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 Table of Contents

Preface xiii

Ch apte r1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~­

Learning Theory What It Is and How It Got This Way 3

Philosophical Roots 5 Computer and brain metaphors 22
A re people machines? 5 Human learning and animal learning 25
Associations and the cont ents of the Tools for Analyzing Learning and
mind 7 Behavior 27
Biological Roots 9 Learning about stimuli and about
Reflexes, evolution, and early behavior 28
comparative psychology 9 Crows forag ing at the beach 29
The rise of the conditioning Human eating and overeating 31
experiment 12 Kids at play 31
People using drugs 33
A Science of Learning and
Relations between S, R, and O 33
Behavior 14
John B. Watson 14 Summary 35
B. F. Skinner 17 Discussion Questions 37
Edward C. Tolman 20
Key People and Key Terms 38
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapte r2~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Learning and Adaptation 41

Evolution and Behavior 42 Territoriality and reproduction 56
Natural selection 42 Fear 59
Adaptation in behavior 42 Condit ioning with drugs as the
Fixed action patterns 44 outcome 60
Innate behavio r 45 Sign tracking 63
Habituation 47 Other Parallels Between Signal
Adaptation and Learning: and Response Learning 64
Instrumental Conditioning 50 Extinction 64
The law of effect 51 Tim ing of the outcome 66
Reinforcement 52 Size of the out come 69
Shaping 52 Preparedness 70

Adaptation and Learning: Summary 74

Classical Conditioning 54 Discussion Questions 75
Signals for food 55
Key Terms 76

Ch apte r 3 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The Nuts and Bolts of Classical Conditioning 79

The Basic Conditioning Conditioned Inhibition 97
Experiment 80 How to produce cond itioned
Pavlov's experiment 80 inhib ition 97
What is learned in conditioning? 8 1 How to detect cond itioned inhib ition 98
Variations on the basic experiment 83 Two methods that do NOT p roduce
true inhib ition 100
Methods for Studying Classical
Conditioning 84 Information Value in
Eyeblink conditioning in rabbits 85 Conditioning 101
Fear condit ioning in rats 86 CS-US contingencies in classical
Autoshaping in pigeons 87 condit ioning 101
Appetitive conditioning in rats 89 Blocking and unblocking 103
Taste aversion learning 90 Overshadowing 106
Relative validity in cond itioning 106
Things That Affect the Strength
of Conditioning 90 Summary 109
Time 91 Discussion Questions 110
Novelty of the CS and the US 93
Key Terms 111
Intensity of the CS and the US 94
Pseudoconditioning and sensit ization 95
 TA BLE OF CONTEN TS ix

Chapter4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Theories of Conditioning 113

The Rescorla-Wagner Model 114 Short-Term Memory and
Blocking and unblocking 117 Learning 136
Ext inction and inhibition 119 Priming of the US 138
O ther new predictions 122 Priming of the CS 138
CS-US contingencies 125 Habituation 141
What does it all mean? 127 What does it all mean? 142
Some Problems w ith the Nodes, Connections, and
Rescorla-Wagner Model 128 Conditioning 143
The ext inction of inhib ition 128 Wagner's "SOP" model 144
Latent inhibit ion 128 Sensory versus emotional US nodes 148
Another look at b locking 129 Elemental versus configu ral CS
The Role of Attention in nodes 150
Conditioning 130 What does it all mean? 153
The Mackintosh model 130 Summary 154
The Pearce-Hall model 132 Discussion Questions 156
A combined approach 134
What does it all mean? 135
Key Terms 157

Chapters~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Whatever Happened to Behavior Anyway? 159

Memory and Learning 160 Other forms of modulation 186
How well is conditioning What does it all mean? 187
remembered? 160 Understanding the Nature of the
Causes of forgetting 163 Conditioned Response 187
Remembering, forgetting, and Two problems for stimulus
exti nction 166 substitution 188
Other examples of context, ambiguity, Understanding cond itioned
and interference 171
compensatory responses 190
Can memories be erased? 173 Conditioning and behavio r systems 193
Interim Summary 177 What does it all mean? 197
The Modulation of Behavior 177 Conclusion 199
O ccasion setting 178 Summary 200
Th ree properties of occasion setters 181
Discussion Questions 201
What does it all mean? 183
What is learned in occasion setting? 184 Key Terms 202
Configural cond itioning 186
x TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter6~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Are the Laws of Conditioning General? 205

Everything You Know Is The generality of relative va lid ity 222
Wrong 206 Associative Learning in
Special Characteristics of Flavor Honeybees and Humans 225
Aversion Learning 208 Condit ioning in bees 225
One-trial learning 208 Category and causa l learning in
Long-delay learning 209 humans 228
Learned safety 211 Some d isconnections between
Hedonic shift 213 condit ioning and human category and
Compound potentiation 216 causal learning 233
Conclusion 220 Causes, effects, and causal power 237
Conclusion 241
Some Reasons Learning Laws
May Be General 220 Summary 242
Evolution produces both generality and Discussion Questions 243
specificity 220 Key Terms 243

