63

Filipe Castro and often vague for the first 150 years of the
Age of Exploration. Researchers know caravels
sailed southwards along the western coast of
In Search of Unique Iberian Africa from the first quarter of the 15th century,
Ship Design Concepts and yet no treatise on shipbuilding exists until
the 1570s (Domingues 2005:13). Ethnographic
Abstract data are scarce and relate largely to a different
type of working craft, smaller, built by eye in
Defining 15th- and 16th-century Iberian shipbuilding traditions coastal settlements for their population’s every-
related to European expansion overseas is a difficult task.
day work, as opposed to the ocean-going vessels
Scarce documentary evidence and the systematic destruction
of Spanish and Portuguese shipwrecks by those with a purely produced during the state-driven shipbuilding
monetary agenda make the task even more complex. In spite revolution of the 15th and 16th centuries under
of these obstacles, data suggests that a distinctive shipbuilding analysis. The combined textual and ethnographic
tradition existed on the Iberian Peninsula. Through careful evidence suggests, nevertheless, that Iberian ship
mining of the documentary and archaeological evidence, the
design and construction was strongly influenced
concepts behind Iberian ship design can be articulated as well
as compared and contrasted to other European shipbuilding by imported Italian shipwrights, following a
traditions. conceptual model that is believed to originate
in Mediterranean galley construction, although
Introduction archaeological proof of this is inconclusive.
Arab influence may also have been important,
The study of nautical archaeology is only a although it is even more difficult to prove
half-century old. Although a sizeable overall because there is an almost complete lack of
sample of shipwrecks has been studied around evidence.
the world, there is no one type with a sample Spanish scholars led the first scientific studies
large enough to approximate the principle of in Iberian naval archaeology in the late-19th
redundancy practiced in terrestrial archaeology. century, during the decade that preceded the
From an history of technology perspective, syn- 400th anniversary of the Columbus voyages
thesis of broad interpretive schemes and concep- in1892. This Spanish interest in the “ships of
tual modalities is not possible from shipwreck discovery” triggered research and studies in
data alone. Furthermore, ships are like finger- Portugal. In the century that followed, scholars
prints: they share conceptual characteristics, but from both countries produced a series of thor-
each differs slightly, producing a unique con- ough studies that entailed a meticulous combing
struction set with distinctive sailing and handling of the archives, in both countries and abroad
qualities. There is only one Kyrenia and there (Domingues 2000:13–56). These works are
is only one HMS Victory, but if either of these historical in nature since the scientific study of
ships were compared to a number of contem- shipwrecks had not yet begun. Moreover, human
porary examples, the shared conceptual designs carelessness and Mother Nature had already
and features of their individual cultures would reduced the reservoir of documentary evidence
be obvious. It is important to first examine the through fires, natural decay, earthquakes, and
wider context of the European history of ship- tidal waves. Yet, 19th-century scholars diligently
building and its influence on Iberian shipbuild- studied and analyzed what remained, including
ing. To do this, historical documents regarding the existing iconography. Although a systematic
the economical, political, and social contexts in analysis of the surviving iconography still awaits
which ship designs were conceived, built, and comprehensive study, the majority of the exist-
operated must be consulted, along with icono- ing iconography from the 15th and 16th centu-
graphic and ethnographic materials. This is an ries is published (Barata 1989:15–102; Casado
arduous task since documentary evidence, both Soto 2001:131–161). Now, little more than a
textual and iconographic, is dispersed, scarce, century since the first scholarly studies of the

Historical Archaeology, 2008, 42(2):63–87.

Permission to reprint required.
Accepted for publication 1 December 2006.
64 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

Iberian ship designs were published, it is fair of a reality that is unknown. The study of the
to state that further understanding of Iberian ideas and the people behind the revolution in
shipbuilding of the period under analysis rests ship design, which made possible the discovery
almost exclusively on the study of ship archaeo- of new continents and the exploration of new
logical remains (Alves 2001). seas, islands, and continents, is important and
Given the rate of systematic destruction of exciting. Such study will certainly make a rel-
Spanish and Portuguese shipwrecks for economic evant contribution to the history of science and
gain, without giving thought to the knowledge technology. Articles about ship design can and
carried within the remnant ship structure, the sometimes do make captivating reading. One
odds are not in favor of nautical archaeology. can only hope that when more scholars pro-
Historical archaeologists need to evaluate and duce exciting papers, acknowledging the people
organize the information available and use future behind the artifacts, the value of shipwreck
finds to compare, contrast, and fill in the gaps remains will exceed the economic gain associ-
in knowledge about these amazing artifacts, ated with salvage in the minds of journalists,
perhaps the most expensive and sophisticated politicians, antique dealers, and the public.
ships that were built in their time. This paper
looks at what is known, archaeologically and Research Questions and Parameters
through historical documentation, and sets the
groundwork for comparison in the hopes that To fully address ship design concepts, it is
the study of Iberian ship design will reach the relevant to ask a series of questions. Is there a
enviable status of redundancy in the future. set of unique artifactual components or charac-
Beginning with archaeologically recovered teristics that can be identified in the archaeologi-
data, all Iberian shipwrecks that have been cal remains of a ship, marking it as Iberian?
found and of which some information has How different is Iberian shipbuilding from other
been somehow published are listed in tables 1 contemporary shipbuilding traditions? Was there
through 5. Table 6 shows the hull remains that an Iberian shipbuilding tradition during the Age
have been found bearing characteristics that are of Exploration (15th–17th centuries) or is this
commonly associated with Iberian construction just a cultural myth?
but that are known or at least suspected to have All of these questions must be couched in
been built elsewhere. Although detailed record- the parameters of the time. First, there were no
ing and technical descriptions of each ship’s international standards for shipbuilding and there
construction characteristics admittedly do not were no national standards until the beginning
make very exciting reading, this information is of the 17th century. Second, shipbuilding was an
of paramount importance for future comparative art based on oral tradition and learned through
studies. Despite the fact that these ships made apprenticeship (Dell’Amico 2002:21–25). Third,
possible European exploration and expansion since there were only vague unit standards and
overseas during the 15th and 16th centuries and the concept of precision was much different, it
were arguably the equivalent to today’s space is difficult to look for standard measurements
shuttles, scholarly monographs often reduce or precise proportional relations among ships’
ships to dry and uninspiring sets of tables and parts.
numbers, geometrical algorithms, and timber Not even the advent of the printing press
assemblage arrangements. transformed shipbuilding from tradition to
Ships resulted from a number of factors, replicable science until much later. Although
many of which were contingent upon the ever- the earliest treatises often aimed at codifying
changing social, economic, and political land- cultural concepts, these were not printed and
scape. The most important thing about ships is did not circulate outside very small and gener-
undoubtedly the people that ordered, thought ally national circles of interested people. Most
about, planned, and executed their construc- shipbuilding treatises remained in manuscript
tion. Their final shape, size, and performance forms, although a Spanish merchant authored
depended on the availability of materials, tools, the first printed naval architectural treatise and
knowledge, and personal skills, which may have lawyer named Diego García de Palacio and was
been combined with fashions and perceptions printed in Mexico in 1587.
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 65

Table 1
New World Routes: Sixteenth Century Shipwrecks

Shipwreck Date Location Timber remains Data1

Molasses Reef Shipwreck Early-16th century Bahamas Small portion Salvaged/Excavated (1)

Highborn Cay Shipwreck Early-16th century Bahamas Part of the bottom Salvaged/Excavated (1)

Bahia Mujeres Shipwreck Early-16th century Mexico None Surveyed (1)

Playa Damas Shipwreck Early-16th century Panama Part of the bottom Surveyed/Salvaged (2)

San Esteban 1554 Texas Stern heel Salvaged/Excavated (1)

