Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

CHALLENGES CHRISTIANITY HAS FACED IN

PAPUA NEW GUINEA: LESSONS FOR TODAY
Doug Hanson

Doug is an American who lectures at the Christian Leaders’ Training

College in Papua New Guinea. He is currently in the United States in
order to complete a Doctor of Missiology through Western Seminary in
Portland, Oregon. His doctoral research focuses on contextualisation.
This article has come from his research.

INTRODUCTION
Papua New Guinea has often been called a Christian nation, since the vast
majority of the people identify themselves with Christianity. However, the
people of Papua New Guinea are still heavily influenced by primal
religion.1 This begs the question as to the challenges that Christianity has
faced, and continues to face, in Papua New Guinea. A brief journey
through the history of Christianity in Papua New Guinea provides two
answers to the question.

PAPUA NEW GUINEA: A CHRISTIAN NATION?

There is freedom of religion in Papua New Guinea, with 97 percent of the
population classified as Christian (58 percent as Protestants, 28 percent as
Catholics, and 14 percent as other). Evangelicals comprise 21 percent of
the population, while Charismatics/Pentecostals comprise 22 percent.2
Despite the apparent domination of Christianity within Papua New

1
Instead of using other designations for the traditional religious beliefs of Papua New
Guineans – such as animism, tribalism, native, or pagan – I have chosen to use the term
primal religion. According to Harold Turner, primal religion is “the most basic or
fundamental” religious system, and has “preceded and contributed to the other great
religious systems”. Harold Turner, “The Primal Religions of the World and Their
Study”, in Australian Essays in World Religions, Victor C. Hayes, ed., (Bedford Park
SA: Australian Association for the Study of Religion, 1977), p. 28.
2
Patrick Johnstone and Jason Mandryk, Operation World: 21st-century Edition
(Waynesboro GA: Paternoster Press, 2001), pp. 510-511.

82
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

Guinea, primal religion still greatly influences the worldview of Papua

New Guineans. Abel Haon, commenting from an emic perspective, states,
“Christians are known to regularly seek the help of traditional healers,
when medical treatment and prayer fails to exhibit anticipated results.”3
R. N. Bulmer, reflecting on the historical impact of Christianity on the
Kyaka people of the Enga Province, states that every Kyaka person
(Christian or otherwise) “believes in the existence or powers of the ghosts
and other beings in the traditional cosmology”.4 He argues that God, Jesus
Christ, and Satan have simply been added to the existing cosmological
beliefs of the Kyaka people. Operation World sums up the status of
Christianity in Papua New Guinea, “the ready acceptance of the gospel has
resulted in a superficial Christianity of the majority without a radical
transformation of basic values and beliefs”, and the “fear of witchcraft and
evil spirits are widespread”.5 This should not be surprising as Papua New
Guineans practised primal religion for thousands of years prior to the
arrival of the first missionaries in the mid-19th century.

A BROAD LOOK: PHASES OF GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY

Franco Zocca highlights several challenges as part of his discussion of the
growth of Christianity in Papua New Guinea. He categorises the growth
into four phases. The first phase was the Period of Contact, from 1850 to
1900.6 Missionaries used several strategies in the first phase, which
included bringing co-workers, who were indigenous Christians from other
South Pacific islands, bringing goods to exchange (i.e., axes, knives),
focusing first on small off-shore islands, starting schools, and obtaining
large amounts of land (to build schools, health clinics, etc.).7 Christianity
came late to Papua New Guinea, when compared to other South Pacific
islands. Forman notes, “Thus, while Christianity was well-planted in the

3
Abel Haon, “The Church Impacting Melanesia: a Case for People-Centred and
Participatory Ministry”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology, 24-1 (2008), p. 22.
4
R. N. H. Bulmer, “The Kyaka of the Western Highlands”, in Gods, Ghosts, and Men
in Melanesia, P. Lawrence and M. J. Meggitt, eds, (reprint, Melbourne Vic: Oxford
University Press, 1972), p. 159.
5
Patrick Johnstone and Jason Mandryk, Operation World, pp. 510-511.
6
Franco Zocca, Melanesia and Its Churches: Past and Present, Point 31 (2007), p. 131.
7
Ibid., pp. 132-134.

