DIRECTORATE OF DISTANCE EDUCATON

UNIVERSITY OF NORTH BENGAL

MASTER OF ARTS - HISTORY

SEMESTER-IV

HISTORY OF NORTH BENGAL (1757 A.D.-1947A.D.)

ELECTIVE 406

BLOCK–2
UNIVERSITY OF NORTH BENGAL
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University of North Bengal,
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First Published in 2019

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 FOREWORD

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HISTORY OF NORTH BENGAL (1757
A.D.-1947A.D.)
BLOCK-1

Unit 1: Emergence of Modern North Bengal

Unit 2: Pre-colonial North Bengal; North Bengal and Sub-Himalayan
Unit 3: Region-adjoining areas: Ethno Socio-Religious confluence
Unit 4: Colonial penetration
Unit 5: Colonial administration
Unit 6: Re-organization of North Bengal
Unit 7: History of Migration: Demographic Changes: New Social
Structure

BLOCK-2

Unit 8: History Of The Cooch Behar Raj Since 1772 .......................... 6

Unit 9: Cultural Response And Reaction ............................................ 28

Unit 10: Land Revenue SETTLEMENT: Plantation Economy........ 52

Unit 11: Forestry And Commercialization Of Agriculture ............... 76

Unit 12: Protest Movement: Peasant Movement And Plantation

Worker Movement .............................................................................. 106

Unit 13: Social Movements ................................................................. 135

Unit 14: Saga Of National Movement ............................................... 159

BLOCK-2 HISTORY OF NORTH
BENGAL (1757 A.D.-1947A.D.)
Introduction to the Block

Unit 8 deals with History of the Cooch Behar Raj since 1772. Cooch
Behar, at present a district of West Bengal, is a picturesque town with its
planned straightcut roads , innumerable ponds , beautiful temples , build
-ings and above all the magnificent Royal Palace, which is now under the
supervision of the Archeological Survey of India attracted the tourists
from all over the world.
Unit 9 deals with Cultural Response and Reaction. These kinds of
frustrations are likely to solve themselves as you become more
knowledgeable and competent in the new culture. They probably fall
under the category of‖ culture fatigue."
Unit 10 deals with Land Revenue Settlement: Plantation Economy. It has
been seen in the discussion of the earlier chapter that North Bengal is the
main producer of tea of West Bengal, the second largest tea growing
state of India.
Unit 11 deals with Forestry and Commercialization of Agriculture. In an
economically stagnating region like North Bengal, agriculture is very
much dominating among should other economic parameters.
Unit 12 deals with Protest Movement: Peasant movement and Plantation
worker movement. Their wages have not seen any real increase for so
many years. Women who are a major workforce in the industry continue
to face increased discrimination.
Unit 13 deals with Social movements. The present proposed Dissertation
will highlight both the major and minor Social and Political Movements
of North Bengal during 1911-1969.
Unit 14 deals with Saga of National Movement. One of the most
unpopular and terrible measure of the British Indian Government was the
Partition of Bengal in 1905.
 UNIT 8: HISTORY OF THE COOCH
BEHAR RAJ SINCE 1772
STRUCTURE
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 History of Cooch Behar Raj
8.3 Early history: Mughal interference, Mughal-Koch conflicts (1587–
1680)
8.4 Bhutanese invasions, Bhutan-Tibet-Koch conflicts, Bhutanese
reversals (1680–1772)
8.5 British East India Company acquires control
8.6 Let us sum up
8.7 Key Words
8.8 Questions for Review
8.9 Suggested readings and references
8.10 Answers to Check Your Progress

8.0 OBJECTIVES
After this unit, we can able to know:
 History of Cooch Behar Raj
 Early history: Mughal interference, Mughal-Koch conflicts (1587–
1680)
 Bhutanese invasions, Bhutan-Tibet-Koch conflicts, Bhutanese
reversals (1680–1772)
 British East India Company acquires control

8.1 INTRODUCTION
THE PRINCELY status of Cooch Behar may only be living in the hearts
of the people, the ‗Maharaja‘ resides in his two-storeyed ‗palace‘, and
waits for the return of the ―lost glory‖. He holds his court outside; a
plastic table and three chairs fill space while the bright yellow flag of the
ever-in-making ‗Greater Cooch Behar‘ flutters in the wind. It is this
―independent state‖, the ‗Greater Cooch Behar‘, that ‗Maharaja‘ Ananta
Rai claims to be the ―king‖ of. And the ‗king‘ counts Prime Minister
6
 Notes
Narendra Modi as one of his allies. Not one to regard politics, the
‗Maharaja‘ has put faith in the BJP this election season, with hope that
the cherished dream of attaining statehood will come true.

That would bring the ‗king‘ out of the ―exile‖.

―I do not have land nor do I have the authority to rule. I am a king
because the people here made me the king. I am a king in exile,‖ Ananta
Rai, linked historically to the royal family of Cooch Behar, said. It is this
royal history the region could never let go of. Residents believe Cooch
Behar‘s inclusion into West Bengal was ―illegal‖ and against the treaty
signed between the Government of India and their then king, Maharaja
Jagaddipendra Narayan, on August 28, 1949.

In 1998 came the Greater Cooch Behar People‘s Association (GCPA) —

and the title of ‗Maharaja‘ for Ananta Rai — with the sole aim of
ensuring that the ‗Greater Cooch Behar‘ area is recognised either as a
separate ‗C‘ category state or a Union Territory. ―Cooch Behar has been
a part of a democracy only for a few years. We have always been a
monarchy. We have tried and adapted to the Constitution and democracy
but it is not in our blood,‖ Rai says.

While the BJP has never publicly endorsed Cooch Behar‘s demand for a
statehood, Rai is confident that the saffron party‘s government at the
Centre will ―accept‖ it. ―Elections aren‘t for us, but we are supporting
Modi and the BJP. They are the only ones who have given us any
support. Our people attend BJP‘s rallies and while I can‘t ask anyone to
vote for a particular party, I have asked the Koch-Rajbanshis (the
region‘s indigenous population) to consider the BJP‘s promise,‖ he said.

An indication of the people‘s support was seen in Siliguri on April 7,

when thousands of GCPA supporters had turned up for Modi‘s rally.

While Modi himself remains reticent on commenting on GCPA‘s

demand, Home Minister Rajnath Singh promised while speaking in
Tufanganj recently that the NDA government would ―do whatever is

7
Notes
possible‖ for the movement. ―I want you (the people of Cooch Behar) to
believe that our government will do whatever is possible to ensure that
your identity is preserved…I have told Maharaja Ananta Rai that the
government has and will continue to stand with you,‖ Singh had said.

As the roaring lion and the elephant of the Koch dynasty‘s coat of arms
stare back from the walls and doors of the palace, Rai digs into his life
and politics, comes out with references from the past. He speaks of
Maharani Gina Narayan, Cooch Behar‘s blonde queen who landed in the
Calcutta of 1960s, with disconcerting immediacy. Rai switches between
past and present, constitutional apathy, political disregard and the ill-
treatment of the Koch-Rajbanshis is summarized simply.

―Cooch Behar was never a part of India and now we have to bow our
heads to the rules and regulations that aren‘t ours,‖ he says. He refers to
the letters between the GCPA and the Union government, reports written
by academics, historical documents and sepia photographs before he
concludes, ―In exchange, we got nothing — no development, no jobs.
We want our lost glory back.‖

But even as he speaks of the many ways in which Kolkata and Delhi
ignored the needs of the Koch-Rajbanshis — deemed a scheduled caste
in West Bengal — he grudgingly admits that Bangsibadan Barman, the
first general secretary of the GCPA and currently the leader of a separate
faction of the group — continues to hold influence on the community.

When Rai was meeting representatives of the central government,

Barman — still one with political ambitions — was organising a ‗Rail
Roko‘ agitation in February. Formerly with the Students Federation of
India (SFI), Barman is presently on the run, according to the police. But
Rai believes otherwise. ―I think he has made an understanding with the
Trinamool Congress. He stays out of jail and works against us and the
BJP.‖

8
 Notes
While Barman couldn‘t be contacted, a close aide said, ―The Rail Roko
agitation was completely peaceful. It was the police who unleashed
atrocities on us. Since then, Dada (Barman) has been on the run. But we
will be coming back soon, and stronger. The Centre will never simply
‗give‘ us our right. They will use us, like previous governments in the
past.‖

8.2 HISTORY OF COOCH BEHAR RAJ

Cooch Behar, at present a district of West Bengal, is a picturesque town
with its planned straightcut roads , innumerable ponds , beautiful temples
, build -ings and above all the magnificent Royal Palace, which is now
under the supervision of the Archeological Survey of India attracted the
tourists from all over the world . This erstwhile princely state still bears
the glory and fame because of the endeavour of the State during the time
of the Maharajas , particularly from the second half of the nineteenth
century till the merger of the State with Indian union in 1949 . The
history of Cooch Behar is a multiple dimensional picture which consists
of social - cultural – political – economic history of the princely state. At
the same time it represents the welfare activities of the Maharajas . The
advanced modern ideas of the rulers set an example in British India. In
one side the history of Cooch Behar explains the Anglo – Cooch Behar
relations since 1772 ; on the other side it explains Cooch Behar –
Bhutanese relations . Thus we find a new chapter in the history of Cooch
Behar . The weakness of the Koch ruler gave the Bhutias an opportunity
to meddle into the internal affairs of Cooch Behar State ( practically
Bhutan became the king – maker of Cooch Behar . When Maharaja
Dhairjendra Narayan ascended the throne of Cooch Behar in 1765 , the
glory of the dynasty was already set in . Taking the opportunity of the
weakness of the Koch ruler , the Bhutias captured and imprisoned the
Maharaja.
The continuous interference of Bhutan in the Duars areas irritated the
British Indian Government . Cooch Behar became strategically impo -
rtant to the British Government for a secure peaceful North - East
frontier . A system of indirect rule was likely be experienced from the

9
Notes
model of administration they developed in many parts of the world and
the case of Cooch Behar was a glaring example of such a design .
When the British came to India, their main objective was to develop a
congenial position of trade and commerce . But from the second half of
the Eighteenth Century, they created a Political Residency System . Such
an attempt gradually shifted their interest from trading to political goal.
As the British realized their new opportunities and needs , they began to
transform their network of commercial representatives into a system of
political agent . The Colonial Govern -ment had a soft corner for the
State of Cooch Behar and they found their oppor – tunity to fulfill their
desires as the State experienced a political turmoil since the accession of
Maharaja Dhairjendra Narayan . During this period Dewan Deo , Nazir
Deo and Maharani played important roles to run the state . On the other
hand Bhu -tias continued hostility against Cooch Behar and carried away
Maharaja and Dewan Deo as prisoners . Then Nazir Deo applied for
military help from the Colonial Go -vernment against Bhutan in 1772 .
They responded immediately as it gave them an opportunity to interfere
in the affairs of Cooch Behar . This resulted in the signing of the Treaty
of 1773 between Cooch Behar and the Colonial Government . Since then
the British Government tried to implement various clauses to fulfill their
designs . Althou -gh from 1783 to 1839 they faced obstacles as Maharaja
Harendra Narayan didnot cooperate with them . But after his death
Company had free run in the state and the successors maintained good
relations with them as they had a pro – British attitude since the period of
Maharaja Shivendra Narayan ( 1839 – 47) .
After the 2nd Anglo – Bhutanese war ( 1864 – 65 ) , all the 18 Duars
areas came under the authority of the British. For their proper security
and maintenance the importance of Cooch Behar was also increased . To
establish a well organised British Raj in the North - East frontier , the
development and modernisation of Cooch Behar was very much essential
So the period of Maharaja Narendra Narayan (1847 - 63) can be viewed
as the beginning of development in Cooch Behar . His son Maharaja
Nripendra Narayan also set a new dimension of modernization and
development . In 1863 after the death of Maharaja Narendra Narayan ,
Maharaja Nripendra Narayan succeeded him at an early age of ten

10
 Notes
months . But the state did not face any kind of problem due to the
friendly relations with the British . Since his forefathers the state of
Cooch Behar maintained friendly relation with the East India Company .

A British Commissioner undertook the direct management of affairs on

behalf of the Prince during his minority. Maharaja Nripendra Narayan
was first educated in the Ward‘s Institute at Venaras, and next in the
Bankipure college , Patna and subsequently attended the law lectures at
the Presidency College , Calcutta for three years

Among the many improvements effected during this period , was a

complete survey of the State, although it started earlier . It is important to
note that the state was connected with adjacent commercial centers by
the construction of good roads and of bridges over rivers and water
courses . An efficient system of postal and telegraphic communication
was established ; the police administration was re – organized and an
education department was constituted . The introduction of Cooch Behar
State Railways was a distinct land mark from the economic point of
view. It not only ushered a new avenue of communication with the out
side of the state but also symbolized the modern means of import - export
facilities of trade . During the rule of the Maharaja industrial
development was notable , specially introduction of artizan school . Now
-a - days it is no important matter , but during those days it was a symbol
of advanced modern activity of the ruler . The military achievement of
the State was remarkable . For instance the good service rendered by the
state in the Bhutan war , ten guns were presented to Maharaja Nripendra
Narayan by the British Government, in 1866. At the Delhi Pro -clamation
of Queen Victoria as Empress of India in 1858, the Cooch Behar chief
was present ed in 1877 with medal and sword along with other Princes of
the same rank. Maharaja maintained a military force that included a
cavalry regiment – two hundred infantry and four guns and he was
entitled to get a salute of thirteen guns. The administration of the State
was well organized.
Development of education in the State of Cooch Behar was a top priority
for the Maharaja. He made sufficient grants for the infrastructural

11
Notes
development of the Jenkins School , which was formed in 1861 . This
school had a long history of its own . In 1857 a Bengali medium school
was established in the State of Cooch Behar under the instruction of
prince and kinsmen of the royal family , in 1859 , English began to be
taught at this school . In course of time it took the shape of Jenkins
School . In commemoration of the jubilee , Maharaja founded the
Victoria College , which taught up to the standards of the Calcutta
University examination , and was an absolutely free institution . In
addition to this , he helped a wide circle of poor but intelligent boys from
his own purse . His enlightened views on education and on the necessity
of physical training expressed his advanced modern ideas for the state.
He held that the Calcutta University should approve the suggestion that
physical education should be made compulsory and should be introduced
for the benefit of the student (at that time Calcutta University controlled
the educational department of Cooch Behar). The establishment of a
library namely Maharaja Library which later on was renamed as North
Bengal State Library shows the reading interest of the Maharaja . Such
an attempt was an instance of the welfare thought of the ruler. Mr. J. W.
Trotten , in his book ― India under Victoria‖, writes : ‗The little state of
Cooch Behar on the Assam border can boast of a library richer than any
outside Calcutta .‖ In 1897 the appointment of Acharya Brajendra Nath
Seal as the Principal of Victoria College was an important step . His
philosophical ideas moulded Maharaja to take benevolent measures for
the people of Cooch Behar . All these measures indicated that Maharaja
was out and out modern in outlook . It was he who felt the urgency of
registration of birth and death , because such kind of calculation helped
the state to understand what was its population and what was the
condition of the health of the general people . In 1901 and in 1911
Census operations were organized in the State. It is gradually held that
the old rajas were very careless as regards the preservation of records.
Maharaja Nripendra Narayan was the first ruler of Cooch Behar , who
introduced the work of copying from old records , which in course of
time helped the successors to run the state of Cooch Behar successfully .
Keeping Records in printed form was nothing but the farsightedness of
the Maharaja . The two volume of Select Records containing day to day

12
 Notes
correspondence with the British Government is a valuable primary
source for the history of Cooch Behar. Researchers who are now
investigating the different aspects of the history of Cooch Behar during
the Maharajas, the Select Records are the valuable source of information
to them . In fact he had brought the state to the present satisfactory
condition . In the place of what was an uninteresting tract of land
(selected apparently on account of its natural defence ) , a picturesque
town with flourishing business centres , prospered due to his endeavour .
The construction of various buildings shows the artistic taste of the
Maharaja . The arrangement was neat and orderly . Domes, spires ,
minarets , public buildings and palatial residences were established in the
town of Cooch Behar , although the rural areas and the sub – divisions of
Cooch Behar was not far from the developmental works of the ruler .
During his rule medical system of the state of Cooch Behar was on the
whole on satisfactory condition . A significant measure was taken by the
state authority during his rule in the settlement operations . From the
earlier mistakes the authority got a major experience and introdu -ced a
system of survey and settlement work in the town and in the sub -
divisional areas . Maharaja maintained a well formulated finance
department , through which the state could be able to know what
measures were appropriate to the situation and what was the income and
expenditure of the state . In the cultural sphere he created a new avenue
which was full of sporting arrangements, khedda operations for taking
elephants under control.
After Maharaja Nripendra Narayan , his successors Maharaja Raj
Rajendra Narayan ( 21st ) and Maharaja Jitendra Narayan ( 22nd )
continued the developmental works in the State . They were engaged in
the implementation of benevolent works as their father did for the state .
For his benevolent activities Maharaja Jitendra Narayan is known as ‗
Prajabatsal Maharaja ‘ . During his reign Cooch Behar had a rich literary
tradition . Maharaja also himself was a great lite -rary person . His poem
―Hello Darjeeling‖ is pleasant to read. Maharaja Jitendra Narayan was
also aware of environmental pollution . For saving the state, he followed
in the foot steps of his father ( through the work of plantation of saplings
in the State ).

13
Notes
The 23rd and the last ruler of the Princely State of Cooch Behar,
Maharaja Jagaddipendra Narayan deserved an amount of popularity for
his innovative activities in the State of Cooch Behar . He maintained the
royal tradition (welfare works ) and invented one after another advanced
schemes like intr -oduction of income tax act , public health department ,
Cooch Behar State Transport for travel through bus , air – craft act of
1946, cultivation of commercial crops , motor spirit - rationing order ,
ancient monument preservation act of 1947 etc. The modernisation cum
development of the State of Cooch Behar , can be compared with the
same of the developed princely States of Western , Southern and
Norhtern India . It would not be irrelevant to point out that the mental
makeup of the Maharajas of Cooch Behar was moulded according to the
taste of the English. The general policy of the Raj towards the native
princely state during 1890‘s was that the system of princely rule, stripped
of its dead wood, could be made an instrument of progress and
modernisation, there by ensuing that the darbars continued to play an
effective role in the governance of the subcontinent.16 But according to
Ian Copland this civil mission began to fatter. There was criticism of the
slow pace of modernization in many states, and disillusionment with the
impact of modernization on the life style of the ruling prince. Cooch
Behar may be set an exception to this end. Reference may be made of
Prince Gayatri Devi s‘ statement, ―a few princely states of the time
enjoyed all sorts of privilege ‖. The Maharajas of Cooch Behar by their
developmental policy and benevolent works succeeded in achieving the
loyalty of their subjects . It can be concluded by saying that during the
long run of the State of Cooch Behar , the period from 1847 to 1949 was
an golden and modern era of development under the Maharajas and thus
the study of their work on social – cultural – economic sphere on the
whole historically significant .

Maharaja Jagaddipendra Narayan (1922 -1949 ) - The Innovative

Ruler of Cooch Behar.
The history of Cooch Behar specially its development reaches the peak
of success during the reign of Maharaja Jagaddipendra Narayan (1922 –
1949) . Due to his minor age , he was under the guidance of Rajmata

14
 Notes
Indira Devi and the Cooch Behar State Regency Council from 1922 to
1936 . During this period Cooch Behar State Regency Council looked
after the State‘s affairs on behalf of minor Maharaja Jagaddipendra
Narayan . In fact his period can be divided into two parts . First, The
Regency Councils‘ activities on behalf of minor Maharaja and after 1936
when Maharaja attained maturity and followed the tradition in social ,
cultural and economic field . Secondly, he implemented some new and
modern innovative schemes . Maharaja like his father was a benevolent
ruler . One of the special features of his nature was that most of the time
during his day to day activity , was spent on the queries of the smooth
running of the administration . He always wanted to make his people
happy and for that reason gold - silver trophy, certificates were given to
the people . Never the less his period was a golden era in the history of
Cooch Behar . Let us now explain the role of the Cooch Behar State
Regency Council which may be discussed under the following heads :

A. Development in Social field This arena covers the educational ,

medical , veterinary , P.W.D , Railway System etc. , which were as
follows : Education During his rule important measures were taken by
the Cooch Behar State Regency Council towards the spread of education
. In 1922 – 23 the Education Committee of Cooch Behar implemented a
further impetus towards the improvement of the sub - divisional Higher
English Schools and the issue was that there must be a trained B.T
teacher in each of the Higher English Schools . As a result, permission
was obtained from the syndicate , Calcutta University , to send up
candidates for the Matriculation Examination in Hygiene form the
Dinhata Higher English School with effect from 1924 and the Tufangunj
Nripendra Narayan Memorial High er English School also received
permanent recognition from the University . A scheme for the
improvement of the pay and prospect of the pundits of all the Primary
and Secondary Schools in the State was submitted. Subsequently it was
sanctioned by the honourable Cooch Behar Regency Council, offering
better inducement for works to the teacher and giving scope for suitable
men in the department. In this year another proposal was introduced in
the undergraduate education and it was to open B. Sc. Class in the

15
Notes
Victoria College . Since the formation of the Victoria College , the
academic stream was only for arts subjects . This proposal was submitted
and sanctioned by the Cooch Behar State Regency Council and side by
side the recognition of the Calcutta University was applied for. In
response to this application the University Inspector paid a visit to the
college.

In 1925 implementation had been made on admission and transfer rules

for students in higher English Schools .4 The forma -tion of Schools for
the spread of education was on going under the guidance of State
Council . Thus , the number of schools were increased to 344 ( Primary
and Secondary School ) . 5 In 1928 such number was increased to 350 ,
which indicates that spread of education in Cooch Behar was
phenomenal .6 On 1st April , 1930 one state model school was converted
into a Middle English School . 7 In 1931 Sunity Academy ( girls‘ school
) was recognised by the Calcutta University with permission to present
candidates for the Matriculation Examination to be held on 1933 .8 Such
implementation indicates that girls‘ education received a warm support in
Cooch Behar . Similarly , in 1932 another issue was implemented
regarding the admission of girl students in the High English Schools of
the State of Cooch Behar . The Regency Council accorded provisional
sanction to the admis -sion of 5 girl students for co - education in the
Mathabhanga and the Mekligunj High English Schools . It was directed
that the Managing Committee of the Schools concerned would make
suitable arrangements for retiring rooms for the girls and that the Head
Masters and other teachers of the Schools would accept the response -
bility involved in this new departure . During his reign ( Jagaddipendra
Narayan ), girl students were admitted in the Victoria college to spread
undergraduate education among the girls‘ . In 1934 Cooch Behar State
Regency Council framed new rules for the grant of free studentships in
state institutions . Here it is to be noted that these grants were open to the
Cooch Behar subjects, sons and daughters of the State Servants (Cooch
Behar ) , and other permanent residents of Cooch Behar , eighty per cent.
being reserved for Cooch Behar subjects. In this year apart from Middle
English Schools, State Model Schools, Middle Vernacular Schools,

16
 Notes
Primary Schools, Upper Primary Schools , Lower Primary Schools ,
Night Schools , Girls‘ Schools ; the Industrial School which was under
the instruction of Cooch Behar Bayan Silpa Vidyalaya, the only technical
school in Cooch Behar , got finan -cial support from the authority. In
1937 under the revised regulations of the Calcutta University, elementary
scienti -fic knowledge has been made a compulsory subject and
accordingly steps have been taken for imparting instruction in this
subject. A special grant of Rs. 376 was sanctioned by the Cooch Behar
State Council for the equipment of the science room. The necessary
apparatus , chemicals , charts and specimens of rocks and minerals have
been purchased . A demonstration room , too , had been fitted with a sink
and water connection.

Medical The medical system of Cooch Behar was a sound one during the
reign of Maharaja Jagaddipendra Narayan . In Cooch Behar the main
building of the Sudder Hospital being old and was in a very dilapidated
condition and was it unfit for further use as a hospital . Therefore, the
State Regency Council of Cooch Behar, had been pleased to construct a
two storeyed building to be built in the memory of Maharaja Jitendra
Narayan . For maternity cases in 1923 one midwife was employed at
Dinhata and another employed at Mathabhanga . In 1924 some measures
were taken by the state authority to cure people of the disease of cholera .
Temporary medical officers were appointed and a few hands from the
existing permanent staff with compounders were sent to the mufussil to
cope with the diseases . Two temporary dispensaries were opened in this
manner, one at Kholta and other at Bhaiskhuchi . Anti – Cholera
inoculation was introduced which proved successful . The police and the
military forces and the sudder hospital staff were inoculated first as a
preventive measures against cholera . A large number of tube – wells
were sunk for the supply of pure drinking water in the cholera infected
places . There were altogether 1,603 cholera cases out of which 1,113
ended fatally and 490 were cured . In 1926 reports of cholera came from
all the sub – divisions of the state and the disease threatened to spread in
epidemic form . The disease was , however, checked in all the sub –
divisions except Mathabhanga where it broke out in an virulent form .

17
Notes
The sub – divisions were divided into five circles with a medical officer
and staff for each circle , to deal with the outbreak . A large number of
tube – wells were sunk in the affected areas to supply pure drinking
water .19 Several taluks of Cooch Behar were infected by small – pox in
1927 . In order to cope with the disease , two temporary medical officers
were appointed by the authority . 20 To improve the treatment facilities ,
Cooch Behar State Council permitted the civil surgeons of the sudder
hospital to attend the All India Medical Conference .21 The hospitals and
dispensaries , sudder jail , sub – jails, police stations and out posts were
regularly inspected by the Civil surgeon . Several schools were also
inspected by him . 22 The health of the students of the Jenkins School
was examined by the sanitary officer assisted by the Sanitary Inspector of
the sudder circle.

In 1928 a clinical laboratory was formed by the Medical department of

Cooch Behar for diagonistic purposes in the town , because at Cooch
Behar Tropical diseases practically prevailed throughout the year . Hence
since the begin -ning of the year 1928, a regular clinical laboratory was
started in a miniature scale in the sudder hospital under a specially
trained sub – assistant surgeon and every effort being made to improve it
gradually . For the people of Sitai a cottage dispensary at Sitai was
opened with effect from the 1st august , 1932 . For the maintenance of
the dispensary monthly subscriptions amounting to Rs. 30 was available
from local sources . It has been accommodated for the present in a
private rent – free house and the Superintendent of vaccination , a sub –
assistant surgeon was placed in its charge . Regarding vaccination ,
during the reign of Maharaja Jaga -ddipendra Narayan, serious steps
were taken by the medical department . In 1933 four vaccination
inspector and twenty - five vaccinators were engaged in vaccination
work . A subsidiary center for anti – treatment was established at the
sudder hospital on the 15th December in 1933. It was under an officer of
the state medical department , who had previously under gone a course of
training at the Pasteur Institute, Kasauli . The State Council sanctioned a
sum of Rs. 140 for the last months in 1936 for laying out a garden in the
compound of the hospital . Under the direction of the Garden

18
 Notes
Superintendent of the state it was laid out and it had added considerably
to the beauty of the hospital building and it was thought that it had not
been without beneficial effect psychologically on the more sensitive
patients.

In 1937 the medical department of Cooch Behar sent sub- assistant

surgeon of Sudder Hospital at Calcutta School of Tropical Medicine for
receiving training on anti – malaria work. During this year a survey of
almost all the houses of the town was made . The weeds and jungle in the
tanks behind the Palace Stables were cleaned . Larvicides were sprayed
on stagnant water in the town. The pucca drains on the eastern side of the
town, the water troughs maintained for cows and buffaloes at the
crossings of roads , unused wells, and stagnant water in drains by the side
of hydrants , had been found to be the main breeding – places of
mosquitoes , especially during the dry season .

The other part of medical treatment i. e the veterinary department also

developed very steadily during the reign of Maharaja Jagaddipendra
Narayan . There was only one veterinary assistant surgeon in the service
of the State . As he was in charge of the veterinary hospital in Cooch
Behar town it was not possi -ble for him to visit the rural area often , and
in fact he used to go to the rural area and then there was a particularly
bad outbreak of cattle disease . The Regency Council of Cooch Behar
decided that the veterinary department should be strengthened ,
accordingly , a second veterinary assistant surgeon for touring was
appointed in 1924.

8.3 EARLY HISTORY: MUGHAL

INTERFERENCE, MUGHAL-KOCH
CONFLICTS (1587–1680)
The Kamata kingdom split at a time when the Mughals under Akbar
were aggressively expanding their empire. The state soon became a
dependency of the Mughal empire, and steadily lost territory to the
empire.

19
Notes
Lakshmi Narayan (1587–1621), Nara Narayan's son, was the first ruler of
the Koch Bihar portion of the former Kamata kingdom. He was an
ineffectual ruler. After losing much territory to the Mughal commander
Ali Kuli Khan, he accepted Mughal sovereignty and assistance in
defending against his neighbours. The next Mughal emperor, Jahangir,
again attacked Bihar and captured territory including Tripura. Lakshmi
Narayan went to Delhi and won guarantees for his much-reduced state.
On his return, he established his capital at the Atharokotha village.
Lakshmi Narayan was a patron of scholars and the arts. He partially
restored the Shiva Temple of Jalpesh, but did not complete construction
of the temple during his lifetime. Influenced by Madhavdeva, a famous
preacher, he made Ekasarana dharma the state religion.

Bir Narayan (1621–1626), Lakshmi Narayan's son and successor, was a

pleasure-loving ruler who failed to exert his authority to levy taxes on the
king of Bhutan. In his peaceful reign, he sponsored schools for the
aristocracy and supported intellectuals. His successor Pran Narayan
(1626–1665) ruled in peace until 1657, when a struggle for succession in
the Mughal empire began between Aurangzeb and his brothers. Pran
Narayan invaded Bengal, seizing Ghoraghat, a centre of Mughal power
in 1658, and in 1661 capturing Dhaka, the Bengali capital. However, by
this time Aurangzeb had consolidated his power and sent his armies to
invade Bihar and Assam. Pran Narayan retreated to the mountains and
waged a guerrilla war for three years, finally making a pact with the
Mughal Nawab Shaista Khan in 1664. During his rule, the Behar
kingdom expanded to Tajhat Baharband Pargana in the south, Basakpur
near Khutaghat of Goalapara district in the east and Bhatgaon within
Morang in the west. Thus Koch Bihar maintained its sovereignty
[essentially the entire North Bengal] against Mughal invasions.

Maharaja Pran Narayan rebuilt the temples of Baneswar, Shandeswar

and the Kamteswari temple of Gosanimari. He sent for architects from
Delhi to complete the Jalpesh temple, but the work was not completed in
his lifetime. He constructed broad highways and bridges, and many
beautiful buildings in his capital. He was a patron of the arts.

20
 Notes

Madan Narayan or Mod Narayan (1665–1680) succeeded Pran Narayan

after a short struggle with his brothers. For some time, the power behind
the throne was Mahi Narayan, who had been Nazir (summoner) for his
father. After a fierce struggle, Madan Narayan gained control and Mahi
Narayan fled to Bhutan. Madan Narayan began a survey of his lands and
a register of landholdings. He completed the construction of the Jalpesh
Shiva temple, providing lands for the temple's maintenance. The Koch
Bihar state of his time comprised the entirety of present-day Jalpaiguri
division and large parts of Maldah division of present-day West Bengal.
It also included the entire Rangpur division and large parts of the
Rajshahi division of current Bangladesh. He assisted the Mughals in a
war with the Ahom kingdom in 1666. This strategy helped him keep two
competing forces at bay from threatening his holdings.

8.4 BHUTANESE INVASIONS, BHUTAN-

TIBET-KOCH CONFLICTS, BHUTANESE
REVERSALS (1680–1772)
The growing power of Bhutan saw the turmoil in Behar and the waning
authority of the Mughals as an opportunity to extend their influence.
They provided support to competitors for the throne of Koch Bihar, and
later attempted outright annexation.

On the death of Madan Narayan with no immediate successor, the sons

of the Nazir Mahi Narayan attacked Behar, assisted by the Bhutan army.
The Raikats of Baikunthapur, distant relatives of the royal family based
in the Jalpaiguri area, sent troops and helped force the Bhutia army to
retreat. The Raikats crowned Basudev Narayan (1680–1682), Madan
Narayan's brother, as Maharajah and helped establish peace before
returning to their home. Two years later, Yajna Narayan and Jagat
Narayan (sons of Nazir Mahi) attacked Behar again with Bhutanese
troops, captured the palace and massacred the royal family, including
Basudev Narayan. The Raikats Yogyadev and Bhujdev intervened again,
defeating Yajna Narayan in a battle on the banks of the Mansai river. The

21
Notes
Raikats then crowned Mahendra Narayan (1682–1693), a five-year-old
grandson of Pran Narayan, as the next Maharajah.

During the minority rule of Mahendra Narayan, the state was unsettled.
The lords of places such as Tepa, Manthana Kakina and Karjirhat
rejected Bihari rule in place of direct tribute to the Mughal rulers as
zamindars (landlords) of their territories. They accepted the authority of,
and paid taxes to, Ibrahim Khan the Mughal Faujdar of Ghoraghat and
Dhaka. Even the Raikat princes of Baikunthapur and Pangar transferred
loyalty to these powers. The Mughals chose this time to attack Behar.
With no other choice, Mahendra made a pact with Yajna Narayan and
appointed him as Nazir. Aided by the Bhutanese, Yajna Narayan fought
the Mughals at Patgram but was defeated. The Mughals took Boda,
Patgram and eastern Pargana in the year 1711. However the Koch
warlords offered dogged resistance to Mughal expansion beyond the
lower tracts of Rajshahi division. This caused the military frontier to
stabilize in the central Malda-Rangpur axis.

Mahendra Narayan died at the age of 16. With the main royal line
extinct, Rup Narayan (1693–1714), a grandson of Nazir Mahi Narayan,
became the next Maharajah. Rup Narayan was a strong and popular ruler,
but made the mistake of attacking the Mughal Faujdar of Rangpur.
Defeated, he lost Karjihat, Kakina and Fatehpur Chakla, retaining only
Boda, Patgram and eastern Chakla. Soon after, he lost these territories
too, and was reduced to holding the three Chaklas under lease to the
Mughals in the name of his Najir. He moved his capital from
Atharokotha to a new site, Guriahati on the east bank of the Torsa River,
where he built a beautiful temple of Sri Madan Mohan Thakur.

Upendra Narayan (1714–1763), the next ruler, had no son of his own. He
adopted Deena Narayan, the son of dewan Satya Narayan, and gave him
considerable powers, but did not formally grant him the succession to the
throne. Deena Narayan met the Mughal Faujdar Md. Ali Khan at
Rangpur and agreed to accept Mughal supremacy in return for Md. Ali
Khan's support in gaining the throne. Md. Ali Khan invaded, but was

22
 Notes
forced back by a combined army from Behar and Bhutan and had to flee
to Rangpur. A joint push by Koch-Ahom-Bhutan forces pushed the
Mughals out of Rajshahi. This caused the Mughals to go on the defensive
to protect their main flank at Dhaka. Coupled with major Ahom victories
to the East, this push removed the Mughal threat from North Bengal for
good. However, the Bhutanese took advantage of the situation to occupy
some forts in the northern regions of Behar. These forts were later
cleared of invaders by Koch warlords based at the Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling
and Alipurduar tracts.

Late in life, Upendra Narayan's second queen gave birth to a male child,
Debendra Narayan (1763–1765), who ascended the throne at the age of
four. His short reign was chaotic. The Bhutias annexed further land in the
north of Behar, and their ambassador in the capital of Behar became the
de facto ruler of the state. The young maharaja was assassinated in a
palace plot at the age of six.

On 12 August 1765, the British East India Company took over control of
Bengal. The Maharaja of Bihar now had to pay rent to the East India
company for Boda, Patgram, Panga and other chaklas in Bengal.

After Debendra Narayan's assassination, Debraj, king of Bhutan, sent

troops to arrest Rajguru Ramananda Goswami, the leader of the
assassination plot. The Behar court agreed to crown Dhairjendra Narayan
(1765–1770), a cousin of Debendra Narayan, as Maharaja. However, he
was a puppet of Bhutan: the Bhutanese ambassador Pensuthma was the
effective ruler. Bhutan seized direct control of Behar territories including
Jalpeswar, Mandas, Jalash, Lakshmipur, Santarabari, Maraghat and
Bholka. During this time there was large scale famine. The court
degenerated into intrigues and conspiracies. Eventually, Debraj of
Bhutan arrested Dhairjendra Narayan and took him to the Bhutanese
capital Punakh, crowning Rajendra Narayan (1770–1772) in his place as
nominal ruler. After a short "reign", Rajendra Narayan died of a fever in
1772.

23
Notes
Maharaja Rajendra Narayan left no heir. The Bhutias attempted to take
over direct control, seizing the royal regalia, but the court rebelled and
enthroned Dharendra Narayan (1772–1775). The Koch warlords once
again rallied their banners and chased the Bhutanese-Tibetan-Khampa
forces out of the Northern areas of Koch Behar. Pensuthma -the
Bhutanese regent- fled back to Bhutan, whose King sent troops to invade
Behar. After some fighting, the Bhutanese regained control and
established a new puppet ruler, a child whom they installed in
Chekakhata in Bhutan. On his early death, the Bhutias finally attempted
direct control, garrisoning forts in strategic positions. However most
tracts of the extensive North Bengal region remained fiercely opposed to
any Northern control. As, for example, an important warlord — Rupan
Singh of Rahimganj Pargana — maintained that the Bhutanese presence
in North Bengal was illegal and issued directives to the Bhutan court to
pull back their forces.