Chapter?~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Behavior and Its Consequences 245

Basic Tools and Issues 246 Behavio ral economics: Are reinforcers all
Reinforcement versus contiguity alike? 272
theory 246 Theories of Reinforcement 276
Flexibility, purpose, and motivation 249 Drive reduction 27 6
Operant psychology 252 The Premack principle 277
Conditioned reinforcement 254 Problems with the Premack principle 280
The Relationship Between Behavio ral regu lation theory 282
Behavior and Payoff 257 Selection by consequences 284
Different ways to schedule payoff 257 Summary 288
Choice 260
Discussion Questions 289
Choice is everywhere 264
Impulsiveness and self-control 266 Key Terms 291
Nudging better choices 271
 TABLE OF CONTENTS xi

Chapter8~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

How Stimuli Guide Instrumental Action 293

Categorization and Working memory 326
Discriminat ion 295 Reference memory 332
Trees, water, and Margaret 296 The Cognition of Time 335
Other categories 298 Time of day cues 335
How do they do it? 301 Interval ti ming 336
Basic Processes of Generalization How do they do it? 340
and Discrimination 305 The Cognition of Space 343
The generalization gradient 306 Cues that guide spatial behavior 343
Interactions between gradients 309 Spatial learning in the radial maze and
Perceptual learning 313 water maze 346
Mediated generalization and acquired How do they do it? 349
equivalence 3 17
Metacognition 355
Conclusion 320
How do they do it? 358
Another Look at the Information
Summary 359
Processing System 320
Discussion Questions 360
Visual perception in p igeons 321
Attention 325 Key Terms 361

Chapter9~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

The Motivation of Instrumental Action 363

How Motivational States Affect Motivation by expectancies 387
Behavior 364 General and specific outcome
Motivation versus learning 364 expectancies 391
Does Drive merely energize? 366 What does it all mean? 394
Is motivated behavior a response to Dynamic Effects of Motivating
need? 37 1 Stimuli 396
Anticipating Reward and Opponent-process theory 396
Punishment 376 Emotions in social attachment 399
Bait and switch 37 6 A further look at addiction 401
The Hullian response: Incentive Conclusion 404
motivation 379 Summary 405
Frustration 380
Discussion Questions 407
Another paradoxical rewa rd effect 382
Partial reinforcement and Key Terms 408
persistence 384
xii TABLE OF CON TENTS

Chapter10~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~­

A Synthetic Perspective on Instrumental Action 4 1 1

Avoidance Learning 412 A general role for stimulus learning in
The puzzle and solution: Two-factor response learning situations 440
theory 412 Punishment 442
Problems with two-fact or theory 41 S Summary: What does it all mean? 445
Species-specific defense reactions 420 A Cognitive Analysis of
Cognitive fact ors in avoidance Instrumental Action 445
learning 426 Knowledge of the R-0 relation 446
Learned helplessness 431 Knowledge of the S-0 relation 452
Summary: What does it all mean? 436 S-(R-0) learning (occasion setting) 454
Parallels in Appetitive S-R and "habit" learning 456
Learning 436 Summary 461
The m isbehavio r of organisms 436
Discussion Questions 463
Superstition revisited 437
Key Terms 464

Glossary 465
References 481
Author Index 529
Subject Index 539
 Preface
The Second Edition of this book has been thoroughly updated, but retains
the outline and structure of the First Ed ition. After the first three chapters
introduce the history of the field of Learning Theory and its basic findings
and concepts (within a functional framework), the remaining chapters pro-
vide what I hope are interesting story lines that keep the reader engaged
and explain the intellectual context of developments in the field. Chapter
4 covers the major theories of classical cond itioning beginning with the
Rescorla-Wagner model. I find that students feel especially rewarded when
they master this material, and I believe that those who haven't been ex-
posed to it may be at a disadvantage if they want to apply knowledge in
the field to other parts of psychology or the world at large. Chapter 5 then
explores how learning gets translated back into behavior. It covers memory
retrieval, extinction, reconsolidation, occasion setting, and behavior sys-
tems, along with other topics. Chapter 6 considers the challenge (created
by the discovery of taste aversion learning) that the principles and theories
of learning developed in the learning lab might not generalize very widely.
Along the way, we get a chance to think more specifically about associa-
tive learning in honeybees and humans. Throughout, the book focuses on
ideas, their interconnectedness, and their evaluation and improvement
through empirical research.
The last four chapters turn more specifically to understanding voluntary
behavior. After considering the classic ideas of Thorndike, Guthrie, and Tol-
man, Chapter 7 discusses material that will be sought by instructors with an
interest in behavior analysis; it covers key topics in operant learning as well
as modern perspectives on choice, reinforcement, delay discounting, and
behavioral economics. The idea is again to show how the research builds
and interconnects. Chapter 8, on stimulus control and animal cognition,
begins with a discussion of categorization in pigeons, which justifies a look
xiv PREFACE