Espiritu Santo 1554 Texas Unknown Salvaged (1)

Santa Maria de Yciar 1554 Texas Unknown Destroyed by dredges (1)

La Condesa 1555 Portugal Unknown Looted? (3)

Emanuel Point Shipwreck 1559 Florida Extensive Partially excavated (1)

Saint John’s Bahamas Shipwreck Mid-16th century Bahamas Part of upper works Excavated (1)

Mystery Wreck of MAREX Mid-16th century Bahamas Unknown Salvaged (1)

Caio Nuevo Shipwreck Mid-16th century Mexico None Surveyed (1)

Francisco Padre Mid-16th century? Cuba Unknown Salvaged? (4)

Galera Mid-16th century? Cuba Unknown Surveyed (5)

San Juan 1565 Canada Extensive Excavated (1)

San Pedro 1596 Bermuda Unknown Salvaged (1)

Western Ledge Reef Shipwreck Late-16th century Bermuda Extensive Excavated (1)

Spanish Wreck Late-16th century Bermuda Yes Salvaged (1)

Ines de Soto Shipwreck Late-16th century Cuba None Excavated (1)

San Cayetano Late-16th century? Cuba Unknown Excavated (5)

Basque galleon 1 16th century Canada Yes Surveyed (6)

Basque galleon 2 16th century Canada Yes Surveyed (6)

Basque galleon 3 16th century Canada Yes Surveyed (6)

Saona Site 1 16th century Dominican Republic Unknown Salvaged/Surveyed (7)

Saona Site 2 16th century Dominican Republic Unknown Salvaged/Surveyed (7)

Saona Site 3 16th century Dominican Republic Unknown Salvaged/Surveyed (7)

West Turtle Shoal 16th century? Florida Part of the stern Salvaged/Surveyed (8)

Angra B 16th century Azores Part of the bottom Surveyed (1)

Angra D 16th century? Azores Extensive Excavated (1)

1
Data sources: (1) Castro 2005b:193–202; (2) Castro 2005c; (3) Toja 1990; (4) Alejandro Mirabal <http://arq.de/downloads/curriculos/
eng_alejandro_mirabal.pdf> on 20. Oct. 2005; (5) López Pérez and Díaz Pelegrín 2005; (6) Robert Grenier 2003, pers. comm. ; (7)
Turner 1994; (8) Roger Smith 2005, pers. comm.
66 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

Table 2
New World Routes: Seventeenth-Century Shipwrecks

Shipwreck Date Location Timber remains Data1

Fuxa Shipwreck Early-17th century Cuba Extensive Excavated (1)

Green Cabin Shipwreck (San Martin) 1618 Florida Part of the bottom Surveyed (1)

San Antonio 1621 Bermuda Unknown Salvaged (1)

Nuestra Señora de Atocha 1622 Florida Part of the bottom Salvaged/Partially

recorded (1)

Shot Wreck 1622 Florida Unknown Salvaged (1)

Santa Margarita 1622 Florida Part of upper works Salvaged/Partially

recorded (1)

Dry Tortugas Shipwreck 1622 Florida Extensive Salvaged (1)

Nuestra Señora del Rosario 1622 Florida None Surveyed (1)

Urca La Viga 1639 Bermuda Salvaged (1)

Nuestra Señora de la Concepción 1641 Dominican Republic Unknown Salvaged (1)

Stonewall Shipwreck Mid-17th century Bermuda Part of the bottom Salvaged/Surveyed (1)

Nuestra Señora de las Maravillas 1656 Bahamas Unknown Salvaged (1)

Jesús M.ª de la Limpia Concepción 1654 Ecuador Unknown Salvaged (1)

Santíssimo Sacramento B 1668 Brazil Extensive Excavated (1)

San Francisco Wreck 1650–1660 Cape Verde Unknown Salvaged (9)

Los Lingotes Late-17th century? Cuba Unknown Surveyed (5)

1
Data sources: (1) Castro 2005b:193–202; (5) López Pérez and Díaz Pelegrín 2005; (9) From <http://www.arq.de/english/sanfrancisco.
htm> accessed 20 Oct. 2005.

Table 3
Manila Galleons: Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Shipwrecks

Shipwreck Date Location Timber remains Data1

San Felipe 1575 Baja California None Surveyed (10)

San Diego 1600 Philippines Extensive Salvaged/Partially recorded (1)

Nuestra Señora de la Concepción 1638 Guam Unknown Salvaged (1)

Santa Margarita 17th century? Guam Unknown Salvaged (1)

Nuestra Señora del Pilar 1690 Guam Unknown Salvaged? (11)

1
Data Sources: (1) Castro 2005b:193–202; (10) Edward van der Porten 2003, pers. comm.; (11) From <http://www.maritimeinvestment.
com.au/pilar.html> accessed 20 Oct. 2005.
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 67

Table 4
Europe: Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Shipwrecks

Shipwreck Date Location Timber remains Data1

Corpo Santo Late-14th century Portugal Stern heel Excavated (1)

Ria de Aveiro A Mid-15th century Portugal Part of the stern Excavated (1)

Cais do Sodré Late-15th century? Portugal Extensive Excavated (1)

Studland Bay Early-16th century England Unknown Excavated (1)

Baleal 1 16th century Portugal Unknown Looted (12)

Arade 1 Late-16th century Portugal Extensive Excavated (13)

Santa Maria de la Rosa 1588 Ireland Part of the bottom Excavated (1)

Capitana de Ivella 1596 Spain None Surveyed (1)

Ponta do Altar B Early-17th century Portugal None Surveyed (1)

1
Data sources: (1) Castro 2005b:193–202; (12) Castro 2004; (13) Castro 2005a.

Shipbuilding treatises began appearing in the of marine art can be traced to the Netherlands
Iberian Peninsula in the final quarter of the 16th where Dutch artists began capturing ships of
century but were not written by shipwrights the merchant class on canvas. In keeping with
and do not seem to have been written for other contemporary genres of Dutch art, marine
shipwrights. They seem, rather, to be a conse- art was extremely accurate, often the work
quence of a Renaissance taste for collecting and of painters who had gone to sea during their
organizing knowledge, and eventually using it in careers (Taylor 2004). This art form followed
enlightened discussions of learned men. Neither the rise of the merchant class throughout Europe
the Spanish nor the Portuguese texts contradict and England. In the late-16th century, the work
the idea of a typical, unique Iberian oceangoing of Hendrick Cornelisz. Vroom (ca. 1566–1640)
merchantman type, but these texts are far from gained some admiration in Spain but did not
codifying such ships. The texts seem to aim seem to have established a school of maritime
at a standard vessel for the Portuguese India painting. A few of his paintings seem to have
route, the nau with a capacity of 500 to 600 been purchased in Portugal during his stay (on
tons and echo a known state trend to standard- the way to Holland, from Italy, after a ship-
ize and organize its affairs. It is relevant that wreck), but there is no serious marine art in
in some ways the standardization of shipbuilding Portugal until much later (Russell 1983:3).
in written treatises worked against the concept European shipbuilding raced to keep up with
of unique, cultural shipbuilding designs and the changing geopolitical landscape of the 16th
accelerated the concept of a universal design, century. It was a dynamic time, and ship types
undistinguishable by cultural characteristics. If and ship construction changed rapidly along with
there was a unique Iberian shipbuilding concept, all other facets of European cultures. Fernando
the later years of the Age of Exploration mark Oliveira, a Portuguese priest who wrote some
the beginning of its terminus. of the best ship treatises of his time, noted that
Iconographically, ships were loosely cap- “less than forty years ago the names zabra and
tured, prior to the rise of the Dutch middle lancha were not known on this land [Portugal]
class, in architectural motifs and the rare model. and now they are common.” After explaining
Although ships were ubiquitous, it was not until further how some boat names were recently
the rise of the merchant class that portraits of introduced and others completely forgotten, he
ships were commissioned regularly. The genre continued: “The boats from Santarém [a village
68 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