8.5 BRITISH EAST INDIA COMPANY

ACQUIRES CONTROL
Maharaja Dharendra Narayan appealed to the British, rulers of Bengal,
for assistance in regaining his kingdom in exchange for a large payment.
However, the Governor General Warren Hastings rejected the terms and
insisted on an agreement by which the Maharaja would pay an annual
tribute to the Company in exchange for protection: in effect an agreement
to accept the supremacy of the British. The British then sent a regiment
commanded by Mr. Paling from Kalikata (Calcutta/Kolkata) who
marched through Rangpur towards Mughalhat, joined on their route by
Behar forces from all the warlords and the chiefs of North Bengal. After
a series of sharp encounters with the Bhutanese forces, the British-Koch
coalition force captured the capital (1772) and moved forward into
southern Bhutan.

Unwilling to go further into the difficult hill country, the British

negotiated a peace agreement (25 April 1774) with Bhutan in exchange
for surrender of Bihar royal captives, Bhutan agreeing to return to its pre-
1730 boundaries, and a symbolic tribute of five horses. The British left a

24
 Notes
small garrison in Behar, and withdrew the main army to Rangpur. When
Dhairjendra Narayan realised that he had exchanged one master for
another, and had permanently lost independence of his ancestral land, he
abdicated in favour of Dharendra Narayan, who reigned until his death in
1775, when Dhairjendra Narayan resumed the throne (1775–1783)

From now on, until the transfer of control to the State of India in 1949,
Koch Behar was a princely state subject to overall British Suzerainty. In
1949, it was merged with the Union of India and later became a part of
West Bengal state. Alternatively if it had acceded to East Pakistan (now
Bangladesh) then India would not have had land access to North-east
India and that territory would have seceded to independence. Also the
former East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) would have land borders with
Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim.

Subsequent princely rulers under the British East India company were
Harendra Narayan (1783–1839), followed by Shivendra Narayan (1839–
1847) and then by Narendra Narayan (1847–1863).

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1. Discuss the History of Cooch Behar Raj.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
2. Discuss in details about the Early history: Mughal interference,
Mughal-Koch conflicts (1587–1680).
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………

8.6 LET US SUM UP

25
Notes
The Narayan dynasty founded the principality on the ruins of the ancient
Hindu kingdom of Kamarupa. The first Raja, Chandan Narayan, of Koch
and Mech descent, established himself on Mount Chikna in 1510. His
half-brother and successor, Maharaja Vishnu Narayan, greatly expanded
his domains and established his capital in the plains. Vishnu's son,
Maharaja Nara Narayan, conquered vast territories and subjugated most
of the surrounding principalities. Their successors maintained their
independence until the late seventeenth century, when Maharaja
Mahendra Narayan faced repeated attacks by the Mughal Nawab-Nazims
of Bengal. His successor ceded half his principality and became their
tributary in 1711. The state came under British protection after the
aquisition of the Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, by Lord Clive of
Plassey in 1765. Bhutanese intervention in succession disputes prompted
a formal treaty between the rightful heir and the British in 1775. The
family, belonging to the Rajbhansi and Sudra caste, was highly cultured
and of modern outlook, championing education, Hindu reform and Indian
literature. Maharaja Sir Nripendra Narayan, and his wife Maharani Siniti
Devi, were court favourites of the Queen-Empress Victoria. Their
children were educated in England and two of their daughters married
Europeans. The state acceded to the Dominion of India in 1947 and
merged with the state of West Bengal in 1950.

8.7 KEY WORDS

Conflicts: A conflict is a clash of interest. The basis of conflict may vary
but, it is always a part of society. Basis of conflict may be personal,
racial, class, caste, political and international. Conflict in groups often
follows a specific course.

8.8 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

1. Write about the Bhutanese invasions, Bhutan-Tibet-Koch
conflicts, Bhutanese reversals (1680–1772).
2. Discuss about the British East India Company acquires control.

26
 Notes
8.9 SUGGESTED READINGS AND
REFERENCES
 Nath, D (1989), History of the Koch Kingdom: 1515–1615, Delhi:
Mittal Publications
 "Cooch Behar Government: Royal History : Book of Facts and
Events C1-C2 p9". Archived from the original on 23 October 2018.
Retrieved 20 October 2008.
 "Cooch Behar Government: Royal History : Book of Facts and
Events C2 p10 – C3 p11". Archived from the original on 23 October
2018. Retrieved 20 October 2008.
 "Cooch Behar Government: Royal History : Book of Facts and
Events C3 p11 – C6". Archived from the original on 23 October
2018. Retrieved 20 October 2008.
 Cooch Behar Princely State (13 gun salute)
 Moore, Lucy (2004). Maharanis: The lives and Times of Three
Generations of Indian Princess. Penguin Publishers. ISBN 978-
0141009728.
 Devi, Gayatri. The Princess Remembers. Rupa Publishers India.

8.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1

1. See Section 8.2

2. See Section 8.3

27
 UNIT 9: CULTURAL RESPONSE AND
REACTION
STRUCTURE
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Vicarious Choice
9.3 The Role of Rejection Avoidance in the Response to Vicarious
Choice
9.4 The Present Research on Cultural Response
9.5 Let us sum up
9.6 Key Words
9.7 Questions for Review
9.8 Suggested readings and references
9.9 Answers to Check Your Progress

9.0 OBJECTIVES
They usually come from:
1. functioning in unfamiliar social and academic settings without a clear
understanding of how to succeed or avoid failure. "Trying harder"
without understanding the "rules" of the culture or modifying your
normal behavior tends to compound the problem and rather than
resolve it;
2. going abroad with unrealistic expectations and preconceptions of
what life would be like and discovering those ideas are naïve,
idealistic, or stereotypical;
3. making every effort to learn the language or culture and failing to
make the kind of progress you expected;
4. attempting to make "foreign" friends, but finding this does not result
in the kinds of relationships you had hoped to have.

These kinds of frustrations are likely to solve themselves as you become

more knowledgeable and competent in the new culture. They probably
fall under the category of‖ culture fatigue." Culture shock is a somewhat
different and more intense version of "frustration" and usually arises

28
 Notes
from sources which are far less obvious and circumstances which persist
over time.
While reactions that signal transition shock are frequent enough to be
considered completely "normal" by psychologists and study abroad
advisers, they can present a great personal challenge to students
struggling through a difficult period in their adjustment. When travelers
begin to ask themselves questions like, "What have I gotten myself
into?" "What am I doing here?" "What is the matter with these people?"
and "Why can‘t they do it the right way?" you can be pretty sure that
some degree of transition shock is present.

9.1 INTRODUCTION
―It is our choices, Harry, that show what we truly are‖ (Harry Potter and
the Chamber of Secrets, 1998). Rowling‘s (1998) line reveals how
central choice is for an individual‘s psychology and life course. The
provision of choice and self-determination are crucial for autonomy and
human motivation and make individuals happier and healthier
(Zuckerman et al., 1978; Deci and Ryan, 2008). On the other hand,
evidence on social influence suggests that individuals tend to adjust
themselves to the thought of the majority in a group pressure situation
(Asch, 1952; Cialdini and Goldstein, 2004). Although both the pursuit of
personal choice and seeking to fit in the group underlie individuals‘
behaviors, which of these two aspects is emphasized might be moderated
by cultural differences in the weight on self and social relationships.
Indeed, a growing research stream has documented that Western
individualistic cultures generally promote a stronger desire for personal
choice, but a smaller influence of interpersonal concerns on decisions
than East Asian collectivistic cultures (e.g., Kitayama et al., 2004; Savani
et al., 2008, 2010).
In this research, drawing on the literature on culture and choice, we
examine cultural differences in reactions to a group member‘s vicarious
choice in Germans and Japanese. Based on previous work suggesting that
East Asians are more motivated than Westerners to avoid rejection by
group members (Sato et al., 2014; Hashimoto and Yamagishi, 2016), we

29
Notes
hypothesized that Japanese would be more likely than Germans to react
positively to vicarious choice and that cultural differences in rejection
avoidance would account for the cultural influence on response to
vicarious choice.
The symptoms of culture shock are quite varied and can be easily
misunderstood or even overlooked because they are similar to reactions
that can occur in everyday life. The link between culture shock and what
you are feeling at a given moment may be difficult to see. It is very
common for people experiencing culture shock to not only deny the
possibility that culture shock might be the problem, but to shift the focus,
attributing their stress wholly to the behavior or values of the people
around them.

Common symptoms of culture shock:

 Extreme homesickness
 Feelings of helplessness/dependency
 Disorientation and isolation
 Depression and sadness
 Hyper-irritability, may include inappropriate anger and hostility
 Sleep and eating disturbances (too little or too much)
 Excessive critical reactions to host culture/stereotyping
 Hypochondria
 Excessive drinking
 Recreational drug dependency
 Extreme concerns over sanitation, safety (even paranoia), and
being taken advantage of
 Loss of focus and ability to complete tasks

Mediation Analyses
To analyze whether individual rejection avoidance tendencies constitute
a factor underlying the cultural differences in reactions to vicarious
choice, we first calculated rejection avoidance tendencies for each
participant by merging the five items measuring this construct (αGer =
0.82, αJap = 0.85). In line with previous research, we found that compared
to Germans (M = 3.63, SD = 1.33), Japanese (M = 4.40, SD = 1.11) were

30
 Notes
more anxious about being rejected by others, t(430) = 6.53, p <
0.001, d = 0.63, 95% CI = (−1.00, −0.54). Correlation patterns between
rejection avoidance and acceptance were rGer(210) = 0.45, p <
0.001, rJap(218) = 0.31, p < 0.001 and between rejection avoidance and
choice demand rGer(210) = −0.36, p < 0.001, rJap(218) = 0.07, p = 0.33.

Next, we conducted mediation analyses to investigate the hypothesis that

the cultures provoke different levels of rejection avoidance, which in turn
affect reactions to choices on one‘s behalf. We dummy coded German
culture as 0 and Japanese culture as 1. Regressing culture on acceptance
tendencies, we found that culture is a significant predictor, b = 0.93, SE
= 0.11, t(430) = 8.58, p < 0.001, 95% CI = [0.72, 1.14]. Culture also
predicted rejection avoidance tendencies significantly, b = 0.77, SE =
0.12, t(430) = 6.53, p < 0.001, 95% CI = [0.54, 1.00]. Importantly,
individual rejection avoidance tendencies in turn affected reactions to
vicarious choice b = 0.36, SE = 0.04, t(430) = 8.82, p < 0.001, 95% CI =
(0.28, 0.44) and the predictive power of culture was significantly reduced
to b = 0.65, SE = 0.11, t(430) = 6.23, p < 0.001, 95% CI = (0.45, 0.86)
when we controlled for rejection avoidance. Bootstrap analyses revealed
a significant indirect effect (1,000 bootstrap samples): 95% CI [0.17,
0.41]. Hence, the cultural difference in acceptance of vicarious choice
was partially mediated by individual variation in rejection avoidance
(Figure 3).

Figure 3

31
Notes
Individual levels of rejection avoidance as a mediator of the cultural
differences in acceptance of vicarious choice in Study 2. Unstandardized
coefficients and standard errors are shown. Coefficients indicating the
relationship between culture (coded as German culture = 0 and Japanese
culture = 1) and acceptance of vicarious choice after controlling for
rejection avoidance tendencies are given in parentheses. ***p < 0.001.
Next, we tested whether rejection avoidance tendencies likewise
mediated the cultural difference in choice demand. Culture was a
significant predictor for choice demand tendencies, b = −1.15, SE =
0.10, t(430) = −11.24, p < 0.001, 95% CI = (−1.35, −0.95). When we
entered rejection avoidance simultaneously to an analysis of regression,
the effect of culture was significantly reduced, b = −0.99, SE =
0.10, t(430) = −9.50, p < 0.001, 95% CI = (−1.19, −0.78) and rejection
avoidance predicted choice demand, b = −0.21, SE = 0.04, t(430) =
−5.05, p < 0.001, 95% CI = [−0.28, −0.12]. The indirect effect was
significant [1,000 bootstrap samples, 95% CI (−0.26, −0.07)]; suggesting
that the cultural difference in choice demand was partially mediated by
rejection avoidance (Figure 4).

Figure 4

Individual levels of rejection avoidance as a mediator of the cultural

differences in personal choice demand as a reaction to vicarious choice in
Study 2. Unstandardized coefficients and standard errors are shown.
Coefficients indicating the relationship between culture (coded as
German culture = 0 and Japanese culture = 1) and acceptance of
vicarious choice after controlling for rejection avoidance tendencies are
given in parentheses. ***p < 0.001.

32
 Notes

As an alternative possibility, based on the claim that rejection avoidance

is more connected to structural factors in Japan than in Germany, the
association between rejection avoidance and responses to vicarious
choices could be evident in the Japanese sample, but not in the German
sample. We tested this possibility by comparing two regression models,
one that includes culture and rejection avoidance to predict acceptance of
vicarious choice (model 1) and one that includes also the interaction of
culture and rejection avoidance (model 2). Although both models were
significant [model 1: R2 = 0.277, F(2, 429) = 82.22, p < 0.001; model
2: R2 = 0.283, F(3, 428) = 56.20, p < 0.001], the variance explained by
these models did not differ significantly [R2 change = 0.006, F(1, 428) =
3.29, p = 0.071] and the interaction term was not significant (b = 0.15,
SE = 0.08, p = 0.071). The effect of rejection avoidance was significant
in both samples [German sample: b = 0.42, SE = 0.05, 95% CI (0.32,
0.52); Japanese sample: b = 0.27, SE = 0.06, 95% CI (0.15, 0.40)],
suggesting that if someone has a strong tendency to avoid rejection, this
person is likely to accept vicarious choice regardless of his/her cultural
background. When we performed this analysis with choice demand as
dependent variable, both models were significant [model 1: R2 =
0.270, F(2, 429) = 79.53, p < 0.001; model 2: R2 = 0.287, F(3, 428) =
59.84, p < 0.001]. We found a significant change in R2 = 0.016, F(1, 428)
= 9.84, p = 0.002 and the interaction term was significant (b = −0.25, SE
= 0.08, p = 0.002). However, quite the contrary to the assumption that
rejection avoidance plays a crucial role in Japan but not in Germany, the
effect of rejection avoidance was stronger in the German sample (b =
−0.31, SE = 0.05, 95% CI [−0.42, −0.21]) than in the Japanese sample
[b = −0.06, SE = 0.06, 95% CI (−0.18, 0.06)]. This indicates that in
Germany, people with strong tendencies to avoid rejection would rather
not demand personal choice, compared to people with weaker rejection
avoidance tendencies. In Japan, people would be unlikely to demand
personal choice, regardless of their rejection avoidance tendencies.
Aligning with previous findings, over the studies presented here,
Germans indicated to be likely to demand personal choice when a group
member had chosen vicariously, while Japanese were found to likely

33
Notes
accept vicarious choices. This indicates that Westerners likely perceive
vicarious choice as a threat to their rather independently oriented selves,
thereby promoting reactance. However, the emphasis on interdependence
would lead East Asians to avoid social rejection by meeting others‘
intentions and expectations. Hence, the mechanism behind cultural
variation in choice seems to be related to the extent to which people are
motivated to avoid social disapproval.
This research investigated a specific form of interpersonal choice:
psychological consequences of situations in which one group member
decides for the entire ingroup without consulting its individual members.
This is unique, as previous studies (e.g., Iyengar and Lepper, 1999;
Hoshino-Browne et al., 2005; Savani et al., 2008) largely ignored group
processes. The focus on groups, however, allowed us to test whether
previous findings extent to this very common form of vicarious choice,
in which group pressure can be anticipated and perceived. Despite this
group pressure, our German participants indicated that they would reject
vicarious choices and thereby risk negative social consequences. This
gives an idea about the strength of German people‘s desire for personal
choice. In addition, the results suggest that cultural differences in
reactions to an ingroup member‘s vicarious choice are not limited to a
closely related other like a mother or best friend. Rather, they would
extent to colleagues, who are ingroup members but not as closely related.
Moreover, focusing on rejection avoidance, these studies contribute to
the literature by partly revealing the mechanism behind cultural
differences. Elucidating the mechanism behind cultural differences
contributes greatly to the field and advances the knowledge of culture
and choice by explaining existing differences rather than merely
describing them. In addition, identifying the driving motivations behind
variation in behaviors informs psychology in general about the processes
underlying individual conducts (Heine and Norenzayan, 2006). Our
findings would suggest that interdependently oriented Japanese people
are acceptant of choices that imply others‘ expectations because falling
short of these expectations would result in social rejection or exclusion.
In contrast, independently oriented German people were not concerned
about social rejection as much and were, therefore, more likely to reject

34
 Notes
vicarious choices and demand personal choice in order to regain their
sense of autonomy. While individual differences in rejection avoidance
tendencies affected the likeliness to accept vicarious choice in Japanese
and German participants, rejection avoidance did not affect how likely
Japanese participants in Study 2 were to demand personal choice. A
possible explanation for this is that the norm of not standing out would
be so strong that it covered the effect of rejection avoidance at the
individual level. However, when we temporarily made rejection
avoidance salient with a priming method in Study 3, German and
Japanese participants‘ tendency to demand personal choice decreased.
The finding that the described vicarious choice situations occur more
frequently in Japan than in Germany gives some insight as to the
instantiation of cultural differences in daily life. It supports the claim that
sociocultural contexts affect individuals by providing them with
particular kinds of regularly encountered situations, and the experiences
in these socioculturally shaped situations lead to habitual ways of
thinking about oneself and the world (Kitayama et al., 1997). As
sociocultural contexts foster specific situations that demand specific
behaviors and ways of being, individuals learn to construct themselves in
order to match these sociocultural expectations. If so, frequently
encountered situations might have shaped individuals‘ understandings of
the self and agency, thereby (unconsciously) advising them on either
emphasizing personal, autonomous choice or social connectedness and
conformity.
Whereas previous findings were based on studies conducted primarily
with North American samples, we examined German people‘s behavior
and found that they responded negatively to vicarious choice. This is in
line with previous findings illustrating that compared to East Asians,
Germans considered recommendations by ingroup members less in their
workplace choice (Eisen et al., 2016) and that Western Europeans
showed strong psychological reactance when they had to give up their
personal freedoms (Jonas et al., 2009; Graupmann et al., 2012). Although
some previous findings proposed differences in the emphasis on
individual achievement and self-promotion between North Americans
and Western Europeans (Kitayama et al., 2009), the findings related to

35
Notes
choice and agency would not suggest differences between these cultures
in the tendency to condemn social influence. However, as this study does
not include a North American sample, a direct comparison remains to be
addressed in future research.
In our studies, we used vicarious choice stimuli that are likely to happen
in everyday life. While we eliminated concerns that culturally different
reactions are only side effects of these situations occurring more or less
frequent in the two cultures (Study 1a), our findings can be generalized
only to everyday choice situations and not to more consequential choices.
It is possible that Japanese people are more likely to demand personal
choice if the decision is important to them, or alternatively, that increased
importance makes them even more likely to reflect upon social approval
and accept choices on their behalf. Similarly, more consequential
decisions might lead Germans to incorporate the social context more
strongly or to be even more likely to decide merely based upon their own
preferences. Indeed, previous research suggested that the importance of a
decision is a relevant factor to consider (Savani et al., 2010; Li et al.,
2014). Furthermore, our scenarios are all work-related and included
diverse vicarious choices. Choosing work-related contexts enabled us to
create scenarios in which an equal-status ingroup member chose
vicariously. However, it is possible that the differences observed pertain
to norms about work settings in particular, as opposed to more general
cultural differences. In addition, the scenarios described situations in
which someone chooses food on behalf of the group, situations in which
someone chooses which task each team member has to accomplish, and
situations in which a team member responds on behalf of the whole
group. This is a very wide understanding of vicarious choice and goes
beyond the common definition of choice. Future research needs to
explore the generalizability of our findings.

Despite providing insights into the mechanism behind culturally diverse

reactions to vicarious choice, rejection avoidance tendencies cannot fully
explain sociocultural differences. Additional testing for mediators, such
as self-esteem (Heine et al., 1999; Schmitt and Allik, 2005), self-
monitoring (Gudykunst et al., 1989), relationship and group-based trust

36
 Notes
(Yuki et al., 2005) will be necessary to specify the precise factors and
their interactions to completely understand the underlying mechanism
behind diverse reactions to choice situations.

Another future research direction could be to examine more automatic

and unconscious responses to vicarious choice and to investigate its
neural mechanism. For instance, given that the dorsal anterior cingulate
cortex (dACC) plays a crucial role in the detection of a behavioral
conflict, previous research found that cognitive dissonance, particularly
conflict evoked by difficult choice, is linked to strong activation of
dACC (Kitayama et al., 2013). If Westerners evaluate the group member
who chooses vicariously more negatively than East Asians, they might
feel that the denial of personal choice caused by the group member‘s
vicarious choice causes a conflict. If so, the cultural differences in
response to vicarious choice would be reflected as cultural differences in
activation of dACC.

Finally, it is important to explore whether cultural differences in reaction

to vicarious choice mediated by rejection avoidance can be observed
even in children. Given that Iyengar and Lepper (1999) tested children
ranging in age from 7 to 9 years and found cultural differences in
intrinsic motivation toward tasks chosen by either children themselves or
others, future work is needed to test children in elementary schools and
investigate whether socialization may impact on reaction to vicarious
choice as well as rejection avoidance across cultures. This investigation
will contribute to our understanding of how children learn and acquire
culturally proper forms of choice through socialization.

To conclude, the present research adds to previous evidence on culture

and choice by showing that responses to vicarious choice differ across
cultures. It also provided the first evidence that the cultural influence on
responses to vicarious choice can be explained by cultural differences in
rejection avoidance. This evidence for the mechanism that underlies
responses to vicarious choice has implications for fields such as
marketing and politics particularly in the globalizing world today where

37
Notes
people with different cultural backgrounds are urged to work together as
a group. Also, the present research presents interesting questions, which
should be addressed in future research. We believe that additional insight
provided by further investigations suggested in the present research will
enhance our understanding of cultural mechanisms behind responses to
vicarious choice.

9.2 VICARIOUS CHOICE

The self has been featured as being independent and separate from other
people in Western cultures such as in Germany, whereas it has been
featured as being interdependent and connected with others in East Asian
cultures such as in Japan (Markus and Kitayama, 1991). Against the
backdrop of the greater emphasis on independence, the pursuit of
personal choice is crucial for Westerners, as choice enables them to
express their individual, autonomous selves through showing their
preferences, attitudes, values, and feelings (Kim and Sherman, 2007). On
the other hand, Eastern cultures place greater emphasis on social
adjustment and accommodation to others (Morling et al., 2002), while
self-expression through choice is relatively unimportant.

Cultures promote different implicit frameworks of normative behavior,

called models of agency (Markus and Kitayama, 2003). North American
and Western European contexts promote a rather disjoint model of
agency, which characterizes good actions by their independence of social
circumstances and their contingency on one‘s own preferences, goals,
intentions, and motives. On the contrary, many East Asian contexts
promote a rather conjoint model of agency, in which actions are
responsive to others‘ obligations and expectations, and good actions
promote interdependence with and adjustment to others (Markus and
Kitayama, 2003; Kitayama and Uchida, 2005; Markus et al., 2006).

Mirroring these divergent models of agency, previous research has

illustrated sociocultural variation in emphases on personal and
interpersonal aspects in choice. Research identified cultural differences
in whether choice is considered individual, personal decision-making or

38
 Notes
whether multiple people can be involved in a more interpersonally
constructed form of choice (Markus and Kitayama, 2003; Mesquita and
Markus, 2004; Savani et al., 2010). People in many cultures base their
choices not merely on their personal preferences, but rather seek advice
and include others‘ opinions in their choices without feeling constricted
or burdened (Savani et al., 2008, 2010; Eisen et al., 2016). Consistently,
previous research illustrated that whereas Asians and Asian Canadians
showed no cognitive dissonance in a condition with the standard free-
choice paradigm, dissonance was observable in a condition where
interpersonal concerns and worries were induced by presenting eyes of
others (Kitayama et al., 2004) and when they were to make a choice for
their friends (Hoshino-Browne et al., 2005).

Although evidence is limited, the consequence of the denial of choice

also differs across cultures. For instance, in Savani et al.‘s (2008) Study
5, the experimenter usurped participants of their personal pen choices by
choosing on their behalf. The researchers found that, compared to an own
choice condition, North Americans indicated less liking of the pen in the
usurped choice condition, while Indian participants rated the pens
equally likable in both conditions. In addition, Jonas et al. (2009) asked
participants to imagine that a colleague they briefly knew requests the
abandonment of a certain good participants assumed as theirs, or that an
authority prohibited certain products for health reasons, and measured
self-reported negative reactions to these scenarios. They found that
compared to people from collectivistic cultures, people from
individualistic cultures showed greater psychological reactance when
they had to give up their personal freedom to use the respective good. As
described in reactance theory (Brehm, 1966), the denial of personal
choice by another person‘s vicarious choice likely threatens Westerners‘
freedom and therefore elicits negative responses (reactance) from them.
Moreover, Jonas et al. (2009) manipulated independent and
interdependent orientations and found that people primed with
independent orientation reported more reactance than did those primed
with interdependent orientation when they had to give up personal
freedom.

39
Notes
In this research, we pay attention to situations in which someone else
decides on behalf of a group, for example, when selecting or saying
something on the others‘ behalf, and thereby restricts the others in their
expression of personal preferences and ideas. Studies have examined
how choices made by ingroup (e.g., mother) or outgroup (e.g.,
experimenter) choosers on behalf of the individual affect this individual‘s
performance and judgments (Iyengar and Lepper, 1999; Hoshino-
Browne et al., 2005; Savani et al., 2008). However, vicarious choice
situations in which an equal-status ingroup member decides on behalf of
the entire group have not received sufficient attention – in spite of being
frequent daily life occurrences. Examinations of the consequences of
vicarious choices made for the whole group could add to the
understanding of how agency is understood in interdependent contexts.
Therefore, the present research focuses on these vicarious choices and
investigates reactions in Eastern and Western cultures.

The analysis compared the way the various cultures responded to risky
situations, with the results indicated that distinct differences across the
groups investigated. For example in the ticker task designed to measure
how people responded to ambiguity, the South-Asian participants
appeared to be significantly more conservative, responding 27% (p<
0.036, N= 145) quicker when compared to their mainstream White-
British counterparts.

In contrast to the South-East-Asian participants showed a greater

willingness to take their chances under the same circumstances, let their
ticker run 24% (p< 0.047, N= 130) longer than their White-British
counterparts. This relative greater appetite for risk was again
demonstrated in a separate task designed to measure the extent people are
adverse to losses, as participants were given money with the proposition
to ―double or nothing.‖ South-East-Asian participants were found to be
21% (p< 0.032, N= 138) more likely to take the gamble, than those that
identified as White-British.

What might explain these differences?

40
 Notes
Insights were gathered into this question when observing the responses
of participants to the ERS in which they were required to recall and
document in their own words a recent event in their lives when they had
to deal with risk. The survey yielded responses which placed emphasis
on different aspects of the decision depending on the individual‘s cultural
group. For example for similar events such as making a purchase online
or making an investment, Asian participants considered more contextual
concerns for their situation such as family, reputation and career. In
comparison White-British participants focused on specific metrics and
logical rationales to recall their thought process during their risk event.

These observations highlight how different cultures think differently

when presented with risky options. There are a variety of cultural
mediums such as the community environment, values and social
interactions that could explain these varying responses to risk. For
instance South-East-Asian communities have a strong tradition of
playing games of chance including various card games and Mah-jong
during social and family gatherings, as well as having a high regard for
superstition and numerology where luck is viewed as a blessing from
their ancestors and gods. In comparison in underlying South-Asian belief
systems such as Karma, one becomes worthy of good fortune through
selfless sacrifice and self-control.

According to some theories, emotions are universal phenomena, albeit

affected by culture. Emotions are "internal phenomena that can, but do
not always, make themselves observable through expression and
behavior". While some emotions are universal and are experienced in
similar ways as a reaction to similar events across all cultures, other
emotions show considerable cultural differences in their antecedent
events, the way they are experienced, the reactions they provoke and the
way they are perceived by the surrounding society. According to other
theories, termed social constructionist, emotions are more deeply
culturally influenced. The components of emotions are universal, but the
patterns are social constructions. Some also theorize that culture is
affected by emotions of the people.

41
Notes
9.3 THE ROLE OF REJECTION
AVOIDANCE IN THE RESPONSE TO
VICARIOUS CHOICE
While negative reactions to the denial of freedom are associated with
independence of the self (Savani et al., 2008; Jonas et al., 2009), a
positive reaction to the denial of freedom might be associated with
interdependence of the self. Although this possibility has been suggested
by Iyengar and Lepper (1999), who found an association between
personal choice and intrinsic motivation in European American children
and an association between a choice made by a close other (e.g., their
mothers) and intrinsic motivation in Asian American children, the
underlying psychological mechanism of such a cultural difference has
not been fully tested.

To explore the underlying mechanism of a cultural difference in the

response to vicarious choice, we focus on how being afraid of social
rejection leads to avoidant behavior. People care deeply about social
rejection, as they want to connect with other people in their own group.
The need to belong has been shown to play a significant role across
cultures (Fiske and Yamamoto, 2005). Previous research illustrated that
experience of rejection leads to rejection sensitivity, which in turn
promotes rejection avoidance behaviors (e.g., Feldman and Downey,
1994). Molden et al. (2009) showed that when people recalled or
underwent experiences of being rejected, they showed prevention-
focused responses. Similarly, studies suggest that rejection experiences
bring to mind broader social connections, for example, social groups one
belongs to (Knowles and Gardner, 2008) and promotes to seek out group
settings (Maner et al., 2007), to adhere to group norms (Kerr et al.,
2009), and to increase contribution to group efforts (Williams and
Sommer, 1997). Taken together, these findings suggest that the
experience of being rejected generally leads to increases of rejection
sensitivity and avoidance at the individual level.

However, the literature also suggests cultural differences in the

significance of the strategy to avoid rejection in order to live a good life.
42
 Notes
Hashimoto and Yamagishi (2013, 2016) argued that a society like Japan,
which is maintained by mutual monitoring and sanctioning within fixed
group boundaries, promotes heavy dependency of individuals on others.
As groups are closed to outsiders and mutual commitment relationships
are prevalent, rejection by group members and exclusion from the
community-based cooperation system is very harmful. It is therefore
wise to be sensitive to the needs and expectations of other members of
the group and not to offend them in order to avoid social rejection. In
contrast, a society like Germany allows its members to find alternative
interaction partners easily, and therefore, social rejection is not as
deleterious. Sato et al. (2014) have provided empirical evidence for the
claim that being rejected is more threatening to East Asian people than
for Westerners because the cost of being disliked and eventually
excluded by others is greater in these societies, where finding alternative
relationships is rather difficult. Other studies have consistently found that
East Asians exhibit more pronounced rejection avoidance tendencies
than Westerners (Yamaguchi et al., 1995; Garris et al., 2011).
Consistently, empirical research has shown that Asians oftentimes
behave in a way that allows them to avoid any disruption of harmonious
relationships: Compared to Westerners, East Asians more frequently
engage in self-criticism (Heine et al., 2000), are less willing to seek
social support (Kim et al., 2008; Ishii et al., 2017), and more frequently
inhibit their desire to express disagreement (Hashimoto et al., 2012) in
order to prevent social disapproval. These findings suggest that although
rejection poses a threat and experiences of rejection lead to avoidance
behaviors to people regardless of their cultural background, structural
factors (e.g., whether a society is maintained by a mutual monitoring and
sanctioning system) promote these avoidance behaviors to varying
degrees.
The concern for others‘ appraisals might lead individuals across cultures
to feel a threat of rejection from the group they belong to, particularly in
situations in which all group members form a mutual commitment
relationship and can observe individuals‘ behavior. Choosing based on
one‘s inner attributes while ignoring the social context or failing to
incorporate others‘ preferences could be seen as incongruent to social

43
Notes
standards and thus potentially elicits rejection by the other group
members. However, as structural factors in Japan promote the prevention
of social rejection more strongly than structural factors in Germany,
Japanese people might respond more positively to vicarious choice by in-
group members, while Germans would be more likely to risk rejection
and claim personal choice. We hypothesized, accordingly, that the
cultural differences in reactions can be partly explained by variation in
levels of rejection avoidance.

9.4 THE PRESENT RESEARCH ON

CULTURAL RESPONSE
The present research conducted three studies among German
(representing a Western culture) and Japanese (representing an East
Asian culture) participants to explore cultural differences in responses to
vicarious choice. We hypothesized that Germans would be more likely
than Japanese to demand choice as a reaction to vicarious choice and
evaluate the chooser more negatively, whereas Japanese would be more
likely than Germans to accept vicarious choices and evaluate the chooser
more positively. Following Study, which tests the cultural differences,
Studies 2 and 3 hypothesized that Japanese would be higher in rejection
avoidance than Germans and that higher rejection avoidance would lead
people to accept vicarious choice and demand less personal choice.

Given that rejection avoidance reflects a concern for social disapproval,

the impact on responses to vicarious choice would be clearly
demonstrated in a group situation such as when people are working in a
team. Thus, we developed a set of group scenarios that one group
member first chooses and proposes a collective behavior without asking
and considering individual preferences and opinions. Little is known
about cultural differences in reactions to vicarious choice in a group
setting, as previous findings that the consequences of vicarious choice
depend on culture are mainly based on the examinations at the dyadic
level (e.g., mother; Iyengar and Lepper, 1999). Testing with these group
scenarios, we also explore the cultural differences in reactions to

44
 Notes
vicarious choice can be generalized even in a condition where group
pressure can be estimated and perceived.

Culture and emotional experiences

A cultural syndrome as defined by Triandis (1997)[19] is a "shared set of
beliefs, attitudes, norms, values, and behavior organized around a central
theme and found among speakers of one language, in one times period,
and in one geographic region". Because cultures are shared experiences,
there are obvious social implications for emotional expression and
emotional experiences. For example, the social consequences of
expressing or suppressing emotions will vary depending upon the
situation and the individual. Hochschild (1983)[20] discussed the role of
feeling rules, which are social norms that prescribe how people should
feel at certain times (e.g. wedding day, at a funeral). These rules can be
general (how people should express emotions in general) and also
situational (events like birthdays). Culture also influences the ways
emotions are experienced depending upon which emotions are valued in
that specific culture. For example, happiness is generally considered a
desirable emotion across cultures. In countries with more individualistic
views such as America, happiness is viewed as infinite, attainable, and
internally experienced. In collectivistic cultures such as Japan, emotions
such as happiness are very relational, include a myriad of social and
external factors, and reside in shared experiences with other people.
Uchida, Townsend, Markus, & Bergseiker (2009) suggest that Japanese
contexts reflect a conjoint model meaning that emotions derive from
multiple sources and involve assessing the relationship between others
and the self. However, in American contexts, a disjoint model is
demonstrated through emotions being experienced individually and
through self-reflection. Their research suggests that when Americans are
asked about emotions, they are more likely to have self-focused
responses "I feel joy" whereas a Japanese typical reaction would reflect
emotions between the self and others "I would like to share my happiness
with others."

Culture and emotion regulation

45
Notes
Emotions play a critical role in interpersonal relationships and how
people relate to each other. Emotional exchanges can have serious social
consequences that can result in either maintaining and enhancing positive
relationships, or becoming a source of antagonism and discord
(Fredrickson, 1998; Gottman & Levenson, 1992)). Even though people
may generally "want to feel better than worse" (Larsen, 2000),) how
these emotions are regulated may differ across cultures. Research by
Yuri Miyamoto suggests that cultural differences influence emotion
regulation strategies. Research also indicates that different cultures
socialize their children to regulate their emotions according to their own
cultural norms. For example, ethnographic accounts suggest that
American mothers think that it is important to focus on their children's
successes while Chinese mothers think it is more important to provide
discipline for their children. To further support this theory, a laboratory
experiment found that when children succeeded on a test, American
mothers were more likely than Chinese mothers to provide positive
feedback (e.g. "You're so smart!"), in comparison to Chinese mothers
who provided more neutral or task relevant feedback (e.g. "Did you
understand the questions or did you just guess?"; Ng, Pomerantz, & Lam,
2007). This shows how American mothers are more likely to "up-
regulate" positive emotions by focusing on their children's success
whereas Chinese mothers are more likely to "down-regulate" children's
positive emotions by not focusing on their success. Americans see
emotions as internal personal reactions; emotions are about the self
(Markus & Kityama, 1991). In America, emotional expression is
encouraged by parents and peers while suppression is often disapproved.
Keeping emotions inside is viewed as being insincere as well as posing a
risk to one's health and well being. In Japanese cultures, however,
emotions reflect relationships in addition to internal states. Some
research even suggests that emotions that reflect the inner self cannot be
separated from emotions that reflect the larger group. Therefore, unlike
American culture, expression of emotions is often discouraged, and
suppressing one's individual emotions to better fit in with the emotions of
the group is looked at as mature and appropriate.