at more foundational research on generalization and discrimination. It then

proceeds to cover topics in perception, attention, and memory in animals,
the cognition of time and space, and finally metacognition. One of the goals,
again, is to show how our understanding of these topics interconnects.
Chapter 9, on the motivation of instrumental behavior, tells another story
that begins with the question of how motivational states affect behavior
and then how expectancies and predictive cues also motivate. The chapter
also covers addiction- although topics related to add iction are addressed
throughout the book. The final chapter, Chapter 10, provides the current
"synthetic" approach to instrumental learning and behavior. It begins by
considering avoidance learning, learned helplessness, misbehavior in ani-
mals, and today's "cognitive" analysis of instrumental learning. All of this
provides an opportunity to reconsider and integrate some of the book's
major themes. My hope is that the reader will leave the book with an ap-
preciation of how all the parts fit back together. One of the nicest things
that was ever said to me about the First Edition was that it "reads like a
novel." I hope that telling good stories that link the issues together w ill
help the reader enjoy and understand the concepts more deeply while also
appreciating how good science works.
One of the pleasures of writing the Second Edition was having the
chance to catch up on so much excellent research. I still believe that mod-
ern Leaming Theory provides a perspective and vocabulary that is highly
useful to all psychologists and behavioral neuroscientists. In addition to
making the complexities of the field accessible to students, I hope the book
will convey its intellectual excitement to anyone who reads it. Through-
out, I also hope the reader will find enough ideas about how the concepts
can be applied to real-world issues to help illustrate why basic research is
worthwhile. Integration and application are also emphasized in the new
Discussion Questions that are included at the end of every chapter.

Acknowledgments
Writing the book depended on many interactions and discussions with
far too many friends and kind red spirits to name here. Bernard Balleine
and Merel Kindt were hosts during a recent sabbatical leave and provided
helpful feedback on some new sections. Vin LoLordo provided sound ad-
vice and feedback all along. I also benefited from comments on individual
chapters provided by my students and former students, Cody Brooks,
Byron Nelson, Scott Schepers, Jay Sunsay, Eric Thrailkill, Travis Todd, and
Sydney Trask. I also want to thank a number of others who commented
on chapters from the first edition: Aileen Bailey, Bob Batsell, Kristin Bion-
dolillo, David Bucci, Allison Deming, Michael Emond, Dennis Jowaisas,
Jonathan Kahane, Richard Keen, John Kelsey, Henry Marcucella, Ronald
Miller, Michael Serra, Amanda Shyne, Janice Steirn, Chris Sturdy, Brian
Thomas, Lucy Troup, Sheree Watson, Cedric Williams, and Brian Wiltgen.
 PREFACE xv

As I said in the preface to the First Edition, the warts that remain in the
final product are my fault, and not theirs.
At Sinauer Associates, my Editor, Sydney Carroll, kept the author and
the project going with great understanding, warmth, and humor. Katha-
leen Emerson masterh1lly organized development of the new colorized art
program and with the assistance of Alison Hornbeck, kept the production
moving forward. Christopher Small, Joanne Delphia, and Beth Roberge
Friedrichs are responsible for the wonderful design and "feel" of the book.
I am still indebted to two great teachers: Roger M. Tarpy, who taught my
first Learning course, and Robert C. Bolles, who was a wise and inspiring
PhD advisor and friend.
My writing was indirectly supported by the Robert B. Lawson Green
and Gold Professorship at the University of Vermont, a Visiting Professor-
ship at the University of Amsterdam, a residence at the Brain and Mind
Research Institute at the University of Sydney, and by research grants from
the National Institutes of Health .
For all of this help and support, I am grateful.

Mark E. Bouton
Burlington, Vermont
February, 2016
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 Media and Supplements
to accompany Learning
and Behavior, Se cond Edition
For Students
Companion Website (www.sinauer.com/bouton2e)
The Learning and Behavior, Second Edition companion website includes
resources to help students learn and review the content of each chapter
and test their understanding of the concepts presented in the textbook.
The site includes the following resources:
• Chapter Outlines
• Chapter Summaries
• Flashcards
• Glossary
• Online Quizzes (Adopting instructors must register online in order
for their students to use this feature)

For Instructors
Instructor's Resource Library
The Learning and Behavior Instructor's Resource Library includes the fol-
lowing resources:
• Textbook Figures & Tables: All of the textbook's figures (includ ing
photos) and tables are provided in both JPEG (high- and low-
resolution) and PowerPoint formats. All images have been
formatted and optimized for excellent legibility when projected .
• NEW! Lecture Presentations: New for the Second Edition, a
complete, ready-to-use lecture presentation is provided for each
chapter. These presentations cover all of the important material in
each chapter and include selected figures and tables.
xviii MED IA AND SUPPLEMENTS

