on the episode of five tigers in the mDo d s
and compare that with other relevant Buddhist sources. In the third section I shall

78
The comple e acco n of Shenrab Mi o s life is recorded in chap ers eigh o en -four; the
remaining chapters provide supplementary materials.

59
look at similarities in the later parts of the lives of Shenrab and the Buddha,
incl ding heir a ainmen of enligh enmen and M ra s sceptical views of this
accomplishment.

THE EARLY LIFE

Descent from Heaven
As in Mah na B ddhism, in Bon it is also believed that there are multiple
teachers who have descended, or will descend to the earth to teach. Shenrab and
he B ddha k am ni ere eaching in a heavenly realm before teaching on
earth. According to the mDo d s there were ten brothers79 in a heavenly realm
called Sipa Gungsang.80 They were the sons of the divine King Triöd and a divine
lady (Tib. gsas za) named Kunshema. The first nine brothers81 were known as
Tonpa (Tib. ston pa). In Tibetan, the word Tonpa specifically refers to the
founding fathers-cum-teachers. For instance, Tibetans refer to the Buddha as the
Tonpa of Buddhism (Tib. nang pa i s on pa) and Shenrab Miwo as the Tonpa of
Bon (Tib. bon gyi ston pa). For Bonpos, Shenrab Miwo is the eighth among ten
brothers, and he is the eighth Tonpa of Bon as well as the Tonpa of the present
aeon. The seven elder brothers were Tonpas of the past aeons and the ninth one is
the Tonpa of the future. All the nine brothers, including Shenrab, descended or will
descend from heaven to guide the people of this world towards total freedom from
suffering. Traditionally, Bonpos believe that these are enligh ened ones 82
who

79
The ten brothers in the mDo d s (pp. 32-33, p. 38ff) are: Nangwa (Rangjung Thugjechen), Gewa
(Khorwa Kundren), Kunshe (Nyonmong Dugseg), Legpa (Tseme Thugjechen), Nyompa
(Thamche Khyenzig), Jampa (Kunshe Thangpo), Dagpa (Togyal Yekhyen), Salwa (Tonpa
Shenrab Miwo), Shepa (Yene Sibuchung).
80
This is probably the first of the five Pure Abodes (Skt. ddh sa) in the Form Realm (Skt.
R padh ) called Miche Sipa Gungsang (Skt. A ha) according to Bon and Buddhist cosmology
(cf. Mimaki 2000, p. 93).
81
These nine brothers are not to be confused with the nine brothers of Shenrab in his present life
(see mDo d s, pp. 41-42). More discussion on the latter is supplied in chapter five.
82
Both Tibetan Bonpos and B ddhis s similarl describe ha he s a e of he enligh enmen is
completed when one obtains universal knowledge and passes beyond all suffering.

60
took rebirth in this world one last ime o demons ra e he pa h o enligh enmen .
They were each appointed this task by their predecessor. The tenth and the
youngest brother was called Dulshugchen (Tib. rdul shug can, cf. brtul zhugs can)
who was later reborn as M ra Kh apa Lagring, ho challenged and ried o hinder
Shenrab s ascetic practices. I will come back to this later.
Each of the nine teachers taught the next brother, with each younger brother
then succeeding his elder. It is said that each of Shenrab s seven elder brothers
comple ed heir assignmen s. Shenrab s immedia e predecessor, the seventh brother
Togyal Yekhyen,83 descended to earth as the saviour of all beings. When he
completed his teachings, he appointed his younger brother Salwa Chime Tsukphu
to be his successor. When Salwa was reborn, he was given the name Shenrab
Miwo. Shenrab was instructed by his elder brother to be born to the most
respectable family, in the most civilized place and at the most suitable time.84 The
most civilized place to be born was in the Barpo Sogye palace, on the nine-stacked
swastika mountain, in the city of Olmo Lung on Jambu Island. The most
respectable caste to be born into was the royal caste, to his parents Gyalbön
Thökar and Yöchi Gyalzhema. The most suitable time to be born was when people
lived an average life of one hundred years.85
The theory of the nine teachers owes a great deal to the Mah na
interpretation of multi-Buddhas. This interpretation also seems to have originated
from earlier Buddhism (cf. Mah pad nas an a, fourteenth chapter in the P li
D gha-Nik a). As Mah na Buddhism was already at its peak when it reached
the land of Tibet, it is likely that most of the Buddhist teachings that reached Tibet

83
The name is also found in a Bon ritual text gTo nag mgo gsum as the initiator of the ritual. Cf.
Gurung 2009, pp. 268-69.
84
According to Tibetan Bonpos, after achieving Buddhahood one can accomplish anything one
wishes for. Based on this concept, Shenrab can choose the place and time of his birth.
85
According to a Bon cosmological text, mD od sgra grel, all human beings used to live longer
than a hundred years. Due to falling moral standards, the human life span has decreased over
time from 10.000 to 1.000 to 500, to 100 and will further decrease to 10 years. When Shenrab
was born, it was the time that people lived an average of 100 years.

61
came from he Mah na radi ion. The heor of m l iple B ddhas is similar o
the theory of multiple teachers found in Bon texts. In the Lalitavistara (Bays 1983,
p. 10), there are three immediate Buddhas of the past and there are six in the
Mah pad nas an a,86 ho a gh he people of his orld before k am ni. The
three Buddhas are Krakucchanda (Tib. khor ba jig), Kanakamuni (Tib. gser thub)
and K apa (Tib. od srung). kyamuni is the Buddha of the present aeon and
Maitreya (Tib. byams pa) will be the Buddha of the future.
When Shenrab left his heavenly abode to teach in the human world, he
appointed his younger brother Shepa to teach in the heavenly realm, in his place.
He prophesied, in the same way as his predecessor did, that this younger brother
would some time become his successor in the human world. For this reason Shepa
is considered o be he f re Tonpa of Bon, hich is comparable o he B ddhis
concept of the Bodhisattva Maitreya becoming the future Buddha. Let me illustrate
this with a passage from the mDo d s (p. 52).
Chime Tsukphu87 gave his crown [in turn] to his younger brother Shepa and
said Yo , he o nger bro her shall become he eacher o g ide gods in
my place. After I complete my three teachings on the Jambu Island, you,

86
I am grateful to Vincent Tournier for sharing this information with me. There are seven Buddhas
incl ding k am ni according to the Mah pad nas an a (D gha Nik a ch. xiv, Walshe 1987,
pp. 199-201). Detailed descriptions of the Buddhas and the life span of the people during their
time on Earth are also similar to the descriptions of the Buddhas of Bon in the mDo d s (see
comparative table in appendix 1). The future Buddha Maitreya (or Metteyya) is mentioned
elsewhere in the Cakka a is han das a (D gha Nik a ch. xxvi, Walshe 1987, p. 403). A
similar descrip ion of people s life-span decreasing, as I have noted above (see the previous
footnote) from a Bon cosmogonical text, is also found in this chapter of the D gha Nik a.
Although there seems to be no Tibetan translation of these texts, I do not rule out the possibility
of these texts as one of the sources for the Bonpos. In fact, there are few other chapters of the
D gha Nik a (or its Sanskrit version D rgh gama) that were translated into Tibetan (cf. Martin
2006, p. 105, and dBa b hed, f. 24 : nyan thos kyi mdo sde lung ring po dang gang po rtogs pa
nyung ngu zhig bsgyur/ in Wangdu & Diemberger 2000).
87
All three versions of the mDo d s contain Drime Tsukphu in place of Chime Tsukphu.
However, since the name Chime Tsukphu is more commonly used in other Bon sources, I also
use this here to reduce any confusion that may occur by using different names.

62
 Shepa Yene Sib ch ng, ill g ide [ he h man orld] hen he people s
life e pec anc is onl en ears. 88

In this paragraph, it is clearly explained that Shenrab, in his previous life before he
came down to teach in the human world, taught in a heavenly realm. The idea that
k am ni, in his previous life when he was still a bodhisattva, before descending
to earth, taught in a heavenly realm, is evident from the following passage (rGya
cher rol pa, p. 47; Bays 1983, p. 71).

Af er he Bodhisa a [ o be born as k am ni] had instructed the great

assembl of gods i h his disco rse on he Dharma , he spoke again:
Friends, I shall go no in o he land of Jamb . A his he
De ap ras of T i a ep . Embracing he fee of he Bodhisa a, he
implored him: Noble Being, if o lea e, his T i a realm ill lose all i s
glor ! In response, he Bodhisa a replied, Bodhisa a Mai re a ill
each o he Dharma. He placed he diadem from his o n head pon he
head of he Bodhisa a Mai re a and said: Noble Being, after me you will
become he perfec and comple el enligh ened B ddha.

In Tibetan Buddhism and Bon, the theory of reincarnation is used as an important

tool to weave stories together in the biographies of various Tibetan saints and
masters. Reincarnation is defined as the transference of consciousness from one
life o he ne af er lea ing one s ph sical bod . The heories of karma and re-
birth in Tibet were without a doubt borrowed from Indian Buddhism. This model
of reincarnation in Tibet also incorporates the idea of gods descending to earth and
taking human form, which is a common feature in early Indian religions.

88
According to our Bon text, all human beings will eventually only live an average of 10 years.
However, this life span will slowly increase when the people start to perform virtuous activities
again.

63
Paren s Dreams and Visions
In Tibet and the Indian sub-continent, dreams and visions that parents receive
before the birth of their child, as well as auspicious signs during the actual birth,
are thought to have prophetic qualities. This phenomenon is still widely seen in
Tibetan communities today. Dreams and visions have been used as an essential
method to identify someone as the reincarnation of an important figure. The
children that are identified in this way usually play an important role in their
community as a reincarnated lama (Tib. sprul sku) or a lineage lama, or as a kind
of religio s celebri .
The dreams and visions of Shenrab s paren s in the mDo d s are cited as
e idence ha he as a special child, as are he dreams and isions of k am ni s
parents in the rGya cher rol pa. According to the mDo d s, Shenrab s paren s had
se eral isions and dreams before he as born. For ins ance, Shenrab s father,
G alb n Th kar, had a ision of he Tibe an s llable A , which was white in
colour, dissolving into the crown of his own head through a secret path of a white
light (Tib. od kyi gsang lam dkar po). Shenrab s mo her, Yöchi Gyalzhema, had a
vision of a drop of seminal fluid (Tib. byang sems) entering her womb and
transforming into a gleaming white swastika. She also had a dream of finding a
shining precious jewel and seeing a white lion entering her body. Another dream
involved the light from the sun and the moon emanating from a white Tibetan
syllable A , illuminating the world and dispelling darkness, and finding a white
swastika.
Many miracles are also said to have occurred, such as the blossoming of a
fig tree (Tib. u d bar ba, also spelled as d bar ra, derived from Skt.
u umbara)89 next to the right door of the palace, and a rose-apple tree (Tib. dzam

89
According to Tibetan-Chinese Dictionary (Zhang 1996, p. 3138), it is also called bd d joms
shing, the plant which rarely blossoms, but easily and quickly perishes. Apte (1989, p. 184) calls
it G lara, and Monier-Williams (1899, p. 175, column 1) describes it as a fig tree (Ficus
glomerata).

64
bu shing, Skt. jambu)90 growing spontaneously next to the left door. These
elements can also be found in the rGya cher rol pa (p. 63, pp. 83 84; Bays 1983, p.
123).

In a dream had b k am ni s mo her, [ he bodhisa a] en ered her

womb through her right side, in the form of a white baby elephant with six
tusks. When ten months had passed and the time for the birth of the
Bodhisattva had drawn nigh, thirty-two precursory signs appeared at the
palace. In the ponds, blue, red and white lotuses opened their buds and
extended their flowers. In the gardens, young flowering trees and fruit trees
blossomed. ... From the slopes of the Himalayas, lion cubs found their way
into the city of Kapila and circled joyously around the city three times. ...
Five hundred young white elephants appeared and touched the feet of King
ddhodana i h he ips of heir r nks.

In the above stories, the motifs of the white lion and the white elephant entering
he mo her s ombs are er similar, as are he blossoming of flo ers and he
occurrence of other auspicious signs. Other similar elements in the narratives of
the mDo d s and the rGya cher rol pa are the seeing miracles and virtuous signs,
he bir h of he child from mo her s righ arm-pit and lotuses growing where the
baby took his first steps.
The dreams and auspicious signs that are described in the mDo d s are not
recorded in the gZer mig. This demonstrates that not all of the early Bonpo authors
agreed i h he acco n of Shenrab s life as it is presented in the mDo d s. It
seems that the author of the later work selected only the parts that he considered
suitable for an account of the life of the founder of Bon. In addition, it provides an
example of the fact that the mDo d s contains more (elements of) stories that are
comparable to the legend of the Buddha than the gZer mig.

90
See Monier-Williams 1899, p. 412, column 2.

65
A Miraculous Birth
The birth of the Buddha and the birth of Shenrab are said to have occurred under
miraculous circumstances. There are many similarities including emerging from
heir mo her s righ side, he appearance of two Hindu gods and other celestial
beings, the instantaneous growth of lotus flowers where the children took their first
steps, and prophetic declarations that they would become great teachers.
According to the mDo dus, Shenrab as born from his mo her s righ arm-
pit after a ten month pregnancy. He was born under the care of the goddesses of
he fo r elemen s. Tshangpa (Sk . Brahm , one of he Hindu trinity) and Gyachin
(Sk . akra) immedia el lif ed he bab p in their arms with white scarves. A
female n ga called K nshema ba hed he bab . The gods, humans and gshen ritual
priests recited auspicious songs. After the ceremony, the baby was dressed in
divine clothes. When the baby took his first steps in each of the four directions,
many lotuses and swastikas sprang up wherever he set his feet (see mDo d s, ch.
viii). These episodes seem to have been derived from the following account given
in the rGya cher rol pa (pp. 89 91; Bays 1983, pp. 130 32).

The end of the ten months having arrived, the Bodhisattva [ k am ni]
now came forth, possessing full memory and knowledge; from the right
side of his mother he emerged, untouched by the taint of the womb. At that
er ins an , akra, the lord of the gods, and Brahm , he lord of he Sah
world, stood before the Bodhisattva. Filled with profound reverence, they
remembered and recognized him; full of respect for the tender form of his
body, they wrapped the Bodhisattva in a silken garment91 woven with gold
and silver threads and took him in their arms.
The n ga kings Nanda and Upananda, sho ing he pper half of
their bodies in the expanse of the sky, caused two streams of cool and

91
In the Tibetan version, it is a divine cloth called ka shi pa (Tib. lha i gos ka shi pa, cf. Skt.
(divyavastra) k ika in Monier-Williams 1899, p. 280, column 2.

66
 warm water to flow forth to bathe the Bodhisattva.
Knowing the thoughts and the conduct of all beings, the Bodhisattva
took seven steps towards the east and lotuses sprang up where he set his
feet. The Bodhisattva then took seven steps to the south, seven steps to the
west and seven steps to the north. He took seven more steps, he faced
below [downwards], and taking seven final steps, he faced upwards.

These narratives are similar in the following respects. Firstly, according to both
accounts the gestation period was ten months. This is at odds with the period of
nine months and ten days (Tib. zla dgu ngo bcu) widely accepted by Tibetans. As
we know also from Monier-Williams (1899, p. 472, column 1), the child just
before birth is called da am s a en mon hs old in he Vedic li era re. This
shows that the gestation period during the Vedic age is ten months, probably
calculating twenty-eight days of the lunar month. Therefore, the gestation period of
ten months recorded in the Lalitavistara and in its Tibetan translation rGya cher rol
pa is normally accepted in India.92
It is not certain what kind of calendar was used in Tibet before the 11th
century, yet, it is clear that during Yarlung dynasty Tibetan years were named after
the twelve animals, like in the Chinese calendar. The standard Tibetan calendar
was only introduced only in 1027 AD, when the K lacakra an ra93 was translated
in o Tibe an. Tibe ans ha e adop ed he K lacakra calendar, but combined it with
the Chinese lunar calendar system. In the Tibetan lunar calendar a month consists
of 29 or 30 days with an average of 29.53 days a month. To complete the

92
The gestation period of exactly ten months for Buddha is reported as an exceptional case in the
Mah pad nas an a of the D gha Nik a chap er i . I is ri en, I is he r le ha hereas
other women carry the child in their womb for nine or ten months before giving birth, it is not so
i h he Bodhisa a s mo her, ho carries him for e ac l en mon hs before gi ing bir h. Tha is
he r le. See Walshe (1987, p. 204, line 1.23) for this passage.
93
This text deals with Buddhist meditation practices, philosophy, and the physical world, including
he K lacakra calc la ion s s em and he process of h man de elopmen . A par ial ransla ion
can be found in Wallace 2001 and 2004.

67
maximum gestation period of forty weeks or 280 days, according to this
calculation system takes nine and half months in the Tibetan calendar. Thus, this
calculation system may have determined the gestation period of nine months and
ten days known to Tibetan embryologists,94 which is also recorded in the Bon text,
gZer mig.
One possible explanation of why the gestation period of en mon hs is
recorded in the mDo d s could simply be that the author(s) faithfully rendered the
gestation period recorded in the rGya cher rol pa or in other related sources, based
on the knowledge of embryology in India.95 Another possibility is that the
author(s) might have considered the ten months pregnancy period as an
exceptional case reserved for extraordinary beings, like the Buddha or Shenrab, for
the Bonpos. The time frame of ten months might also be the result of the use of a
different calendar system, possibly another type of lunar calendar, before the
implementation of the K lacakra calendar system in Tibet.
Secondly, according to both the mDo d s and the rGya cher rol pa, the
baby was born from its mo her s righ armpi . In Tibe an li era re, his a of
birth is reserved for great figures. Once more, the story of the manner of the
Buddha s bir h was borrowed to compose the story of the birth of Shenrab.
According to a Bon cosmological text (mD od sgra grel, p. 142), there are
four ways in which birth can take place. The two that relate to human birth are
ordinary birth from a mo her s omb (Tib. mngal skyes) and a miraculous birth
(Tib. rdzus skyes), which is usually believed to occur from the upper parts of
body. Both Buddhists and Bonpos believe that great figures like the Buddha and
Shenrab should avoid being born in the normal way, thus it is claimed that they
ere bo h born from heir mo her s righ arm-pit. However, there are different

94
A very elaborate and traditional Bon account of embryology is given in the 13 th-14th-century text
called rTsa rgyud nyi sgron (pp. 149-67). See Garre s disser a ion (2004, p. 38) regarding the
early Indian sources that have informed Tibetan understanding of embryology.
95
There is a single occ rrence of nine mon hs and en da s in he mDo d s (ch. 20, p. 191),
which seems to have been amended later.

68
reasons given in these two accounts for why the birth occurred from the right arm-
pit. According to the rGya cher rol pa, it was prevent pollution by the supposed
impurities of he mo her s geni al organ. Impurity is not mentioned in the
mDo d s; ins ead i is ri en ha he bab co ld no be born from he mo her s
omb beca se i as blocked b M ra.96 Nevertheless, the parallels in the two
stories show that one account was derived from the other.
Thirdl , he Hind gods Brahm and akra were present during the birth of
bo h k am ni and Shenrab. However, the author(s) of the mDo d s also lists
them among the celestial figures tha became Shenrab s a dience hen he as
teaching. This suggests that early Bonpo authors may have had limited knowledge
about these two mythical Hindu figures and the role that they ought to play in the
story of Bon.
Fourth, the baby Shenrab was bathed by a female n ga called Kunshema,
and it were the n ga kings Nanda and Upananda ho ere he firs o ba he he
baby Buddha. Although there are minor differences in the gender and number of
the figures bathing the infants, both sources equally categorized them as being
n gas.
Fifth, the accounts of the newborn babies taking their first steps in the four
directions (north, south, east and west) and the growth of lotuses where they
placed their feet are similar. The author(s) of the mDo d s doesn specif he
number of steps or the number of flowers that grew, but according to the rGya
cher rol pa the baby took seven steps in each of the four directions and seven more
steps facing upwards and downwards.
Another point of similarity between the two narratives is that both children
were examined by wise men, who predicted that they would become great
teachers. After Shenrab was born, the Brahmin Salwa arrived at the gate of the

96
It is mentioned in the following passage in the mDo d s (ch. iii, p. 216), hen I as firs
entering into a womb [of the mother], [you] overshadowed [my] mother by illness, but the nectar
of gods cured that illness. And when [I was] taking birth, [you] r k asa blocked the door of the
womb, [so] I came out from the right arm-pi of m mo her.

69
Trimon Gyalshay palace. He inspected the baby and predicted that he would
become Tonpa Shenrab . This is similar o he follo ing passage from he rGya
cher rol pa (pp. 110 11; Bays 1983, pp. 152 53).

When the great rishi Asita examined the Bodhisattva, he saw that his body
bore the thirty-two signs of a great man, and the eighty secondary marks.
Then he e pressed his ho gh s, sa ing r l a grea onder has appeared
in he orld.
After circumambulating the Bodhisattva, Asita pressed him to his
breast and gazed thoughtfully at the thirty-two signs marking the body of
the Bodhisattva. For the great man endowed with these signs, there are two
ways of being and no other. If he remains at home, he will be a Cakravartin
king with four armies of victorious troops, a great leader devoted to the
Dharma. But if he departs from home to wander as a homeless monk, he
ill be a Ta h ga a, a prefec and comple e B ddha, a g ide neq alled b
any other.

The soothsayer Brahmin in the story of Shenrab was named Salwa. Like in the
Buddha legend, Brahmin Salwa also inspected the baby and prophesied his future.
In the gZer mig, the Brahmin soothsayer who inspected Shenrab was known by a
different name, Salkhyab Oden. He is identified as having been the family priest
since he ime of Shenrab s grandparen s. This Brahmin also named Shenrab s
father, Mi bon lha bon yo bon rgyal bon thod dkar (gZer mig, p. 15). I will return
to this name in chapter six of this dissertation. The soothsayer Brahmin fainted
when he saw the baby Shenrab and declared himself to be an unfortunate old man
(see gZer mig, pp. 49 50).

