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What Does It Mean
to Be White?
<<G V A m Rt>0l/V tS ►>

Studies in the
Postmodern Theory of Education

Shirley R. Steinberg
General Editor

V ol. 497

The Counterpoints series is part of the Peter Lang Education list.


Every volume is peer reviewed and meets
the highest quality standards for content and production.

PETER LANG
New York • Bern • Frankfurt • Berlin
Brussels • Vienna • Oxford • Warsaw
Robin DiAngelo

What Does It Mean


to Be White?

Developing White Racial Literacy

R E V ISE D E D IT IO N

PETER LANG
New York • Bern • Frankfurt • Berlin
Brussels • Vienna • Oxford • Warsaw
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: DiAngelo, Robin ]., author.
Title: What does it mean to be white?: developing white racial literacy /
Robin DiAngelo.
Description: Revised edition. | New York: Peter Lang, 2016.
Series: Counterpoints: studies in the postmodern theory
of education; vol. 497 | ISSN 1058-1634
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016005919 | ISBN 978-1-4331-3110-3 (paperback: alk. paper)
ISBN 978-1-4539-1848-7 (e-book)
Subjects: LCSH: Whites—Race identity. | Race relations. | Racism.
Classification: LCC HT1575.D53 2016 | DDC 305.809—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016005919

Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek.


Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the “Deutsche
Nationalbibliografie”; detailed bibliographic data are available
on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de/.

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability
of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity
of the Council of Library Resources.

© 2016 Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., New York


29 Broadway, 18th floor, New York, NY 10006
www.peterlang.com

All rights reserved.


Reprint or reproduction, even partially, in all forms such as microfilm,
xerography, microfiche, microcard, and offset strictly prohibited.

Printed in the United States of America


This book is dedicated to Deborah Terry-Hays and Darlene Flynn, two of the
most brilliant and committed leaders in the cause for racial justice I have ever
known* You have been my mentors and guides on the most profound intellec­
tual, emotional, and political journey of my life. Thank you for never giving
up on me and for your immeasurable trust, patience, love, and support. To
stand by your sides as a white woman in the struggle is the greatest of honors.
CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ix

Introduction 1
Chapter 1. Race in Education 13
Chapter 2. Unique Challenges of Race Education 19
Chapter 3. Socialization 27
Chapter 4. Defining Terms 45
Chapter 5. The Cycle of Oppression 83
Chapter 6. What Is Race? 97
Chapter 7. What Is Racism? 107
Chapter 8. “New” Racism 125
Chapter 9. How Race Shapes the Lives of White People 157
Chapter 10- What Makes Racism So Hard for Whites to See? 193
Chapter 11. Intersecting Identities— A n Example of Class 215
Chapter 12. Common Patterns of Well-Meaning White People 223
Chapter 13. White Fragility 245
Chapter 14. Popular White Narratives That Deny Racism 255
VIII WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

Chapter 15. Stop Telling That Story! Danger Discourse


and the White Racial Frame 277
Chapter 16. A Note on White Silence 283
Chapter 17. Racism and Specific Racial Groups 299
Chapter 18. Antiracist Education and the Road Ahead 329

References 343
Glossary 353
Index 357
ACKN O W LEDG M ENTS

I extend my most heartfelt thanks to the numerous friends and colleagues


who supported me in this project. Jason Toews, for the hours of astute and
vigilant editing you generously donated; my colleagues Anika Nailah, Ozlem
Sensoy, Holly Richardson, Carole Schroeder, Malena Pinkam, Lee Hatcher,
William Borden, Kelli Miller, Ellany Kayce, Darlene Flynn, Deborah Terry,
Jacque Larrainzar, Darlene Lee, Sameerah Ahmad, Nitza Hidalgo, and Kent
Alexander for your support, insight, and invaluable feedback. Thank you Amie
Thurber for your perceptive and detailed reading of the final draft and help
with the discussion questions. Thank you Brandyn Gallagher for your insight
and patience in working to raise my awareness of cis-supremacy. Thank you to
Dana Michelle, Thalia Saplad, and Cheryl Harris for all I learned from you in
the beginning of this journey.
Thank you to all of the scholars whose work has been foundational to
my understanding of whiteness, particularly Peggy McIntosh, Richard Dyer,
Charles Wright Mills and Ruth Frankenberg. Any errors or omissions in inter­
preting or crediting that work are my own.
A special thank you to Robin Boehler— a fellow white ally—for the
countless hours we spent debriefing our training sessions and working to put
the racial puzzle together. Your support and brilliance were invaluable.
X WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

Thank you Todd LeMieux for all of your design and graphic work, Andrea
O ’Brian for your Frames of Reference illustration, and Katherine Streeter for
the beautiful cover art.
This text addresses whiteness within the context of what is now known
as the United States, originally known as Turtle Island by some Indigenous
peoples. The theft of Indigenous lands was the starting point of our current
racial system. A key argument of this book is that we must know where we
came from in order to understand where we are now. For a powerful overview
of this history, see Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee and A People's History of the
United States. In honor of the Indigenous peoples whose ancestral territories 1
stand on and write from, I offer my sincerest respect.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XI

Figure 1. Map of Indigenous peoples at time of 15th-century European contact.


