Climate Peace Security Study Somali Region Ethiopia
Climate Peace Security Study Somali Region Ethiopia
and Security
Study: Somali
Region, Ethiopia
Lucas Destrijcker
Milen Yishak
Michael Thomson
Aminata Traore
Yishuang Antonio Xu
Hannah Kurnoth
July 2023
Table of Contents
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................... 3
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 10
METHODOLOGY............................................................................................................ 11
REGIONAL CONTEXT AND TRENDS ............................................................................... 12
GOVERNANCE AND SOCIOECONOMIC PROFILE .................................................................................. 12
FOOD AND AGRICULTURE .............................................................................................................. 13
PEACE AND SECURITY ................................................................................................................... 15
HUMAN MOBILITY ........................................................................................................................ 17
INTERSECTIONAL VULNERABILITIES ............................................................................................... 18
ENVIRONMENT AND CLIMATE CHANGE ........................................................................ 20
CURRENT CLIMATE AND HISTORIC TRENDS ....................................................................................... 20
CLIMATE PROJECTIONS................................................................................................................. 22
NATURAL HAZARDS AND EXTREME WEATHER .................................................................................... 24
DESERT LOCUSTS ......................................................................................................................... 24
CLIMATE CHANGE IMPACTS ON KEY SECTORS .................................................................................... 25
CLIMATE INSECURITY PATHWAYS: HOW CLIMATE CHANGE COMPOUNDS EXISTING
RISKS.......................................................................................................................... 27
EXISTING RESPONSES THAT ADDRESS CLIMATE-RELATED RISKS ................................ 36
ENTRY POINTS AND PRIORITIES ................................................................................. 39
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................... 43
ANNEX ........................................................................................................................ 53
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Executive Summary
As part of the Weathering Risk initiative, adelphi and the World Food Programme (WFP)
set up a learning facility to explore entry points for strengthening climate adaptation
and resilience programming in Eastern Africa. Climate change and environmental
pressures have severe cascading effects on peace and human security in the region,
ranging from climate migration and displacement to food insecurity and conflict over
dwindling natural resources. In response, this learning facility aims to inform ways to
build more climate-resilient food systems in Eastern Africa as a way to prevent, mitigate
and resolve climate-induced conflicts and insecurity. This climate, peace and security
study focuses on the Somali Region of Ethiopia as one of the case studies undertaken
during the adelphi-WFP learning collaboration. The Somali Region, located in south-
eastern Ethiopia and bordering Somalia, was selected because of its particular
vulnerability to climate impacts and related risks to peace and human security.
This report, which is based on climate data from the Potsdam Institute for Climate
Impact Research (PIK) combined with an extensive literature review, first outlines the
relevant contextual factors that shape the Somali Region’s vulnerability to climate
change and environmental degradation, and then outlines historic, current and
projected climate trends and impacts in the region. Based on the combined analysis of
both contextual and climate-related factors, the report presents key climate insecurity
pathways, as well as entry points and priorities as guidance for future programming in
the region.
Some of the key climate impacts in the Somali Region are summarised as follows:
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Flooding Varied and more intense rainfall combined with
drier soil will increase the risk of flooding, affecting
agricultural production and livestock.
Health Malnutrition Extreme weather events will exacerbate food and
and famine water insecurity, contributing to malnutrition and
famine.
Vector-borne Increased temperatures will likely expand the
and water- reach of malaria to highland areas. Increased
borne flooding will contribute to the spread of water-
diseases borne diseases.
Infrastructure Transport- Erratic rainfall patterns and flooding will likely
ation damage transportation infrastructure, limit
possibilities for new development, and make
repairs and maintenance more challenging.
Human Extreme weather events will increase the
settlements vulnerability of human dwellings, especially
refugee and IDP settlements and infrastructure in
rural areas.
Table 1: Overview of impacts of climate change on various sectors in the Somali Region (source: The World Bank;
UN Habitat)
These climate impacts bring about a series of related security risks in the Somali
Region. There is ample evidence that climate and environmental pressures have
contributed to food insecurity and violent conflict across the world, and this is expected
to increase as the impacts of climate change worsen. People with considerable
development constraints, including Ethiopians and Somalis, have high vulnerability to
climatic hazards (IPCC, 2023). Research suggests that climate-related conflict is more
likely to emerge in regions highly vulnerable to climate variability combined with low
socioeconomic development, poor infrastructure and governance capacity, and high
levels of food insecurity, poverty, and socio-political inequality. Livelihood dependency
on natural resources, rain-fed agriculture and pastoralism also increase this risk
(Delgado, 2021; Liebig et al., 2022).
Climate hazards and environmental pressures contribute to severe livestock and yield
losses that threaten people’s livelihoods and food security. This in turn drives
competition over scarce, variable and ephemeral natural resources, which risks to
escalate into violent conflict.
The Somali Region’s geographic location, nested within the Horn of Africa, together with
its porous land borders, makes it vulnerable to security developments in neighbouring
regions. Conflicts in neighbouring Somalia, as well as in other Ethiopian regions, could
spill over and jeopardise stability in the Somali Region, especially in borderlands.
Somalia has experienced over three decades of civil war, including violent conflict over
natural resources that come increasingly under pressure, making it an area of instability
that could spur new conflagrations and regional spill-over effects at any point.
Furthermore, the ethnic homogeneity in the Somali Region has led to close ties with
clans in neighbouring Somalia, Somaliland and Djibouti. In addition to international ties,
Somali clans in the Somali Region inhabit areas within the borders of its Ethiopian
neighbouring regions of Oromia and Afar, which have already experienced ethnic
tension and resource competition in borderlands.
Pathway 5: Governance
The presence, legitimacy and capacity of governmental actors can either mitigate or
exacerbate climate-related security risks. Disregard for customary regulations and
practices, as well as government interventions that could be perceived as
discriminatory, therefore risk flaring up historical grievances which can drive new
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tensions and conflicts. These conflicts could play out intra-regionally, within and
between Somali pastoralist clans, or between Somalis and the Ethiopian central state
or neighbouring regions, such as Oromia or Afar. Some key risk areas include access to
and distribution of fertile land, water resources and humanitarian aid.
Entry points and priorities for building climate resilient and peaceful
livelihood systems
To build resilience among Somali Region’s to climate impacts and environmental
degradation, as well as to strengthen conflict management and promote peaceful
societies, existing evidence derived from our literature review has brought forward
numerous good practices, which are included in the following thematically organised
entry points and priorities for humanitarian and development actors to consider:
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• Drought-mitigating livestock supplementary feeds and fodder banks. For
example, hay products are relatively easy to produce and conserve, and have
high scalability potential.
• Improved breed reproduction centres to promote livestock breeds that are
more resilient to drought and provide higher production. This would include
cross-breeding with traditional and indigenous livestock, and providing
certified semen and artificial insemination services.
• Fostering animal health provision and vaccination campaigns as an entry
point to bring conflicting parties together, support dialogue processes and
facilitate the creation of local natural resource management agreements.
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7. Capacity-building and awareness raising: The following entry points can help to
improve the delivery of climate, environmental and security/conflict information
across different sectors of the food system:
• Collaborate with partners and stakeholders to develop programmes that can
build capacity in climate security and resilience, climate adaptation and
climate-smart food programmes.
• Develop information products targeting climate fragile communities, e.g.
related to weather forecasts, seasonal forecasts, and agricultural information.
• Incorporate climate security information for the different components of
food systems in early warning systems and emergency response
mechanisms.
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Introduction
Climate change and its impacts create severe risks for food systems and human security
more broadly, making peaceful coexistence between people and communities harder
to maintain or achieve. Both slow onset changes such as temperature rise and
increased variability in precipitation patterns, as well as fast onset events such as
extreme weather events can severely affect people’s livelihoods and food security,
especially in contexts that are already fragile. These cascading effects can then
contribute to socioeconomic and political instability, increasing the risk of violent
conflict.