83
Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

Pacific by 1900, it showed very different stages of growth in different

areas.”8

The second phase, from 1900-1942, was the Phase of Penetration.9

During this phase, there was a clash of ideals. Zocca writes, “When a
denomination opposed the use of traditional stimulants, kava, or betel nut,
they encountered stiff resistance, because such customs were tightly linked
to other aspects of the culture, such as the demonstration of friendliness,
and contact with spirits.”10 Another combative topic was marriage. A big-
man often had multiple wives, and he was reluctant to limit himself to just
one wife – having more than one wife represented wealth and influence.
There was also questioning of the process of becoming married.
Marriages, traditionally, were arranged, involved exchanges, and were a
long process (throughout which sexual relations were allowed). Some
missionaries felt that marriages should not be arranged, there should be no
exchanges, and there should be more precision as to when a couple was
considered married.

The third phase was the Phase of Absorption, from 1945 to 1975.11
During this phase, Papua New Guineans redirected the teachings of
Christianity to bring them in line with traditional beliefs. Papua New
Guineans “often adopted Christian truths and practices as additions to, or
as ‘functional substitutes’, for their native beliefs and rites”.12 For
example, angels and demons joined the good and bad spirit beings of
traditional religion, and the power of the Holy Spirit was allied with the
power of mana.13 Another aspect of the Absorption phase was an increase

8
Charles W. Forman, The Island Churches of the South Pacific: Emergence in the
Twentieth Century (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1982), p. 9.
9
Forman uses the same years of 1900-1942 in categorising the spread of Christianity in
the South Pacific, which highlights the impact of World War II on missions in the South
Pacific. Forman, The Island Churches of the South Pacific, p. vii.
10
Zocca, Melanesia and Its Churches, p. 142.
11
Ibid., p. 150.
12
Ibid., p. 153.
13
Mana “is kind of a life force”, which manifests itself as power and strength. Darrell
Whiteman, “Melanesian Religions: An Overview”, in An Introduction to Melanesian
Religions, Point 6 (1984), p. 100.

84
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

in appointing Papua New Guineans to leadership positions in the church.

For example, the Anglicans, “who were far behind the New Guinea
Lutherans and the United church in indigenous leadership”, created a
Papua New Guinea synod in 1971, and, by 1977, had appointed two
indigenous bishops.14

The fourth phase, from 1975 to the present, is the Phase of Autonomy.15
In this phase, churches moved towards self-sufficiency. Missionaries
slowly left the country, and churches became responsible for their own
“organisation, finances, and personnel”.16

Reflecting on growth of Christianity, Zocca believes there are several

factors that motivated the people to embrace Christianity.17 The first was
the belief that Christianity could bring material benefits. This belief grew
out of seeing the missionaries with so many material possessions, and the
people’s desire for such possessions. Second, was the victorious nature of
Christianity, as exhibited in power encounters. In power encounters, God
proved Himself to be more powerful than spirits. Third, Papua New
Guineans would equate education with Christianity – since missionaries
ran many schools. Fourth, was the personality of the missionary. The
more favourable a missionary’s personality, the more people became
Christians. Fifth, was the non-existence of a priestly class in primal
religion; there was no one to oppose the growing acceptance of
Christianity. Sixth, was a matter of prestige, linking the new Christian
with the world of the Westerners. Seventh, was the message of peace and
reconciliation that Christianity brought to the tribal-fighting cultures of
Papua New Guinea.

A CLOSER LOOK: THE GOGODALA OF WESTERN PROVINCE

The Evangelical Church of Papua, which grew out of the work of the
Unevangelized Fields Mission (UFM), was formed in 1966. Ross

14
Forman, The Island Churches of the South Pacific, p. 174.
15
Zocca, Melanesia and Its Churches, p. 155.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid., pp. 146-148. Zocca mentions these factors in relationship to the second phase.
However, in many ways, they could be applied to all phases.