The parents asked Brahmin Salkhyab to come to the palace to check the
bo s bir h mark. A seeing he bab s face, he soo hsa er cried and

70
 fainted. When the king asked the reason for his anxiety, the soothsayer
explained that he was unfortunate because he had already become an old
man at this time, when the teacher had just been born.

This account from the gZer mig parallels the following account given in the rGya
cher rol pa (pp. 111 12; Bays 1983, pp. 153 55), which actually is not recorded in
the mDo d s.

Looking upon the Bodhisattva, Asita began to weep and uttered a deep
sigh. Wi h s rong apprehension [King ddhodana] asked he grea rishi,
Wh are o eeping rishi, and ering grea sighs? Is here some danger
you see for the young prince?
A hese ords, he rishi Asi a spoke he follo ing, Grea King, i
is not for the young prince that I am weeping, because for him there is truly
no danger. It is for myself that I weep. Why is that, Great King? Because, I
am old and feeble.
[He further said], I ill no see his je el of a B ddha. And his is
why, Great King, I am weeping, I am distressed, and I utter deep sighs, for
I ill no become free from sickness and from a achmen .

As it is presented here, it was the great rishi Asita, who in the legend of the
Buddha examined the boy and predicted that the boy would either become a King
and orld conq eror or a Ta h ga a and orld reno ncer .

A final similarity is that in both accounts celestial beings and people from various
castes like Brahmins and K a ri as gathered to make offerings to the newborn
children. According to the mDo d s, the gods of the five elements performed
auspicious songs; celestial beings recited praises and circumambulated the Barpo

71
Sogye palace; and the young gods, goddesses, n gas and scen ea ers97 showered
flowers on the baby Shenrab from the sky. These events are also recorded in the
rGya cher rol pa (pp. 127 28, p. 130; Bays 1983, p. 181, p. 184).

A Br hmin named Ud ana, he fa her of Ud in, a ended b five hundred

Br hmins, so gh a dience i h King ddhodana: O Ro al One , he said
o he king, i is ime ha ornamen s be made for he o ng prince. [The
ornamen s ere made.] The king said [ o he Br hmin], Yo ma hono r
and ornament the young prince with the jewellery that I have had made for
him.

The prosperi of he son of he k a famil ill be s preme and

e ensi e! Ha ing spoken, he goddess showered flowers on the Bodhi-
sattva and disappeared from the garden.

Similar to the way the Brahmin Ud ana as appoin ed o hono r and ornament
the boy in the legend of the Buddha, the coronation of Shenrab was performed by
members of Brahmin and royal classes. Moreover, in the mDo d s the offering of
flowers was carried out by gods, goddesses and other non-human beings, in the
same way as the ceremony was sanctified with a shower of flowers by the goddess
in the rGya cher rol pa. Comparing these events enables us to see the import of the
relevant narratives of the rGya cher rol pa. In brief, the evidence reviewed here
suggests that the mythical account in the mDo d s is construed on the basis of the
legend of the Buddha k am ni. This account became an important source for the
story of the life of the founder among later Bonpos.

97
The Tibetan word here is dri za (Skt. gandharva) and the Tibetan translator has understood this
as a class of beings living on scent (Tib. dri, Skt. gandha). Therefore, I translated the term here as
scen ea er , hich is possibl ha he a hor mean .

72
Education and Visit to Other Continents
Shenrab s ed ca ion is onl referred o briefly in the mDo d s. It says that as he
was growing up he received instruction in reading, writing, mathematics and
sporting activities and mastered them all. However, there is no mention of any
teacher. In contrast, the rGya cher rol pa (pp. 130 35) states that the young
k am ni had a eacher named Vi mi ra. k am ni displa ed grea skill in
mathematics, archery and other worldly arts during numerous competitions (rGya
cher rol pa, pp. 141 62). He is also said to have been born with skills acquired in
past lives. For example, he was an expert in all sixty-four scripts and their
corresponding literature (see rGya cher rol pa, pp. 132 33; Bays 1983, p. 189 90
for the list of scripts).
Al ho gh no specificall men ioned, Shenrab s academic and ph sical
abilities are implied in the mDo d s. He supposedly began teaching when he was
only three years old, even visiting other continents to do so. The idea of a child
travelling on his own accord from one continent to another is of course difficult to
imagine. The point of this probably is to underline that Shenrab possessed
extraordinary or even supernatural powers, even since his early childhood.
At the age of three, he visited the city Langling. He took a bath in Mulehe
Lake and then paid homage to his maternal grandfather King Sala.98 The goddesses
of the four elements, viz. wind, water, earth and fire, made offerings to the boy. 99
Then the boy visited the northern continent of Uttarakuru (Tib. byang sgra mi

98
The Tibetan passage relevant here is rg al po sa la ph ag shal e/ , hich can be ransla ed in
he follo ing o a s. The firs ransla ion ma be he king pros ra ing o he ear h b aking
the word sa as for the earth/ground and the word la as a locative particle, but the problem with
this translation is that the word rgyal po king becomes irrele an in his passage. Therefore, I
prefer he second ransla ion paid homage o he King Sala. Since he King Sala is iden ified as
Shenrab s ma ernal grandfa her, Shenrab ma ha e visited him to pay respect.
99
The goddess of the wind offered a turquoise drum (Tib. g.yu rnga, another reading g.yu rta a
rq oise horse ), he goddess of he a er offered a ase (Tib. bum pa) filled with drops of
nectar (Tib. bdud rtsi), the goddess of the earth offered food (Tib. zhal zas) crowned with jewels,
and the goddess of the fire offered a banner (Tib. ba dan) decorated with shining green leaves
(Tib. od kyi ljang lo).

73
snyan, npleasant sound of the nor h ) where the people ate nectar and wore
leaves. He prayed for these people to live for a thousand years and he gave them
teachings on selflessness. Then he went to the western continent of Aparagod na
(Tib. nub ban glang spyod, cattle utilizing of es ).100 The inhabitants there were
wealthy so he taught them about generosity and giving. The boy then went to the
eastern continent of P r a ideha (Tib. shar l s phags po, s preme bod of eas )
and taught them about tolerance. Lastly, he returned to his homeland Olmo Ling
(mDo d s, pp. 57 58).
As seen above, the boy is described as having visited three of the four
continents and taught Bon to the people there. In cosmogonic theories of both Bon
and Buddhist traditions, there are four continents located in the four directions
(north, south, east and west) with the mythical Mount Sumeru as the axis of the
universe. The four continents are Uttarakuru in the north, Aparagod na in the west,
P r a ideha in the east and Jambudv pa in the south. 101 These continents are also
recorded in the rGya cher rol pa, although in a different context. The first three
continents are considered to be less civilized than Jambudv pa, and so
inappropriate places for a Buddha to be born. Therefore, the Buddha is said to
have chosen to be born in the most civilized continent, Jambudv pa.
According to the mDo d s, the education of Shenrab took place before he
reached the age of three. It is also recorded that he was enthroned at the age of ten,
upon returning to his homeland. Therefore the teachings he gave in the three
continents must have taken place when he was between three and ten years old
(mDo d s, p. 58). There is no mention of the Buddha being a teacher at such a
young age or travelling to other continents.

100
Although the Sanskrit word god na means gif of ca le , he Tibe an translation of the Sanskrit
word preserved in Buddhist and Bon texts is ban glang spyod, hich means ca le ili ing .
There seems to be either a miscontextualizing of the Sanskrit word d na or it may be simply a
Tibetan scribal error from the Tibetan word sbyin (Skt. d na o gi e ) o he ord spyod o
ili e (cf. Sk . bhoga). The current Tibetan understanding of Aparagod na is the country where
people live on cattle.
101
These four continents are sometimes referred as the four islands; see Bays 1983, p. 36.

74
THE ASCETIC LIFE
The Four Sights and Departure
Like the Buddha, Shenrab abandoned his family life and became an ascetic at the
age of thirty-one. For both of them, this renunciation was inspired by four
incidents that they witnessed while outside the palace. As described in the
mDo d s (ch. xiii), Shenrab saw the four causes of suffering at the four gates of
the Trimon Gyalshay palace. These were the suffering caused by birth, aging,
illness and death. This corresponds to the account in the rGya cher rol pa, in which
he o ng k am ni is said o ha e i nessed fo r e en s a he fo r ga es of his
palace. The four sights are explained in the rGya cher rol pa in the following way
(Bays 1983, pp. 285-90). First, the Buddha saw an old decrepit man on the road as
he departed through the eastern gate of the city towards the pleasure garden.
Second, he saw a man who had been stricken by disease, when he passed through
the southern gate. Third, he saw a dead man on a palanquin covered with a cloth
canopy when he departed through the western gate. Fourth, he saw a monk when
depar ing hro gh he ci s nor hern ga e (rGya cher rol pa, pp. 190 92). The only
difference is ha k am ni sa a monk pon e i ing he palace hereas Shenrab
is said to have witnessed a birth.
In the rGya cher rol pa, the four causes of suffering: birth, old age, illness
and death, are recorded separately from the four sights. It is very likely that the
author(s) of the mDo d s derived these four causes of suffering from this Buddhist
theory, and interpreted them as the four sights.

Table: The Four Sights of Shenrab and Buddha

mDo d s rGya cher rol pa

1. Birth = None
2. Aged = 1. An old man
3. Illness = 2. A sick man
4. Death = 3. A dead man
[see below] = 4. A monk

75
After witnessing these four sights, both the Buddha and Shenrab chose to give up
their lives of luxury and search for a way to overcome suffering. Like the Buddha,
Shenrab left his parents, wives, children, royal assistants and the comfort of his
palace to embrace a solitary life. However, there is a minor difference in the way
they left their families. According to the rGya cher rol pa, the Buddha left the
royal palace without his family members knowing that he intended to do so; while
Shenrab s famil kne abo his in en ion o lea e and req es ed ha he pos pone
his departure, although he refused. This difference may be explained by the fact
that there are different accounts of how the Buddha departed from his palace. Not
all accounts say that he left the palace unnoticed. For instance, in the Majjhima
Nik a (the middle length discourses of the Buddha), it is recorded that his father
and surrogate mother were aware of his intention to leave and they objected and
wept (see Schumann 2004, pp. 45 46 and Ñanamoli and Bodhi 1995). It can thus
be inferred ha he Bon acco n of Shenrab s depar re co ld ha e been deri ed
from a Buddhist source other than the rGya cher rol pa. It also demonstrates that
no all B ddhis a hors agree ha he B ddha s depar re from home as
unnoticed by his family members. However, one might wonder about the relevance
of his P li Nik a o he mDo d s beca se his Nik a as no a ailable in
Tibetan when the mDo d s was written. I hypothesize that the early Bonpo authors
had access to fragments of stories about Buddha, probably derived from legendary
accounts like those in the Majjhima Nik a.102
In the mDo d s, it is also mentioned that when Shenrab left the palace he
rode a horse that was as white as conch shell (Tib. dung rta). 103 The horse was led
by a servant, whose name is not given in the mDo d s. The four great deities (Tib.
gsas chen ru bzhi, see their names given below) lifted the feet of the horse so that
he could leave the palace immediately and peacefully, and reach his intended

102
See Nakamura (1980, reprint 1989, pp. 35-36) about this source.
103
According to the mDo d s (ch. ix), this is the first among the four horses that the four great
deities offered to Shenrab during his teaching of Bon. The horse is called gar rta ph o ba, whose
colour is white like conch.

76
destination, the island of ascetic practice. This story can be compared almost word
for word with the story presented in the rGya cher rol pa. When the Bodhisattva
arose from his couch, the whole earth shook in six ways. He mounted the king of
horses, which was as white as the disk of the full moon. The Guardians of the
world lifted the supreme horse with their hands, pure as a spotless lotus (rGya cher
rol pa, p. 219; Bays 1983, pp. 333 34). The simile used to describe the colour of
he horse in his passage is as hi e as he disk of he f ll moon hereas in the
mDo d s i is as hi e as a conch shell. 104
However, the fact that both horses are
described as being pure white may be sufficient to confirm a link between the two
so rces. Like ise, as k am ni as accompanied b his s bjec Chandaka hen
he left the city of Kapilavastu, Shenrab was also accompanied by a subject. As the
guardians lifted the hooves of the horse to silently clear the way for the Buddha, 105
the four great deities also lifted the hooves of the horse for Shenrab. Furthermore,
the four great deities in the mDo d s are described as appearing from the four
directions: Garse Tsenpo from the east, Goese Khampa from the north, Sejay
Mangpo from the west and Namse Khyungrum from the south. 106 The four great
kings in the Buddha legend, who were also known as the four guardians of the
world (Bays 1983, pp. 327 28), also came from the four directions: Dh ar ra
from the east, Vir dhaka from the south, Vir p k a from he es and Vai ra a a
from the north.
There are three main similarities here. Firstly, both the horses are white.
Secondly, four great beings lift the feet of the horses in both stories and for exactly
the same purpose. Thirdly, the four great kings and four great deities came from
the four directions.

104
This simile a hi e horse like a conch shell is also fo nd in he 13 th-century legend of the
Buddha, Jinacarita ri en in P li b Vanara ana Medhakara; see s an a 178 in Ro se 1905.
105
This line appears in the rGya cher rol pa (p. 200) as, he fo r grea kings, ha ing en ered he
ro al palace of A aka a , said o he assembl of Yak as, Toda , friends, he Bodhisa a
lea es home; as he lea es, o m s lif p he hoo es of his horse . Cf. Ba s 1983, p. 306.
106
The four great deities are also listed among the thousand Bonpo Buddhas in the Klong rgyas, a
funeral ritual text of Bonpos.

77
Table: The Four Great Deities and the Four Great Kings

Four Great Deities Four Directions Four Great Kings, alias Four Guardians

Garse Tsenpo From the east Y l khor sr ng (Skt. Dh ar ra)

Goese Khampa From the north L s ngan (Sk . K bera alias Vai ra a a)

Sejay Mangpo From the west Mig mi bzang (Skt. Vir p k a)

Namse Khyungrum From the south Phags skyes po (Skt. Vir dhaka)

Becoming a Monk
There are important differences in the way Shenrab and Siddh rtha became monks,
al ho gh he s ories con ain common hreads. In he Mah na, he enligh ened
ones, including the Buddha, are said to have practised an ascetic life before being
born into this world to liberate sentient beings. In the mDo d s this concept is
applied to Shenrab. He is said to have been a monk who had already achieved
enlightenment in his previous life, but descended to this world as a nirm ak a to
subdue and to liberate other sentient beings. Thus, he had already detached himself
from worldly properties before his descent. Such a description is not found in the
case of the Buddha.
However, there are important similarities. For example, Shenrab also met a
monk who encouraged him to become a monk. This account seems to be
infl enced b he fo r h sigh ing in he legend of he B ddha, hen he o ng
k am ni sa a monk, when exiting the northern gate of the palace (see supra p.
75), and was inspired to take up an ascetic life.
According to the mDo d s, he monk s name as Legden Gyalwa. He was
a disciple of Shenrab s predecessor, Tog al Yekh en, and is described as ha ing
had a good moral disposition and the desire to benefit others. A deep appreciation
arose in him and Shenrab asked the monk to ordain him as a monk as well. The
sage welcomed his request and initiated him as a monk. He also informed Shenrab
that all the previous teachers of the Bon tradition had left their families to become

78
monks. They all followed the vows, wore the sacred clothes (Tib. rmad gos),
practiced a s eri and gained ic or o er he fi e m ras.
Shenrab was thirty-one years of age when he left his home and became a
monk. While he was receiving initiation, all the celestial beings including the
subduing deities107 and bonpos108 congratulated him with flowers. Thereupon,
Shenrab cut his knotted hair (Tib. gtsug phud dbu skra) in front of a self-emerged
s pa. Brahm and he akra collected the hair in their hair washbasin (Tib. skra
gzhong). Shenrab washed himself with nectar-water (Tib. bdud rtsi (khrus chab),
Skt. am a, water considered to be am a) dropped by the sky goddesses. Celestial
beings offered him six sacred garments (Tib. rmad gos) to wear, which were made
by a miraculous technique.109 A mendican s s aff (Tib. hos ru), a cooling fan (Tib.
bsil yab/g.yab) and an alms bowl (Tib. pad phor) also fell into his hands. All the
enlightened beings gathered like clouds in the sky and showered flowers while
singing auspicious prayers (mDo d s, pp. 111 13). After the initiation was
complete, Shenrab handed his horse over to his subject and asked him to return it
safely to his father. In the rGya cher rol pa, k am ni also asks his assis an
Chandaka to take his ornaments and his horse back to the palace. Then Shenrab
followed the monastic discipline on the island of the right rules (Tib. rnam dag

107
There are six Bon deities known as the subduing deities (Tib. d l ba i gshen) and they are
believed to be the saviours of the six realms. According to the Srid rgyud kha byang chen mo
(pp. 300-306), they are: 1) Kokhen Tsukphu (a.k.a. Yeshen Tsukphu) is the saviour of the god
realm, 2) Chegyal Barti is the saviour of the demi-god realm, 3) Drachin Donpung is the saviour
of the human realm, 4) Tisang Rangzhi is the saviour of the animal realms, 5) Mucho Demdrug
is the saviour of the hungry-ghost realm, and 6) Sangwa Ngangring is the saviour of the hell
realm. All of them are said to be emanations of Shenrab.
108
See appendix 2 for the list of thirty-three bonpos. I use italics here to separate it from the
Bonpos, the name used nowadays for followers of the Bon religion.
109
The six sacred clothes are 1) sacred upper garment (Tib. rmad gos), 2) sacred hat (Tib. rmad
zhu), 3) sacred lower garment (Tib. rmad sham), 4) the lotus shoes (Tib. pad lham), 5) a lotus
cloth (Tib. pad shun/shud) that is not identifiable, and 6) the cushion (Tib. gding ba). For a
different list of the six clothes, see A Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo Terms (Nagano 2008,
p. 126). Pad shun is described separately on p. 140.

79
khrim(s) kyis(kyi) gling).110
There indeed is a noticeable difference between the way Shenrab and the
Buddha became monks. For instance, Shenrab met a monk who ordained him, in
contrast there is no account of the Buddha requesting ordination from any monk.
Shenrab had a formal ordination ceremony, but the Buddha did not follow any
formal procedure. According to the rGya cher rol pa (p. 223; Bays 1983, pp. 339
40), k am ni ransformed himself in o an asce ic monk j s b gi ing p all his
princely clothing and ornaments, cutting his own hair and taking a saffron robe in
an e change i h a h n er. Ho e er, here is a passage ha describes k am ni
approaching R draka, he son of R ma, o recei e he ins r c ion on medi a ion
that he needed in order to discover the source of suffering and the path to
liberation (Bays 1983, p. 374).
Shenrab followed the monastic discipline, which indicates that there was
already a monastic discipline to be followed by a monk. This is different in the
case of the Buddha, as there is no mention of a monastic discipline in the rGya
cher rol pa that the Buddha was supposed to follow. In other words, when Shenrab
took his ordination, there already was a concept of the discipline that a monk is
supposed to follow.
Despite these differences, there also are some significant parallels in the
mDo d s and the rGya cher rol pa in the way these two figures became monks.
Firstly, Shenrab cut his hair in front of a self-emerged s pa and in the place where
the Buddha cut off a lock of his hair there also appeared a s pa (Sk . caitya; rGya
cher rol pa, p. 223; Bays 1983, p. 339). Secondly, Brahm and akra honoured
Shenrab s hair b collec ing i in heir ash basins and similarl hir hree gods
ook he B ddha s hair o heir hea en for orship (rGya cher rol pa, p. 223, Bays
1983, p. 339). Thirdly, saffron garments were offered to both Shenrab and the

110
The traditional account that the Buddha became monk or left his family at the age of twenty-
nine is commonly accepted by scholars (cf. Nakamura (1980, reprint 1989, p. 18) and Hirakawa
(1998, p. 24). Hirakawa also writes that according to different accounts the Buddha became
monk at the age of nineteen or thirty-one, but unfortunately he does not specify the accounts.

80
Buddha by celestial beings. Fourthly, enlightened beings gathered and sung
a spicio s pra ers on he da of Shenrab s ordina ion and similarl a h ndred
thousand joyous Devaputras sung after the Buddha s ordina ion. Finall ,
k am ni sen his assis an Chandaka back o he palace i h his ornamen s and
horse Kanthaka (rGya cher rol pa, p. 222, Bays 1983, p. 338) and Shenrab also
asked his subject to return his horse safely to his father.

Practising Austerity
According to the mDo d s, Shenrab carried out his ascetic practices after he
became a monk, on an island called the right rules or p re discipline (Tib. rnam
dag khrim(s) kyis(kyi) gling). The influence of the story of the Buddha on the
narrative of the mDo d s can be seen here too, although the details differ
somewhat.
Similar to the six years of austere practices carried out by the Buddha near
the Nairañjan River, Shenrab also abstained from eating food for three years
without interruption. Each consecutive year of this austere practice was called the
human, the monkey, and the bird fasting, respectively. The first year of fasting was
completed near the Gyimshang river,111 during which Shenrab took only one drop
of water per day. The second year was practised in the land of the gods called he
fo r grea kings ,112 by eating only one piece of fruit per day. The third year was
completed in the land of the thirty-three gods (Tib. sum bcu rtsa gsum, Skt.
trayastri a),113 during which he ate and drank nothing, and remained in a state of
o al abs inence. In he abo e narra i e, Shenrab s hree ears of a s ere prac ices

111
Two names of rivers separately recorded in the mDo d s, p. 207, gyim shang and na ra d a ra,
which flow in opposite directions (see also Martin 1999, p. 266). The name of the second river is
apparently derived from the Nairañjan ri er, near hich he B ddha comple ed his six year
austerity practices.
112
The four great kings, known in Tibetan as rgyal chen rigs bzhi (Skt. ca rmah r jak ika) are
probably derived from Buddhist cosmology (see Mimaki 2000 for a detail study in this regard).
They are considered to be gods of the desire realm (Skt. K madh ).
113
This is another level of gods in the desire realm (Skt. K madh ); see Mimaki 2000, p. 90.