Table 5
Portuguese India Route: Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Shipwrecks

Shipwreck Date Location Timber remains Data1

Portuguese Shipwreck Early-16th century Mayotte Unknown Looted (14)

Portuguese Shipwreck Early-16th century Madagascar None Surveyed (24)

S. João 1552 South Africa Unknown Surveyed (1)

S. Bento 1554 South Africa Unknown Surveyed (1)

Fort San Sebastian Shipwreck Mid-16th century? Mozambique Extensive Salvaged (15)

Santiago 1585 Bassas da India Atoll Unknown Salvaged (1)

Sto. António 1589 Seychelles Small portion Looted/Surveyed (1)

Sto. Alberto 1593 South Africa Unknown Surveyed (1)

Cochin Shipwreck Late-16th century India Unknown Looted? (14)

Wan-Li Shipwreck Early-17th century Malaysia Unknown Salvaged (15)

Nossa Senhora dos Mártires 1606 Portugal Small portion of the bottom Looted/Excavated (1)

Espiritu Santo 1608 South Africa Unknown Surveyed (1)

Madre de Deus 1610 Japan Unknown Destroyed by dredge

works (16)

Nossa Senhora da Luz 1619 Azores None Surveyed (1)

S. João Baptista 1622 South Africa Unknown Surveyed (1)

Sao Joseph 1622 Mozambique Unknown Salvaged? (17)

S. Gonçalo 1630 South Africa Unknown Survivor’s camp

excavated (1)

Santa Maria Madre de Deus 1643 South Africa Unknown Surveyed (1)

Santíssimo Sacramento 1647 South Africa None Salvaged (1)

N.ª S.ª da Atalaia do Pinheiro 1647 South Africa Unknown Survivor’s camp
excavated (1)

Sunchi Shipwreck Mid-17th century India None Excavated (17)

Sto. António de Tana 1697 South Africa Extensive Excavated (18)

1
Data sources: (1) Castro 2005b:193–202; (14) Patrick Lizé 2006, pers. comm.; (15) From <http://www.mingwrecks.com/
wanli.html> accessed 20 Oct. 2005; (16) Reis 2002:81; (17) Tripati et al. 2006; (18) Piercy 1977, 1978, 1979, 1981; (24)
A. Rosenfeld 2006, pers. comm.

located on the margins of the Tagus River, 70 Maritime World of the Iberian Peninsula
km upstream from Lisbon] raise now their heads
further, and change their names from cervilhas Units of Measure
to muletas; and this is from four days ago to
the present; imagine the change that will occur Beginning with the most basic pieces of
in one hundred, or two hundred years from information for comparison, it is immediately
now” (Oliveira 1580:76). apparent that even the units of measure were
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 69

Table 6
Europe: Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Iberian-Like Shipwrecks

Shipwreck Date Location Timber remains Data1

Cattewater Early-16th century England Extensive Excavated (19)

Lomelina 1512 France Extensive Excavated (20)

Rye A 16th Century England Part of a mast step Surveyed (21)

B&W 7 Late-16th century Denmark Part of the bottom Excavated (23)

Calvi Late-16th century France Extensive Excavated (22)

Saint Honorat I 17th century France Unknown Surveyed (1)

1
Data sources: (1) Castro 2005b:193–202; (19) Redknap 1984; (20) Guérout et al. 1989; (21) Lovegrove 1964; (22) Villié 1989,
1990, 1991; (23) Lemée 2006.

not consistent throughout the Iberian Peninsula. Basque country (codo cantábrico). This Basque
Spanish shipwrights used one of two codos (or codo was eventually adopted for the whole
cubits), measuring approximately 55.7 cm in country after 1590 (Casado Soto 1988:102–104).
Andalusia (codo castellano) and 57.5 cm in the Portuguese counterparts used the rumo, thought
to be Genoese in origin and equivalent to 154
cm, the height of a Portuguese tonel. These
values were broken down into palmos and dedos
Table 7
(Table 7). The Portuguese tonel was also a unit
Spanish and Portuguese Shipbuilding of volume, measuring 1.275m3. A Spanish tonel
Units in the Sixteenth Century was 20% larger measuring 1.521 m3. One Span-
ish tonel equaled 8 cubic codos cantábricos .
Unit Metric System Equivalent Country Considering that both units of volume were
used, the Iberian tonelada of burden ranged
Codo castellano 55.7 cm Spain between 1.7 and 2.2 modern metric tons of
Codo cantábrico 57.5 cm Spain displacement (Castro 2005b:189–192).
Vara castellana 83.6 cm Spain
Ship sizes
Palmo 20.9 cm Spain

Dedo 1.74 cm Spain

Early in the 17th century the Habsburg kings,
who ruled both the crowns of Spain and Portu-
Tonelada de carga 1.382 m3 Spain gal between 1580 and 1640, issued legislation to
Tonel macho 1.521 m3 Spain standardize the construction of oceangoing ships
(Serrano Mangas 1985; Vicente Maroto 1998).
Rumo 154 cm Portugal It is not clear how effectively these rules were
Goa 77 cm Portugal enforced, but it is a fact that commissions of
experts from both Spain and Portugal seriously
Palmo de goa 25.667 cm Portugal
discussed the size and shape of Iberian ships
Vara 220 cm Portugal and that there was a convergence on ship design
and construction throughout Europe during this
Palmo de vara 22 cm Portugal
century (Barcelos 1899). Following the devel-
Dedo 1.83 cm Portugal opment of the firearm, which helped centralize
Tonel 1.275 m3 Portugal power, Gutenberg’s invention of the printing
press in the 15th century slowly transformed
Sources: Casado Soto 1988; Castro 2005. all of Europe. By 1570 the appearance of a
70 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

number of texts and treatises on shipbuilding Small Coasting Craft Designs

documented the variety of typical oceangoing vs. Oceangoing Ship Designs
vessel for each major route (Table 8). Again,
these texts suggest that there were several Small Craft
common traits to Spanish and Portuguese (Ibe-
rian) oceangoing ships. Throughout history, shipbuilders conceived,
The descriptions of naos, caravels, and galle- designed, and constructed vessels for diverse
ons are similar for both geopolitical sovereign- purposes, using available resources, traditional
ties. Sizes vary within each type but cluster knowledge, and cultural exchange. Under the
around several functional standard sizes, which broad aegis of maritime trade and warfare, ves-
are in turn closely aligned to a particular route sels of many different sizes and shapes were
or function within the fleets. built for many different purposes. Not all ves-

Table 8
Spanish and Portuguese Texts on Shipbuilding
in the Late-Sixteenth and Early-Seventeenth Centuries

Date Author and Title Bibliography

ca. 1570 Fernando Oliveira, Ars nautica Ms. Voss. LAT. F. 41, Leiden University Library, Leiden,
Netherlands.
Unpublished.

1575
Juan Escalante de Mendoza, Codice in Sec. Ms., Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Spain.
Ytinerario de navegación de los mares Reproduced in facsimile in a CD Rom edition by the Fundación
y tierras occidentales Histórica Tavera. Published in Cesáreo Fernández Duro,
Disquisiciones nauticas (1880), 5 Vols., by Instituto de Historia y
Cultura Naval, Madrid, Spain,1996, vol. 5, pp. 413–515.

ca. Anonymous, Livro náutico e o memorial Ms. F.464; F. 889; F. 7241, Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, Portugal.
1575–1625 das várias coisas importantes Published in Francisco Contente Domingues, Os navios do mar
oceano by Centro de História dos Descobrimentos, Lisbon,
Portugal, 2005.

ca. 1580 Fernando Oliveira, Livro da fabrica das naus Ms. 3702, Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, Portugal.
Published as O Livro da fabrica das naos. Facsimile, transcription,
and English translation by Academia de Marinha, Lisbon, Portugal,
1991.
O Liuro da fabrica das naos. Facsimile, transcription and
translations into English and Chinese, Macau by Museu Marítimo
de Macau, 1995.