INTRODUCTION

I grew up in poverty, in a family in which no one was expected to go to col­


lege, Thus I came late to academia, graduating with a BA in Sociology at
the age of 34. Unsure what I could do with my degree, I went to my college’s
career center for help. After working with the career counselors for several
weeks, I received a call. The counselor told me that a job announcement had
just arrived for a “Diversity Trainer,” and she thought I would be a good fit.
I didn’t know what a Diversity Trainer was, but the job description sounded
very exciting: co-leading workshops for employees on accepting racial differ­
ence. In terms of my qualifications, I have always considered myself open-
minded and progressive— I come from the West Coast, drive a Prius, and shop
at natural food markets such as Whole Foods and Trader Joe’s (and always
bring my own bags). I will admit that I have on occasion told an ethnic joke
or two (but never in mixed company) and that I was often silent when others
told similar jokes or made racist comments. But my silence was usually to
protect the speaker from embarrassment or avoid arguments. Thus, confident
that I was qualified for the diversity trainer position, I applied and received
an interview.
The interview committee explained that the State’s Department of Social
and Health Services (D SH S— the “welfare” department) had been sued for
2 WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

racial discrimination and had lost the suit. The federal government had deter­
mined that the department was out of compliance regarding serving all clients
equally across race and, as part of the settlement, had mandated that every
employee in the state (over 5,000 people) receive 16 hours (2 full workdays)
of diversity training, D SH S hired a training company to design and deliver
the trainings, and this company wrote the curriculum. Part of the design was
that inter-racial teams would deliver the trainings. They needed 40 trainers to
be sent out in teams of two. The interview committee, composed primarily of
other (open-minded) white people such as myself, agreed that I was qualified,
and I got the job. Initially elated, I had no idea that I was in for the most pro­
found learning curve of my entire life.
I showed up for the Train-the-Trainer session with 39 other new hires.
We would be working together for 5 full days to learn the curriculum and get
ready to fan out across the state and lead the workshops. The challenges began
almost immediately. On the first day, as we sat in the opening discussion cir­
cle, one of the other white women called out, “All the white racists raise your
hand!” I was stunned as virtually every white hand in the room shot up. I was
smart enough to realize that for some unfathomable reason this was the “party
line” and that I should raise my hand like everyone else, but I just couldn’t.
I was not racist, and there was no way I was going to identify myself as such.
Over the next 5 days we spent many hours engaged in heated discussions
about race.
This was the first time in my life that I had ever talked about race in
such a direct and sustained way with anyone, and I had never discussed race
before in a racially mixed group. My racial paradigm was shaken to the core as
the people of color shared their experiences and challenged my limited racial
perspective. Indeed, I had never before realized that I had a racial perspective.
I felt like a fish being taken out of water. The contrast between the way my
colleagues of color experienced the world and the way I did worked like a
mirror, reflecting back to me not only the reality that I had a racial viewpoint,
but that it was necessarily limited, due to my position in society. I did not
see the world objectively as I had been raised to believe, nor did I share the
same reality with everyone around me. I was not looking out through a pair of
objective eyes, I was looking out through a pair of white eyes. By the end of the
5 days I realized that regardless of how I had always seen myself, I was deeply
uninformed— even ignorant—when it came to the complexities of race. This
ignorance was not benign or neutral; it had profound implications for my
sense of identity and the way I related to people of color.
INTRODUCTION 3

The next point on my learning curve began when my a>trainer (a black


woman) and I began leading the workshops in D SH S offices across the state.
I had been expecting these sessions to be enjoyable; after all, we would be
exploring a fascinating and important social issue and learning how to bridge
racial divides. I have always found self-reflection and the insights that come
from it to be valuable, and I assumed that the participants in the workshops
would feel the same way. I was completely unprepared for the depth of resis­
tance we encountered in those sessions. Although there were a few exceptions,
the vast majority of these employees—who were predominantly white— did
not want to be in these workshops. They were openly hostile to us and to
the content of the curriculum. Books slammed down on tables, crossed arms,
refusal to speak, and insulting evaluations were the norm.
We would often lead workshops in offices that were 95-100% white, and
yet the participants would bitterly complain about Affirmative Action.” This
would unnerve me as I looked around these rooms and saw only white peo­
ple. Clearly these white people were employed— we were in their workplace,
after all. There were no people of color here, yet white people were making
enraged claims that people of color were taking their jobs. This outrage was
not based in any racial reality, yet obviously the emotion was real. I began
to wonder how we managed to maintain that reality— how could we not see
how white the workplace and its leadership was, at the very moment that we
were complaining about not being able to get jobs because people of color
would be hired over “us” ? How were we, as white people, able to enjoy so
much racial privilege and dominance in the workplace, yet believe so deeply
that racism had changed direction to now victimize us? O f course, I had my
own socialization as a white person, so many of the sentiments expressed were
familiar to me— on closer reflection I had to acknowledge that I had held
some of the same feelings myself, if only to a lesser degree. But I was gaining a
new perspective that allowed me to step back and begin to examine my racial
perceptions in a way I had never before been compelled to do.
The freedom that these participants felt to express irrational hostility
toward people of color when there was only one person of color in the room
(my co-facilitator) was another aspect of how race works that I was trying to
understand. As a woman I felt intimidated when a white man erupted in anger.
But at least I wasn’t the only woman in the room, and the target was ultimately
not me, but people of color. The lack of white concern for the impact our
anger might have on my co-facilitator, who often was the only person of color
in the room, was confusing. Driving home, I saw the devastating effect of this
4 WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

