01-FINAL Crowther Ancient Olympic Games
01-FINAL Crowther Ancient Olympic Games
By Nigel B. Crowther
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Nigel B. Crowther
Emeritus Professor - Western University, Canada.
Biography
Emeritus Professor of Classical Studies and former Director and Chair of the International Centre of
Olympic Studies, Western University, Canada. Supervisory Professor (Master’s and Postgraduate
Studies Programmes) for the International Olympic Academy, Olympia, since 2004. Honoured with a
laudatio, a collection of essays that appeared in the journal Mouseion, 16, no.3 (2019). Contracted as an
expert on the origins of football for the FIFA Museum, Zurich, since 2020. Passionate sports fan,
especially for things Olympic and football.
Abstract
This article examines the ancient Olympic Games, from their traditionally accepted beginnings in the
eighth century BC to the fifth century AD. Even though they were a conservative festival, there were
numerous changes over their one-thousand-year history. The Olympics became the largest cultural
gathering in Greece of any kind, as sports permeated all levels of society. The article uses a wide range
of sources, namely literature in the original Greek and Latin, archaeology, art, and epigraphy. Yet the
amount of evidence available is sparse when contrasted with the rich vein of material available for the
modern Games. The article tries to avoid, as best as possible, using the modern Olympics and
preconceived notions to interpret the ancient festival, while pointing out the most important ancient
and modern parallels and contrasts. It discusses, therefore, from the revisionist point of view, the
sources, the foundation myths, qualifying, eligibility, the training period, the sacred truce, visitors, the
facilities, the contests, the winners, the rewards, the organisation, the Roman period, other relevant
festivals, and the last years of the Games. It also examines the ancient Olympics from the point of view
of both athletes and spectators.
Introduction
For too long, scholars have looked at the ancient Olympic Games through rose-tinted spectacles,
seeking parallels with the Victorian values of the first modern Olympics. 1 This article, however, tries to
follow the wise words of the sixth President of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), Lord
Killanin: that one should look at things as they are, not as one would like them to be. Most of the
misconceptions about the ancient Games, such as those related to amateurism and professionalism,
have long since been put to rest. 2 A study of the primary sources shows that the Olympics were inter-
city, designed for Greeks, and in no way open to all nations. 3 There has survived no evidence of
symbolic rings, a motto, Olympic torch relays, or of course hymns, anthems, or flags. At Olympia, there
was no special significance attached to the sacred fire, a feature of all Greek sanctuaries. The Olympic
flame has been much overhyped in the modern world. There is no known ancient philosophy about
international understanding, brotherhood, and peace, 4 or an equivalent of the Olympic Movement.
According to Donald Kyle, the modern Games “have become more and more removed from the
ancient.” 5
Figure 1: Reconstruction of the site of Olympia (around the first century AD).
The Olympics were not known as Games in the ancient world, although for the sake of convenience
they will be referred to as such in this article. They were in fact Olympic Contests (Agones), an
important distinction, for the spirit of competition (agon) permeated the Greek world in most of
society, not least in the Olympics. 6 It is for this reason that no second or third prizes were awarded.
Moreover, the word athlete is derived from the Greek word athlon, or prize. Competition, not
participation, was important. As the ancient Games spanned more than a thousand years, it is difficult,
if not impossible, to speak accurately of events, facilities, and even popularity without specifying a
particular period. One may compare how many different changes there have been in the modern
Olympics during their comparatively brief life of a little more than a hundred years.
Literary texts are indispensable for the myths associated with the Games, the events, and the
organisation of the festival. Most of the authors come from the later Roman period, such as Pausanias
and Philostratus in the second century AD, with fewer from the Classical period (fifth and fourth
centuries BC), such as Pindar and Plato. The further away from the topic the writers are in terms of
time, generally the less credulity they inspire. Such accounts, we may note, often refer to the Olympics
to illustrate a given point, not for their own sake. They assume that their readers were fully conversant
with the festival.