85
Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

Weymouth has studied the history of the Evangelical Church of Papua,

especially as it relates to the Gogodala people of Western Province. A
closer look at this specific history will provide answers to our question.

Weymouth begins with the historical social structure of the Gogodala

people in the pre-contact period – the time before missionaries began their
work as residential missionaries in 1932.18 The largest political unit was
the village, with further division into moieties, clans, and sub-clans.19
Each of these groups had a totem (animals, birds, plants, and other
objects), while each sub-clan had a canoe, which was identified with their
totem. One of the distinguishing marks of the Gogodalas was the long
house. Each village had a long house, measuring 35 metres in length, and
capable of sleeping the whole village. The Gogodalas were a patrilineal
kinship society. Marriages were intra-village marriages, based on sister-
exchange, with polygyny practised. Village government was democratic.20
There, were, however, two prominent men in village leadership: kanaba –
the fight leader, Guwali – the chief sorcerer. The kanaba position was
non-hereditary. The Guwali position was hereditary – father to son – and
the Guwali had to be a member of wagumiesi or awala clans. Clan elders
held councils, and made consensus village decisions. Warfare was an
integral part of society; the main reason was revenge for a wrong (murder,
trouble with women, land disputes).

Traditional beliefs in the pre-contact period were typical of those in Papua

New Guinea.21 The Gogodala did not believe in one god, rather their focus
was on relationships with ancestral spirits. Myths were used to explain
cosmic order (origin, economic system, and socio-political structure). One
such myth told how the ancestor Ibali brought Gogodalas to their present
land, and determined the structure of society. The Gogodala believed that
limo (soul or power) resided in all things. Man possessed limo, but could

18
Ross Weymouth, “The Gogodala Society in Papua and the Unevangelized Fields
Mission: 1890-1977” (Ph.D. thesis, Adelaide SA: Flinders University of South Australia,
1978), pp. 17-24.
19
“Moieties” are divisions of tribes, normally into two parts.
20
Weymouth, “The Gogodala Society”, p. 22.
21
Ibid., pp. 25-32.

86
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

transmit ugu (nature spirit) to items made – such as a canoe. Aida was a
rattle, which contained its own ugu. Rattling of the aida produced good or
bad acts by the ugu. During dreams, the limo could depart and act upon
its own; however, at death, the limo departed permanently. Death was
normally attributed to revenge by spirits – spiritual activity. Sorcerers
could cause injury by adding poison to dirt from footprints of the targeted
person. Sickness could be cured by paying the healer or sorcerer to
perform the appropriate ritual. Seasons, rains, and the success of crops
were all controlled by rituals. Public ceremonies were held for major
events, such as, birth, reaching manhood, travel, warfare, building of
houses, building of canoes, and death. Aida was used especially in
initiation of males.

The first UFM missionaries arrived in 1932, at Madiri on the Fly River in
Western Province.22 UFM’s goal was to evangelise and establish churches
along the Fly River, and its surrounding region. In 1933, Albert Drysdale,
an unmarried young missionary, moved east to live among the Gogodala.
Drysdale believed that the best approach to evangelising the Gogodala was
to live among the people, and to adopt their manner of living, as far as
possible. His strategy was to build friendships, learn the language to
translate scripture and write hymns, and to teach literacy to the Gogodala,
so they could read scripture. Education was, therefore, viewed as
evangelistic activity. However, the reason the Gogodala people wanted to
learn to read was because they believed literacy was the reason for the
missionaries’ material success. Other missionary methods included
itinerant preaching in villages, and medical work. In preaching, the
missionaries emphasised certain doctrinal tenants: God created all things;
the breaking of God’s law (the Ten Commandments) was sin, and it results
in eternal punishment in hell; the substitutionary atonement of Jesus
Christ, which, if accepted, resulted in eternal life in heaven. Missionaries
also prayed for the Holy Spirit to bring conviction, believing it was a
necessary prerequisite for conversion. Customs, such as, smoking,
chewing betel nut, and drinking alcohol were discouraged.