hostility on my co-facilitator as she cried in hurt, anger, and frustration. How


could these white participants not know or care about this impact? How could
we forget the long history of angry white crowds venting racial rage on an iso­
lated person of color? Where was our collective memory? And what about the
other white people in the room, those not openly complaining but supporting
the complainers nonetheless through their silence? How might the ability to
act so insensitively across racial lines depend on the silence of other whites? If
we as white people did not speak up to challenge this, who would? How much
more emotionally, intellectually, and psychically draining was it for my co­
facilitator to speak back to them, than for me? Yet it had always been socially
taboo for me to talk directly about race, and in the early days of this work I was
too intimidated and inarticulate to raise these questions.
We had 5,000 employees across the state to train, and the project took
5 years to complete. As the years went by and I was involved in hundreds of
discussions on race, clear and consistent patterns emerged, illustrating the
ways in which white people conceptualize race and thus enact racial “scripts.”
Once I became familiar with the patterns, it became easier for me to under­
stand white racial consciousness and many of the ideas, assumptions, and
beliefs that underpin our understanding of race. I also had the rare gift of
hearing the perspectives of countless people of color, and— in time— I became
more articulate about how race works and less intimidated in the face of my
fellow whites’ hostility—be it explicitly conveyed through angry outbursts or
implicitly conveyed through silence, apathy, and superficiality.
Because I grew up poor and understood the pain of being seen as inferior,
prior to this experience I had always thought of myself as an “outsider.” But I was
pushed to recognize the fact that, racially, I had always been an “insider”; the
culture of whiteness was so normalized for me that it was barely visible. I had my
experience of class marginalization to draw from, which helped tremendously as
I struggled to understand racism, but as I became more conversant in the work­
ings of racism, I came to understand that the oppression I experienced grow­
ing up poor didn’t protect me from learning my place in the racial hierarchy.
I now realize that poor and working-class white people don’t necessarily have
any “less” racism than middle- or upper-class white people. Our racism is just
conveyed in different ways, and we enact it from a different social location than
the middle or upper classes. (I will discuss this in more depth in Chapter 11.)
As the foundation of the white racial framework became clearer to me, I
became quite skilled at speaking back in a way that helped open up and shift
perspectives. Although I learned a tremendous amount from all of the trainers
INTRODUCTION 5

I worked with over those years, by the end of that contract there were only
two of us left: myself as a white trainer and my African American co-trainer
Deborah Terry-Hays. I had been given an extraordinary gift in having the
honor of working with Deborah, a brilliant, compassionate, and patient men­
tor. She and 1 went on to lead similar workshops with other groups, including
teachers, municipal workers, and police officers. Over the years I realized that
I had been given an opportunity that few white people ever had— to co-lead
discussions on race on a daily basis. This work had provided me with the abil­
ity to understand race in a profoundly more complex and nuanced way than I
had been taught by my family, in school, from the media, or by society at large.
Nothing had previously prepared me in any way to think with complexity
about race. In fact, the way I was taught to see race worked beautifully to hide
its power as a social dynamic.
I wanted to apply my new knowledge beyond these workplace discussions
in order to impact a wider audience. I decided to earn my doctorate in Multi­
cultural Education and Whiteness Studies so that I could disseminate what I
had learned through teaching and writing. I completed my doctorate in 2004.
My graduate study added more layers to my knowledge— 6 additional years of
scholarship and study. I now had empirical research and theoretical frameworks
to support all I had experienced in my years of practice. In graduate school I
co-led courses that trained students to lead interracial dialogues. For my disser­
tation study, I gathered an interracial group of students together to engage in
a series of discussions on race over a 4-week period. A trained interracial team
of facilitators led the discussions. I sat quietly in the back, observing while the
sessions were video-recorded. This observation was the first time I was not in
the position to either lead or participate in the discussion, and the opportunity
to simply observe provided yet more insight into how whites “do” race.
I now understand that race is a profoundly complex social system that has
nothing to do with being progressive or “open-minded.” In fact, we whites
who see ourselves as open-minded can actually be the most challenging popu­
lation of all to talk to about race, because when we believe we are “cool with
race,” we are not examining our racial filters. Further, because the concept of
“open-mindedness” (or “colorblindness,” or lack of prejudice) is so important
to our identities, we actually resist any suggestion that there might be more
going on below the surface, and our resistance functions to protect and main­
tain our racial blinders and positions.
Today I am a writer, speaker, consultant and former associate professor
of teacher education. Whether I am leading classes or workshops for college
6 WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

students, university faculty, social workers, government workers, youth, or pri­


vate sector employees, each population I work with considers itself somehow
unique, and when I am brought in I am often told that I must know such and
such in order to understand this specific group. Yet in my years of experience
working with all of these populations, the racial patterns are remarkably con­
sistent. The specific norms of the group may vary— some groups may be more
outspoken than others, or the discussion may center on education versus busi­
ness, or there may have been some past conflicts I should know about— but
the larger society has collectively shaped us in very predictable ways regard­
ing race. Thus, although this book begins with the example of the teaching
force— because education is such a primary site of racial socialization and my
field of study— the larger points apply across all disciplines. I ask readers to
make the specific adjustments they think are necessary, rather than reject the
evidence because it isn’t specifically based in their context. Please note: This
book is grounded in the context of the United States and does not address nuances
and variations within other socio-political contexts.