• Instructor's Manual: The Instructor's Manual includes the following

sections for each chapter of the textbook:
• Chapter Outline
• Learning Objectives
• Class Discussion and Critical Thinking Exercises
• Suggested Additional Resources
• Key Terms
• Test Bank: A comprehensive set of exam questions is provided for
each chapter of the textbook, in both multiple choice and short
answer formats (companion website online quiz questions also
included). New for the Second Edition, each question is referenced
to Bloom's Taxonomy and to textbook sections. The Test Bank is
provided in several formats:
• Word files, by chapter
• Diploma test creation program (software included).
Diploma makes it easy to create quizzes and exams using
any combination of publisher-provided questions and
your own questions. Diploma also exports to a wide
range of formats for import into learning management
systems such as Blackboard, Moodie, and Desire2Learn.
• Blackboard files, for easy import into your Blackboard
course

Online Quizzing
The online quizzes that are part of the Learning and Behavior Compan-
ion Website include an instructor administration interface that allows
the quizzes to be used as assignments. Instructors also have the ability
to create their own quizzes and add their own questions. (Adopting
instructors must register with Sinauer Associates in order for their stu-
dents to be able to access the quizzes.)
Learning and Behavior
A Contemporary Synthesis
Second Edition
Chapter Outline - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Philosophical Roots 5 Human learning and animal learning 25
Are people machines? 5
Tools for Analyzing Learning and
Associations and the contents of the
m ind 7 Behavior 27
Learning about stimuli and about
Biological Roots 9 behavio r 28
Reflexes, evolution, and early Crows foraging at the beach 29
comparative psychology 9 Human eating and overeating 3 1
The rise of the cond itioning Kids at play 31
experiment 12 People using d rugs 33
Relations between S, R, and O 33
A Science of Learning and
Behavior 14 Summary 35
John B. Watson 14
Discussion Questions 37
B. F. Skinner 17
Edward C. Tolman 20 Key People and Key Terms 38
Computer and brain metaphors 22
 Learning Theory
What It Is and How It Got This Way

ost people holding this book are at least a little fam iliar
M with Learning Theory. The topic is often mentioned in
many survey and introductory courses in psychology.
It is also part of the popular culture; cartoonists, for
example, have mined it very well (Figure 1.1). My goal
in this first chapter is to give you information about
what the field is rea lly li ke, why it is useful, and how it
got to be what it is today.
Psychology's interest in learning does not need
much introduction because there is little doubt that
learning is crucial in our lives. You have been learning
in school since you were very young, of course. But
learning is even more pervasive and important than
that-it is truly happening all the t ime. When you got
up in the morning, you already knew where to find the
coffee, how to create the perfect mix of hot and cold
water in the shower, and where to find your jacket if it
looked like it was cold outside. As you walked to class,
you knew the route, the location where the sidewalk
was recently closed because of repairs, the people you
might encounter along the way, and so forth . On trips
to the snack bar, you probably also knew the types
of food that wou ld be available, the ones you like the
best, where to find the soft drinks, and where your
friends might be. All this knowledge is based on your
past experience. Learning is always in progress-al-
ways helping us adapt to our environment. As Spreat
and Spreat (1982, p. 593) put it: "Much like the law
of gravity, the laws of learning are always in effect."
4 CHAPTER 1

Figure 1 .1 How the layman views Learning

Theory. (From ScienceCartoonsPlus.com.)

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'''i'~\A,lllPS, 'j)n. '<N~ ~ C.0\AL O '6E.
1",Av.(,\,\'1 'fo '5E,AL \::NVt:.~\:oS'."

Not so easy for many people to understand are the 111ethods psycholo-
gists often use to study learning. This book is really about the field in which
scientists often investigate learning by studying the behavior of animals
like rats and pigeons in laboratories equipped with mazes and Skinner
boxes. Nowadays, these methods are applied to a range of topics that might
surprise yo u. For example, Watanabe, Sakamoto, and Wakita (1995) used
them to ask how pigeons learn to categorize works of art, specifically paint-
ings by Monet and Picasso. Other experimenters (e.g., Crombag & Shaham,
2002; Marchant, Li, & Shaham, 2013) have used them to study how behavior
reinforced by taking drugs like heroin and cocaine can be treated and still
be vulnerable to relapse. These topics, and many others that are connected
with them, will be covered throughout this book. For now, though, I want
to note that how psychologists first came to see experiments with animals
in learning laboratories- as connected to the world at large-is itself a
rather interesting and colorful story. The main purpose of this chapter is to
relate that story. Part of that story involves how Lear ning Theor y (what I
call the field that investigates learning and behavior principles by studying
animals learning in the Jab) got started and evolved into what it is today. A
second purpose is to give you a frame of reference for understanding the
rest of the book as well as the field's usefulness outside the laboratory. I
decided to write the book because I think that Learning Theory is as central
to understanding human and animal behavior as it ever was. Fortunately,
I like to talk and write abo ut it, too.
The story of how things became this way started a few hundred years
ago, when philosophers were worrying about the nature of human na-
ture and the nature of the human mind. As modem science began to ma-
ture, such questions and issues were put into a scientific perspective. By
the 1800s, biology was beginning to provide some rather interesting new
 LEARN ING THEORY 5

answers. There was a startling new idea: People had evolved. Learning
Theory as we know it today was launched in the 1880s and 1890s, when
people set out to study a major implication of the theory of evolution: that
the human mind had evolved. Let's start by looking at some of the early
ideas about human nature and the human mind.