As part of the Weathering Risk initiative, adelphi and WFP set up a learning facility to
explore entry points for strengthening climate adaptation and resilience programming
in Eastern Africa. Climate change and environmental pressures have severe cascading
effects on peace and human security in the region, ranging from climate migration and
displacement to food insecurity and conflict over dwindling natural resources. In
response, this learning facility aims to inform ways to build more climate-resilient food
systems in Eastern Africa as a way to prevent, mitigate and resolve climate-induced
conflicts and insecurity.
This climate, peace and security study focuses on the Somali Region of Ethiopia as one
of the case studies undertaken during the adelphi-WFP learning collaboration. The
Somali Region, located in south-eastern Ethiopia and bordering Somalia, was selected
because of its particular vulnerability to climate impacts and related risks to peace and
human security.
The first chapter of this study outlines the relevant contextual factors that shape the
Somali Region’s vulnerability to climate change and environmental degradation. These
include governance and the socioeconomic situation, food and agriculture,
intersectional factors, migration and displacement, and conflict history. The second
chapter focuses on historic, current and projected climate trends and impacts. Based
on the combined analysis of both contextual and climate-related factors, the third
chapter presents key climate insecurity pathways relevant to the Somali Region. Finally,
this profile provides entry points and priorities as guidance for future climate- and
conflict-sensitive, peace-oriented programming in the region.
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Methodology
Policy and decision-makers in multiple sectors have sought ways to predict and
respond to climate impacts on peace and security. However, to do so effectively and
sustainably, the complexity of different factors and interactions has to be unpacked into
a granular understanding of the relationship between climate change, environmental
pressures and insecurity in a given context. For awareness of the risks to be converted
into action that improves lives, concrete entry points need to be identified.
This is where Weathering Risk comes in. The Weathering Risk programme, led by an
interdisciplinary team from adelphi and the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact
Research (PIK), unites state-of-the-art climate impact data and expert conflict analysis
to promote peace and resilience in a changing climate. It uses an innovative
methodology that unpacks the complex relationship between climate change and
insecurity and identifies entry points for action (see figure 1). Through its methodology
framework, Weathering Risk aims to facilitate risk-informed planning, enhance capacity
for action and improve operational responses that promote climate resilience and
peace.
This study focusing on climate change, peace and security in the Somali Region in
Ethiopia and is primarily based on climate impact data provided by PIK, combined with
an extensive literature review on the contextual factors shaping vulnerability and
resilience, as well as peace and security in the region. An important limitation of this
study is that there was no possibility to conduct field work or undertake rigorous
interviews with experts and stakeholders.
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Regional context and trends
Governance and socioeconomic profile
The Somali Region, also known as Soomaali Galbeed and officially as the Somali Region
State (SRS), is the easternmost of the nine ethnic divisions (kililoch) of Ethiopia. It is the
second largest region in the country and divided into nine administrative zones and 53
Kebeles, which are Ethiopia’s smallest administrative units. The region shares a border
with Djibouti to the north; Somaliland to the northeast; the Ethiopian Oromia, Afar, and
Dire Dawa regions to the west; Somalia from east to south; and Kenya to the southwest
(Constitution of Ethiopia, 1995).
The Somali Region has an estimated population of 6.2 million people and is considered
one of the most ethnically homogenous regions in Ethiopia, with between 95 and 97 per
cent of the populace identifying as Somali and over 98 per cent identifying as Muslim
(SRHB, 2012). While the region is not densely populated, it has experienced rapid
population growth in the past decades. In 2004, there were about 14 Somalis per km²,
while in 2022, this number was estimated at 22. The most densely inhabited sub-region
is Jijiga (CIESIN, 2022).
Broadly speaking, Ethiopia’s total population is expected to increase from around 123
million in 2022 to nearly 200 million in 2050, with a projected urban growth of 18 per
cent (World Bank, 2023; UN Habitat, 2020). Population growth is particularly high in the
country’s secondary and intermediate towns, such as the towns in the Somali Region.1
Thus, many of the Somali towns are experiencing rapid growth in terms of population
size and economic activities, and function as the economic hubs of their respective
regions (UN Habitat 2020).
2 This is based on areas harvested with yield and the average international crop price indicated by FAO.
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Figure 4: Pasture land (left) and cropland (right) in 2000 (per cent of grid cell). The percentage of land in every 5-
arc minute grid cell that is devoted to pasture or cropland. (Source: USGS/EarthStat; WPS Global Tool)
Primarily because of water scarcity, Somalis have in the past decades suffered
extensively from food insecurity and malnutrition. While this has been a trend in many
parts of Ethiopia and the wider region, Somali households are often among the worst
affected by cycles of nutritional crises. Traditionally, the key underlying causes of food
insecurity in the Horn of Africa include population growth, conflict and insecurity, and
natural hazards. Even though the Somali Region remains sparsely populated,
demographic pressures in areas rich in natural resources, in particular farmland and
pasture, play a key role in the Somali people’s food and livelihood security (Mercy Corps,
2019).
Fast-onset causes of food insecurity include production losses from drought, flash
floods, and pests and diseases, as well as conflict over natural resources such as land
and water. Especially droughts, which have intensified over the years due to climate
change, have resulted in high incidences of livestock mortality, greatly reduced access
to food, and driven large-scale displacement (ACAPS, 2017). An important indicator to
grasp the consequences of drought is the vegetation health index, which indicates
seasonal shifts in vegetation health. Since the onset of the 2020 record-breaking multi-
year drought, which at the time of writing continues to affect the entire Horn of Africa,
vegetation health in the Somali Region has deteriorated rapidly, without sufficient
recovery due to absent or insufficient seasonal rains (see figure 5, left). This has led to
five consecutive failed farming seasons and the death of millions of livestock, with
devastating effects on households’ assets, food security and income (IGAD, 2022; WFP,
2022a). This consecutive failure of rainy seasons has exacerbated the impacts of the
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current drought that started in late 2020, affecting over 24 million people across
Eastern Africa (OHCA, 2023c; ACAPS, 2023). In early 2023, the Somali Region’s
Disaster and Risk Management Bureau shared that over 3 million people had been
impacted by the current drought (especially in the Afder, Liben, and Dawa zones) and
more than 4.5 million livestock had died since late 2021, leaving 30 million at risk
(Addis Standard, 2023). In addition, the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 led
to a spike in global food prices, particularly in the Horn of Africa, which is highly
dependent on Ukrainian and Russian grain and fertilizer imports. The spike in food
prices further pushed millions of people in Ethiopia, Somalia and Kenya to the brink of
starvation (IFPRI, 2022: WFP, 2022a).
While recent food security assessments in Ethiopia have been challenging to undertake,
mostly due to lack of access, a 2019 in-depth study carried out by the Integrated Food
Security Phase Classification (IPC) found that the entire Somali Region experienced
crisis levels of acute food insecurity (see figure 5, right).3 In 2020, approximately 1.25
million Somalis experienced a high degree of food insecurity (IPC, 2020). At the national
level, an estimated 40-60 per cent of the Ethiopian population experienced moderate
or severe food insecurity between 2019 and 2021. In the same period, an estimated
10-25 per cent were undernourished (FAO et al., 2022).
In late 2022, as the impacts of five consecutive failed rainy seasons intensified, WFP
estimated that nearly 12 million Ethiopians in drought-affected regions were in need of
food assistance. The Somali, Oromia, Sidama and Southern Nations, Nationalities and
Peoples’ regions in the south and southeast were hit the hardest. Across Ethiopia, 2.7
million children were acutely malnourished in 2022 due to the drought’s impact—over
705.000 of these children were severely malnourished (WFP, 2022b).