1587
Diego García de Palacio, Instrucción Palacio, Diego García de, Instrucción nauthica para el buen uso y
nauthica para el buen uso y regimiento de regimiento de las naos, su traza y govierno, Pedro de Ocharte,
las naos, su traza y govierno, Mexico,1587.
Reproduced in facsimile in a CD Rom edition by the Fundación
Histórica Tavera.
Partially reproduced in Cesário Fernandez Duro, Disquisiciones
nauticas (1880), 5 vols., by Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval,
Madrid, Spain, 1996, vol. 5, pp. 5–36.
Available in English translation by J. Bankston, Terrence
Association, Bisbee, AZ, 1988.

1607 Ordenanzas Ms. ?

Reproduced in Martín Fernandez de Navarrete, Colecçión de
documentos y manuscriptos compilados por Fernandez de
Navarrete by Kraus Thomson Organization Ldt., Nendeld,
Liechtenstein, 1971, vol. 23, pp. 575–592.
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 71

Table 8 Continued
Spanish and Portuguese Texts on Shipbuilding
in the Late-Sixteenth and Early-Seventeenth Centuries

Date Author and Title Bibliography

1607 Ordenanzas Ms. ?

Reproduced in Martín Fernandez de Navarrete, Colecçión de
documentos y manuscriptos compilados por Fernandez de
Navarrete by Kraus Thomson Organization Ldt., Nendeld,
Liechtenstein, 1971, vol. 23, pp. 575–592.

ca. João Baptista Lavanha, Livro primeiro de Cod. 63; Fls. 41-78, Col. Salazar, Library of the Real Academia de
1608–1610 arquitectura naval Historia, Madrid, Spain.
Published as Livro Primeiro de Architectura Naval, Facsimile,
transcription and English translation by the Academia de Marinha,
Lisboa, Portugal, 1996.

1611Tomé Cano Arte para fabricar, fortificar y Tomé Cano, Arte para fabricar, fortificar y aparejar naos de guerra
aparejar naos de guerra merchante merchante. Luis Estupiñan, Seville, Spain, 1611.
Reproduced in Cesário Fernandez Duro, Disquisiciones nauticas,
5 Vols., (1880), by the Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval,
Madrid, Spain, 1996, vol. 5, pp. 36–97.

1613 Ordenanzas Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Indiferente, 2595.

Reproduced in Fernando Serrano Mangas, Función y evolución del
galeón en la carrera de Indias, Madrid, Spain, 1992, pp. 211–239.

1616
Manoel Fernandez, Livro de traças Cod. Manoel Fernandez, Biblioteca do Palácio Nacional da Ajuda,
de carpintaria Lisbon, Portugal.
Published as Manoel Fernandez, Livro de traças de carpintaria,
1616. Facsimile by the Academia de Marinha, Lisboa, Portugal,
1989; Transcription and translation into English by the Academia
de Marinha, Lisboa, 1995.

ca. 1630
Gonçalo de Sousa, Coriosidades de Gonçalo Ms. 3074, Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra, Coimbra,
de Sousa Portugal.
Published as Francisco Contente Domingues, Os navios do mar
oceano. Centro de História dos Descobrimentos, Lisbon, Portugal,
2005.

1618 Ordenanzas Recopilación de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias (1680), 3 vols.
Edited in 1943 by Gráficas Ultra, Madrid, Spain.
Reproduced in José Luis Rubio Serrano, Arquitectura de las Naos y
Galeones de las Flotas de Indias, 2 Vols. Ediciones Seyer, Malaga,
Spain, 1991.

1631–1632
Pedro Lopez de Soto (?), Diálogo entre Ms. 2593, Library of the University of Salamanca, Salamanca,
un vizcaíno y un montañés Spain.
Published as Maria Isabel Vicente Maroto, Diálogo entre un
Vizcayno y un Montañéz sobre la Fábrica de Navíos, Ediciones
Universidad de Salamanca, Spain, 1998.

1640–1641 Marcos Cerveira de Aguilar, Advertências Cod. 13390, Biblioteca Nacional, Lisboa, Portugal.
de navegantes Unpublished.

sels were large or partook in transoceanic trade. hinterlands; plying coastal trade; facilitating fish-
Many performed smaller, humbler activities such ing, piloting, and messenger service.
as transporting people and animals; participating Designs of small craft were as diverse as
in general riverine traffic between the coast and the people who created them. Although the
72 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

Iberian Peninsula is not exceptionally large contrast, the workhorses of the Baltic and North
geographically, a minimum four different distinc- Atlantic trade were square-rigged, clinker-built
tive coastal regions can be identified: the Bay vessels, sometimes referred to as keels, probably
of Biscay westwards to Galicia; the Atlantic descending directly from the 11th-century short
coast of Portugal; the Algarve and Andalusian sea traders. A well-preserved archaeological
coast (the old Western Arab coast); and, beyond example of these is the Skuldelev 1 boat, car-
Gibraltar, the Mediterranean coast, encompassing rying approximately 25 tons (Crumlin-Pedersen
Catalonia and its formidable seafaring tradition. and Olsen 2002:125).
Visitors and invaders that established colonies From the 11th century onwards, as cities
and factories along the Iberian coastlines influ- grew and the trade between them intensified,
enced each one of these indigenous populations. clinker-built boats like the Skuldelev 1 grew
Phoenicians, Greeks, Carthaginians, Romans, in size and became the hulks depicted on town
Goths, and Arabs each left their marks in the seals and in historical sources (Crumlin-Peder-
architecture, language, agriculture, religious sen 1991:76–79). Hulks were partially replaced,
beliefs, and many other cultural and techno- in the early-15th century, by another type of
logical traits, including shipbuilding traditions. trading craft: the cog (Adams 2003:51–58).
It is not surprising that Iberian craft have a Cogs emerged sometime during the early-12th
particular look, reflecting many outside cultural century and differed from hulks in that they
influences. were constructed from sawn planks, with a
In the 19th century, Admiral Quirino da Fon- flat, flush-laid bottom and central rudder. Only
seca (1915) listed 167 different types of ships the upper sides of the cog were lapstrake.
and boats mentioned in historical documents Also rigged with square sails, cogs may have
for Portugal alone—a sizeable variety of vessel influenced the development of a new type of
types for a relative small geographic area. vessel in the Mediterranean, commonly referred
Modern research and ethnographical work con- to as cocca (cocche, pl.). This design may
firm this diversity of solutions. Some boat types be the direct ancestor of the Italian carracks,
still exist, and their antecedents are traceable. the Spanish naos, and the Portuguese naus.
For example, Galicia’s dornas are lapstrakes, Cocche had many characteristics of Mediter-
built with a clear northern influence (Romero ranean design, including integrated castles
1991:107), while the bottom-based barcos and flush-laid planks nailed to a pre-existing
rabelos from the Douro River in the north of frame structure, but unlike other Mediterranean
Portugal were built with flush-laid bottoms and designs, cocche mounted a square sail like their
lapstrake sides like the medieval cogs (Filgueiras northern relatives.
1992). To the south, the saveiros from the city Around this time, at the beginning of the
of Aveiro are evolved plank canoes, and they 14th century, the most common Mediterranean
look very similar to a Middle Eastern model design was the nave, a two-masted round ship.
from the third millennium B.C. at Ur (Filgueiras This type was used continually from at least
1980:11). On the other hand, the Mediterranean the 11th to the 20th centuries, when Portugal
influence is clear along most of the southern had small, two-masted lateeners, named caíques,
part of the Portuguese coast. Algarve’s caíques engaged in short sea trade along the country’s
are a good example of the Mediterranean lateen- coast (Iria 1963). A good example of this design
ers (Iria 1963). dating to the 11th century is Serçe Limani, a
shipwrecked vessel excavated off the coast of
Emergence of Three-Masted Ships Turkey (Matthews 2005:185). During the 14th
century, these ships appear with a square sail
It is generally accepted that northern Europe on the foremast. As early as 1336 or 1338,
and the Mediterranean were two different navi appear in the iconography with a square
worlds, with different trading networks, orga- sail on the foremast, and soon after, images of
nizations, and ship designs. Late-medieval cocche appear with the same rigging (Bellabarba
maritime trade was carried in both galleys and 1999:85). There must have been some practical
round ships, which were frame-based, lateen- advantages to this rigging configuration, because
rigged, carrying one, two, or three masts. In its use expanded during the century and even-
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 73