46
 Notes
Emotional perception and recognition
The role of facial expressions in emotional communication is often
debated. While Darwin believed the face was the most preeminent
medium of emotion expression, more recent scientific work challenges
that theory. Furthermore, research also suggests that cultural contexts
behave as cues when people are trying to interpret facial expressions. In
everyday life, information from people's environments influences their
understanding of what a facial expression means. According to research
by Masuda et al. (2008), people can only attend to a small sample of the
possible events in their complex and ever- changing environments, and
increasing evidence suggests that people from different cultural
backgrounds allocate their attention very differently. This means that
different cultures may interpret the same social context in very different
ways. Since Americans are viewed as individualistic, they should have
no trouble inferring people's inner feelings from their facial expressions,
whereas Japanese people may be more likely to look for contextual cues
in order to better understand one's emotional state. Evidence of this
phenomenon is found in comparisons of Eastern and Western artwork. In
Western art there is a preoccupation with the face that does not exist in
Eastern art. For example, in Western art the figure occupies a larger part
of the frame and is clearly noticeably separated from the ground. In East
Asian artwork, the central figure is significantly smaller and also appears
to be more embedded in the background. In a laboratory setting, Masuda
et al. also tested how sensitive both Americans and Japanese would be to
social contexts by showing them pictures of cartoons that included an
individual in the context of a group of four other people. They also
varied the facial expressions of the central figure and group members.
They found that American participants were more narrowly focused with
judging the cartoon's emotional states than the Japanese participants
were. In their recognition task they also observed that the Japanese
participants paid more attention to the emotions of the background
figures than Americans did.

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

47
Notes
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1. Discuss about the Vicarious Choice
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
2. Discuss about the Role of Rejection Avoidance in the Response to
Vicarious Choice.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
3. Discuss the Present Research on Cultural Response.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………

9.5 LET US SUM UP

Culture "Surprise": Usually occurs early in your stay in the new culture
when you begin to be aware of superficial, novel, and startling
differences. Often characterizes the "honeymoon" phase of adjustment.

Culture "Stress": A mild response to "stimulus overload." Culture Stress"

is often seen in travelers abroad. One becomes tired and withdrawn.
Annoyance builds as daily reality becomes more difficult.

Culture "Irritation": Often manifests itself in terms of ―Item Irritation‖

and is usually traceable to a few observable behaviors that are common
in the culture, and to which an individual reacts particularly strongly (a
personal ―hot button‖). These may include spitting, hygiene, verbal
harassment, public displays (affection, drunkenness, etc.), or other overt
behaviors to which an individual has a strong negative response.

Culture "Fatigue": A fairly short-term response to "stimulus overload."

This occurs when you begin to respond to the behavior of the "new"
culture and are stressed by trying to deal with lots of new cultural
information all at once. Stress and irritation intensify as you attempt to

48
 Notes
study or work in a foreign environment. There is a cumulatively greater
impact due to the "need to operate" in unfamiliar and difficult contexts.
Symptoms intensify. Ability to function declines. It can occur soon after
arrival or within a few weeks. It can hit you quickly and is often
accompanied by "Language Fatigue." Language fatigue occurs when,
trying to use a second language constantly, you become physically and
psychologically drained by speaking, listening, and finding meaning in,
until now, a little used "new" language.

Culture "Shock": Culture Shock comes from the natural contradiction

between our accustomed patterns of behavior and the psychological
conflict of attempting to maintain them in the new cultural environment.
While the time of onset is variable, it usually occurs within a few months
of entering a new culture and is a normal, healthy psychological reaction.
While culture shock is common, relief is available. There are ways to
minimize its effects -the first of which is to accept that it is a real
phenomenon- and to learn to recognize its sometimes vague, if persistent,
signs in yourself as well as others.

If negative attitudes towards minor annoyances do not change, a low

level of persistent frustration is likely to build up. This can quickly lead
to volatile anger when accumulated stress inappropriately and
unexpectedly erupts and you vent your feelings, but you are unable to
trace the outburst to a single source. People around you might comment,
"What was that all about?" or "Where did that come from?"

Just remember that unlike temporary annoyance when you are in the
presence of a particular cultural practice (e.g., mistreatment of animals or
public displays of affection), culture shock is neither caused by a single
act nor easily traceable to a particular event. It is cumulative, attributable
to many small things that happen over time, and it has the potential to be
more deeply felt and take longer to alleviate.

What happens as multicultural communities assimilate with the

mainstream?

49
Notes

In an additional line of inquiry, the ticker task responses of a subset of

participants with South-Asian and South-East-Asian ethnicity who were
identified as having immigrated to the UK, were analysed separately to
identify patterns in their risk taking as they settled.

The associated regression analysis showed that for every 10% of a

person‘s lifetime spent in the United Kingdom, they took on 3% less risk,
equivalent to responding 2 seconds quicker on the risk ticker (p= 0.002,
N= 63). The increasing aversion to risk among migrants makes sense
when considering the financial and emotional investment required in the
process of relocation and integration into their new community and
respective standing. These investments may create inertia and bias for
maintaining the status quo and to take less risk.

The results of this research provokes further thought with regards to how
we respond to risk and challenge the notion that all cultures do so in the
same way. The cultural attributes of social interactions, value and
environment may affect our responses although these influences are often
overlooked in politics, social policy and marketing. With the increasing
focus on public perceptions and growing divergence on views on societal
challenges, research into how culture shapes our immediate reactions to
risk is required and will grow in importance going forward.

9.6 KEY WORDS

Avoidance: the action of keeping away from or not doing something.

Rejection: Social rejection occurs when an individual is deliberately

excluded from a social relationship or social interaction. The topic
includes interpersonal rejection, romantic rejection and familial
estrangement. A person can be rejected by individuals or an entire group
of people.

9.7 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

50
 Notes
1. Write in details The Role of Rejection Avoidance in the Response
to Vicarious Choice.

9.8 SUGGESTED READINGS AND

REFERENCES
 Asch S. E. (1952). Social psychology. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice Hall; ).
 Brehm J. W. (1966). A theory of psychological reactance. (New
York: Academic Press; ).
 Cialdini R. B., Goldstein N. J. (2004). Social influence: compliance
and conformity. Annu. Rev. Psychol. 55, 591–621.
10.1146/annurev.psych.55.090902.142015, PMID:
 Deci E. L., Ryan R. M. (2008). Hedonia, eudaimonia, and well-
being: an introduction. J. Happiness Stud. 9, 1–11. 10.1007/s10902-
006-9018-1
 Eisen C., Ishii K., Miyamoto Y., Ma X., Hitokoto H. (2016). To
accept one‘s fate or be its master: culture, control, and workplace
choice. Front. Psychol. 7:936. 10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00936, PMID:
 Feldman S., Downey G. (1994). Rejection sensitivity as a mediator
of the impact of childhood exposure to family violence on adult
attachment behavior. Dev. Psychopathol. 6, 231–247.

9.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1

1. See Section 9.2

2. See Section 9.3
3. See Section 9.4

51
 UNIT 10: LAND REVENUE
SETTLEMENT: PLANTATION
ECONOMY
STRUCTURE
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 A Note On Tea Plantation Labourers
10.2.1 Origin and Migration
10.2.2 Traditional Occupation of the Adibasi Labourers
10.2.3 Bureaucracy in Tea Plantation
10.2.4 Labour Recruitme
10.2.5 Types of Work, System of Works and Working Hours
10.2.6 Wage and Remuneration of the Labourers and other Job
Facilities
10.3 Social Environment of the Plantation Labourers
10.4 Let us sum up
10.5 Key Words
10.6 Questions for Review
10.7 Suggested readings and references
10.8 Answers to Check Your Progress

10.0 OBJECTIVES
After this unit, we can able to know:
 To know about the Tea Plantation Labourers
 To discuss about the Social Environment of the Plantation
Labourers

10.1 INTRODUCTION
It has been seen in the discussion of the earlier chapter that North Bengal
is the main producer of tea of West Bengal, the second largest tea
growing state of India. The North Bengal districts, mainly the hills and
foot hill areas of Darjeeling and Doars of Jalpaiguri is the prime tea
producing zone of the state. This region supplies both CTC and orthodox
tea of which the tea of Darjeeling hills is world famous for its quality and
52
 Notes
flavour. On the other hand the tea ofTerai and Doars have much thicker
brue. The tea plantation of this region has been started under the British
patronage in about 1850 onward and gradually took commercial shape.
Now all the gardens are owned by the Indians. The economy of North
Bengal districts is even at present highly under developed while the tea
gardens are the pockets of prosperity. In this chapter a discussion will be
made on the adibasi tea plantation labourers of Terai and Doars of North
Bengal. The prime part of the story of tea is the story of the people who
built the industry. This part is more interesting with its own rhythm of
joy and sorrow. This includes their migration, adoption of. this new
economic and living environment, their social life - cultural life so on
and so forth. But there is a difficulty to get a systematic chronology of
the history of these people due to the lack of documentary evidences.
This is only available in part in the record of different tea enquiry
committees. (Bhowmik 1981)

10.2 A NOTE ON TEA PLANTATION

LABOURERS
10.2.1 Origin and Migration

At the early stage of this industry the planters faced two vital problems.
Firstly the ideally suited are~for tea were covered with thick unhealthy
forest cover which were to be cleared. The second problem was the
scarcity of labour. Tea being a very much labour intensive industry need
continuous supply of cheap labour to carry on its operation at its different
levels. The local people were reluctant to join the industry due to the
hazardous condition of work as well as its low wage. The labourers had
no fixed hour of work neither any fixed type of work. Their wages was as
low as three rupees per month as the planters viewed their work as 'easy
and light'. To solve the problem of labour crisis the planters started the
import of labourers from outside the state mainly from Chotonagpur area
of Bihar and its adjoining area of Orissa and Madhyapradesh. These
people were the aboriginal people of Oraon, Murida, Santhal, Barik,
Tulsi, Asur, Lahar, Kheria and others, popularly known in India as
'adibasi'. The tribal society of Bihar in the 19th century was 'in a state of

53
Notes
turmoil'. Since the 17th century the decay of their traditional society
started. By this time their tribal King and the royal family got Hinduised
and interlinked to the neighbouring Hindu princely family by
intermarriage, and started encouraging the Hindu Brahmin and other high
caste people, with rudimentary education, to settle down at their place
and offered them high administratory posts and land. These
people)ocally known as Dikus i.e. alliens_..started exploiting these
innocent tribal people and expropriate them from their land. This
problem intensified with the introduction of British rule into this area.
The traders and money lenders poured into this area and cornered land
through various means. The simple minded innocent people finally burst
into unrest and revolt. All the cultivating tribes. Munda, Kharias, Ho,
Oraon, jointly fight against the alii ens in 'Kol Insurrection' of 1831;
'Santhal Revolt' of 1858 and 'Uigulan in Mundari' of 1899-1901 are the
series of tribal aggression against the Dikus and the Britishers. In
addition to the turmoil, the natural hazards like a series of flood and
famine (of 1868-69, 1873-74, 1893-94, 1897 the severest, 1918)
destroyed the society of the tribals of Chotonagpur. As a result the poor
and bvX . ill-fated people had, nothing\to leave their place to earn their
bread and butter from any where through any type of work. Finally they
migrated to the areas of tea plantation and came under the grip of the
planters who exploited these uprooted people more easily. Being
deprived from the means of their lively hood, turned into the pool of
unemployment_.these adibasi people became sturdy, hard-working and
submissive who could live at an almost subhuman level of existence.
Almost all the tea plantation of Terai and Doars are served by the slave
or indentured labourers from the tribal people of Chotonagpur.

Since 1853 recruitment of indentured labourers from outside the state

stated. Migration of these labourers to the plantation was mainly family
based and organised instead of individual m-an and wome~n though this
type of migration also occurred. The plantation absorb both male and
female member of tribal family as labourers. The one of the major
operation of plantation is plucking. This requires a huge number of
female participation who had a good reputation to score over the male

54
 Notes
more in efficiency and quality of leaf plucked. Moreover as the planters
wanted cheap labour they encouraged the labourers to settle down
permanently in the respective garden by providing them family quarter
and a small plot of arable land as share cropper thus make them unable to
go to any other sector of employment. The family based immigration cut
off the labourers from their place of origin and ensure the planters that
these people would never leave the garden. The present tea garden tribal
labourers are the third or fourth generation of these early migrants and
are totally cut off from their natal place. In 1835 the time of take over the
Darjeelig from the Raja of Sikkim by East India Company its population
was 100 (Dash 1947). Its increased to 10000 by 1859. When Terai was
annexed to this district its population was not known. The first regular
census of 1872 of this district showed its population figure as 94712. In
1881 the population was 155179. The population increased very rapidly
by the consecutive years. The population in 1901,1911,1921,1931 and
1941 was249117, 265500,282748,319635 and 376369 respectively. This
rapid growth of population was mainly due to the very rapid growth of
tea industry in hills and foothills of this district and also due to waste
land cultivation. Most of the increased population comprises the
immigrant tribal labourers from outside the state. The census of 1961
showed the district was inhabited by 624640 persons of which 67,00 was
the immigrants from outside the state, primarily from Bihar. The census
of 1961 further revealed that 96,444 persons returned themselves as
belonging to various scheduled tribes. The Siliguri subdivision had a
predominance of scheduled tribes with the Oraon from Chotonagpur
being the maximum in number followed by Mundas from Bihar and
Santhal from Santhal Pargana. In 1872 the Oraons were 1648 in number
which increased to 14433 in 1941. The Mundas was 255 in 1891 and
increased to 5993 in 1941. The Santhals was 999 in 1891 and increased
to 4045 in 1941 (Bhadra : 1997).

The census of 1858-59 showed the population figure of the settled part of
Jalpaiguri district was 189067 (9011961 ). The subsequent census
showed considerable increase in the population. In 1871-72 the
population was 327985. This increase of population was mainly due to

55
Notes
the rapid growth of tea industry there in which attract the tribal
immigrants from outside the state. In 1989 the number of immigrants of
this district was 143922 (9011901 ). T he census of 1901 put the number
of immigrants as 188223. Bulk of the immigrants were tribal people from
Ranchi, Santhal Pargana of Chotonagpur. The migration statement show
that 80436 immigrants were from Ran chi district and 1 0562 from
Santhal Pargana. According to census report of 1911 the number of
persons born in Ranchi district who were enumerated in Jalpaiguri
district was 126214. The following table shows the immigration to
Jalpaiguri since 1891 to 1941. This table includes all'types of
immigrants, not only those from Chotonagpur to Jalpaiguri.
Table 10.1.: The Immigrant Population of Jalpaiguri District (1891-1941)

The immigration of tea garden labourers in North Bengal were very high
since 1860-1881 because a number of tea garden sprung up during this
time. Between 1896-1901 tea price fell greatly in Britain. Consequently
the gardens reduced their labourforce. During 1901-1911 the plantation
population showed a decline in its number. The immigration of tribal
labourers from Chotonagpur was stopped by rule in 1950. Since then the
planters could employed the labourers from among the surplus ones
settle down in the neighbouring villages and plantations. In 1952 the
Plantation Labour Act was passed to protect men and women workers in
plantation. Now the feudalistic relation between planters and the
labourers changed to a relationship between employers and employees.
The plantation labourers were given some legal protection and there was
a scope to form their own association . Since the Plantation Labour Act

56
 Notes
was effective for permanent labourers the planters wanted to reduce the
number of the permanent labourers as these would decrease the over
head cost. Consequently there was a reduction in the labour force since
the passing of the act.

Table 10.2.: Decline of Plantation Labour Force in India and West

Bengal (1950-1980).

10.2.2 Traditional Occupation of the Adibasi

Labourers

The adibasi plantation labourers of North Bengal are generally· the

immigrant tribals of Chotonagpur and their descendents. These people
altogether form a more or less homogeneous group commonly referred to
as'Modesia'by the local people. These poverty sicken, innocent,hard-
working , people are originally traditional agriculturists though some are
of artisan back ground. Of these,·. · ·. Oraons are agriculturisf:$",Baraiks
are weavers of cloth, Mahalis and Turis are basket makers, the Lohers
are iron smiths. Tea plantation being a agro based industry has an
agricultural envimnment in gardens. Besides, these gardens are generally
situated in rural area. This condition help the traditional rural
agriculturist tribes to adopt the industry much easily. According to their
traditional occupation there exists a kind of social hierarchy within their
society, keeping the traditional agriculturist in the upper rank and the

57
Notes
artisans in the inferior position. In factory there are somewhat industrial
environment. These people are considered as industrial workers though
actually these semi isolated working group does not enjoy the actual
status of the industrial workers. This industry does not need any
education or previous working experience and here the unit of
recruitment is family. Both male and female members of family here get
job as labourer alongwith their children. A kind of strick bureaucratic
structure exists in each tea plantation keeping management at the top and
labourers at the bottom with a number of intermediatories. Butthe
relationship between the planters and the labourers are some what fu
,dalistic in nature which has been changed to some extent in modern
times with the exposure to the outer world. At present almost 85 percent
of the labour force of Terai and Doars. consists of the descendants of the
immigrants of Chotonagpur. In plantation we get four categories of
labourers male, female, adolescents (16-18yrs) and Children (12-16yrs).
The last two categories i.e. the child and adoiEJ'tent labourers are the
special feature of plantation industry. The rest 15 percent includes the
Nepali, Bihari and Bengali caste groups. Most of the plantation labourers
are resident labour and live at scattered labour lines within plantation.
The works in plantation start early in the morning o.n..eand labours1 to
report much earlier. Moreover the labourers are the immigrants and their
descendants, so the authority had to give them the housing facility which
was compulsory according to the Plantation Labour Act of 1951. Labour
force in tea gardens are of two types (a) workers in the fields (b) workers
in the factory. Factory workers are generally male. Female child and
adolescents eY'..s work1 rarely work as factory workers. Factory workers
form a fragment of the labour force.

10.2.3 Bureaucracy in Tea Plantation

Every tea plantation has a strict bureaucratic structure of administrative

work organisation with a very little chance of promotion or upward
occupational mobility. At the top level there is the executive category,
includes . . Manager (Sara Sahib) and a group of assistant Managers
(Chotta Shibs) who are the immediate authority of the plantation and
look after its overall administration. The next category includes the

58
 Notes
supervisory staffs- both the garden (Bagan babu) and the factory (Factory
Babu) and the clerks (Babu). The third category includes the sub-staffs
who mainly carry out orders from the top and keep eyes on the collies.
This group has a hierarchy within itself having at the top the Munshi
(Field Staff) and Sardar (Factory Staff). Then comes Chaprasii. (peon);
Boidar, who keeps the attendance in the field; Defadar, the gang leader
of the collies; Chowkidar, the watchman; Paniwala, the man who carry
water to the workers and he should be of a higher rank; Davawala the
health assistant. The fourth and the last category of this hierarchical
organisation is the 'Collie' inclUde all the field and factory workers and
daily wage workers directly engage in the process of production. The
Collies form the large labourforce in the plantation. These people both
male and female do all kinds of manual works in the garden and factory
and carry on the flow production process.

10.2.4 Labour Recruitme

At the initial stage of tea industry in North Bengal the disperse and
scanty population of this area failed to meet the enormous supply of
required labour force for this very much labour intensive industry.
Besides, the character of this local labour force was unsatisfactory. As a
result labourers were imported from the tribal belt of Chotonagpur.
Before 1874 Assam was a part of Bengal and here tea industry has
started much earlier than Bengal. In 1859 Tea Planters Association was
formed in Assam to regulate the process of Labour Recruitment through
the contractors (Arakatthi) in an organised manner in Assam and also
looked after the gardens of Terai and Dooars. However this process
proved unsatisfactory by 1863. Besides this process, recruitment was also
done by the planters themselves through the garden sardars and also
through the recruiting agencies by contract basis. In 1 87 4 Assam was
separated from Bengal. The tea gardens of Darjeeling hills faced
recruitment problems as these gardens were manned by the poverty
sicken Nepali immigrants who were compelled to migrate from over
populated Nepal due to its rising economic.pressure. For the gardens of
Terai and Dears imported labour force were to be needed. Here the
planters recruited labourers following the popular policies namely

59
Notes
Sardari system, Arakathi system and recruitment through some private
agencies. Of these three systems Sardari system is the most successful
one. In the first system garden sardar was sent to the recruiting ground
with some money in the recruiting season, generally from early October
to late February. It was easier for a sarder to collect this native people to
induce them to show the advantage of work and the false prospects of
ultimate settlement on independent holding. He then collect the willing
people and brought them to the respective gardens. The sarders were
usually accompanied by one management personnel who keep a vigil on
him. In the second one i.e. in the Arakathi system the agents of the
planters, generally the members of Gashi, Barik and other non-
cultivator)! tribes of Chotonagpur, went to the recruiting districts and
collected labourers by giving them false promise of prosperity. Under the
Amendment Act of 1870 these two system was in vogue till 1952. Since
1952 there has been no recruitment in plantation at least officially though
this system. The third system of "labour l"scruitment i.e. recruitment
through local agents of some private agencies was done in the recruiting
districts. These agencies supply labourers (Girmibas) to the garden
concerned as per some agreements and get money for this job.

To look after the Labour Recruitment f,olicy in Terai and Doars the
British planters of this area established an association named as Tea
District Labour Association with its head quarter at Calcutta. This
association had their agents in recruiting grounds. Besides, the Christian
Mission had their own labour Bureau to help the TDLA. There was the
problem of Labour Enti'C.ement. The employers who had less labourers
would seek to entice labourers from their neighbouring gardens, and they
had spent considerable amount for it. In 1889 a set of rules provided
interalia that workers leaving one estate for another without permission
must be turned out or sent back. Doars planters and then the planters
ofTerai region signed to this agreement. In 1959 recruitment from
outside West Bengal has been reduced and gradually the TDLA
dissolved. By this time a surplus condition among the plantation
labourers has been created in North Bengal and the planters could recruit

60
 Notes
the required labours from the surplus one settled down in and around
their plantation.

10.2.5 Types of Work, System of Works and

Working Hours

ln·plantation daily wage labourers perform all types·of manual works

such of plucking of leaves, weeding, hoeing, manuring, forking,cleaning
· soil, pruning the tea bush in winter, taking care of nursery bed of young
tea plants and cleaning the tea stalk in factory, spraying of pesticides and
so on. Plucking is ·considered to be the most important job in plantation
and need patience. This job is generally done by the women folk who are
believed to collect better quality of leaves with greater efficiency. The
plucking season generally begins with early rain in March and ends
either in November or in early December. The plucking gives the highest
yield during July to August when rain fall is heavy. The plucking in early
monsoons is supposed to produce the best quality tea . . After plucking
the season of pruning the tea bush comes in winter on which depends the
yield of the next season. On the basis of height of the bush pruning is
made as light, medium and deep. The women folk perform the right and
medium pruning while the deep pruning is done by the male labourers.
Beside this male labourers perform the heavy manual works like deep
hoeing, digging, spraying of pesticide and weedicides. The women
workers -also perform: weeding, manuring, light hoeing, collecting the
seeds of the shade trees, forking and preparing of nursery beds. The
adolescent labourers perform the same types of works as the women folk.
The aged labourers are generally engaged in picking out the stalks from
the tea leaves. They also engage in making nursery seed beds. Children
are generally given light agricultural works such as removing creepers
and parasites from tea bushes, light digging, collecting the seeds of shade
trees etc. Plantation works is generally done in group or groups termed as
'Patti' consisted of fifty labourers either men and women under the
supervision of Sardar and Dafader. The tasks are fixed either interms of
Nal or Dangs or Bushes. A Nal or Dang is an area of 12 square feet and
roughly 3000 Nals comprise an acre. The task assigned to the women and

61
Notes
children are proportionately less than the men. In 1951 the Plantation
Labour Act lays down the maximum weekly working hour for the
labours. Later in 1957 another Plantation Labour Act is enacted which is
in vogue. According to this act the normal weekly hours of work were in
between 37hr and 47hr in West Bengal. The act provides for a day rest
long period of seven days and for the payment of work done on the day
before rest. The act also provides for grant of leaves with wage at the rate
of one day for every fifteen working days. Accumulation of leave is
allowed upto a maximum of 30 days.

Table 10.3.: Sexwise classification of Plantation work

10.2.6 Wage and Remuneration of the

Labourers and other Job Facilities

The tea garden labourers are paid according to the task they perform. A
work is known as 'Thika'. He is paid a wage for completing his 'Thika'
which is known as 'Haz. ira. The wage were previously fixed arbritarily
by the planters though their organisation. The Hazriraremained static
between 1920- 1947. It was for one anna, three annas and six paisas per
thika respectively for men, women and children (P. Griffith 1971 ). The
labourers could increase his income by completing more than one Thika
once a day. Beside the wages they were given certain monetary benefits
62
 Notes
like bonus, sick allowance, maternity allowance, incentives, some ex-
gratia payments during festivals. All these were paid either directly to the
labourers or though the Sardars. The wage of the labourers was
determined by the labourers capacity to bargain to higher wage but not
by the productivity of the labourers. Their condition was miserable. The
government do nothing to protect them. In the post independence period
the situation was quite favourable for the but the wage in tea plantation
lagged far behind those in other industries. In the post independence era
several committee viz. Modak Committee 1950, Banerjee Committee
1952 were appointed who recommended 6 merely and subsistence wage,
food, education and medical and other facilities for the tea plantation
labourers. A Central Wage Board was appointed by 1960. This board
announced two interim wage increments of Bpaisa and 6 paisa. The then
wage in Terai plantation was Rs. 1.95 for men, Rs. 1.81 for women and
Rs. 1.07 for children in Doars Rs. 1.98, Rs. 1.84, Rs. 1.07 for men,
women and children respectively. The central board recommended the
wage of men women and children will be increased by 13, 10 and 7 paisa
respectively from 1966. 1966 onward wages gradually increased either
through recommendations of bipartite meetings or through the demand of
the trade unions.

Table 10.4.: Wage Chart of the Labourers (1969-1978)

The wage differences between men and women labourers was abolished
in December, 1976. but many of the employers in West Bengal refused
to pay equal wage even after the Equal Wage For Equal Work Act was
passed. The Indian Tea Planters Association is in favour of maintaining
the wage differences between the men and women labourers because
Thika assigned to women labourers is always lesser than that of men.
63
Notes

Table 10.5.: The Rate of Daily Wage for Tea Plantation Labourers

The Dearness Allowance form a part of the revised wage fixed under the
Minimum Wage Act. Besides a labourers gets ration at concessional rates
with firewood. Some protective uniforms like umbrella, apron to protect
their cloth in tea bush, pullover, jute hessian which are essential for
working in the plantation are supplied free to the labourers alongwith
blanket once in every two years. Beside the other job facilities in tea
plantation the labourers according to the Plantation Labour Act 1951 the
labourers are provided housing facilities, with the provision of adequate
supply of drinking water, latrine and other health facilities and a medical
leave of 14 days in a week with 2/3rd of his minimum daily wage,
Women enjoy maternity leave with full payment. The act also provides
that every employer should provide and maintain a primary school for
labourers children and a creche (where 50 or more women are
employed.) The act also provides recreational facility to the labourers
and paid holiday on Independence Day, May Day and Republic Day and
one day each for Durgapuja, Diyali and Holi.

10.3 SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE

PLANTATION LABOURERS
Environment, means surrounding, that stimulate or influence the
behaviour of a group. 'Social environment' includes that part of
environment consisting of interacting individuals, their pattern of social
64
 Notes
organisations their ·way of life and the other aspects of society. The
social environment of the multi ethnic plantation society of North Bengal
with colonial background is very complex.

Modesia
The immigrant plantation labourers of North Bengal from Chotonagpur
belong· to different ethnic groups. Externally they form a more or less
homogeneous group commonly referred to as 'Modesia' by the local
people. The word 'Modesia' is an indigenous term denotes 'our people' or
'my native people'. The immigrants labourers initially referred to their
native people as 'Modesia' (Mo-desia) before the local folk who later on
started calling the whole immigrants tribal labourers group as 'Modesia'.
Another meaning of 'Modesia' is the migrants tribal of middle areas of
the country i.e. Madhyadesh .. "Modesia' is not at all a single tribal group
but a heterogeneous group . comprising a number of immigrant tribal
groups from Chotonagpur and adjoining area who are internally highly
differentiated with their distinct sociocultural traits, religion, customs and
languages :Yet they have some common traits due to their same place of
origin and same type of traditional occupation. Their customs~ beliefs,
rituals havesome similar traits though each tribe name them separately.
Due to their daily close and face to face interaction some cultural
assimilation take place among them; each group has to evolve a
compromise formula and an attitude of tolerance to others. The most
common thing the tribal groups have the illiteracy, ignorance and dire
poverty. They are socially, economically as well as culturally backward.

Settlement Pattern
Almost the entire labourforce of plantation is resident labourers. They
live at labour 'Bastee' in labourlines scattered all around the garden.
Previously the housing was done by the labourers themselves under the.
vigilance of the Sardar and these werethe 'kaccha' huts. The materials
were supplied by the management. But the Plantation Labour Act of
1951 lays down the provision of pucka structured quarter of the labourers
with proper sanitation system and provision of drinking water. The
labourers are not able to get all these facilities but same puckaquarters .

65
Notes
{are built. Usually the tribes of same category cluster together
surrounded by their same status , . group. By this their community life
maintained alongwith separate tribal identity. In the present days the rule
of single tribal cluster is not maintained u to so rigidly as was in past.
The habitants of a bastee bqndJeach other in kinship terms.

Language
Originally the tribals from Chotonagpur has their respective languages
'like 'Kurkh', Mundari of Dravidian language group. But in plantation
living together for a long time these groups has undergone a process of
acculturation affecting their culture,society even language. The effect of
linguistic intercourse is unique, though superficial because no single
language could emerge as dominant language. Rather a link language
which is a mixture of Hindi, Bengali and Asssamese had been made
current. This link language known as' Sandri J is at present the means for
verbal communication. The major vocabulary of this language is either
Assameese or Bengali with a considerable amount of Hindi. The choice
of major vocabulary depends on the regular contact and use of
neighbouring Indo-Aryan language. The primary unit consists of
Assameese, Bengali and Hindi words with secondary units comprising
the language of Eastern Bihar. The original grammar of the language is
seen to be lost totally. Th~ interaction of various tribal groups and
contact wi~h highly developed speech community might be the main
reason for the groWth of Sandri language in the garden. It is already in
the form of pidgin and functions as linga franca among the labours of the
garden. (Benerjee 1998).

Social Structure and Social Stratification

The social structure of the adibasi labourers group is very complex.
lnternaUy these Modesias are further subdivided into various sub-groups
. Religion is one of the criteria of such subdivision. On this basis the
tribals are divided into 'gaosar' (follower of tribal religion) and non
tribals mainly Christian. Integration of this two groups are very easy.
Among them there is no sense of inferiority or superiority complex. But

66
 Notes
subdivisions into various status group depending ori same place of origin
and same traditional occupation creates some complexities. The different
ethnic groups arrange themselves in a hierarchical rank depending on this
criteria keeping the traditional agriculturists at the top and artisans at the
bottom. On this basis the traditional agriculturist tribes like Oraon,
Munda Kheria form: a common status group superior to that of the
artisan tribes like Turi, Baraik, Lahar etc .. Their commensal relation
follo'!IISthis hierarchy. The tribals of higher status group do not live with
the lower one and not willingly come to form any affinal relation. The
women are more conservative in this respect. This hierarchy and this
commensal relation was followed very strictly in the earlier days but the
rigidity slacken in the present days to some extent but in case of
community participation these rules are followed strictly but no rule of
pollution is followed in case of taking rice beer (haria).
Family-Authority and Kinship
Mainly pairing family, nuclear family is predominant in the plantation
society alongwith very few joint families. The tea industry absorbs both
male and female members as its labour. The basic unit of recruitment of
the planters is the family. They encourage the family based immigration
to get cheap and settled labourers. Several job facilities like small family
quarter, ration, firewood ·are given according to the household except
according to the heads of family members. Additional labourers are also
taken from household basis. All these encourage the nuclearisation of
family in plantation. The functional role of family changed in plantation
economy as the self supporting tribal peasants turned to wage earner.
Thus the family changed from the unit of production to the unit of
consumption. Traditionally joint family was essential for joint and
organise~ effort for agriculture and to support the family economy. In the
present situation in plantation joint living deprives the labourers of some
of the due benefits from the garden authority. Thus joint family except
under some special circumstances is disfavoured. With the break down of
joint family in plantation society the patriarchal authority system has
been ~iminished. Here both men and women are the wage earner. The
authority came into the hands of the earning male member though·~ he
exercises his dominance comparatively less on his working wife, who too

67
Notes
earns the bread for the family. Kinship ties are slackening in plantation
society and kinship obligations are comparatively less than the order
days. There is a striking decrease in the frequency of their visit to their
natal places n.ow a days. Local marriage which is highly preferable i.n
this society, that develops a new kind of kin 1n groups within plantation
and\the neighbouring villages. A close relationship with a new set of
neighbouring kins men ariseswho help each other in problems .. ;This .. ·
.: close kinship inter dependence of the plantation society differs from
that of the other industrial society.
Marriage Marriage among the tribals of plantation is more a social
contact based on individual choice rather than a sacrament. Adibasi boy
and girl can marry according to their own will without prior consent of
their parents. Such union easily breaks down as their own will.
Negotiation marriage (Sadi) is the general rule fixed up generally by the
parents of the couple concerned. Here bride price in prevalent. After. the
fixation bride price a . premarriage celebration takes place in the girls
house followed by feast, drink and dance. There is no fixed age at
marriage. Endogamous marriage is a rule though inter tribal marriage
also takes place. But marriage within the same status group is desirable.
There is no problem in the marriage between Christian and saosar.
Marriage is strictly monogamous. Polygamy is also practiced though
socially criticised. Divorce and remarriage of both men and women is
also common. Another common feature of tribal plantation society is
consensual union (Rajikhusi) in which couple live together without
marria9.e and have children, 'Ghardamad'is another peculiar feature of
plantatio~/~'h~ the boy stays in the girls family for some period after
marriage and work for this family if he fails to give the fixed bride
price.'Ghardamad' concept has changed today from that of the previous
time. Now a man having plenty of land or properly but has no son can
keep his 'Damad'(son in law) at home out of agreement settled at the time
of marriage. The plantation community try to confine their marriage
within their same occupation group. At present marriage in the same
garden is common as the job opportunity is diminishing. If the girl of
other garden come to her husbands place she has to give up her job. Now
in the surplus labour condition there is very little chance to get a job for

68
 Notes
her in the new garden. Marriage alliances in their natal village is now not
preferred mainly due to the communication problem. In plantation
society plantation work become essential and normal component of
married women's daily existence. Their husband as well as in laws hawea
positive attitude towards their work.
Social Control
Law and order in garden is maintained by the Panchayat, not the
statutory one but the un official_ garden panchayat which is generally a
temporary body form when problem arises. This Panchayat is of two
kindsone is the tribal panchayat deals the problems exclusive to the
respective tribe like inter tribal dispute, custody of children of a
separated couple etc. The garden panchayet is a multi ethnic panchayet
body solve the problem of the garden like theft, rodism etc.
Employment
The adibasi people in plantation generally work as labourers in garden
and factory. By upward mobility they come only upto the chaprasi level.
In the slack seasons the temporary labourers work as share cropper in·
agricultural field in an out the plantation. The economic condition of the
permanent labourers are stable. Beside this these people get engage in
rickshwa pulling ... petty business, and also get some return from live
stock and poultry.
Social Interaction
The plantation society of North Bengal is a plural society where several
ethnic groups with their diverse place of origin and linguistic and racial
differences live side by side and communicate to each other during their
daily and face to face interaction being in /same economic activity. Each
group has to evolve a compromise formula and degree of tolerance in
their <;lue course of interaction. Here several social processes are in
operation. Some groups lose their identity through the process of
amalgamation. Additional groups are created out of ethnic
differentiation. Some groups lose their identity while some, specially the
numerically dominated ones, able to retain their traditional identity, to
some extent. But no group is so dominant to keep their identity intact.
Here the tribals have to keep three levels of interaction. Besides the
interaction within their own tribal group_, with the different tribal labour

69
Notes
groups, they ha~eto interact with the other non tribal groups of lower
caste Nepali, Bihari and Bengali as well as the Bengai~Bihari and Nepali
Babu groups.The Bengalees are considered superior to the all the groups
whom the tribals try to immitate almost in all respects.The Nepal is
being~~~ter are looked down upon.
Political consciousness
Tea plantations are generally located in the isolated part of rural areas of
hills and foot hills of North Bengal. Besides_,as a part of colonial
economy the planters kept the labours out of the contract from outside.
These people are very little conscious of their actual position and the
happening; outside of their 'Universe'. The surplus labourers of this
region as share cropper (Adihar) got involved in the Tebhaga h1ovement
of 1940's, Land Garb Movement of 1950's and Naxalbari Movement of
1960's. But these failed to keep any long lasting effect on them. At
present li"ade Unionism and Co-operative system entered among them.
But they are much concerned to increase their bonus, wage and
issuesstrike for these rather than long lasting improvement.
Religion
The adibasi plantation labourers are commonly the follower of traditional
tribal religion, animism. They call themselves 'Saosar' They are mostly
devided into different clans with their respective totem which is also
taboo to them. At present in the plantation society converted Christan
tribes men are also there. Some also claim themselves to be Hindu as
they do not mean this term in its orthodox sense. Among the Christen
and Saosar there exists easy integration and very little differences in their
life style except the Christians attend church and follow a somewhat
different rule of marriage. Actually the Saosars too are not the follower
of their traditional religious life. They have come from their homeland
long past and exposed to the tea garden culture. The religion they are
practising to day is a mixed religion with some of its original traits
blended to the new ones which they adopt in tea garden from their
neighbouring ethnic groups .
Status of Women
These tribal women are generally enjoy much freedom than the Hindu
caste women. They are exposed to very few restrictions. There is no pro

70
 Notes
habitation of their smoking and drinking. In these society men usually
exercise less authority over women. The inclusion of women as wage
earner and their crucial economic contribution helps to raise their status,
personal_ power an authority in the family. Besides, the role as bread
earner they have.to bear the buf)den of household and child rearing. Here
they has to play the role as a woman worker, wife and mother at a time.
They haveto perform the role of wage earner at their working hours and
as housewife in the time when the males enjoy leisure. In plantation
society doing the domestic work and looking after the children do , not
affect the dignity of the husband. Here in this society husbands take the
opinion of their wives but naturally it is not much valued except
regarding the matter of day to day expenditure domestic action etc. The
wives usually do not object to their drinking which is their traditional
habit but quarrel occur regarding excessive drinking and spending a large
part ofthe income on it. It is found that women are the primary bread
earner of the plantation family. The life of the immigrant tribal labourers
havtchanged to a great extent as they came to plantation system of North
Bengal. The innocent hard working tribals with traditional peasant or
artisan background turned to industrial wage · earner and came to the
fold of industrial bureaucratic organisation of plantation with agro based
productive system. The village based tribals have to live into labour
settlement allotted by the management. The new working and living
environment affect their traditional life to a great extent. Nuclearizaton of
family, reduction of kinship obligations increase in inter ethnic marriage,
change in the religious rites and ritualsare the result of this. These
changes due to the immigration and adoption of new working and living
condition and so on havea great sociological importance.