Figure 5: Left: Vegetation health index for the Somali region (Source: NOAA STAR; WPS Global Tool). Right: Acute
Food Insecurity covering the period Jul 2019 - Sep 2019 (IPC, 2020).
The Somali Region has been relatively peaceful in recent years. In 2022, the region
saw limited numbers of violent conflict and protest events compared to neighbouring
Somalia or other Ethiopian regions (see figure 6). However, in the past decades, the
3 The assessment covered six Ethiopian regions. The western and northwestern regions were not covered in this study.
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Somali population suffered from repeated and intense cycles of violent conflict, often
state-driven, which included mass atrocities and large-scale human rights abuses
(Zewde, 2001; Hagmann, 2014; Hagmann, 2020).
Similar to the most recent conflict between the federal and Tigray governments that
broke out in the northern region in late 2020, the Somali Region has had its own share
of ethno-nationalist separatist movements. Grievances around marginalisation from
Ethiopian governance and politics, federal land distribution, regional borders and
sovereignty, as well as access to natural resources, have long existed and continue to
cause resentment among Somali communities. Many pastoral lands in the Somali
Region also experience disproportionately low investments in infrastructure and social
services development. Nomadic pastoralists have also long lacked secure legal claims
to their communal lands, leaving them vulnerable to dispossession in the face of
agricultural and industrial development efforts from the central government (Fratkin,
2014). Throughout recent history, state interventions have therefore repeatedly been
received by Somalis with suspicion or open, often violent resistance (Warfa, 2021;
Hagmann, 2014; Hagmann, 2020).
Figure 6: December 12, 2021 - December 12, 2022 ACLED conflict and protest events (Source: ACLED, WPS Global
Tool)
Apart from state-based violence, security in the Somali Region has also been affected
by small-scale, localised communal and ethnic conflicts, typically driven by food or
livelihood insecurity, access to land and natural resources. Pastoral areas in the Somali
Region, and the Horn of Africa more broadly, have also traditionally been prone to
conflict at the community level. Cattle-raiding, land disputes between farmers and
pastoralists, and conflicts between clans over territory and resources have long been
an innate part of pastoral life (IFAD, 2020a,b). For instance, inter-ethnic conflicts
repeatedly occurred in border areas with Afar and Oromiya regions. From 2016 to 2018,
a new outbreak of clashes between the Somali and Oromia regions displaced millions
(Majid et al., 2022).
In addition to access to land, water and pasture, other sources of pastoral conflict in the
Somali Region include fear of residential expansion, inter-clan mistrust, unfair power
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sharing, unequal distribution of resources, lack of fair employment, the availability of
weapons, and the revenge of past harm in the community (Hussein, 2022). Governance
in the Somali Region functions primarily through a patriarchal clan system based on
principles of communal and uninhibited access to natural resources. Most conflicts in
the Somali Region are thus addressed through customary norms embedded in clan law
rather than through state authority, which enjoys less legitimacy in rural areas and
among pastoralists (Muluken, 2020).
Indigenous pastoral rules and regulations are often kept in the memory of clan elders
and religious figures, and passed down over generations. Clan elders are also central to
mediating and managing conflicts, and applying social sanctions in the community
(Bouh and Mammo, 2008; Muluken, 2020). However, due to increased pressures on
natural resources, governance interference and poor natural resources management,
customary practices over land ownership and rights have eroded, causing intense
competition between pastoral groups over water and pasture (Abbink, 2007; Muluken,
2020; Hussein, 2022).
Human mobility
Closely related to the fragile conflict and food security situation, the Somali Region has
long faced significant demographic pressures due to internal displacement. By the end
of 2022, Ethiopia had around 3.9 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) and over 1
million based in the Somali Region (IDMC, 2023). While high instances (51 per cent) of
displacement in the Somali Region are seen at the regional border with Oromia due to
political violence that flared up in 2017 and continues to persist, other key drivers of
displacement in the Somali Region are disaster-induced, especially through drought
and flooding. Compared to other Ethiopian regions, the Somali Region is particularly
prone to disaster-induced displacement, having endured repeated underperforming
rainy seasons since 2020 which caused a shortage of pastureland, water and food for
pastoralists and their livestock (IOM, 2022). By late 2022, there were close to 590.000
drought induced IDPs in Ethiopia with Somali Region accounting for over 300.000 of
those (OCHA, 2022). Additionally, as of June 2023, thousands have been impacted by
the floods caused by the Belg/Gu/Genna rains in Ethiopia, with the Somali Region
accounting for more than 460.000 of the victims (OCHA, 2023b). At the time of writing,
the Somali Region also hosts over 250.000 refugees, primarily from Somalia and South
Sudan, which constitute over one third of Ethiopia’s total refugee population (UNHCR,
2022).
Models indicate that by 2050, the Somali Region will become a hotspot for disaster-
induced migration, with changes in population in excess of 100 people per km².
Highland areas in particular have already experienced a significant population increase
due to climate in-migration, driven by the relatively favourable climate conditions.
However, the highlands might not be able to provide enough opportunities for economic
activities, which means that migrants will likely be pushed to urban zones within the
region (UN Habitat, 2020).
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Figure 7: Displacement caseload in Ethiopia based on data collected between June and July 2022 through the IOM
site assessment (IOM, 2022)
With regard to human mobility, the Somali Region has a long tradition of transhumance,
with pastoralists migrating seasonally along established routes.
Concerning mobility and livestock trade, most Somali cattle and goats are channelled
through a series of clearly defined routes in the general direction of the Somali ports
(Berbera, Bosaso and Mogadishu) and the Kenyan market. There is relatively little
movement towards Ethiopia’s domestic markets, partly because of differences in taste.
Ethiopian highlanders are said to prefer highland breeds, while Somali meat is more
popular in the Gulf States (Economic Focus, 2020).
Intersectional vulnerabilities
Food and livelihood insecurity have different effects on people depending on gender,
age, occupational group, socioeconomic situation, ethnicity, etc. Women’s unique
socioeconomic status merits consideration because it increases their vulnerability to
climate security risks. Oftentimes, and especially in rural areas, women bear
disproportionate burdens due to gender-based differences in treatment by formal
institutions, access to assets and credit, restricted access to policy discussions, and the
limited availability of gender-disaggregated data for policymaking (World Bank, 2021).
Gendered structural inequalities limit women’s influence over climate adaptation
strategies and restrict their access to resources and assets required to cope with
environmental disasters. At the same time, climatic shocks can deepen gendered
vulnerabilities. This highlights the need to include gender-sensitive considerations in
climate adaptation efforts.
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Ethiopia has made some progress towards gender equality in the last 20 years. The
country developed a national policy on women and revised its penal law to align with
international standards. Ethiopia has also made encouraging strides in improving the
representation of women in the House of Representatives, ministerial cabinet positions,
and governmental institutions. Furthermore, national poverty reduction strategies now
include targets to advance gender equality and women’s empowerment. Finally, the
Ethiopian government adopted many international conventions on gender equality and
women’s empowerment (Abebe, 2020; Oxfam, 2017).
Despite these gains, serious gaps in terms of gender equality persist, and the Somali
Region lags behind most other Ethiopian regions. With a Gender Parity Index (GPI) of
0.7 at the primary education level and 0.4 at the secondary level, the gender gap in
education in the region is one of the highest in the country (Oxfam, 2017). Another key
challenge in bridging the gender gap is women’s access to land, which has been a core
agenda item of the Ethiopian government in recent years. Although there are adequate
policy and legal frameworks to promote gender equality and assure women’s rights to
access, control and administer land, there have been serious institutional, cultural and
technical constraints in enforcing laws and achieving progress on women’s rights and
empowerment. Customary norms, religious beliefs and deeply traditional social
practices hamper the full realisation of women’s rights. For instance, at the local level,
patrilineal systems exclude women and girls from their legal right to inherit land.