tually evolved into a full-rigged ship with the

addition of a third mast before the foremast. A
1409 document from Barcelona is the first to
illustrate a cocca with a third mast mounted on
the forecastle, rigged with a square sail (Mott
1997:146).
Three-masted vessels obviously fulfilled a
need, since they were adopted very quickly
both in the Mediterranean and along the north-
European coasts. The English ship Grace Dieu,
lapstrake-built in 1418, may have mounted three
masts (Friel 1993:7).
Most European nations, including Portugal and
Spain, adopted the three-masted ship, built on a
framed-first design, during the 15th century. The
extension of the frame-based shipbuilding model
in northern Europe is relatively well documented
in the archaeological record (Adams 2003).
In Portugal and Spain the advent of the three-
masted ship is not as well understood. Historical
documents clearly indicate that the strategically FIGURE 1. Portuguese nau from Livro de Lisuarte de Abreu,
located Iberian Peninsula was the nexus of two a mid-16th-century manuscript. (Abreu 1558.)
worlds, but how this played out in ship design
is not clear. Oliveira wrote in his 1580 treatise
on shipbuilding, Livro da fabrica das naus, that economics, including shipbuilding. Fifteenth-
the vessels in which the Portuguese sailed down century ships were a product of the state’s
the coasts of Africa were not much different will, not the private sector. At this time, states
from the trincados (literally lapstrakes) of Gali- had the political capacity to enforce rules and
cia (Oliveira 1580:76; Barker 1992:435). These the economic capacity to plan and launch
barchas, as they were called, are unknown today war at a scale unmatched during the previous
and may have been full clinkers such as the Middle Ages (Mendes 1993).
keels, bottom-based vessels such as the cogs, During the late-16th century, the Iberian
or some design in-between. Peninsula was a cosmopolitan region harboring
the bureaucracies that ruled over two exten-
Oceangoing Ships sive empires, and it attracted foreign scholars,
merchants, and intellectuals to its major cities.
Regarding the design of larger oceangoing Based on naval power, both the Spanish and the
ships, the landscape was considerably differ- Portuguese empires required a steady stream of
ent (Figure 1). Oceangoing ships were con- larger and better ships, and those built in the
ceived, designed, and built during the period Basque country and in Portugal were consid-
after firearms helped consolidate state power ered among the best in the world (Escalante
and the geopolitical boundaries of the modern de Mendoza 1575:450). This boom lasted for
state. The monarchs that ordered these ships more than 100 years until the 17th century,
may have entertained a loose sense of their when the Basque economy based on the whal-
country’s geographical boundaries, perceiving ing industry of the North Atlantic collapsed.
a rather fluid sense of nation, but they quickly Basque shipbuilding suffered as well, both in
developed strict control of the monopolies of the design quality and construction (Serrano
taxation and justice within the perhaps still- Mangas 1985:11–46).
medieval whole. Sudden access to distant Historical information for this period, both
resources generated by the changing geopo- documents and iconography, reveals that all
litical context triggered a number of shifts in Iberian oceangoing ships were conceived in a
public policy, technological advancement, and similar way, regardless of region, city, or shipyard.
74 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

Following the Mediterranean shipbuilding merchants bought vessels in the north, from
tradition, ships were built empirically, based Galician, Basque, or British origins (Albuquer-
on proportion and scale, and did not require que 1994:484). Cross-cultural influence undoubt-
plans or drawings (Rieth 1996:39–50). Built in edly took place. Several Portuguese and Spanish
a carvel style with flush-laid planks fastened to shipwrecks from this period have mast steps
the frames, Iberian oceangoing ships followed that show a northern influence when compared
a construction tradition thought to date back to with the Mediterranean ones of similar vessels
the time of oared vessels in the Mediterranean. (Rieth 1998:181). Rectangular dovetail joints
Even the earliest of the carvel hulls used a between floor timbers and first futtocks have
number of frames with predesigned curvatures. also been recorded. These differ from the tradi-
These frames were mounted over the keel prior tional Mediterranean hooked scarves, also found
to planking and thus defining the shape of the on shipwrecks, including the early-14th-century
hull (Figure 2). Culip VI, the 16th-century Ottoman shipwreck
of Yassı Ada, and the late-17th-century ship-
Cultural Influences wreck Sardinaux (Rieth 1998:184).

Baltic Influence Italian Influence

Portugal and Spain traded with the Baltic It is curious that in England, as in Venice,
starting in the 14th century, exchanging cere- predesigned frames were placed at regular inter-
als, metals, and textiles for salt, cork, olive oil, vals along the entire axis of the hull, while in
wine, and wool. Permanent commercial relations Portugal and Spain the predesigned frames were
between Lisbon and Danzig were established clustered in the central portion of the ship’s
in 1430, and there is evidence that Portuguese hull (Adams 2003:124; Bondioli 2003:223–224).

FIGURE 2. Some of Iberian ships’ main traits: a number of predesigned and preassembled central frames; floors and
futtocks assembled with dovetail scarves; curved timbers connecting the keel and the posts; rising and narrowing of
ship’s bottom obtained by the whole molding system. (Drawing by author, 2006.)
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 75