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1. What do you know about the Tea Plantation Labourers?

71
Notes
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
2. Discuss about the Social Environment of the Plantation Labourers.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………

10.4 LET US SUM UP

As the tea industry in North Bengal flourished since 1860's onward a
huge labour force was needed to carry out the operation of this labour
intensive industry at its different levels. The then scanty and disperse
population of North Bengal failed to meet the demand of enormous
supply of cheap labour. As a result and also as a part of colonial rule
semi aboriginal peoplewere imported from outside the state to serve the
industry. These people were from different tribal groups viz. Oraon,
Munda, Santal, Bhumij, Kheria, Lahar, Asur, Turi, Barik etc. of
Chotonagpur plateau of Bihar and its adjoining region of Madhyapradesh
and Orissa. Traditionally these people were of agricultural or atrisan
background. They came in the fold of the strict three tyre bureaucratic
structure of tea industry. Initially the immigrant labourers were recruited
by 'Arakati' or 'Sardari' system though the agents who draw them from
their natal place by advance paying. With the expansion of tea industry in
North Bengal by 1959 the recruitment from outside the state were
stopped by ad. By this time the planters could recruited labourers directly
from the previous ones who immigrated with family and settled down in
and around the plantation creating a surplus condition. In plantation the
daily wage labourers perform all types of manual works ~~ld and
factory. Depending on sex generally light work is given to
women;children. In West Bengal they have to work in between 37 to 47
hours in a week. The tea garden labourers are given wage (Hazira)
according to the task (Thika) given to them fora time period. In 1994-95
the daily wage of the adult workers were Rs. 21.80 in the big gardens
(500 hec) of Doars and Rs. 17.87 (500hec) Terai and hills of Darjeeing
while the children gets Rs. 11.02. Besides wage they enjoy some other

72
 Notes
job facilities like free quarter, fire wood, ration, medical facility
education facility for the children etc. The immigrant tribal labourer
groups externally form a more or less homogeneous group termed by the
local folk as'Modesia' (i.e. native people) by which the adibasi people
initially referred to their tribes men before the local folk who started
calling the whole group by this name. Internally the Modesias are highly
differentiated with their distinct socio-cultural traits, language, religion
and customs. They may have some similarities due to their same place of
origin and same traditional occupation yet the ·great similarly they have
is the illiteracy, ignorance and dire poverty which make them backward
socially and culturally in every aspects of their life. The structure of the
multi-ethnic plantation society is very complex and unique where
different ethnic groups havedaily, friendly and face to face interaction
being engage in same economic activity.· Here several social process are
in operation, several groups and subgroups are formed through the
process of assimilation, amalgamation, ·as well, based on religion,
traditional occupation, place of origin and so on. The different ethnic
groups arrange themselves in caste like hierarchy on this basis and their
commens'al relation follow this hierarchy, though not so rigidly in today
except in community participation. In plantation the adibasi labourers
live in 'Bastee' i.e. the labour settlements allotted by the management,
communicate in 'Sandri' i.e. broken Hindi mixed with Bengali and mostly
are 'Saosar', animist, by religion. Their family get nucleanised with the
authority resting upon the earning male member of the working couple.
Their kinship obligation in homeland get s-lakening and new relationship
grew up within plantation with increasing local as well inter ethnic
marriage. Marriage, commonly endogamous, appears more a social
contact> based on individual choice than social sacrament.

Law and order of this society rests upon the unofficial garden panchayat.
Large scale women participation in plantation as wage labourer raise
their status in society. Besides plantation work these people also engage
in agricultural activities as share cropper in and outside plantation and
also in petty business. These people living in the remote gardens of North
Bengal are very much unaware of the political scene of the country. At

73
Notes
present trade unionism entered among them but these unions are much
concern about the issues like increase of wage, bonus etc. Immigration,
adoption to new socio-cultural setting, occupation mobility from
traditional agriculture to industrial bureaucratic organisation of plantation
changes almost all the aspects of life of the Modesia labourers which is
of a great sociological importance.

10.5 KEY WORDS

Recruitment: Recruitment refers to the overall process of attracting,
shortlisting, selecting and appointing suitable candidates for jobs within
an organization. Recruitment can also refer to processes involved in
choosing individuals for unpaid roles.

Migration: Human migration is the movement of people from one place

to another with the intentions of settling, permanently or temporarily at a
new location. The movement is often over long distances and from one
country to another, but internal migration is also possible; indeed, this is
the dominant form globally.

10.6 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

1. What do you know about the Origin of Migration?
2. What is the Traditional Occupation of the Adibasi Labourers?
3. Discuss about the Bureaucracy in Tea Plantation.
4. Discuss about Labour Recruitment.
5. Discuss the Types of Work, System of Works and Working
Hours.
6. What is the Wage and Remuneration of the Labourers and other
Job Facilities?

10.7 SUGGESTED READINGS AND

REFERENCES
 Thorner, Daniel. 1976. Agrarian Prospect in India. New Delhi: Allied
Publishers.

74
 Notes
 Appu, P. S. 1996. Land Reforms in India: A Survey of Policy,
Legislation and Implementation. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House.
 Besley, Timothy and Burgess, Robin. 2000. ―Land Reform, Poverty
Reduction, and Growth: Evidence from India.‖ The Quarterly Journal
of Economics 115: 389-430.
 Appu, P. S. (1996). Land Reforms in India: A Survey of Policy,
Legislation and Implementation. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House.
 Deininger, Klaus. 2003. Land Policies for Growth and Poverty
Reduction. Washington, DC: World Bank.
 Basu, Kaushik, eds. 2008. The Oxford Companion to Economics in
India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
 Dey Biswas, Sattwick. 2014. Land Rights Formalization in India;
Examining de Soto through the lens of Rawls theory of justice.
FLOOR Working paper 18. p. 16.
 "Assembly election 2011 West Bengal: Trinamool Congress rises
like phoenix". The Times Of India.
 [Heller, Patrick. 1999. The Labor of Development. Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, Chapters 2 and 3.]
 Banerjee, Abhijit V., Paul J. Gertler, and Maitreesh Ghatak. 2002.
―Empowerment and Efficiency: Tenancy Reform in West Bengal.‖
Journal of Political Economy 2: 239–280.
 Roy, Dayabati. 2013. Rural Politics in India: Political Stratification
and Governance in West Bengal. Cambridge University Press.

10.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1

1. See Section 10.2

2. See Section 10.3

75
 UNIT 11: FORESTRY AND
COMMERCIALIZATION OF
AGRICULTURE
STRUCTURE
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Resource base of North Bengal
11.3 Forestry
11.4 Commercialization of Agriculture
11.5 Changing land ownership, agricultural, and economic systems
11.6 Let us sum up
11.7 Key Words
11.8 Questions for Review
11.9 Suggested readings and references
11.10 Answers to Check Your Progress

11.0 OBJECTIVES
After this unit, we can able to know:

1. Resource base of North Bengal

2. Forestry
3. Commercialization of Agriculture
4. Changing land ownership, agricultural, and economic systems

11.1 INTRODUCTION
Sometimes in the non-industrialised countries or where industries are at
low level, spatial allocation of resources and development efforts are
given less attention as compared to the sectoral aspects of development.
Thus, it seems that especially in less industrialised countries (developing
countries of the third World) problems of regional development are
better to be viewed both in terms of mobilising new resources, and
spatial allocation of already existing resources through full and efficient
utilisation. To do justice to the issue as well as to the region, it is better to
examine and evaluate the available resources of North Bengal and
76
 Notes
identify the processes that are working behind the stagnation of the
regional economy.

Agriculture: The Resource: In an economically stagnating region like

North Bengal, agriculture is very much dominating among should other
economic parameters. Thus, any attempt to develop the region/give
proper emphasis and importance to the agro-sector of North Bengal. A
thorough study of the industrial counterpart of the region under study,
only reconfirms the fact. It is because most of the industries have their
birth from the womb of agriculture, i.e., tea, tobacco, sericulture or fruit
processing, Moreover, economic development of any region is resultant
of proper management of existing local resources and their optimum
utilisation through proper planning. Spatial allocation of resources,
therefore, is very important for any developmental effort.

North Bengal with its varied topography, soil, climate, socio-economic

as well as unique cultural characteristics, shows a market^ intra-regional
diversity or uniqueness in the said aspects. But one common bond or tie
of all the five districts can be observed in their overwhelming,
importance in the agro-sector. One can hardly fails to notice the
dominance of agriculture in the total regional economy if the relevant
statistics are consulted.

11.2 RESOURCE BASE OF NORTH

BENGAL
Better ecological conditions provide certainly better / productivity in the
plains. Forests have been cleared for the extension of agriculture.' The
percentages of agricultural area as well as to agroworkers (table 11.1) are
high everywhere especially in ‗Active Plains'. But limited irrigation
facilities stand pn the way of multicropping and' other extensions. It is
basically a rice growing region harvesting two crops annually. Islampur
in West Dinajpur district has highest percentage (48.3%) are under
double crop. But if one considers the percentage of net irrigated area,
total rabi crop area is very low J underlying the subsistence nature of
agriculture. Though the clayey loam soil has high water retentivity,

77
Notes
extension of irrigation could have changed the agro-landscape totally.
Hopefully after the completion of Teesta Barrage Project the situation
may change.

Table 11.1

From the table (11.1) it is very clear that inspite of the dominance of
agriculture in the economy of North Bengal, there is intraregional or inter
district disparities. In Darjiling the percentage of agricultural worker is
not showing dominance over this sector. But in / Koch Bihar, Malda or
West Dinajpur the figures have exceeded 74 per, cent. This particular
feature of excessive importance on agrosector in nothing uncommon in a
third world country. Thus, despite the fact that industrialisation as a
development stragery iTas""been'''pursuected the development—strategy
has been pursued in most of the developing third world countries to bring
about a sudden, revolutionary structural change in the existing economy,
it is not always the best choice anywhere and everywhere.
Industrialisation, in turn is very much related to urbanisation also. But
unless it is true urbanisation it implies a massive inflow of the rural
population into the non-rural areas, in towns and cities, leading to
subsequent agrarian crisis. In many cases the towns or cities, naturally
not having constantly extendable civic amenities and services to the
constant human inflow, in no time get over-populated (Munshi S, 1971)
and the whole urban system explodes. In North Bengal the towns like
78
 Notes
Siliguri, Jalpaiguri or Balurghat registered substantial population growth
after 1950s. But this growth is not related to the development of
industrial sector. It is either inmigration from surrounding rural areas or
it is the influx of refugees from bordering countries like Nepal or
Bangladesh. Surprisinglydespite this importance of agrosector, (agri in,
North Bengal) it is still in very primitive state, even after the "green
revolution'!
In Koch Bihar or southern part of Jalpaiguri, in fine textured soil, the
important cashcrop is jute grown with rice. Tobacco is another important
cash crop grown as a rabi crop in water. Cylindrical cage made by
bamboo is attached to dugwell to supply irrigation water in the tobacco
fields as it needs regular supply of water. Dearth of irrigation water is a
serious problem which is more marked in the interior or higher fields. In
Koch Bihar the only tea garden is located in thenorthern part where
higher 'danga' land is favourable for the crop. In West Dinajpur
percentage of cultivable area is quite high, but the decreasing annual
rainfall necessiates irrigation extension acutely. It is mainly composed of
old alluvium known as 'Barind' , and so is eastern Maldah. The land was
originally reclaimed / by the Santals of Chhotonagpur. Between 1881 and
1901 this Santali and Rajbanshi population rose at the rate of 42.5% and
38.1% respectively (Bell, F.O., 1941). Sharecropping is a typical
phenomenon here, though the extent is not uniform all over. Magnitude
and extent of sharecropping were outcome of the interaction of different
economic and social issues and produced various responses in different
parts. The soil in the eastern part is very rich though the western part is
composed of acidic soil, similar to Tista formation. In Chopra p.s. here,
there are a number of small tea gardens, Debijhora being the oldest. The
smallgardens mainly came up after 1980. This transformation process of
rice lands into tea gardens is creating a stir in the region as the farmers
are not happy about it (Ananda Bazar Patrika, 10.12.91). Oilseeds is the
other cashcrop, West Dinajpur being the most important producer of
oilseeds in North Bengal. Raiganj dr Islampur have highest areas under
the crop. But mango orchards are surprisingly decreasing. In 'moriband1
lands of Barind rice is grown with vegetables - Gajal, Habibpur or
Hamangola blocks of Maldah present a similar picture but in West

79
Notes
Dinajpur section jute is rotated with rice, irrigation facilities could have
introduced a newer pattern though.
In 'diara' lands of the plains mango orchards are concentrated. But in
swampy 'tals1 boro rice is traditionally grown. In general diara lands are
multicropped areas, very intensively cultivated. In Maldah and Ratua p.s.
mango orchards are very important. Other / special crop in this district is
mulberry for sericulture (Kaliachak, English Bazar and Manikchak P.S.).
Sugarcane is an occasional cashcrop of the region.

11.3 FORESTRY
As you soak in the Green, allowing the fresh air to rejuvenate your tired,
city lungs, the hush that had first greeted you metamorphoses into the
deep thrum of the ancient forest. The forests of West Bengal are like
none other.
Forests are strewn across the state from the northernmost tip, on the
slopes of the high Himalayas, to the Dooars in the foothills, through
several lesser-known forest, in the western tracts of the state and the
fertile Gangetic plains, on to the magnificent Sunderban on its southern
edge. These cover 1532% of the state, comprising 11,879 sq kms, of
which 7,054 sq kms are reserved forests.
Indeed, it would be no exaggeration to say that the forests of West
Bengal present a cross-section of the forests found through the length and
breadth of the country. The most striking aspect of the state's natural
resources, therefore, is the complete divergence in the features of the
vegetation and wildlife that inhabit them.

North Bengal comprising the districts of Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, Dinajpur

and Cooch Behar lies at the foothill of the great Himalayas. The area
covers the moist and dense riverine forests of the Bengal Dooars (Duars)
and the stark foothills of the snow-capped Kanchenjunga range. The
unique climatic and ecological conditions makes North Bengal an unique
home for a large variety of mega-fauna & superb restricted bird species.
Bhutan and Nepal are two beautiful countries having an easy access from
North Bengal. Sikkim previously an independent country joined union of

80
 Notes
India later on as one of its states. All these three beautiful places are all
adjacent to parts of North Bengal.
North Bengal is a term, for the parts of Bangladesh and West Bengal.
The Bangladesh part denotes the Rajshahi Division. Generally it is the
area lying west of Jamuna River and north of Padma River, and includes
the Barind Tract. The West Bengal part denotes Cooch Behar,
Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur and Malda
districts together. It also includes parts of Darjeeling Hills. Traditionally,
the Hooghly River divides West Bengal into South and North Bengal,
divided again into Terai and Dooars regions.

Red Panda
This region comprising the state of Sikkim and the adjoining parts of
North Bengal - Darjeeling and Kalimpong, is a rugged strip of vertical
mountain country. Wedged between Nepal, Tibet, Bhutan, and the North
Bengal Plains of India. This tiny region is just 90 km wide and 150 km
deep. The grain of the country rises from near sea level to 8500 meters,
in a short distance, The great Himalayan Range with its giant spurs –
Singelila and Chola, virtually enclose this region in a titanic horseshoe.
Starting from the plains of North Bengal tangled interlacing ridges rise
range after range to the foot of the great wall of high peaks and passes
opening into Tibet, Nepal and BhutanThe climate varies between the
tropical heat of the valleys and the alpine cold of the snowy regions.
With rainfall averaging 348 cm, it is the most humid region of the
Himalayas. Dry season is from November to April. The altitudanal zones
of vegetation range from tropical, sub tropical, temperate to Alpine –
some places only 10 km in a direct line separates the palm growing
valleys from perpetual snow. The varied terrain - from the pleasant
humid foothill valleys below 1000 meters, to the arctic cold of the snow
capped peaks up to 8000 meters, has created marked altitudinal zonation
in the humidity, rainfall, climate and vegetation.

One-horned rhinoceros
THE TERAI

81
Notes
The Terai ("moist land") is a belt of marshy grasslands, savannas, and
forests at the base of the Himalaya range in India, Nepal, and Bhutan,
from the Yamuna River in the west to the Brahmaputra River in the east.
Above the Terai belt lies the Bhabhar, a forested belt of rock, gravel, and
soil eroded from the Himalayas, where the water table lies from 5 to 37
meters deep. The Terai zone lies below the Bhabhar, and is composed of
alternate layers of clay and sand, with a high water table that creates
many springs and wetlands. The Terai zone is inundated yearly by the
monsoon-swollen rivers of the Himalaya. Below the Terai lies the great
alluvial plain of the Yamuna, Ganges, Brahmaputra, and their tributaries.

DOOARS
The Dooars or Duars are flood plains at the foothills of the eastern
Himalayas in North-East India around Bhutan. Duar means door in both
Assamese and Bengali languages and forthe Bhutanese people can
communicate with the people living in the plains. This region is divided
by the Sankosh river into the eastern and the western Duars consisting of
an area of 8,800 square kilometer (3,400 square-mile). This region was
controlled by the Kingdom of Bhutan when the British annexed it in
1865 after Bhutan War. They are now part of the Indian states of Assam
and West Bengal.Many wars have been fought over them. These plains
are very fertile. There are innumerable streams and rivers flowing
through these fertile plains from the mountains of Bhutan. In Assam the
major rivers are Brahmaputra and Manas, and in northern West Bengal
the major river is the Teesta besides many others like the Jaldhaka,
Torsha, Sankosh, Dyna, Karatoya, Raidak, Kaljani among others.The
forested areas of Northern West Bengal present a plethora of
Wildlife.This mixed dry deciduous forest land dotted with grasslands,
harbors the largest diversity of mega fauna in West Bengal. A large range
of foothill forest in North Bengal is called Dooars. Once the whole area
was under the reign of Koch Raj. Tea Gardens, alpine landscape,
transparent river, National Parks and the Wildlife Sanctuary creates a
paradise. Beautiful motorable roads cut through deep forests, rich with
wildlife. Mauve hills stand at the end of velvet green plains. The forests
echo with the melody of birds. In between, there are fabulous wildlife

82
 Notes
sanctuaries with, log cabin lodges and valleys carpeted with tea gardens.
Dooars is the habitat of the rare Toto tribes.

The most convenient entry point to Dooars is through Siliguri by road.

Regular bus connections between Siliguri and most important spots in
the Dooars. Also broad gauge rail connection between New Jalpaiguri
and Mal, Madarihat, Nilpara, Jainti, Mainaguri, Dhupguri and Falakata.
Metre gauge rail connection between Siliguri and most spots.

Dooars Jungle in North Bengal are:- Buxa, Gorumara, Jaldapara, Neora

Valley, Bindu, Jaldhaka, Jhalong, Malbazar, Samsing

The state has 4031 sq. Km. of forests, under protected area network
which is 34% of the State's total forest area and 4.54% of the total
geographical area. There are five National Parks, fifteen sanctuaries, two
tiger reserves and one biosphere reserve. The PA network includes 1055
sq. km. of sanctuaries, 1693 sq. km. of National Parks, the balance are
being represented by buffer areas of the two tiger reserves, viz.
Sunderbans Tiger Reserve and Buxa Tiger Reserve.

Habitat Loss
Habitat loss has largely taken place due to human intervention and
change in land use pattern. Large scale conversion of natural habitats for
a variety of purposes have led to shifts in floristic pattern (like in case of
weed flora) and also fragmentation and loss of natural corridors for
animals, leading to man-animal conflict. After the armed conflict with
China in 1962, for example, the Army has been permanently stationed in
Binnaguri, which has led to loss of the elephant corridor. Similar is the
case of tea gardens in North Bengal, which have also witnessed man-
animal conflict after forests were clearfelled. Habitat loss has led to
decline in several species, and fauna like otter, Bengal jackal, pangolin,
mongoose, porcupine are among those which are not frequently sighted
today. Much needs to be studied about the underlying inter-relationships
between biodiversity and the anthropogenic element, to clearly establish

83
Notes
how harm to flora and fauna as a result of human interference must be
stemmed.

Tea Gardens
The jungles of North Bengal is an extremely rich biodiversity zone but
today faces, a declining rhino population, political unrest in the entire
zone and incidences of elephants being hit by speeding trains in their
migratory corridors are some of the glaring issues. In the face of
industrial resurgence, land acquisition has become a grave issue, The
locals are least concerned about preserving the forest ecosystem. Efforts
are on to set up a tourism development centre in the area that will hamper
the forest biodiversity. Industrialisation has a considerable impact on
environment. Another disturbing environmental site is the East Calcutta
Wetlands that has been declared a Ramsar Heritage Site but is poorly
maintained. In the tea gardens of the Dooars, huge amounts of pesticides
are used that have a damaging effect on the floral biodiversity. All‘s not
well in the jungles of North Bengal with recent incidences of loss of an
increasing number of wild fauna and the major factors contributing to the
depleting wildlife habitat are lack of proper administration by forest
officials and hazardous methods of conservation. The North Bengal
forests are reeling under severe crisis owing to the threat from the fringe
populace residing in and around the plains of the Dooars. The tension
brewing in the tea sector has caused misery for a huge section of locals
and this is creating increased pressure on the forest resources. There are
other prevailing threats that are posing a danger over a considerable
period of time, including excessive grazing that has not been taken care
of. The rising conflict between man and animals has placed certain
prominent categories of mammalian species in jeopardy. The rapid
tourist influx has also degraded the environmental scene in North Bengal
since it generates a lot of non-biodegradable wastes in the hilly areas.
Efficient treatment and recycling of waste will provide a source of
livelihood for locals, make the environment safe and clean and will be a
draw for travellers.

Dooars forest

84
 Notes
The Forests & Protected Areas
The forests of West Bengal are classified into seven categories viz.,
Tropical Semi-Evergreen Forest, Tropical Moist Deciduous Forest,
Tropical Dry Deciduous Forest, Littoral and Swampy Forest, Sub-
Tropical Hill Forest, Eastern Himalayan Wet Temperate Forest and
Alpine Forest. The state has a recorded forest land of 11,879 sq. km., of
which 7,054 sq. km. is Reserved Forest, 3,772 sq. km. is Protected Forest
and 1,053 sq. Km is Unclassifieded State Forest, thus constituting
13.38% of the geographical area of the state. Under the conservation and
protection regime the State has one Biosphere Reserve, two Tiger
Reserves, five National Parks and 15 Wildlife Sanctuaries. Four out of
five National Parks are located in the North Bengal along with one tiger
reserve and seven Wildlife Sanctuaries.

Elephant Country
Neora Valley National Park
The Neora Valley National Park, spread over an area of 88sq.km. in the
Darjeeling district of West Bengal was established in April 1986. The
park, a unique area of rich bio-diversity lies in the Himalayan foothills
and is bordered on the east by Western Bhutan and the forests of Neora
Valley, one of the least tracts of virgin wilderness in the country sustains
a unique eco-system where tropical, sub-tropical, sub-temperate, and
temperate vegetative system still harbours a wealth of flora and fauna.
Buxa National Park
The Buxa Tiger Reserve with an area of 759 sq. km was established in
the year of 1982-83 at the north eastern corner of West Bengal bordering
Bhutan and Assam. The core area of 315sq.kms around the Buxa Duar
Fort was declared a National Park in January 1992. This park is located
in eastern Dooars (rolling humid plains) at 2600 ft above sea level. The
Dooars comprises of deciduous forests which are densely wooded and
grasslands and is home to some of West Bengal's most varied flora and
fauna.
Singalila National Park
The vegetation of these virgin forests mainly alpine, changes with the
range in altitude. The main tree species found are the Rhododendron,

85
Notes
Magnolia, Oak, Hemlock, Silver Fir, Juniper, Mailing Bamboo, Buk,
Kawla, Bhujpatra etc. Other flora includes primulas, aconitums, gentians,
arisaemas and orchids adorning the forest clearings. The fauna found in
the park are leopard, serow, pangolin, elephant, chinkara, red panda,
barking deer etc. The park has a variety of birds such as pigeons, doves,
sibia, minivet, magpie, cuckoo, hornbills, Kaleej pheasants and a large
number of migratory birds.
Gorumara National Park
Gorumara National Park is located in the Dooars (rolling hill slopes)
region of Jalpaiguri district in West Bengal. This small forest area
famous for its natural population of the Great Indian one horned
Rhinoceros was declared a wildlife sanctuary in the year 1949.
Later in the year 1992, it was established as a National Park, comprising
80 km of diverse forests.
Jaldapara Wild Life Sanctuary
The sanctuary lies amidst the idyllic surrounding created by the
mysterious backdrop of the Mountains of Bhutan and the confluence of
river Torsa and Malangi. The sanctuary covers an area of 100sq.km. The
park is the home of several wild lives, which includes the famous one
horned Indian Rhinos, Swamp Deer, wild boar, leopard and tigers. The
sanctuary has the maximum number of one-horned rhino in India after
Kaziranga. The park has excellent facilities for wild life enthusiasts.

Crested Serpent Eagle

BIRD HAVEN
The varied terrain - from the pleasant humid foothill valleys below 1000
meters, to the arctic cold of the snow capped peaks up to 8000 meters,
has created marked altitudinal zonation in the humidity, rainfall, climate
and vegetation. This factor is responsible for the great variety and
abundance of the resident bird life, making this area arguably one of the
richest areas of its size anywhere in the world. 527 species of resident
birds have been recorded. In addition there are vagrants, and transients
on migration. It is estimated that more than 30 percent of the species of
the Indian Sub continent can be spotted in this region.
Lava

86
 Notes
Lava and Neora Valley National Park are the prime birding destinations
in North Bengal. Located 35 Kms from Kalimpong, it is surrounded by
very large tracts of protected forests ranging in elevation between 1600
and 2400 m. There are several sites for bird watching and photography
around Lava and the adjoining Neora National Park. Some of the rarities
that can be found at Lava are : Satyr Tragopan, Rufous-throated and
Spotted Wren Babblers, Yellow- throated Fulvetta, Ashy wood Pigeon,
Red – Faced Liocichla, Blue-fronted Robin, Long-billed thrush, Cutia,
Rusty-belied shortwinged, various Laughing Thrushes ,Warblers and
Sunbirds.

Mallard
Death on the Tracks
There have been repeated incidents of elephant and bison deaths on
railway tracks running through the forests of North Bengal. In the last
seven years, 26 elephants have been killed in North Bengal. Nine
elephants have been killed in the last two years alone. Most of the cases
have been reported from a 100-km stretch between Alipurduar to
Siliguri. The track was converted to broad gauge line in 2004 allowing an
increase in train speed.

Elephant knocked down by speeding train

This stretch passes through prime protected areas like Buxa Tiger
Reserve, Jaldapara Wildlife Sanctuary, Mahananda and Chapramari
Wildlife Sanctuaries. There are four extremely vulnerable corridors in
this stretch that are fragmented by several railway lines.Ten cases of
elephant deaths have been reported from Panjhora region under
Chapramari Wildlife Sanctuary, five cases from Gulma under
Mahananda Wildlife Sanctuary, four cases from the Mongpong stretch
under the Kalimpong division and three in the Rajabhatkhawa stretch
under Buxa Tiger Reserves.What is more alarming is that there has been
a sudden rise in the number of goods train in this stretch in the last two
years. While restrictions on the speed limit of the train passing through
the area have been imposed, the wild animals continue to be killed on

87
Notes
these tracks. Nearly 43 km of railway tracks cut across different wildlife
sanctuaries in North Bengal.

11.4 COMMERCIALIZATION OF
AGRICULTURE
Salient features of agriculture :

The level of farming practised in North Bengal is subsistence in nature.

Some fundamental trends in the rural economy of North Bengal are

i) The over pressure of population on agriculture through blocking

the other channels.
ii) low productivity (per capita as well as general due to low level of
techniques used, i.e., limited use of irrigation, fertiliser,
pesticides, or . shortage of warehouses etc.,
iii) poor management of soil which is largely responsible for
monoculture,
iv) high incidence of sharecropping as well as high percentages of
landless labourers and
v) Steady stagnation and deterioration of agriculture.

Agriculture ; The sharecroppers : During the 19th century the continuous

process of de-industrialisation contributed to the gradual and subsequent
increase of population pressure on land in Bengal. But the productivity
did not increase in the same pace, rather it showed a decline. Some
authors cited the incidence of share cropping a reason behind this
stagnation and decreasing productivity of land, though the extent of
sharecropping was not uniform throughout the region (Cooper A., 1981).
Different economic forces produced various responses in different
regions. Even in the later part of eighteenth century sharecropping
existed in Dinajpur of undivided Bengal. Evidence shows that in Kismat
Koodlah Estate of Dinajpur district, 22 of the 206 bighas / (10%) were
cultivated by sharecroppers. Their produce supported the family of the
zamindar.

88
 Notes
In the beginning of the 19th century sharecropping is found to exist in
different situations : on the homefarms of the zamindars, on reclaimed
land where labour was scarce; and on the excess land of the more
substantial raiyats (Rudra A., 1981a). Anyway, this bhagrent or
sharecropping had a negative impact on the ploughers. .They resented the
whole system and The great agrarian struggle of 1946-47 that shook the
whole of Bengal, popularly known as "Tebhaga movement" originated in
North Bengal, and in no time spread over in other parts of Bengal and
India. It was the struggle of the sharecroppers for 2/3 share of their
produce" (Sen S., 1972).

In Dinajpur, there was as high as 150,000 sharecroppers among the total

cultivators in 1807/8 when Francis B. Hamilton travelled over the region.
Compared to the other parts of Bengal, monopoly of land was very
striking in Dinajpur or Rangpur districts in North Bengal. Though it is
difficult to estimate the actual extent of barga cultivation, it had certainly
a great impact on the subsequent development of economic and political
issues. This particular agrarian structure of sharecropping has a crucial
relationship with the production of crops. Since the industries in North
Bengal are mostly agro-based, any negative phenomenon in agro-sector
definitely affects the industrial sector negatively. Perhaps the sole
obstacle which was strong enough to stand in the path of any substantial
increase in agricultural production was this system in which the jotedars
did not bear the expenses of cultivation. The bargadars were too poor to
pay for improved methods of cultivation. Lack of security of tenure and
the constant threat of eviction did not surely act as an incentive to
increase production (Sen S., 1972). The Report of the Settlement Officer,
Medinipur, in 1917 only justifies it which says : From an economic point
of view bhagrent is hopelessly bad and it is always associated with
inferior cultivation (Govt. Report, 1917). Actually the sense of insecurity
affected the production adversely. As a result the farmers failed not only
to use modern techniques and inputs in improving the productivity, but
progressive fragmentation of per capita land led to uneconomic holdings,
not suitable for modernisation.

89
Notes
Agriculture : The Colonial Context :
During the nineteenth century a very prominent structural change took
place in the agrarian economy of Bengal with the introduction of a
number of cash crops like tea, jute, tobacco or mulberry. In no time these
cash crops assumed greater importance than the existing indigenous
production of food crop. West Dinajpur which was used to be called the
"grannery of Bengal",

Table 11.2

lost its importance slowly. The result of this change was felt during
1930~1940s when Bengal became deficient in foodgrains production.
This shift of focus of Indian traditional agro-system to
commercialisartion of crops deeply affected the agricultural ^production
system of West Bengal.

Tea or cinchona earning huge foreign capital, introduced a new form of

agriculture, i.e. plantation farming, which involves substantial amount of
capital investment, new techniques into a traditional foodcrop based

90
 Notes
subsistence economy. Tea is the most important among the cash crops
but the enclave nature of tea plantation or industry did not produce any
multiplier effect in the regional economy [Chaudhuri A, 1990]. This
commercialisation of agriculture necessitated the extension of railway
network and North Bengal was linked , to Calcutta to facilitate the export
of the products through Calcutta port.

Tea and timber of North Bengal attracted hundreds of people. The

ferruginous soil of the undulating uplands of Dooars surprised the
planters. Thus, these two contrasting farming practices ran
simultaneously in the same region. Marginal lands were reclaimed by
Saontal or Nepali coolies employed by the Europeans and later by Indian
planters to bring them under tea. Oraos or Santals from Chotonagpur area
infiltrated into the region. Naturally the indigenous cultivators was „
trapped in traditional forms of production. In the last decade of the 19th
century Jalpaiguri surpassed the Barind land, so long reknowed for
mango, mulberry and rice, as a place for investment. Immigrants from
Nepal, Chhotonagpur or other adjoining areas found themselves as
sharecroppers or as coolies in tea gardens. They were originally brought
into this tract to be owner cultivators. In Jalpaiguri, with the
establishment of British administration in the tract, the Marwaris
(traders), pleaders (land disputes invited them) and speculators came in
and bought land in lots (jotes). The process of deindustrialisation during
later part of nineteenth century is also another cause behind this
investment on land.

In Maldah also, especially in the poorer tracts of Barind, the same thing
happened. Actual cultivators and owners of land became adhiars on their
own land. Accumulation of capital in the hands of jotedars caused
regional inequality which in turn increased tension in the rural society.
The discontent of the peasants burst out in the 'Tebhaga' movement
which was launched by the BPKS (Bengal Provincial Krishak Samity) in
September 1946. Meanwhile the partition of Bengal dislocated the
existing marketing and trading pattern which in turn created food crisis.

91
Notes
Jute industry suffered a set back. Rice lands, wherever possible, were
given to grow jute to feed the jute mills around Calcutta industrial belt.

Agricultural resources: in Post independence period :

Before going into the detailed discussion about the agro-resources of /
North Bengal in terms of crops grown, productivity, etc. it must be
mentioned that due to diverse terrain, soil and climate the agricultural
practices and usages of land are also very diverse.

Physiography has a very important bearing as well as control over the

prevailing landuse in North Bengal, like any other region.
Morphologically North Bengal can broadly be divided into three units,
viz,

i) mountain areas
ii) foot hill zone and
iii) the plains.

Mountain areas cover about 2339 sq. kms. of North Bengal mainly
within the Darjiling district1. Steep slope, undulation and low
temperature have restricted the prevailing landuse pattern. Arable –land
in the area is quite small (Table-3.2) but the land under forest is worth
mentioning. Actually uncultivable areas, particularly the land area not
available for cultivation, is generally covered by forests. In Darjiling,
Kalimpong and Kurseong sub-divisions (excepting Siliguri), the / share
of cultivable landis the lowest in North Bengal because of difficult
terrain.

Table 11.3

92
 Notes

Source: Dept. of Agriculture, West Bengal

Fig 11.1

Terrace forming is a popular practice. Irrigation facilities are also very

restricted, so are the usages of fertilisers or pesticides. Altitudinal
variation in temperature influences the cropping pattern. From 300m to

93
Notes
2000m farming is done mostly in terraces. Rice is not the dominant crop
as it is elsewhere in North Bengal, but wheat, maize, millets of barley are
grown with potato and other vegetables or fruits [Table-11.3]. The
interesting point to note here is that tea covers more than 54% of the total
qdrjpped area in Darjiling sub-division, 86% in Kurseong sub-division,
but only over 14% in Kalimpong sub-division1 (Bagchi and Mukherjee,
1983), followed by maize and potato. At Sonada in Jore Bungalow police
station the State Government has set up the State Potato Seed
Multiplication and Research Farm. Another important agro-produce of
the region is orange which is grown widely in this part of North Bengal
fetching good foreign currency. But in recent years the production
somehow declined. The State Govt, is also encouraging multiplication of
orange orchards and presently bears about half of the total cost of a new
orchard. The State Orange Research Centre is located at Dalapchan under
Kalimpong p.s. Under agricultural development scheme of the state
government area under orange cultivation expanded from 125 hectares
to' 273 hectares in 1986-87. Scion materials are distributed for growing
temperate fruits. In summer months cabbage, beans, pea, cauliflowers are
grown. Cinchona is another important produce, the cultivation being
concentrated in . Kalimpong, Kurseong and Rangli Rangliot p.s.
Pastoralism is an economic pursuit in higher slopes while maize and
millets are grown as fodder ' crops. Per capita arable land in Darjiling
district is very low (Table 11.2) which probably is a reflection of low
percentage of agricultural land in the district. But inspite of low and
inadequate irrigation facilities, cropping intensity of North Bengal can
favourably be compared with rest of the state.