81
are clearly described.114 The rGya cher rol pa, on the other hand, makes no
mention of the three types of fasting nor of any visit to god realms. However,
Siddh r ha s fas ing also began i h ea ing er li le and ended i h ea ing
nothing. He started by eating only a single juniper berry every day, which was then
reduced to a single grain of rice, then a sesame seed and finally he ate nothing at
all. This ascetic practice lasted for six years ( rGya cher rol pa, p. 247; Bays 1983,
pp. 386 88; cf. also Dewu Josay 1987, p. 28). Although based on the same motif
presented in the rGya cher rol pa, Shenrab s austere practice is recorded differently
in the mDo d s. Shenrab not only conducted his practice in the human world, but
also en o he land of Ca rmah r jak ika and Tra as ri a, hich are
considered to be heavenly realms.
Further similarities can be seen in the events that occurred upon completion
of the three years of austere practices. Shenrab descended from the land of the
gods and went to his home land of Olmo Ling. On his way, a daughter of Brahmin
Sala115 offered him some milk soup (Tib. o ma i jam, which is usually a rice soup
cooked with milk) and the king of honeybees offered Shenrab a bowl of honey
(mDo d s, p. 113).116 The narrative structure here also closely resembles the
following passage from the rGya cher rol pa (pp. 263 64, Bays 1983, pp. 407 78).

114
In the short text on the twelve deeds of Shenrab entitled mDzad pa bcu gnyis, Shenrab is said to
have practised austerity for the period of nine years, which is different from the account in the
mDo d s.
115
Cf. the Brahmin Salwa who inspected the baby Shenrab and prophesied his future, whom I
discussed in a previous section.
116
The rele an passage in Tibe an is bong(b ng) ba i rg al pos sbrang r sis pad phor drangs . In
the mDo d s Karmay (f. 54b), the phrase bong(b ng) ba i rg al po is written without an agentive
particle yis after the noun rgyal po. On the contrary, there is an agentive particle in the other two
ersions, h s I ha e ransla ed he passage as he king of hone bees offered a bo l of hone .
Nevertheless, I prefer a genitive particle yi instead of agentive particle yis, and the phrase should
read as: bong(b ng) ba i rg al po i sbrang r sis, he hone of (from) he king of bees . The
confusion between an agentive and a genitive particle is seen very often in Tibetan texts. With
this alteration, the preferable ransla ion of he passage ill hen be [ he da gh er of Brahmin
Sala] offered a bo l of hone from he king of bees and his corresponds i h he story in the
rGya cher rol pa.

82
 Suj t , daughter of N ndika the head villager, immediately took the milk of
a thousand cows, drew from it seven times the purest cream, and poured
this cream together with the freshest and newest rice into an earthen pot
which she put on a new fireplace. Suj t offered the Bodhisattva a golden
bowl filled with milk and honey.

As the Buddha was offered a bowl of milk by Suj t , daughter of N ndika,

Shenrab also received an offering of a bowl of milk from a Brahmin girl. The
offerings were made when the Buddha and Shenrab were completely exhausted
after their severe practices. There are similarities in the act of offering, the gender
of the person making the offering, the time at which it was made and the
substances that were offered. The daughter of the head villager offered a golden
bowl filled with milk and honey to the Buddha. This is only one offering but it
consists of the same two substances that were offered to Shenrab separately: a
bowl of milk and a bowl of honey.

M ra s Magical Tricks
Bo h Shenrab and k am ni are said o ha e been challenged b a m ra ho
tried to distract them from their goal of achieving enlightenment. 117 According to
the mDo d s (ch. xii), Khyapa Lagring118 performed magical tricks to distract
Shenrab from his meditation (mDo d s, pp. 91 107). As he firs challenge, M ra
Khyapa created magic mountains, rivers and fire to demonstrate his power when
Shenrab was resting at the city called Langling. Shenrab through his spiritual

117
M ra P p y n manifes ed in billions of differen forms o dis rb k am ni s prac ice in he
rGya cher rol pa (pp. 298ff; Bays 1983, p. 466)
118
Tib. khyab pa lag ring can be ransla ed as per asi e long hand . See rGya cher rol pa (p. 304)
for a similar name, lag rings, long hand (Sk . d rghab h ). The name is found in the list of
m ras (rGya cher rol pa, p. 303ff).

83
power transformed them into a lotus garden.119 In the rGya cher rol pa (p. 309;
Bays 1983, p. 480), M ra hre mo n ains o inj re or kill k am ni, hich he
transformed into a canopy of flowers.
There are two more episodes involving M ra in the mDo d s that can be
compared to events in the rGya cher rol pa. These involve beautiful maidens trying
o sed ce Shenrab and an arm of demons r ing o des ro Shenrab s prac ice.

i) Si Da gh ers of M ra
M ra Kh apa appeared in he form of si girls and performed hir -six deceptive
tricks (mDo d s, p. 118) to distract Shenrab from his meditation, but Shenrab
transformed these young girls into six old ladies. Here I shall paraphrase the
episode from the mDo d s.
When Shenrab renounced his kingdom, wealth, wives, sons, daughters and
followers, and wandered alone as a monk, Khyapa did not leave him alone and
sent his six daughters to distract him from his meditative concentration. They were
beautifully ornamented with various garlands, showing their beautiful faces,
performing a seductive song and dancing in front of the teacher. They said in one
oice, Oh he bes of men! We are si da gh ers of he gods, ho possess he
qualities of being loveable, pretty like a blooming flower or a beautiful lotus, full
of desire and enjoyable to be with. If you accept us as your life partners, then there
will be no fault or regret. Therefore, abstain from this cloth of pure morality and
put on beautiful clothes instead. Stop trying to achieve enlightenment and come
and ha e f n i h s. The eacher replied, I do no desire he lo s-like face of
the daughter of a god, because it is like a pot filled with vomitous impurity. It is

119
Some more stories regarding the ricks of M ra are recorded in he mDo d s. For instance,
M ra mirac lo sl appeared as Shenrab s fa her and ga e him false ad ice, he appeared as
Shenrab s mo her and ried o pers ade him o perform a non-virtuous activity, he appeared as
the four great deities (Tib. gsas chen ru bzhi) when Shenrab was preaching, and he miraculously
appeared as he son of a god and sed ced Shenrab s ife, he dpo princess Thangmo (see the
next chapter on this princess). However, I do not discuss these tricks here as I cannot find any
parallel stories in the rGya cher rol pa.

84
like an old lady, who is eighty years old and still desperately desires love. Instead
of indulging in that kind of love, I prefer stable meditation as an antidote. Desiring
love is like an itch, such as one suffers when one has a skin infection like scabies.
The more you scratch, the more you itch, thus to stop scratching is the only way to
reduce that irritating feeling. It is also like thirst increases when one drinks salty
water. I am not attached to those illusionary objects of desire. If you are able to
percei e ha ill sionar objec as o r men al crea ion, hen no desire ill arise.
After saying that, the teacher snapped his fingers and the six daughters
transformed into six ugly old ladies.
The si old ladies confessed and praised he eacher, Glorio s eacher!
You have left [your worldly possessions to become a monk]. You have no
attachment to your royal possessions or home. You consider the objects of desire
to be like an illusion, and you remained like the lotus in [muddy] water. To
deceive [your practice], we have said many embarrassing and shameful words, but
we immediately received your punishment and we became old and ugly.
[Therefore] we want to confess our crime and ask you, the great teacher, to forgive
us. The heart of the great teacher is [vast] like the sky, and is without any stain
like the lotus in muddy water. The signs and the marks of Shenrab Miwo are
blazing.120 We praise and prostrate to you, the one who possesses the great
knowledge. If you can do us a favour, then kindly release us from this state of
discomfor . Wi h his pra er he offered flo ers. The hen recei ed ini ia ion,
became nuns and ere admi ed in o he lad s gro p a Khoma Ne ch ng. The
son of M ra, Shar a K ad n also became a monk and as admi ed in o he
men s gro p (mDo d s, pp. 103 105).
This story might have been based on two separate accounts in the rGya
cher rol pa. The first account appears in chapter twenty-one (The Defea of M ra)

120
It refers to the thirty-two major signs and the eighty minor marks. According to both Bon and
B ddhis radi ions, hese signs and marks are special charac eris ics of he enligh ened one, and
are an indication of completely perfected body. Cf. Martin 1991, pp. 93-100.

85
and the second in chapter twenty-fo r (Trap a and Bhallika). According o
chapter twenty-one, M ra P p y n121 sent his daughters and they manifested the
thirty-two kinds of feminine wiles (Bays 1983, pp. 483 84). Then in order to
e ci e he desires of k am ni he sang o him, incl ding he follo ing o
verses (Bays 1983, pp. 485 & 487).

We are well-born, well-made to give pleasure to gods and men, for this do
we exist. Arise, enjoy your beautiful youth. Supreme wisdom is difficult to
attain; dismiss it from your thoughts.
They know the arts of music, singing, playing instruments and dancing.
They are ruled by love, they live to give pleasure. If you disdain these great
beauties you will truly be robbing yourself.

k am ni responded o hese ac i i ies of M ra s da gh ers calml , free from all

passion, hatred, and confusion and with his mind perfectly firm (rGya cher rol pa,
pp. 314 15; Bays 1983, pp. 487 88).

Having renounced emotionality, he had entered the gate of wisdom, and

now with a voice as soft and pleasant as the song of the nightingale, a voice
which surpassed Brahm s, bea if l and hear -touching, he answered the
demon s da gh ers: Desires collec m ch s ffering; desires indeed are he
root of suffering. They corrupt the contemplations, the supernatural powers,
and the austerities of those who do not take care. The wise speak well:
there is no satisfaction to be found in the quality of desiring women. By
means of knowledge, I will satisfy the ignorant. Like the man who has
drunk salty water, the one who nourishes desires finds his thirst increasing
endlessly; indulging in the passions, he is useful neither to himself nor to

121
This name appears in the rGya cher rol pa, as an epi he of M ra, in Tibe an sdig can, he sinf l
one , ra her han as a proper name as gi en in he English ransla ion (Ba s 1983, p. 483).

86
 o hers. B I ha e he ish o be sef l o bo h m self and o hers.

There are noticeable similarities between these passages and the above two
paragraphs from the mDo d s. For instance, the daughters were sent by their
fa her M ra, he sho ed heir a rac i e bodies and s ng sed c i e songs, in
which they proposed their love. Furthermore, both Shenrab and the Buddha
rejected these proposals and explained the negative effects of desire to the
daughters using the same simile. Both of them said that desire is like salty water,
which only increases thirst when one drinks it.
Following this, Shenrab snapped his fingers and transformed the six
daughters into six ugly old women. Realizing their error, they confessed their sins
to the teacher and offered him praise. Similar events are described in the following
passages from the rGya cher rol pa (p. 361; Bays 1983, pp. 572-73).

The [M ra s da gh ers] ook on he aspec of o h in i s firs flo er, and

blindly approached the Tath gata. The Tath gata paid them no heed except
to bless them, at which they changed into decrepit old women.

Approaching he Ta h ga a, he da gh ers of M ra implored him: O

Bhagavat, forgive us our fault! O Sugata, it was the fault of ignorant
women deprived of light, the action of fools. We were confused and
misinformed, for we thought the Bhagavat could be moved! Pray, forgive
s!

ii) Arm of M ra Kh apa

The second manifestation that occurs in both stories is the manifestation of an
army of demons. The following are detailed accounts from the two sources to
demonstrate the comparison more closely. In the mDo dus, Shenrab is said to have
gained ic or o er a billion of M ra s soldiers a he nine-stacked swastika

87
mountain (Tib. g.yung drung dgu rtsegs ri).122 This episode is described in detail in
the mDo d s (ch xii, pp. 105 06).
According to the story, when Khyapa was not able to move Shenrab by any
means, he decided to collect an army of demons by seeking help from his
grandfather, Garab Wangchug. The latter pointed out that Shenrab could not be
defea ed b an means, and ha he n mber of M ra s follo ers was decreasing.
Khyapa further conveyed his feeling of anxiety that if Shenrab achieved
enligh enmen , hen he orld of M ra o ld be emp ied; he therefore urged that
M ra s roops a ack Shenrab o dis rb his medi a ion.
Garab Wangchug knew it would be difficult to gain victory over Shenrab,
so he advised Khyapa to collect billions of demons for this attack. Khyapa
collected a demon army, carrying arrows, spears, swords, cakras (cf.
s dar anacakra of Vi ), maces (Tib. sgyog chen) and other weapons called gZu
ba (unknown), and he attacked the Barpo Sogye palace.123 Despite the ferocious
attacks of Khyapa, Shenrab remained concentrated in meditation. All arrows shot
at him turned into flowers, the stones and the spears turned into precious jewels,
the maces into wheels of light, other weapons into divine musical instruments and
even M ra s e il mind ransformed in o a lo ing mind. Wi nessing his defea , he
father of Khyapa Gyalag Thoje124 surrendered himself to Shenrab, and became a
monk. Yet, Khyapa did not give up his challenge (mDo d s, pp. 105 106).
A similar story can be found in the rGya cher rol pa (pp. 296 309; Bays

122
The nine-stacked swastika mountain is believed to be the axis of the land of Olmo Lungring, the
birth-place of Shenrab Miwo.
123
According to the mDo d s, the Barpo Sogye palace is the home where Shenrab was born. But,
according to this passage, it is also the place where Shenrab was meditating during M ra s attack.
We know from the mDo d s that Shenrab left this palace to embrace a solitary life, and therefore
his meditation in the palace is impossible. This indicates how the stories in the mDo d s often
are inconsistent.
124
According to the mDo d s (p. 92, 107), Gyalag Thoje (Tib. rgya lag thod rje) was the father of
Kh apa and a son of M ra Garab Wangch g. Compare rgya lag with lag brgya pa ha ing a
h ndred arms (Sk . a ab h ) in the rGya cher rol pa, p. 303.

88
1983, p. 461 480) as I shall summarize here. According to the Buddha legend,
M ra P p y n, after becoming frightened, assembled his vast army, attendants,
captains and gatekeepers. They were addressed and ordered to strike the
Bodhisattva ho si s alone a he foo of he ree. M ra h rled eapons a he
Bodhisattva and even threw mountains, like Mount Meru, but they were
transformed into celestial palaces and a canopy of flowers. The list of weapons
used is also recorded a little later in the book (rGya cher rol pa, p. 310; Bays 1983,
p. 480).

M ra aimed a he Bodhisa a all sor s of frigh ening eapons: s ords,

arrows, lances, javelins, stones, spindles, axes, rammers, sharp lightening
bolts, clubs, discuses, hammers, uprooted trees, boulders, chains, and iron
balls. But no sooner did he throw these weapons than they changed into
garlands and canopies of flowers.

As M ra P p y n became frigh ened and orried abo he f re of M ra s orld,

Khyapa also expressed his an ie and concern abo M ra s orld being emp ied
by Shenrab. As all the weapons changed into garlands and canopies of flowers in
the rGya cher rol pa, in the mDo d s they also transformed into flowers, jewels
and other things.

THE LATER LIFE

Achievement, Witness and Rejection
According to the mDo d s (ch. xiii, pp. 118 19), Shenrab entirely purified shes
b a i sgrib pa he s b le obsc ra ion 125
of enlightenment through serious practice
and meditation and achieved perfect enlightenment the following morning.

125
Similar to the Buddhist concept of liberation, he s b le obsc ra ion , according o Bon
philosophy is the final mental obscuration that needs to be eliminated in order to achieve the
enlightened body.

89
Shenrab s enligh enmen as also challenged b M ra Kh apa. Kh apa scep icall
challenged Shenrab and asked him to prove that he had achieved enlightenment
and to present a witness. Hearing this, the goddess of the earth Tenma (Tib.
brten(brtan) ma, Skt. Sth ar ),126 with half of her body rising out of the ground,
declared that she was the noble witness and testified that Shenrab had achieved
enlightenment.
This story is interestingly similar to that given in the following passages
from the rGya cher rol pa, in hich M ra P p y n expresses scepticism about
k am ni B ddha ha ing achie ed enligh enmen , and he goddess of he ear h
declares herself to be a witness to this achievement.

Then M ra P p y n addressed the Bodhisattva with this verse: In a

previous existence, I freely made an irreproachable offering; to this you are
the witness; but you have no witness to offer evidence in your support, and
so o ill be conq ered! The Bodhisa a replied: P p y n, this earth is
m i ness .
Then the goddess of the earth, named Sth ar (Tib. brtan ma),
surrounded by a following of a billion earth goddesses, shook the whole
earth. Not far from the Bodhisattva, she revealed the upper half of her body
adorned with all its ornaments, and bowing with joined palms, spoke thus
o he Bodhisa a: J s so, Grea Beings. I is indeed as o ha e
declared! We appear to attest to it. Moreover, O Bhagavat, you yourself
have become the supreme witness of both the human and god realms. In
truth, you are the p res of all beings . 127

The las e en s of Shenrab s life described in he mDo d s (ch. xxiv, pp. 220 22)
include his last teaching, his illness, and a ritual for his funeral performed by his

126
This name of the goddess is given in the mDo d s on p. 4.
127
See rGya cher rol pa ch. xxi, pp. 310-12 and Bays 1983, pp. 481-82.

90
disciples. The most noteworthy passage here is the passage regarding a petition
made by Khyapa to Shenrab, because of its similarity to a passage found in the
rGya cher rol pa.
M ra Khyapa tried to convince Shenrab that he had done more than enough
to benefit sentient beings and requested that Shenrab leave this world. Shenrab
rejected this request, saying that he had only helped a small number of people, and
thus he will not leave until he has benefited large numbers of people. Khyapa
became embarrassed and ran away upon hearing this response from Shenrab. In
the mDo d s Shenrab as eigh ears old hen Kh apa proposed ha he pass
beyond s ffering (enter parinir a). Shenrab not only rejected the proposal, but
also postponed his death for two years, passing away at the age of eighty two. The
reason given for this is that he wanted to pacify the devil of death and to turn
Kh apa s nega ive mind into a positive one.
A similar passage is found in the rGya cher rol pa, in hich M ra P p y n
approached the Buddha and requested that he enter into parinir a and pass
be ond s ffering (rGya cher rol pa, p. 360; Bays 1983, pp. 571).

[M ra P p y n proposed], Ma he Bhaga a en er in o Parinir a! Ma

he S ga a en er in o Parinir a! I is ime no for he Bhaga a o pass
in o Parinir a!

[The B ddha replied], No, P p y n. I will not enter into Parinirv a so

long as my monks are not firm, controlled, disciplined, clear-minded,
confident, well-versed, and abiding in the Dharma and what is connected
with it. No, P p y n, I will not enter into Parinirv a n il he reno n of
the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha is solidly established in the
orld.

91
As seen here, he B ddha rejec ed M ra P p y n s req es and declared ha he
would not enter into parinir a until he had firmly established proper discipline
for his monks, and his teachings regarding the Buddha, the Dharma, and the
Sangha were solidly established in this world. As is evident from this similarity,
the author(s) of the mDo d s has utilized these narratives to compose the last
e en s of Shenrab s life. The onl impor an difference is ha Shenrab li es
eighty-two years; two years more than the Buddha.

THE EPISODE OF THE FIVE TIGERS

The comparisons made so far have mostly been between the mDo d s and the rGya
cher rol pa. However, there is a narrative from the mDo d s, the parallel of which is
found not in the rGya cher rol pa, but in the first chapter of the sK es pa i rabs k i
rgyud and in the second chapter of the mDzangs blun. It is not absolutely certain
which one could have been the source of the Bon hagiographical narrative.
The chapter from the sK es pa i rabs kyi rgyud (pp. 3 7) runs as follows. I
basically paraphrase the translation made by J. S. Speyer (1895, pp. 2 6). It is thus
that the Bodhisattva took his birth in a most eminent and mighty family of a
Brahmin. He grew up and in a short time he became an expert in all the arts and
sciences. Although he obtained prosperity, wealth, distinction and fame, he took no
delight in such things. Once, when the Bodhisattva, accompanied by his disciple
Ajita, was walking along the caverns of a mountain, he saw a young tigress that
could barely move. Her strength being exhausted, her sunken eyes and her
emaciated belly showed how hungry she was, and she was regarding her own
offspring as food.
On seeing her, the Bodhisattva was shaken with compassion by the
suffering of his fellow creature. He sent his disciple to look for some means of
appeasing he igress s h nger immediately. When the disciple went off in search
of food, he Bodhisa a considered h s: Wh sho ld I search af er mea from
the body of another, whilst the whole of my own body is available? Not only is the

92
getting of the meat in itself a matter of chance, but I should also lose the
oppor ni of doing m d . Af er making p his mind, deligh ed a he ho gh
that he was to destroy even his own life for securing the benefit of others, he gave
up his body and fed the tigress to prevent her from killing her young ones. The
tigress rushed hastily upon the lifeless body of the Bodhisattva and began to
devour it.
The pattern of the story in the second source, the mDzangs blun, is similar to
that presented above, but the story line is different. According to the second chapter of
the mDzangs blun (pp. 275 80), here as a king named Mah na and he had hree
sons: he eldes Mah nada, he middle son Mah de a and he o nges Mah sa a.
The youngest son was of a loving and compassionate nature.
Once the three princes went into the forest, they saw there a tigress that had
given birth to cubs and was so exhausted with hunger that she was on the point of
ea ing her o ng. The o nger bro her ho gh , For long, I ha e been andering in
sa s ra, wasting life and limb, and through attachment, anger and ignorance have
brought forth no merit. Now, in order to bring about merit, I shall give my body to the
tigress.
As they were returning, the younger brother said to the other two to go ahead,
so that he could do something private. He went to the tigress and lied down in front of
her, but the tigress was unable to open her mouth to eat. The prince then took a sharp
stick and pierced his body. When the blood flowed, the tigress licked it and then ate
he prince s bod .
The passage in the mDo d s relevant to the episode of tigress can be found in
the section describing the fifth miraculous act of Shenrab, called the miraculous act of
instruction (Tib. rjes su bstan pa, Skt. an sana). As quoted below, there are six lines
in total describing two important acts. Only one of these lines describes the episode of
the tigress. This single crucial line is missing in the mDo d s found by Karmay. I will
translate all six lines of the two important acts to show their contextual relevance to
the episode of tigress, but I will only comment on the one line describing the episode

93
of tigress.

rjes s bs an pa i 128
cho phr l ni phrog ma 129
lnga brgya rtsa 130
gcig la/
chang bu byin te sha khrag ni/ 131
mi a ba i sdom pa phog/ 132
stag smad 133

lnga la bla(=brla) sha b in ph is ni brog(=phrog) gnas lnga ru gyur// 134

As [ he fif h] mirac lo s ac of instruction, the teacher gave a pinch of food

(Tib. chang bu) to five hundred and one female Yak as and bound them to an
oath of not consuming flesh and blood. [Shenrab] also gave his thigh-flesh to
the five, a tigress and her four cubs. [The place] was later known as the five
abodes of the Yak as.