The Dilemma of the Master's Tools


Audre Lorde (1983), a writer, poet and activist, wrote that “The master’s tools
will never dismantle the master’s house” (p. 94). She was critiquing feminists of
the time who claimed to represent all women but who focused their concerns
on white, middle-class women. This focus rendered women of color invisible
and reinforced the race and class privilege enjoyed by white, middle-class fem­
inists. Lorde and other feminists of color argued that race, class, and gender
were inseparable systems and must be addressed together. She argued that by
not addressing race and class, these feminists were actually reinforcing the sys­
tem of patriarchy and its divisions— re-inscribing racism and classism (among
other forms of oppression) in the name of eliminating sexism.
Lorde’s famous quote also speaks to the dilemma of challenging the sys­
tem from within. For example, can one authentically critique academia while
employed by it and thus invested in it? This is one of the major challenges I
face as a white person writing about race. While my goal is to interrupt the
invisibility and denial of white racism, I am simultaneously reinforcing it by
centering my voice as a white person focusing on white people. Although
some people of color appreciate this, others see it as self-promoting and nar­
cissistic. This is a dilemma I have not yet resolved, but at this point in my
journey toward greater racial awareness and antiracist action, I believe the
INTRODUCTION 7

need for whites to work toward raising their own and other whites’ conscious-
ness is a necessary first step. I also understand and acknowledge that this focus
reinforces many problematic aspects of racism. This dilemma may not make
sense to readers who are new to the exploration, but it may later on.
Another “master’s tools” dilemma I face is that race is a deeply complex
socio-political system whose boundaries shift and adapt over time. As such,
I recognize that “white” and “people of color” are not discrete categories
and that nested within these groupings are deeper levels of complexity and
difference based on the various roles assigned by dominant society at various
times (i.e., Asian vs. Black vs. Latino vs. Immigrant; Jewish vs. Gentile;
Muslim vs. Christian). By speaking primarily in macro-level terms— white
and people of color— I am reinforcing the racial binary and erasing all of the
complexity within and between these categories. For example, what about
bi- or multiracial people? What about a religion (e.g., Islam), which in the
current post-9/11 era has been racialized? As will be discussed, race has no
biological meaning; it is a social idea. Therefore, one’s racial experience is in
large part dictated by how one is perceived in society. Barack Obama is a clear
example. Although he is equally white and black in current racial terms, he
is defined as black because he looks black and therefore (at least externally)
will have more of a “black experience”; society will respond to him as if he
is black, not white.
Thus, for the purposes of this limited analysis, I use the terms white and
people of color to indicate the two macro-level, socially recognized divisions
of the racial hierarchy. I ask my readers who don’t fall neatly into one or the
other of these categories to apply the general framework I provide to their
specific racial identity (I will explore specific racial groups in more depth in
Chapter 17). Again, at the introductory level my goal is to provide basic racial
literacy and, as such, understanding the relevancy of the racial binary overall is
a first step, albeit at the cost of reinforcing it. To move beyond racial literacy
to develop what might be thought of as racial fluency, readers will need to
continue to study the complexities of the racial construct.

Chapter Summaries
Chapter 1: Race in Education
This chapter provides an overview of current demographic trends in teacher
education. I explain why I believe that most white teacher education students
8 WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

(like most whites in general) are racially illiterate. I share some of my most
common student essays on the question of racial socialization in order to illus­
trate white racial illiteracy. The challenges of a growing white teacher educa­
tion population are discussed.

Chapter 2: Unique Challenges of Race Education


This chapter clarifies the differences between opinions on race and racism
that all of us already hold, and informed knowledge on race and racism that
only develops through ongoing study and practice. The common conception
of racism as a good/bad and either/or proposition is challenged. An overview
of race and whiteness as social constructs that have developed and changed
over time is provided.

Chapter 3: Socialization
This chapter explains the power of socialization to shape our identities and
perspectives. Using popular studies, I show the ways in which our cultural
context functions as a framework through which we filter all of our experi­
ences. This filter is so powerful it can shape what we see (or what we believe
we see). This chapter will begin to challenge the concept of unique individ­
uals outside of socialization and unaffected by the messages we receive from
myriad sources.

Chapter 4: Defining Terms


This chapter provides a shared framework for defining key terms such as
prejudice, discrimination, systematic oppression, and racism. Differentiation
is made between dynamics that operate at the individual level (i.e., prej­
udice and discrimination) and systematic oppression, which is an embed­
ded and institutionalized system with collective and far-reaching effects.
This chapter provides the overall theoretical framework for understanding
racism.
Chapters 2, 3, and 4 are adapted from Is Everybody Really Equal? An Intro­
duction to Key Concepts in Critical Social Justice Education by Sensoy & DiAngelo
( 2012).
INTRODUCTION 9

Chapter 5: The Cycle of Oppression


This chapter continues the discussion of oppression. The elements that consti­
tute oppression are explained: the generation of misinformation; acceptance
by society; internalized oppression; internalized dominance; and justification
for further mistreatment. The treatment of children with learning disabilities
(a form of ableism) is used to illustrate each point on the cycle.

Chapter 6: What Is Race?


A brief historical overview of the development of race as a social construct
is provided. Dynamics of perception are discussed. The interaction between
ethnic identity— e.g., Jewish or Portuguese— and race is explored. The devel­
opment of white as a racial identity is traced over time. I introduce the idea of
whiteness as a form of property with material benefits.

Chapter 7: What Is Racism?