In the plains or piedmont (Dooars) zones farming is definitely very

important, though the priority of crop grown, i.e. whether it will be a
food crop or a commercial crop, varies widely In Dooars region rice is
grown in fertile lowlands composed of clayey loam flanking the rivers,
whereas the inferior soils of upper slopes are utilised to grow jute, mesta,
or pineapples which grow in plenty. Pineapple growing is getting
importance as a tropical fruit mainly canned for international market.
Piedmont area stretching in a portion of Jalpaiguri district where, despite

94
 Notes
the extent of rice cultivation, tea is the most valuable crop. The soil is
mostly porous. Therefore waterlogging is not a problem. The ferruginous
clay in the uplands of Jalpaiguri district is best suited for tea plants. After
independence trials were made to bring cultivable wastes under paddy
lands but were found not economical. 'The most striking features of
recent years are the spread of cultivation in the Western Dooars and the
inceased in the jute, in some parts of the district at the expense of aus rice
crops / ..... (Grunning J.F., 1911). This points to the fact that even in the
first decade of' the present century there was not much scope for the
extension of the arable lands. This was probably due to the reason of
huge land area which was cleared and given to tea plantation. Moreover,
the sudden influx of population after the partition, coupled with natural
growth forced people to take up intensive form of agriculture which is
subsistence in nature. The data available for the last quarter of in 20th
century show that despite its importance, use of HYV rice seeds is
limited to 20,000 acres of a total cropped area of 791.5 thousand acres in
Jalpaiguri district. Besides tea in Jalpaiguri other cashcrops of the
piedmont zone of Jalpaiguri and Koch Bihar districts are jute, tobacco,
oilseeds, sugarcane and bamboo or cane. In Jalpaiguri tobacco is grown
in the tract between Tista to Torsa rivers. Koch Bihar is the most
important producer of tobacco in the state of West Bengal sharing almost
80 per cent of the total production. It was introduced in the agricultural
landscape of North Bengal by the Britishers. In recent years production
of tobacco is showing decline. Some possible reasons behind this trend
are
i) the fields where tobacco is grown tend to loose fertility after one
crop.
ii) To meet this deficiency fertilizers can be of help. But use of the
same is very much restricted due to low level income of the
farmers.
Commercialization of agriculture which can be defined as a process
where peasants start producing primarily for sale in distant markets,
rather than to meet their own need for food or to sell in local markets,
has taken place at different times in response to different stimuli. In the
Indian context though a number of commercial crops such as cotton,

95
Notes
tobacco and sugarcane were grown fairly extensively even before the
advent of British rule , since land revenue had to be paid mostly in cash
and the prices of these crops were much higher at that time relative to the
prices of foodgrains, however, commercialization of agriculture at that
time corresponded only to the requirements of traditional ‗revenue
economy‘ in which the main form of revenue payable happened to be an
indistinguishable mix of tax, tribute and land rent. Moreover, the
considerable economic differentiation that could be observed within the
peasantry at that time reflected not so much the impact of market forces
as the power of ‗command‘ and ‗custom‘ within the framework of
traditional societies. No doubt the need to pay revenue in cash was the
initial compelling force for the marketing of agricultural produce, the
large surpluses so extracted from agriculture, without a flow of goods
and services in the reverse direction in exchange, was basically an
impediment to further commercialization. Thus, commercialization of
agriculture in pre-British period existed only in its embryonic form.
In true sense, therefore, agriculture of India got a commercial orientation
during the British rule. Though markets and trade in agricultural goods
existed in quite organized forms and on a large scale in the pre-British
period but the market expansion in the British period marked a
qualitative and quantitative break. According to Tirthankar Roy, there
were three main qualitative changes. ‗First, before the British rule,
product markets were constrained and subject to imperfections, given
multiplicity of weights and measures, backward and risky transportation
systems, and extensive use of barter. British rule and the railways
weakened these constraints. By doing so, it enabled closer integration of
global, regional and local markets. Second, from the time of industrial
revolution, a new international specialization began to emerge as a result
of trade. India specialized, in agricultural exports. Third, in turn, changes
in the product market induced changes in land, labour, and credit
markets‘ . It is interesting to note that though there is little controversy
with regard to the role of British in initiating and promoting the forces
which led to the commercialization of Indian agriculture, however, the
nature of commercialization and its impact on the Indian peasantry had
been very controversial issue, both during and after the British rule. To

96
 Notes
the nationalists, it was not out of the free will of the cultivators–
commercialisation of agriculture was forced and artificial. This was so
because the high pitch of revenue demand in cash compelled the
cultivators to sell large portion of the produce of their fields keeping an
insufficient stock for their own consumption. On the other hand the
colonial bureaucracy argued that it was the market force rather than the
pressure of land revenue that was drawing the farmers into the business
of production for the market. The commercial crops were more profitable
and this economic incentive led them to produce for sale and export, thus
making it possible for them to increase per capita income. Furthermore,
the imperialist historiography and the colonial bureaucracy viewed
commercialisation of agriculture, the expansion of trade in agricultural
products and the rising agricultural prices as an indication of the
‗growing prosperity of the peasantry.‘ On the other hand anti-imperialist
historiography (both nationalist and radical Marxist) emphasizing the
negative impact of commercialisation of agriculture and the integration
implied that agricultural production in India was to be determined by
imperial preferences and needs. Moreover, other historians following the
neo-classical economic theory or with anti-imperialistic orientations
(Marxists and non Marxists) have extended their support to either of the
two.
Notwithstanding the divergent and conflicting notions and interpretations
about the impact and significance of the expansion of commercialization
of agriculture and agrarian market but there is little disagreement that
British rule led to a complete but complex integration of India‘s economy
with the world capitalist system but in a subservient position. The
various changes introduced by the British in India were primarily
motivated by their objective of keeping the Indian economy subservient
to the parent economy [British economy].The integration of the Indian
economy with the world economy, resulting in the increased demand for
raw material, was meant to speed up the supply of raw material to the
metropolis, which in turn forced the colonial government to revolutionize
the communication system. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869,
synchronising with the fast growth steam navigation, revolutionized the
east-west trade. Telegraphic communications between England and India

97
Notes
since 1855 further broadened the contact by making possible a more
accurate and quicker study of the demand and supply position and of
other related phenomenon. The liberalization of tariff policy by the
British Govt of India, particularly after 1867, by abolishing or reducing
export duties on many commodities, and the gradual fall in ocean freight
also contributed to the expansion of the India‘s foreign trade. These
developments affected not only the volume, but also the commodity
composition of the trade. It was no longer practically confined to ‗drugs,
dyes, luxuries‘, and now included in large quantities foodgrains, fibres,
and other great staples of universal consumption, boosting the
commercialization of agriculture. Moreover, the internal trade and
commerce was much stimulated by a gradual development of
communications. The most remarkable development at that time resulted
from the growth of railways, the role of which as an economic force and
pace setter, involving innovation in some production functions, cannot be
ignored.

11.5 CHANGING LAND OWNERSHIP,

AGRICULTURAL, AND ECONOMIC
SYSTEMS
Changes in land ownership and control affected how crop failures
impacted human lives. Before the British colonial period, Indian
agriculture was dominated by subsistence farming organized in small
village communities. The farmer usually only grew enough food to feed
himself and the non-agricultural people of the village community. When
his crop production exceeded consumption because of favorable climatic
conditions, he stored the surplus for use in lean years. The storage of
food grains constituted the only remedy against famines and other crises.
At the end of the eighteenth century, village communities began to
disband under the pressure of new forces. The permanent land settlement
of Lord Cornwallis in 1793 impacted Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa, and later
extended to North Madras, forming a class of zamindars, a social elite
group with the right to collect tax. The zamindars became landlords in
perpetuity and were the intermediaries between the colonial rulers and
the peasantry. Peasants were required to pay fixed amounts of money to

98
 Notes
the zamindars. Most of the cultivators became landless laborers: the
magnitude of rural poverty was graphically described in the adage that
the Indian is born in debt to the moneylender.1 To pay taxes to the
government, the peasants had to borrow from the moneylender,
compounding the problem because indebted peasants could not be
agricultural producers.
Economic Theorists and British Colonialism in India
Karl Marx saw colonial India as a good example for his critique of
modern capitalism. In ―The Consequence of British Rule in India,‖ Marx
described the forced transformation of Indian agriculture and the
resulting ―destruction of the self-sufficient village society of India. Under
this simple form of municipal government, the inhabitants of the country
have lived from time immemorial. These small forms of social
organization have been for the most part dissolved, and are disappearing,
not so much through the brutal interference of the British tax-gatherer
and the British soldier, as to the working of English steam and English
free trade.‖2 Marx is not the only economic theorist often cited in
discussions of Indian famines. Scholars frequently emphasize laissez-
faire capitalist theories stemming from Adam Smith‘s Wealth of Nations;
as well as Malthusian ideas about population, whereby famine was
regarded as a natural check to overpopulation (with the unspoken benefit
that it relieved imperial government from the responsibility of
expenditure on relief).

99
Notes
Shortages in food supply led to rising prices – to bunniahs‘, grainsellers‘,
advantage.

Changes in land ownership were followed by the commercialization of

agriculture, which started to emerge around the 1860s. This brought a
shift from cultivation for home consumption to cultivation for the
market. Cash transaction became the basis of exchange and largely
replaced the barter system. The exported items in the first half of the
nineteenth century included cash crops like indigo, opium, cotton, and
silk. Gradually, raw jute, food grains, oil seeds, and tea replaced indigo
and opium. Raw cotton remained in demand throughout. There was
phenomenal growth in the export of agricultural commodities from India:
the value of India‘s exports is estimated to have risen by more than five
hundred percent from 1859–60 to 1906–1907.

The greater portion of the profits generated by the export trade benefitted
British business families, big farmers, some Indian traders, and
moneylenders.

This put rural Indian communities at greater risk of damage due to

famine because agriculture, which had previously been used to meet
local needs, was now controlled from afar with the goal of profit rather
than subsistence. Further, the shift from food crops like jowar, bajra, and
pulses to cash crops contributed to disaster in famine years. Many
scholars argue a close link between food exports and famine in India. In
fact, there was an increase in agricultural exports from Indian farmers
during the British colonial time.6 Even in 1876–77, just before one of the
century‘s most severe famines, exports continued to grow to meet Land
Revenue demand. And again in 1897–98, in the midst of widespread
famine and starvation in India, the system continued: 17 million sterling
of land revenue was collected; cultivators raised the money largely by
selling food grains for export.

100
 Notes

The famine in Bengal: Loading grain-carts near Calcutta

Reports made by the Famine Commission in 1880, 1898, and 1901
provide useful evidence to examine these events and suggest that food
grains were present even during years of famine. The Famine
Commission of 1880 provided the first attempt to measure the food
supply in the country and the food requirements of the people. According
to these measures, British India around 1880 produced a surplus of 5
million tons of food grains that were available for storage, export, or
luxury consumption. Further, each region of India grew surplus food
grains. The Famine Commission of 1898 again made fresh estimates of
food supply near 1880, and considered the growth of population and
acreage under food grains during the period 1880–98. The report
concluded that ―the surplus produce of India, taken as a whole, still
furnishes ample means of meeting the demands of any of the country
likely to suffer from famine at any one time, supposing such famines to
be not greater in extent and duration than any hitherto experienced.‖ The
measures of surplus production given by the Famine Commission of
1880 show that food grain exports did not actually wipe out the surplus
in normal years.
Moreover, food grains export continued throughout the years of severe
famine. Many observers have thus concluded that if there was an
absolute shortage of food in those years, then this was largely a created
shortage and cannot be attributed to natural disasters.

101
Notes

The famine in Bengal: Grain-boats on the Ganges

These Famine Commission Reports suggest that impacts of famine in
British India were not due to lack of food, but were instead caused by
inadequate food supply; one expert has thus distinguished between two
types of famine: a ―grain famine‖ and a ―money famine.‖ In a money
famine, it is a lack of capital—not crop failure—that makes it impossible
for peasants to procure food. In another formulation that has been used,
famine is the characteristic of some people not having enough food to
eat; it is not the characteristic of there not being enough food to
eat. Famines also are triggered by a lack of rainfall, but their impact is
largely a result of chronic poverty. With greater wealth, people could
compensate for crop failures in one area by buying food from elsewhere;
crop failure would thus not necessary lead to starvation. Without
financial resources, however, this is not possible and local crop failure
can have deadly consequences for a large number of people.

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1. Discuss about the Resource base of North Bengal.

102
 Notes
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
2. Discuss about the Forestry of North Bengal.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
3. What is meant by Commercialization of Agriculture?
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
4. Describe the Changing land ownership, agricultural, and economic
systems.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………

11.6 LET US SUM UP

he Dooars belonged to the Kamata Kingdom under the Koch dynasty;
and taking advantage of the weakness of the Koch kingdom in
subsequent times, Bhutan took possession of the Dooars. This region was
controlled by the kingdom of Bhutan when the British annexed it in 1865
after the Bhutan War under the command of Captain Hedayat Ali. The
area was divided into two parts: the eastern part was merged with
Goalpara district in Assam and the western part was turned into a new
district named Western Dooars. Again in the year 1869, the name was
changed to Jalpaiguri District. After the end of the British rule in India in
1947, the Dooars acceded into the dominion of India and it merged with
the Union of India shortly afterwards in 1949.

During the nineteenth century the shift of focus in the fields of

commercialisation of agriculture facilitated by the extension of railway
network introduced tea of Darjiling and Jalpaiguri or mulberry and
mango of Maldah to the European market. In Maldah cultivation of
mulberry was rather concentrated in the hands of wealthy peasants.

103
Notes
Rearing of silk worms is expensive and the demand was mostly outside
the country, there was always risk should the market prove unfavourable.
In cases of crop failures or natural disasters i.e., drought, flood etc., price
fluctuation resulted into dispossession of the farmers of their property.

11.7 KEY WORDS

Dooars: The Dooars or Duars (/duˈɑːrz/) are the alluvial floodplains in
northeastern India that lie south of the outer foothills of the Himalayas
and north of the Brahmaputra River basin

11.8 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

1. Discuss about the forest resource of North Bengal area.

2. Write about the agriculture of North Bengal.

11.9 SUGGESTED READINGS AND

REFERENCES
 R. Dutt, The Economic History of India (New Delhi: Publication
Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of
India, 1960), vol. 1, 1–11, 127–75, 255–75, and vol. 2, 22-70; R. C.
Majumdar, H. C. Raychaudhary, and K. Datta, An Advanced History
of India (Madras: Macmillan India Limited, 1981), 794–6.
 K. Marx. ―The British Rule in India.‖ New-York Daily Tribune, June
25, 1853.
 J. Caldwell. ―Malthus and the Less Developed World: The Pivotal
Role of India,‖ Population and Development Review 24, no. 4
(December 1998): 675–96; E. Stokes, The English Utilitarians and
India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959).
 Ibid.; Dutt. The Economic History of India, vol. 1. 284–92, and vol.
2. 90-101, 252, 385; D. Naoroji. Poverty and British Rule in India
(London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co, 1901); B. N. Ganguli, Dadabhai
Naoroji and the Drain Theory, (Bombay: Asia Publishing House)
1965.

104
 Notes
 See note 4; M. Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: EI Niño Famine
and the Making of the Third World (London: Verso Books, 2001).
 Ibid., 63, 31–32, 290, 319.
 Dutt. The Economic History of India, vol. 2.
 9 K. C. Ghosh, Famines in Bengal, 1770–1943 (Calcutta: India
Associated, 1944), 374, Table 1.
 The Indian Famine Commission, Report (Calcutta: Office of the
Superintendent of Government Printing, India, 1898) 358, cited by A.
K. Ghose, ―Food Supply and Starvation: A Study of Famines with
Reference to the Indian Subcontinent,‖ Oxford Economic Papers,
New Series 34, no. 2 (1982): 376.
 This mode of description is used by Nobel laureate Amartya Sen in
the book Poverty and Famine: An Essay on Entitlement and
Deprivation (Oxford: University Press, 1981) 1.
 Ibid; Dutt. The Economic History of India, 34; D. Arnold, Famine:
Social Crises and Historical Change (London: Basil Blackwell,
1988), 44–5 and 85.

11.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1

1. See Section 11.2

2. See Section 11.3
3. See Section 11.4
4. See Section 11.5

105
 UNIT 12: PROTEST MOVEMENT:
PEASANT MOVEMENT AND
PLANTATION WORKER
MOVEMENT
STRUCTURE
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Protest Movement
12.3 Peasant movement
12.4 Plantation Workers Movement
12.5 Let us sum up
12.6 Key Words
12.7 Questions for Review
12.8 Suggested readings and references
12.9 Answers to Check Your Progress

12.0 OBJECTIVES
After this unit, we can able to know:

 To know about the Protest Movement

 To discuss about the Peasant movement
 To discuss about the Plantation Workers Movement

12.1 INTRODUCTION
It is unfortunate that after 72 years of getting independence and many
socio-economic and cultural developments including scientific and
technological improvement taking place, the condition of the
tealabourers in the northern North Bengal could have not yet been
changed. Many Acts, Rules and Regulations have been passed, many
Trade Unions have come up in the tea-gardens, many politics have been
going on, but the real improvement of the tea labourers lies in dark room.
Many crises and severe problems of the tea labourers in the Northern
Bengal were started since the beginning of the 21st century and recently

106
 Notes
it is increased tremendously as a result, the labourers have been losing
their works in the tea gardens and as they have no alternative sources of
income many of them have been suffering from various diseases,
starvation, fasting, and ultimately they have been dying for want of food.

12.2 PROTEST MOVEMENT

Tea workers in Darjeeling, North Bengal
Tea is one of the oldest industries in India with a history dating back
more than 150 years. Its cultivation started during the colonial period
thanks to the discovery of tea leaves in the Brahmputra valley in the
northeast of India by Robert Bruce in 1823, and in 1838 the first tea
leaves from Assam were sent for sale to the United Kingdom. India soon
became a major tea-producing nation, with tea being grown mainly in
four states: the northeastern states of West Bengal and Assam and the
southern states of Tamil Nadu and Kerala. India attained the unique
position of being the largest producer of tea in the world for nearly 100
years, until it was overtaken by China in 2005. India continues to
maintain the position of the second largest producer. Apart from China
and India, Sri Lanka and Kenya are the other major tea-producing
nations, and the four of them together they produce three quarters of the
world‘s tea. In 2008, India produced about 980 million kilograms of tea.
As of December 2009 the total turnover of the Indian tea industry stood
at about 90 billion rupees, or about US$2 billion. However due to huge
domestic demand for the tea in both India and China, the majority, about
80% of the production, is consumed domestically and rest is exported.
Thus, Kenya and Sri Lanka, despite producing less than half quantity of
tea compared to India, are the leading exporters of tea.
Most of the tea is sold – loose unbranded in the Indian market. However,
recently there is steady increase in the sale of packaged branded tea with
global players active in India also. In the year 2000 the Indian Tata tea
company procured the leading UK brand – Tetley - and Tata-Tetley has
become a leading global brand. Within India, Unilever (manufacturer of
the popular global brand Lipton) and Tata Tea are the leading brands.
The brands, irrespective of the horrifying conditions of workers, have
been posting steady profits over the years. Tata Tea has recently

107
Notes
overtaken Unilever to become the leading brand in India and has become
an over US$ 1 billion company.

Plantation Workers – Century of Bondage

There is no agreement on the number of workers employed in the tea
industry and different sources give different figures, roughly between 1
to 1.5 million employed directly and another 10 million that are
employed indirectly. It remains one of the largest employers of workers
in India. It is estimated that almost 50% of the workers are women. The
majority of the workers work as wage labourers on the plantations, also
known as estates; there are also farmers who produce tea leaves on small
pieces of land. The majority of tea estates are in the northeast of India.
Tea plantations inherently have been exploitative right from their
inception in the colonial times. Like other plantations cultivating rubber,
sugar, etc. they were created to extract the maximum from the workers,
as the part of the colonial economy. The situation has not changed even
after more than 60 years of Indian independence. The majority of
workers working on the plantations in the northeast are third or fourth
generation migrants that were brought by the British from the central part
of India, and the majority of them are either lower caste or tribal peoples
belonging to the lowest social strata. Workers have always lived inside
the plantations and housing has been used as an effective means of
enslavement of generations of workers by the plantation owners. The
wages they receive are among the lowest in the world, lower than Kenya
and Sri Lanka, at about US$1 – 1.5 a day, this in spite of the fact that the
industry is global in nature and has quite capital-intensive operations.
The industry has continued to maintain a feudal/semi-feudal structure in
its pre-marketing production phase so as to maximize its profits.
Tea pluckers, who are almost exclusively women, work six days a week
from 8 a.m. until 4 p.m. They have an hour for lunch which they bring
with them, or to go home to eat, if working in a nearby tea field. Men
mainly work as field supervisors, carry out weeding and spraying, or
work in the tea factory. Tea workers‘ wages are set by tripartite
negotiations between the government, employer associations, and trade
unions.

108
 Notes
Their social status has ensured that their plight has been continuously
ignored for generations. These workers have very low literacy rates and
non-availability of any other livelihood in the region ensures that the
children of the plantation workers are left with no other option than to
work on the plantations under abysmal conditions. There is no escape
from the vicious circle of the highest level of exploitation. The plantation
workers also do not enjoy even basic amenities like safe drinking water,
and often workers suffer from diarrhoea, cholera and other waterborne
diseases. Malaria and tuberculosis are also rampant. The infant mortality
rate is much higher than the national average. It is estimated that only
one percent of the workers is active after attaining the age of 60.
The tea plantation workers in India are covered by the Plantation Labour
Act (PLA), 1951, which regulates the working and living conditions of
these workers. As well as prescribing standards for housing, healthcare
and education, the PLA regulates working conditions including
maximum working hours, overtime payments, child labour, paid leave,
and sickness and maternity benefits.
However, it seems that even though the act has been there for more than
50 years, the majority of workers are deprived of the basic minimal
necessities in their lives. Their wages have not seen any real increase for
so many years. Women who are a major workforce in the industry
continue to face increased discrimination. Plucking the leaves from the
plants is a very hard and tiring job. The women have been often denied
the maternity and related benefits they should have under the Plantation
Act. For a long time their wages were much lower than their male
counterparts.
Ironically, the tea industry is considered one of the most organized
industries in India, with the first union being recognised by the industry
as early as 1948. There are more than 50 recognized unions in West
Bengal alone. However, the industry associations have been denying the
benefits that workers should receive under the Plantation Labour Act.
Most of the workers have been classified as unskilled workers and are
paid daily wages and the majority does not receive any wages for
Sunday.

109
Notes
12.3 PEASANT MOVEMENT
Peasant movement is a social movement involved with the agricultural
policy.
Peasant movements have a long history that can be traced to the
numerous peasant uprisings that occurred in various regions of the world
throughout human history. Early peasant movements were usually the
result of stresses in the feudal and semi-feudal societies, and resulted in
violent uprisings. More recent movements, fitting the definitions of
social movements, are usually much less violent, and their demands are
centered on better prices for agricultural produce, better wages and
working conditions for the agricultural laborers, and increasing the
agricultural production.
The economic policies of the British adversely affected the Indian
peasants under the British government, protecting the landlords and
money lenders while they exploited the peasants. The peasants rose in
revolt against this injustice on many occasions. The peasants in Bengal
formed their union and revolted against the compulsion of cultivating
indigo.
Anthony Pereira, a political scientist, has defined a peasant movement as
a "social movement made up of peasants (small landholders or farm
workers on large farms), usually inspired by the goal of improving the
situation of peasants in a nation or territory".

India
Peasant movement in India arose during the British colonial period, when
economic policies characterized in the ruin of traditional handicrafts
leading to change of ownership, overcrowding of land, massive debt and
impoverishment of peasantry. This led to peasant uprisings during the
colonial period, and development of peasant movements in the post-
colonial period. The Kisan Sabha movement started in Bihar under the
leadership of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, who formed the Bihar
Provincial Kisan Sabha (BPKS) in 1929 to mobilise peasant grievances
against the zamindari attacks on their occupancy rights. In 1938,the crops
in Eastern Khandesh were destroyed due to heavy rains.The peasants
were ruined. In order to get the land revenue waived,Sane Guruji
110
 Notes
organized meetings and processions in many places and took out
marches to the Collector's office. The peasants joined the revolutionary
movement of 1942 in great numbers. Gradually the peasant movement
intensified and spread across the rest of India. All these radical
developments on the peasant front culminated in the formation of the All
India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) at the Lucknow session of the Indian National
Congress in April 1936 with Swami Sahajanand Saraswati elected as its
first President. In the subsequent years, the movement was increasingly
dominated by Socialists and Communists as it moved away from the
Congress, by 1938 Haripura session of the Congress, under the
presidency of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, the rift became evident, and
by May 1942, the Communist Party of India, which was finally legalised
by the then government in July 1942, had taken over AIKS, all across
India including Bengal where its membership grew considerably.

D. D. Kosambi and R.S. Sharma, together with Daniel Thorner, brought

peasants into the study of Indian history for the first time.
British rulers very successfully penetrated into the depth of the Indian
villages. Pre-British invaders in India did not disturb the existing revenue
administration structure. Millions of the rural folk remained, therefore,
indifferent to the ruling .class. Economic historians are still continuing
their debate on the pre-British agrarian structure. The main issue of their
contention is the type of 1owner- - CMV^ ship of land1 prevalent in pre-
British period. Henry Maine f/v Sir Charles Metcalfe,- viewed the
ancient village society as an undifferentiated one. Karl Marx in the ‘ Hew
York Herald Tribune#• held the same view and opined that private
ownership in land In India was first introduced by the Britishers. R.P.
Dutt, Ramkrishna Mukherjee, A.R, Desai corroborated the same view.
Ramkrishna Mukherjee after a long discussion in his The Dynamics of
Rural Society, concluded that .whether or not land alienation and transfer
took place in Indian villages in ancient times, virtually land was then
only for possession and use by the rural households for subsistence
production, and, in a broad sense at least, the self-sufficient and
autonomous village communities were based dn ‘possession in common
of the land‘."

111
Notes
Land In the pre-British period, observed R.K. Mukherjee, was, in no
case, a marketable property. The oase of land alienation was made only
either as religious gifts or due to want of heirs i or failure to pay the land
tax. Dr. Bhupendra Nath Dutta, the noted Marxist writer and sociologist,
however, refuted the Marxian idea of the selfsufficient village economy
in India. He traced land-ownership back to the Vedic age. He ruled out
any idea of communal ownership in land. In Rigvedic period it was
clearly stated that the property of the father was bequeathed to the sons.
Egalitarian village structure and village council was nothing but a myth.
"In this way, at the close of the Vedic age, the following socio-economic
relations are to be found: the King is developing more and more absolute
power and exacting revenues from his subjects. There is a ruling class
around him. Again a landlord class owning village has taken its rise. The
cultivators and the peasants had in many cases landlords over them.
Much of the rights on land have been curtailed upon. From the Vedic-
rishi of a cultivator to the landlord-ridden and exploited agriculturists at
the closing period, the dialectics of Historical Paternalism have wrought
many changes,"
Dr. Dutta carried on his search of private ownership in land in the
Buddhist literature, in the writings of Manu, in the inscription of the
Gupta age and came to the conclusion that feudal hierarchy wOSo
present in each age. He traced back the origin of forced labour and crop-
sharing in the writings of Manu. The Mughals also did not rule out the
rights of the landlords. The Eastern region of India under the Pal and Sen
kingdoms was subdivided into various grades of intermediary
stakeholders. Then in the Pala era of eastern India the epigraphic records
bear a grand array of the feudal hierarchs and state officials. This list is
carried in the subsequent era of the rule of the Senas. Prom this big list of
intermediary landlords whose posts beginning from bhe emperor or the
king down to the peasant (Kars,aka). are mentioned in the grant places,
we surmise that Eastern part of India had already at that time, various
grades of intermediary estate-holders. The present-day intricate sub-
feudination of the lands of Bengal must have had its precursor in this
period. Ratnalekha Ray in a recent publication made a thorough study on
the changes in the agrarian society of Bengal during the regime of the

112
 Notes
East India Company. She elaborately dealt with the land relations
prevalent before the introduction of the Permanent Settlement by Lord
Cornwallis in 1793. It transpires from her study that the traditional
agrarian society was not at all free of class hierarchy rather it was marked
by variety of land rights.
The two juxtaposed views on pre-British agrarian structure make any
further study on agrarian relation complicated. Whatever may be the land
relations, it can be safely maintained that, the raiders in pre-British
period coming from less advanced economy assimilated themselves with
the Indian economy. But the British traders in order to ensure easy
transaction of trade captured the political machinery and introduced their
own legal system and replaced the proportional payment of revenue by
fixed payment. These new policies were responsible for radical
transformation of the traditional rural structure. Moreover, In the name of
trade they introduced an 1 'age of plunder', which led to utter'ruination of
the artisans goods turned to an importer of the same goods and began to
export cotton and indigo along with food crops.
The forced indigo plantation and introduction of different repressive
measures by the indigo planters turned a large section of cultivating
peasants into landless ones. The blow upon the weavers was felt more
fatal than it was in the f earlier phase of ‘plunder‘. The markets were
flooded with cheap foreign textiles. The indigenous cottage-made goods
failed to compete with the machine-made ones. To crown all these
sufferings the Britishers enhanced the revenue very frequently. This
severely affected the rent-paying peasantry as the revenue collectors
exacted the enhanced revenue from the tenants. The Permanent
Settlement (1793) a'nd the later regulations like Haftam and Pan jam
empowered the revenuecollector to collect any amount of rent from the
tenants instead of paying a fixed amount of revenue to the government. A
class of- money-lenders emerged to whom the defaulters mortgaged their
land. This ultimately resulted in large-scale eviction of the tilling
peasants and increasing concentration of land in the hands of few. The
simmering discontent among the peasantry generated by British rule
often gave birth to spontaneous outburst. For long there was a
misconception that the Indian peasantry wcnSfe passive and immobile. It

113
Notes
was alleged that rigid caste structure prevented them in raising any
protest move against the misrule.
Kathleen Gaugh took a strong stand against bhis underestimation -me of^
Indian peasantry and discovered as many as seventy-seven revolts by the
peasantry during the British rule: ttI would argue that peasant revolts
have in fact been common both during and since the British period, every
state of present-day India having experienced several over the past two
hundred years. Thus in a recent brief survey I discovered 77 revolts, the
smallest of which probably engaged several thousand peasants in active
support or in combat. About 30 revolts must have affected several tens of
thousands, and about 12, several hundreds of thousands. Included in
these revolts is the ‘Indian Mutiny‘ of 1857-58, In which vast bodies of
peasants fought or otherwise worked to destroy British rule over an area
of more than 500,000 square miles. The frequency of these revolts and
the fact that at least 34 of these I considered were solely or partly by
Hindus, cause me to doubt that the caste system has seriously impeded
peasant rebellion in 1 times of trouble.1' To name a few of these peasant-
uprisings were:
(i) Sannyasi rebell Corr-(1763-1778) districts of East and North
Bengal, Jessore, Khulna, Murshidabad, Birbhum, Chapra and
Ohamparan of Bihar;
(ii) Wahabi rebellion (1830-31) in Baduria, 24-Parganas of Bengal;
(iii) Faraizi rebellion (1838-48) in Faridpur, Bengal; (iv) Sa^ntal
Rebellion (1855-56) in Birbhum, Bihar and part of Murshidabad;
(v) Indigo rebellion (1858-61) in Nadia, Jessore, Khulna,
Baridpur, 24- 1 Parganaa, Pabna of Bengal; (vi) uprising in Pabna
and Bagura in 1872-73 (though the movement originated in
Pabna and Bagura it soon spread to the whole of Eastern And
Central Bengal); (vii) Moplah rebellion (1836-1849) in Malabar;
and (viii) Deccan riots in 1875

A Without going into the details of all these peasant uprisings

we'would mention the following parameters of these uprisings:

114
 Notes
(i) In most of the uprisings peasants were generally mobilized on
the plea of religion. In Wahabi rebellion, it was imposition of
tax by the Hindu Samindors on growing of beard of the
Muslim peasants which sparked off the rebellTheFaraizi
rebeUioyjJi also initially started with a religious issue and
culminated in peasant rebellion.
(ii) Though the peasants were initially mobilized on religious
issues, in course of the movement class polarization surpassed
the other divisions. Hindu-Muslim, tribal, non-tribal, all the
poor peasantry stood against the zamindars and mahajans.
This was evident during the Sa^ntal rebellion when not a
single witness from the affected villages could be produced to
the Court.
(iii) The movements were spontaneous but were marked by
massiv participation. What.it amounts to is that even in the
absence of formal organization and specifio ideology, mass
scale mobilization was'not that difficult, however shortlived it
might have been.
(iv) Almost all the movements were‘characterized by some type
of, charismatic leader like Majnu Shah in San^asi rebellion;
Titu Mir in Wahabi rebellion; Dudu Miyan in Paraizi
rebellion; Bir Singh in Santal rebellion. All these leaders have
become legendary figures.
(v) Mere economism was not the motivating factor of these
movements. Not infrequently, political authorities were
challenged too. Tibu Mir (Wahabi leader) in Baduria
established his own rule and peasants refused to pay .the rent
to the landlords and acknowledged Titu Mir as their real
landlord. Sapntal rebels demanded in the same breath land
and liberation.
(vi) Though the British authority suppressed the movements with
as much brutality as it was possible, it had nevertheless, to
accede to the demands of the rebels. During the Sanyasi
rebellion the British officials had to pay Rs.1,200/- from the
treasury as tax to quell the rebels in Bagura. The creation of a

115
Notes
new district of Santal Pargana was an overt recognition of the
just demands of the Santals.

Peasantry and Gandhi: The National Congress^originally designed as a

'safety valve to all such uprisings?held its first session in' 1885. Tillxl915
this national organization confined itself to elitist demands and failed to
mobilize the common mass. Vifith the entrance of Mahatma Gandhi into
the political arena people came fenmasse to take part in national politics.
It was he who could foresee the possibility of changing elite politics into
a mass one through common people‘s‘ parbicipation.
Consequently5\ the prime focus of his politics became 1 village. His
programme of village reconstruction through YVul revival of cottage
industry and revitalization of panchayet system along with his campaign
against untouchability stimula1 ted the village people beyond measure.
To give effect to these programmes- the Congress established peasant
committees in rural areas. In addition to mobilize peasants for All Indi£
movements, like Non-cooperation (1920), Civil Disobedience (190$ Quit
India (1942) these peasant committees organized a few local peasant
movements for redressal of immediate grievances of the peasantry. They
are :
(i) The Champaran Satyagraha: In Champaran Gandhiji first applied
his technique of Satyagraha in India. The movement was a
success and ended with the abolition of Tinkathia system. Under
this system, it,was obligatory on the part of the peasants to grow-
indigo on 3/20th of their land. Moreover they had to sell the
produce at the prices fixed by the planters; Following an
independent enquiry conducted by\Gandhi, Government
appointed an enquiry committee with Gandhiji as one of the
members.
(ii) Satyagraha by Kaira peasants of Gujarat against the collection of
land revenue (1918) : Peasants in this district were organized to
boycott land revenue for the failure of crop. While Chandra,
Tripathi and De were delighted in success of the movement (as
"the government was ultimately forced to yield ground and arrive
at a settlement with the peasants"), Sumit Sarkar opined that the

116
 Notes
movement had to be called of ‘after no more than a token
concession‘. The movement did not even spread over a larger part
of the district as it affected only 370 villages out of 559.
(iii) Peasant upsurges in Bardoli against revenue-hike (1928) In
reaction to the proclammation of 22% revenue-hike by the
Bombay Government,the peasants launched no-revenue
campaign. This time the movemenb ended with a success as the
MaxwellBroomfield Enquiry Committee admitted that the
Bardoli assessmer: was defective and reduced the fiscal increase
from 22 percent to only 6.25 percent.-
(iv) Agitation in Oudh (1930-32) : Here the - provincial leadership in
the U.P. unlike in other parts of the country gave a call for a no-
rent campaign along with no-revenue move. The no-rent
campaign began in Oudh in early 1930, but though the movement
was initiated by the local leaders with the support of "fh&.
Jawaharlal Nehru, soon it was discouraged by central leadership
of the Congress.

Dhanagare has shown that the peasantry in Oudh did not respond to
Gandhi's "symbolic protestu of breaking salt law which was inaugurated
in April 1930 in order to 'side- ,, track the mounting discontent of the
peasantry. It is true that only under Gandhi's.leadership millions of rural
people came into the arena of national politics, but the story does not end
there. Gandhi no doubt made a sincere and also successful attempt to
transform an elitist movement into a mass movement primatily through
his appeal to the peasantry. At the same time he restrained the peasant
movement whenever it leaned towards class struggle. He religiously
eschewed any radical economic policy which would alienate the
propertied class from the movement. He pleaded for village
reconstruction and highlighted the abuses of Industrialism but not at the
cost of the industrialists. In the same way, he tried to uphold the cause of
the peasantry without injuring the szamindars' interest. Gandhian peasant
movement obeyed in true spirit the Congress Working Committee
resolution adopted on 12th February 1922, which advised Congress
organisations "to inform the ryots that withholding of rent payment to the

117
Notes
zamindars is contrary to the Congress resolutions and injurious to the
best interests of the 1 country.‖ In this contest Hauser /rwrofceTfor
Gandhi‘s statement on ‘Mo-Rent' movement in U.P. in,1921: "it is not
contemplated that at any stage of non-cooperation we would seek to
deprive the Zamindars of their rent. The Usan movement must be
confined to the improvement of the status of the Kisans and the
betterment of the relations between the Zamindars and them. Dhanagare
commented that Gandhi shed tears for the poor without adopting any
concrete programme for their upliftment. He mobilized the rural folk
without doing anything substantial for them: "The Gandhian political
idiom of 'village uplift‘, swaraj (freedom), swadeshi (self-reliance
through the spinning wheel, etc.), and Satyagraha — non-violent political
struggle, etc., undoubtedly endeared the Indian rural masses -- the
peasants and tillage artisans — but the substance of his economic
programme was far from what the masses really needed. Although
therefore, the charismatic Gandhi aroused the rural masses, he did little
or nothing substantial to bring about changes in land relations which
alone could have alleviated 1 the conditions of the peasant masses who
followed him.‖ Jacques Pouchepadass held that this stand on class
collaboration is nothing accidental but a part of Gandhian ideology: "In
the case of the typically Gandhian movements (Ghamparan, Kheda,
Bardoli), class collaboration was not merely accepted by the political
leadersj it was consciously favoured and served as a central element in
the ideology.He referred to two important characteristics of the Gandhian
movement —
(i) the eneiny was always made exterior to the peasantry, to avoid
class struggle. While in Ghamparan the enemy was the British
Indigo planters, in Kaira and Bardoli it was the colonial
government,
(ii) the movement in village level was actually conducted by the caste
councils and not by 3 any independent political organizations.