Thus, the second miraculous act is that he fed the five tigers with the flesh from his
thigh. As I have shown above, this story of feeding the hungry tigress and her cubs is
recorded in the sK es pa i rabs k i rg d and the mDzangs blun, which shows that the
story was well known in the Buddhist world. It is evident that the Bon episode in the
mDo d s was appropriated from one such Buddhist source. The passage stag smeg

128
mDo d s Karmay: pa.
129
mDo d s: brog mo; mDo d s Karmay: phrog ma, and mDo d s Lhagyal: phrag ma. Among the
three different words, the second one, phrog ma, makes the best sense in this context, as it refers to a
female ak a, probably a kind of malignant spirit ak i (see Zhang 1996, p. 1797, cf. Monier-
Williams 1899, p. 838, column 3). The other two variants brog mo and phrag ma do not make sense
here, as brog mo means female nomad and phrag ma(pa) may refer o sho lder .
130
mDo d s Karmay: rtsa ba.
131
mDo d s reads la inplace of ni.
132
mDo d s Karmay: sdom pa i phob.
133
Read stag smeg in the mDo d s. The construction of stag smad is comparable to ma smad (cf.
ma smad mo her and child in Tsenlha 1997; or mother and daughter in Zhang 1996, p. 2047).
Therefore, I prefer to translate stag smad as igress and her c bs . I o e his e plana ion o
Geshe Nyima Woser. The numeral lnga attached to the phrase stag smad indicates that there are
five of them, thus it becomes a igress and her fo r c bs .
134
The last two lines are missing in the mDo d s Karmay. See mDo d s (p. 200), mDo d s Karmay
(f. 89a) and mDo d s Lhagyal (f. 88a).

94
lnga la bla sha byin offered his high flesh o fi e igers that appears in the
mDo d s seems to be a summary of the whole event of the tigress feeding on the
B ddha s high flesh, as described in the J taka story. However, this passage is not
found in the other accounts of Shenrab such as the gZer mig and the gZi brjid, which
seems to suggest that this part of the story was not agreed upon by all Bonpo authors.

CONCLUSION
In this chapter, I have compared those passages from the mDo d s that have
similarities to the legend of the Buddha. It is evident that the life account of
Shenrab to a great extent was influenced by the legendary life of the Buddha, since
the relevant Buddhist sources studied here predate the mDo d s and hence have
served as prototypes for the account of the life of Shenrab Miwo.
Motifs used in the Buddha legend, such as a white elephant entering the
mo her s omb, he blossoming of flo ers, he occ rrence of o her a spicio s
signs are adopted into the mDo d s. Remarkably, the birth from he mo her s righ
armpit after the gestation period of ten months is a faithful rendering of the legend
of he B ddha s bir h. E en he e en s ha occ rred af er ards, such as the
appearance of Brahm and akra, a n ga bathing the baby, the instantaneous
growth of lotus flowers where the baby laid his first steps and the prophecy that he
would become great teacher simply are restatements of Siddh r ha s bir h s or as
recorded in the rGya cher rol pa.
Shenrab seeing the four incidents, causing him to leave for a solitary life,
and even the details regarding the way he left his family, such as the horse he rode
and the assistant and the four guardians lifting the hooves of the horse to silently
clear the way, are also adopted from the Siddh r ha s acco n . F r hermore,
meeting a monk who inspired and ordained Shenrab, cutting his hair in front of a
self-emerged s pa, and celes ial beings offering sacred clo hes and singing
auspicious prayers are also traceable to the Buddha legends. The influence of these
legends can also be seen in the story of Shenrab carrying out austere practices for

95
three years, and a girl offering him a bowl of milk upon completion of these
practices.
Like Siddh r ha defea ed all M ra P p y n s challenges, Shenrab defeated
all he a acks and dis rac ions ca sed b M ra Kh apa d ring his prac ice.
Shenrab also transformed the magical emanations of mountains, rivers and fire by
Khyapa into flowers and transformed M ra s six beautiful daughters, who came
there to seduce him, into old ladies. As the earth goddess Sth ar attested to the
achievement of the Buddha, the earth goddess Tenma (Skt. Sth ar ) also came
for h as a i ness o Shenrab s enligh enmen . Shenrab also rejec ed Kh apa s
request to leave the world and expressed his wish to live longer.
The mDo dus also contains similarities to the story of a previous life of the
Buddha, found in the J takas, specifically in the episode of the five tigers.
Although this episode is presented in only one line in the mDo d s, it is evidently
appropriated from the story of a Tigress feeding on the Bodhisa a s thigh flesh
described in the J taka stories. However, this passage is not found in the other
accounts of Shenrab, such as the gZer mig and the gZi brjid, nor is it found in one of
the three versions of the mDo d s. This suggests that this story was not accepted by
all Bonpo authors.
The many similarities between the life account of Shenrab presented in the
mDo d s and the legend of the Buddha are certainly not coincidental. For
centuries, Bonpos have considered the legend of the Buddha to be a true account
of the life of Shenrab Miwo, and presumably have been largely unaware of this.
Although I have presented many similar passages from the mDo d s and
the rGya cher rol pa, I am no r ing o defend Hoffmann s hesis ha he life
account of Shenrab Miwo, in this case in the mDo d s, is plagiarized (1961; see
chapter one above and chapter five later). The early accounts of Shenrab (the
mDo d s and gZer mig) were written in a period and context where our present
concepts of authorship cannot necessarily be presupposed, therefore one should be
very cautious labelling he acco n s of Shenrab s life as plagiarized texts.

96
However, the similarities presented above clearly show that the mDo d s was
influenced by legends of the Buddha as well as by a Mah na B ddhis
perspective. Both the mDo d s and the rGya cher rol pa should be considered
myths or legends, and fine pieces of literature with a great deal of wisdom to
impart.

97
 CHAPTER FIVE
SHENRAB MIWO AND THE FOUR KINGS
HIS SIX WIVES AND TEN CHILDREN

INTRODUCTION
In the previous chapter, we have seen numerous similarities between the accounts
of the life of Shenrab Miwo and the life of the historical Buddha. I have not yet
discussed the married life of Shenrab. Both Shenrab and the Buddha were married
and had children before they engaged in ascetic practices, however, beyond this,
other aspects of the descriptions of their lay-lives differ considerably. In this
chapter, I will discuss the lay-life of Shenrab, i.e. his relationship to the four kings,
his marriage to six wives (four princesses and two goddesses) and the birth of his
ten children.
The relationship between Shenrab and the four kings has no parallel in the
legend of the Buddha. Here, I will trace the possible sources of these narratives.
The four kings are the King of hos Dangwa Yiring, the King of dp Barwe
Dronmacan, the magical King Kongtse, and the King of Kongpo Karpo. According
to the mDo dus, these four kings not only became the patrons of the Bon founder,
but also his fathers-in-law. Although not all of them were necessarily kings,
Bonpos remember them as such and call them rgyal po or sometimes rje. Both
words can literally be translated as the king or the lord.
There is not much evidence that the first two kings (the kings of hos and
dpo) ever existed. There are a few relevant references to these kings in Dunhuang
manuscripts, but their names are not recorded in the same way as they are in the
mDo dus. The name of the third king Kongtse evidently derives from the Chinese
master K ng z (孔子), although the Tibetan and Chinese depictions of this figure
are not entirely the same. We can find some historical references to a king named
Karpo, and his land Kongpo, in Dunhuang manuscripts and also in an early 9th-
century Tibetan inscription (Richardson 1985, p. 66 ff.). The author(s) of the

99
mDo dus seems to have appropriated and reinterpreted data on these four kings
from various sources.

THE FIRST KING, AND HIS FIRST WIFE AND THREE CHILDREN
The first of the four kings whom Shenrab Miwo met was called Dangwa Yiring.
According to chapter nine of the mDo dus, this king originally was from the land
of Hosmo Lingdrug six islands of female hos. Apart from some references to this
king in Bon texts, we have no certain information about this land of hos.135 As
mentioned in chapter one, Pelliot tibétain 1136 provides us the toponym hos,
which appears nine times in connection with another toponym rtsang (gTsang
region in Tibet).136 However, the toponym hos from Pelliot tibétain 1136 is not
necessarily the land of hos referred to here.
In the mDo dus, the story of the King Dangwa Yiring begins when the king
meets Shenrab Miwo. Several small stories are woven together to form one bigger
story, which concludes with the marriage of Shenrab and the hos princess. There
are clear causal links between the various stories: the appointment of Yikyi
Khyeuchung as the official priest leads to the Queen accusing him of impropriety,
this accusation causes the Queen s illness, which results in the Queen seeking help
from Shenrab, which, eventually, leads to Shenrab taking the hos princess as his
first wife. I will summarize these four episodes.

Episode One: Appointing Yikyi Khyeuchung as the Official Priest

The King Dangwa Yiring of hos visited the palace of Shenrab Miwo. He offered
Shenrab a divine white horse (Tib. lha rta dkar po) and requested that he be his

135
In the mDo dus, hos is sometimes referred to as a family and sometimes as a place. Although
both are connected, it is not clear whether the family was named after the land or the land after
the family. Bonpos also describe hos as a synonym of Bon, but its linguistic background has
never been certified. See Martin (1999, p. 265 and p. 294, note 80) for geographical location of
the hos land.
136
See Imaeda (2007, pp. 156-57) for the reference rtsang ho de hos bdag and see Blezer (2008,
p. 447ff.) for some interesting discussion on hos.

100
official priest (Tib. mchod gnas).137 The royal family was in need of an official
priest to perform ritual services, and also someone they could venerate in order to
accumulate merit. Shenrab had to perform a ritual at the Barpo Sogye palace, so he
was unable to take the position offered by the King. Instead he assigned his student
Yikyi Khyeuchung to serve as the official priest at the King s court, for three
years.138 Yikyi Khyeuchung obeyed this command, out of his loyalty to his teacher,
and left for the land of Hosmo Lingdrug. Before he left, Yikyi Khyeuchung said
that he shall obey his god-like master s command without any hesitation, even if
he commands him to proceed to hell. He added that even demons and evil spirits
cannot refute the true word of the teacher. Therefore, he would not refuse even if it
would cost him his life; rather he shall do as the teacher has asked ( mDo dus, p.
62).139
Yikyi Khyeuchung crossed the Gyimshang river140 and arrived at the land

137
The word mchod gnas can literally be translated as the place of veneration . Here, it refers to
the priest, who is assigned to perform all ritual duties at the royal court.
138
The account of Yikyi Khyeuchung recorded in the mDo dus is controversial. In the mDo dus,
he already was a monk before Shenrab, but other sources (cf. Dul ba gling grags, Khoepung)
indicate that he was ordained by Shenrab. In the mDo dus, his ordained name is Yungdrung
Tsugshen Gyalwa, but these two names are also listed separately, as two different people (mDo dus,
p. 126).
139
A very similar proclamation is recorded in the bTsun mo bka thang (Laufer 1911, p. 47). The
bTsun mo bka thang is one of the five texts (titled bKa thang sde lnga) containing legendary
stories of Padmasambhava, the foremost Indo-Tibetan Buddhist master who is said to have
initiated the tantric practice in Tibet in the 8 th-century AD. The bKa thang sde lnga is said to
have been discovered in a crystal cave (Tib. shel gyi brag phug) in Yarlung in 1285 AD, by a
Nyingmapa master Guru Ugyan Lingpa. Blondeau (1971, p. 42) suggests that the collection was
possibly discovered between 1368 and 1395 AD. However, the date of the collection largely
depends upon the date of Guru Ugyan Lingpa. According to the Rin chen gter mdzod and
Karmay (1998, p. 95, 228), Guru Ugyan Lingpa was born on 1329 and died in 1360/7. If this
information is correct, then the discovery of the collection must be before 1367 AD. Guenther
(1996, pp. 1, note 1) attributes this collection to another author named Chokyi Wangchuk (1212-
1270 AD), with the discovery date being 1231, but this attribution is less well known.
140
This name corresponds to the name of the homeland of the Chinese mother of King Trisong
Deutsen, who was called Princess Kyimshang (Tib. gyim shang or kyim shing). Cf. Buton
Rinchen Drub 1988, p. 183.

101
of Hosmo Lingdrug. The people of hos welcomed Yikyi Khyeuchung to the Barwa
Tsegu palace, and offered their veneration. During the period of his service to the
King, Yikyi Khyeuchung, by now a master, resided in the crystal cave called
Kada.
We may ask the question why the author(s) of the mDo dus thought that it
was appropriate that Shenrab should send Yikyi Khyeuchung in his place.141
Perhaps it is because the author(s) did not want Shenrab to be subject of the
accusations by the queen and the goldsmith (these events are discussed later in this
chapter). This might be because Shenrab, as the supreme Buddha of the Bonpos, is
supposed to have been able to know the future consequences of his actions. The
events that unfolded would not have taken place if it would have been that he had
served the king these three years. Another reason might be that Shenrab would not
have been able to skilfully solve the Queen s problem if he was part of the
problem himself, nor would he have been a suitable husband for the Queen s
daughter, Princess Gyalmema.

Episode Two: Accusation Made by the Queen

One day, when the King and his followers were engaged in battle, Queen Guling
Mati of hos invited the master Yikyi Khyeuchung for a midday meal. Taking
advantage of the situation, the Queen tried to seduce the master. The master ran
out of the palace after saying: desire is a cause of poison and is also like a tree on
which suffering grows, therefore one must throw away such illusory physical
desires. When the King returned, the Queen pulled out her hair and ripped off her
clothes. She lied to the King, saying that the master had apprehended her, when
she was serving him a meal, and then ran away after restraining her with a rope.
The King believed the Queen s story, but then a parrot reported the truth to the
King, that the master was innocent (mDo dus, pp. 63 64).142

141
A similar question is raised in Kvaerne 1979, p. 187.
142
According to the story, Yikyi Khyeuchung asked the parrot before the meal to be his witness.

102
Episode Three: The Master Defending His Innocence
On his way to the garden Tsugrumbar, the master visited the house of a goldsmith
named Trulgar Gungchu, for a meal. During the meal, the goldsmith s wife stole a
gold coin from her husband and hid it. The goldsmith noticed that his gold was
missing. His wife told him that the master had stolen it, so the goldsmith ran after
him with a knife. The master pointed his mendicant staff (Tib. hos rus143) towards
the eyes of the goldsmith, and through the power of clairvoyance (Tib. mngon
shes) the goldsmith saw that the coin had been stolen by his own wife. The master
touched the goldsmith s knife with his staff and declared that he did not engage in
impure actions with Queen Guling Mati, nor did he steal the gold coin, and that if
there was any truth in his words then the knife would turn into gold. Thereupon,
the knife did turn into gold. When the King of hos arrived there, looking for the
master, the goldsmith reported what had happened to the King, who then returned
to his palace (mDo dus, pp. 64 66).

Episode Four: Justice for the Victim and a Resolution

Due to her misbehaviour, the Queen was stricken by leprosy, a disease believed to
be caused by n ga spirits in Tibet. Through the power of clairvoyance, Yikyi
Khyeuchung visualized her suffering and sent a sorcerer named Kunshe Thangpo
to examine the Queen. The sorcerer explained to the King that the Queen s leprosy
was inflicted by n gas, on account of her impurity and her crimes against the
master. He recommended that the King invite Shenrab to the palace and let the
Queen confess her crime to him.
The King did as he was advised and invited Shenrab, who told Queen
Guling Mati that she should confess her crime to Yikyi Khyeuchung himself, as
only then would she be relieved from her leprosy. Thereupon, Kunshe Thangpo
invited the master and the Queen confessed her crime and prostrated herself before

143
The hos rus is commonly known as khar gsil (see Nyima 1998, p. 12).

103
three hundred goddesses.144
After doing this, Queen Guling Mati recovered from the leprosy. This
pleased the King of hos and he offered his daughter Princess Gyalmema to the
Teacher, to take as his spouse.145 From this marriage Shenrab s first three children
were born. They are: Tobu Bumsang, Chebu Trishey146 and a daughter Shenza147
Neuchen (mDo dus, pp. 66 67).

Parallel Story in Padmasambhava Literature

This story is very similar to an episode recorded in the bTsun mo bka thang
(Laufer 1911), which is about a relationship between well-known Tibetan
translator from the 8th century, called Vairocana, and the Tibetan Queen
Tsepongza, the wife of King Trisong Deutsen. The similarity between these two
stories was already noted by A.H. Francke (1928, pp. 8 & 19), when he translated
chapters one to eight of the gZer mig into English and making this story available
to non-Tibetan scholars. This story from the gZer mig later was also studied by
Hoffmann (1961) and Kvaerne (1979), who also compared the story from the gZer
mig with that from the bTsun mo bka thang.
One fine morning, Queen Tsepongza sent her husband, her children, and

144
A long text containing a prostration prayer, relevant to this chapter, is found in the gZer mig
(ch. vi) and in the Klong rgyas. A similar but shorter text is also seen in the bTsun mo bka
thang, which also shows influence of this account.
145
For a similar motif (identifying a sickness and inviting Shenrab to provide a cure), see the
Klu bum nag po and the Dunhuang Tibetan documents such as Pelliot tibétain 1068, lines 61 ff.,
Pelliot tibétain 1134, lines 24ff., Pelliot tibétain 1136, lines 46ff. For further references, see Stein
2003b (p. 597ff), who has studied and translated some relevant passages.
146
Tib. gto bu, which literally means son of healing ritual , and Tib. spyad/dpyad bu, which means
son of medical diagnosis. Tobu Bumsang is also known as Tobu Bumse in the mKhas bzhi
mdzod grel (p. 127). The Bonpos remember these two sons to be experts in healing ritual and
medical diagnosis; thus they were known by these names. See Gurung (2009) for gto bu and gto
ritual and cf. also Pelliot tibétain 1068, Pelliot tibétain 1134 and Pelliot tibétain 1285 for the gto
and dpyad practices).
147
The name gshen za is also recorded in Pelliot tib tain 1136, line 30, rtsang ho de i hos bdag
dang ma yum gyi mtshan gshen za I gyi myed ma.

104
the servants out of the palace so that she would be alone when Vairocana came on
his daily alms-round. She served him a sumptuous meal and then, casting all sense
of propriety and shame aside, she threw herself at him, revealing her passion, and
begged for his love. Terrified and confused, Vairocana managed to escape. Deeply
offended by this act of rejection the queen then tears her clothes, scratches her
face, and calls for help, and when at last she is able to still her sobs she tells the
King, Trisong Deutsen, a shocking tale of how the monk, on finding her alone, had
attempted to ravish her.
Realizing that he can no longer stay at the King s court, Vairocana sadly
leaves for a distant forest called Tsugrumbar,148 where he practices meditation in
solitude. However, in order to turn the wicked Queen s thoughts towards religion
(read: virtuous conduct), he compels a n ga to enter her body and cause a terrible
disease. The efforts of doctors and soothsayers are all in vain. Vairocana then
sends the Goddess Palden Lhamo to the King s palace in the form of a female
soothsayer (Tib. phrul gyi mo ma) named Kunshe Thingpo. She throws lots,
discerns the cause of the disease, and announces that only by inviting Master
Padmasambhava and confessing her sins may the Queen be healed. This is done,
and Padmasambhava summons Vairocana. The Queen confesses her guilt, and
elaborate rituals are performed, with the result that she is cured.149

Similar Motifs in the mDo dus and the bTsun mo bka thang
A similar motif is applied in both the stories, but they are presented with different
characters. In the mDo dus, it was Yikyi Khyeuchung who was victimized and
seduced by Queen Guling Mati of hos. In the bTsun mo bka thang it was the monk
Vairocana who was seduced by Queen Tsepongza. As a consequence of their
misbehaviour both Queens suffered from an illness caused by a n ga spirit. Both

148
For the same name of the forest, see the mDo dus (p. 64ff.)
149
I have borrowed Kvaerne s translation and summary (see Kvaerne 1979), which covers chapters
seven to sixteen of the book. The complete story continues until chapter nineteen. See Laufer
1911 for the Tibetan original and German translation.

105
monks saw the suffering of the Queens and sent a diviner or soothsayer to find a cure.
Another similarity is that the parrot in the Bon story that helped Yikyi
Khyeuchung by reporting the truth to the king is said to be an emanation of the
sorcerer Kunshe Thangpo.150 An almost identical name, Kunshe Thingpo, is also
mentioned in the bTsun mo bka thang.
Further similarities include the fact that in the Bon story the diviner advised
the hos King to invite Shenrab Miwo, in the Buddhist legend the diviner advised the
King Trisong Deutsen of Tibet to invite Master Padmasambhava. Shenrab s
subsequent recommendation to invite Yikyi Khyeuchung is also comparable to
Master Padmasambhava s summoning of the monk Vairocana. After the
confessions were completed, both masters were offered a princess in return.
Shenrab was offered the hos princess Gyalmema, and Padmasambhava was offered
the princess of Tibet, Trompa Gyen, a daughter of King Trisong Deutsen.
Although they may not be directly linked, I shall mention here yet another
parallel story. According to the bTsun mo bka thang, Tibetan Princess Trompa
Gyen, who was married to Padmasambhava, bore him two sons. The elder son was
not actually a legitimate child from the union of the Princess and her real husband
Padmasambhava, but from her union with M ra, who deceived her. Despite this,
the son was called Padmasambhava Junior. He was also known as Padmasambhava
Gowo in the bTsun mo bka thang (Laufer 1911, pp. 93 95). A similar story
appears in the mDo dus: Shenrab s wife, the Princess of dpo Thangmo, was also
deceived by M ra Khyapa, and she too bore an illegitimate child who was named
Gowo Junior. One can even see the similarity in the names of the two illegitimate
children go bo and chung ba in the Buddhist story compared with go bo chung in
the Bon story.