22
Ibid., pp. 128-145.

87
Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

Christianity began to impact Gogodala society in many ways. One impact

was related to taboos.23 For example, girls were traditionally not allowed
to eat watermelon. Despite this taboo, one girl went ahead and ate
watermelon, and broke out in sores three days later. The sores were
interpreted as punishment by slighted spirits. The missionary then prayed
for the girl and the sores disappeared two days later. The girl and her
friends embraced Christianity, because, in their view, God had shown He
was more powerful than the spirits. Another impact was related to
healing.24 A pig had severely gored a Gogodala man. The missionary
tended to the man’s wounds, and provided round-the-clock care, during
which time the missionary explained the gospel to him. After recovering,
the man asked the missionary to teach him how to pray to God, resulting in
conversion. A third impact was related to spirits.25 Imowa embraced
Christianity, because his wife, during spells of madness, fell in water or
fire – which he claimed was the work of evil spirits. However, after a few
years, when his wife had not been cured, he reverted to traditional religious
practices.

In 1936, a revival swept through the Gogodala.26 One result was the
public burning of idols (images of men without legs, snakes, twisted wood,
broken sticks, arrows, and many other things). The burning of idols
demonstrated that the Christian God was more powerful than the spirits of
the Gogodala. During the following months, many converted to
Christianity.27 The events of 1936 became a reference point for further
movements toward Christianity. Weymouth notes that there were two
ways missionaries sought to interface Christianity with culture. The first
was to adapt Christian beliefs and practices to cultural practices. A
second was to completely break from traditional cultural practices, in
implementing Christianity. UFM missionaries favoured the second

23
Ibid., p. 149.
24
John Prince and Moyra Prince, No Fading Vision: The First 50 Years of Asia Pacific
Christian Mission (Hong Kong: Computype Typesetting, 1981), pp. 25-27.
25
Weymouth, “The Gogodala Society”, p. 153.
26
Prince, No Fading Vision, p. 46.
27
Weymouth, “The Gogodala Society”, pp. 154-155.

88
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

method, a complete break.28 As the movement to burn icons moved from

Gogodala village to village, some people (namely men of influence) were
ready to fight the people if they did not burn the icons. Many years later,
Christians would reflect on these actions with mixed reactions. Weymouth
affirms that many of the villages involved in destroying idols, “soon felt
the void, which followed the suppression of their traditional religion, and
turned back to former beliefs and practices. Such villages, for years after,
became hardened, and even hostile to future attempts at Christian
proselytism.”29 The idol-burning seemed to occur too early in the
evangelisation process.

In general, there were several reasons Gogodala people became Christians:

the power of God proved, through destruction of idols, the hope of material
benefits (cargo mentality), the freedom from fear of attack by malicious
spirits, being healed from sickness, and the fear of hell (a concern that an
angry God would punish with fire).30 However, when the Gogodala did
convert, it proved to be critical to incorporate them into the Christian
community, instruct them carefully in the Christian faith, and install them
in leadership positions when ready.

World War II impacted the Gogodala church. Before the missionaries

evacuated the country, they instituted Gogodalans as church elders –
hoping they would continue the work of spreading the gospel. During the
war years, not surprisingly, teaching on the end-times led to many
conversions. After the war, the church spread into other parts of Western
Province and into Southern Highlands Province, mainly due to the
evangelistic efforts of the Gogodalan church. In the 1960s, UFM began to
give indigenous pastors more authority and responsibility in their local
churches (a completely village-based church vs. mission-station-oriented
church authority and structure). All support of indigenous pastors became
the responsibility of indigenous church. In 1966, UFM churches formed
the Evangelical Church of Papua.