Divorce rules often do not support women in customary practices (Abebe, 2020).
Intersectional vulnerabilities in the Somali region primarily play out across occupational
groups, migration status, ethnicity, household income, education, gender, age and
disability. Pastoralists, and in particular women and children, are the most vulnerable
among the rural poor. In pastoralist communities, mobility plays a key role to track the
best grazing and water sources, or to avoid drought, disease or conflict. Women, youth
and elderly people are often the least capable of moving as an adaptation strategy,
making them particularly vulnerable (IFAD, 2020a,b). This is further described in detail
in pathway 4, as part of the section on climate insecurity pathways of this report.
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Environment and climate change
The Somali Region has a semi-arid to arid climate with perennial rivers that provide
opportunities for pastoralism and irrigated and localised rain-fed farming activities. The
region is part of the Somali Acacia-Commiphora bushlands and thickets ecoregion.
Altitudes in the Somali Region range from 1.500m above sea level in the northwest to
about 300m along the southern border and the Wabi Shebelle Valley. However, while
over half of Ethiopia rises over 1.500m, most of the Somali Region lies below 1.000m
and is comprised of semi-arid pastoral land (see figure 8). The landscape consists of
dense shrubland, bush grassland and bare hills (Somali Government, 2022).
Sitting slightly below the Sahel but above the tropics and adjacent to Somalia’s arid
desert, much of Ethiopia experiences moderate temperatures, reflected in its mean
annual temperature of 22.6°C (World Bank, 2021). However, as seen in the map
below, the Somali Region experiences some of the warmest temperatures in Ethiopia,
with a mean temperature close to 28°C (Time and Date, 2022). At the same time,
while the whole of Ethiopia has a mean annual precipitation of 815.8mm according to
the latest climatology, the Somali Region experiences the lowest mean annual
precipitation of the country, lower than 400mm for most of the region and in many of
the eastern parts below 200mm (see figure 9) (World Bank, 2021).
Figure 8: Average annual temperature (left) and elevation in meters (right) (Source: World Bank, 2021)
The Somali Region’s arid climate and geography near Somalia’s border gives it a
different seasonal precipitation cycle than the rest of Ethiopia. Indeed, it does not
experience the Kirempt (long rainy season) at all. Rather, the Somali Region’s
precipitation cycle includes a long rain, the Gu, from February to May, and a short rain,
the Deyr, from October to November (New Humanitarian, 2007).
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Figure 9: Left: Mean temperature and precipitation in the Somali Region (Source: Agrica, 2021); and, right: annual
precipitation, 1901-2020 (Source: World Bank, 2021)
Given the seasonal fluctuation and the variation of seasons within Ethiopia, it is more
useful to measure trends in the anomalies in precipitation for the Gu/Deyr seasons than
to measure total precipitation variance in Ethiopia or the Somali Region across the year
(CHC, 2022). When looking at seasonal and interannual variability of available water
supply, it is clear that large parts of the Somali Region face medium to extremely high
variability, especially when assessing trends from year to year (see figure 10).
Figure 10: 1960-2014 seasonal variability (left) and interannual variability (right) of available water supply in the
Somali Region. This measure the average within-year variability (left) and between-year variability (right) of
available water supply, including both renewable surface and groundwater supplies. Higher values indicate wider
variations of available supply within a year (left) or from year to year (right). Values are calculated based on data
from years 1960 to 2014. (Source: WRI Aqueduct; WPS Global Tool)
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Additionally, these trends must be paired to specific seasons, given rainfall variability
across different seasons. Trend analysis shows that, although the end of the Gu has
seen higher precipitation compared to recent years, the entire Deyr and the start of the
Gu have recently witnessed significantly lower precipitation (CHC, 2022). In the Somali
Region, climate change has increased the likelihood of severe and persistent drought.
Indeed, the periodic El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) has contributed to lower-
than-average Deyr and Gu rainfall in the Somali Region for several consecutive seasons,
which started in 2020 (see figure 11, left) (GEOGLAM, 2022).
Finally, seasonal and interannual rainfall variability are important factors affecting
baseline water stress, which is measured by comparing the ratio of total water
withdrawals to available renewable water supplies.4 Higher values of baseline water
stress indicate more competition among users. As seen in figure 11 (right), despite
some significant areas where no reliable data could be collected, several sub-regions
of the Somali Region experienced medium to high, and high levels of water stress at the
time of the latest available data in 2014 (WRI Aqueduct, 2014). With decreased
precipitation in recent years (see figure 11, left), the levels of baseline water stress
across the Somali Region could be expected to be significantly higher at the time of
reporting compared to the levels in 2014.
Figure 11: Precipitation anomalies in the Somali Region for 24 months5 (left) (Source: ECMWF/Deltares; WPS
Global Tool), and; Baseline water stress from 1960-2014 (right) (Source: WRI Aqueduct; WPS Global Tool)
Climate projections
Temperature and precipitation
The steady warming trend that the Somali Region is currently experiencing is expected
to continue, leading to a higher frequency of ‘very hot days’ (over 35°C), especially in
the second half of the century (IPCC Interactive Atlas, 2022). Both pessimistic (RCP6.0)
and more optimistic (RCP2.6) emissions scenarios show that the Somali Region will
witness the highest increase in very hot days over the next decades compared to other
Ethiopian regions (see figure 12).
4 Water withdrawals include domestic, industrial, irrigation, and livestock consumptive and non-consumptive uses. Available
renewable water supplies include surface and groundwater supplies and considers the impact of upstream users and large dams on
downstream water availability.
5 These were created using precipitation data from the ECMWF SEAS5 seasonal weather forecasts. Specifically, the Standard
Figure 13: CMIP5 ensemble projected change (32 GCMs) in precipitation (bottom) by 2040-2059 (left) and by
2080 (right), relative to 1986-2005 baseline under RCP8.5
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Natural hazards and extreme weather
With more heatwaves, higher rainfall variability and an increase in heavy precipitation
events, the Somali Region is and will remain in the future highly exposed to extreme
weather events. Most high-risk weather-related events are drought and flooding,
including flash floods and river floods. Dry soil increases the levels of run-off such that
much water does not permeate the soil, resulting in increased risk of floods. When
looking at the percentage of the Somali population expected to be affected by riverine
flooding, almost the entire region is at medium to high, or extremely high risk (see figure
14) (WRI Aqueduct, 2010).
Drier weather conditions in the Somali Region also increase the severity and frequency
of wildfire hazards. According to ThinkHazard!, the risk for the entire region is classified
as high. Other natural hazards, including landslides, earthquakes, and cyclones are
marked as low to medium. The impact risk of volcanic eruption is only high in the
northwest of the Somali Region (ThinkHazard!, 2022).
Figure 14: Riverine flood risk (left) (Source: WRI Aqueduct; WPS Global Tool, 2010) and urban flood risk
(ThinkHazard!, 2022)
Desert locusts
Desert locusts (Schistocera gregaria) are considered the world’s most widespread and
destructive pest. In Ethiopia, desert locust swarms emerge in two stages. The first
stage, known as the solitary stage, exhibits a low density of locusts, but once the
swarms are formed in the second stage, called the gregarious stage, the threat of
locusts increases in terms of geographic area and scale of harm in any given area (Guan
et al., 2021).
Weather patterns determine a locust’s life cycle and therefore climate change impacts
desert locusts. First, egg hatching relies on moist soil, and therefore higher precipitation
is associated with higher rates of locust reproduction. For example, the 2003–2005
desert locust invasion can be largely attributed to abnormally high rainfall. Similarly, the
two strong tropical cyclones in the Arabian Sea in May 2018 and December 2019
created ideal conditions for locust crises in Ethiopia from 2019–2021. FAO’s
24
documentation of locust swarms during this period illustrates the unique vulnerability
of the Somali Region to locust swarms (Guan et al., 2021; FAO, 2022).