Philosophical Roots
Are people machines?
In the 1600s, science underwent a major renaissance. Thanks to scientists
like Galileo and Newton, there was an exciting new understanding of me-
chanics, of how physical things like planets or billiard balls move and
interact. Craftspeople began to make better and better machines (Figure
1.2). For example, clocks became more intricate and accurate than ever
before. By the 1600s, the kind of clock one can still see in village squares
in Europe-with dolls chasing animals or ringing bells on the hour and so
forth- were fairly common. It was probably inevitable that people began
comparing themselves to these early robots and mechanical devices. Are
humans simply complex machines? What makes us different from the dolls
that dance and whir every hour on the hour?
Today, we are more likely to compare ourselves ,,,
to computers, but then, mechanical devices
reigned supreme. Is it possible to understand
human action from mechanical principles?
One person who famously considered these
questions-and also came up with a famous an-
swer- was Re ne Desca rtes (1596-1650; Fig-
ure 1.3A). He said, in effect, that human beings
are indeed like machines, but only partly so.
Like other philosophers before him, Descartes
distinguished between the human mind and
body. He suggested that the body was an ex-
tension of the physical world, a machine that is
governed by physical principles like dolls and
clockworks. But every human also has a mind,
a spiritual, godlike thing that is the source of
free will and all voluntary behavior. The mind is
what makes humans more than mere machines.
It also separates humans from animals. Animals
are pure body, without mind and without free - ,

will; their actions are governed by simple me- Figure 1.2 Illustrat ion from a machinery
chanical principles. book first published in 1661 devoted to
Descartes d id more than merely s uggest pumps, p resses and print ing, and milling
the mind-body d istinction. He also proposed machinery by the Nuremberg architect
a mechanistic principle, called reflex acti on, Beckler. {Illustration© Timewat ch Images/
that was supposed to explain the body's activ- Alamy.)
6 CHAPTER 1

(A) (B)

Figure 1.3 (A) Rene Descartes, who wondered whether humans were machines,
and (B) came up with t he concept of reflex action. (A, image courtesy of Na-
tional Library of Medicine; B, illustrat ion reproduced in Boakes, 1984.)

ity. For every action of the body, there is a stimulus that makes it happen
(see Figure 1.38). The child puts her hand in a fire, and the fire causes her
hand to withdraw. The doctor drops the hammer on your knee, and yo ur
leg moves. There is a simple, automatic connection between stimulus and
response. Descartes suggested that the stimulus agitated "animal spirits"
that traveled up the nerves (basically, hollow tubes) and made the muscles
swell- remember, it was 1637- b ut the larger idea that a reflex connects
a stimulus and response went on to have an enormous impact on biology
and psychology.
For all the importance of reflex action in human behavior, accord ing
to Descartes, the mind still ruled- it could always intervene and mod i-
fy a reflex. However, other thinkers were not as shy about claiming that
all human behavior follows scientific principles. For example, Thomas
Hobbes (1588- 1679) argued that even the mind follows physical Jaws. He
suggested that all human thought and action is governed by hedo nism,
the pursuit of pleasure and avoidance of pain. (This principle, familiar to
most college students, is what reinforcement theory is really all about.)
There was also J ulien d e la Mettrie (1709-1751), who saw more similarity
between humans and animals than Descartes did. Once, while de la Mettrie
had a fever, he realized that the body actually affects the mind. Fevers can
affect your thoughts, and so can wine or coffee. De la Mettrie's book was
entitled Man a Machine (1748). By the 1700s, the idea that human nature,
and perhaps the human mind, could be understood by scientific principles
was launched and on its way.
Other documents randomly have
different content
 Fig. 59. Gold
Solidus of Julian II.
(the Apostate).
We have now traced the origin of Roman currency sufficiently for
the purposes of this work. After various fluctuations in the weight of
the gold pieces under Sulla, Pompey, Julius Caesar and others,
Constantine the Great finally fixed the weight of the aureus or
solidus at 4 scruples in 312 a.d., and so it remained until the final
downfall of the Empire of the East in 1453. From this famous coin
the various mintages of mediaeval and consequently of modern
Europe may be said to trace their pedigrees. The solidus was divided
into thirds or tremisses, for the scrupular system had been
abandoned, the solidus being regarded simply as a sextula or one-
sixth of the uncia, and not as a multiple of the scruple. The tremissis
therefore weighed 24 grs. Troy, or 32 wheat grains. When the
barbarian conquerors of the Roman Empire began to coin silver they
took as their model the gold tremissis. In the earliest stage of the
Anglo-Saxon mintage we find so-called gold pennies of 24 grs.
occasionally appearing. These are nothing else than tremisses. But
silver henceforward was to form for centuries the staple currency of
Western Europe, and the silver penny of 24 grs. (whence comes our
own penny-weight) became virtually the unit of account. As its
weight shows, the penny was based on the gold tremissis.