Vase paintings (especially from the sixth and fifth centuries BC) have proved to be of value in
understanding both athletic and equestrian events, though we should remember these are not mere
photographs. So too, sculptures from the fifth century BC, such as Myron’s Discobolos and the
Delphic Charioteer (though neither relates specifically to Olympia), help to interpret the contests they
represent. Archaeology has revealed the various physical features of the Olympic site and their
approximate dates, notably the temples and other buildings in the Altis, or sacred grove, 7 the various
developments of the stadium, the starting lines, actual jumping weights and discuses, the palaestra,
the gymnasium, and Roman baths, but little of the hippodrome by the River Alpheus. Inscriptions
(epigraphy) have proven to be lasting memorials for athletes, victors, and the rules of the festival.
Archaeologists are constantly unearthing these carvings on stone, together with papyri, that shape and
reshape our understanding of the ancient world.
From archaeology, we know that there was a sacred area known as the Altis at Olympia, located in the
state of Elis in southwest Greece. It was filled with temples and altars in honour of the gods, notably
the temples of Zeus and his wife Hera. According to Philostratus (De Gymnastica 5), writing during the
middle of the Roman Empire, the first event, the footrace, ended at the temple of Zeus, as the Greeks
considered the Games to be a fitting way to honour their gods. Yet, despite all the religious
associations, cults, and rituals, it has been observed that the Games were not especially religious in a
society where religion was ingrained in almost every aspect of life. 10 It is true that religion predated
athletics at Olympia, but it is debatable whether athletics arose directly from religion, rather than
arising independently. 11
One of the most notable dates in Greek history is 776 BC, the traditionally held start of the ancient
Games, but Olympic chronology can be problematic. Even Plutarch (Numa 1.4) challenged it. Some
ancients believed that the Games began in the ninth century, but these would not be the Olympic
Games as we know them. Based on the archaeological evidence of wells, for example, the consensus
is that the Games began in about 700 BC. According to others, 776 was the date for the first recorded
Games (being close to the beginning of the introduction of writing), though the later Greeks may have
miscalculated it. 12
Pausanias (5.6.7) states that the authorities banned married women as spectators at Olympia, although
on textual grounds researchers usually dismiss his statement that unmarried females could attend.
Nevertheless, young girls did have their own festival at Olympia, the Heraia, in honour of the wife of
Zeus, perhaps with a similar structure to the male festival. Yet the existence of only a few known
victors suggests that this was a local festival. By analogy with similar Greek races for girls, the one
event—the stade race—may well have been an initiation ceremony. 14
In the hierarchical Greek society, slaves could act only on behalf of their masters as charioteers and
jockeys at the Games, but of course could never receive the accolades that went to their owners. We
can deduce that, as elsewhere, they had a brutal time at Olympia. 15
One major physical test, however, awaited the athletes before the Games, specifically the 30-day
training period held in Elis, a city that ran the Games for most of their history. 17 Conditions here were
harsh, with flogging for those who broke the rules. The officials prescribed their own training methods,
forcing wrestlers, for example, to fight against inferiors, not equals. The sources do not make clear the
purpose of this training period, but scholars believe that it aimed to ensure equal facilities for all
athletes, although the length of time away from home would have been a deterrent for poorer athletes.
We can conjecture that the officials would use this time to look for illegal substances (that we know did
exist) and to weed out inferior athletes. Those who survived the training then journeyed to Olympia
about 50 kilometres away—a formal two-day processional walk of contestants, trainers, officials, and
others. This training period differentiated the Olympics from the three other Panhellenic festivals,
namely the Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean Games.