150
There are two different people called Kunshe Thangpo in the mDo dus. The first one is the
sorcerer Kunshe Thangpo (mDo dus, p. 66, 70) and the second is Tonpa Kunshe Thangpo, the
sixth teacher of the past (mDo dus, p. 32, 34).

106
Table: Comparison of the Figures from the Two Sources

mDo dus (11th century AD) bTsun mo bka thang (1285 AD)
Yikyi Khyeuchung (alias) Victim Monk Vairocana
Yungdrung Tsugshen Gyalwa
Queen of hos, Guling Mati Offender Tibetan Queen Tsepongza
King of hos, Dangwa Yiring King The King Trisong Deutsen
Kunshe Thangpo Sorcerer Kunshe Thingpo
Teacher Shenrab Negotiator Master Padmasambhava
Shenrab Miwo and Marriage Padmasambhava and
hos Princess Gyalmema Tibetan Princess Trompa Gyen
M ra Khyapa deceived deceived by M ra deceived
Shenrab s wife M ra/Demon Padmasambhava s wife
Gowo Junior illegitimate Padmasambhava Junior (alias)
child of M ra Padmasambhava Gowo

Source of the Motifs

As Hoffmann rightly pointed out half a century ago, the similarity of the narrative
motif and composition, as well as the names of the characters, clearly establishes
the influence of one text on the other. Hoffmann claims that the legend of
Padmasambhava in the bTsun mo bka' thang influenced the Bon story because he
believed that it was recorded earlier than the Bon story. However, since the Bon
version was first recorded in the mDo dus and the gZer mig, both of which were
written before the bTsun mo bka thang was discovered, approximately in the late
13th to the early 14th century, it is not possible that the legend of Padmasambhava
would be the source of the Bon narrative.
This view was first presented by Anne-Marie Blondeau (1971, pp. 34ff).
She discovered many similar passages in the gZer mig (chapter x xii) and the
Lha dre bka thang, a counterpart of the bTsun mo bka thang. Blondeau concludes
from these similarities that it is possible that the Bon narrative recorded in the
mDo dus or the gZer mig influenced the story of Padmasambhava in the bTsun
mo bka thang. The question still remains, what then was the source of the Bon

107
 narratives? Kvaerne (1979, p. 188) proposed another view, that both the mDo dus
and the bTsun mo bka thang narratives may derive from the motif of Joseph and
Potiphar s Wife .151
The motif of Joseph and Potiphar s Wife contains the following pattern: a
wife of a king or master is attracted to another man and tries to force him to make
love to her. When she is rejected, the wife accuses the man of raping her and
complains to her husband; as a consequence the king or master punishes the man.
It is possible that this motif reached Tibet in some form and evolved as it was told
and retold in different contexts. Several texts, including Buddhist sources
(Bandhanamokkha J taka (P li J taka No. 120), Mahapaduma J taka (P li J taka
No. 472), Divy vad na, the Tibetan translation of mDzang blun chapter 36 and
Pelliot tibétain 943), that contain this motif are discussed in Bloomfield (1923),
Kvaerne (1979) and Silk (2008, pp. 172-73). The fact that the similarities between
the two Tibetan narratives extend beyond their motifs, suggests that they were
derived from an earlier written source. The theme of the later part of the story (see
episode four above) shares some features with the theme in Dunhuang documents
(see Kvaerne 1979, p. 186 for an outline of the theme, and Stein 1972, p. 237).
Unfortunately nothing can be said for certain, as a common source has not yet
been identified.

Marriage and the Birth of Children

Now, one might wonder why this episode was incorporated into the life story of
Shenrab Miwo. There is no definitive answer to this question, but I shall present
some hypotheses based on the little evidence that is available. It seems that the
early Bonpos transmitted the story orally through many generations until the time
that the mDo dus was written. Tibetan Buddhists did the same with the legend of
Padmasambhava. The Bonpos may have realized that this story was a good way to
demonstrate a connection between Shenrab and the hos King. Without the meeting

151
The biblical story appears in Genesis 39.

108
of Shenrab and the hos King, the marriage of Shenrab and the hos princess could
not have taken place, nor would the birth of their three children. It is particularly
important to account for the birth of the two sons, Tobu Bumsang and Chebu
Trishay, as they are very important figures in Bon. They are central to the
inclusion of gto ritual practice and dpyad medical diagnosis within the territory
of Bon practices.

THE SECOND KING, HIS SECOND WIFE AND THREE CHILDREN

The second of the four kings is named Barwe Dronmacen and according to the
mDo dus chapter ten he was from the land Tritang Jampa Ling, the Kingdom of
dpo.152 The King visited Shenrab to discuss an incident that he had witnessed and
that caused him some psychological disturbance. In this part of the story, the
author(s) specifically focuses on the idea of karmic cause and effect, which is a
fundamental Buddhist concept and a theme of J taka stories. I cannot find any
particular textual source for the story describing this incident; neither have I found any
reference to the King of dpo in older Tibetan documents. Nevertheless, I shall
summarize the story (mDo dus, p. 71 73) in two episodes (the ransom ritual and
its deadly consequences), and look at the cause of the incident. The ritual story
contains an account of a brutal human sacrifice.153

Episode One: Ransoming Ritual

There was a land called Tribuchung (Tib. khri/khrim bu chung), neighbouring the
Kingdom of dpo. The king of that land was Tramo Triöd154 and the queen was

152
See Martin (1999, p. 270) for the location traditionally assumed for Tritang Jampa Ling (see
under Tibetan spelling, Khri dang byams ma i gling, no. 50). Cf. the country called Khri
gdan/dan listed among the eighteen great countries (Tib. yul chen bco brgyad) in the bsGrags pa
gling grags (p. 5). Martin (1999, p. 262) identifies Khri gdan/dan as Khitan, a country of great
power during the early medieval ages in Mongolia and China.
153
See Karmay s discussion on ransom ritual, referred to in the second footnote below.
154
See his name phra mo khri od in the mDo dus (p. 71, 73, 134). Three names of a place, which
are spelled in a similar way, are recorded in the mDo dus. They are: bra ma khri od (cf.

109
Tritsun Salmo. This royal couple had a son named Trishang, who suffered from an
incurable disease. In order to find the cause of the prince s illness, the royal
parents consulted the diviner Nyedu Nyelog. The diviner advised them to perform
a ransom (Tib. glud) ritual,155 for which a slave child had to be sacrificed in order
to save the Prince s life. A slave child named Trishe was chosen to be sacrificed
and a bonpo named Gyimshang Gongpo from the spa156 family and a butcher called
Hadha Nagpo were invited to perform the ritual. The Prince vainly protested
against the sacrifice of the slave-child. Since the royal parents decided to perform
the ritual in order to save the Prince s life, and even the slave-child himself agreed
to the sacrifice, the ransom ritual was confirmed.157

mDo dus, p. 100), phra mo khre od (cf. mDo dus Karmay, f. 48b) and pra mo khri od (cf.
mDo dus, p. 208 and mDo dus Lhagyal, f. 44a). The connection between the king and the
toponyms is still open for discussion.
155
A similar type of the ransom ritual is still practiced in both Tibetan Buddhism and Bon, but the
difference is that the afflicted person is replaced today with an effigy made of dough (by
pretending that the effigy is a real person). The point of this ransom ritual is to exchange the life
of the afflicted person for the life of another person (usually of less importance), in case of the
malignant spirit that is causing harm. The notion of this ransom ritual is explained with
interesting detail in Karmay 1998, p. 339 ff. Karmay refers to IOL TIB J 734, which is
transliterated and translated in Thomas 1957 (Part II, pp. 52-102). Karmay also provides us with
some Tibetan texts related to this ritual and the episode from the gZer mig. The gZer mig s
episode is similar to the ransom ritual explained here from the mDo dus.
156
The term bonpo here is not referring to the follower of Bon, but is probably referring to a
particular ritual priest, like in the Dunhuang Tibetan documents. The family of spa is well-known
in Bon history (cf. Karmay 1972, pp. 9-10).
157
The names of the people involved in this story mostly contain the word Tri (Tib. khri) and are
related to the country Khri dang, probably Khri dan or Khitan. For example, the land called Khri
bu chung which probably means small kingdom of Khri (dan) , the royal parents called Khri od
the light of Khri and Khri bstun the queen of Khri , the prince is called Khri shang the
fragrant (possibly derived from Chinese shang 香) of Khri , the slave child is called Khri shes
the wisdom of Khri. Because of these names, I presume that there was a story available from
Chinese literature, probably in Khri dan or Khitan, which was relevant to this ritual story.
However, I have no knowledge of any such story to date, and therefore I can only hope to shed
some light on this matter in the future.

110
Episode Two: Death, Death and More Deaths
Having agreed to perform the ritual, the slave-child was killed like an animal
slaughtered for meat. The diviner clasped the right leg, the bonpo pulled the right
hand and the black Hadha took out the heart of the victim and scattered the flesh in
the four directions. This one incident of killing consequently resulted in several
deaths. In spite of the ritual, the diviner and the bonpo found the Prince dead when
they returned to the palace. The diviner and the bonpo committed suicide, feeling
ashamed of their deeds. The slave boy s parents then killed the butcher Hadha
Nagpo, and also killed the royal parents and seized the kingdom of Tribuchung. 158
These episodes have no practical connection with the King Barwe
Dronmacen of dpo, but the author(s) linked these episodes to the King by adding a
small part to the end, as follows: When the slave parents seized the kingdom of
Tribuchung, the King Barwe Dronmacen became envious and gathered three
thousand soldiers to attack them. The King and his soldiers killed the parents of
the slave child.159 As the main purpose of the King s visit was to find out the
karmic connections behind his own involvement in the killings and to request
advice from Shenrab Miwo, as to how best to atone for his sins, this incident
connects the King of dp with Shenrab Miwo.
When the King of dpo asked about the causes of the incident the
Prince s incurable disease and the involvement of the parents, diviner, bonpo,
slave-child, butcher, soldiers and the King himself in this crime Shenrab replied

158
The author(s) of the mDo dus labeled the nine people involved in the activity as the nine sinful
persons (Tib. sdig can mi dgu), although not all of them committed a crime.
159
A similar story recorded in the gZer mig (ch. ix) is summarized in Hoffmann (1961, p. 89).
Hoffmann took this account as evidence of the existence of the Old Bon practice of human
sacrifice (Hoffmann 1961, p. 22). However, this story cannot be considered to be a historical
account, let alone as actual testimony of Old Bon practice. In addition, Hoffmann translated
mo ma and mo bon (see gZer mig, p. 227) as a famous wise woman, perhaps reading mo as
feminine gender. However, mo does not necessarily refer to female in this passage. The mo bon
in this passage should rather be read as the bonpo who does mo divination, thus it is better to
translate as, diviner bonpo , without specifying his/her gender.

111
with a story about the past lives of the prince (see mDo dus, p. 79). As I will
paraphrase in the following, this story clearly reflects on the theory of karmic
cause and effect and the existence of life after death, which reflects the Buddhist
theory of karma and reincarnation. According to this belief, every single action (Skt.
karma), either positive or negative, has its corresponding cause and effect. This is
not only limited to this life, but also extends to the lives before or after this one. In
other words, both Bonpos and Buddhists believe that the present situation is the
effect of karma from one s past lives, while one s present actions, both mental and
physical, will be the cause of karma in the next life.

Causes of the Illness and Killings

In his past life, when the prince was young, he had once killed an army chief, but
the prince confessed his crime and took a vow with Togyal Yekhyen, a Bonpo
Buddha of the past, to abstain from killing in the future. Since the prince confessed
and practiced the ten virtuous actions properly, he was fortunate to be born as a
prince, but the crime that he had committed in his previous life shortened his life
span. The prince s parents, the bonpo and the butcher were supporters of the
diviner in their previous lives, and they had interfered with the virtuous practice of
the Prince. The King Barwe Dronmacen then was a ritual priest (Tib. dur gshen)
who performed the funeral of the army chief. Shenrab himself was the funeral
ritual deity (Tib. dur gsas) and the three thousand soldiers were all present there as
observers (Tib. ltad mo ba).160
Like in the story of the first king above, the practical connection between
Shenrab and the King Barwe Dronmacen is also lacking in this story. However, the
author(s) of the mDo dus not only portrayed the King as a funeral ritual priest, but
also portrayed Shenrab as the ritual deity in this story. Through this story, the
author(s) found a convenient way to demonstrate a connection between Shenrab

160
The Tibetan word ltad mo ba could also be a synonym of another word ltas mkhan meaning a
soothsayer , one who analyses the problem using divination and astrological signs.

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and the King of dpo.

Marriage and the Birth of Children

As said above, the fundamental purpose of this whole story is to connect Shenrab
and the King of dpo. When the King requested Shenrab to offer advice on how
best to atone for his own involvement in the killings, Shenrab instructed him to
prostrate before all enlightened beings, to provide generous support to all living
beings and to remove his negative emotions. Upon hearing this advice from
Shenrab, the King declared his intention to confess his sins and promised to follow
the virtuous path of the doctrine. The King invited Shenrab to his royal palace to
perform purification rituals and offered Shenrab the hand of his daughter Princess
Thangmo in marriage. Two sons, called Lungdren and Gyudren, and a daughter
called Shenza Neuchung were born. Furthermore, the healing rituals (Tib. gto
sgro) and the medical texts (Tib. spyad/dpyad sgro) were certified as the teachings
of Shenrab, and the four sections of Tantric teachings (Tib. rgyud sde bzhi)161 and
the ten commentaries of s tras (Tib. don mdo bcu162) were transmitted through his
two sons Lungdren and Gyudren (mDo dus, p. 81). Looking closely at the names
of the two sons, we can see a conscious effort to construct the names based on the
Tibetan term, lung, s tra or instruction and rgyud, tantra , while the second part
of the names, dren, means transmitter (See also mDo dus, p. 230). This evidently
shows that the names are actually descriptions of how they are known by Bonpos
later.
Also relevant here is the story of the karmic relationship between Shenrab
and the Princess of dpo. The author(s) of the mDo dus (mDo dus, p. 81) writes a

161
The four tantras relevant here are: the tantra of the gods (Tib. lha rgyud), the tantra of the gshen
(Tib. gshen rgyud), the tantra of existence (Tib. srid rgyud) and the tantra of meaning (Tib. don
rgyud). This is merely a list and one should not confuse that with other collections bearing the
same name. However, I have not yet been able to identify each of these tantras and their
connections with Buddhist tantras.
162
This is probably a collection of ten commentaries on Bon s tras, although the author(s) of the
mDo dus does not provide any further details about this.

113
 romantic movie-like story about the relationship between Shenrab and the Princess,
not only in this life but also in their past lives. It is interesting because it explains
why the marriage of the two had to take place. According to the mDo dus, all of
the people in the kingdom, including the King and his three thousand men,
accomplished liberation, except the dpo Prince Powu Lagngen and the dpo
Princess Thangmo. The Prince s obstacles to achieving liberation were the
immeasurable sins (Tib. tshams med sdig pa) committed during five hundred past
lives, which had not yet been atoned for. Interestingly, the obstacle for the princess
was her engagement to Shenrab in her past life. The story explains that the
princess had once thrown flowers at Shenrab in her past life and that they had
prayed together to find each other as partners in their next lives. The theory of a
positive karmic relationship between Shenrab and the dpo princess, enduring life
after life, is also reflected in the last part of the story of the King of dpo.

THE THIRD KING, THIRD WIFE AND ONE SON

The third of the four kings is Kongtse Trulgyi Gyalpo and he is said to have been
from China. The relationship between king Kongtse and Shenrab Miwo is another
example of the inclusion of foreign narratives into the fabric of the mDo dus.
Although Kongtse is depicted differently in Tibet, he can be identified as K ng z
(Confucius), a philosopher and a thinker from China who lived from 551 479 BCE
(Wilson 2002). There are several factors that support this claim.163
Firstly, the Tibetan spelling Kongtse (see the table below for different
spellings) is a phonetic transcription of the Chinese name K ng z . One can
compare this with his Latin name Confucius, which reflects the Chinese name
K ng f z . There are other examples of early Tibetan authors transcribing Chinese
names into Tibetan. For example, Kong jo is the name given to two Chinese
princesses, who married early Tibetan kings in the 7 th and 8th centuries. The

163
For a detailed discussion about Kongtse and Confucius, I refer the reader to Karmay 1975a, Lin
2007, and Gurung 2009.

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Tibetan word kong jo is the phonetic transcription of the Chinese word g ng zh
(公主) for princess. Other examples are the Tibetan words ha shang or hwa shang
for a Chinese monk who visited Tibet in the 8th century or later. They are the
phonetic transcriptions of the Chinese word hé shàng (和尚) for monk.164
Secondly, the Chinese attribute methods of astrology and divination to
K ng f z . Bonpos also attribute equivalent Tibetan astrological methodologies to
Kongtse, and to his grandson Trulbu Chung.
Thirdly, in many Bon sources Kongtse has an epithet Trulgyi Gyalpo (Tib.
phrul gyi rgyal po, abbreviated phrul rgyal). The toponym rgya is sometimes added
in front of the name and the epithet, which refers to China.165 Thus, he is called
rgya Kongtse Trulgyi Gyalpo. This suggests that the Bonpos recognize that
Kongtse originally came from China.

Table: Variant Names of Kongtse

mDo dus 166 mDo dus Karmay mDo dus Lhagyal

Kong tse phrul gyi(s) Kong/Gang tse phrul gyi Kong ts(h)e phrul gyi rgyal
rgyal po rgyal po po
Kong tse rgyal po Gong rtse rgyal po Kong tse phrul gyi rgyal po
Kong (r)tse phrul rgyal Kong/Gong (r)tse phrul rgyal Kong ts(h)e phrul rgyal
sgos btsan Kong sgos btsan Kong tse khrul sgo btsan Gong tse phrul
tse khrul rgyal rgyal rgyal
rgya Kong rtse phrul gyi lha Gong rtse phrul gyi rgyal lha Kong tse phrul gyi rgyal
rgyal po po po
Kong tse lha --- missing --- Kong tse lha

It is evident that Kongtse was recognized among Bonpos from at least the
beginning of the 11th century AD, as his name is recorded in the mDo dus. He is

164
For more references on the Tibetan ha shang or hwa shang, see Gurung 2009, p. 276 (note 5).
165
I have argued for this toponym rgya referring to China in Gurung 2009, pp. 258-59.
166
See mDo dus, p. 43, 82-84, 87-89, 195, 198, 208 and 218 for these names, and its parallel
sections in the other two versions.

115
also depicted in several different ways in other Bon sources and sometimes even
worshipped by Bonpos in order to bring well-being and prosperity. The Bon texts
on Kongtse can be classified into two groups. The first group consists of
hagiographical and related sources in which Kongtse is portrayed like a king who
later became a patron and a father-in-law of Shenrab. The second group of texts,
which most likely appeared later than the first group, is concerned with rituals
relating to his veneration. I have discussed Kongtse s involvement in Bon rituals
elsewhere (see Gurung 2009, p. 263ff.).

The Story of Kongtse in the mDo dus

According to chapter eleven of the mDo dus, Kongtse was a Chinese king167 who
later became Shenrab s patron, father-in-law and his disciple. Perhaps this could be
taken to indicate that Kongtse was himself a Bonpo practitioner or converted to
Bon. This also suggests that whatever knowledge is attributed to Kongtse, or
whatever texts that are attributed to him, were indirectly transmitted from Shenrab
Miwo and thus can be considered as Bon texts or knowledge.
Several Bon ritual texts also contain similar depictions of Kongtse as a
king, a patron, father-in-law and a disciple of Shenrab. One of these texts is the
Klong rgyas, which contains a ritual to make offerings to the Buddhas, to
accumulate merit for oneself. Even though this text was composed for ritual
purposes, it is strongly related to the accounts of Shenrab, like the mDo dus and
the gZer mig.168 This ritual text is the elaborated version of the ritual performed at
the behest of Kongtse on an auspicious day, shortly after the castle was completed,

167
According to Wilson (2002, pp. 223-24), K ng z (孔子) is regarded as a king without a throne
who has met La z (老子). Shenrab Miwo is sometimes identified with La z (cf. Bjerken 2004,
p. 18, Rockhill 1891, pp. 217-18, note 2, Shen 1973, p. 37). The earliest Tibetan scholar who
brought up this view is, probably, the 18 th-century Gelukpa master Th ukwan (1985). Karmay
(1998, p. 111) has already rejected Th ukwan s view.
168
According to Karmay (1998, p. 170, note 2), the Klong rgyas text was extracted mainly from
chapter xiv of the gZer mig, and other ritual parts from chapters v, vi, ix and xiii.

116
which I will discuss later. As Karmay (1998, p. 169) has shown, this ritual text has
also been used as a funerary ritual from at least the early 12th century AD.169
The story of Kongtse in the mDo dus begins with his previous life. A king
named Sai Nyingpo (essence of earth) who lived in the south of Jambudv pa had
three sons. The youngest of them was called Salchog (supreme radiance), who was
a noble, kind-hearted and virtuous man. Because of these qualities he was reborn
as Kongtse in his next life. Kongtse was born in the Trigo Tsegya palace (ten
thousands doors with a hundred peaks) in the city of Trulgyur Kopa on the island
Gyalag Odma, located to the west of Olmo Ling. His father was Kadama Ser Od
and his mother was Mutri Seoma. In the Mukhyu Dalpa Sea, he built an
extraordinary castle as his most important contribution. The first half of the castle
was built with the help of a n ga and a demon and the second half was completed
with the help of phya god Antse (Kengtse in the gZer mig), who descended from
the land of phya. According to the mDo dus, the n ga (probably the chief) and the
demon were the two brothers of Kongtse in his past life and the other two sons of
King Sai Nyingpo. They were reborn in their next life as a black n ga and a
demon, because of the inexcusable crimes that they committed. One chopped off
his father s head and the other sliced off his mother s breasts. However, their joint
prayer to help their youngest brother (i.e. Kongtse) paid off and they were able to
help him even though they were born as non-humans (mDo dus, pp. 82 83).
As mentioned above, according to the mDo dus, the most important
contribution of Kongtse was building a castle in the middle of the sea, which
became a holy object of veneration for Bonpos.170 However, he had gone through
many difficulties to complete this task. The author(s) of the mDo dus does not
give all the details regarding why was it so important for Kongtse to build this
castle in an almost impossible location, and what kind of difficulties he had to face

169
Since the main purpose of the ritual is to earn merit for a next life, the Bonpos seem to have
found this text suitable as a funerary text.
170
Karmay (1998, p. 182) has discovered a similar story in the Chinese Dunhuang document, PC
3883.