This avoidance of class polities was much more evident from Gandhi's
inclination to agitate only on local Issues and to leave the fundamental
land relations unhurt and unexamined: "More fundamental questions

118
 Notes
relating to land control and antagonistic class relations, whether in the
Champaran district of Bihar, or in the Kheda district of Gujarat, were
carefully left untouched by him," The course of the peasant movement
also shows that Gandhi had withdrawn the movements when they began
to gather momentum. This was true for all India movements as well as
for local level peasant movements. Sumit Sarkar has shown that in the
so-called Gandhian peasant movement the initiative and to some extent
leadership actually came .from local level while Gandhi "remained in the
background. "The Initiative for no-revenue (to press the case for
remissions in the context of the poor harvest) really came not from
Gandhi or Ahmedabad politicians , but from local village leaders like
Mohanlal Pandya or Kapadvanj taluka in Kheda In November 1917; It
was taken up by Gandhi after a lot of hesitation only on 22 March 1918".
Arvind N. Das In a recent article opposed the classical historians' stand
on passive Immobile Indian peasantry who were only driven to politics
by the Gandhian clarion call. He referred to Pouchepadasss recent work
who have shown, "that not only was the ‘peasantry by no means passive
but that local peasant leaders had a far more important role in the
agitation than has been described."

12.4 PLANTATION WORKERS

MOVEMENT
Tea is an extremely popular beverage in India and Darjeeling tea is
famous for its aroma and flavor. But the workers who work in these tea
gardens taste the bitter flavor of life. Between 2000 and 2015, Fourteen
Hundred (1400) people have died in 17 tea Gardens in the North Bengal.
Severe malnutrition has been the main cause of death in these estates
(Chaudhuri, 2015). It is said that, Out of the 276 tea gardens in four
districts Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Coochbehar and Alipurduar
approximately 31 have shut down or are sick. And the lives of 4, 80,000
families who employed by those gardens are in a crisis –women and
children being the worst affected. With no alternative jobs or income, it a
daily struggle to survive (Roy, 2017). In the working estates too,
conditions of the tea garden workers are pathetic because of miserably
low wages (Rs.90 to 95), non availability of drinking water, sanitation

119
Notes
and food items. According to the law, tea garden workers are entitled to
get provident fund payments, bonuses, pension (for retired workers),
ration, housing, water, education and health facilities. But the reality is
grim with most of the tea gardens been shut or sick, housing and medical
facilities are in a shambles. Financial mismanagement is rife—many
estates are not depositing the provident fund contribution deducted from
workers wages, schools are non functional thereby affecting the
education of the children in the tea estates. A survey by the Siliguri
Welfare Association in July 2014 found the body mass index of tea
workers to be as low as 14 in some estates. ―The WHO has stipulated
that anything less than 18.5 BMI constitutes famine affected population,‖
says Abhijit Majumdar, secretary of the organisation. Out of 1,272
workers at Raipur Tea Garden in Jalpaiguri, 539 or 42 per cent had a
BMI of less than 18.5 (in India ideal BMI is 23-24). As many as 384
workers had a BMI of 17, 285 below 16, and 140 less than 14. Similar
surveys were conducted at Red Bank, Bandapani, Diana and Kathalguri
tea gardens and same results found, says Majumdar. Out of 273 tea
estates, only 166 have hospitals. Out of these 166, only 56 tea estates
have full time residential doctors. Other 110 tea estates' hospitals depend
on visiting doctors. Among doctors of 166 tea estates, only 74 doctors
have degree of MBBS, others are non MBBS. Out of 166 tea estates
having hospitals, 116 do not have any nurse. 107 tea estates (hills 64,
Terai 20 and Dooars 23) do not have any hospital. Out of 273 tea estates,
85 do not have any dispensary. Ten tea estates have neither hospital nor
dispensary. Out of 273 tea estates, primary health centres (PHCs) exist in
only 160, 113 tea estates (hills 38, Terai 23 and Dooars 52) do not have
any PHC. Out of 273 tea estates, 160 provide ambulance. Many of these
ambulances are not up to the standard (Bera, 2014). The starvation deaths
and the other related problems like water scarcity, closed schools etc are
also an indicator that the workers are not getting the social
welfare/security schemes of the government. The chronic violation of
basic rights of tea garden workers calls for immediate attentions from all
quarters. The state must come forward to provide suitable livelihood
opportunities to them and to enable them to access basic services like
health and education.

120
 Notes
Gaps in the existing Knowledge:
Food is one of the basic needs of human being for their survival but in
developing country like India food is not adequately available for all.
World Bank (1986) defined food security as ‗access by all people at all
times to enough food for an active healthy life‘. Later in 1996 FAO came
up with a broader definition of food security ‗Food Security at the
individual, household, national and global levels [is achieved] when all
people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe
and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for
an active and healthy life.‘ Many research and academic reports have
been done in the Tea Garden area which dealt with labor issues (wages
and health risks), production and marketing of tea. But limited research
solely focused on the food security of the tea garden workers. There are
many reports and newspaper clippings on starvation death in the tea
plantations. So it can be said that there is a scarcity of published material
on the food security aspect of the plantation workers in the area. In this
backdrop the research is intended to explore the reasons behind such
situation in the tea estates.

There are three components of food security namely production and

procurement, storage and distribution. All these functions are performed
through the Public Distribution system in the country (Lenka, 2017). If
any of the component of food security is affected it would affect the
people. Food is a matter of Right and every individual has the Right to
food- it is an entitlement to be free from hunger, which derives from the
assertion that the society has enough resources, both economic and
institutional, to ensure that everyone is adequately nourished. The
primary responsibility for ensuring Right to food rests on the State,
because the state alone commands the resources (economic and
institutional) required to protect everyone from hunger, and because the
state is generally responsible for safeguarding constitutional rights. In
some circumstances at least, the responsibility for protecting the right to
food is a shared responsibility, involving not only the state, but also other
institutions or individuals (Dreze, 2004). The tea industry in India have
been said to have been going through a crisis situation since the early

121
Notes
1990s. Some of the key reasons for the crisis a fall in tea auction prices,
decline in exports, closure and abandonment of tea gardens resulting in
curtailment of wages and benefits by the planters. The crisis declined the
living condition of the workers and worsening human security. (Ellis,
1998). For this research, the researcher would follow the global
definition of food security by FAO (1996). Tea Plantation Worker:
Plantation referred to a group of settlers or a political unit formed by it
under British Colonialism, especially in North America and West Indies
(ILO, 1950).But later it acquired a broader connotation, which denote
large scale enterprise in agricultural units and the development of certain
agricultural resources of tropical countries in accordance with the
methods of western industry. The products were mainly for export. The
Plantation Labour Act 1951 defines plantation as any land used or
intends to be used for growing tea, coffee rubber or cinchona which
admeasures 25 acres or more and in which 30 or more persons are
employed or were employed on any day of the preceding 12 months.
Plantation worker means a person employed in the plantation for hire or
reward, whether directly or through agency, to do any work, skilled,
unskilled, clerical or manual. It exempts certain categories of worker like
medical officer, any person whose monthly wage is more than Rs.300 or
any employee who work in the managerial capacity.

The Plantation Labour (Amendment) Act 2010 further includes that a

person employed on contract for more than 60 days in a year would be
considered as plantation worker. The amended Act specifies that the term
‗worker‘ does not include any person whose monthly income exceeds
Rs.10,000. Also a person who works in the managerial and
administrative capacity notwithstanding that his monthly wages do not
exceed Rs. 10000 is also not included in the category of workers. In the
research the researcher would use the term tea garden workers instead of
plantation worker as here the study area is tea gardens. As far as
definition goes the researcher accepts the definition given in ‗The
Plantation Labour (Amendment) Act 2010‘. The tea industry in India
began with the setup of Assam Company in 1839. The potential for
growing tea in Assam was discovered in 1824 by Major Robert Bruce.

122
 Notes
The British East India Company had a monopoly over trade with China
and used to import tea from China. In 1833, the monopoly was cancelled
by British Parliament and then the company decided to explore tea
cultivation on a commercial scale in Assam. After three decades, tea
plantation started in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Kerela. Labors in the
plantation were mainly recruited from the tribal community of central
India-the Chotanagpur area (Bhowmik, 2011).

Tea- Labour Movements in the Northern Bengal Since 1947

There was no Labour Union of the tea labourers at the initial stage in the
Northern Bengal and there were many factors behind it. Prof. Nirban
Basu, a prominent scholar on labour movements has shown different
reasons behind the absence of Labour Union at the initial stage in
Northern Bengal. Firstly, Geographically Duars region was detached
from other parts of the country. Tea region was like a danger fort
controlled by the planters. It was not favourable to survive men though it
was favourable for tea cultivation. No man even the people from
Jalpaiguri did not want to proceed towards tea garden. Secondly, of all
the tea gardens, a large number were in the hands of Bengali middle
class. Naturally, the Nationalists had no intention to form Labour Union
against the indigenous planters. Thirdly, the political leadership of the
district was in the hands of English educated higher caste Hindu
Bengalese. The social relation in between them was almost absence.1
Though the Labour Union was not found in the Duars, the labourers were
not silent, they protested against the oppressions of the tea planters,
administrators, police etc. following the different mode of movements.
These protest movements were carried on from 1895 – 1918 in their own
way of movements. It is unfortunate that no political party or Union or
intellectual supported their movements. The enquiry committee of the
Government mentioned, It is informed by the manager of Alipurduar
Sub-division that in the month of September, 1903 the labourer of this
region revolted due to not having wages for overtime. In the same way
13 labour of Dalsingpara tea garden attacked on an European manager
for his illegal oppressions. In 1912, a group of sardars and coolies (tea-
labourers) of Nagrakata tea estate area created noise and destroyed the

123
Notes
property of tea estate. The Rice Movement‗of 1906 was an unorganized
movement of the tea labourers. The tea labourers demanded to supply
more rice in ration and in this movement Santal, Munda, Oraon took the
leading role to run their movement. Tea- planters carried on their torture
on the labourers with armed raiders. In 1911 many labourers of the tea
gardens stopped their work, came out and revolted. In 1916 ‗Tana
Bhagat Movement was started in the Jalpaiguri district which was a
awakening movement of the tea labourers. In this regard Ranjit Dasgupta
writes, ―In its origin the Tana Bhagat movement was a messaianic
movement. It was believed that a Messiah would come to redeem the
Oraon from their plight. They were called upon to pull out‗(tana) ghost
and evil spirits which were held responsible for their misery. They were
asked to purify and reform their lives…. They were, moreover, called
upon to do no work as coolies and labourers under men of other castes
and tribes.

The formation of Labour Unions among the tea labourers were started
since the 1940s and in this task communist parties; particularly the CPI
took a significant role in the process of organizing the tea labourers in the
Duars. In 1946 at the time of election the communist leaders propagated
the ideology of equality, liberty and nationality as a result; Ratanlal
Brahman won the election from labour belt of Darjeeling district which
encouraged extending the communist activities in Jalpaiguri district.
Ranjit Dasgupta writes, ―Prior to mid- 1946 these labourers had not
been organized in a trade and on the whole remained untouched by the
national movement. But several developments during the War and
immediate post- War years converged to bring about a critical change in
the life situation of the labourers. Left-wing employees of Domohani
Railway Workers Union played a significant role among the tea
labourers and peasants. In this task Debaprosad Ghosh (known as
Patalbabu) who was involved as a whole timer in the Railway Union of
Domahani Branch, would contact the tea labourers. Beside this, Bimal
Dasgupta and Parimal Mitra, trade union leaders and Railway workers
Jadunath Singh, Lalbahadur Chhetri, Budhan, Mansingh Guhi Mahavir
tried their best to organize the tea labourers. The work of the

124
 Notes
organization with the tea labourers, communication with them and carry
on political movement was very difficult because the entry of political
leaders into tea gardens and any kind of communication with tea gardens
and labourers was prohibited. However, the leaders communicated with
the labourers secretly at the deep night beyond the control of the planters.
Sometimes the work of their organization and activities including
meeting, discussion etc. were held in the Railway station or the
residential area of railway gangmen. 6 Since 1946 when Tebhaga
movement was started, the tea labourers of the district, Jalpaiguri
supported and joined the Tebhaga movement. During 1946-48 tea
labourers of the Duars started labour movement including general strike
and cease work. In 1948 the labourers of Grasmore tea garden started
strike for their demands which was continued till 11 days and this
incident was the first in Bengal.7 Plantation Enquiry Commission
noticed that 247 tea companies increased their property into two times
during 1939 to 1953. But unfortunately this huge amount of profit went
to the pocket of the tea planters depriving the tea labourers. After
implementation of minimum Labour Wage Act huge number of tea
labourers were beat off from their jobs, as a result, tea labourers fell into
a great crisis. World-wide economic depression was started since 1951
for which tea labourers were more deprived by the tea planters. More
than 1.5 lacs tea labourers were repulsed from their job and the rationing
system was ceased. The Tea Labour Act was passed in 1951 by which it
appeared to have been assured the health, drinking water, sanitary latrine,
canteen, education of children and homestead of tea labourers. These
facilities of tea labourers were more consolidated by the West Bengal
Plantation Labour Rules of 1951. But the owners of tea gardens kept
them silent about the rules and facilities of tea labourers. Naturally,
against the oppressive attitude of the planters tea labourers came into a
platform to organize their movements and in this context leftwing parties
took a significant role in continuing their movements. Sir Percival
Griffiths wrote, ―In February, 1953 on the recommendation of the
Minimum Wages Advisory Committee, the price of concession cereals in
the Dooars was raised from Rs. 5 to 15 per maund, but a partial
compensation allowance of 2.5 annas per day per adult worker on

125
Notes
gardens over five hundred acres, and 2 anas on gardens under five
hundred acres, with corresponding payment for minors, was to be paid.
At the same time Government ordered a ten percent cut in managerial
salaries. For all practices purposes conversion, accompanied by what was
really a wage cut, had been achieved.8 In 1953 Tea Labour Union started
3 days strike in favour of various demands of the tea labourers and to
some extent their strike from 17th August to 19th August hand a success.
In continuation of this movement the union demanded to the planters to
increase their wages and bonus. They demanded wages of 60 days as a
bonus. A meeting was held on 24th June, 1954 in presence of
Government. An endless strike was called since 12th July, 1954 for
fulfillment of various demands. In this sitting some demands of labourers
were accepted by the owners.9 In February 1955 a demand from the Cha
Sramik Union led to an agreed increase of the minimum wage in the
Dooars by 3 anas per day to Rs I/II/6 for men and to corresponding
increase for women and children, with lower rates for gardens under five
hundred acres. At the same time plucking rates were increased. These
increases were substantial and represented the inevitable, though
unfortunate, reaction to the high prices and profits of 1954. They were
perhaps not justified by the long term economic position of Dooars
gardens.10 The agreement of 1955 was not statutory as it was under
process of passing orders on the proposed enquiry into the economics of
the tea industry in the Duars. So, In this situation Unions requested the
labourers to do a full day‗s work and to abstain from striking for wages.
The Indian Tea Planters Association strongly objected to increase the
wages of 3 anas and they showed their logic behind it. After long
discussions the Government, employers and labour agreed that the
agreement for a 3 anas increase should continue until the Government
inquiry was completed on 31st December, 1956.11 The Government
inquiry dragged on for many months at the end of it agreement could be
reached in the Minimum Wage Advisory Committee. The chairman of
that committee then recommended an increase of one anna per day for
adults. Still the mater held fire and in the mean time the demands of
labour were raised and strikes were threatened. At length in August 1959
an order under the Minimum Wage Act was passed, granting labour an

126
 Notes
increase of 2 annas per day with effect from 1st June 1959. The Indian
Tea Association successfully challenged the legality of a retrospective
order of this and the increase therefore only took effect from the date of
the order, namely 20 August 1959.12 The ‗Co-ordination Committee of
Tea Plantation Workers‗ was formed in 1965. The committee fought to
attain the rights, prestige of the tea labourers through which the labourers
can survive with honour and dignity. For attaining their demands and
dignity they carried on their movements, sometimes they called for
strike. In this circumstances, labour minister Abdus Sattar of Congress-
led government formed one-man committee to solve the problems of tea
labourers. In 1968 ‗Kader Nawaj Committee‗published the report where
mentioned to be scheduled the number of labourers accordingly the ratio
of the amount lands. But the owners denied accepting the
recommendations of the committee. Naturally, movement was started
from the platform of coordination committee and in 1969 tea labourers
again assembled in a strike which was continued till 17 days. At last the
owners of the gardens surrendered, the labourers obtained 9000 new
posts of recruitment and the owners could not drive out the labourers at
their will. By the pressure of the movement of the labourers in 1975 the
owners bound to increase 37 paisa as wages. Since 1976 different issues
led the tea labourers to start movement one of which was
IdiraGovernment attacked on the bonus of the tea labourers. Against all
the oppressive attitude of the planters tea labourers mobilized strongly,
they came into compact themselves under the banner of leftwing parties.
The state conference of CITU was held in 1974 in Malbazar in presence
of Jyoti Basu, the leader of CPI (M). Huge number of tea labourers from
Malbazar, Meteli, Nagrakata assembled in this convention of Jyotibasu.
Since 1977 with the coming of Left-Front Government a new situation
was raised in the labour movement of the Duars. 7000 new posts of
labourers were created and 20% bonus was allotted for the labourers. In
the changing situation after 1977 some favourable elements in the lives
of the tea labourers were allowed. Amounts of lands for tea cultivation
was increased, introduced new technology, but with the ratio of these
changes labourers were not recruited. The owners of the gardens
obtained profit by using temporary labours. A tripartite settlement was

127
Notes
signed in 1993 by which the labourers expected the owners would be
sympathized to the demands of the labourers, But the Tripartite
Committee could not solve the problems of the labourers. They had no
pure drinking water, latrine, sufficient lights, and opportunity of
treatment. The co-ordination committee, the common platform of all tea
labourer organization called for a massive movement. 10- Days strike
was observed on 12 July, 1999. Near about three lacs labourer
participated in this strike. The movement expanded through village to
village and garden to garden. At last, the owners of tea gardens bound to
accept the demand of tea labourers. They agreed to recruit 10,000
labourers and to distribute medicine from hospitals. But different types of
problems and crises rose among the tea labourers. There are many
reasons behind this crisis. It is true that the monopoly of tea trade of
India was lost many years ago with the emergence of tea cultivation in
different corner of the world. The quality of Darjeeling tea like other
parts of India was decreased whereas the quality of tea outside India
increased rapidly as a result the market of Indian tea faced in
competition. It is true that the quality of tea of India was the best in the
world market since 1860 to the last phase of 20th century. But at present
Indian tea lost this position and it is occupied by Kenya and China, India
has gone to third and fourth position. Since the last two decades Indian
tea has to face in hard competition in the exported market of the world.
On the other hand the tea planters became corrupted; they invested
money on the other sectors of industry. After taking huge amount of loan
for the development of tea-gardens the planters cheated the money and
ultimately the development tea-gardens became failure. Repeatedly the
ownership of tea-gardens has been changed confidentially and nobody
knows it. Technological development has not been done as a result the
production cost of tea has increased where quality of tea has decreased.
The age of many teatrees in the Duars has become 50-60 years; naturally
the super quality of tea has not produced. Apart from these, there are
many reasons such as corruptions in auction market for selling tea,
corruptions of authorities in tea-gardens, unfair politics of various Trade
Unions and negligence of government to the development of tea industry
etc. led the tea- industry into challenge. Due to above mentioned reasons

128
 Notes
many crises and severe problems of the tea labourers in the Northern
Bengal were started since the beginning of the 21st century and recently
it is increased tremendously as a result the labourers have been losing
their works in the tea gardens and as they have no alternative sources of
income many of them have been suffering from various diseases,
starvation, fasting, and ultimately they have been dying for want of food.
The following report shows the present condition of tea gardens and
labourers of the northern North Bengal surveyed by labour department,
West Bengal.

Population in tea estates 1,86,559 families reside in the tea estates of

hills, Terai and Dooars areas of North Bengal. Tea estates of hills, Terai
and Dooars have population of 11,24,907. There are 2, 62,426 permanent
workmen engaged by 273 tea estates of hills, Terai and Dooars region.
Housing and other facilities 1,66,591 workmen out of 2,62,426 have
been provided houses. It means 95,835 workmen are yet to be provided
houses. 6 tea estates (3 in hills & 3 in Dooars) have not provided even a
single house to their workers. There are 51 tea estates who could not
provide houses to 50 per cent or more workmen. The workmen of 10 tea
estates are the worst sufferers as near 20 per cent of them could not be
provided their houses. In 2009, 53 tea estates did not spend a single
penny on housing. In 2012, 62 tea estates did not spend a single penny.
37 Tea estates did not spend a single penny (on housing) during last four
years (2009 to 2012). 44 tea estates do not have any latrines. Houses in
12 tea estates in Dooars are under complete darkness (no electricity
connection). The workers of tea estates suffer badly for supply of
drinking water, both in quality and quantity. The tea estates of hill areas
in Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong sub division have severe
scarcity of drinking water. Natural spring water and Jhora are only
sources of water. Most of the tea estates of hill areas does not properly
distribute the sources through pipelines. Health and medical facilities Out
of 273 tea estates, only 166 have hospitals. Out of these 166, only 56 tea
estates have full time residential doctors. Other 110 tea estates' hospitals
depend on visiting doctors. Among doctors of 166 tea estates, only 74
doctors have degree of MBBS, others are non- MBBS. Out of 166 tea

129
Notes
estates having hospitals, 116 do not have any nurse. 107 tea estates (hills
-64, Terai- 20 and Dooars-23) do not have any hospital. Out of 273 tea
estates, 85 do not have any dispensary. Ten tea estates have neither
hospital nor dispensary. Out of 273 tea estates, primary health centres
(PHCs) exist in only 160, 113 tea estates (hills-38. Terai-23 and Dooars-
52) do not have any PHC. Out of 273 tea estates, 160 provide ambulance.
Many of these ambulances are not up to the standard. Since May 17, the
Duncans tea factory at Dhumchipara in Alipurduar district of North
Bengal, where Dominique works, has been ―more or less‖ shut. Dried
tea leaves lie strewn on sorting tables and a sturdy lock hangs on the door
of the processing shed. In the past month, beginning October, nine
employees of the factory and the Dhumchipara tea garden have died.
Bagrakote — where reports of hunger deaths at tea gardens since it
partially shut down in March prompted a visit by Chief Minister Mamata
Banerjee to the region — saw casualties mostly among the ageing. Here
in Dhumchipara, the youngest to die was 36-year-old Chanchal
Mangar.14 The following report has been published in the Telegraph,
Oct, 27, 2015: A tea worker died today in the Dooars from suspected
lack of treatment and food in a Duncans Goenka estate where pay has
been irregular for at least six months and medical facilities almost
negligible, according to a report submitted to the state government. The
14 Duncans Goenka gardens in the Dooars and in Darjeeling "are in a
state of limbo. They are neither closed nor open in the usual sense of the
terms, with frightening consequences for the workers on the estates. This
situation has added one more chapter to the shameful history of hunger in
the tea industry," The latest death reported, of 44-year-old Mukti Santhal,
was in Bagrakote estate in Jalpaiguri district. John Barla, a prominent
trade union leader and president of the Progressive Tea Workers' Union,
today said that in the past seven to eight months 42 residents had died in
Duncans tea gardens from malnutrition and lack of treatment. The figure
could not be confirmed from officials as deaths in gardens are not
categorised as those from malnutrition or lack of treatment. The
following report has been submitted to the State government, West
Bengal by Harsh Mandar, the Supreme Court‗s special commissioner on
right to food: There are close to 300 still operating, but gardens have

130
 Notes
closed throughout the region, including in Bundapani, Dheklapara,
Redbank, Surendranagar and Dharanipur. A study by the United Tea
Workers Front (UTWF) in Dooars found that over the past decade, 1,000
workers have died. "The fact is there are more than 100 deaths this year,
owing to the closure of at least five tea gardens and abject poverty,"
Anuradha Talwar, the State Adviser to the Supreme Court
Commissioners on the Right to Food, told Al Jazeera. "As their wages
are abysmally low, the poor workers or their family members have
neither the fat on their bodies nor the balance in their banks to survive."
It is clear from the above discussions that the oppressions, deprivations
and life-pain of the tealabourers was started since the inception of the
teagardens in the Northern Bengal as elsewhere in other parts of India
under the British rule and this painful situation have been going on till
today. Much water have been flowing over through the Tist, Torsa,
Raydak and Mansai, many ups and downs have been taken place, but the
condition and life-pain of the tealabourers could have not been ended.
They are helpless, they have nothing to do but for accepting death.

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1. What do you know about the Protest Movement?
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………
2. Discuss about the Peasant movement.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
3. Discuss about the Plantation Workers Movement.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………

131
Notes
12.5 LET US SUM UP
Tea is a popular drink across the world and in India it is one of the most
common drinks to start a day. This popular drink originated in China
who once had a monopoly, later to break the Chinese monopoly tea was
introduced in India by the British. The climatic condition in North East
India was found to be favorable for tea cultivation and hence tea
cultivation flourished in the region which later also spread to some parts
of South India. India is the second largest producer of tea after China. As
per Tea Board of India, India recorded an annual production of 1233.14
million kilograms of tea in 2015-16. Assam contributes to nearly 52%
followed by North Bengal which contributes to nearly 26% of total tea
production in India. Although tea industry flourished in India yet the
condition of the tea garden workers did not change with time. Media and
journals reported hunger deaths in the North Bengal tea gardens. India is
developing fast in every field yet hunger deaths are harsh reality of the
country. India ranked 100th among the 119 countries, marked ‗with
serious hunger problem‘ in the Global Hunger Index 2017 report,
released by International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). The
grave of the problem can be identified by its ranking in GHI as in 2016
India ranked 97th among the 118 countries and in 2015 it ranked 80th
among the 104 countries surveyed. An attempt by IFPRI was made in
2008 to get the India State Hunger Index (ISHI) like the Global Hunger
Index and a comparison among the States in India were done in a report.
The report revealed that Madhya Pradesh was the worst affected State in
the country with an ‗extremely alarming‘ hunger problem. West Bengal
was ranked 8th among the 17 States with an ‗alarming level‘ of Hunger
problem (Menon, Deolalikar, & Bhaskar, 2009). The National Sample
Survey Organization(NSSO) in India published a report entitled
―Perceived Adequacy of Food Consumption in Indian Households 2004-
2005‖ based on the NSS 61st Round, in July 2004- June 2005. The report
revealed that ―The percentage of rural household not getting enough food
every day in some months of the year was the highest in West Bengal
(10.6 per cent) followed by Orissa (4.8 per cent) and the least affected by
food inadequacy were Haryana and Rajasthan. The proportion of those
households who did not get enough food every day in any month of the
132
 Notes
year was highest in the State of Assam (3.6 per cent) followed by Orissa
and West Bengal (1.3 per cent each).‖ If the two figures i.e the number of
household not getting enough food seasonally and the number of
households not getting enough food daily are taken together then West
Bengal will top the list with 12% of the rural house hold facing
occasional and regular hunger (Bandhopadhay, 2007). Among these
households who falls the victim of poverty and food insecurity are the
Tea garden workers in the North Bengal, whose plight remains unheard.
Reports of isolated starvation deaths came out in the print and electronic
media in the early years of this millennium, in the North Bengal. Though,
the government denied any such news of starvation deaths in the North
Bengal it accepted the fact that malnutrition is rampant in the area.

The research would aim to explore the condition of the tea garden
workers in the present day context where there are several government
schemes implemented to address the issue of food security. It would put
light into the fact that whether there is adequate availability and
accessibility of food by the families of the tea garden workers throughout
the year, as it a basic need for survival.

12.6 KEY WORDS

Peasantry: A peasant is a pre-industrial agricultural laborer or farmer
with limited land ownership, especially one living in the Middle Ages
under feudalism and paying rent, tax, fees, or services to a landlord. In
Europe, three classes of peasants existed: slave, serf, and free tenant.

12.7 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

1. Discuss about the Peasantry movement in North Bengal.

12.8 SUGGESTED READINGS AND

REFERENCES

 Pereira, Anthony W 1997. The End of the Peasantry. Pittsburgh:

University of Pittsburgh Press.
133
Notes
 Social movements types at Sociology Guide
 Bandyopādhyāya, Śekhara (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A
History of Modern India. Orient Longman. p. 406. ISBN 978-81-
250-2596-2.
 Bandyopādhyāya, Śekhara (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A
History of Modern India. Orient Longman. p. 406. ISBN 978-81-
250-2596-2.
 Bandyopādhyāya, Śekhara (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A
History of Modern India. Orient Longman. p. 407. ISBN 978-81-
250-2596-2.
 States, Parties, and Social Movements, by Jack A. Goldstone.
Cambridge University Press, 2003. ISBN 0-521-01699-1. Page
192.
 Habib, Irfan (2007). Essays in Indian History (Seventh reprint
ed.). Tulika. p. 381 (at p 109). ISBN 81-85229-62-7.

12.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1

1. See Section 12.2

2. See Section 12.3
3. See Section 12.4

134
UNIT 13: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
STRUCTURE
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Politics of Identity and Autonomy in North Bengal Perspectives
13.3 North Bengal Scenario in the Post-colonial Period
13.4 Left Politics and its Impact
13.5 Politics of Indigenous People–UKD
13.6 Kamtapur People‘s Party
13.7 Cultural and Linguistic Movement
13.8 Let us sum up
13.9 Key Words
13.10 Questions for Review
13.11 Suggested readings and references
13.12 Answers to Check Your Progress

13.0 OBJECTIVES
After this unit, we can able to understand:

 Politics of Identity and Autonomy in North Bengal Perspectives

 North Bengal Scenario in the Post-colonial Period
 Left Politics and its Impact
 Politics of Indigenous People–UKD
 Kamtapur People‘s Party
 Cultural and Linguistic Movement

13.1 INTRODUCTION
The present proposed Dissertation will highlight both the major and
minor Social and Political Movements of North Bengal during 1911-
1969. The Social movements which emerged during this period created
serious identity problem of different ethnic groups of this region. The
movements though started as a social one but ended as a political one. So
the Social problems were inextricably connected with the political
problems. As a result the social and political movements influenced each
135
Notes
other and finally led to the complexities of life and society of the region.
In order to get a clear picture of the problems I would like to provide a
social frame of this region. At the same time, I want to highlight also the
importance for the selection of the period. Because the social problems
which was gradually taking place in this time virtually led to the
foundation of social conflict and discontent in the closing phase of my
study. The area which I have selected for my research study is popularly
known as North Bengal. Though administratively there is no place in the
name. However, both the British administrators of Bengal and the
Bengali literatures and historians used to describe this region as North
Bengal in English and 'Uttarbanga or Uttar Bangla' in Bengali. The
administrative areas which comprised North Bengal in undivided Bengal
were eight districts of Rajshahi Division. They were Rajshahi, Dinajpur,
Rangpur, Pabna, Bagura, Maldah, Jalpaiguri; Darjeeling. Though Cooch-
behar was a native state but it was also considered by the
Northbengologists as a part and parcel of North Bengal during the period
of my study. This geographical defined North Bengal was partitioned
like Bengal during the Great partition of 1947. After the partition,
practically one third of North Bengal came to India and two-third went to
EastPakistan. In my study I shall actually concentrate my major attention
to that part of North Bengal which was in India at the time of the
partition. In regard to the period I would like to say something because
the beginning and ending phase of the study was very much linked to the
social and political events of the area of my research. In the first place I
shall explain the selection of the beginning year of the study. The year
1911 was a memorable year in the political annals of Bengal nay India.
Because Bengal was re-united in 1911 but has lost the status of the
capital of India. But 1911 was also an important year in the social annals
of North Bengal. In this year the first caste and ethnic based social
organization sprang up here. The name of the organization was
'Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samiti'. It was founded in 1911. It emerged in the
canvas of North Bengal as a social organization but within a short time
this organization entered into the political arena or region. Infact, since
the beginning of the electoral politics particularly after the Montegu-
Chelmsford Reforms of 1919, the Kshatriya Samiti has been fielded

136
 Notes
candidates in the Bengal Council Election of 1921 onwards. Since they
never look back as a social organization but asserted themselves both as
social and political organization. The transformation of this social
organization - 'The Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samiti' from a social body to a
political organization created a serious problem in the political life of the
region concerned. The present day political problem of the region is
directly connected with the transformation of the 'Rajbanshi Kshatriya
Samiti' during the period of my study. The year 1969 was also a
remarkable year in the political atlas of my area of study. In this year I
say the foundation of the first ethnic based political organization of the
area. The name of the organization is 'The Uttrakhand Dal." The
emergence of 'Uttrakhand Dal' initiated a change in the political profile
of North Bengal because this was not only an ethnic-based political
organization but also an ethnic-based regional political organization. It is
true that in the pre-independence period the 'All India Gorkha League'
founded in 1943 in Darjeeling. It was also an ethnic and linguistic based
political organization. But it was not a regional organization it started its
career as an all India political body of the Gorkhas and Nepalis of
different nook and corner of India. The number of major publications on
this problem is very scanty. It is true that same work have been taken up
by the scholars in the pre-independence period upon the area. But in
regard to the post-independence period. I do not find any major and
minor publications of this problems ether in the books or monograph
forms. Here I would like to draw attention to one important point. The
point is that number of research academic publication on this theme is
negligible. However, some nonacademic researchers whom we want to
say as a folk historians, have done something on this theme though
mostly, they were written in vernacular language specially in Bengal and
Rajbanshis dialect. In preparing this Dissertation, I have followed
different types of Methodology. The first is traditional one and the
second the modern one. In regard to the first one, I have collected
materials from the State and National Archives, District Collectorate
Records offices and also the oldest libraries and institutions. In regard to
the second one, I have collected materials from regional institutions and
persons. There will not be a lot of materials on my study in the Archives

137
Notes
and National Libraries. So regional source materials will be used very
meticulously. Apart from this, I have given much importance on oral
history study; I have prepared a plan to meet with the large number of
social and political celebrities of the region and interviewed them by
presenting before a printed questionnaire in relation to my Dissertation
work. So field study and oral history study will play an important role in
the study.

13.2 POLITICS OF IDENTITY AND

AUTONOMY IN NORTH BENGAL
PERSPECTIVES
IDENTITY AND autonomy as concepts are interrelated and presuppose
each other. But they are problematical in that they always involve a
supplement to become meaningful. This supplement is that of both the
interior and the exterior. For example, in case of an individual it relates
to both his ‗self‘ as interior and ‗other‘ as exterior which enter into a play
of identity and difference producing a further supplement. This
phenomenon renders givenness or a stable meaning of the self an
illusion, inscribing an element of slippage in the process that necessitates
production of the ever new rather than the retrieval of a given one. This
is true also of the ethnic or cultural identity of a community built on the
one hand on a shared culture within itself and on the other hand on
difference from others outside. But a genealogy that articulates
historicity would also locate a repressed difference in the apparent
identity of the community itself even as it locates identity in its
difference from others outside. This inherent play of the two constituting
elements renders the nature of cultural identity and its relation to
autonomy which is both its function and agenda problematical and open-
ended. As we have seen, determination of a cultural identity is an
embattled one. It is a production rather than a rediscovery, a process
rather than an accomplished fact. It envisages a dialogic relationship
between past and present, continuity and discontinuity, self and other,
being and becoming. Its production presupposes its constitution within
discursive representation, and hence within a ceaseless play of discourse
and power. In Stuart Hall‘s succinct formulation, ‗It is not something

138
 Notes
which already exists, transcending place, time, history and culture.
Cultural identities come from somewhere, have histories. But, like
everything which is historical, they undergo constant transformation. Far
from being eternally fixed in some essentialized past, they are subject to
the continuous ‗play‘ of history, culture and power…. Identities are the
names, we give to the different ways we are positioned by and position
ourselves within, the narratives of the past‘ (Hall in Mongia: 1997, 112).
Hence, as the phenomenon suggests, ‗there is always a politics of
identity, a politics of position‘ (Ibid, 113) and therefore a politics of
power relations– a fact which involves it with the question of autonomy.
Autonomy suggests a resistance against a hegemonizing dominant
culture or a homogenizing state power that refuses to negotiate
difference. Hence politics of identity is at the same time a politics of
autonomy and politics of difference. Various sections of society such as
women, ethnicities, classes, communities resort to it not for creating
discord but concord by giving all multiplicities in a concert, as it were,
their proper play. Paradoxically, therefore, as Ranabir Samaddar says,
autonomy implies ‗on the contrary, responsibility, legality, universality
and morality‘ (Samaddar: 2005, 17). It can be seen as ‗the symbol for the
emerging patterns of new spaces in politics, spaces that speak of rights
and justice, the plank for these rights‘ (Ibid., 9). Various forms of
autonomy are really various forms of contestations, offering new
possibilities of freeing democracy from dominant organisations of power,
thereby ensuring a reorganization of society. To quote Samaddar again,
‗Autonomous practices in sum indicate the way society can be
reorganized, the dialogic zone that can be created where autonomies may
be negotiated, the responsibilities that autonomies may have to bear in
order to converse among themselves – a situation that can be described
as a daily plebiscite of a democratic personhood‘ (10-11). Two terms are
most significant here: dialogue and reorganization of society, the former
being the means and the latter the end in order for the identities to
achieve the repositioning. Raising the demand for autonomy has proved
to be ‗the most effective way of countering constitutional essentialism,
and forcing the agenda of dialogue to come out in the front‘ (15). It is not
therefore an exceptional principle of democracy but an integral and

139
Notes
organizing one based on dialogue. It helps create the emerging political
subject, the ‗other‘ of the hegemonic practices and the governmental
rationalities, that refuses to be subsumed by them and claims to be
redefined against the dominant form of relation and rule.