Figure 15: The spread of locust swarms in Ethiopia from August 2019 to January 2020 (FAO, 2020)
The risk of desert locust swarms in the Somali Region will continue into the foreseeable
future. Advances in modelling can be used to predict the distribution of desert locusts
along climate pathways associated with warming targets. This modelling forecasts that
temperature rise will lead to a contraction in the locusts’ reproduction cycle, and
therefore warmer temperatures are generally associated with reduced areas of
reproduction potential. However, for those areas within this contracted zone where
locust reproduction will take place, which includes the Somali Region, the compounding
factors of i) maintained breeding area, ii) frequent extreme weather events, and iii)
population growth may actually contribute to an increased intensity and duration of
locust swarms (Guan et al., 2021).
Table 2: Overview of impacts of climate change on various sectors in the Somali Region (source: The World Bank;
UN Habitat)
26
Climate insecurity pathways: How climate change
compounds existing risks
There is ample evidence that climate and environmental pressures have contributed to
food insecurity and violent conflict across the world, and this is expected to increase as
the impacts of climate change worsen (Delgado, 2021). Evidence also suggests that
climate-related conflict is more likely to emerge in regions that are highly vulnerable to
climate variability and experiencing low socioeconomic development, poor
infrastructure and governance capacity, alongside high levels of food insecurity,
poverty, and socio-political inequality. Livelihood dependency on natural resources,
rain-fed agriculture and pastoralism also increase this risk (Belay et al., 2005; Beyene,
2017). Most of the regions that experience protracted crisis or high risk of famine are
often simultaneously affected by violent conflict and natural resource scarcity, which
reflects the interconnection between climate, food systems, environment, climate, and
insecurity (Liebig et al., 2022).
It is important to note that the cascading effects of climate on peace and security are
highly complex, and usually first play out at the local and communal level. Multiple
moving parts influence each other: there can be linear, causal linkages between climate
and insecurity, but these are also shaped by indirect, intermediate factors and context-
specific dynamics. Although there are some general trends and patterns to discern
through climate insecurity pathways, the change processes always remain difficult to
comprehend or predict (Liebig et al., 2022; Rüttinger et al., 2015).
This means climate change is seldom the direct source or driver, but it has a multiplier
effect and is an aggravating factor for crisis, instability, and conflict (Pacillo et al., 2022).
Other variables, especially history of conflict, political instability, oppression or
marginalisation, might have stronger explanatory or predictive value for violence than
climate stressors. Simplistic climate-conflict narratives should therefore not overwrite
longstanding historical factors that drive conflict in a certain context (Verhoeven, 2011;
Salehyan, 2014).
Based on a review of existing literature, the following section identifies five key
overlapping insecurity pathways – or cascading effects – through which climate change
and environmental pressures can compound risks to peace and security in the Somali
Region. These centre around:
The Somali Region has always had limited natural resources available, and recent
droughts, flooding and pests have further reduced this, causing repeated devastation
on communities’ livelihood and food security. Even though livelihoods are relatively
diversified, (agro)pastoralists and farmers remain heavily reliant on natural resources
(Beyene, 2017). Most of the region’s population is dependent on livestock as a both
source of food and income, but when seasons fail, these households experience a rapid
27
deterioration in food security and increased risk of malnutrition. Rains are becoming
more unpredictable and intense, oftentimes followed by flash floods and high levels of
run-off which means much water is lost as it cannot permeate the soil. Cycles of drought
and flooding have caused critical feed and water shortages, resulting in widespread
livestock and yield losses (FAO, 2016). The Somali Region local office has shared with
media outlet that more than 4.5 million livestock have died since late 2021 and 30
million are at risk (Addis Standard, 2023). In addition, a warming Arabian Sea increases
rainfall in and around the Arabian Peninsula, leading to higher rates of locust swarms.
Between 2019 and 2021, vast swarms of desert locusts wreaked havoc all over Eastern
Africa, causing severe damage to vital vegetation, agriculture land, rangelands and
fodder (The Week, 2021; Murakami et al., 2017).
Coping with climate hazards and environmental pressures has long been an integral
part of (agro)pastoralist life, especially in settings that experience a lot of climate
variability such as the Somali Region. More recently, pastoralists have increasingly
adapted by engaging in more diverse and non-pastoralist livelihoods like wage labour,
petty trade or selling assets (Belay et al., 2005; Beyene, 2017). Of course, Somali
pastoralists pursue heterogeneous adaptation pathways according to differences and
disparities in material, social and cultural capital (IOM and ICPALD, 2022).
Communities living in areas with access to markets, social infrastructure, and roads
have a greater range of adaptation options (UN Habitat, 2014).
Most pastoralists follow seasonal livestock mobility patterns to utilise the wet and dry
season grazing lands, and breed livestock that feed selectively on available pastures in
the dry lands. Adjusting these mobility strategies for the sustainable management of
drylands vegetation and water is also a well-known adaptive behavioural response
(IGAD, 2019). Similarly, cattle raiding and natural resource competition, including land
and water disputes – either between farming communities and pastoralists or between
pastoral clans – have been part of Somali pastoral ecosystems for a long time. Such
competition and cattle raiding often have deeply rooted belief systems and long-
standing traditional practices (Hegazi et al., 2022; Mussa et al., 2017).
Oftentimes, this cattle raiding and competition turns violent, and pastoral societies
have developed numerous traditional and customary ways to prevent and resolve
conflict. Somali clan elders play a key role in customary law by mediating in disputes
between clans and negotiating agreements on compensation, and also by leading
traditional practices of forgiveness (Muluken, 2020). The Ethiopian government also
recognised this as a conflict resolution mechanism, which was integrated in the Somali
government (Hegazi et al., 2022; Mussa et al., 2017). However, when natural resources
dwindle and competition becomes fiercer, the risk of violence also heightens. Evidence
from different contexts suggests that food and livelihood insecurity increase grievances
and can have negative implications for peace and stability (Delgado et al., 2021).
The incidence of violence related to livestock raiding has been found to increase during
atypically wet and atypically dry years. Some evidence suggests that pastoral groups in
the Somali Region engage in more livestock raiding during dry years, suggestive of
greater scarcity (Raleigh and Kniveton, 2012). However, other research in the broader
region indicates that livestock violence becomes higher in wet times suggestive of more
violence in times of plenty (Ember et al., 2014). Oftentimes, to cope with the effects of
drought, livestock is raided within the same clan, or between different clans. This does
not necessarily lead to conflict, as it is part of traditional resource sharing mechanisms
28
managed through indigenous conflict resolution. However, inter-ethnic or inter-clan
raiding – as compared to intra-clan – often causes conflict between communities
because there are no or few mechanisms for conflict resolution or compensation
between such groups (Belay et al., 2005). In periods of drought, intra-clan raiding might
reduce, and inter-clan or inter-ethnic raiding increase, leading to more violent conflict
between communities (Hegazi et al., 2022).
The supply and availability of small arms to farmers and herders also play a key role in
escalating competition into conflict, and conflict into violence. Communal conflict
management mechanisms can erode, leading to further deterioration of the security
situation (Abbink, 2007). External shocks, such as weather hazards and locust swarms,
that threaten natural resources have a high likelihood of simultaneously exacerbating
these conflicts. This insecurity pathway has spiralled repeatedly during several
episodes in recent Somali history, and is expected to become more intense and
frequent when the impacts of climate change worsen (Hegazi et al., 2022; IOM and
ICPALD, 2022).