117
during the construction. Since the mDo dus presents only a brief account of the
events, I shall take the relevant details from the gZer mig chapter xiii (cf. Karmay
1998, p. 171ff.).
According to the gZer mig, Kongtse was born with many special qualities
and features. Most noticeably, both his palms were filled with marks of thirty
magic letters (Tib. kong rtse, alt. gab tse), therefore he was named Kongtse Trulgyi
Gyalpo Kongtse, the magical king . At the age of nine, he prayed to the four
primary Buddhas of Bon to fulfill his wishes. These wishes were: to marry the
gnyan girl Karmo Odmasal (gnyen lady Odmasal in the mDo dus), to have three
sons and two daughters, to harvest five hundreds sacks of rice from his fields, and
to obtain thousands of livestock before he reached the age of twenty-five. His
prayers were answered and all his wishes were fulfilled by the age of twenty-five,
thus he was known to be a very fortunate man. Even so, his mother covetously
asked him to pray for more wealth, animals, beautiful wives, and hundreds of
children. Kongtse replied to his mother, saying that all of those things were
illusory, that they only cause worldly suffering and have no meaning for a next
life. Instead, he wanted to pursue a path that would not only give him pleasure in
his current life, but also be useful in his future lives. Therefore, he promised his
mother that he would build an extraordinary castle in the middle of the sea, so that
people could worship this castle to accumulate merit.
Due to the difficult nature of this task he had to summon supernatural
forces to carry out the work. Kongtse managed to summon demonic forces to build
the castle, but he was bound by them to keep this activity secret from his family.
The demonic forces manifested one hundred figures, all looking identical to
Kongtse, who carried out the construction work. Nevertheless, Kongtse did not
keep the project secret from his parents because he was worried that his parents
would be anxious or even die during his long absence from the palace. Eventually,
his wife and children became worried about his absence, which forced Kongtse s
mother to reveal his whereabouts to his wife. When the wife and children

118
unexpectedly showed up at the construction site, the demons accused Kongtse of
breaking his promise and fled, leaving the construction only half finished.
Disappointed by this turn of events, he decided to leave and to wander through his
entire kingdom without a specific destination.
In the above story, the author of the gZer mig provides three reasons for
Kongtse building an extraordinary castle in the middle of the sea. Firstly, as he
told his mother, he wanted to do something meaningful in this life. Secondly, he
wanted to pursue a path that would not only give him pleasure in this life, but also
in his future lives. Thirdly, he wanted to build something that people could
worship to achieve merit. However, his first attempt to build the castle was
interrupted, because he did not keep the task secret from his family. Consequently,
the workers left the construction project unfinished and Kongtse was in a very
difficult situation.
According to the mDo dus (p. 85), Kongtse met a little boy, who was an
emanation of the phya god Antse Lenme (Tib. phya an tse len med, cf. phya
Kengtse), who came down from the land of mgon btsun phya171 to fulfill the
virtuous will of Kongtse. He asked the boy to help him finish building the castle.
Together with gods, n gas and semi-gods, the little boy helped Kongtse to
complete the task of building this extraordinary castle in the middle of the sea. 172
This castle was named Karnag Trasal (Tib. dkar nag bkra gsal white black vividly

171
mGon btsun phya is probably to be understood either as a deity or merely a mythical figure, as
given in the Dunhuang documents. See Pelliot tibétain 1134 and IOL TIB J 731, in which mgon
tshun phywa and mgon tshun gtings na rje are described as father and son. The name is also
spelled as mgon chun phva, mgon phywa, mgon tsun (in Pelliot tibétain 1043) and mgon btsun ni
phya (in IOL TIB J 739). Cf. also Stein 2003, p. 601.
172
According to the mDo dus, ch. xi, the features of the temple are as follows, the base of the
temple is very solid, as it is built by demons; the middle part is glorious, as it is built by a
powerful god; the interior is beautiful, as it is painted with magic by the n gas; the design is
wonderful, as its architect is the wise phya; the construction was successfully completed, as it
was carried out by a fortunate human being; and the temple is outstanding (Tib. byin brlabs
rgyas), as it is blessed by the enlightened ones.

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clear ).173
Although the author(s) of the mDo dus does not present the details about
the meeting between Kongtse and the little boy, as they are found in the gZer mig,
he does provide some important descriptions that relate to this event. According to
the mDo dus (p. 84), the little boy was wearing a woollen cloak (Tib. tsi ber) and
holding a conch rosary (cf. crystal rosary in Karmay 1998, p. 172) and he came
down from the land of mgon btsun phya. This boy acted as a judge, when there
was a dispute between gods and demons over construction tasks. The second
divine boy (Tib. lha bu) was wearing a robe of ibex skin and carrying a golden
sword. The third n ga boy was wearing a white conch-like turban (Tib. dung sprul
thor gtsug can). There is also a passage about someone asking questions to the
little boy with the cloak, which is similar to a conversation in the gZer mig
between Kongtse and the little boy. As Karmay (1998, p. 171) suggests, the story
in chapter thirteen of the gZer mig about Kongtse meeting with the three little boys
is adapted from the similar story expounded through the dialogue between the
Confucius and the boy Xiang Tou, which we find preserved in Pelliot tibétain 992
and Pelliot tibétain 1284 (Soymié 1954).

Shenrab and Kongtse

The construction of the castle not only made the meeting of Kongtse and Shenrab
possible, but also brings them into a family relationship and a relationship as
teacher and disciple. Shenrab Miwo played no specific role in the story of Kongtse
presented above. Shenrab enters into the scene only after the castle has been
completed. Kongtse invites Shenrab to perform the inauguration and the
consecration ritual of the castle. Kongtse also requested Shenrab to teach him the
five great miracles (Tib. cho phrul), which are the supreme methods used to help

173
Traditionally, Bonpos interpret the white-black as referring to the gods and demons that helped
Kongtse to build the castle.

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people and to pacify evil beings.174 In return for the ritual performed and the teaching
given by Shenrab, Kongtse offered his royal authority (Tib. rgyal srid). Kongtse also
offered his daughter, Princess Trulgyur, to Shenrab, to take as his wife, which
united them in a family relationship. The union of Kongtse s daughter and Shenrab
bore a son named Trulbu Chung, who studied Bon astrology (Tib. gtsug lag rtsis)
with his father and became an expert in this science (mDo dus, p. 89).
Although this family relationship between Kongtse and Shenrab is unlikely
to be a historical fact, it has come to play a significant role in the development of
Bon. The inclusion of K ng z in the historical narrative of Bon has expanded the
territory of the Bon teachings. For example, Bonpos claim that astrology, which
has been attributed to Kongtse in a number of Tibetan sources, actually originated
from Bon.

THE FOURTH KING, HIS FOURTH WIFE AND ONE MORE SON
The fourth king who met Shenrab Miwo is the King of Kongpo, named Karpo.
The relationship between Shenrab and this King is presented through a very brief
account given in chapter twelve of the mDo dus (pp. 101 02), and a summary in
chapters six and twenty-three of the mDo dus (p. 43, p. 218).
According to the mDo dus (pp. 101 02), the story of the King of Kongpo
begins with M ra Khyapa s attempts to deceive Shenrab. As I have mentioned in
the previous chapter, Shenrab faced many deceptive tricks by M ra. M ra Khyapa
sent his sons to steal Shenrab s horses. With the stolen horses, they fled to
Kongpo, the land of Kongje Karpo. Shenrab followed M ra s sons and travelled to
Kongpo, in order to get his horses back.175

174
Five great miracles in the mDo dus (ch. xxi) are: miracle of nature (Tib. rang bzhin), of blessing
(Tib. byin gyis brlabs pa), of magic power (Tib. rdzu phrul), miraculous display (Tib. rjes su bstan
pa), and preserving the teaching for future (Tib. bstan pa rjes bzhag).
175
The author of the gZer mig (p. 493: bod srin p i rigs dbang du bsdu ba dang/ bdud dregs pa
can gyi rigs khor du bcad par dgongs nas/ rta yi rjes su byon no/ ) interpreted this visit of
Shenrab to Kongpo as an effort not mainly to get his horses back, but to tame the Kongpo
people.

121
 This journey of Shenrab to Tibet by later Bonpo historians is considered to
be one of the most important events in Bon history. Bonpos maintain that during
this first visit to Tibet Shenrab taught fundamental Bon ritual practices to the
people of Kongpo.176 These claims regarding Shenrab s visit to Kongpo and the
teachings he gave on ritual practices could be based on the connection between
these rituals and the land of Kongpo described in the Dunhuang documents.177
Unlike the meeting with the other three kings that I discuss above,
Shenrab s meeting with the King of Kongpo was merely an accident. According to
the mDo dus, it is the stolen horses that made this meeting possible. However, this
meeting also resulted in a family relationship between them. Shenrab not only
managed to get his stolen horses back, but he also took the Kongpo princess
Tricham as his wife. According to the mDo dus, the union of Shenrab and the
Kongpo princess bore a son named Kongtsha, the grand-son of Kongje Karpo. He
is also known as Kongtsha Wangden or Yungdrung Wangden in later Bon sources
and was said to be born in the Silver castle in Khyunglung (Tib. khyung lung rngul
mkhar).178 According to Shardza (Karmay 1972, pp. 5 6, 132 33), the lineage from
this son of Shenrab continues until today, and also includes a very crucial Bonpo
figure called Shenchen Luga (996 1035 AD), one of the early Bonpo gter ston
text discoverers .
We are able to determine from the Tibetan Dunhuang documents and the
Kongpo inscription (Richardson 1985, 66 ff.) that the King of Kongpo was none

176
Cf. gZer mig, p. 497, bon du lha gsol ba dang/ dre mchod pa gnyis kyi lung phog/ yas stags su
shing rtsi ban bun dang/ zhugs shing dang gser skyems bstan/ .
177
In reference to Karmay and Ramble, Blezer has developed a similar thesis in a forthcoming
article on Myi yul skyi mthing, in which he argues for a possible proto-heartland of Bon near
Kongpo (Blezer forthcoming 2011).
178
According to the mDo dus, this Silver castle in Khyunglung was built near Lhari Gyangdo by
Shenrab on his way back from Kongpo. For more about this castle, see Blezer (2007 and
forthcoming PIATS).

122
other than Kongje Karpo, the King of Kongyul Drena.179 According to the
inscription, Kongje Karpo, alternatively written as Kong Karpo or Karpo Mangpo
Je, was a contemporary of the King Trisong Deutsen (8th century AD). He was a
descendant of Nya khyi (elsewhere called Nya khri),180 one of the three sons of
mythical King Drigum Tsenpo, and he was exiled to Kongpo.181 As Blezer (2008)
pointed out, the account of the King of Kongpo as presented in the mDo dus is
most likely constructed on the basis of fragmentary records of this historical figure
and adapted to fit the narrative of the life of Shenrab Miwo.

TWO MORE MARRIAGES AND TWO MORE SONS

Apart from the four marriages in the mDo dus, discussed above, Shenrab is said to
have married two other women. One marriage was to his sweetheart Lhaza
Gungdrug, a lady from the land of mgon gsum phya182 and the second was to the
divine lady Ngangdrug Legpa. A brief account of these two marriages is given in
chapter six of the mDo dus (pp. 42 43). They seem to have taken place after
Shenrab s second marriage with dp Princess Thangmo. However, there is no
narrative of these two marriages in the gZer mig or in any other account of
Shenrab s life, thus not all Bonpo authors agree that these two extra marriages
took place.
Another relevant section about the marriage of Shenrab to a lady from the
land of mgon gsum phya is recorded in chapter twelve of the mDo dus (p. 99

179
For the toponyms, rkong yul bre sna or rkong yul/g.yug, the land of King Karpo, see gZer mig
(p. 507) and the Dunhuang documents Pelliot tibétain 1052, Pelliot tibétain 1060, Pelliot tibétain
1285 and Pelliot tibétain 1286, Pelliot tibétain 1288 and IOL TIB J 734. The name rkong rje dkar
po and rkong dkar po is found in Pelliot tibétain 1060, Pelliot tibétain 1285, Pelliot tibétain 1286,
Pelliot tibétain 1287 and IOL TIB J 734.
180
Haarh (1969, p. 158 and 440, note 60) has explained this interchange of nya khri and nya khyi.
181
nya khyi ni rkong dkar po lagso , nya khyi is
In Pelliot tibétain 1287, cf. lines 50-51,
identified as rkong dkar po. For further Dunhuang references on nya khyi, see Haarh 1969 (p.
401-5).
182
Cf. mgon btsun phya, supra, in footnote 171.

123
100). This chapter is actually about deception carried out by M ra Khyapa on
Shenrab and his family. According to the story, Shenrab was once serving the phya
gods. Taking this opportunity, Khyapa transformed himself into a son of a god and
went to deceive dpo Princess Thangmo. He maliciously told the Princess that
Shenrab had married a daughter of phya. Khyapa even advised her to set bags
containing thousands of ritual and medical texts on fire, and let the smoke go to
the land of phya, in order to get Shenrab s attention. Following the advice of M ra,
the dpo Princess set the collection of texts on fire. Fortunately, the two eldest sons
of Shenrab, Tobu and Chebu, managed to save the five heroic syllables and a few
hundred texts of healing rituals, but a hundred thousand other ritual and medical
texts were burnt. This part of the story implies that the collection of Bon texts once
was very rich, but was destroyed by M ra through this incident, which many
Bonpos still believe today. I have been unable to find any parallel story elsewhere
from which this particular narrative could have been derived.
Shenrab also had a son from each of these two marriages. The son from the
first marriage was named Mucho Demdrug, who was later appointed as the
successor of Shenrab and taught Bon for three years after his father s death (see
mDo dus, p. 231). In contradistinction to all other Bon sources, only the author(s)
of the mDo dus has recorded that Mucho Demdrug was a son of Shenrab.183 The
son from the second marriage was named Oldrug Thangpo. Not much is known
about him in Bon sources, except that he also taught Bon for three years (see
mDo dus, p. 231) after his half-brother Mucho Demdrug.

183
According to the Srid rgyud kha byang chen mo (p. 326), Mucho Demdrug was the son of
another dmu King Thumthum Nalme. The time of his birth was long after Shenrab had passed
away, and he was a bodyguard of the King Yabla Daldrug, the grandfather of the King Nyatri
Tsenpo (Srid rgyud kha byang chen mo, p. 341). However, there are at least four different figures
with this name recorded in Bon texts: 1) son of Shenrab, 2) son of the dmu King Thumthum
Nalme, 3) one of the thirty-three bonpo priests, and 4) the manifestation of Shenrab to subjugate
the preta realm (see the six Bon deities supra, in footnote 107). Whether these four are all the
same figure is still an open question. Bonpos might claim that they are different, but there are
numerous examples in Bon texts of one name evolving into many.

124
Table: Shenrab Miwo s Wives and Children

Wife Children
1. hos Princess Gyalmay 1. Tobu Bumsang (son)
(see chapter vi & ix) 2. Chebu Trishe (son)
3. Shenza Neuchen (daughter)
2. dp Princess Thangmo 1. Lungdren (son)
(see chapter vi & x) 2. Gyudren (son)
3. Shen Khyeuchung (daughter)
3. Lhaza Gungdrug Mucho Demdrug (son)
(see chapter vi)
4. Seza Ngangdrug Legpa Oldrug Thangpo (son)
(see chapter vi)
5. Kongpo Princess Tricham Kongtsha (son)
(see chapter vi, xii, xxiii & xxiv)
6. Kongza Trulgyur Trulbuthung (son)
(see chapter vi, xi & xviii)

The mDo dus describes that the fifth son of Shenrab, Mucho Demdrug, was an
expert in mu me bon unlimited teachings of Bon , and also knew countless tales
(Tib. cho rab). He held a crooked white stick (Tib. dung gis ldem shing) and
possessed six types of mngon shes (Skt. abhij , clairvoyance ). In spite of this
account of Mucho Demdrug as Shenrab s son, elsewhere in the mDo dus (p. 54),
he is also listed among the thirty-three Bonpo priests (Tib. dul ba i bon po) and
called srin bon dmu cho (alt. sri bon mu co or srid bon mu cho).184 The name srid
bon mu cho may be read as the abbreviated form of the name srid pa i bon po mu
cho ldem drug. The relationship between Shenrab and srid pa i bon po Mucho
Demdrug is also given in the earlier Bon text Klu bum nag po, which is possibly
the source of the hagiographical account. However, this relationship is not that of
father and son, but of ritual master and client. I will here present a summary of the

184
For other references to this name, cf. srid pa i bon po in the Klu bum nag po, ch. 1, and also cf.
mu cho ldem drug srid pa gung sangs yul in the mDo dus, p. 199.

125
story from the Klu bum nag po (pp. 20 27).
There was a series of illnesses, caused by n gas, that affected many
different people, and Tonpa Shenrab was invited to cure them. One of the victims
was Mucho Demdrug, who was a funeral ritual priest. When srid pa i bon po
Mucho Demdrug fell ill, he first received a treatment for Phlegm (Tib. bad kan).
But his illness worsened, causing a lot of pain in his whole body and his hands and
legs became thin and weak. There was no physician who could cure his illness. At
that moment, Tonpa Shenrab miraculously emanated Yikyi Khyeuchung (a little
boy of heart) and sent him to Mucho Demdrug. After some serious discussions
with Yikyi Khyeuchung, Mucho Demdrug became convinced that his illness was
caused by mistakes he committed in the past and that the only cure was to confess
his mistakes to the n ga whom he had disturbed when he performed a funeral
ritual. Mucho Demdrug agreed and conducted the ritual to confess his wrong
deeds, under the guidance of Shenrab, and consequently he was cured from his
illness.

CONCLUSION
The discussion in this chapter has shown that the life account of Shenrab Miwo not
only derives from the legend of the historical Buddha, but also from other non-
Buddhist stories in the Dunhuang documents and in the Klu bum nag po, as well
as oral and literary stories similar to the motif of the story of Joseph and Potiphar s
Wife.
It is evident that the narratives concerning the four kings were appropriated
from various sources. For instance, part of the story in the King of hos section is
influenced by the motif similar to that which appears in the story of Joseph and
Potiphar s Wife; while the later part and the names are constructed and borrowed
from older Tibetan documents (cf. Pelliot tibétain 1136 and Klu bum nag po). The
second section, King Barwe Dronmacen of dp , mainly describes Buddhist karmic
theory, but also contains themes found in older Tibetan documents, including

126
sacrificial ritual. The importing of astrology and old Tibetan rituals through
Kongtse is evident in the third section, whereas the fourth section uses the King of
Kongpo to locate the narrative within both a geographic and historical Tibetan
landscape. In brief, these aspects show that when composing the account of
Shenrab Miwo the author(s) borrowed many different motifs and stories from
other, earlier sources.
The marriage stories seem to have allowed early Bonpo authors to claim
that Buddhist teachings and other disciplines like medicine and astrology originate
from Bon and were taught by Shenrab Miwo. Bonpos still claims this today. As we
can see from the discussion above, the children born from the different marriages
play an important role in justifying these claims. These family relationships
between Shenrab and the four kings are of key importance in Bon.
In addition, the stories of Shenrab s marriages bear some resemblance to
the marriage stories of the early Tibetan kings of Yarlung (cf. Sakya 1993). For
instance, the number of wives that Shenrab married is similar to the number of
concubines that the early Tibetan kings had, and those also mostly came from
outside the kingdom. This motif might suggest the approximate period of the
marriage narratives in the mDo dus. As one of the main reasons that Tibetan
Kings obtained so many wives was to secure and extend their political ties with
neighbouring principalities, Shenrab s multiple marriages also seem to have been a
convenient strategy to extend the religious territory of Bon.

127
 CHAPTER SIX
SHENRAB S ANCESTORS AND OTHER FAMILY
MEMBERS

INTRODUCTION
There is an abundance names in the mDo dus. Many of these belong to members
of Shenrab s famil , including his ancestors. The author(s) seems to have
considered these family names to be equally important to the other material
contained in the mDo dus. It is evident that this life account of Shenrab Miwo
could not have been successfully completed without them. One might wonder
where the author(s) got these names from. I will try to answer this question by
tracing the possible origins of these names. I have already discussed some of these
family members, including the wives and children, in the previous chapter. Here I
will discuss the name of Shenrab s father, his mother and her family background,
his ancestors and his brothers.