Ribbands stretched around the erected frames commercial enterprise in the northern Atlantic.
from stem to stern defined the remaining shape Already trading with Muslim Seville, the Geno-
of the hull. The stern frames and bow frames ese established a permanent presence in the
were shaped to conform to the curvature defined city soon after it capitulated to Alfonso X in
by the ribbands (Sarsfield 1991). From the top 1248. By the second half of the 15th century,
of the first futtocks upwards, next to nothing the Genoese community in Seville had grown
is known about the construction sequence and quite large (Pike 1966).
the shipwrights’ methods of controlling the hull The relations among and influence by the
shape. Documentary sources are vague, and the Genoese and Portuguese sailors and shipwrights
archaeological evidence is scarce. are fairly well documented and reflected in the
Considering the Platonic view of the world shift of units of measure. By the 16th century,
that held sway at the time, it has been hypoth- Portuguese shipwrights used the goa (77 cm)
esized that ships would have been conceived and the palmo de goa (25.67 cm) for ship-
from a number of basic measurements that were building. Both of these units of measure have
all proportionally related, such as keel length, a perfect parallel in Genoese units of measure
maximum beam, hold depth, and overall length (Ciciliot 1998:27; Barker 2001:214).
(Barata 1989:212–223). Yet, even with a shared Italian influence on Spanish and Portuguese
worldview, the construction methodologies and courts was continuous from the 13th to the
units of measurement were loose enough to 15th centuries. Evidence for this tight relation-
ensure inevitable variation. ship is seen in recorded relations of private
Contemporary documents and archaeologi- individuals, the documented voyages to the
cal remains indicate that there was variation Canaries of Lanzaroto Malocello, Niccoloso da
in the shapes and sizes of ships during this Recco, and Angiolilo del Tegghia de’ Corbizzi,
period (Xavier 1992; Philips 2000). Neverthe- as well as the contracted services of the Italians
less, 16th-century state shipbuilding was among Antoniotto Usodimare and Alvise Cadamosto
the earliest preindustrial trades that incorporated by Portugal’s Infante D. Henrique to sail his
the complexities and basic characteristics of caravels down the coast of Africa (Albuquerque
industrial production: division and specialization 1994:535–536).
of labor, execution of sequential and repetitive These contacts continued into the 15th and
tasks, and stock management at a large scale, 16th centuries, even under the Habsburg rule. In
all carried out within a multilayered hierarchical February 1513 Pantaleone Queirolo, a shipwright
and bureaucratic organization. from the small village of Varazze, appears to
Although this method did not require plans or have left his homeland in Italy for Portugal with
drawings, rules and practices necessarily were as a group of shipwrights contracted to construct
precise as possible because the ability to create and operate galleys for the King of Portugal
symmetry, the key to a good ship, required (Ciciliot 2000). Throughout the 15th and 16th
extensive control of the shipbuilding process. centuries, evidence of similar contracts for Ital-
The parallel between English and Venetian ian shipwrights to work in Portuguese shipyards
frame design most likely relates to the employ- exists (Viterbo 1988:280,425,452,458,521).
ment of Venetian shipwrights by Henry VIII The Italian connections certainly had an
in the mid-16th century (Glasgow 1970:10,24). important impact on Spanish and Portuguese
Mediterranean influence on Iberian shipbuilding state-driven shipbuilding industries. Italian mer-
is explained by a long and continuous eco- chant cities such as Naples, Genoa, and Venice
nomic relationship with the city-state of Genoa, were home to highly developed shipbuilding
documented as early as the 12th century, when industries, having highly organized shipyards
Bishop Gelmirez invited Italian shipwrights where craftsmen were divided into specialized
from Pisa to build and operate a fleet of gal- groups: woodcutters, sawyers, carpenters, and
leys charged with protecting the Galician coast caulkers working within the enclosed shipyard
(Filgueiras 1989:543–544). complex. Organized shipyards with specialized
By the late-13th century, Genoese ships sets of labor were able to construct the ships
began visiting the Bay of Biscay’s coast, set- quickly in a reliable and repetitive fashion (Lane
ting up intermediate trading points for their 1934a, 1934b).
76 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

Arab Influence and shipyards of Spain, France, Italy, England,

and “some in the lands of the Moors” where
Arabs were great shipbuilders who may have he observed how they built their ships. He also
used frame-based vessels since the 8th century. wrote about how he “practiced with their car-
The author of The Book of Animals, Gahiz (or penters, and learning their styles, and carpentry
al-Jahiz) (born A.D. 776), mentions an Umayyad customs, and construction traditions.” Known
governor of Iraq named al-Haggag, who died in for his candor, Oliveira mentioned the Maghrib
A.D. 714 and is reputed to have built the first harbors and shipyards together with the Italian
vessels “nailed and caulked.” Other Arab refer- and the Spanish counterparts without expressing
ences from the 10th century onwards mention any particular criticism. It is very likely that
the construction of vessels built with planks shipbuilding in the Maghrib was as good and
nailed to the frames, as opposed to the Indian sophisticated as in any other major seafaring
Ocean and Red Sea vessels in which the planks country of the time (Oliveira 1580:56).
were sewn together (Darmoul 1985). It is fair
to assume that the Arab world was another The Iberian Ship
source of influence on Iberian shipbuilders.
Iberian Muslims were a major naval power in One of the questions asked previously is
the Mediterranean. Arab warships helped make whether there is a unique artifactual component
the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula possible. or characteristic in ships that can be identified
Arab navies fought Viking invaders and later as wholly Iberian. First, it is important to note
sacked coastal villages with regularity when that Iberian Atlantic ships, as these ships are
the Christian leaders started the push against sometimes called, were built on the Atlantic
Muslim rule. Reconquista, as the Arab occupa- coast of Iberia primarily to sail on the Atlantic
tion of the Iberian Peninsula is known, lasted Ocean.
more than 10 generations, from the 12th to the From the discussions on units of measurement,
15th century, and encompassed periods of peace type, size, and cultural influence, it is apparent
and cooperation as well as substantial sharing that Iberian ship designs shared similarities with
of cultural ideas. their other European and Mediterranean contem-
After the Reconquista, the Arab population poraries. Even with limited documentation and
in the southern Iberian Peninsula was not iconography, it seems clear that three-masted,
expelled. Christianized Arabs went on build- carvel-built vessels in the Mediterranean, the
ing boats and ships under the new Christian Iberian Peninsula, and England during the 16th
rulers. The shipbuilding industry appears to century were not that different from one another.
have remained robust, possibly because of the There were certainly regional differences, differ-
widespread piracy in the region. It is likely ences in units of measurement, and differences
that the southern Iberian Christianized Arabs in many details but not in the overall style and
were engaged in seasonal piratical incursions basic design. If one excludes the Portuguese
into the Maghrib, Arabic for the northwest India naus, much larger than all the other mer-
area of Africa. These raids had to be carried chantmen of their time, fit for the six- to eight-
out by sea. Because Arabs remained along the month voyage to the Indian subcontinent, most
southern Iberian Peninsula, Arab influence per- small or medium-sized oceangoing ships must
meated the region’s culture. People in this area have looked similar to the nonprofessional eye.
adopted Arab values, practices, and vocabulary. Once again turning to the accounts of Oliveira,
For instance almogama, the Portuguese word it is not evident in his writings that he found
for tail frame, literally translates as “meeting these small and medium-sized merchant craft
point” in Arabic. Since there was no lack of fundamentally different. In fact, he appears to
Italian designations for this specific timber, the have been more inclined to create a Rosetta
fact that Portuguese shipwrights adopted an Arab Stone, as it were, of ship terminology. In his
word reveals how closely integrated the cultures 1580 writings, he states that the ships that the
were within the shipbuilding profession. This is Spanish and Portuguese called naos, the Italian
further substantiated by the writings of Father called carracas, and the German called urcas
Oliveira who wrote about his visits to harbors were equivalent (Oliveira 1580:76). Evidence
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 77

from the north of Europe suggests that the constitute the defining characteristics of a ship-
differences between Iberian and Mediterranean building tradition. The Oertling Trait Cluster is
ships were either less important or less apparent the “architectural signature” of Iberian shipbuild-
since Portuguese ships are frequently referred ing (Figure 2).
to as carracks.
Since at the macro level there does not appear Iberian Trait Cluster Signature
to be significant differences for Iberian ships,
the next step is to examine particular construc- The first trait is a given number of preas-
tion traits. Clusters of specific traits with regard sembled and predesigned central frames. Dove-
to construction provide indications of cultural tail scarves are recorded on all Iberian ships,
signature. Any individual trait might be shared varying only in shape. Both the Pepper Wreck
with other cultures, but clusters will be unique. and Atocha had rectangular scarf joints (Castro
The problems with this type of analysis stem 2005b) (Brian Jordan, 1998, pers. comm.), while
from the ability to differentiate among overall the early 16th-century Genoese shipwreck from
Iberian and specific regions as well as the shift- Villefranche, thought to be the Lomelina, had
ing patterns of clustered traits over time. both dovetail and hooked scarf joints (Rieth
Thomas Oertling has proposed the existence 1998:183–184).
of an Iberian shipbuilding tradition based The second trait relates to the way hull
on a cluster of 11 traits (Table 9) (Oertling planks are fastened to the frames, specifically
1989, 2001, 2005). His hypothesis is based the use of iron fastenings. In contrast, the use
on archaeological evidence found on several of treenails varies. The shipwrecks of Cais do
shipwrecks. There are scholars who support Sodré and the Nossa Senhora dos Mártires
Oertling’s findings and those who do not. The exhibited only iron fastenings (Rodrigues et al.
detractors argue that although the sample ship- 2001:375–377; Castro 2005b:136).
wrecks were engaged in Iberian trade, there is The third and forth traits pertain to the use of
no way to confirm that they were all actually a curved timber (couce) at the juncture between
built in Iberia. the keel and sternpost. The couce is reinforced
Eric Rieth (1998:178–180) argues that when with a curved stern knee. Over the paired couce
common traits appear in a large enough number and stern knee sit the y-shaped frames called
of shipwrecks from the same cultural horizon, picas. In all instances, save one, that of the
they comprise “architectural signatures” that Emanuel Point shipwreck, thought to be one of