13.3 NORTH BENGAL SCENARIO IN THE

POST-COLONIAL PERIOD
In its postcolonial phase, North Bengal has been experiencing these twin
forces mainly through the identity and autonomy movements of the
Gorkhas of the Darjeeling hills and the Rajbanshis of the other districts
of North Bengal. The former has meanwhile achieved its goal in the form
of Darjeeling Gorkha Autonomous Hill Council (DGAHC), while the
latter still indefinitely struggles within a more complex cultural,
linguistic and political situation. No such communitarian/identity politics
can hope to achieve absolute solidarity within the community at the first
instance and against the state power at the second. Yet an optimum
measure of it is necessary to achieve the set goal. The Kamtapur People‘s
Party (KPP) as the political party masterminding this identity and
autonomy movement has failed to do that. The failure in a sense was,
however, inherent in the project itself. But this failure should not be
looked upon in the light of the successes of the Gorkhas, the Bodos, the
Jharkhandis, the Nagas, the Mizos, or some such others of the North East
and elsewhere. Unlike these mentioned here, the Rajbanshis in the post-
partition period in North Bengal are reduced to a minority of barely 20%
of the total population. Their claim to territorial boundary commensurate
with demographic density does not clinch their issue; their language still
struggles for the required credibility; their culture still carries the
denomination of folk culture vis-àvis the mainstream culture whose
assimilating pressure together with the global thrust for transculturalism
has already proved to be deterrents enough within the community itself
for any optimistic future move. Their history is a discontinued one; their
geography is a fragmented one; their society is a rural one awaiting
acculturation. Indeed, this acculturation as a mode was adopted and
intensified by the Kshatriya Samiti leaders of the community through the
caste movement in the colonial period rather than a struggle for a unique

140
 Notes
cultural identity in terms of difference of culture, language and ethnicity.
It was not a politics of difference but a politics of acculturation or
sanskritization through ritual shuddhi, implying self- obliteration through
purification for a higher niche in the Hindu Varna fold, thereby hoping to
be linked to the imagined past history. But caste being ‗interactional‘
rather than ‗attributional‘, the discontinuity of that history persisted and
identity remained as minimal as ever. The failure of the KPP is not a
failure if we consider its role over the last one decade in formulating and
articulating the politics of difference which in the post-colonial phase all
over the world has proved to be the most powerful discourse to resurrect
subjugated knowledge and identity to fight cultural domination and
exclusion. The fight was indeed a daring one if we keep in mind the
political and social background against which the party had to work. It
was principally a politics of integration that was being pursued by the
triumphant Congress Party after independence. Our Constitution offered
a federal structure of government but governance was conducted from a
strong Centre to ensure and augment national unity, especially after the
partition trauma. The first casualty of this politics here was the efforts of
the Hitasadhani Sabha to assert a separate cultural entity of the
indigenous people of the erstwhile Cooch Behar state by resisting its
merger with the state of West Bengal. The discourse of separate cultural
identity as asserted by the Hitasadhani Sabha could not take shape due to
the contemporary political reasons as much as due to the required self-
confidence of the community in the given historical situation. Most of
the leaders of the community were meanwhile incorporated into the
mainstream political parties, while others were acting as compradors to
the dominant society for a share of power at various levels. Kshatriya
Samiti with whatever strength it had was playing into the hands of these
political leaders for their own political mileage. Besides, Kshatriya
Samiti was thought to have had no more programmes to hold people in
its fold.
But meanwhile the life in the post-partition North Bengal started being
gradually worsened for all the people in general and especially for the
indigenous people in particular. Economists have explained why
development was delayed and deferred in North Bengal but that did not

141
Notes
stop the people from being stagnated and frustrated. Political freedom
was not realized in the economic and social freedom for the people. A
general charge of neglect of the region in all spheres was deeply
ingrained. The plight of the indigenous people as communities or
ethnicities was not yet seen separately. In the dissident left vocabulary
the divide was seen as widening between the poor and the rich on the one
hand and between rural and urban areas on the other. The Congress Party
was under fire from the left as a party of the rich, by the rich and for the
rich, protecting the interest of the rich landholding class in the rural areas
and that of the capitalists in the urban areas. On the whole, it was a high
tide of the left vocabulary of class struggle in West Bengal that gained
ground in the late sixties and overthrew the Congress Party in 1967 from
its apparently never-ending rule since independence. Suffice it to say, the
Congress suffered in 1967 an electoral debacle in eleven states, signaling
a changeover in Indian politics itself from that year onwards. It was
evidenced in the rise and capture of power by the left parties in some
states and by the ethnic and regional parties in some other states. But in
political discourse of both the left and the right parties, ethnic and
regional politics was shouted down as disruptive and communal. The
left, especially the Communist Parties, declared themselves to be the true
representatives of all the proletariat and the common people without ever
taking into consideration the questions of gender, ethnicity or
community. From their class ideology, if the Congress and its allies
represented the rightist interests of the exploiting rich, the regional and
ethnic parties represented the disruptive and communal interests.

13.4 LEFT POLITICS AND ITS IMPACT

In North Bengal, the rise of the left politics and that of the regional
occurred at the same time. It was in 1969 that the Uttar Khanda Dal
(UKD) was established. But its ethnic and regional vocabulary could not
have any impact, let alone on the people in general, not even much on the
Rajbanshis of the region. The high tide of the left vocabulary of class
struggle after decades of Congress or for that matter bourgeois misrule
swept the minds of the common and middle class people, Rajbanshis and
all. The left under the leadership of the CPI (M) appeared at last to be the

142
 Notes
great Messiah to usher in revolution under the leadership of the
proletariat with the collaboration of the peasants. Whoever had anything
else to say were considered the enemies of the revolution. In this broad
categorization, the message that came out of the first political party of the
indigenous people was lost sight of. No matter whether what it said was
wrong or right, the contemporary mindset was too tuned otherwise to
listen to it. The equation and correlation about the new party and the
people were as straight as the then class division of bourgeois and
proletariat, progressive and reactionary, rightist and leftist. The
organizers of the UKD were called frustrated jotdars and at the same
time elements of the Adi Congress out in renewed way to regain lost
power. This sounded to be true at the time, more so because of the
electoral politics that was in favour of the left that claimed to have the
majority of the indigenous people with them. But this kind of charge
could always be proved in case of the Rajbanshis who were basically an
agricultural community and whoever of this community was politically
enlightened could be said to have hailed from jotdar families. This was
true both for the Congress and Communist leaders. But while in case of
the former reaction was taken for granted, in case of the latter it was
always imputed and apprehended. Not very strangely, accusers of this
charge could themselves be accused of the same charge. In Bengal left
politics that was more often than not the case. But since they claimed to
have belonged to a zamindar and not merely to a jotdar background, they
were thought to be beyond all doubts. The irony was not noticed.
However, as a result, no one cared to listen through what the sons of
these jotdars said the painful sighs and utterances of the sons of the soil.
No one tried to read the language of the protest of the sons of the soil,
who found themselves everywhere excluded. They spoke of their steady
recession everywhere due to heavy refugee influx at different times after
independence. Today everybody refers to it and the consequent
demographic change as one of the prime reasons for the discontent of the
indigenous people in North Bengal as much as for their identity crisis.
But at that time when they first articulated it as one of their grievances
urging upon the government to stop it, that was not only given no heed
but was considered reactionary.

143
Notes
13.5 POLITICS OF INDIGENOUS
PEOPLE–UKD
Today everybody is vociferous about the Teesta Barrage Project failing
to deliver the goods even after thirty years. But the first wails and
objections came from the sons of the soil, who lost their lands for that
mammoth project. Who would listen to them at that time? For a
communist writer like Debesh Roy, who made this period and the UKD
movement the central theme of his award-winning book, Teesta Parer
Brittanta, this intervention on the part of the UKD leaders was suggestive
of anti-development. His correlation of left politics and the Teesta
Barrage with development, while UKD‘s articulation of the repressed
voice of the sons of the soil as that of anti-development, offers not only
the Marxist cliché but a view of development from only a dominant
position contributing to domination itself. It was the UKD which first
conceived of a separate Kamtapur State for not only the Rajbanshis but
for the interest of the people of the region belonging to the same region,
culture and language. The thought was called absurd and the mindset
separatist. Maybe from the dominant and homogenizing position it was
so. But as an articulation from below, it could be read as a manifestation
of the ills of deprivation, speedy recession and social humiliation that the
indigenous community was being victims of. Today, in order to
understand the KPP politics or the so-called KLO militancy we have to
reread that UKD history of the seventies because what was inchoate at
that stage came to be full-blown with the KPP in the late nineties. We
can‘t simply ignore the issue by dismissing them as separatist and
communal. However, before I pass on to the KPP politics and its
influence, I would like to quote a page from Debesh Roy‘s huge book to
allow ourselves a glimpse of what the UKD leaders spoke of as their
demands and grievances at that time as well as to have a view of the
early state of a discourse which turned out to be so crucial later. May it
be stated that Roy devotes a whole section of 141 pages to a graphic and
detailed presentation of the contemporary issue entitled ‗Uttarkhand
Daler Swatantra Rajyer Dabi‘. If we leave out the fictional part, it has
some documentary value where he reconstructs nearly verbatim the
speeches of the leaders and the resolutions adopted in one of their
144
 Notes
conventions. I will quote of length Roy‘s reference to the resolutions as
well as his comments to give an idea of their perception of the state of
affairs at the time as much as their first-ever protest against Govt.
rationality and wrong-doing: Ultimately it was known that a number of
resolutions were adopted in the convention. These are some of them.
One, the areas where the Rajbanshis are majority must be accorded
separate rights and status. For this, if necessary, the Committee for
delimitation of the state boundaries must be appointed. Two, in North
Bengal in all Government offices, Colleges, Universities, and Medical
and Engineering colleges there must be a reservation of 50% seats for the
Rajbanshi students and for their admission there must not be an entrance
test. Three, equal measure of land as was taken over from the peasants
for the Teesta Barrage Project must be given back to them from the Govt.
vested land. No further land could be taken over. Four, in North Bengal a
ceiling on the highest price of agricultural products must not be imposed.
Nor could there be the imposition of levy because here there is no
irrigation and land is here less fertile. These were, however, more in the
nature of proposals related to standing principles. Resolutions related to
immediate action were in fact two: First, the way the Teesta Barrage is
being constructed, the convention cannot but express its deep concern.
Govt. has willfully done land acquisition. At the time of acquisition, even
the lands having standing crops were not spared. If a map as to the
direction in which the barrage would move were provided earlier, then
the farmers could have been alert about the land that might be acquired
and they would not have done sowing there. Further, the local people
were not recruited for the work of the barrage. Moreover, it was not
made known where and how water from the barrage will be distributed.
As a result, the tradition of farming in North Bengal will be disrupted.
But despite this apprehension, the Govt. wants to start the barrage at the
earliest. The convention expresses deep concern at the announcement
that the Chief Minister would soon inaugurate the first phase of the
barrage. It is sheer undemocratic and improper to inaugurate it without
allowing the people to know how far of the work is complete and how far
is under way. Under this situation, the convention alerts the people of
North Bengal to shout protest against this inauguration…. The Second

145
Notes
Resolution was more far-reaching. It says that no state government has
hitherto paid any attention to the development of North Bengal. But as
revenue here from tea, timber and tobacco both the state and central
governments earn crores of rupees. To protest against this neglect, this
convention calls upon the people of North Bengal not to cast their votes
in the coming Assembly election. The convention calls upon the people
of North Bengal to boycott the election (Debesh Roy: 1988, 658-659). As
I have mentioned, their basic issues concerned the marginalization of the
indigenous people (Rajbanshis in particular and in later parlance
Kamtapuris in general indicating people of the region partaking of the
same language and culture) in all spheres and it led to a resurgence of the
feeling of identity crisis in the seventies. The long-standing
indeterminacy about their position in the Hindu caste hierarchy had not
been resolved once and for all, for as we have already said caste was
‗interactional‘ rather than ‗attributional‘. It was further bedeviled by the
community‘s entry into the Scheduled Caste list. So a sense of social
inferiority had always dogged the community and it was further
intensified due to the demographic change in the post-partition period
and the vortex of competition into which the people of this region were
thrown. The increasing Bengali population in the region and the
phenomenon of recession of the indigenous people from centers and
places of power and position were correlated. At this stage, the question
of whether the Rajbanshis were at all Bengalis also occupied the centre
stage for some time hurting their feelings further. In other words, an air
of difference was already active despite the community‘s efforts down
the decades to overcome it by being a part of the mainstream. It was here
that the KPP started by reversing the discourse into the discourse of
difference or the politics of difference by capitalizing difference of
language, culture, history and ethnicity to claim the community‘s
uniqueness and thereby disprove the theory of inferiority. The basic
intervention coming from the UKD in the seventies was, however, lost
sight of at that time in the glare of the dominant left ideology. The KPP
emerged finally as a political party in 1995 and developed the UKD
thoughts into a political ideology. Now how and why could it happen
when the left domination had continued ceaselessly since 1977? There

146
 Notes
are answers of all sorts, especially those referring to encouraging
examples all around, the examples of the Gorkhas, Bodos, Jharkandis,
and so on that made valid use of the federal spirit of the Indian
Constitution to safeguard their own interests against cultural and
economic exploitation. In North Bengal two trajectories were seen to
have moved in an inverse direction suggesting perhaps still another
answer. In the heyday of the rise of the left politics the voice of UKD
was submerged. But the more the left was entrenched in power, it sprang
back to action in the new shape and spirit of the KPP. There could be
more than one answer. But it too can be said from hindsight that the more
the left under the CPI (M) reigned, the more it started coming under the
spell of bourgeoisification and non-radicalism. It gave up its
revolutionary class ideology and embraced the bourgeois hegemonic and
homogenizing approach. The scenario reminds one of the same ‗Hindu
bhadralok communal discourse‘ as dominated the Bengal politics in the
first half of the last century, alienating the Muslims and the so-called
lower classes from the then dominant society (Chatterji: 1995, 150ff). It
is now ‗Bengali bhadralok progressive discourse‘ rather than the
communist one that alienated the ethnic and indigenous people. In North
Bengal in the late nineties once again there was resurgence of this spirit.
It should, however, be mentioned that this spirit was not totally dead as
evinced from the movements launched in the interim by the Uttarbanga
Tapashili Jati O Adibasi Sangathan (UTJAS) and All Kamtapur
Students‘ Union (AKSU). But certainly it was the KPP that could give a
new turn to the regional politics and create a new enthusiasm of protest.
It was formed in 1995 and later in 1997 came out with its demand for a
separate Kamtapur state. Its demands included among other things:
demand for a separate Kamtapur state; constitutional recognition to the
Kamtapuri language; driving out foreigners; broadcasting of programmes
in Kamtapuri language from the Akashbani and Doordarshan, Siliguri;
setting up of a Kendriya Vidyalaya at Cooch Behar; Kamtapuri as the
medium of instruction; nationalization of the Teesta Project, and so on.

13.6 KAMTAPUR PEOPLE’S PARTY

147
Notes
As a political party, KPP is absolutely based in the rural areas with the
support of the common people under a rural organic leadership. In its
political proposals there appears a shift of emphasis to culture and
language to broaden its political base across religions and communities
in the region. Hence, rather than the term Rajbanshi, it popularized the
word ‗Kamata‘ having charged it with historical and cultural
connotations. The term indicates its associations with the Kamata and
later kings and the area they ruled over as much as the language and
culture that the inhabitants of the region shared. However, there is not an
exact correspondence between the area that the historical name suggested
and the area the KPP leaders claim to include within the proposed state
of Kamtapur. In that case, the denomination is used only symbolically to
emphasize the determination of a cultural identity, based not on caste and
religion but on region, language and culture. It is not the Rajbanshis
alone but the local Muslims as much as a number of other sections of the
populations who subscribe to this language and culture. May it be noted
that the local Muslims known as Nasya Sekh Muslims were converted
ones from the Rajbanshis and despite their different religion they speak
the Kamtapuri language and adhere to much of the Rajbanshi cultural
practices. Not only that other communities like Jalia-Kaivartas, Tiyars,
Namasudras, Bagdis, Malos, Barua-Mogs, Pods, GaroPaliyas, and so on
also recorded themselves as Rajbanshis (Mukhopadhyay: 2006, 347). It
is on this ground that the KPP claims these people to have formed a
‗nationality‘. In terms of population percentage these indigenous people
taken together measure up to nearly 50% of the total population of the
region, and hence its claim for a different linguistic state. The name
suggested for the state is Kamtapur and the language, Kamtapuri. But
one has also to observe here the phenomenon of social formation and
assimilation. It goes in favour of the stronger and larger social group if
the intervention misses out on time. However, the crux of the claim is
contingent on challenging the dominant discourse that subsumes the
Kamtapuri language into Bengali as one of its dialects and the Kamtapuri
people to be Bengali by acculturation and assimilation. Indeed, that was
what once the Rajbanshi leaders had aspired to attain through
Kshatriyahood: merging into the Varna Hindu hierarchy as Kshatriya and

148
 Notes
Bengali. The later leaders observed that this did not happen, although
that meant abolition of the true identity of the community. The upper
caste Bengali Hindu society had never accepted them as ‗caste‘ at all,
although the official voice at times called them Bengali for political
expediency.
This led to vigorous attempts on the part of the Kamtapuri leaders as well
as some intellectuals of the community to establish their identity in terms
of a politics of cultural difference that took all pains to prove that their
language was a different language from Bengali, not a distortion of it.
Nor are their culture, food habit, dress and religious rituals in any way
inferior to those of the Hindu Bengalis. It places them sharply against the
earlier stand taken by the leaders of Kshatriyahood, who called
themselves bratya or fallen in terms of religious practices, rituals and
other habits, and thought that they needed to pass through shuddhi or
ritual purification in order to be incorporated into the Varna fold. So it
was needed now for the new politics to turn the tide back from
acculturation. Indeed, it proved to be difficult in a fast changing modern
society where education, employment and development are being carried
on from the culturally dominant position. The educated middle class of
the community was long unconvinced and is still aloof from the political
activities of the KPP, as much because of the long acculturation as
because of the state terrorism unleashed on them from time to time. But
yet there happened to be a change among a major section of the
Kamtapuri intellectuals. The Kamtapuri educated urban middle class was
generally in favour of acculturation and assimilation because in the given
situation there seemed to have been no viable alternative. They preferred
calling themselves Bengalis and to prove that they abjured their language
as a rustic one and their culture as hardly better than primitive. They
were turned into an urban bhadralok class and so far as politics was
concerned were scattered into different political parties of their choices.
This section was small and yet its support in the struggle for autonomy
was vital. This did not happen generally except in stray cases. The
significant change however occurred towards the end of the century in
1998 when the entry of this class into the fray took place in a noticeable
way. The KPP had formed an organization of its own called Kamtapur

149
Notes
Bhasa O Sahitya Parishad to carry on its linguistic and literary
movement. But despite its attempt it could not integrate culture into its
agenda in a major way. Nor could it project the language issue with the
necessary force of argument, although it raised movement on this issue in
various forms, demanding official recognition of the Kamtapuri
language. It also called upon the Kamtapuri speaking people to insist on
recording their language as Kamatapuri in the Census. It was the upsurge
of this movement which got further intensified by the rough and shoddy
intervention of the ruling party.
The ruling party had started the campaign that Kamatapuri was not a
language but a dialect of the Bengali language and desisted people from
recording it as their mother tongue and held several public meetings with
linguist from the capital to drive home their argument. This triggered off
the emotion and anger of the intellectuals of the community, who for the
first time entered the arena in a significant way to respond to the situation
by holding meetings and seminars and denounced the assault from the
ruling party on their language as cultural colonialism. There was a retreat
on the part of the ruling party as it tried to mend matters by holding a
three-day seminar on North Bengal in June 1998. One of three days was
devoted to the language issue. Intellectuals of all sections were allowed
to speak. Opinions varied as was expected in view of the ingrained
thoughts and ideas. Even some Rajbanshi intellectuals took pains to
prove that Rajbanshi was merely a dialect. But a consensus was arrived
at with the intervention of the presiding linguist from Calcutta to the
effect that so far as the modern standpoint in linguistics goes all
languages are dialects; that it is the specific politics, economy and history
of a region that make one of these dialects a privileged one or the
standard one performing many roles; that this phenomenon does not
negate the existence of the other ones; that these other ones could carry
on their roles in creative and cultural activities if they have that
dynamism; that all cultures and languages are always equally powerful if
opportunities are available for their varied uses and roles. So rather than
putting paid to the Kamtapuri language issue, the seminar came out with
a liberal and modern mindset.

150
 Notes
13.7 CULTURAL AND LINGUISTIC
MOVEMENT
The history thereafter was a history of efforts on the part of the
Kamatapuri intellectuals and writers to give the current upsurge a shape
of cultural and linguistic movement. The basic logic was: one, whether
dialect or language, a community had the right to choose it for daily
transactions and literary use while carrying on its normal participation in
the general civil society; two, the relation between dialect and language
was relative and changing rather than fixed; and three, Kamatapuri by its
standing from earlier times is an autonomous language of a speech
community living within the Kamata culture. It has suffered setback due
to historical reasons and especially due to the caste movement that once
had aimed at assimilation. It was debated, however, for some time
between the old school and the new among the community itself. The
former held fast to the validity of the reasons for Kshatriyahood and
thereby to all the implications of assimilation and abolition into the
cultural mainstream. The latter urged for a separate ethnic identity
defending its language, culture and ways of life as distinct and different,
not inferior to the dominant one. It was held and advocated that in
‗Panchananism‘, or for that matter the ideology of Panchanan Barma,
that was known for organization and completion of the Kshatriya
movement, this idea of separate language and culture of the community
was inherent as evinced in Panchanan‘s attempt to write literature in this
language and at the same time to popularize the earlier ones by writing
critical articles. He also planned to institute a Kamata Anusandhan
Samiti which could not be carried on for other reasons. But given the
historical perspectives and compulsions of the period when because of
the colonial policy it appeared to be more necessary to be identified as a
caste, the idea of cultural autonomy could not take possession of his
thought. Yet the contradiction that was immediately faced by him having
to distance the community from the upper caste Hindu society and to
have it included among the scheduled castes speaks volumes of its future
potentialities.

151
Notes
What was potential at that stage found the nourishing ground in the
postcolonial period when the question of linguistic reorganization of
states came up on the national agenda. It was then merely a matter of
time, opportunity and proper reconceptualization on the part of many
subjugated ethnicities to clinch the issue in question. However, the
intellectuals carried on threefold tasks: one, to resolve the language-
dialect debate; two, to carry on bringing out creative literature; and three,
to carry on intensive performance and demonstration of the indigenous
cultural items like songs, dances, dramas and palas, called folk – a term
which was resisted by the Kamtapuri intellectuals or for that matter by
the KPP. However, a number of cultural organizations were set up and a
number of literary journals in Kamatapuri language were being brought
out from this period onwards. Not that there were not literary journals
published in Kamtapuri earlier, but now this took on a form of a
movement.
The unique phenomenon was that for the first time Kamatapuri educated
middle class people assembled together spontaneously burying their
earlier mutual hostilities for various reasons. But at the same time they
have hitherto kept these activities separate from the political activities of
the KPP, especially because most of these intellectuals did not subscribe
to the KPP view on the demand of a separate state. If the success of the
cultural movement was initially located in this strategy, then its failure
too is visible in this unbridgeable separation. The mutual nourishment
did not come along. This situation was further bedeviled by the
occurrence of militancy allegedly perpetrated by an outfit called
Kamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO) in the early years of the
present century. It is said to have links with the Bodo and ULFA
militants.
The state was determined to handle both KPP and KLO very severely,
putting a large number of them behind the bars for a long time. A part of
the civil society came out protesting against the Government‘s handling
of the situation and called it ‗state terrorism‘. It urged upon the
Government to hold dialogues to resolve the issues. But if it did not
happen, then the dialogic relation between the KPP and the Kamtapuri
intellectuals in a major way did not take place either. It is due to this

152
 Notes
absence of mutual understanding and the lack of a shared vision of the
future that both politics and culture suffered—the former failed to throw
up a viable alternative vision, while the latter a radical cultural politics.
However, the present scenario of the KPP is not that of one consolidated
party commanding absolute allegiance of all its members, not to speak of
the people at large in the society. What with the unrelenting
administrative repression, what with the internal groupism, the party has
lost its earlier vigour. It is in fact divided into two factions and has in
recent years failed even in its agitationalist roles of addressing various
issues of injustice, oppression and exploitation. As a regional party, it
will fail to enlist broad support if it goes on addressing only one issue of
the separate state in an undefined manner. It could rouse the Rajbanshis
and other indigenous people of the region to the fact of their being
displaced in their own lands. It could uphold their dignity by claiming
their language and culture as different and well organized. It was indeed
necessary for a cross-cultural transaction with other groups. But its call
for a separate state at the moment as it was given had alienated the
intellectual section of the community because it did not have the right
discourse at the moment to convince even its own people, not to speak of
others.
Achievements, if any The prevalent official discourse of separatism and
communalism which the state power had capitalized still held on and it
proved to be a stupendous task for it to win over even a sizeable chunk of
its own population from the clutches of other parties. So far as the urban
areas are concerned, the party had very little influence on the educated
middle class. This again shows a distinct divide in the community itself
in respect of the problems and their perceptions by the two sections. But
perhaps all is not lost.
At least two things have been achieved. One, the party‘s long persistent
struggle in its own way and ability, the desperation and sufferings of its
members in the jail, the reported KLO militancy –all these roused the
civil society and the government to reckon with the stark reality
prevalent in North Bengal, especially the indigenous people living in the
rural areas of the region.

153
Notes
The debate over whether North Bengal was neglected or not was still
carried on by the powers that be; that this agitation over regional
backwardness and identity crisis in the region was unfounded was still
the official claim; that all this was the handiwork of some interested
people rather than reality itself was still the official counter-propaganda.
Yet the civil society and the government grew conscious of the fact of
long non-performance, and demonstrated intentions of soon doing
something. Two, although not associated with the party, the urban
intellectual section of the community joined the struggle in terms of
creating a cultural movement to establish the community on the firm
pedestal of respect and dignity. A very considerable work has been done
during the last decade in the sphere of literary activity in the Kamtapuri
language and in the matter of using the language in daily transactions in
various forms. While this revived the lost community feeling to a very
great extent, the increased cultural activities as well as the increasing
performances of the cultural items like songs, dances, dramas, and so on,
elevated the prestige of the community greatly. Of course the West
Bengal Government‘s effort through its Cultural Affairs Department is
worth mentioning in this respect. But what is more encouraging is the
intense desire of the community itself to represent itself. Self-
representation is itself a mark of intellectual and social progress.
To conclude, I would say that a few things are meanwhile resolved
during the last one decade or so, and a few dominant and repressive
discourses are adequately negotiated by the emerging Kamtapuri
intellectuals. The socalled language-dialect debate has now considerably
died down. The open opposition of the Govt. on this question together
with a sort of quiet acceptance on the part of the civil society in general
is itself a matter of comfort on the part of the movement makers. Good
many Kamatapuri cultural and literary programmes have been held
where leading Bengali intellectuals participated. It evinces the
phenomenon of mutual understanding and acceptance when the
community enters upon a phase of self-representation rather than that of
being represented. Since it was something new, a first shock for the
dominant cultural communities was natural. But it was beneficial in two
ways: one, the intellectuals of the dominant society gradually got over

154
 Notes
the age-old inhibitions and reservations; two, the Kamatapuri
intellectuals themselves were free from the self-imposed ambivalence or
lack of selfconfidence and even an unknown sense of shame. It evidences
still another thing. It dispels the general fear about the Kamatapuri
agenda. So far as the linguistic and cultural movement is concerned,
although it is based on a politics of difference as an ideology, there is
now indeed no ‗other‘, that is, an opposed side to it, since acceptance of
sorts has come along either through a liberalism characteristic of the time
or to an extent on sufferance. So far as real politics in the form of KPP
activities is concerned, however split within or crushed from outside, it
has surely been successful in riveting Govt. attention to the alienation of
the indigenous people from the general projects of development and
thereby has proved its raison d‘etre in a democratic polity.

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1. What do you know about the Politics of Identity and Autonomy in
North Bengal Perspectives?
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
2. Discuss about the North Bengal Scenario in the Post-colonial Period.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
3. Left Politics and its Impact
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
4. Politics of Indigenous People–UKD
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………

155
Notes
13.8 LET US SUM UP
The politics of autonomy in a democratic and federal polity contains a
necessary content of resistance for the efficacy of polity itself, and this is
more so when it comes to the question of a region and a community in
the face of cultural extinction. The KPP has tried in its limited way to put
up this resistance. It has been successful to rouse the ethnic emotions of
the cultural community even in the face of a left progressive challenge in
West Bengal. It has been especially successful to evolve the powerful
discourse of the ‗Kamtapuri nationality‘ on the basis of a common
culture, language and region. So far so good, but if one looks at the
future for a telos other than this as an open-ended process of self-
representation, self-respect and self-domination, one will be left with no
optimism. There are however, no fewer deterrents in the way of this
process itself. So far as the cultural movement is concerned, now that
there is no ostensible ‗opposition‘ to it as such, the leaders of the
movement can have only their own agenda of selfdevelopment in cultural
and linguistic spheres which, if adequately done, would be a great gift for
the whole society in general. But one can imagine what great effort is
required to carry it on. There is apparently no ‗opposition‘ but the
complexity and compulsion of the life in the society in general, its
demand of upward movement and assimilation, and the cross-cultural
and global thrusts themselves are deterrents enough, and the whole ethnic
effort has to carry on in the midst of a whole host of uncertainties in
terms of future needs in a newly emerging cultural and political
economy. Here the only remedy that suggests itself at least for the
present is to involve the rural society which having been free from
centrifugal vectors could carry it a long way farther, for it is still deeply
associated with their immediate development – development in its
original meaning of being ‗de-enveloped‘, that is, being unfolded in
terms of its specific region, culture and language. But still another thing
as a deterrent has to be reckoned with. That is the question of
heterogeneity within the community itself as there is in all communities.
Now the movement makers are working on the basis of a strategic
essentialism which takes shape in the situation of all identity struggles.
But when that dies down, fractures and fissures appear to cause erosion
156
 Notes
from within. So there are these two deterrents through which the
Kamatapuri identity politics has to move on. The farther it can carry it
on, that is, carry on the process, the better for it, for it would generate the
necessary representational autonomy and resistance to foreclose
possibilities of exclusion from or absorption into the folds of the
dominant culture.

13.9 KEY WORDS

Linguistic: Linguistics is the scientific study of language. It involves
analysing language form, language meaning, and language in context.
Linguists traditionally analyse human language by observing an interplay
between sound and meaning.

Cultural: relating to the ideas, customs, and social behaviour of a society.

13.10 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

1. Discuss in details about the Kamtapur People‘s Party.
2. Discuss Cultural and Linguistic Movement.

13.11 SUGGESTED READINGS AND

REFERENCES
 Chatterji, Joya, Bengal Divided: Hindu Communalism and Partition,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, published in South Asia by
Foundation Books, New Delhi, 1995.
 Hall, Stuart. ‗Cultural Identity and Diaspora‘ in Padmini Mongia
(ed.) Contemporary Postcolonial Theory: A Reader, Delhi: Oxford
university Press, 1996.
 Mukhopadhyay, Rajatsubhra. ‗Conversion Vs Construction: A
Discourse on Hindu Identity of the Rajbanshis‘ in Societies and
Culture in India, Vol. 2, edited by R.N. Bhattacharya, Kolkata, 2006.
 Roy, Debesh, Teesta Parer Brittanta, Kolkata: Dey‘s Publishing,
1988.
 Samaddar, Ranabir (ed.), The Politics of Autonomy: Indian
Experience, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2005.
157
Notes
13.12 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR
PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1

1. See Section 13.2

2. See Section 13.3
3. See Section 13.4
4. See Section 13.5

158
UNIT 14: SAGA OF NATIONAL
MOVEMENT
STRUCTURE
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Hindu-Muslim relation in Bengal before 1900
14.3 Towards partition
14.4 Turmoil during partition
14.5 Impact of partition
14.6 Let us sum up
14.7 Key Words
14.8 Questions for Review
14.9 Suggested readings and references
14.10 Answers to Check Your Progress

14.0 OBJECTIVES
After this unit, we can able to know:
 To know about the Hindu-Muslim relation in Bengal before 1900
 To discuss the partition
 To highlight Turmoil during partition
 To know about Impact of partition

14.1 INTRODUCTION
One of the most unpopular and terrible measure of the British Indian
Government was the Partition of Bengal in 1905. Lord Curzon came to
India (1899-1905) with a strong determination to curtail the rising tide of
nationalism. The Calcutta Corporation Act (1899), The Indian
Universities Act (1904) and The Official Secrets Act (1904) were some
of the measures through which Curzon sought to curb the growing
nationalistic and patriotic spirit. One of the main objects of the partition
of Bengal was to break up the unity of the people of Bengal. Lord
Curzon divided the territories of Bengal in such a way that the western
part of Bengal including Bihar, Chhota Nagpur and Orissa formed the
Hindu majority and the eastern part of Bengal including North Bengal
159
Notes
and Assam formed the Muslim majority area. The plan of partition
announced in newspapers on 20th July 1905, and finally became
operational on 16th October 1905. The partition of Bengal produced
tremendous anti-British reaction among the Bengalis. The partition of
Bengal and subsequent Swadeshi movement opened a new episode in the
history of freedom movement of India. Though the movement started in
Bengal it spread all over India. Starting from Bengal the agitation spread
like wild fire in cities, towns and even villages where housewives,
students and people of every corner in life participated to protest against
the divisive policy of the Raj with zeal quite unprecedented in Indian
history. A remarkable aspect of the movement was the widespread
student participation all over Bengal, and in several other parts of India.
The students showed the greatest enthusiasm and created Swadeshi spirit
in Bengal and also India during the agitation.