Using the framework of oppression explained in Chapter 3, this chapter defines
and describes racism. This chapter also distinguishes between the dominant
conceptualization of racism as a binary (a person is either racist or not racist;
if a person is racist, that person is bad; if a person is not racist, that person is
good), and the antiracist conceptualization of racism as an embedded system
of unequal power in which all are complicit— in varying ways and regardless
of intentions. Examples are used to illustrate these key points. The concept of
Whiteness is also introduced.

Chapter 8: "New" Racism


This chapter explains many of the ways that modem or “new” racism mani­
fests. I address different forms of racism such as aversive and colorblind, and
trace some of the ways that racism circulates today through media and social
dynamics such as segregation.

Chapter 9: How Race Shapes the Lives of White People


Using the example of my own life, this chapter guides the reader through the
daily processes, expectations, entitlements, privileges, messages, and norms
IO WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

that function to uphold Whiteness. By explicating dynamics that will be


recognizable and indisputable for most readers, this chapter illuminates mod-
em forms of racism.

Chapter 10: What Makes Racism So Hard for Whites to See?


This chapter explains common perspectives, conceptualizations, and ideolo­
gies that obscure racism for whites. These include: conceptualizing racism as
a racist = bad/not racist = good binary; the ideologies of individualism and
universalism; racial segregation; the tendency to focus on intent rather than
impact; colorblindness; and lack of white racial humility.

Chapter 11: Intersecting Identities: The Example of Class


Using two of my own social group memberships— race and class— I explore
the intersection of identities to argue that being oppressed in one axis of life
does not mean that you cannot be privileged in another. These locations
interact in complex ways that must be addressed together.

Chapter 12: Common Patterns of Well-Meaning White People


This chapter presents common patterns of well-intentioned white people.
These patterns include: guilt, seeking absolution, objectifying, ignoring, min­
imizing, rushing to prove ourselves, and feeling unfairly “accused.”

Chapter 13: White Fragility


Most white people in North America live in a social environment that pro­
tects and insulates them from race-based stress. This insulated environment
of racial protection builds white expectations for racial comfort while at the
same time lowering the ability to tolerate racial stress, leading to what I refer
to as white fragility. This chapter overviews the dynamics of white fragility.

Chapter 14: Popular White Narratives That Deny Racism


This chapter explains several common misconceptions about racism, includ­
ing the ideas that racism is in the past, that only bad people are racist, that
I haven’t been involved in racism if I didn’t personally own slaves, and that
people of color can be just as racist as whites.
INTRODUCTION II

Chapter 15: Stop Telling That Story! Danger Discourse and


the White Racial Frame
This chapter illuminates danger discourse: narratives that reinforce the associ­
ation of people of color— and blacks in particular— as inherently dangerous,
while simultaneously reinforcing whites and the spaces associated with whites
as the embodiment of safety and innocence. I examine the effects of these nar­
ratives and the racial capital they accrue. I conclude by asking white people to
stop telling stories that reproduce racism and white supremacy.

Chapter 16: A Note on White Silence


This chapter analyzes a common dynamic in inter-racial discussions on race:
white silence. I explicate common white rationales for this silence and chal­
lenge each from an antiracist framework. These rationales include: “It’s just
my personality— I rarely talk in groups”; “Everyone has already said what I was
thinking”; “I don’t feel safe”; and “I already know all this.”

Chapter 17: Racism and Specific Racial Groups


This chapter provides a more specific overview of six major racial groups:
Asian heritage, Latino/a heritage, African heritage, Native heritage, Arab or
Muslim heritage, and multiracial heritage. A brief overview of some of the
specific ways that racism manifests for each group is provided, along with a list
of specific ways an ally can work to interrupt them.

Chapter 18: Antiracist Education and the Road Ahead


This chapter provides an overview of the basic tenets of antiracist education
and addresses the question of where to go from here. Characteristics of allies
and the skills whites need to develop in order to build cross-racial relation­
ships are identified. Strategies for the lifelong continuing education necessary
for interrupting racism are reiterated and summarized.
RACE IN EDUCATION

The most recent data about U .S. teachers show that despite the fact that the
public school population is becoming increasingly racially diverse, more than
80% of elementary and secondary school teachers are white (U .S. Depart­
ment of Education, 2012). Almost half of the schools in the United States do
not have a single teacher of color on staff and therefore many students, regard­
less of their own race, will graduate from high school having been taught only
by whites (Picower, 2009). These racial demographics are not shifting; 80%
to 93% of all current teacher education students are white, and they are being
instructed by a teacher education profession that is 88% white (Picower,
2009). This racial homogeneity is compounded by unabated racial segregation
in schools and housing, and it may be assumed from these statistics that the
majority of whites have not lived near or attended school with people of color,
have had few if any teachers, friends, family members, or authority figures of
color, and do not interact with people of color in any direct or equal way in
their lives or in their teacher preparation programs. Yet as evidenced in many
studies, while most teacher education students live their lives in racial segre­
gation, they believe that racism is in the past, that segregation “just happens,”
that they were taught to see everyone the same and therefore they don’t see
color, and that being white has no particular meaning.
14 WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

The overwhelming majority of whites in the teaching field, particularly


as classrooms are increasingly filled with children of color and immigrants in
a country marked by racial inequality, has profound implications for the role
white teachers play in reproducing racial inequality. These implications are
intensified by the fact that few— if any— white teacher education students
can answer the question, “What does it mean to be white?” Yet it is critical
that future teachers understand racism’s modem manifestations if they are to
interrupt it— rather than reproduce it— in schools. This book will provide the
conceptual framework necessary for the majority of readers to think critically
about race and answer the essential question: What does it mean to be white in a
society that proclaims race meaningless, yet is deeply divided by race?
Consider an exercise I use in my teacher education classes (adapted from
Nitza Hidalgo). On the first day of the semester, before I go over the syllabus
or talk to my new students beyond introducing myself, I pass out a sheet of
paper with the following questions and ask them to write their anonymous
reflection:

Discuss what it means to be part of your particular racial group(s). How racially
diverse was your neighborhood(s) growing up? What messages have you received
about race from your family, friends, schools, and neighborhoods about race? In other
words, how has your race(s) shaped your life?