Migration and mobility are amongst the most important livelihood strategies of pastoral
societies. Transhumance is not only a vital aspect of the livestock production system
and an inherent part of pastoral life, it also helps pastoral communities to strengthen
their resilience and adaptive capacity to various stressors. However, if mobility patterns
change, they can also become a source of intense demographic pressures that lead to
tensions between and within communities. This is especially visible when shifting
migration takes place in a poorly planned, unmanaged, abrupt, or forced manner
(Ahmed and Bihi, 2019; IOM and ICPALD, 2022).
Even though migration as an adaptation and risk management strategy has often been
successful for nomadic pastoralists, it also comes with heightened risks. Migration puts
additional stress on already weakened animals, especially when routes become longer
or more arduous. Higher concentrations of livestock in restricted areas, e.g. in
diminished plots of fertile rangeland, have also been conducive to the rapid spread of
contagious diseases. In the worst-affected areas of the Somali Region, households
dependent on their animals – mainly sheep, goats, cattle and camels – have seen most,
or all, of their herd perish as a result of insufficient feed and water (FAO, 2016). Ex-
pastoralists and pastoral drop-outs who lost their assets and property often
subsequently migrate to urban centres in search for a better and more secure life.
Mostly young (ex-)pastoralists then end up in extreme poverty in villages and towns,
29
without social protection and economic income, and marginalised from host
communities (Ahmed and Bihi, 2019).
It is worth considering the impact that consecutive and multi-year climate variability
and extremes have had on traditional ways of coping mechanisms such as
transhumance and migration patterns. For example, a study that focused on
understanding climate variability and indigenous adaptation strategies by Somali
pastoralists in the Kebribeyah district (northwest of the Somali Region) revealed that
unusual adaptation strategies are replacing the traditional pastoralist livelihood
system. Survey responses suggested that most households resorted to various non-
farm and off-farm methods, including petty trade, charcoal production, daily labor,
remittance, milk sells and meat sell (Ayal et al., 2022). Furthermore, focus group
discussion with young pastoralists disclosed the extent of out-migration of the young
population in search of employment to the nearby towns like Jigjiga and Degehabour
and as far as Saudi Arabia and Libya (Ayal et al., 2022).
Access can also be restricted due to legal or governance issues. For example, the Land
Administration to Nurture Development (LAND) project was established as a legal and
regulatory framework related to land tenure and property rights, including for
communal lands used by pastoralists. However, the project caused tensions because
pastoralists identified the dheeda (a traditional grazing unit) as the unit of landholding,
while regional officials were reluctant to formally recognise such large land-holdings,
which often traverse administrative boundaries. From the administration’s point of
view, customary structures were only deemed acceptable for local governance of small
territories. To safeguard transhumance movements, new legislation had to be passed
to allow pastoral community institutions to register as Community Land Governance
Entities (CLGEs) and hold title to communal land (Woldegiorgis, 2018; IOM and ICPALD,
2022).
Somali herders also face forced migration and displacement. In recent years, extreme
weather events in the Somali Region forced thousands of families out of their homes
30
and into displacement camps. A recent assessment found that 85 per cent of displaced
people in the Somali Region reported the main reason for their displacement as ‘loss of
livelihood due to drought’ (ACTED, 2021). The Somali Region has seen a continuous
influx of refugees and IDPs for years, including in and around urban centres and
highland areas, causing stress on host communities (FAO, 2016; UN Habitat, 2020). The
recent drought has also forced Ogaadeen (of Somali Region) pastoralists to cross over
to Somaliland and, in mid-2022, some 3.000 families and their livestock had arrived in
different parts of Somaliland (Rift Valley Institute, 2022).
Transhumance-related violence often takes place in regions that are rich in natural
resources, rather than in environmentally degraded zones. As nomadic pastoralists
leave drylands or unsuitable lands for pastoralism and travel to fertile rangeland and
agrarian areas in search for non-drought conditions, the latter regions consequently
experience demographic pressures, followed by a spike in competition and conflict over
natural resources. Drought-affected pastoral areas thus remain relatively calm, while
less arid lands with grazing opportunities risk becoming more unstable (Mcguirk and
Nunn, 2020). Often, (agro)pastoral areas where agriculture and pastoralism have
coexisted for a long time have greater resilience to such spill-over effects because
conflict management systems and resource-sharing mechanisms have already been
implemented. Fertile regions that did not experience increases in population (climate
in-migration) earlier might be less equipped to find suitable arrangements (IOM and
ICPALD, 2022). While transhumance-related violence and herder-farmer conflicts
remained relatively low in the Somali Region in recent history, the situation might
quickly deteriorate if climate stressors and associated disputes are poorly managed. In
such a scenario, the Somali Region could face an increase in transhumance conflicts as
seen in other parts of the broader region, such as in Somalia, Nigeria and Liptako
Gourma.
The Somali Region’s geographic location, nested within the Horn of Africa, together with
its porous land borders, makes it vulnerable to security developments in neighbouring
regions. Somalia has experienced over three decades of civil war, including violent
conflict over natural resources that come increasingly under pressure, making it an area
of instability that could spur new conflagrations and regional spill-over effects at any
point. Furthermore, the ethnic homogeneity in the Somali Region has led to close ties
with clans in Southern Somalia (Ogaden), Somaliland (Issaq), and Djibouti (Issa)
(Ficquet and Feyissa, 2015).
In addition to international ties, Somali clans in the Somali Region inhabit areas within
the borders of its Ethiopian neighbouring regions of Oromia and Afar, which have
already experienced ethnic tension and resource competition in borderlands (Kefale,
2013). Ethno-nationalist conflicts, as flared up between the federal and Tigray
governments in late 2020, might also spur separatist sentiment and grievance in the
Somali Region towards central governance and politics, federal land distribution,
regional borders and sovereignty (Hagmann, 2014; Hagmann, 2020). The disputed
borders area between Afar and Somali Regions, which has significant resources such as
31
the Awash River6, has seen a rise in conflict over these resources since 2018, with major
clashes happening at the time of heightened political tensions during the run-up toward
the national elections in 2021 (Ethiopia Peace Observatory, 2023). Although a major
clash has not made the news since 2021, the Awash River continues to be an important
resource for both Afar and Somali herders and is critical for trade between Addis Ababa
and Djibouti (Ethiopia Peace Observatory, 2023).
Finally, the Somali Region’s neighbours are also highly exposed and vulnerable to
climate shocks and disasters caused by natural hazards (ND-GAIN, 2022; Weathering
Risk, 2022). Even though climate impacts can play out differently across the wider
region, and while the Somali Region might remain spared from severe climate hazards,
it is by no means isolated from its neighbours. The Somali population could therefore
bear the consequences of the wider region’s high fragility to climate and environmental
stress. Taken together, the socio-political, economic and climate volatility of neighbours
inside and outside of Ethiopia, as well as the complex ties and interdependence
between neighbours, make the Somali Region equally vulnerable to external climate-
related security risks. These have the potential to exacerbate conflict among Somalis
or between Somalis and their neighbours, especially in borderlands (Kefale, 2013; IOM
and ICPALD, 2022).
The Somali Region is also dealing with refugees fleeing conflict. In 2023, at least
100.000 refugees from Somalia fled to remote areas of the Somali Region because of
conflict between Somalian security forces and opposition groups, particularly after
fighting started in Las Anod, in the disputed Sool region (UNHCR, 2023b). In the past,
cross-border security between the Somali Region and Somalia has been relatively
peaceful owing to strong Ethiopian Security forces presence, except for a rare attack of
two villages by Al-Shabab forces in July 2022 (Reuters, 2022). However, as climate and
demographic pressures increase, and if strong security is not maintained, the Somali-
Somalia border area could see higher displacement and instability.