Fig. 60. Gold

Tremissis of Leo I.

The first regular coinage of gold in Western Europe began with the
famous gold pieces of Florence in the beginning of the 14th century.
These weighed 48 grs. or 2 tremisses. From their place of mintage
the name florin (fiorino) became a generic term for gold coins.
Accordingly when Edward III. issued his first gold coins of 108 grs.
each, although differing so completely in weight from their
prototype, they too were called florins. In reality however Edward’s
coin was 1½ solidus (72 + 36). The first attempt did not prove
satisfactory, and with the issue of the famous noble, first of 136½
grs., and afterwards of 129 grs., the series of English gold coins may
be said to begin, of which the latest stage is the sovereign of 120¼
grs. Troy.
I have already explained at an earlier stage the origin of the Troy
grain; before we end let me add a word on the origin of the Troy
ounce. The Troy pound like the Roman has 12 ounces, but whereas
the Roman ounce had 432 grs. Troy or 576 grs. wheat, the Troy
ounce has 480 grs. Troy or 640 grs. wheat. How came this
augmentation of the ounce?
It is in Apothecaries’ weight that we find the key. This standard
runs thus

20 grs. = 1 scruple,
3 scruples = 1 drachm,
8 drachms = 1 ounce,
12 ounces = 1 pound.

Now note that there are 24 scruples in the ounce, and 288
scruples in the pound, exactly as in the Roman system. But there is
an element foreign to the old Roman system as seen in the drachm
of 60 grs. Now Galen and the medical writers of the Empire used the
post-Neronian denarius of 60 grs. as a medicine weight. What more
convenient weight unit could be employed than the most common
coin in circulation? The drachma and denarius had long since been
used synonymously in common parlance. But as there were 18 grs.
(Troy, 24 wheat grs.) in the old scruple, and there were 60 grs. in
the drachm or denarius, they were not commensurable, and
accordingly to obviate this difficulty the physicians for practical
purposes raised the scruple to 20 grs., in order that it might be one-
third of the drachm. The number of scruples in the ounce remaining
24 as before, the ounce became augmented by 48 grs. (24 × 2) and
accordingly rose to 480 grs. We saw above that the Troy grain is the
barley-corn. Why is the latter so closely connected with ‘Troy
weight’? When the scruple was raised from 18 grs. Troy, 24 grs. of
wheat, to 20 grs. Troy, it no longer contained an even number of
wheat grains, for the new scruple contained 26⅔ grs. wheat. As this
was inconvenient, and on the other hand the new scruple weighed
exactly 20 barley-corns, the latter henceforth became the lowest unit
of this system.

Conclusion.
It now simply remains to sum up the results of our enquiry.
Starting with the Homeric Poems we found that although certain
pieces of gold called talents were in circulation among the early
Greeks, yet all values were still expressed in terms of cows. We then
found that the gold talent was nothing else than the equivalent of
the cow, the older unit of barter, and we found that the talent was
the same unit as that known in historical times under the names of
Euboic stater or Attic stater, and commonly described by
metrologists as the light Babylonian shekel. Our next stage was to
enquire into the systems of currency used by primitive peoples in
both ancient and modern times, and everywhere alike we found
systems closely analogous to that depicted in the Homeric Poems,
and we found that in the regions of Asia, Europe and Africa, where
the system of weight standards which has given birth to all the
systems of modern Europe had its origin, the cow was universally
the chief unit of barter. Furthermore gold was distributed with great
impartiality over the same area, and known and employed for
purposes of decoration from an early period by the various races
which inhabited it. We then found that practically all over that area
there was but one unit for gold, and that unit was the same weight
as the Homeric Talanton. Next we proved that gold was the first
object for which mankind employed the art of weighing, and we
then found that over the area in question there was strong evidence
to show that everywhere from India to the shores of the Atlantic the
cow originally had the same value as the universally distributed gold
unit.
From this we drew the conclusion that the gold unit, which was
certainly later in date than the employment of the cow as a unit of
value, was based on the latter; and finally we showed that man
everywhere made his earliest essays in weighing by means of the
seeds of plants, which nature had placed ready to his hand as
counters and as weights. Then we surveyed the theories which
derive all weight standards from the scientific investigations of the
Chaldeans or Egyptians, and having found that they were directly in
contradiction to the facts of both ancient history and modern
researches into the systems of primitive peoples, we concluded that
the theories of Boeckh and his school must be abandoned.
Next we proceeded to explain the development of the various
systems of antiquity from our ox-unit, taking in turn the Egyptian,
Assyrio-Babylonian, Hebrew, Lydian, Greek and Italian. New
explanations of the origin of the Talent and Mina and also of the
earlier types on Greek coins and of the varieties of standard
employed for silver by the Greeks were offered, and finally in dealing
with the systems of Sicily and Italy arguments were advanced to
show that the Roman as was originally nothing more than a rod or
bar of copper of definite measurements, and was in weight and
method of division the same as the Sicilian Litra and the Greek Obol.
In how far the propositions here put forward have been proved, it
must remain for others to decide.