The sacred truce declared by Elis guaranteed safety for athletes and spectators travelling to the
Olympics through a land constantly at war. At its peak, it extended to three months either side of the
festival. Elis fined those who broke the truce, including the powerful state of Sparta in the fifth century
BC. Such was the power of the Olympics. Yet researchers have pointed out that the treaty did not
mean a complete end to wars in Greece, 18 and it certainly had no force in the case of the Persians in
480 BC, for whom it was not relevant. The truce was not unique to Olympia but also existed at the
other Panhellenic Games. Like the flame, it has been overly idealised in modern times. 19
The Olympic experience was barely fit for a slave, but visitors looked forward to the sporting contests,
the physical excellence (arete) of athletes. For many, it was a pilgrimage, as well as a sporting
endeavour, that some undertook on a regular basis. The size of the festival provided an opportunity for
the crowds to listen to writers, artists, and philosophers of the day (not part of the official programme),
and to indulge in trade and other activities that had nothing to do with sport and religion, or indeed the
organisers of the festival. In later times, Olympia was on the tourist route for wealthy Romans, as it
transcended both sport and religion. 20
Such lack of rewards from the festival itself, and the lengthy training period in Elis, must have limited
the number of athletes who actually competed at Olympia, certainly compared to the large numbers
we are familiar with today. Estimates of the total number of contestants, ranging from 200 to 400, are
in keeping with those found at the first modern Olympics in 1896. 22
The pentathlon consisted of three events that were not otherwise separate, namely the jump, discus,
and javelin (together with the stade and wrestling, if needed). Jumpers performed to music, holding
weights varying from about one to four kilogrammes. A recorded leap by Phayllus (not a specialised
jumper) of over 16 metres suggests that it was either a multiple jump (from a running or standing start),
or an exaggerated distance. Surviving specimens of discuses show that the ancients threw a heavier
and less aerodynamic discus than today’s, with correspondingly poorer results. Whether they
employed revolutions (as literature may imply) or the more restricted style used in 1896 (on the
supposed evidence of Myron’s Diskobolos) is open to debate. 29 Athletes threw the wooden javelin
with a metal tip for distance (not accuracy), with the assistance of a leather strap that would give
added momentum. The stade and wrestling came next if no athlete had won the first three events
essential for overall victory in the pentathlon. It is unclear whether there was a points system for place
(not distance or time), or whether another system such as repechage was used to determine a
winner. 30
The three combat events of wrestling, boxing, and pankration (organised with lots, and byes for
uneven numbers) had no weight divisions or time limits. An area in the stadium was marked off for
them, but without ropes. In upright wrestling, the naked and oiled contestants covered themselves
with dust. With an array of holds, they sought victory, which resulted after three falls—a fall being when
an athlete touched the ground with his shoulders. The ancients relate amazing stories about Milo, who
won five men’s Olympic victories and one for boys. The most brutal event was boxing, which
encouraged blows to the head—as is evident in sculptures and vase paintings. For a time, soft leather
straps protected boxers’ hands, but more offensive “gloves” replaced them. If the officials deemed a
contest to be too protracted, they forced the combatants to fight within a narrower area, using ladders
or poles. The pankration was a combination of martial arts, wrestling, and boxing that had only two
rules: no biting or gouging the eyes. Kicking and reverse chokes were common moves. Athletes
accepted death whenever they entered competition, with no legal consequences. According to Kyle:
“Greeks found orchestrated brutality alluring and spectacular.” 31 One may add that this was also true in
the hippic events. Even so, the Greeks also admired grace, harmony, and beauty in these contests (and
in life). 32
places in the Empire, the question of “Greekness” became harder to define. The last known Olympic
victor, in the fourth century AD, came from as far east as Armenia.
According to tradition, the Games ended either in 393 AD, when the Christian Emperor Theodosius I
closed all pagan cults, or in 426 AD, when his successor ordered the destruction of all Greek temples.