Concerning socioeconomic class, wealthier herders can more easily diversify their
income by focusing on agriculture or by investing in less climate-sensitive economic
activities – something herders with less means at their disposal are oftentimes unable
to do (IOM and ICPALD, 2022). For example, some Somali herders have opposed
irrigation-based schemes that reduce available pasturelands, while other, often
wealthier pastoralists from the same community decided to purchase private land and
6 The Awash river basin is one of the most important river basins in Ethiopia covering significant populated areas. Climate
vulnerability has resulted in increased dependency on the river and its tributaries (CSE, 2022).
32
invest in irrigated cultivation as a way to diversify their income. Such coping
mechanisms applied by wealthy pastoralists might also reduce options for poor,
smallholder herders (Eriksen and Marin, 2011).
As for gender, in the Somali Region men tend to respond to drought by migrating to look
for work, selling assets or livestock, and purchasing food on credit. Each of these
adaptation strategies is used in higher proportion by men compared to women, which
could be due to women’s limited opportunities for mobility, and their limited access and
control over resources and assets (Oxfam, 2017). In response to food insecurity,
women tend to adopt negative coping strategies, such as reduction in food
consumption. Furthermore, women may have more control over decision-making about
food assistance than decision-making about cash assistance, compared to men. When
men leave the herd behind and migrate in search for other income generating activities,
women become de facto heads of households and in charge of livestock keeping. In
such cases, women usually take over some of the decision-making authority, but this is
often faced with resistance, either within households or from the community. In
addition, when taking on additional responsibilities in response to climate stressors,
women and children often have to leave safe environments and expose themselves to
security risks, e.g. when fetching water over longer distances or when taking care of the
herd (Oxfam, 2017; IFAD, 2020a).
Although Somali women and men are both involved in livestock rearing, women tend to
face more constraints in market access and control over resources. Thus, women are
generally more often engaged in labour-intensive activities such as milking and feeding
livestock, while men are in charge of decision-making of livestock sales (WFP, 2019).
With the implementation of statutory, formal systems of land use and ownership, some
communal pasture tenure systems have been breaking down. This has led to adverse
impacts on women, who often fall ‘between two stools’, i.e. that of the customary
practices and that of the more formal governance tenure. This can materialise in women
missing out on formal recognition of their roles and titles in pastoral societies (Adoko
and Levine, 2008; Flintan, 2011).
To cope with increasingly harsh living conditions, over the years, pastoralists have
attempted to diversify their livestock, because depending on one particular livestock
type makes them more vulnerable to drought, rangeland fragmentation or market
accessibility and fluctuation. Higher diversification of livestock requires additional tasks
and responsibilities, and consequently women and children have started to play a
greater role in herd management. Women will usually have responsibility for small
livestock such as sheep or goats, and/or the larger livestock that is kept around the
household. Typical tasks include milking and caring for sick or young animals, especially
when men are migrating with the herd (IFAD, 2020a).
Both Somali men and women also try to diversify their income by engaging in non-
pastoralist related work. This may involve farming or trade in non-pastoral goods,
leading to increased resilience to climate-related or other stressors. However,
livelihood diversification can also push women into higher workloads that are time-
consuming, and thus negatively affect other aspects of their lives, such as domestic
work, education, leisure and social activities, etc. This eventually hampers their
socioeconomic empowerment. In sum, economic diversification into non-livestock
alternatives can lead to both empowerment or disempowerment of women (IFAD,
2020a).
33
The introduction of modern technology and livestock information services offers a range
of opportunities for pastoralists to strengthen their resilience. However, such
innovations typically have a higher uptake amongst men as compared to women.
Furthermore, livestock extension provision and veterinary services are generally
designed by and provided for men, with limited focus on women’s involvement in
livestock health and production (IFAD, 2020a).
Not only women, but also children, youth, disabled and elderly persons have limited
access to coping mechanisms and are more vulnerable to harmful adaptation practices,
which reinforce the cycle of poverty and insecurity. The cascading effects of climate
change on these vulnerable groups can also have a direct impact on their personal
security. Examples include reduced access to education, increased child marriage and
Female Genital Mutilation, or increased mortality among the elderly due to climate-
induced livelihood stress and insecurity (UNICEF, 2022; Nusrat, 2019). Marginalisation
and poverty amongst youth, whether exacerbated by climate insecurity or not, have also
been well-evidenced drivers of armed group recruitment and mobilisation (Haer, 2019;
Achvarina and Reich, 2006). When pastoral livelihoods dwindle, older community
members can compel youth to engage in cattle raiding, often against their will, exposing
them to violence. Finally, youth are often more likely than their older counterparts to
aspire to livelihood diversification, and, for example, migrate to urban areas in search
for opportunities. While this can strengthen their resilience, it can also expose them to
urban poverty, criminality and violence (Humphrey et al., 2023).
Finally, women and youth are not solely victims of climate insecurity. They are often
wrongly perceived as passive actors in transhumance-related conflicts. While it is
mostly men engaging in violence, women play a role in cultivating a culture of conflict,
or indeed, peace (IFAD, 2020a). Women sometimes encourage young family members
to fight to protect their clan and livelihoods, while on the other hand, they can also play
a role in mediating conflicts or preventing them from escalating. For example, in some
instances, women can intervene where men cannot, for fear among the latter that they
could be killed before negotiations begin or if a resolution is not found (Bouh and
Mammo, 2008).
The Somali Region, which in the 1880s was one of the last regions to be incorporated
into the Ethiopian state, did not integrate into state institutions in the same way as other
regions because of its rural demographics and predominantly pastoralist populace.
Historically, there has been inequity in power and resource allocation between
Ethiopia’s highland and central regions in comparison with its lowland and peripheral
regions (Kefale, 2013). Because of this history, today most governmental actors still
have limited activities and influence in the Somali Region, especially related to climate
adaptation and resilience building. This is due, in part, to the lack of formal partnerships
between authorities and other relevant stakeholders, such as (agro)pastoral
communities, civil society organisations, and the private sector. The history of state-
based violence in the Somali Region, as well as opposition to state interference, has
consistently hampered the presence, legitimacy and capacity of governmental actors in
the region. As a result, basic safety measures, such as disaster and emergency
management are considerably limited or non-existent (UN Habitat, 2014).
34
Politics and governance in the region remain inseparable from inter-clan and intra-clan
dynamics and norms among the Somali population, as well as the longstanding ties
between these Somali clans and their counterparts in Somalia (Kefale, 2013). In this
context, initiatives from the central government to respond to climate and
environmental pressures can create new problems or conflicts across jurisdictions. For
example, if climate, peace and security strategies enacted by Ethiopian authorities in
the Somali Region do not have local buy-in or ownership, they could be perceived by
Somalis as undesirable or even harmful, leading to push back that could potentially turn
into violent conflict – as it has on numerous occasions in the past (Warfa, 2021).
Disregard for customary regulations and practices, as well as government interventions
that could be perceived as discriminatory, therefore risk flaring up historical grievances
which can drive new tensions and conflicts. These conflicts could play out intra-
regionally, within and between Somali pastoralist clans, or between Somalis and the
Ethiopian central state or neighbouring states, such as Oromia or Afar. Some key risk
areas include access to and distribution of fertile land, water resources and
humanitarian aid.
35
Existing responses that address climate-related risks
At the national level, Ethiopia’s climate change adaptation policies identify and
prioritize the need for safeguarding livelihood security and strengthening of climate
vulnerability and shock coping mechanisms. For instance, three out of the 18
adaptation options that have been identified for implementation in the National
Adaptation Plan (NAP) are (1) enhancing food security by improving agricultural
productivity in a climate-smart manner, (2) building social protection and livelihood
options of vulnerable people, and (3) strengthening drought, livestock and crop
mechanisms (FDRE, 2019). It is worth noting that Ethiopia’s Nationally Determined
Contribution (NDC), which was updated in 2021, after initial submission to the UNFCCC
in 2016, focuses its adaptation commitments in the areas of agriculture and land use
with priorities in livestock diversification, drought resistant animal breeding, rangeland
management and livestock insurance (UNFCCC, 2022). Furthermore, key intervention
points relating to climate resilient food systems that were recognized by the NDC are:
agriculture resilience and diversification, risk reduction, transfer, and insurance, water
management and irrigation, and, climate information services (UNFCC, 2022).