Laus Deo, Pax Vibis,

Requies Mortuis.
 APPENDIX A
The Homeric Trial Scene.
Κεῖτο δ’ ἄρ’ ἐν μέσσοισι δύω χρυσοῖο τάλαντα,
Τῷ δόμεν, ὃς μετὰ τοῖσι δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴποι.

Il. xviii. 507-8.

I would not return to so well-worn a theme, were it not that

editors like Dr Leaf (ad loc.) still state that there is nothing in the
language of the last line to hinder us from taking it either of the
litigant or of the judge.
Scholars have fixed their attention so closely on the words δίκην
εἴποι that they have completely overlooked the qualifying ἰθύντατα.
In modern courts of law we do not expect to hear the straightest
statement of a case from advocates, but rather from the judge. The
ancient Greek would never dream of expecting a litigant to give a
straight statement of his case. The following passages will show that
ἰθύς, ἰθύνειν, εὐθύνειν, ὀρθός are always applied to a judge (the
converse σκολιός being used of unjust judges). The metaphor is
from the carpenter’s rule (cf. ἐπὶ στάθμην ἰθύνειν Od. v. 245).
Pind. Pyth. iv. 152 καὶ θρόνος, ᾦ ποτε ἐγκαθίζων Κρηθεΐδας
ἱππόταις εὔθυνε λαοῖς δίκας.
Solon 3. 36 εὐθύνων σκολιὰς δίκας.
Il. xvi. 387 οἳ βίῃ εἰν ἀγορῇ σκολιὰς κρίνωσι θέμιστας.
Hesiod Opp. 221 σκολιῇς δε δίκῃς κρίνωσι θέμιστας.
Hes. Opp. 222

(Δίκη) κακὸν ἀνθρώποισι φέρουσα

 οἵ τέ μιν ἐξελάσωσι καὶ οὐκ ἰθεῖαν ἔνειμαν.