Table 9
Iberian Atlantic Vessels: Characteristics Proposed by Thomas Oertling (2001)

1 A given number of pre-assembled central frames bearing dovetail joints.

2 Carvel planking fastened with a combination of nails and treenails.

3 A knee joining the after end of the keel and the sternpost (couce).

4 A single piece deadwood knee over the couce upon which sit the y-frames (coral).

5 Y-frames tabbed into the deadwood knee.

6 Keelson notched over the floors.

7 Mast step is an expanded portion of the keelson, part of which is cut to seat the ship’s pump.

8 Buttresses supporting the mast step against the footwale.

9 Ceiling extending only over the floors, the last strake notched to receive filler planks.

10 Teardrop-shaped iron strop accepting a deadeye attached to two or three lengths of chain, the last link through an eyebolt.

11 Flat transom with proud sternpost.

78 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

the 1559 Tristan de Luna’s ships, this combina- futtocks sealing the lower bilge underneath the
tion was observed (Smith et al. 1995:35). ceiling planking. [I am sure] The only other
The fifth trait pertains to the carved tabs example of fillers come from the Calvi I ship-
on the upper face of the stern knee. The tabs wreck, built in the Mediterranean in the late-
receive the y-shaped picas. This trait is not 16th century (Villié 1989:27, 1990:95–96).
universal, only occurring in about 40% of the The tenth trait is the use of teardrop-shaped,
shipwrecks recorded. This trait, besides occur- iron strops. Although this is a prevalent charac-
ring in Iberian shipwrecks, also occurs on a few teristic among Iberian ships, the deadeyes of the
Mediterranean shipwrecks, such as the Calvi I Mary Rose are also teardrop shaped (Marsden
shipwreck (Villié 1990:103). 2003:108).
The sixth trait is a notched keelson, which is The eleventh trait calls for flat stern panels.
widespread across many traditions. The Mary These first appear in the Basque iconography
Rose’s keelson is notched to receive frames in the last quarter of the 15th century and then
(Marsden 2003:95), as is the Woolwich ship- again around 1500 in a view of the port of
wreck (Salisbury 1961:85). Venice by Jacopo Barbari (Taras Pevni 2002,
The seventh and eighth traits pertain to the pers. comm.) (Casado Soto 1995:40; Bash
mast-step assemblage. On Iberian ships, the 2000). In the mid-16th century, flat panels
keelson widens at the mast step and is but- appear on a Basque whaling ship at Red Bay,
tressed. The buttresses lock against bottom Labrador, but at the same time, contemporary
stringers. This seems to be a solution common iconography shows what seems to be both round
to other shipbuilding traditions, specifically and flat sterns (Figure 3) (Grenier et al. 1994).
in the north of Europe. The Newport ship, a This may be an example of a trait that shifts
clinker-built vessel dated to the second half through time or of a specific style of vessel.
of the 15th century has such a mast step. In To these 11 traits might be added another
contrast, Mediterranean examples exhibit a mast- specific feature that does not show up with any
step arrangement that rests between two sister regularity in the archaeological record. Written
keelsons. This is the case in the Genoese Lom- sources suggest a distinctive amidships section
elina shipwreck (Guérout et al. 1989:72–77,86; on Iberian ships that is neither common to the
Rieth 1998:181). contemporary ships of the Mediterranean nor
The ninth trait pertains to the ceiling arrange- northern Europe. Iberian amidships sections are
ment. Filler planks are inserted between the round and full, appearing to derive from a single

FIGURE 3. Round and square sterns of Portuguese ships after mid-16th-century manuscripts: (1) Livro da Condessa de
Bertianos (anonymous, codex from library of Lisbon’s Science Academy); (2) Livro de Lisuarte de Abreu (Abreu 1558);
(3) Livro da Memória das Armadas (anonymous, codex from library of Lisbon’s Science Academy).
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 79

arc. Mediterranean manuscripts from 150 years information regarding the types of wood used to
earlier exhibit a similar amidships section; how- build Iberian ships. Portuguese treatises recom-
ever, 15th- and 16th-century Mediterranean and mend cork oak for the structure of the Indiamen
English amidships sections are often depicted as and pine for the planking. This was exactly
a composite of several arcs (Figure 4). what was found on the Pepper Wreck, an early-
An argument can also be made for the pres- 17th-century Portuguese Indiaman thought to
ence of combined traits being an indicator of be the Nossa Senhora dos Mártires, lost near
Iberian ship designs. The Iberian Peninsula was Lisbon in 1606. All other vessels whose timbers
a nexus of Mediterranean and European cultures, were sampled and identified exhibit a range of
and there are three of Oertling’s Iberian ship- Iberian oak species and a few other types of
building traits that potentially reflect this unique hardwood, but nothing conclusive. To date, there
area’s ability to absorb and integrate diverse are no dendrochronological series for the Iberian
ship design components into hybrids. The pres- Peninsula. Finally, a comparison of contempo-
ence of scarved frames, exhibiting both dovetail rary iconography shows some typical features,
and hooked scarves, reflects influence from two such as an almost complete lack of decorations,
sources of shipbuilding design, as does the pres- especially in the Portuguese long-sea merchant-
ence of flat-panel sterns and round sterns. In men. On the other hand, most early-16th-century
addition, the ability of an Iberian ship to pass depictions of Portuguese ships show a red cross
in the North Atlantic as a carrack and at the painted on the fore and mainsails.
same time pass in the Mediterranean as another
type of vessel may reflect the Iberian ship’s Iberian Ship Types
hybrid nature. Thus, it may be just as important
to look for the hybrid as a distinctive look that Since the portion of hull preserved on most
incorporates multiple traits. shipwrecks is usually small, it is difficult to
Looking at other forms of evidence, there separate typologies from archaeological evi-
is some support for the existence of particular dence. Documentary evidence shows there were
subtypes, although samples remain so small as three main types of sailing ships: naos, galleons,
to be inconclusive. For example, there is little and caravels.