28
Ibid., pp. 161-162.
29
Ibid., p. 171.
30
Ibid., pp. 165-170.

89
Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

Weymouth provides several salient reflections on the impact of

Christianity among the Gogodala people. Firstly, Christianity, at the
grass-roots level, at least, had proved to be little more than an integrating
of Christian facts with Gogodala values and assumptions.31 Secondly,
Gogodalas often viewed God as retributive, imposing their culture view of
malicious spirits onto God. This concept was reinforced by teachings of
missionaries about God’s judgment on sin (the flood, Sodom and
Gomorrah, Second Coming).32 Thirdly, the Gogodala concept of salvation
was temporal, focusing on being saved from sickness and injury. Fourthly,
sin, viewed as taboos by Gogodalas, was perceived as no more than
taboos, which must be obeyed in order to secure the benefits of
Christianity – eternal life, freedom from spirit oppression and sickness,
and material prosperity – and to avoid God’s punishment.33 Fifthly, prayer
was viewed as proclaiming the right spell or formula to coerce God to
act.34 In summary, Weymouth noted, “Evangelicals are now belatedly
recognising the fact that the process of communicating the gospel cannot
be isolated from either the culture of the missionary, or that of the
hearers.”35

A SKEWED PICTURE: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

As Christianity has been established across Papua New Guinea, new
religious movements have arisen. These movements came into being as the
people had to continually respond to the changes their country was going
through, which forced an on-going evaluation of their worldview.36 Some
of the new religious movements are referred to as “cargo cults”. The term
refers to an “intense religious movement, of short duration, and limited in
its geographic spread”, which is built around “a prophecy of the coming
abundant supplies and materials, to be brought or sent by ancestors”.37
John Strelan rightfully argues that cargo cults are often a search for a

31
Ibid., p. 329.
32
Ibid., p. 335.
33
Ibid., p. 336.
34
Ibid., p. 337.
35
Ibid., p. 363.
36
Ibid., p. 328.
37
Zocca, Melanesia and Its Churches, p. 165.

90
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

culturally defined salvation – that of material blessings in this life.38 A few

new religious movements that show an interface between Christianity and
culture are discussed below – especially new religious movements with
cargo expectations.

The Paliau Movement (1946-1954) occurred on the island of Manus. The

movement’s leader, Paliau, taught a new strict way of life, forsaking
traditional practices. It included building churches, caring for cemeteries,
and visualising material blessings.39 The new way of life “was thought to
be able to hasten the arrival of ships loaded with all sorts of goods for the
indigenes”.40 However, the ships never materialised.41 The Baluan Native
Christian United Church grew out of the Paliau Movement.42 Instead of
using the term “Trinity”, the church uses the term “Wing Wang Wong”,
where “Wing” represents God the Father (and anything that does not
change), “Wang” represents God the Son, and “Wong” represents God the
Holy Spirit (and the government).43 Further teaching is that the angels,
with Wing’s approval, elected Laitsan (Satan) to be their king, and Jesus
to be the government. However, Laitsan failed in his duties – mainly due
to lying – so Jesus “became both the King and the government”.44 Hence,
governments that lie must be overthrown.

In 1976, the Bilip Grup movement began along the Waria River in Morobe
Province.45 A SIL missionary, Ernst Richert, after 16 years of translation,
published the Guhu-Samane New Testament in 1975. After Richert’s
departure, a man name Ubabae received direction from the Holy Spirit to

38
John G. Strelan, Search for Salvation: Studies in the History and Theology of Cargo
Cults (Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing House, 1977), pp. 67-83.
39
Polonhou Pokawin, “Developments in the Paliau Movement”, in Religious
Movements in Melanesia Today (1), Point 2 (1983), p. 105.
40
Zocca, Melanesia and Its Churches, p. 168.
41
Pokawin, “Developments in the Paliau Movement”, pp. 105-106.
42
G. W. Trompf, Melanesian Religion (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press,
1991), p. 222.
43
Pokawin, “Developments in the Paliau Movement”, p. 107.
44
Ibid., p. 108.
45
Wendy Flannery, “Bilip Grup”, in Religious Movements in Melanesia Today (2),
Point 3 (1983), p. 156.