I tell the students that we will return to these at the end of the semester, pass
them around (with no names), and read them out loud. But to add another
layer of anonymity, theirs will be read in one of my other course sections, and
we will be reading another section’s reflections in our class, so nothing they
write will be read in their own class.
After about 10 minutes I collect the reflections in an envelope and set
them aside. I then tell my class that I am going to make some predictions
about what their reflections say. These are my predictions: “You grew up in
mostly white neighborhoods and went to mostly white schools. Your teachers
were mostly white. Race hasn’t shaped your life because race is not important.
You believe that people should be judged by their actions, not the color of
their skin. The messages you have received about race have come primarily
from your family; if your family was not prejudiced, then they taught you not
to be prejudiced. If your family was prejudiced, then you rejected their teach­
ing and are not prejudiced. Perhaps you had a friend or two growing up or a
family member who is not white, or you traveled outside of the United States,
and that is why you are not prejudiced. If there were a few students of color in
RACE IN EDUCATION 15

your school, they were your friends, or at least no one had any issue with them.
Some of you felt that no one should get special treatment because of race, and
had programs such as Affirmative Action in mind. Perhaps you know some
people other than yourself who are racist, but you don’t approve of that. Fun
ther demonstrating how unimportant race has been to your life, many of you
found it difficult to come up with enough ideas or interest to write more than
just a few sentences. The majority of the reflections will add up to the same
conclusion: race is not and should not be important.” (My students tell me
later that my predictions irritated them because they were correct, suggesting
that I can know something about them based solely on the fact that they are
white, and thereby poking not only at their racial narratives but also at their
sense of themselves as individuals.)
The following anonymous student responses (A SR ) are representative of
most I receive, both in content and length. Students are answering the fol­
lowing three questions: (1) How racially diverse was your neighborhood(s)
growing up? (2) What messages have you received about race from your fam­
ily, friends, schools, and neighborhoods about race? (3) How has your race(s)
shaped your life? As you read, keep in mind that these students are in their
junior and senior years of college and will be going on to be our nation’s
teachers:

I don’t believe that my particular race has had much impact on my life. I don’t feel
that I strongly identify with it. There was only one black family in my neighborhood
of 30+ houses. The message I received about race in high school was very limited. I
personally do not think that my race is a factor in the way I live my life. Race is not
something that I often acknowledge. (ASR)

My first neighborhood, racially, was pretty (not meaning nice) diverse. These being
apartments, you could find different races. My second neighborhood, where I live
now, is not very racially diverse. Messages? Not really any. Impact? I don’t know.
(ASR)

My neighborhood in itself was not that diverse, however, much of my hometown is.
I have always been taught to treat everyone no matter what their race is equally. My
grandparents have a much different thought than my own parents do and they made
sure to bring us up treating everyone with respect. Overall, I do not think race has
shaped me much at all because it really doesn’t matter to me. When I look at some­
one, I do not look at the color of their skin but rather the person that they are. (ASR)

My neighborhood was not racially diverse at all growing up. Maybe freshman year
of college was when diversity appeared, yet still very small. I am not sure [how race
i6 WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?

shapes my life], it seems similar because I am white and I feel like 1 am constantly
hearing racial slurs or people using the race card, that it just makes me thankful for
who I am, and don’t have to deal with that. (ASR)

Growing up my neighborhood was not that diverse at all, basically almost everyone
was white with no other backgrounds. I honestly don’t think about my racial group
too much, I try not to discriminate against people of another race. Where I work,
however, we have a lot of diversity. People speak more than one language, come from
different countries. I found it very interesting and since I’ve been there for so long I
am used to it. Even when I first started I never felt weird or anything. In school we
were taught to never discriminate, and learned about different cultures. (ASR)

I taught in an education program that is 97% white, and it was rare for me to
have any students of color in my classes. Thus, this typical insistence that race
doesn’t matter comes from white students sitting in an all-white classroom,
who grew up in primarily white neighborhoods and attended primarily white
schools, and are currently being taught by a virtually all-white faculty (includ­
ing me). These racial realities testify to a society separated by race. Yet how
do so many white people manage to position race as meaningless even as we
live, work, study, love, and play in racial separation? Further, this separation is
not benign; racial disparity between whites and people of color is measurable
in every area of social life— health, income, net worth, educational outcomes,
criminal justice, infant mortality, and life expectancy. If race is meaningless,
how do we explain that separation and disparity?
My students’ answers, which are the same answers I get regardless of where
I ask the question— schools, workplaces, social gatherings— or the age of the
participants, indicate that the vast majority of whites are racially illiterate.
O f course we don’t realize that we are illiterate because we have been taught
that these are the correct answers to questions of race in public (what we say
about race in private will be discussed later in this book). But I use the term
illiterate because we are only able to articulate the most predictable, superfi­
cial, and distorted understandings of race. Most white people have never been
given direct or complex information about racism before, and often cannot
consciously recognize, understand, or articulate much about it. I open each
chapter of this book with excerpts from my students’ responses in order to
illustrate this point.
People of color are generally much more aware of racism on a personal
level, but due to the wider society’s silence and denial of it, often do not have
a macro-level framework from which to analyze their experiences. Further,
dominant society “assigns” different roles to different groups of color, and a
RACE IN EDUCATION 17