Yet no single theory fully explains the end of the Games. Some propose that moral decay, or the rise of
new religions and philosophies, was responsible, or external factors such as earthquakes and floods
that damaged the site. 36 Recent scholarship suggests that the centralised bureaucracy in Rome
gradually made it more difficult for the Games to continue, as they increasingly depended on wealthy
sponsors. The Olympics may also have fallen out of fashion. 37
On the evidence of epigraphy, it has been estimated that there were several hundred local, or civic,
festivals (chrematitic) located around the Mediterranean world. The most famous was the Panathenaia
in Athens, with its substantial prizes, judgement, and team events. According to Pausanias (6.11.2-9),
the two-time Olympic victor Theagenes in the early fifth century BC won 1,300 victories at these
crown and civic games in the space of 22 years. Hence, he averaged an incredible six wins a week on
the circuit during his lengthy career. 38
Concluding remarks
In summary, at the ancient Olympics, throughout their long history, there were no medals, no second
or third places, no females (as participants or spectators), no aquatic contests, no winter events, no
marathon, no teams, no judgement sports, and no arts competitions. Yet, there were oaths for athletes
and judges and a sacred truce (though this is sometimes misinterpreted). Even after the addition of
further crown games (and local festivals), the Olympics reigned supreme. The fifth century BC poet
Pindar (Olympian 1) composed victory odes for winners at all four Panhellenic Games but proclaimed
“there were no Games greater than those at Olympia.”
Thought-provoking questions
1. To what extent can the ancient Olympic Games be considered politically incorrect according
to modern standards?
2. Explain how the ancient Olympics developed from a single race into a mega event in the Greek
world.
3. Discuss to what extent the ancient Olympics were associated with religion.
4. What did ancient and modern visitors have in common when visiting the Olympics?
5. Discuss the statement that the modern Games, however entertaining and laudable, have
become more and more removed from those of ancient Olympia.
Further readings
- Finley, Moses, and Henry Pleket. The Olympic Games: The First Thousand Years. London:
Chatto & Windus, 1976.
- Reid, Heather. Olympic philosophy: The Ideas and Ideals behind the Ancient and
Modern Olympic Games. Sioux City, Iowa: Parnassos Press, 2020.
- Spivey, Nigel. The Ancient Olympics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.
- Swaddling, Judith. The Ancient Olympic Games. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2015.
Credits
Figure 1: © Toubis
Picture 1: © IOC / Chaman Atelier Multimédia
Picture 2: © 2009 / International Olympic Committee (IOC) / JUILLIART, Richard
Picture 3: © 1989 / International Olympic Committee (IOC)
Picture 4: © International Olympic Committee (IOC) / NICHOLSON, Catherine
Endnotes
1. Norman Gardiner, Athletics of the Ancient World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1930) and Harold Harris, Greek Athletes and
Athletics (London: Hutchinson, 1964) fall into this category, despite being useful in parts.
2. David Young, The Olympic Myth of Greek Amateur Athletes (Chicago: Ares, 1984), 44-183.
3. Nigel Crowther, Athletika: Studies on the Olympic Games and Greek Athletics (Hildesheim: Weidmann, 2004), 20-24.
4. Donald Kyle, Sport and Spectacle in the Ancient World (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), 99-101.
5. Donald Kyle, “Greek Athletic Competitions. The Ancient Olympics and More,” in A Companion to Sport and Spectacle in
Greek and Roman History, ed. Paul Christesen and Donald Kyle (Chichester: Wiley and Blackwell, 2014), 22.
6. David Young, A Brief History of the Olympic Games (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), 4.
7. Michael Scott, Delphi and Olympia: The Spatial Politics of Panhellenism in the Archaic and Classical Periods (Cambridge:
University Press, 2010), 146ff.
8. For an account of the myths, rituals, and funeral games, see Ludwig Drees, Olympia: Gods, Artists, and Athletes, trans.
Gerald Onn (New York: Praeger, 1968), 26-32.
9. Christoph Ulf, “Die Mythen um Olympia: politischer Gehalt und politische Intention,” Nikephoros 10 (1997): 9-51, who
discusses the myths in detail.
10. Mark Golden, Greek Sport and Social Status (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008), 23.
11. Kyle, Sport, 104-05.
12. For a full discussion, see Paul Christesen, Olympic Victor Lists and Ancient Greek History (Cambridge: University Press,
2007), 45-160.