FATHER GYALBÖN THÖKAR, BON PO OF MEN & GODS

According to the mDo dus, the father of Shenrab, Gyalbön Thökar, was the son of
dmu King Lankyi Thempake and Queen Ngangdrangma.185 The queen was a
daughter of phya named Ade Khyapa. This indicates that the boy was a grandson
of dmu and phya, which in old Tibetan documents and another Tibetan historical
source (r a bod k i chos b ung rg as pa, p. 233) are considered to be two
important clans186. In this very brief account in the mDo dus (p. 55), we can see

185
On the other hand, the Dul ba gling grags and rTsa rgyud nyi sgron recorded the name of
alb n Th kar s mother as Lhaza Trulmo. Shardza (1985, p. 16) gives us yet another similar
name, Ngangdragma, who was the lady of Sije Drangkar (an ancestral member of dmu lineage)
and was also called lha za, a divine princess .
186
A dialogue between the ruler of dmu and an envoy of phywa (alt. phya) is described in Pelliot
tibétain 126 (lines 104-68). In this text, a man from the phywa is asking a man from the dmu to
rule the land of the black-headed men, which latter generally refers to Tibetans (for a detailed

129
several names being identified as those of Shenrab s parents and grandparents.
These also include the names of Shenrab s maternal grandparents, although their
family name is not recorded. I will discuss the grandparents further in the ancestor
section, later.
In order to trace the possible sources of the father s name, I shall first look
closely at the structure of his name. His name is written in at least five different
ways in the mDo dus, including some of them that probably are modified from mi
human to myes grandfather . For the analytical discussion of this chapter, I
prefer to present those names in transliteration instead of phonetic transcription.
The names are:
1) Mi bon lha bon rgyal bon thad/thod dkar,187 and its shorter version rgyal bon
thod dkar 188
are the most well known names among the Bonpos. To translate
them literally, mi bon means human bon, lha bon divine bon, rgyal bon
ro al bon, and thod dkar means [wearing a] white turban .
2) Mi bon lha bon rgyal po thod dkar and its short version rgyal po thod dkar,189
in which rgyal bon is replaced with rgyal po king .
3) Myes bon lha bon rgya bon thod dkar,190 in which mi bon is replaced with
myes bon grandfather bon and rgyal bon is replaced with rgya bon Chinese
Bonpo .
4) Me(or mes) bon lha bon rgyal bon thod dkar.191 There is an alternative of me
bon literall fire bon with mes bon or myes bon in this name. The word mes
is the alternative spelling of myes.

discussion, see Karmay 1998, p. 178-80, note 31). This dmu and phya family relationship is also
maintained in the mDo dus.
187
See mDo dus, p. 41 and mDo dus Lhagyal, f. 18a, f. 24a for this name.
188
See mDo dus, pp. 52, 55, 59, 105, 119, 191 and 203 and mDo dus Lhagyal, ff. 22b, 24b, 26a,
46a, 52a, 84a and 89b.
189
See mDo dus Karmay, f. 28a, and see mDo dus Karmay, ff. 26b, f. 28a and 29b for the short
name.
190
See mDo dus Karmay, f. 21a.
191
See mDo dus, p. 55.

130
5) Yab myes rgyal bon thod dkar.192 In this name, mi bon or myes bon is replaced
with yab myes father and grandfather , thus this name clearl shows Gyalbön
Thökar as the father (of Shenrab) and the grandfather (probabl of Shenrab s
son as well as, metaphoricall , of Shenrab s followers). All the instances of the
word bon in these names seem to be an abbreviated form of bon po (cf. mi i
bon po, lha i bon po, rg al po i bon po and rg a i bon po).

All the above names are only present in the mDo dus. There is a slightly different
name, mi bon lha bon yo bon rgyal bon thod dkar, recorded in the gZer mig (p.
15). Here, an extra word yo bon is added, the meaning of which is not clear to me,
unless it is derived from ye bon primordial bon or from yog bon, which is a
name that appears among the thirty-three bonpos (see appendix 2). Nevertheless, it
corresponds with yo phyi, a part of the name of Shenrab s mother, which I will
discuss later. The name of Shenrab s father is one example of a name that seems to
have been derived in different ways from old Tibetan sources.

References to mi bon lha bon rgyal bon

Among the old Tibetan sources, I will first look at some Tibetan documents
preserved in Dunhuang. Those documents were accessible only until the early 11th
century due to closure of the caves in 1002 AD (Rong 2000, p. 274) or in 1035
AD (Stein 2003b, p. 591) and have become accessible again since their discovery
in the beginning of the twentieth century. I assume that some fragments of texts or
oral traditions that correspond to the documents preserved in Dunhuang probably
were available elsewhere and Bonpos may have had access to these. To my best
knowledge, these fragments and traditions are not available anymore today, apart
from what has been preserved in Dunhuang sources and what may be reflected in
some of our Shenrab narratives. Based on this assumption, I shall try to determine
how the name of Shenrab s father relates to the names found in the Dunhuang

192
See mDo dus, p. 203, mDo dus Karmay f. 90b, mDo dus Lhagyal, f. 89b.

131
documents. As stated above, the first part of the name of Shenrab s father is mi
bon lha bon rgyal bon, which is recorded in Pelliot tibétain 1134 (Imaeda 2007, p.
149) as follows.

[119] bu ni lha i bu tsha ni srin g i tsha / m i bon lha i bon/ rgya bon
brim tang gis/ rgyal tag brgyad [120] / ni / gnam las / bre193[/] se [mo] gru
bzhi ni / sa la / bchas /
The son is the son of a god and the nephew grandson is the
nephew/grandson of a demon, [he who is] the human bon, the divine bon
and the rgya bon called brim tang connects the eight rgyal cords194 in the
sky and constructed se [mo] gru bzhi four sided tomb on the earth. 195

As shown in the above passage, there is a long phrase m i bon lha i bon rg a bon
brim tang. This phrase appears to be either a description of one person called brim
tang (the last part of the phrase), or a description of three different people judging
from the punctuation marks separating them into three parts in the original
document. In the latter case, I would take myi bon, lha i bon and rgya bon brim
tang separately. Alternatively, this phrase can also be read as a description of two
persons (myi bon lha i bon and rgya bon brim tang) as presented in the late 13th-
century Tibetan history, rGya bod k i chos b ung rg as pa written by Khepa
Dewu, which I will discuss little later.
It is well known that myi is an alternative spelling for mi and thus myi bon

193
There may be a different interpretation of the word bre, but here I translate it in the sense of bre
ba which means to connect , to displa or to weave as defined in Zhang (1996, p. 1906-07,
see gnam la ja tshon bre ba) and in Bon ritual texts.
194
In this context, I prefer to translate rgyal t(h)ag as a protection cord belonging to rgyal spirit ,
as rgyal is, alternatively, one of the eight classes of gods and demons (Tib. lha srin sde brgyad).
By doing so, rgyal spirit is assigned to remove obstacles to the funerary ritual activities.
195
Cf. also Stein 2003b, p. 601-2, for se [mo] gru bzhi and rgyal t(h)ag.

132
for mi bon.196 Similarly, rgya bon seems to be an alternative spelling of rgyal bon
in the mDo dus, although the literal meanings of rgya bon and rgyal bon in
present-day use are different. The word rgya refers to China,197 whereas the word
rgyal means king. As I have shown in the list of the father s names above, rgya
bon is recorded instead of rgyal bon in the mDo dus, and probably the Bonpos
have considered rgya and rgyal to be interchangeable.198 However, the rgya bon
brim tang that appeared in Pelliot tibétain 1134 has become rgyal/rgya bon thod
dkar in the account of Shenrab. I will discuss thod dkar in the next section.

Table: A Speculative Example of the Name Transformation

Pelliot tibétain 1134 Transformation mDo dus

rgya bon brim tang rgya <alternative> rgyal rgyal bon thod dkar
brim tang >replaced by> thod
dkar

The rendering of names in the mDo dus from old Tibetan documents can also be
seen in some other names. Within the list of thirty-three bonpos, there are three
names listed as phya bon thod dkar, rgyal bon bong(bon) po and sman bon bring
dangs (mDo dus, p. 53 ff.). If these names are compared with the names found in
the above passage in Pelliot tibétain 1134, the similarity is evident. Here we can
see that one name is spread over three names: thod dkar in the first name, rgyal
bon in the second name, and bring dangs (cf. brim tang) in the third name. This
proves that several names were compiled to form one name or that an existing

196
Cf. myi bo for mi bo, myi rje for mi rje in Pelliot tibétain 16 and myi rabs for mi rabs in Pelliot
tibétain 1047.
197
I have argued for this translation in Gurung (2009, p. 258). See Stein 2003b, p. 600 for a
different opinion.
198
There are other examples like, rgya rong and rgyal rong (a place in Sichuan province in China)
and rgya mkhar and rgyal mkhar (a mythical palace in Bon texts), which are interchangeable too.
Most of these interchangeable words are the result of how these words are pronounced by the
people of eastern Tibet.

133
name was modified to form another.
Another reference to the name of Shenrab s father is given in the late 13 th-
century Tibetan history rGya bod k i chos b ung rg as pa written by Khepa
Dewu. Although this source is dated almost two hundred years later than the
mDo dus, some information recorded in this historical text could still depend on
an older tradition. Furthermore, this Tibetan history apparently was composed on
the basis of an older source, although the author(s) does not specify any details. In
fact, the names recorded in this text are comparable to the names given in Pelliot
tibétain 1134. I shall first quote the passage from the history by Khepa Dewu
(1987, p. 232) and then compare that to Pelliot tibétain 1134.

bring mo dre btsun rmu mo dang mi bon lha bon dang rg a brong tam
chen po bshos pa i sras chi med gshen g i rmu rg al tsha dang ce u gshen
gyi phyag(phya) dkar tsha gn is so.

The middle daughter, dre btsun dmu mo, consorted with mi bon lha bon
and rg a brong tam chen po. From [each] union, they had two sons. The
first is a grandson of dmu King, chi med gshen, and the second is a
grandson of white phya called ce u gshen.

This passage has been translated b Karma as, mi bon lha bon unites with the
second daughter dre btsun dmu mo. From this union two brothers, mtshe mi gshen
gyi dmu rgyal tsha and gc u gshen g i ph ag mkhar, were born. In his
translation, Karmay (1994, p. 418) has omitted the name rg a brong tam chen po.
He even read mtshe mi instead of chi med, the description of the first son chi med
gshen gyi rmu rgyal tsha, which appears in the above history book. He seems to
have used the version of Khepa Dewu s histor published in 1987 in Lhasa ,
volume three of the series Gangs can rig mdzod. I have checked the same version
here too. However, he has read the passage, for an unknown reason, differently

134
from the original passage in Tibetan.
According to this source, dre btsun dmu mo had two husbands: mi bon lha
bon and rg a brong tam chen po. From these unions, she also bore two sons: a
grandson of dmu King and a grandson of white Phya. The two names of the
husbands suggest a significant relationship between this source and Pelliot tibétain
1134, although Pelliot tibétain 1134 gave myi bon lha bon and rgya bon brim tang
as two names of the same person, while Khepa Dewu listed them as the names of
two separate persons. If we look carefully at the names: rgya bon brim tang in
Pelliot tibétain 1134 and rg a brong tam chen po in the history by Khepa Dewu,
we can find a link between the sources for this name. Given that one of these
sources is dated before and the other after the mDo dus, we may conjecture that
the two later accounts derive from a source similar to the passage in Pelliot tibétain
1134. Khepa Dewu could have written the r a bod k i chos b ung rg as pa on
the basis of the same source. In other words, the anonymous source first related in
Pelliot tibétain 1134 and later recorded in the r a bod k i chos b ung rg as pa
could have possibly influenced the understanding of later Bonpo authors regarding
the name of Shenrab s father.
Regarding the descriptive name of the first son, chi med gshen gyi rmu
rgyal tsha, there seems to be a conflation, as chi med corresponds with chi med
gtsug phud (the name used for Shenrab before his descent, according to the
mDo dus), and gshen with gshen rab mi bo (i.e. Shenrab Miwo). As indicated in
the last part of the name, the person is said to have been a grandson of dmu King
(Tib. dmu rgyal tsha). The only person who this description could be referring to is
Shenrab, because he is not only described as a grandson of dmu King and a son of
Gyalbön Thökar, but he is also connected to the name chi med gshen (Chime
Tsukphu plus Shenrab Miwo).
Now we can further speculate as to why it was Gyalbön Thökar (Tib. rgyal
bon thod dkar) who was portra ed as Shenrab s father. I shall refer here to the
above passage from the 13th-century Tibetan history by Khepa Dewu, regarding the

135
relation between the first son chi med gshen, and the first husband of dre btsun
dmu mo, mi bon lha bon. Bonpo authors might have interpreted the first husband
mi bon lha bon as mi bon lha bon rgyal bon thod dkar. The first son, or grandson
of the dmu King, chi med gshen might have been interpreted as Shenrab Miwo.
The name chi med gshen could be read as combination of Shenrab s name in his
previous life, Chime Tsukphu, with gshen from Shenrab Miwo. Therefore, it is
clear that this sort of information may have driven the author(s) of the mDo dus to
assert that Gyalbön Thökar was the father, Shenrab Miwo the son, and that their
family descended from the dmu clan.

References to thod dkar

There are two different references to thod dkar found in the Dunhuang documents.
The first is pho gshen thod dkar found in Pelliot tibétain 1285199 and IOL TIB J
734.200 It refers to male ritual priests wearing white turbans. There was a group of
a hundred such priests who were invited from the white Pure Mountain (Tib. dags
ri dkar po) to cure someone s illness. This reference alwa s appears before a
reference to female priests (Tib. mo gshen), who were also invited from the black
Shadowy Mountain (Tib. sribs ri nag mo) to cure illness.201 We can see from this
reference that thod dkar is an epithet for a group of male ritual priests (Tib. pho
gshen) and they were probably wearing white turbans (Tib. la thod). The second
reference to thod dkar is recorded in Pelliot tibétain 1286202 and Pelliot tibétain

199
Pelliot tibétain 1285: [r39] dags ri dkar po las pho gshen thod dkar brg a bsdus te/ ; [r66]
dags rI dkar po la las / pho gshen thod / dkar brgya bsogs te ; [r86] dags rI dkar po la / pho
gshen thod dkar brgya bsdus ste ; [r151] dags rI dkar po la / pho gshen / thod kar brgya bsdus
kyang ; [r165-66] dags rI dkar po // pho/ gshen thod kar brgya bsdus kyang , cf. Lalou 1958, p.
200 and Imaeda 2007, pp. 184-86, 189-90.
200
IOL TIB J 734: [2r48] bdags raM / dkar po la / po gshen thod kar brgya bsogs te / / mo bthab
[pya?] blhags/ See Imaeda 2007, p. 277.
201
Cf. also Blezer 2008, pp. 430-31 and Dotson 2008, pp. 48-49 for a discussion on this reference.
202
Pelliot tibétain 1286/line 8: [m ang ] ro i p ed kar na rje rtsang rje i thod kar/ See Imaeda
2007, p. 197.

136
1290.203 It is the name of a person, who is identified as the king of rTsang
(nowadays spelled as gTsang) province.204 What is evident from these two
references is that thod dkar is also a name of a historical figure. Therefore, it is
very likely that these references could have influenced not only the name of
Shenrab s father, but also his designation as a king, and even the clothing he is
described as wearing.
I should also like to mention here an interesting reference to thod dkar
found in the list of twelve lords, spirits and masters given in the Srid pa spyi
mdos.205 According to this text, these twelve lords, spirits and masters were invited
for a ritual offering at the mdos altar.206 Among these twelve lords, spirits and
masters, the first one and perhaps their leader, gshen rab myi bo, was asked to
pacif some demonic forces, including M ra Kh apa, who often interfered in

203
Pelliot tib tain 1290 line r4: m ang r i ph Ir khar na rje rtsang rje i thod kar/ , line v5:
m ang r i ph Ir khar na rje rtsang rje i thod kar/ See Imaeda 2007, pp. 249-50.
204
See also Smith 2001, p. 219. Here the name rtsang rje thod dkar rje is listed among the four
lords of the stong tribe, the fourth original Tibetan tribe.
205
Bonpos claim that this text was discovered in 1067 AD by Nyenton Sherab Sengge. According
to Shardza (1985), he was a shepherd called Nyenton Sherab Dorje, but the people called him
Nyentheng Rengan (Tib. theng lame ) because of his lame leg (cf. Karma 1972, p. 153 and
Blondeau 2000, p. 249). Karmay (1998, p. 346) has translated part of this text into English. In the
colophon of the Srid pa spyi mdos, this text is attributed to Sangpo Trinkhod (Tib. sangs po khrin
khod). Namkhai Norbu (1996, p. 581) considered this text to be an old Bon source and he
identified the author as Rasang Trinakhod (Tib. ra sangs khri na khod), who is said to have lived
in the 8th-century AD. According to Karmay (1972, p. 12), Rasang Trinakhod was born into the
Khyungpo clan as one of the two sons of Gyerchen Damay (8 th-century AD?, cf. Karmay 1977,
p. 51 for this date). The name Rasang Je (Tib. ra sangs rje) from Khyungpo is also recorded in
Pelliot tib tain 1286, line 7: hang hung dar pa I rjo bo lig sn a shur / blon po khyung po ra
sangs rje dang and Pelliot tib tain 1290 (line r4): blon po khyung po ra sangs rje (line v5)
hang hung dar ma i rje bo lag sn a shur / / blon po khyung po ra sangse rje / The two names:
Sangpo Trinkhod and Rasang Trinakhod are very similar, although it is not certain that these two
names belong to the same person. Particularly, the latter part of the names Trinkhod and
Trinakhod are very close. However, what can be justified here is that the narrative content of the
text seems to have been derived from a source from a period contemporaneous to the Dunhuang
documents.
206
This altar may be similar to the altar built in the mKha klong gsang mdos ritual (see Blondeau
2000, p. 279, for an illustration of the altar).

137
Shenrab s practices (see the previous chapter). The other nine lords and spirits (see
table below) were offered whatever food and drink they desired, so that they
would not cause any harm to other beings. The last two are described as divine
masters (Tib. dbon/dpon gsas). Although not specified clearly, their task seems to
have been to mediate between the spirits and the humans. Elsewhere in the same
text (Srid pa spyi mdos, f. 3b), the author briefly writes that there were three
hundred and sixty thod dkar in total, srid ni thod dkar srid/ sum rgya drug cu
srid . This suggests that thod dkar, according to the Srid pa spyi mdos, is also the
name of group of divine masters, which corresponds to some extent with the
description in Pelliot tibétain 1285 and IOL TIB J 734. Apart from the name thod
dkar, parts of a few other names like, rmu rje and btsan rje can also be found in
the list of Shenrab s ancestors. This will be discussed later on in this chapter.
Table: The Twelve Lords and Spirits Listed in the Srid pa spyi mdos (f. 3b-4b)

Their description Place

1. gShen rab myi bo A god of gshen at the border of god and human
(cf. gshen lha or lha gshen) world
2. dGung rgyal ma Queen of the sky at the upper of the three spaces
3. rMu rje King of rmu (alt. dmu) at the middle of the three spaces
4. Gu lang Cf. Mahe vara at the lower of the three spaces
Tib. gu lang dbang phyug
5. bTsan rje Lord of btsan spirit on the other side of the space
6. This rje Lord of goblin in between the space
(Tib. this rang the u rang)
7. Ma mo Female demonic spirit on this side of the space
8. Dogs(dong) bdag Lord of hole (n ga spiri ) at the upper hole at the rainbow
and the cloud
9. gNyan rje Lord of gnyan at the middle hole at mountains
and rocks
10. Klu rje Lord of n ga at the lower hole in water
11. Thod dkar at the palace called sNang srid

138
12. Wer ma lis rgyad kyi zer ma207

A passage from the Kh ung bum gong ma (text 15 in Gansu manuscript)208 sheds
light on the question as to why rgyal bon thod dkar is attached to lha bon divine
bon . This work informs us of a person by the name of lha bon thod gar, a part of
the name of Shenrab s father. According to the text, Dungm i Lhagar invited
Lhabon Thodgar to defeat his enemy, a demon named Lenpa Kyinreng. Dungmyi
Lhagar is described as a primordial god and is also called lha chen great god .
Since all the relevant events take place in a heavenly land called Lhayul
Gungthang,209 according to this text, Lhabon Thodgar must also be identified as a
divine figure. That is probably the reason why the name rgyal bon thod dkar was
also attached to lha bon a divine Bon to construe the name of Shenrab s father,
mi bon lha bon rgyal bon thod dkar.

MOTHER GYALZHEMA, MOTHER OF MEN AND GODS

Like the long name of the father, mentioned above, the mother of Shenrab also has
a very long name, mi phyi lha phyi yo phyi rgyal bzhad ma. She is popularly
known among the Bonpos by the shorter version of the name Yöchi Gyalzhema.
According to the mDo dus (p. 55), the mother s maiden name was Salwe Odenmo.
When she married Gyalbön Thökar, she was initiated with the long name. In
regard to the construction of this long name, the author(s) of the mDo dus used the
same model as he used for the name of the father. Like the word bon is repeated
three times in the father s name, the term phyi is also repeated three times in the
mother s name. Also the first two names, mi bon and lha bon, of the father are

207
The passage in the Srid pa spyi mdos (f.4b) reads: lis rgyad kyi zer ma na/ spyan ['dren ni su
'dren na]/ spyan 'dren ni wer ma 'dren/ From the context, this lis rgyad kyi zer ma seems to be
a name of place, but I am not clear about its location or meaning.
208
No information is available so far regarding the date of this source. I am grateful to Ngawang
Gyatso for sharing this rare manuscript with me.
209
This toponym, lha yul gung dang, is found in Pelliot tibétain 1060 and IOL TIB J 731.

139
repeated here with the suffix phyi, thus becoming mi phyi and lha phyi. These are
followed by yo phyi (cf. yo bon) and rgyal bzhad ma. As mentioned above, in the
gZer mig, the name yo bon is added to the father s name, which here corresponds
with yo phyi. However, it is not entirely certain which one of the two, yo phyi or
yo bon, has influenced the other. Furthermore, rgyal also appears in her name (cf.
rgyal bzhad instead of rgyal phyi), which probably corresponds to rgyal bon in the
father s name. However, modif ing rgyal bon into rgyal phyi (following the same
system of replacement) apparently was not eligible; perhaps the latter does not
carry any relevant meaning in this context.
The old Tibetan word phyi in the mother s name is to be interpreted as an
abbreviation of phyi mo, which in this context means grandmother .210 It can be
said that she was honoured as the grandmother of all human beings, as is clear
from her descriptive name. From the long name of Shenrab s mother, she was
known as mi phyi grandmother of men , lha phyi grandmother of gods , and yo
phyi ever one s grandmother who is called rgyal bzhad ma a blooming queen-
cum-mother .
Although they are all referring to the same woman, i.e. Shenrab s mother,
in the mDo dus there are several variants of her name. I shall list them here,
including also those variants that are probably only due to scribal errors.
1) Mi phyi lha phyi yo phyi rgyal bzhad ma 211 and its shorter version mi phyi lha
phyi'i rgyal bzhad ma 212 are the name used most often by the Bonpos.
2) Mi phye lha phye yo phye rgyal gzhan ma.213 The word phyi is replaced with
phye, and bzhad with gzhan, probably a scribal error.