91
Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

move his village from the mountains down to the grasslands to a “holy
place”.46 Once there, Ubabae travelled to nearby villages, teaching about
Jesus and conversion. Three other leaders emerged, and the impact of the
movement deepened. Characteristics of the Bilip Grup movement included
an emphasis on Bible teaching, conversion, confession, community, the
Holy Spirit and His gifts, prayer, worship, and the return of Christ.47
People were to stop doing many daily activities of life to pray for the
return of Christ. These activities included abandoning their gardens, not
going to school, and to stop doing community work. One belief, associated
with Christ’s return, was that a ship would come up the Waria River and
bring livestock and material goods. Airstrips were cleared for the arrival
of planes bearing material goods. People implored “the dead to send them
gifts of clothes, blankets, and money”.48

In 1988, Charles Melawa started the Niu Laip Bilong Olgeta movement in
the Nuku district of West Sepik Province.49 Melawa, a member of the
South Sea Evangelical church, claimed to receive visions from God,
instructing him to start a new church. Melawa taught that ancestors would
bring money and cargo, the Bible came from white men and not from God,
Jesus was just a man empowered by the Holy Spirit, Jesus died to save
white men only, and Melawa was the saviour of Papua New Guineans.50
The South Sea Evangelical church dismissed Melawa in 1989.

The early 1990s saw the establishment of the Joshua Operation. Based on
the book of Joshua in the Old Testament, churches around the country
were encouraged to redeem the land to “enter into an era of prosperity”.51
Redemption meant converting cultural practices, which did not honour
God, into practices that did. In East Sepik Province, for example, the
people traditionally appeased the gods of the yams before planting to
46
Ibid., p. 160.
47
Ibid., pp. 164-174.
48
Ibid., pp. 164-176.
49
Sebby Wasamande, “A Critique of the Niu Laip Bilong Olgeta Movement”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology, 15-2 (1999), p. 12.
50
Ibid., pp. 19-31.
51
George Mombi, “Impact of the Prosperity Gospel in the Assemblies of God Church in
Papua New Guinea”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology, 25-1 (2009), p. 44.

92
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

ensure a good harvest. The people were now to worship Christ when
planting. Ultimately, Joshua Operation adherents expect an age of
immense material blessing.

As of 2004, the Pomio Kivung movement had a presence on the northern

tip of the island of New Britain. With roots in the 1950s, the Pomio
Kivung movement blends traditional cargo cult beliefs with Christian
beliefs. Members expectantly await ancestors to bring riches and observe
a modified Ten Commandments.52 The movement “features extensive
inter-tribal cooperation, centralisation, hierarchy, and uniformity”, which
“has led to its longevity”.53

The Black Jesus movement arose in Madang Province around 2003.

Steven Tari, the Black Jesus, promised that, if people followed him, then
goods and money would fall out of the sky.54 He had as many as 6,000
followers, but was eventually jailed for sexual assault of minors. Then, in
2007, a Jesus cult movement surfaced in West New Britain Province.55
People began worshipping Andrew Sebamanu as their Jesus. Sebamanu
taught an altered Ten Commandments, reflecting his name instead of
God’s. Sebamanu also promised that, if people gave him oil palm and
fresh fruit, then they would live in nicer houses in the future.

A couple of prominent themes – as movement leaders interfaced

Christianity with culture – run through the new religious movements
mentioned above. We see an emphasis on the expectation of material
blessings, often anticipated by following rules related to Christianity and
culture. We also see a redefinition of Christ: Christ is viewed primarily as
the bringer of material blessings, as a man, as government, and as replaced
by a Papua New Guinean.

52
John Aranda Cabrido, “Sketches for a Dialogue with the Pomio Kivung: a Cargo Cult
in the Merai Sub-Parish”, in Catalyst, 36-2 (2006), p. 121.
53
Ibid.
54
<http://www.religionnewsblog.com/14845/Cult-leader-on-the-run-in-Papua-New-
Guinea> March 6, 2009.
55
“Cult claims surface in WNB: Witnesses claim cult leader is Jesus”, in The National
(January 24, 2007), p. 3.