Anticipatory Actions (AAs) for Food Security: WFP partners with local institutions,
the Somali Region Disaster Risk Management Bureau (DRMB), National Meteorological
Authority (NMA) and Somali Micro Finance Institution and Mercy Corps to implement
anticipatory action programmes (UNFCCC 2022; WFP 2023). The anticipatory action
programming has a two-fold approach to preventing or reducing climate hazards on
vulnerable populations: (1) strengthening national and local capacities for early warning
and reach the increasing number of vulnerable populations, and (2) direct delivery of
anticipatory action (UNFCCC, 2022; WFP, 2023). In 2022, two AAs were activated in
July and August with the goal of protecting lives and livelihoods from deteriorating
drought conditions through dissemination of early warning messages and advisories to
vulnerable local communities, rangeland enclosure and fodder production and
provision of anticipatory cash (see table 2) (WFP, 2023). In 2023, WFP aims to continue
support drought-affected (agro)pastoralists in the region through anticipatory action
programming, which will include providing microinsurance and assisting to boost
livelihoods (WFP, 2023).
Somali Regional State Durable Solutions Strategy 2022-2025: The SRS Durable
Solutions Strategy 2022-2025 is part of the Durable Solutions Initiative (DSI) that was
established by the Government of Ethiopia, in collaboration with the UN, NGOs and
donors by focusing on communities affected by recent internal displacement (UN
Ethiopia, 2019). The action plan of this strategy is to provide a pathway for
displacement affected communities to transition from dependency on humanitarian,
urgent life-saving assistance to a condition of self-sufficiency and, ultimately, resilience
(DSI and SDC, 2022). In 2020, the Durable Solution Steering Committee headed the
development of solution options for IDPs which included returning to areas of origin,
relocation to both urban and rural areas; and local integration; with a costed plan of
action to outline multi- sectoral needs and technical support (DSI and SDC, 2022).
36
UNHCR Response to Drought Impacted Communities: UNHCR’s current drought
impact response may not necessarily be considered long-term risk reduction
programming but helps mitigate the impact of the climate vulnerability and extremes
that communities are dealing with from the ongoing drought and flooding. From April-
July of 2023, 1.4 million people were prioritised for assistance in drought affected areas
of the Somali Region (UNHCR, 2023a). UNHCR partnered with the local government
office to distribute emergency food (rice, wheat flour, sugar and dates) to communities
experiencing drought displacement and floods (UNCHR, 2023). Additionally, UNHCR
distributed principal relief items (plastic sheets, solar lanterns, jerrycans and sleeping
mats) to drought displaced households and profiling of IDPs and identified needs for
effective planning of response, including arrangement for multi-purpose cash
assistance (UNHCR, 2023a).
37
A critical element to consider when designing and implementing climate security
programmes includes taking into account the risk of maladaptation. According to the
IPCC, maladaptive responses to climate change can create lock-ins of vulnerability,
heightened exposure to risks that are harmful and costly to manage and worsen existing
inequalities. However, it is possible to avoid maladaptation through flexible, multi-
sectoral, inclusive and long-term planning and implementation of adaptation
programmes that benefit to multiple sectors and systems (IPCC, 2022). In a nutshell,
cross-sectorial partnerships and coordination with the inclusion of contextual and local
knowledge will be important to minimising the risk of maladaptation. Overall, it is
difficult to forecast which strategies will translate adaptation programs into
maladaptation but growing experience of adaptation on the ground has clarified that
poorly designed adaptation strategies are often the drivers of maladaptation (Schipper,
2020). The overarching strategy to avoid maladaptation should also take into account
how coping mechanisms outside of climate change adaptation programming are
impacting sustainable development and peace and security goals. For instance,
considering that the Somali Region is already noticing maladaptive coping mechanisms
such as charcoal trading and Khat farming that threaten bushland and compete with
food production, an effective adaptation strategy would put in place a way to assess
those impacts (Ayal et al, 2022).
38
Entry points and priorities
This report highlights some of the climate-related security risks in the Somali Region
and describes how these are interlinked with existing vulnerabilities. The intensifying
severity of climate change impacts and environmental degradation, combined with the
lack of alternative coping strategies in many communities in the Somali Region, are
decreasing the ability of people to adapt, including through migration and livelihood
diversification. When people flee conflict and weather-related hazards, they face
deteriorated living conditions and increased vulnerability. Rural-urban migration, as
well as refugee sites and settlements for IDPs, also cause additional pressures on
already scarce, variable and ephemeral natural resources, putting stress on host
communities. Strong feedback loops between climate change impacts and drivers of
conflict exist, in particular with poor governance and livelihood and food insecurity.
Severe shortages of water and pasture in the Somali Region are devastating livelihoods
and forcing families from their homes. This consequently increases the risk for
unorderly migration, competition over natural resources, and violent conflict. With the
effects of climate change, these impacts will worsen in the future, especially for
(agro)pastoralists and farmers, as well as women, youth and rural poor, who are
amongst the most vulnerable communities to environmental stressors.
40
• Promoting resilient, bio-fortified crop production, including intercropping,
and nutrient-dense foods, as well as the use of improved, high-yielding
seed varieties, especially fast growing, drought resistant plants.
• Exploring alternative farming approaches like agroforestry, urban farming,
and supporting enhanced food storage and post-harvest handling.
41
• Supporting existing indigenous knowledge strategies for resilience, such as
social systems support, early warning systems based on long-term
observation of astral bodies, flora and fauna and experience.
• Promoting flexible and communal systems of governance for grazing and
water sources, as these have the highest potential for local acceptance and
ownership.
• Linking customary pastoralist institutions and practices with formal
government actors to promote bottom-up approaches and build sustainable
and effective partnerships.
• Helping to broker formal and informal natural resource sharing
agreements between farmers and (agro)pastoralists, among
(agro)pastoralists, and between refugees, IDPs and host communities.
7. Capacity-building and awareness raising: The following entry points can help to
improve the delivery of climate, environmental and security/conflict information
across different sectors of the food system:
• Collaborate with partners and stakeholders to develop programmes that can
build capacity in climate security and resilience, climate adaptation and
climate-smart food programmes.
• Develop information products targeting climate fragile communities, e.g.
related to weather forecasts, seasonal forecasts, and agricultural information.
• Incorporate climate security information for the different components of
food systems in early warning systems and emergency response
mechanisms.
42
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Annex
Key actions for avoiding and managing conflict in pastoral lands (FAO, 2016)
The following actions can help interveners to identify project and programme-based
priorities that can help prevent conflict in pastoral areas:
1. Understanding conflict triggers and multipliers – conflict analysis.
2. Restoring capability of traditional institutions.
3. Strengthening social cohesion and good social relations.
4. Strengthening environmental management and sustainability.
5. Repairing relationships.
6. Making governance and decision-making processes fairer.
7. Establishing tenure clarity.
8. Strengthening (institutional) capacity to buffer and respond to crisis.
9. Addressing factors underpinning structural inequity.
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Imprint
Published by Authors
adelphi research gemeinnützige GmbH Lucas Destrijcker, Milen Yishak, Michael
Alt-Moabit 91, 10559 Berlin Thomson, Aminata Traore, Yishuang
+49 (030) 8900068-0 Antonio Xu, Hannah Kurnoth
[email protected]
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