Postcolonial India has witnessed many occurrences of popular

movements. Both Bihar and West Bengal are known for radical peasant
and student mobilizations during and after the struggle against the
colonial rule. While Bihar has also experienced spates of identity based
(chiefly along the axis of caste) political movements, which raised the
issue of social justice as the core of popular politics, West Bengal is yet
to witness any mass-based popular movement against caste hierarchies,
while giving birth to huge popular movements on issues of refugee
rights, price rise, inflation, civil liberty, land rights, workers‘ rights, etc.
The Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung–Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group
research project on Popular Movements in West Bengal and Bihar (2016-
2018) highlights and explores many such differences and similarities
between the forms and trajectories of some of the popular movements
that had taken place between the early fifties and the early nineteen-
eighties in Bihar and West Bengal.The research was formulated in
keeping with a three years‘ time frame in mind. In the first year (2016),
the themes which were covered included the refugee movement in West
Bengal, tram and teachers‘ movement in West Bengal, food movement in
West Bengal, J P Movement in Bihar and Marxist Literary Discourses.
The paper on refugee politics in West Bengal in 1950s (Refugee

160
 Notes
Movement: Another Aspect of Popular Movements in West Bengal in
the 1950s and 1960s by Sucharita Sengupta and Paula Banerjee, Policies
and Practices, No 80) discussed in details how refugees became central
to the Left politics of the state. The refugees did not see themselves as
refugees waiting for government‘s charity. They saw relief and
rehabilitation as their rights as citizens. Their fight for their rights was
led by various Left parties. The paper studied the role of various Left
parties in mobilizing the refugees staying in camps and colonies. While
studying refugee politics in West Bengal, it highlighted the
heterogeneous character of this group along the lines of class and caste.
The research on the tram and teachers‘ movements (Tram Movement and
Teachers‘ Movement in Kolkata by Anwesha Sengupta, Policies and
Practices, No 80) complemented the research on refugees in many ways.
When the refugees took to the street under the leadership of UCRC in
demand for rehabilitation, the students and labourers came out in large
numbers in their support, turning their movement into a ―popular‖ one.
The refugees reciprocated by participating in large numbers in two great
urban movements of ‘50s, namely the tram movement against a decision
to increase the second class tram fare and teachers‘ movement
demanding a pay hike for the secondary school teachers. The Tram
Movement and the Teachers‘ Movement were extremely violent yet they
witnessed massive support from the residents of Calcutta. The
movements revealed the discontent among the common people. That
there could be such uproar over a 1 paisa hike of the tram fare or the city
would come to a standstill for the teachers, point towards the politically
vulnerable atmosphere of the period. This would be manifested further
during the food movements towards late 1950s and 1960s. Food scarcity
in Bengal had been a continuous feature since 1940s. The famine of 1943
perhaps marked the epoch of such crisis in colonial Bengal. But the
situation did not improve with independence, rather scarcity of food
grains and high prices became a constant point of criticism of the
Congress party in power. People were mobilized across the state in
demand of food and West Bengal witnessed two massive movements on
this issue – one in 1950 and the other in 1966. Going beyond the city of
Calcutta, the protests now engulfed the rural spaces and made it a state-

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wide affair. Participation came from all quarters of the society. Once
again, the movements witnessed massive participation from the students,
including school students. A shift was also evident in the nature and
contour of popular movements in West Bengal. It was no longer refugees
as refugees who formed a crucial support base for such movements;
rather they participated as peasants, urban poor, agrarian workers,
informal labourers and disgruntled middle class. The effect of the Food
Movements in West Bengal was so intense that it changed the political
complexion of the state. In 1967, the United Front (a political front of 14
non-Congress and Left parties) replaced the Congress Government. It
also paved the way for Naxalbari, the next militant phase of political
movements in West Bengal (The Defining Moments of Left-Popular
Politics in West Bengal: The Food Movements of 1959 & 1966 by Sibaji
Pratim Basu, Policies and Practices, No 81). A paper focused on the
Bihar Movement under Jayaprakash Narayan, popularly known as the JP
Movement. JP movement has been in equal measure celebrated for its
stand against a repressive state and vilified for its lack of coherence in
ideology, strategy and tactics and even a positive political programme.
What cannot be denied though is the fact that it did capture the
imagination of a large section of society and more importantly was able
to mobilize them across various divides so that the movement could be
called for a brief political moment as constituting the ‗people.‘ The paper
demonstrated that Bihar Movement was an event that reflected all the
contradictions of contemporary times and by rearranging those
contradictions changed the structure of democratic politics in India. It
also noted the need to reappraise the role of JP. There is a long held
belief of JP being a confused popular leader, but the paper has showed
him as a tactical leader who always came up with contingent ideas as a
response to the events of the popular movement (From Insurrection to
Popular Movement: Bihar Movement, its Possibilities and Limitations by
Mithilesh Kumar, Policies and Practices, No 81). The paper on Marxian
aesthetics reflects the culture of debating and discussing Marxist
philosophy and politics in Bengal in the decades after independence. The
Bengali intellectuals based in Calcutta and Dhaka had always been
sympathetic to and informed about various shades of left politics. They

162
 Notes
had engaged with Marxism both at the levels of discourses and practices.
Intense debates regarding Marxian aesthetics have shaped the literary,
cinematic and other art forms in West Bengal in ‘50s, ‘60s and ‘70s
when the politics of the streets, factories and fields were being shaped by
Communists of different shades (Marxian Literary Debates and
Discourses by Subhoranjan Dasgupta, Policies and Practices, No 81). By
way of a theoretical exposition of the concepts of class, people, citizens,
multitudes, and the political moment in popular struggles/revolutions in
terms of an analysis of Marx‘s Class Struggles in France and Civil War
in France along with the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonarparte, an
essay by Ranabir Samaddar entitled Class, People and Populism has been
published as part of the Policies and Practices, No 75.
Naxalbari Movement that shaped the West Bengal politics of late ‘60s
and ‘70s was examined in 2017. Since 1967, peasants‘ struggles in
Naxalbari, Debra, Gopiballabhpur and other areas in West Bengal started
to take shape inspired by the ideal of the peasant revolution in China. It
also included the wave of students‘ movement which, inspired by the
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) of China, launched anti
(prevailing) education system and movement against icons of the
established culture. A section of these students also went to villages to
organise/strengthen peasants‘ struggle in different pockets of the state.
These mobilizations were countered by the state machinery with brutal
police operations including arrests under special laws, torture, and
killing. What is once again worth studying in this case is the
overwhelming response from people of different social, political and
cultural backgrounds to these mobilizations ranging from silent support
and sympathy to active participation in militant struggle. Undoubtedly,
through these movements a notion of people came into being. And hence,
the question to be asked is: What constitutes the people in popular
movements. This had been one of the major research questions in all the
papers written in the first year of the project and this will also shape the
research on Naxalbari movement in the second year (Ranabir Samaddar‘s
work in Occupy College Street: Notes from the Sixties, contends with,
elaborates upon and analyses the insurgent movements in the decade of
the sixties of the last century in Kolkata, wherein the tactic of

163
Notes
‗occupation‘ was employed for purposes of mobilisation - Policies and
Practices, No 89).

14.2 HINDU-MUSLIM RELATION IN

BENGAL BEFORE 1900
Before 1906 Hindu-Muslim conflict in Bengal was rarely seen as
compared to the other states of India. There were reports of stray
incidents regarding cow-slaughter, religious and social festivals,
representation on consultative and legislative organisations, education
and government employment but they remained only small frictions but
never caused any great communal disharmony. The Muslim society in
general before 1906 was a backward one, full of discriminations among
themselves, divided in classes based on social and economic stand-
points. The lower class Muslims were looked down upon by the elite
Muslims and social contact was avoided as much as possible. In
retrospect, the elite Muslims had more in common with the moneyed
Hindu upper class than with Muslim lower class. In spite of the day-to-
day contacts, there was almost no way of integration between Hindus and
Muslims. Therefore, ignorance and indifference prevailed. No conscious
effort was made by any of the two communities to understand and
sympathise with each other‘s inherent lifestyle, traits and cultures.
Moreover, the attitudes of many religious and communal Hindus as well
as of Muslims made any way of communication between the two
impossible. Perhaps the greatest discrimination lied in the field of
government jobs, educational opportunities and in agrarian opportunities.
Although no obvious hostility was in view for any particular person, a
general dislike for Muslims always brewed in the minds of the Hindus, as
they were the one-time rulers. Stories were heard and spread about
Muslim domination and oppression on one hand, and heroic Hindu
rebellion against them on the other. As a result, such a passive hostility is
natural. But whatever was the situation, a more or less peaceful co-
existence between Hindus and Muslims was always witnessed in Bengal
prior to the partition.
Naxalbari Movement:

164
 Notes
Naxalbari Movement inspired multifaceted creativity; from propagandist
poetry to reflective verse; from novels or prose narratives hailing the
movement to stories and novels severely criticizing the theoretical ballast
and its related activism; from revelatory plays transcreating the most
decisive moments of the movement on the stage to cut and dried one act
plays serving as slices of the experiential truth; from gripping films like
Hajar Churasir Ma and Herbert to full-throated songs which exhilarated
hundreds. While in the first year debates around Marxian aesthetics in
‘50s and ‘60s have been studied, in the second year special emphasis will
be given to the world of literature, films and art that were inspired or
were produced as criticism to the Naxalite Movement. Particular
importance will be provided to the theatre activities of the time as this
was one site were Naxalbari emerged as a major theme. Utpal Dutta‘s
Teer, Anal Gupta‘s Rakter Rang or Amal Roy‘s Aat Jora Khola Chokh
are but few examples of the theatres of the time (Subharanjan Dasgupta
explores the subject in his current work entitled, The Cultural-Creative
Dimension of the Naxalite Movement (Policies and Practices, No 90).
Calcutta was the major site of the refugee movement or tram and
teachers‘ movement. But with food movement and Naxalite movement,
suburbs and districts of West Bengal became major epicentres of protest.
There were other intense and popular mass movements outside Calcutta
as well in ‘50s, ‘60s and ‘70s. Labour movement in Burnpur steel factory
(near Asansol in Burdwan district) in 1950s, peasant agitation in
Durgapur against their displacement for establishing the steel plant,
strikes and labour protest in jute belts of Hooghly and Howrah, refugee
agitation in Nadia or demands raised in various parts of Bengal for
merger of Bengali speaking areas of Bihar with West Bengal require
closer focus in order to understand the nature and extent of popular
politics beyond the metropolis. What constituted ‗people‘ in these
protests, did it go beyond the groups of labourers/ peasants/refugees to
draw a wider section of the society, which movement drew attention of
the city elite and what remained invisible to them, was the student
groups, left sympathizers and city intellectuals equally quick in
responding to these movements? (Anwesha Sengupta and Atig Ghosh
focus on the aspect of popular protests in the districts of West Bengal in

165
Notes
their paper entitled, Popular Movements in the Districts of Bengal,
Birbhum, Nadia and Midnapore, 1950s-1970s in Policies and Practices,
No 92). The Left Front‘s coming to power in West Bengal (1977) as a
possible moment of culmination of the decades of popular movements in
this province was explored in Atig Ghosh‘s research entitled, Long
March Or Garden Path? The Left Front‘s First Term in West Bengal
(1971-1982). How did the new government under the leadership of Jyoti
Basu address the demands that had been raised through such movements,
how did it cater to the needs and expectations of the ―peoples‖ that were
created in the course of such movements and what spaces for new protest
movements were created are important to understand. While the new
government implemented radical land reforms and freed the political
prisoners immediately after coming to the power, in 1978 they tortured
the Dalit refugees in Marichjhapi, killing hundreds of them, in the name
of protecting a tiger reserve. Examining the early years of Left Front
government - popular measures that they took as well as state oppression
that they unleashed - is important in order to understand the history of the
popular politics in West Bengal in the decades after independence
(Policies and Practices, No 93). Coming to Bihar, the focus was on the
backward classes‘ movement led by Karpoori Thakur, a close aide of
Jayprakash Narayan. Popularly known as ‗jana-nayak‘ (peoples‘ leader),
Thakur had been chief minister of Bihar twice (between 1970-1971 and
1977-1979). The Karpoori Thakur government introduced reservation in
government jobs for the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in 1978. A
year later, B P Mandal submitted his recommendations on OBCs and
affirmative action to the central government under Morarji Desai. This
twin move brought in its wake seismic changes in the politics of Bihar as
well as India. The objective of this research project is to study the
implications of these moves on the popular politics and mass movement
of Bihar. The project investigates the entire process of defining caste, the
debates around the parameters and political maneuver of inclusion and
exclusion. The question of social justice also emerged in the background
of the contingent defeat of the left movement in general and the Naxalite
Movement in particular. This meant that the issue of izzat (dignity) and
land for the dalits were also relegated into the background. The research

166
 Notes
project investigated if the rise of politics of social justice in Bihar meant
a suppression of radical and revolutionary politics and premature end to
dalit politics. Also, how the government played a decisive role in the
suppression of these alternative politics (Manish Jha and Mithilesh
Kumar give further details about the Backward Classes Movements led
by Karpuri Thakur in their respective papers - Policies and Practices: No
91). The research agenda for 2018 was to organise collaborative
workshops and conferences for the purpose of dissemination of
knowledge beyond the confines of Kolkata. A Collaborative Workshop
was organized on June 22, 2018, Of Resistances and their Interfaces,
which contended with populism, popular movements, popular/populist
politics and figures. The workshop explored various dimensions of social
and popular movements as well as insurgencies in different parts of
India. The International conference in August-September Who are the
People? Populism and the Populist Movements, sought to explore the
hitherto unexplored areas in the context of this project with the following
themes in mind: Populism as a global phenomenon: ideology, dialogue,
political approach; Populism and its attitude to law; Populism and
Gender and Institutions, Immigrants and Populist Politics.

14.3 TOWARDS PARTITION

Lord Curzon became the viceroy of India in 1899. He was and able and
efficient administrator. Finding Bengal Presidency equivalent to France
with significantly a large population for one governor to administer, the
then Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon got it split into two, East and West
Bengal, apparently to promote effective administration. Over the years
the eastern region remained neglected and under-governed. The split was
aimed at an improved administration to subsequently benefit the
population in east Bengal with new schools and employment
opportunities. The province of Bengal had an area of 489,500 sq. km.
and a population of over 80 million. Eastern Bengal was almost isolated
from the western part by geography and poor communications. In 1874
Assam, including Sylhet, was severed from Bengal to form a Chiefvalen
Bengal with this large population the new province named Eastern
Bengal and Assam with Dhaka as its capital and subsidiary headquarters

167
Notes
at Chittagong. Its area would be ‗106,540 sq. miles with a population of
31 million, where 18 million would be Muslims and 12 million Hindus‘.
Administration would consist of a Legislative Council, a Board of
Revenue of two members, and the jurisdiction of the Calcutta High Court
would be left undisturbed. The government pointed out that Eastern
Bengal and Assam would have a clearly demarcated western boundary
and well defined geographical, ethnological, linguistic and social
characteristics. The government of India promulgated their final decision
in a resolution dated July 19, 1905. After the announcement of partition
of Bengal, the Dawn Society convened a meeting in which Satish
Chandra Mukherjee, Rabindranath Tagore and Hirendranath Datta were
present. Satish Chandra urged the students to sever connection with the
official university and boycott its exams. They demanded the immediate
establishment of a National University to promote national education.
And the partition of Bengal was affected on October 16 of the same year.
The province of Bengal and Assam came into being on October 16, 1905
through a Proclamation. Incidentally, the partition went in favor of the
Muslims. Before the partition, West Bengal, being the first area to come
under western influence, was developed and industrialized. It was a
striking contrast to the eastern part where the Muslim peasantry was
crushed under the Hindu landlords, the river system was infested with
pirates, and very few funds were allocated for education. It was dreaded
as a place of banishment. The partition helped boost Bengali literature
and language; efforts were also made towards the social, economic and
educational uplift of the Muslims. The Muslims outnumbered the Hindus
in East Bengal and this alleviated the Bengali Muslims politically and
economically. The Muslims of India welcomed the partition of Bengal,
but the Hindu community strongly opposed it. Hindu protagonists
alleged that the partition was affected on linguistic, rather than religious,
grounds followed, with the Hindi, Oriya and Assamese areas separated to
form separate administrative units later. They thought the Muslims were
favored with the creation of a new province, where they were in a clear
majority. Lord Curzon intentionally had struck a deadly blow to what
they claimed Bengali nationality. They branded him upholder of the
devilish policy of 'Divide and Rule'. Bengali Hindus spearheading a

168
 Notes
political agitation for greater participation in governance thought their
position would be weakened. Since Muslims would now dominate in
East Bengal. They choreographed country-wide anti-British violent
protests, boycotts and even an assassination attempt against the Governor
of the new province of West Bengal. They launched a mass agitation,
declaring October 16 as a day of mourning in Calcutta and patterned the
‗Swadeshi Movement‘ against the British as the Chinese once boycotted
American goods. ‗Band-i-Mataram‘ was raised to charge the Hindu
sentiment to protect worship of lord Shivaji as a national hero. This
organized anarchist movement took a terrorist turn resulting in political
sabotage and communal riots across the country. In 1906, Rabindranath
Tagore wrote ―Amar Shonar Bangla‖ (Golden Bengal} as a rallying
mantra for proponents of annulment of partition, which, much later, in
1972, ironically became the national anthem of Bangladesh. Partition
barely lasted half a decade, before it was annulled in 1911.

By now it is common knowledge how Indian independence was born out

of partition that displaced 15 million people. In West Bengal alone 30
lakh refugees entered until 1960. In the 1970s the number of people
entering from the east was closer to a few million. In the last sixteen
years there is however a burgeoning literature on the partition refugees in
West Bengal. The literature on refugees followed certain familiar terrain.
I will endeavour to explain through broad sketches how that narrative
evolved. To begin with it was a literature of victimhood in which the
refugees were portrayed only as victims. It cannot be denied that in large
parts these refugees were victims but even as victims they constantly
tried to negotiate with powers that be and strengthen their own agency.
By fixing their identities as victims and not problematising that
victimhood the refugees were for a long time displaced from the centre
stage of their own narratives. With the ascendance of cultural studies in
West Bengal the refugee experience was reduced to the memory of the
refugees. Authors such as Dipesh Chakravarty, Manas Ray etc. discussed
the imaginative mappings of the refugee lives through memories. The
understanding was that a refugee lived in his/her memories whether they
be of pre-partition belongings or of post partition localities. These

169
Notes
writings did not contradict the victimhood narrative but added a new
dimension to it. Such narratives were often anecdotal and reductive
challenging the understanding of refugee experience not through
multiplicity but through singularity. Often it was the author‘s own
experience that was privileged over group experiences and it is through
such discourses that the author reclaimed agency. Following these
appeared a number of writings that discussed institutional responses to
the arrival of forced migrants from both the west and the east. These
writings by authors such as Samir Das and Monica Mandal discussed
how the newly born governments operating within the imperatives of the
state and nation building exercise came to terms with the influx of such
huge population groups. The measures that were taken by these
governments could be categorised 2 under relief and rehabilitation. These
authors critique how that state viewed refugees not as individuals but in
terms of numbers, shelter, food, health, hygiene etc. By doing so
however these administrative agencies made it possible for these huge
groups to survive and prosper. These authors often conclude that given
the challenges and obstacles the administration worked creditably. These
authors therefore shifted the spotlight from the refugees to the
administrators thus once again displacing the refugees. Apart from these
there are other authors who have tried to understand refugee experience
through experiences of particular communities. Shekhar Bandyopadhyay,
Joya Chatterjee and others belong to these schools of thought. These
authors feel that by generalising much of refugee experiences are lost.
Also they feel that each population group had experiences that were
unique to that group and cannot be reducible. Although there is much
that can be applauded in these writings but perhaps there is another way
of looking at refugee experiences that has been undertaken by authors
such as Dipankar Sinha who talks about the self help initiatives of
refugees who set up colonies and markets and strategize on their lives
and lived experiences of their neighbours for sheer survival. The authors
who have either dealt with communities of displaced or refugee activities
in building localities have seen refugees as agents of their own lives. It is
true that their own lives were sometimes torn apart by greater forces than
their own selves. But it is not to be denied that they were agents and

170
 Notes
through their agentive and communitarian struggles they emerged as
empowered communities. Although partition refugees in West Bengal
have now become a favourite topic of research for many scholars and a
number of research scholars in different universities in West Bengal are
doing their PhD in this topic but still there are aspects that have not been
studied adequately. One such aspect is how the refugee movement
became part of the popular movements in West Bengal in the 1950s and
1960s. Refugees fight for land titles and the role of UCRC has been
studied by a few authors but has not been adequately connected to the
larger popular movements. Most of these authors have not tried to
portray its connections with movement against eviction, land riots, food
movements or the women‘s movement. In this section I will endeavour
to explore that connection. However, this will not be in the form of a
research paper. I intend to do a collection that will contain documents
that will address the history of how refugees became leading actors in the
popular movements in West Bengal. For starters the refugee women
changed the notion of who can be considered as bhadramahila in the post
partition days. This collection will contain speeches of leaders and
politicians on the issue and all documents that are in the public domain,
albeit hidden from our everyday visions. It will also contain newspaper
reports, government documents and these documents will have an
annotated bibliography pointing to the archival materials that contributes
to this narrative. In the introduction I will point out how refugees became
part of the larger political protests followed by a collection of documents
and an annotated bibliography.

14.4 TURMOIL DURING PARTITION

The peaceful anti-partition demonstration at the very beginning was
joined by the Hindus and Muslims alike and in vast proportions. It started
two main types of movements side by side. The first one called for an
absolute boycott of using foreign goods and the other promoted the
production and use of things made in the country. Both were welcomed
with an overwhelming response. The ―Swadeshi‖ and the ―Boycott‖
movements inspired the Muslims and Hindus alike and they took part in
it in large numbers. On 23 September, 1905 in a Muslim meeting three

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Notes
resolutions were taken: i) offering their support to the Hindus against
partition, ii) joining the Hindus also in matters other than the partition,
iii) strong support for the use of swadeshi goods. Even a particular
Muslim landlord asked his Muslim subjects not to believe the
Government promise of benefits for their support in the new Province.
On the day of the partition, a Rakhi Bandhan ceremony was observed all
over Bengal as suggested by Rabindranath Tagore. It stood for the
symbol of the unity of the Bengali people. There was no cooking in any
house of Bengal. People practised abstinence as that day was marked as a
day of mourning. From early morning huge pro-cessions marched on the
roads of Calcutta. The high nationalist sentiments that it evoked, made
the British afraid of a possible upraise against their rule. Precautionary
measure was to be taken against the Swadeshi Movement and soon.
Besides using the police to terrorize the demonstrators, special measures
were taken to teach the students, the majority among the agitators, a
lesson. Educational institutions were inflicted with circulars with orders
of preventing the students either from joining the movement or to punish
them. Along with the persecution of the convicted students their families
were also been harassed by the police. The other method was directed
towards the local landlords. Orders were given out to them to check the
spread of the movement in their respective areas. Processions and
meeting, which echoed any nationalist sentiment, were banned in public
places. Most of the influential local leaders were imprisoned. There were
some Muslims, who were not against the very idea of having a Province
of their own at all. These loyal Muslims were induced with a separatist
sentiment and were chosen to be used against the disobedient Hindus.
Nawab Salimullah of Dhaka though at first sympathetic to the anti-
partition movement, became the leader of the new Muslim opposition to
the anti-partition movement. It was said that the British Government lend
him huge amount of money at a very low interest to save him from his
debt. Muslims were repeatedly being explained about the unsympathetic
treatment they would likely get from the Hindus and the privileges
waiting for them in the new Province. Lord Curzon‘s visit to East Bengal
and his provocative Dhaka Address shows to which extent the British
Government made no stones unturned for dividing Hindus and Muslims

172
 Notes
into two different political camps with undying hostility for each other.
Within no time, a split became very much evident between the two
communities due to this shrewd British policy of divideand-rule. It was
the Government who appealed to the Muslims to support the partition
stressing how much fruitful would be the advantages of partition for
them. The Dhaka address of Lord Curzon in February 1904 stated that
Dhaka was only ―a shadow of its former self‖ and that the partition
―would invest Ma-homedans in Eastern Bengal with a unity which they
have not enjoyed since the days of the old Mussalman Viceroys and
Kings………….‖ This attitude clearly echoed the Government hope of
creating trouble between Hindus and Muslims. The British role in
controlling the Hindu-Muslim tension after it broke out during and after
the partition, was also not entirely impartial. In fact the wrong
Government policy in many cases fanned the communal flames and at
the same time inspired the demand of Muslim separatism. As a result of
the newfound Muslim aggressiveness, there was increasing tension
between the two communities. Gradually, Muslims started their
propartition demonstration at the very same places where the
antipartition demonstrations were being held. The atmosphere of mutual
hostility loomed large. The clashes between the two were now only a
matter of time.

14.5 IMPACT OF PARTITION

The people participation and their active involvement in the anti-partition
or Swadeshi and Boycott movement had left a deep impact in a number
of ways. Its impact was felt at every stage in the life of Bengal and also
of India in the arena of literature, music, art, science and education. The
patriotism, sacrifice and courage of the students earned great respect
from the common people. Influence of the student movements have been
perhaps most pronounced in the literary and cultural life of the state. In
literature, writers and poets have introduced a new tone and outlook. The
agitating students habitually recite their poems in the various meetings
and demonstrations. In the public meetings, rallies and demonstrations
the agitating students staged dramas, which helped to create a new
outlook. In addition to these, the students brought out many leaflets,

173
Notes
booklets, Chharas or rhymes which also influenced the common masses
of Bengal. The famous song of Rabindranath Tagore ‗Banglar Mati,
Banglar Jal‘ i.e. soil and climate of Bengal was composed in the light of
Swadeshi movement. On the other hand, political leaflets were
extensively circulated amongst the students. Political songs of Bankim
Chandra Chattopadhyay‘s Anandamath were memorized by the students.
The students were also used to held exhibition where paintings of Lala
Lajpat Rai, Aurobindo Ghosh, Bipin Chandra Pal were displayed. The
agitating students spread the anti-partition movement from Bengal to
other parts of the country especially South India. Bipin Chandra Pal took
the leading role to spread the movement in south. In 1907, He visited
Vizagapatnam, Madras, Rajahmundhry etc. for delivering lectures on the
movement and got a tremendous response from the students of south.
Even the student of Madras bears the expenses of his visit.7 The Muslim
community was well aware about their lack of development, but it had no
separate organisation of their own to voice their plea to the people as
well as to the Government. Political activities of the eastern Bengal
Muslims were almost ignorable in the national political scenario. They
felt the need of founding such an institution that would be able to convey
their own views and needs to the Government. So they put their hopes on
the Nawab of Dhaka, Nawab Salimullah, who was nothing but only a
puppet in the hands of the British Government. He had neither the
knowledge nor the talent for political leadership. In fact, the
Government‘s efforts in saving him from his financial crisis itself speak
for his loyalty to the British. Also, the important changes in the
Government of India‘s policies in 1906 had its influence on the
communal tension between the two communities. When the resignation
of Lieutenant-Governor Fuller, the more sympathetic one for the cause of
Muslims, was promptly accepted by both Morley and Minto, Muslim
leaders became very much unsure of their position. It started a general
Muslim awakening for the need of having a legitimate organisation for
themselves. The possible expansion of the Legislative Council as
proposed by Morley and Minto increased the Muslim wish of receiving
more consideration through direct representation. The Simla Deputation
in October 1 1906, stressed the importance of safeguarding the Muslim

174
 Notes
interests as separate from those of other Indians. The deputation had
three grounds for such a special consideration. Firstly, the Muslims were
numerically the majority and they constituted more of the population
than the Hindus in Bengal. Sec-ondly, it stated that besides their
numerical strength, their political importance should also be considered,
as one of every three men in India‘s armed forces was a Muslim. Thirdly,
it expressed the hope that Muslim representatives in the representative
institutions should be chosen not by the ‗unsympathetic‘ Hindus but by
Muslims themselves and in sufficient numbers so that they will never be
sidelined into an ―in-effective minority‖. Lord Minto‘s sympathy and
agreement with the Deputation inspired the Muslims to start an all India
Muslim political party. After the Educational Conference in Dhaka in
July 1906, the Delegates and members of the Simla Deputation met on
December 30 to announce the formation of the All-Indian Muslim
League.

In 1953, when the British owned tram company decided to hike the
second class tram fare by 1paisa, the city witnessed one of the most
violent protest movements of the decade that continued for almost a
month marked by repeated confrontation between the protesters and the
police. The leadership of the movement came from a hurriedly formed
Tram and Bus Fare Enhancement Resistance Committee presided by
Hemanta Kumar Basu of Forward Block. Important members of this
committee included Jyoti Basu (CPI), Subodh Bannerjee (SUC), Suresh
Banerjee (Praja Socialist Party) and Satya Priya Banerjee of Marxist
Forward Block. Calcutta Tram Workers‘ Union also opposed the move.
They argued that the fare hike was unethical particularly because the
Tram Company had already been making huge profit. The struggle began
on July 1 when the Committee urged the commuters to keep paying the
old fare. The modes of protest kept changing. If initially the protesters
boarded the trams in large numbers with the exact old fare in their
pockets, a few days later the Resistance Committee called for boycotting
the trams altogether. Hence, from July 7, the city witnessed almost empty
trams running from one depot to another. Consequently, the company
suffered from serious monetary loss. Barricading the tram lines,

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Notes
organizing demonstrations and putting up posters to mobilize people
became the main strands of the movement. Another development
intensified the struggle against the government further. A strike was
going on in Burnpur where the police opened fire on July 5 and killed at
least 7 workers and injured many. Several trade unions, except for
Congress led INTUC, came together in protest against the police terror
and a Joint Struggle Committee was formed. They, along with the
Resistance Committee, called for a state wide strike on July 15. Among
various agendas, the fare hike was a crucial point against which the strike
was called. This strike was one of the most successful strikes of this
period. Despite repeated police action, ―about 10 lakh people struck
work, affecting practically every industry, including jute mills, collieries,
engineering works, bus transport and offices. Shops and markets
remained closed even in the Congress strongholds like Burrabazar area
dominated by Marwari business magnets.‖ The tramway men initially
stayed away from this strike. But from July 17 CTWU and Calcutta Tram
Mazdoor Panchayat went for an indefinite strike in support of the
demands raised by the Resistance Committee. Violent clashes between
the protesters and the police from across the city were reported, reporters
of leading dailies were attacked, people were killed, many were injured
and properties were destroyed in the course of this one month,
particularly till July 22. The movement ended in a victory for the
protesters as the older fare was reintroduced. The government was
certainly taken aback by the magnitude of the protest, so were some of
the later commentators of this movement. B.C. Roy, who was in Europe
when the movement gained currency, on his return expressed regret ―that
so much trouble had arisen over a matter ―which could have been settled
without any difficulty across the conference table.‖ He insisted that the
―root cause‖ of the movement laid elsewhere: ―economic situation of the
country was largely responsible for the agitation against the government
and that situation was further aggravated by the ever increasing
unemployment problem.‖Thus, in his analysis, the enhancement of tram
fare by 1 paisa, provided the already agitated and frustrated people of the
city a reason to erupt. Perhaps, Bidhan Roy was indicating towards the
refugees. The city had by then received several millions of refugees and

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they were being continuously cited as the reason behind the economic
crisis and the problem of unemployment in West Bengal. Bidhan Roy‘s
plan of refugee dispersal, i.e., sending away the refugees to scarcely
populated areas within and outside West Bengal, was at least partly to
dilute ‗the political impact of these unwelcome ―trouble-makers‖ [i.e.,
the refugees] by scattering them in far-away districts.‘ In this context,
―overpopulation leading to unemployment leading to frustration leading
to violence‖ seemed easy logic. Indeed, as some of the existing works
indicate, refugees played a crucial role in this movement. For instance, in
the words of Prafulla Chakrabarty, ―...the movement demonstrated that
the workers, the students and the lower middle class had been brought
together and behind them all lurked the ubiquitous figure of the refugee.‖
Such a statement is corroborated by memoirs like that of refugee activist
Tejendralal Dutta. He describes vividly how the refugee youths, both
men and women, of South Calcutta colonies participated in this
―completely political movement‖. He further writes that ―because of this
movement, the squatter colonies of this area got their political character.‖
In other words, through this movement the colonies were mobilized
against Congress and were brought together within the rubric of Left
politics. Majumdar‘s description of the movement is significant as it
illustrates the role of various sections of the society in this movement. He
writes about Haren Roy, a tube well mechanic who was given the
responsibility of uprooting the tram lines near Gariahat as he had many
helpful tools. Then there were local women who supported the
movements in various ways – if two Punjabi ladies poured water from
their first floor flat on a police team rounding up some of the agitators, a
Bengali working woman gave protection to the author when he was
fleeing from the police. Thus, in the refugee dominated areas - women,
working class and youths all seemed to participate or to sympathize with
the movement. But the question that needs further probing is whether the
participants and sympathizers were protesting as refugees or as students,
workers and common people disillusioned by the ―national‖ government,
its police and its administration? The violence that marked the movement
needs to be understood further as well. It has been repeatedly said that
the agitation against tram fare hike was extremely, and according to

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many, unnecessarily violent. The government insisted about the
involvement of the hooligans and ―anti-socials‖ in this agitation. Sandip
Bandyopadhyay has argued that part of the reason behind such a violent
movement resided with the fact that many among the leaders were
―revolutionary terrorists‖ of colonial India. Moreover, even though the
Communist Party had done away with its ―ultra left‖ line,
Bandyopadhyay thinks that some of the party supporters and other Left
leaders pursued a radical course of action during the tram fare
movement. What were the various forms of police violence and that of
the participants‘ violence, whether there were any internal debates about
the way the movement should move forward, did violence deter certain
sections of the population from the movement – are some of the
questions that this research will address. The tram movement was only
the beginning of a long decade of anti-establishment mass movements. In
less than a year‘s time, West Bengal witnessed one of the biggest
movements by the teachers under the leadership of All Bengal Teachers‘
Association (ABTA). Since independence, there had been a continuous
demand from the secondary school teachers for an increased dearness
allowance. As early as on September 1, 1948, a strike was observed by
them on this issue. But since their demands were not met by the West
Bengal government, ABTA launched a sit-down strike in early 1954
asking for a salary of Rs. 180 per month (instead of Rs. 75) with a
dearness allowance of Rs. 35 per month. An All Parties Teachers‘
Struggle Coordination Committee was formed that provided the
leadership to the movement. From February 10, the teachers began their
indefinite sitin demonstration near Rajbhavan. At least 3000 teachers
participated. On 15th when, despite requests from the Opposition, the
governor refused to meet the protesting teachers, the members of
Opposition boycotted the session and joined the protesting teachers.
Teachers‘ movement turned violent on February 16 when there was a
direct confrontation between the police and the participating teachers on
their way to the Assembly to disrupt the ongoing budget session in order
to draw attention of the House to their demands. The confrontation was
severe, claiming 4 lives and injuring 65 others. Throughout the day there
were several instances of burning down the buses and trams, smashing

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street lamps and traffic signals, barricading roads etc. even shops were
looted at various parts of the city. As the ABTA narrative goes, earlier
the ―leadership suffered from hesitation of wielding the tools of the
working class-street demonstration with shouting slogans, strike, mass
squatting, courting arrest etc, against injustice, for winning rights and
privileges. In 1954, under the new leadership A.B.T.A. broke down that
barrier and decided firmly to wield those tools. Street demonstration,
strike, squatting, courting arrest were taken up as in the teachers‘
movement in 1954. Doubt about its propriety was dispelled. A broad
alliance was forged with students, guardians‘ all other working people
and the left political forces.‖ To combat such a movement, military was
brought in. However, given the fact that the teachers were paid a
pittance, their struggle received sympathy from the wider society and the
media. Students and labourers came out in support. As Sandip
Bandyopadhyay quoted an eye witness, ―when the teachers sat down on
the roads in protest, almost a drama began to unfold. People from all over
the city came out in thousands to show solidarity to the teachers.
Someone sent a basket full of oranges for the protesters. Dwariks, the
owners of a famous sweet shop in Bhowanipore, sent Luchi and sweets
to the teachers.‖ Jugantar noted that ―if the teacher is starving, education
system will never improve.‖ The same report also harshly criticized the
government‘s attitude towards education: ―the government is saying that
it has no money – fine, but then how is this government spending so
much money in deep sea fishing, underground railway system,
manufacturing gas from waste, automatic Finish machine to count votes
etc; how is it spending so much money for the expansion of the police
and administration? Education and health is of pivotal importance in the
making and the progress of a nation. And the government lacks money
when it comes to these sectors. Actually, the West Bengal government
does not even think that health and education should be their topmost
priority.‖ How and why did a movement of the teachers attract other
sections of the society to such an extent? What was the role of the Left
parties in this movement? To what extent women, refugees and religious
minority took part in the teachers‘ strike? These are some of the research
questions that the project seeks to answer. More importantly, my

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Notes
research tries to understand the decade of 1950s as a whole. The new
born national government continuously faced violent protests on several
issues. Was it because people expected much from their own government
but the later failed to deliver. Why was ‘50s such a turbulent decade?
Was it because of the refugees? But partition and its consequences may
not have all the answers for the questions that I raise. Sekhar
Bandyopadhya has already warned us that too much emphasis on
partition ―excludes endless complexities of decolonization as an
experience.‖ Answers need to be sought in peoples‘ expectations from a
national government, in long tradition of political protests in colonial
times, in involvement of people in violent forms of mass action (like
communal riots), in particular Left political thoughts and traditions, in
labour unrest, unemployment and food shortage, in the behaviour of
police, bureaucrats and the government in handling popular protests, and
of course in refugee crisis.

Check Your Progress 1

Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.

ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1. What do you know about the Hindu-Muslim relation in Bengal
before 1900?
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………………………………………
2. Discuss the partition of Bengal.
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………

14.6 LET US SUM UP

As the partition agitation, pro- and anti-, condensed, the Simla
Deputation and the founding of the Muslim League marked an
undeniable change in the Indian Politics. The Muslim League, from its
very birth, made it absolutely clear that its interests were separate from

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that of the other Indians. Although several times attempts were made for
a peaceful reconciliation between the League and Congress over many
arguments, the basic difference laid in the mentality was hard to
overcome. This separatist attitude was the memorable standpoint in the
history of India as it ultimately resulted in the 1947 partition exactly
almost at the same places where the line was drawn in 1905. In a way,
the Bengal partition fired the spirit of a country-wide nationalism
through which gradually the freedom became a reality, it also sowed the
seed of the birth of Pakistan and Bangladesh. After the turbulent years of
early 1900‘s, life ceased to be the same peaceful one in the Indian
subcontinent. The communal harmony was destroyed and for ever. Now
even after 70 years, the hatred is there for all to see. The journey through
what Nevinson described as the ‗dangerous road‘ began in 1905 by the
British, and still no end seems to be in sight.
 Bengali Hindus were at the forefront of political agitation.
 Following the partition, an anti-British movement formed in
opposition
This involved non-violent and violent protests, boycotts and even an
assassination attempt against the Governor of the new province of West
Bengal.
 After partition, Hindu resistance exploded as the Indian National
Congress began the Swadeshi movement
The movement was not supported by the Muslims because the Muslims
in East Bengal had hoped that a separate region would give them more
control and hence, they opposed the movements.

14.7 KEY WORDS

Movement: an act of moving.

Partition: (especially with reference to a country with separate areas of

government) the action or state of dividing or being divided into parts.

14.8 QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW

1. Highlight Turmoil during partition

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Notes
2. What do you know about Impact of partition?

14.9 SUGGESTED READINGS AND

REFERENCES
 Rajimwale, Anil: History of Student Movement in India: Origins
and Development 1920-1947, Manak Publications Pvt. Ltd., New
Delhi, 2001, 44. 1. Syed Ali Ashraf, Ed. Begnali Literary Review,
(Karachi: University of Karachi, 1973, 14.

 Majumdar Ramesh Chandra: History of the Freedom Movement

in India, Firma K. L. M., Calcutta, 1963; 2:75- 76.

 Syed Ali Ashraf: op. cit. 16

 Ray, Sudhir: Marxist Parties of West Bengal: 1947-2001,

Progressive Publisher, Kolkata, 2001, 253-255.

 Rajimwale, Anil: op. cit. 49. 6. Sankaran Nair V. Swadeshi

Movement. The Beginnings of Student Unrest in South India,
Mittal Publications, Delhi, 1985, 43-45.

14.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR

PROGRESS
Check Your Progress 1

1. See Section 14.2

2. See Section 14.3

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