FIGURE 4. Midship sections: Portuguese after Fernando Oliveira (ca. 1580); and Italian after Matthew Baker (ca. 1570).
(After Barker 1986.)
80 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

The Spanish word nao (in Portuguese nau) all masts with lateen sails, except the foremast,
means vessel but refers to a ship with two, which bore square sails. Caravels were still in
three or four decks and fully integrated fore use in the 17th century, as reported in the 1616
and stern castles, bearing three masts and a Manoel Fernandez treatise about sailing around
bowsprit, all rigged with square sails, except Cape Horn (Fernandez 1616; Vaughan 1913;
the mizzenmast. The mizzenmast, intended for Vicente Maroto 2001), and they continue to
steering, was rigged with a lateen sail. As men- be mentioned in the 18th century (Domingues
tioned above, the first depiction of a three-mast, 2005:259). All vessels of the time were armed
full-rigged ship appears in a Catalan drawing and traveled in fleets for added protection. A
dating to 1409 (Mott 1997:146). The length-to- number of smaller vessels, such as patachos,
breadth ratio of the vessel in the Catalan draw- zabras, and galizabras sailed regularly with the
ing appears to have been around 3:1. This is a fleets, as supporting craft, and may have been
common ratio for Mediterranean round ships. conceived and built in the same way as the
Where iconography differentiates between other larger ships.
styles and naos, it is clear that naos have both
square and round sterns (Figure 3). Treatises on Iberian Ships
Galleons are mentioned in the first decade of
the 16th century and primarily functioned as Although this discussion has focused on an
warships with two or three decks, fully inte- Iberian design concept, it is important to note
grated fore and stern castles, three or four masts, that two major geopolitical entities, Spain and
and a bowsprit. The fore and main masts were Portugal, inhabit the same mass of land. Their
rigged with square sails, and the mizzen and languages, although similar, are recognizably dif-
bonaventure masts were rigged with lateen sails. ferent. Their units of measure are different, and
The length-to-beam ratio appears to have been thus the manuscripts and treatises that describe
slightly higher than that of the naos, around shipbuilding differ. To fully understand an Ibe-
3:5. Contemporary galleon scantling lists show a rian concept, it is important to understand the
much sturdier vessel with thicker masts and spars similarities and differences of the manuscripts
(Domingues 2005:366–373). Flat stern panels describing shipbuilding.
seem to be a characteristic of these ships, under-
standably, since a square stern allows for more Spanish Ships Described
deck space during military operations, specifically in Shipbuilding Treatises
in regard to the movement of stern guns.
Caravels were originally lateen-rigged ships Spanish ships are described in several late-
with one or two masts. Generally thought to 16th and early-17th-century texts, of which
have developed in the Mediterranean during the some contain detailed information. The best
12th century, caravels were mainly employed in descriptions are collectively presented in the
fishing activities in Portugal, in the 13th century three manuscripts by Juan Escalante de Men-
(Fonseca 1934; Pires 1985, 1986, 1988, 1990; doza, Itinerario de Navegación de los Mares
Domingues 1989; Ciciliot 1999). Absent from y Tierras Occidentales (1575), Tomé Cano’s
original documents throughout the 14th century, Arte para Fabricar, Fortificar y Apareiar naos
caravels reappear in the beginning of the 15th (1611), and Diego García de Palacio, Instruc-
century as the preferred “Ships of Discovery,” ción nautica para el buen uso de las naos,
sometimes bearing painted eyes on both sides of su traça, y gobierno conforme à la altura de
the bow, a trait paralleled in the Mediterranean México (1587). García de Palacio’s work was
since ancient times (Marques 1998). No doubt, the first ship treatise ever printed. The later
this preference reflects the vessel’s swiftness and work, Dialogos entre un vizcaino y un mon-
maneuverability (Pico 1964:73–83). Towards the tañez, dates to 1631 or 1632 and is attributed
end of the 15th century, there are references to to the experienced shipbuilder Pedro Lopez de
three-mast, ship rigged caravels, and the 16th Soto (Vicente Maroto 1998). These manuscripts
century witnessed the development of the cara- in combination with the codified three sets of
vela de armada with four masts and rigged on legislation, known as the Ordenanzas and issued
filipe castro—In Search of Unique Iberian Ship Design Concepts 81

in 1607, 1613, and 1618, form the main reser- Portuguese Ships Described
voir of Spanish ship architectural documentation in Shipbuilding Treatises
(Philips 1987, 1993).
Although modern calculation of early Span- In Portugal, where the Indiamen were designed
ish ship tonnage is a difficult subject, ship’s for a voyage of six to eight months across three
sizes were well documented, both in Spain oceans, ships were necessarily larger than their
and in Portugal (Casado Soto 1988). The size- Spanish equivalents. Yet, both shipbuilding
able sample of registered ship sizes reveals traditions appear to have consistently increased
that Spanish naos for the Carreira da Índia vessel size during the first part of the 16th
during the first half of the 16th century aver- century (Costa 1997:437–439). By 1571 the
aged around 100 metric tons burden, close capacity of Indiamen was fixed between 350
to 200 metric tons displacement, and doubled and 500 tons burden, but how this capacity was
their size, on average, during the second half calculated is unknown.
of that century (Pérez-Mallaína 1998:93). The Portuguese shipbuilding treatises describing
trend towards growth of the merchantmen’s vessels in the late-16th and early-17th centuries
sizes, felt during the 16th century, seems to contain detailed illustrations and information.
have encountered opposition in the beginning The most extensive are the two treatises of
of the 17th century, and efforts were made Oliveira, Ars nautica (1570) and Livro da fab-
to standardize ship shapes and sizes (Barcelos rica das naus (1580). The works of João Bap-
1899; Costa 1997). tista Lavanha’s Livro primeiro de arquitectura
Escalante de Mendoza (1575) mentions in naval (ca.1610), and Manoel Fernandez’s Livro
his treatise on navigation that naos of 500 tons de traças de carpintaria (1616) are also impor-
burden were the best fit for the New World tant and informative documents (Domingues
route. Soon after, García de Palacio (1587) 2005; Philips 2000). They all indicate that a
states that 400 tons burden is a good size for capacity between 500 and 600 tons burden was
commerce and war. the optimum size for the India route or Carreira
The Ordenanzas of 1607 created legislation da Índia ships.
that applied to both Spanish and Portuguese Historical records clearly indicate that the
merchantmen with capacities between 150 and ships intended for the India route were consis-
250 tons burden. The Ordenanzas also defined tently larger than the ships built and sailed in
the functions of larger vessels: galeonzetes of the European, Mediterranean, and African trade.
approximately 300 to 500 tons were intended Sailing routes between the Iberian Peninsula,
as ships of war, as were galleons with capaci- northern Europe, the Mediterranean, the west-
ties between 550 and 750 tons. Cano (1611) ern coast of Africa, and Brazil were generally
described a naos measuring 12 codos in breadth shorter than routes to the East Indies. Despite
as having a capacity of 232 tons. The important the continuous stream of state incentives for the
factor is that the proportions of these vessels construction of ships over 100 toneladas for the
did not change much, in spite of any change in Atlantic and Mediterranean trade routes, some
size (Philips 1993). dating back as far as1470, small traders still
In Spain, formulas were used to calculate a averaged between 40 and 100 toneladas as late
ship’s capacity since the middle of the 16th as the mid-16th century.
century, and it is likely that it was the same in
Portugal (Casado Soto 1988:102–109). Historical Conclusion
documents, however, mention a practical system
in use in Portugal in which officers would come Considering the issue of Iberian ship design
aboard with a number of hoops and gauges from both the macro and the micro points
and estimate the real number of barrels that of view and taking into consideration all the
would effectively fit in the ship’s hold (Costa available knowledge in historical documents,
1997:64). iconography, and the archaeological record, a
82 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 42(2)

consistent image of Iberian vessels emerges, hunters worldwide, sometimes with the coopera-
making a compelling argument for the existence tion of professional archaeologists (Bound 2004;
of an Iberian Atlantic shipbuilding tradition. No Castro and Fitzgerald 2006). Perhaps this article
single argument, trait, or point of view conclu- will contribute to a better understanding of the
sively settles the question. It is the combina- importance of these ships and their protection
tion or sum of the parts, seen as a whole, that against looting and treasure hunting.
provides a compelling argument: at the nexus
of European and Mediterranean shipbuilding on
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