93
Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

CONCLUSION
What challenges has Christianity faced in Papua New Guinea? There are
many challenges that could be drawn from the history, above; however, we
will just mention two. Firstly, Papua New Guineans often defined God
from a cultural perspective. For example, the cultural view of spirits was
imposed upon God, thus understanding Him as primarily a retributive
being, one that needs to be pacified through keeping taboos and offering
prayers. God was understood to be powerful; therefore, He was viewed as
a source of power for living (among other sources of power). Christ was
also redefined in a variety of ways (a man, etc.), which, obviously, results
in a redefining of God. Secondly, the cultural view of salvation, which
focused on a satisfied daily life, was merged with corrupted biblical
teaching (altered Ten Commandments, altered Jesus, etc.) to meet cultural
expectations. The cultural view of salvation caused people to become
Christians for non-eternal reasons, such as the expectation of physical
benefits (cargo, access to education, prestige, tribal peace, etc.).

These same challenges face Christianity today in Papua New Guinea, as

evidenced by the continuing influence of primal religion upon the people’s
beliefs. The scriptural versus cultural understanding of God and salvation
continues to be monumental challenges that Christianity faces in Papua
New Guinea. Therefore, we must always be careful to be true to scripture
– but relevant to culture – in our discussion of God and salvation within
the Papua New Guinea context. Only then will history not continue to
repeat itself.

REFERENCES
Bulmer, R. N. H., “The Kyaka of the Western Highlands”, in Gods,
Ghosts, and Men in Melanesia, P. Lawrence and M. J. Meggitt,
eds, Melbourne Vic: Oxford University Press, 1972.
Cabrido, John Aranda, “Sketches for a Dialogue with the Pomio Kivung: a
Cargo Cult in the Merai Sub-Parish”, in Catalyst, 36-2 (2006).
Flannery, Wendy, “Bilip Grup”, in Religious Movements in Melanesia
Today (2), Point 3 (1983).

94
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 28-2 (2012)

Forman, Charles W., The Island Churches of the South Pacific:

Emergence in the Twentieth Century, Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books,
1982.
Haon, Abel, “The Church Impacting Melanesia: a Case for People-Centred
and Participatory Ministry”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology,
24-1 (2008).
Johnstone, Patrick, and Jason Mandryk, Operation World: 21st-century
Edition, Waynesboro GA: Paternoster Press, 2001.
Mombi, George, “Impact of the Prosperity Gospel in the Assemblies of
God Church in Papua New Guinea”, in Melanesian Journal of
Theology, 25-1 (2009).
Pokawin, Polonhou, “Developments in the Paliau Movement”, in Religious
Movements in Melanesia Today (1), Point 2 (1983).
Prince, John, and Moyra Prince, No Fading Vision: The First 50 Years of
Asia Pacific Christian Mission, Hong Kong: Computype
Typesetting, 1981.
Strelan, John G., Search for Salvation: Studies in the History and
Theology of Cargo Cults, Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing House,
1977.
Trompf, G. W., Melanesian Religion, Cambridge UK: Cambridge
University Press, 1991.
Turner, Harold, “The Primal Religions of the World and Their Study”, in
Australian Essays in World Religions, Victor C. Hayes, ed.,
Bedford Park SA: Australian Association for the Study of Religion,
1977.
Wasamande, Sebby, “A Critique of the Niu Laip Bilong Olgeta
Movement”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology, 15-2 (1999).
Weymouth, Ross, “The Gogodala Society in Papua and the Unevangelized
Fields Mission: 1890-1977”, Ph.D. thesis, Adelaide SA: Flinders
University of South Australia, 1978.
Whiteman, Darrell, “Melanesian Religions: An Overview”, in An
Introduction to Melanesian Religions, Point 6 (1984).
Zocca, Franco, Melanesia and Its Churches: Past and Present, Point 31
(2007).

95