210
See Pelliot tib tain 1071 r332 zhang lon 'di rnams kyI myes pho dang / pha dang phyi mo dang
ma' dang these zhang lon s grandfather, father, grandmother, mother and The word
zhang lon in this text seems to be a title of a high ranking position, but its real meaning is unclear
to me. Almost an identical passage is also found in Pelliot tibétain 1072/line 078.
211
See mDo dus, p. 55, mDo dus Karmay, f. 21r and mDo dus Lhagyal, f. 18r, f. 24v.
212
See mDo dus, p. 41.
213
See mDo dus Karmay f. 28r.

140
3) mi phyi lha phyi yo phyi rgyal bzhad,214 mi phyi lha'i yo phyi rgyal bzhed,215
and mi phye yo phye rgyal bzhed.216 The main difference here is that ma is
omitted, probably to achieve the required amount of syllables for this verse. In
the third name, phyi is replaced by phye, which again looks like a scribal error.
4) Yo phyi/phye rgyal bzhad yum.217 In this name, ma is replaced with yum
mother .

The Family Background of Yöchi Gyalzhema

According to the mDo dus, Yöchi Gyalzhema, alias Salwe Odenmo, was a
daughter of King Sala218 and Queen Girtima. This tells us that she was born into a
royal family. Also elsewhere in the mDo dus (p. 52), it is suggested that the
mother of Shenrab must be from royal descent (Tib. rgyal rigs). However, the
author of the gZer mig disagrees with the account in the mDo dus and supplies us
with the information that the King Sala first was born in a lower class, in Tibetan
dmangs rigs, which is equivalent to Sanskrit dra, commoner or servant class,
in the Indian caste system. It is also suggested that it was Yöchi Gyalzhema s
engagement to Gyalbön Thökar that entitled her family to become members of the
royal family.
Apart from the brief account mentioned above, the author(s) of the
mDo dus does not provide further details on the famil background of Shenrab s
mother. I shall summarize the account recorded in the gZer mig (pp. 15 25), which
also demonstrates how Bonpos later have elaborated the stor of Shenrab s mother.
Even after the whole world had been searched, it was very difficult to find
a suitable bride for the Prince Gyalbön Thökar. When the Prince reached the age

214
See mDo dus Lhagyal f. 84r.
215
See mDo dus p. 191.
216
See mDo dus Karmay f. 84v.
217
See mDo dus p. 52, mDo dus Karmay f. 26v and mDo dus Lhagyal f. 22v.
218
The name Sala occurs four times in the mDo dus (p. 55, 59, 113 and 208), three of which refer
to the King who was the father of Yöchi Gyalzhema and one refers to a Brahmin.

141
of thirteen, a father and a son came to visit him and they introduced themselves as
coming from the city Langling near the lake Mule Tongdenhe219 and being from a
dmangs rigs (Skt. dra) family. The purpose of their visit was for the father to
offer his beautiful daughter to the Prince. When the Prince saw that they were
physically handicapped (the father was blind in his right eye and the son had a
lame left leg) and to make things worse they belonged to the dmangs rigs, he
replied with embarrassment. He said, It is impossible that ou could have a
beautiful daughter, who would be appropriate to be my wife, therefore do not
spread this news. If you have a beautiful daughter, then bring her secretly to the
lake Mule Tongdenhe, when I go there to take a bath.
As Gyalbön Thökar was embarrassed by this meeting he lied to those who
asked him about it, but he reported this news truthfully to his father. His father
responded positively and declared that it is not impossible, and that their
disfigurement may be the result either of the downfall of a celestial being, or the
liberation of someone from the suffering of Hell. Furthermore, his father stated
that this may either be an indication of the downfall of a king to become an
ordinary person, or the uplifting of an ordinary member of a lower class to rule the
country as a king. The physical disabilities of the father and son are not bad
omens, because blindness of the right eye is an indication of blocking the door to
the lower realms and a lame left leg is an indication of benefitting sentient beings.
The Prince was convinced by this reply from his father and he prepared to meet
the daughter of the dmangs rigs family.
When the mother of the dmangs rigs family heard of the Prince s response,
she became sad and cried. When the father decided to send her to marry a man
from the same class, the daughter begged her father not to send her away, at least
until the full moon of the next month. The daughter told her father that she wished

219
A similar name is mentioned in Shardza 1985. It is a crystal lake (Tib. shel mtsho) called
Mulehe, located in Purang (cf. Vitali 1996 for spu rangs). According to Karmay (1972, p. 124),
three hunters, including Marpa Phenzang, found some Bonpo treasures nearby this lake.

142
to go to see the prince. The parents agreed to her appeal.
During the prince s bathing event, the Prince was looking at the centre of
the cit full of astonishment. Seeing the Prince s ama ement, the Brahmin
Salkh ab Oden asked, You do not seem to appreciate the amusing performances
of the gods, n gas and humans; but ou seem to be entertained b something else
in the cit centre. What is the amusement that ou see there The Prince replied,
There is a beautiful girl on the top of the white palace in the centre of the city of
Langling. Is she the daughter of a n ga, who has come in the form of a human, or
a sky-goddess, who has come in the form of a n ga or a human? I am amazed by
this, therefore I am smiling.
The Brahmin saw the girl and went to gather information about her family
background. He asked the girl, but she left without reply. Then he made enquiries
among the local people who told him about her family. The Brahmin reported this
to the Prince, who sent him again to enquire further. The lame son received the
Brahmin. When the Brahmin found the girl exceptionally beautiful, he also became
excited. He suggested to the parents that they offer their daughter to the prince.
Although the father and son disagreed, the girl proposed a condition. The girl sent
message that if the prince wishes to be with her from his heart, he should offer a
royal position to her parents. The Brahmin conveyed the girl s proposal to the
prince. The latter accepted the proposal and decided to appoint the girl s parents to
royal positions. The Brahmin gathered the people of the city of Langling and
announced the enthronement of the girl s parents. The father Sala was enthroned as
a king, the mother Girtima as a queen and the brother Salkhyab as a prince. After
the marriage, the daughter Salwe Odenmo was named mi phyi lha phyi yo phyi
rgyal bzhad ma. In this long story from the gZer mig, there are at least two points
to consider. The family of dmangs rigs (Skt. dra), in which Shenrab s mother
was born, and the activities of the Brahmin, which are also reported in the
Lalitavistara.
The dmangs rigs or the caste (Skt. var a) system in general is rooted in

143
Indian culture and does not apply to Tibet, although the system is mentioned in
numerous early Tibetan translations of Indian Buddhist texts. These early Tibetan
texts have probably influenced the understanding of the social order among
Bonpos. However, the author(s) of the mDo dus describes the origin of the four
castes differently from how we know it from Indian texts or Tibetan translations.
In the following passage from the mDo dus, the four castes are said to have
originated from the four elements: earth, water, fire and wind.

The n gas were miraculously born from the four elements: earth, water,
fire and wind. The royal caste born from the earth, the merchant caste from
water, the Brahmin caste from fire, and the commoner from wind. 220

Although this passage describes the four castes of n ga spirits, the variation
indicates a different understanding of the four-caste system in Tibet. We may
understand that this interpretation of the four castes also applies to the human
realm, although the author(s) of the mDo dus does not explicitly mention these
four together anywhere in the text. The author(s) does however mention all the
four castes: Royal caste (Tib. rgyal rigs), Merchant caste (Tib. rje i rigs), Brahmin
caste (Tib. bram e i rigs) and Commoner caste (Tib. rmang rigs gdol ba) on
various other occasions and there they do apply to the human realm.221
The four-caste system has been elaborated further in later Bonpo works,
and there it more clearly is connected to humans. I shall present two relevant
passages from the gZer mig and the mD od sgra grel. The four castes are even
organized in hierarchical order in accordance with their distinct natures. The gZer
mig describes that there are four human castes. People belonging to royal caste
(Tib. rgyal rigs, Skt. k atri a) are the greatest, those belonging to merchant caste

220
mDo dus (p. 13), byung bar smon lam btab pa las sa chu me rlung b ung b hi las klu rnams
rd u phrul las la sk es sa la rg al rig chu las rje u rigs b ung me las bram e rlung las rmang
rigs b ung/ de tshe rigs bzhi klu chen brgyad/
221
See mDo dus, p. 40, pp. 47-48, p. 207.

144
(Tib. rje i rigs, Skt. vai a) are the purest, those belonging to Brahmin caste (Tib.
bram e i rigs, Skt. br hma a) are the noblest, and those belonging to commoner
caste (Tib. rmangs rigs, Skt. dra) are the lowest (gZer mig, p. 14).
A very similar interpretation is also given in the early 12th-century Bon
cosmological text, mD od sgra grel.222 According to this text, the greatest are
those who belong to the royal group. The noblest are those who belong to the
merchant group, the purest are those who belong to the Brahmin group and the
lowest are those who belong to the commoner group (mD od sgra grel, p. 28).
However, in contrast to the categorization of castes in the gZer mig, the status of
the merchant caste and the Brahmin caste are switched in this Bon cosmological
text. This suggests that there was no standard categorization of the four caste
systems among the Bonpos. Since the system of the four castes is foreign to
Tibetan culture, its categorization depends largely on how an author understands
the four castes, or how he remembers the interpretation of the four caste system, as
it appears in relevant texts.

ANCESTOR OF DMU FAMILY

As discussed in the first section of this chapter, in the list of Shenrab s paternal
lineage that appears in the mDo dus only two male ancestors are recorded. The
first one is his grandfather the king of dmu named Lamgyi Thempake and his
father alb n Th dkar. Let me paraphrase here the relevant passage: There was a
king of dmu, named Lamgyi Thempake, in the Barpo Sogye palace, in the land of
Olmo Ling, in Jambudv pa. He consorted with the phya Princess Ngangdrangma, a
grand-daughter of Matsun Trulmo. Their son was alb n Th dkar, who married
Gyalzhema with whom he had nine sons and one daughter. The youngest of them
was Shenrab, who became the ruler of the kingdom (mDo dus, pp. 41 42 and 55).
In later Bon sources, the paternal lineage list of Shenrab s ancestors was
further extended, to include three or more names and their female partners. The

222
This text is said to have been discovered by Gyermi Nyiod and Maton Sidzin in 1108 AD.

145
inclusion of these names demonstrates the way in which the life account of
Shenrab continued to develop. I shall discuss that expansion providing examples
from two earlier Bon sources (Dul ba gling grags and lTa ba khyung chen) and
from a 20th-century Bon history (Shardza 1985). The Dul ba gling grags (p. 118
19) has three extra names in the list of Shenrab s ancestors. 223

From the heart of Shenlha [Odkar], a brown-reddish light arose and landed
on the peak of the brown dmu mountain. That [light] transformed into a
human, who possesses a white light. He was called Muchug Kyirzhon. His
union with Lhaza Gangdrag224 bore a son named Mutsenzhergyi Gyalpo.
[The latter] consorted with a phya lady called Gyalmo and they had a son
named Mutsen alpo. [The latter] and [his wife] Rimnam almo s son
was dmu King Langyi Themke. The latter consorted with Lhaza Trulmo
and their son was dmu King Thökar [the father of Shenrab Miwo].

As we will see in the following quotation, four names are added in the second
source, lTa ba khyung chen (pp. 4 6), which is approximately datable from the 12th
century.225

There was a king called Muchug Kyerab, who was a direct descendant of
the nine then.226 In this lineage, the king who had the power to liberate [his

223
Another early Bon text rTsa rgyud nyi sgron (pp. 79-80) also follows the Dul ba gling grags list:
dmu phyug skyer zhon, dmu btsan bzher gyis rgyal po, dmu btsan rgyal ba, dmu rgyal lan gyi
them skas, rgyal po thod dkar, ston pa gshen rab.
224
This can be compared to Lhaza Gungdrug, one of the six wives of Shenrab Miwo in the
mDo dus. Another comparable name Lhamo Gangdrag appears in the Bon cosmogonical text, the
mDzod phug.
225
According to the colophon, a person with the family name rma discovered the text lTa ba
khyung chen in Shampo cave. He is identified as rma Sherab Loden in a small note, but I assume
that rma in the colophon refers to rma Sherab Sengge (b. 12th-century), because many other Bon
texts were discovered by him in the same cave.
226
The nine then spirits are said to be descendants of a god.

146
 people] was the dmu King Lampa Chakar. The king who was enthroned in
the place of [Lampa Chakar] was the dmu King Tsenpa Gyerchen. His
successor was the King Thogje Tsenpa, and the latter s successor was dmu
King Langyi Themke. He [dmu King Langyi Themke] was succeeded by
Gyalbön Thökar, the one who supported all existence.

As seen in the two passages above, it is generally agreed that all the figures are
kings and are descendants of the dmu family. However, the main difference in
these two earlier sources, Dul ba gling grags and lTa ba khyung chen, is that the
lists are not consistent. For instance, the second and the third names recorded in
the Dul ba gling grags are not given in the lTa ba khyung chen. Instead, the second
and third names are different and a fourth name is also added in the lTa ba khyung
chen. This inconsistency between the two texts is probably due to different
sources.
Nevertheless, these early sources have influenced later Bonpo authors,
when presenting lists of Shenrab s ancestors. This is evident from the earl 20 th-
century Bon history by Shardza. Shard a s Bon history has received great attention
in Western academia as it has been translated into English by Karmay (1972).
Shardza combined the two lists above and then extended it to create a well-known
list of Shenrab s ancestors. As can be seen in the table below, Shardza gives eight
names, including the father Gyalbön Thökar, and thus pushed the family lineage of
Shenrab Miwo about eight generations back. In Namkhai Norbu (1996, p. 48 49) ,
who seems to consider this to be an authentic list of the dmu kings, the list of
Shenrab s ancestors is pushed even further back, to thirteen generations.

147
Table: Ancestor of the dmu Family

mDo dus Dul ba gling grags lTa ba khyung chen Shardza 1985
(pp. 41 42) (pp. 118 19) (pp. 4 6) (pp. 17 18)
X Muchug Kyirzhon King Muchug Muchug Kyerzhon
Kyerab
X X dmu King Lampa dmu King Lampa
Chakar Chagkar
X Mutsenzhergyi X Muzher Gyalpo
Gyalpo
X X dmu King Tsenpa dmu King Tsenpa
Gyerchen Gyerchen
X Mutsen Gyalpo X Mugyal Tsenpo
X X King Thogje Tsenpa dmu King Thogje Tsunpa
dmu King dmu King Langyi dmu King Langyi dmu King Langyi
Lamgyi Themke Themke Themke
Thempake
Mibön Lhabön dmu King Thökar Gyalbön Thökar Gyalbön Thökar
Gyalbön Thökar
Shenrab Miwo [Shenrab Miwo] [Shenrab Miwo] Shenrab Miwo

NINE BROTHERS OR NINE WAYS

In chapter twelve of the mDo dus, Shenrab is described as the only son of
alb n Th dkar,227 but chapter six of the mDo dus informs us that King alb n
Th dkar and Queen Gyalzhema had nine sons and one daughter. This is to say that
there were nine brothers and one sister in Shenrab s famil . The three elder
brothers were called Phya gshen, sNang gshen and Srid gshen, who became
teachers of three heavenly realms (Tib. lha gnas gsum).228 The three middle
brothers Phrul gshen, Mi/Ye gshen and gTsug gshen went to tame the g.yen spirits

227
mDo dus, p. 105, rg al bon thod dkar bu cig gshen rab di
228
I have not been able to identify these three heavenly realms.

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of the three spheres: yar g.yen the spirits in the sk , bar g.yen the spirits in the
intermediate sphere and sa g.yen the spirits on the earth .229 They became the
masters of the g.yen spirits. The younger three brothers are Grub gshen, Grol
gshen and gShen rab (Shenrab). These three stayed to assist their mother
Gyalzhema. The sister, Ngangringma, was married to phya Antse Lenme, who
gave birth to a son named Yikyi Khyeuchung. The youngest of the nine brothers,
Shenrab, became the ruler of the kingdom and he married six wives and had ten
children, as we have seen in the previous chapter.
This description of the nine brothers is nowhere to be found in the other
accounts of Shenrab Miwo. What can be the possible origin of this description? In
chapter seventeen of the mDo dus, there is a list of the Nine Ways of Bon or the
nine methods for teaching the doctrines of Bon.

Table: Nine Brothers v/s Nine ways230

The Nine ways The Nine brothers

(mDo dus, ch. xvii) (mDo dus, ch. vi)
1. Phya gshen = Phya gshen (B1)
2. sNang gshen = sNang gshen (B2)
3. Phrul gshen = Phrul gshen (B4)
4. Srid gshen = Srid gshen (B3)
5. dGe snyen =? gTsug gshen 231 (B6)
6. Drang srong =?
7. A dkar sngags rgyud =? Grub gshen232 (B7)

229
See the thirty-three bonpos listed in appendix 2, who were also responsible for subduing the
spirits of these three spheres.
230
For the nine ways of Bon, see Snellgrove 1967, pp. 9-11.
231
Cf. gtsug phud thob pa i gshen, the gshen who has removed his crown and renounced worldly
life, thus becoming an ascetic monk. This name also corresponds to gtsug gshen of Tsugshen
Gyalwa, otherwise known as Yikyi Khyeuchung.
232
The Tibetan terms grub and grol have the connotations of practicing and liberating , which
belong to Tantric practices, while sgrol (lam) may also refer to the rdzogs chen path, the ninth of
the Nine Ways.

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 =? Grol gshen (B8)
8. Ye gshen = Mi/Ye gshen (B5)
9. rD ogs chen a ti ba i sde =? Grol gshen (B8)
gShen rab (B9)

Among the names of the nine brothers listed in the table, five names (B1 B5)
exactly match five of the nine Bon doctrinal teachings. Three names (B6 B8) are
also related to four of the Nine Ways (5 7 and 9), but only from their contexts.
The remaining name, gShen rab (B9), does not match any of the Nine Ways, but
since he is identified as Shenrab Miwo, he is the one who taught the Nine Ways.
Therefore, I argue that most of the names of the eight brothers of Shenrab Miwo,
as listed in the mDo dus, are derived from the doctrinal systems of the Nine Ways
of Bon. It is still a mystery why such an interpretation was made, given that it does
not add any credibility to the life account of Shenrab. In fact, it contradicts the
assertion in chapter twelve of the mDo dus that Shenrab was the only son.
However, considering the highly composite nature of this text, we probably should
not expect consistency.
In regard to how the names of the nine brothers were constructed, a few
other factors are also worth discussing. There are two names listed among the
thirty-three bonpos in the mDo dus (pp. 53 54) that are relevant here: srin(srid)
bon and phya bon. According to Pelliot tibétain 1285, the term phya is used to
describe a ritual (text) to be recited (Tib. mo btab phya klags),233 thus the priest
who performs that ritual is known as phya bon. This document also informs us that
there are two kinds of ritual priests: bon and gshen (see Dotson 2008, pp. 43 44).
Since both the terms bon and gshen designate a ritual priest, the names phya bon
and srid bon could have been reinterpreted as phya gshen and srid gshen in the list
of Shenrab s brothers in the mDo dus.

233
The phya ritual is generally performed to avert misfortune and to develop a long life. See A
Lexicon of Zhangzhung and Bonpo terms (Nagano [et al] 2008), p. 152.

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Table: Some Other Examples of bon and gshen designations

bon gshen Source

Phrul bon Phrul gshen Stein (1972, p. 230)
Lha bon Lha gshen
Ye bon Ye gshen
Dur bon Dur gshen
Ol bon Ol gshen PT 1285

CONCLUSION
As discussed above, the way the names of Shenrab s parents, ancestors, and other
family members are presented in the mDo dus demonstrably can be traced back to
earlier sources. As for the name of the father, we can find two separate names in
the Dunhuang documents: mi bon lha i bon/ rgya bon brim tang and thod dkar. It
is evident that the first two names, mi bon and lha i bon are kept as in the original.
A part of the third name, rgya bon was modified and put together with thod dkar
found in old Tibetan documents. The intermingling of the names derived from old
Tibetan sources is proven by the other names found in the mDo dus (p. 54) and
the late 13th-century Tibetan historical text called r a bod k i chos b ung rg as
pa. The relationship between mi bon lha bon and chi med gshen, as father and son,
is also recorded in this history. Since chi med gshen is none other than Shenrab,
later Bonpo authors may have remembered him as the son of mi bon lha bon
Gyalbön Thökar, and a grandson of a dmu king. After the father s name was
settled, a similar model was applied to construe the name of Shenrab s mother. In
the word formations with bon, bon was replaced by phyi. As I have shown above,
onl two of Shenrab s ancestors were listed in the mDo dus, but this list was
extended in later sources. By the time of the 20th-century Bon historical text by
Shardza, this list had increased up to four times in length and it was extended even
further by Namkhai Norbu, who added several other names. In addition, confusion
between the names of the Bon doctrinal teachings and personal names in the

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mDo dus raises questions and quite obvious suspicions regarding the construction
of this extended group of nine brothers.
Based on this evidence, I conclude that the names found in the mDo dus
had several origins. These names serve to help construe the hagiography of
Shenrab, but also to connect the mDo dus to other available historical sources. The
author(s) seems to have had recourse to many old sources and/or oral traditions
when including these names. Although the names that are recorded in the
mDo dus are comparable to the names that appear in documents preserved in
Dunhuang, I do not assert that they necessarily derive from those specific texts.
This would in fact be very unlikely, because there is a gap between the date of
sealing of the cave in the early 11th century and the emergence of the mDo dus in
approximately the late 11th century. But I do assume that older Tibetan documents
or oral traditions, which correspond to what has been preserved in Dunhuang, were
available to Bonpo authors and also influenced later works, including the mDo dus
and the later 13th-century Tibetan history by Khepa Dewu.

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