critical consciousness about racism varies not only among people of color
within groups, but also across groups. For example, many African Americans
relate having been prepared by parents to live in a racist society, while many
Asian heritage people say that racism was never directly discussed in their
homes (hooks, 1989; Lee, 1996). While this book focuses on white racial
socialization, it may be helpful to people of color because so much of the
experience of a person of color in this society is predicated on adapting to the
ways in which whites understand and perform race.
Returning to the exercise, at the end of the semester we gathered in a cir­
cle and I passed around another section’s reflections. We each read one aloud.
My predictions all came to pass, with a few variations (occasionally a white
person will acknowledge that whites have benefited from a system that priv­
ileges them or admit to holding some racial stereotypes) and depending on
whether there were any students of color in the group (students of color rarely
say that race has no meaning in their lives). But now my students could see
that the way that white people conceptualize race plays a key role in how rac­
ism flourishes. A t this point in the course, many students were better equipped
to critically analyze the fundamental question addressed by this book—how
the vast majority of whites can live in racial segregation even as we insist that
race has no meaning in our lives. They had also begun to see what is required
of them if they want to change these dynamics. In short, they have gained
some degree of racial literacy. My goal for this book is to take my readers on
that same journey.
Speaking as a white person to other white people, and within the context
of the United States, I will explicate how we are able to position racism as
something that happened in the past at the same time that so many of us
live racially segregated lives today. I will also address why it is urgent that we
understand and can identify current manifestations of racism. Starting with
a framework for understanding racism as a system of unequal social, cultural,
and institutional power, rather than as individual acts of prejudice, I will take
my readers through an analysis of white socialization. I will provide a concep­
tual framework for understanding the power of race in our lives, and infor­
mation on the skills and perspectives needed to build cross-racial awareness
in a society that is deeply segregated at the same time that it is positioned as
“post-racial.”
Some may ask why white people need to develop racial literacy when these
simplistic answers clearly work for us and allow us to be comfortable in the
face of so much racial inequality. One important reason is that our illiteracy
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
to the scene, and proceeded to lay out a fairly well equipped
emergency operating set-up.
"I'm beginning to feel the morbidity of this," said Peter. "The doctor,
the ambulance, the insurance agent. We're like a bunch of vultures
awaiting the faltering step of the desert wanderer."
"A bunch of undertakers waiting for the accident to happen," said
Ben. "No, I'm not calloused. I'm scared slightly green. I can't take it
unless I joke about it. It's the uncertain certainty—the wondering just
which one of us gets caught in the certain accident."
"It seems uncanny to talk about the certainty of accident," said Peter.
"The training at I.I.I. would instill a bit of the perfection of the statistical
method in you," nodded Simpkins. "By the time your statistical bureau
gets all done checking the chances of a new account, no one would
bet against it. I.I.I. also puts the kiss of death on, too. Just try to hire
men for a plant that can't be insured by your outfit. They'll ask a
thousand credits a day."
"What time is this affair going to happen?" asked Peter.
"Not too long. They're about finished. Then they inert everything as
usual and we'll all retreat to the inside wall and wonder."
"Why not all go home?"
"You can't win," said Ben solemnly. "We did all go home once."
"And the accident happened anyway?"
"Certainly. A thief broke in and it clipped him. Just don't forget that
this isn't a probability, it's certain. And the same mob-instinct that
makes people gather around an injured man will keep the entire gang
here, morbidly waiting to see who gets it in what way. There is that
element of wonder, too, you know. Every man in the place knows that
someone is going to get clipped with that crane. They're all cagey and
very careful. It will be an accident despite planning, and therefore the
unforeseen something will be out of the ordinary."
"Quite a problem, Peter," said Simpkins.
"I see it is."
"A lot of this veiling is sheer psychiatry. We've consulted the best
behavior specialists in the system. Keeping the fact secret is worse
than permitting free knowledge, according to them. But identifying the
victim is far worse than to have everybody in a slight tizzy."
"Why?"
"Well, when it happens, we have a victim that realizes that part of the
chance was his, and shock is not so great than it would be if no
warning took place in light of the management knowing all about it
beforehand. On the other hand, all the men who were not hurt get as
much uplift after it happens as their downswing of anticipation. On the
third hand—pardon the numbers, Peter—if the victim were positively
identified, the rest would be no better off, but the victim would be a
mental case from then on, and shock would set in prior to the
accident. Then we'd be likely to run up the casualty rate. Follow?"
"It seems like a hard row to hoe."
"Well, usually we keep people out of danger areas. We know where
they'll be, of course. It's these darned accidents that happen twice in
time."
"Twice in time?"
"Yes. The accident happens once invisibly, and once visibly. Once in
the future controlled by the present, and then as the future unfolds, it
is an accident happening in the present, controlled by the past. It's
blind time, and there is nothing we can do about it."
"That fatalistic attitude again."
"Well—"
Ben interrupted. "They're stopping now."
They turned to watch. The final box car was loaded and the engine
drew them away. The mislink crane returned for the final time and
was stowed on the platform. A hush fell over the crew, and the
windows in the back were filled with faces, watching.
The silence was intense. Peter realized that practically every man
was holding his breath, and yet it would be at least a half hour before
the mislink began to follow the crane, and some time after that before
the mislink caught up to the scene of the accident.
He let his breath out with a sigh, and mentioned the fact to Ben and
Simpkins. The foreman nodded and agreed, saying: "We know, but
there isn't one of us who won't try to hold his breath for the next two
hours."
"Impractical," muttered Peter Wright. "There must be a way."

The mislink was a husky section in its own right. The crane boom was
no weakling. Thin rods, jointed on toggles, floated about ten inches
from the main "I" beam, just as long as the temporal treated section
itself. It made an eerie sight, this monstrous slab of solid metal,
moving back and forth with determination and purpose, with no visible
means of support. To add to the alien sight, the telltale rods
maintained their ten-inch separation with a metallic rigidity, though no
connection was visible to the main girder.
On the loading deck were three painted circles. The inner one was a
four-inch stripe of brilliant red. The circle approximated the scene of
the accident. Outside of that by a considerable safety-factor was an
orange stripe, almost yellow. Another safety-factor distance away the
third stripe of green inclosed the area. As the mislink crossed the
green stripe, all eyes fastened on it. As it crossed the yellow-orange
stripe, the watchers tensed, and as the mislink crossed into the
danger section, there was a sudden, audible indrawing of breath,
which was held solid until the mislink passed across the red line on
the way out. The out-go of breath was definitely audible.
The tension mounted. A large clock, set up for the case, swept
around and around toward the estimated zero hour. The watchers no
longer looked into one another's eyes and when eyes met
inadvertently, they both fell with a sickly smile that lacked courage.
Why were they there? Peter asked of himself, and he knew. They
were there because of morbid curiosity. The thing that made people
watch three-hundred-foot dives into a large washtub of water; people
watching a tightrope walker somersault on the wire above Niagara:
watching the high trapeze artists performing with no net. That one of
them was certain to be called into the act, the element of chance and
the element of danger, always a gamble, made them stay. With
nothing to win, they stayed to watch, which is a basic characteristic of
human nature.
They were there because they were human!
And when the accident came, the laws of the lines would be broken,
though everything in every man's power would be done to maintain
the safety. For the mislink would stop, after the accident, just as the
crane had been stopped automatically by the contact with the telltale
rods in their temporal extension of the crane itself. The green line,
across which no one must pass save the authorities; the yellow line
across which only the medical corps may cross, and the red line
across which only two men may cross and then only to take the victim
to the medical set-up on the dock. Men would rush forward, crossing
the lines, and the victim would be carried away with a trailing number
of watchers. Then, someone would have to forget the victim to keep
the rest of the men from getting in the way of the mislink as it
resumed operations. But, of course, no one else had been hit, so this,
at least, would be successful, and the men were very confident that
no matter what they did, they would not be hit.
The minutes wore on interminably. Coffee came in great tanks, and
sandwiches in stacks. The men ate in gulps, swallowing great lumps
of unchewed food, and all courted indigestion. The strain was terrific
as the timing clock drew close to the minute.
Who—?

Then—came the zero minute.


There was an intake of breath as the clock chimed once, to mark the
beginning of the period of probability. No man moved a muscle, yet all
muscles were tense with expectancy. Nervously, Ben felt in his pocket
and took out a cigarette, stuck it into his mouth, and fumbled for a
match. "Match?" he grumbled.
Simpkins fumbled and shook his head.
"Nope," he said, and his voice was loud and raw.
Peter felt in his pocket and found a match.
He lit one and held it over. His eyes were solid on the scene, he did
not want to miss it.
"Look out!" someone cried in a strident voice.
The mislink was approaching the circles again.
Peter turned and faced the place squarely, casting an eye across the
men's faces. They were all set, and in every man's body were
muscles tensed against moving forward.
How, asked Peter of his mind, can they expect anything to happen
now? Every man is psychologically unable to move forward.
There came a stabbing pain, and Peter whirled with a wordless
scream. The shock was searing. Instantaneously, he whirled, hitting
his upflinging elbow against the wall. The obstruction in motion set
him off balance, and he automatically moved a foot to regain it. His
foot hit the foot of Ben, who was standing solidly, partly turned, his
face just changing from solid-set to one of surprise.
The solid foot tripped Peter, and he fell forward. He flung the still-
burning match from his fingers as he put both hands forward to break
his fall. The loading deck came up to meet him, and his forward-flung
hands went down toward—
The red line!
There was a coruscating flare of stars, bars, and screaming color in
his mind, that contracted to a pinpoint and then expanded to infinity,
leaving only peaceful blackness.
He returned to consciousness in the ambulance, but his return was
brief. He was conscious only long enough to hear:
"Some day we'll lick it," said Ben.
"Only when you lick the regular accident rate. The trouble is," mused
the medical attendant, "that people think there's something about
mislink accidents that is different. Like either predestiny or something
that makes you able to change the future. Fact of the matter is, it is
the past that they're trying to change. Funny, to think of this guy
getting it."
"Last one got it by a different set of factors," said Ben, "but you can't
stop an accident that's already happened."
Peter Wright, adjuster for the solar system's greatest insurance
company, Interplanetary Industrial Insurance, went under. His mind
was whirling with a mixed desire to argue about temporal accidents,
and the certain knowledge that he was in no position to mention the
avoidance of same.
THE END.
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