Arist. Rhet. i. 1 οὐ γὰρ δεῖ τὸν δικαστὴν διαστρέφειν εἰς ὀργὴν

προάγοντας ἢ φθόνον ἢ ἔλεον· ὅμοιον γάρ κἂν εἴ τις, ᾧ μέλλει
χρῆσθαι κανόνι, τοῦτον ποιήσειε στρεβλόν.
Pind. Pyth. xi. 15 ὀρθοδίκαν γᾶς ὀμφαλόν.
Aesch. Persae 764 εὐθυντήριον σκῆπτρον.
No one can then doubt that the words δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴποι can
only refer to the judge.
The following account of a trial on the Gold Coast so well
illustrates the principle of payment having to be made to the judges
that I think it worth quoting. (Eighteen years on the Gold Coast of
Africa, by Brodie Crookshank, Vol. i. p. 279, London, 1853.)
“When the day arrived for the hearing of Quansah’s charge, a
large space was cleanly swept in the market-place for the
accommodation of the assembly; for this a charge of ten shillings
was made and paid. When the Pynins (elders) had taken their seats,
surrounded by their followers, who squatted upon the ground, a
consultation took place as to the amount which they ought to charge
for the occupation of their valuable time, and after duly considering
the plaintiff’s means, with the view of extracting from him as much
as they could, they valued their intended services at £6. 15s., which
he was in like manner called upon to pay. Another charge of £2. 5s.
was made in the name of tribute to the chief, and as an
acknowledgment of gratitude for his presence upon the occasion.
£1. 10s. was then ordered to be paid to purchase rum for the
judges, £1 for the gratification of the followers, ten shillings to the
men who took the trouble to weigh out the different sums, and five
shillings for the court criers. Thus Quansah had to pay £12. 15s. to
bring his case before this august court, the members of which during
the trial carried on a pleasant course of rum and palm wine.”
 APPENDIX B.
What was the Unit of Assessment in the
Constitution of Servius Tullius?
Th. Mommsen in his Roman History (i. 95-96 English Trans.) has
laid down that land was the basis of assessment, on the analogy of
the Teutonic hide. He makes the members of the First Class those
who held a whole hide; and the remaining four classes were made
up of those who held proportionally smaller freeholds. When
Mommsen has once spoken, it is presumptuous to raise doubts. If
however it can be shown that the Italians rather based their
assessments on cattle, and that furthermore the statements of the
later historians point to an original rating which harmonizes well with
such an original condition, it may have been worth while to start
enquiry once again in a case where the data are so scanty and
obscure.
Pliny H. N. xxxiii. 3. 13. Maximus census cxx. assium fuit illo rege,
ideo haec prima classis. This is confirmed by Festus (s.v. infra
censum, p. 113 Müller) infra classem significantur qui minore summa
quam centum et viginti millia aeris censi sunt.
Livy i. 42 says the rating of the prima classis was Centum millia
aeris, of the secunda classis was infra centum assium ad quinque et
septuaginta millia. Tertia classis quinquaginta millia, Quarta classis,
quinque et viginti millia. Quinta classis, undecim millia.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iv. 16-17) puts the rating of the 1st
class at 100 minae (of silver) or 10,000 drachms; of the 2nd at 75
minae, of the 3rd at 50 minae, of the 4th at 25 minae, and that of
the 5th at 12 minae.
 All are agreed that it is absolutely incredible that the original rating
of the first class was 120,000 libral asses of bronze. The cow was
worth 100 libral asses at Rome in 451 b.c. Therefore the rating of
120,000 asses would have been equivalent to 1200 cows. It is
impossible to believe that there could have been a numerous body
of men in early Rome possessed of such vast capital. Boeckh’s
explanation is that with the reduction of the as from its original
weight of a libra to two ounces, and one ounce, there was a
corresponding raising of the amount of the rating of the several
classes.
Mommsen on the other hand thinks that the rating was originally
on land, and that the change in the method of rating from land to
bronze took place at a time when land had greatly risen in value,
and that accordingly 120,000 asses of the First Class are libral asses.
Such a change as Mommsen supposes must have taken place before
260-241 b.c., for the as was reduced to two ounces during the first
Punic War. Yet we cannot easily suggest any period before that date
when there was likely to have been so great a rise in the value of
land, as is necessary to account for the large rating of 120,000
asses, which according to Mommsen’s reckoning would be worth
about 400 lbs. of silver (or according to Soutzo 1000 lbs. of silver).
Boeckh’s hypothesis seems to fit better the conditions of the
problem. Much of the importance of the rating of the various classes
passed away when Marius (104 b.c.) changed the whole military
system and chose the troops from the Capite censi, as well as from
the five property classes.
The as had been reduced to a single uncia in the 2nd Punic War
(cf. p. 377). Thus 12 asses of the uncial standard were required to
make up the weight of the old libral as. Accordingly 120,000 asses of
the 2nd century b.c. would be equal to 10,000 libral asses of the
earlier days. But as by the Lex Tarpeia 100 asses is the value of a
cow, 10,000 libral asses = 100 cows. This would be by no means an
unlikely number of cows, to form the minimum of the wealthiest
class of a pastoral community. There is another curious piece of
evidence which seems to confirm my hypothesis. One of the
provisions of the Licinian Rogations (367 b.c.) was that no one
should hold more than 500 jugera of the Public Land, or should be
allowed to feed more than one hundred large cattle or 500 small
cattle on public pastures. μηδένα ἔχειν τῆσδε τῆς γῆς πλέθρα
πεντακοσίων πλείονα, μηδὲ προβατεύειν ἑκατὸν πλείω τὰ μείζονα καὶ
πεντακοσίων τὰ ἐλάσσονα. Appian, Bell. Civ. i. 8. If 100 large cattle
were the number which qualified a Roman for the first class, there
was every reason why Licinius and Sextus should have taken 100 as
the maximum number of cows which a citizen could keep on the
public pastures.
Next I shall show that the method of rating by cattle and not by
land was that actually practised in Sicily. That island stood in such
close relations to the Italian Peninsula both geographically and
ethnologically that we may reasonably infer that the method of
rating in use there was also in use in Italy.
Now we learn from Aristotle’s Oeconomica (ii. 21) that when the
tyrant Dionysius oppressed the Syracusans with excessive exactions,
they ceased to keep cattle:
Τὼν δὲ πολιτῶν διὰ τὰς εἰσφορὰς οὐ τρεφόντων βοσκήματα, εἶπεν
ὅτι ἱκανὰ ἦν αὐτῷ πρὸς τοσοῦτον· τοὺς οὖν νῦν κτησαμένους
ἀτελεῖς ἔσεσθαι, πολλῶν δὲ ταχὺ κτησαμένων πολλὰ βοσκήματα, ὡς
ἀτελῆ ἑξόντων, ἐπεὶ ᾤετο καιρὸν εἶναι, τιμήσασθαι κελεύσας ἐπέβαλε
τέλος, κ.τ.λ.
If the citizens of Syracuse, a great Greek trading city, were still
rated in cattle in the time of Dionysius (405-367 b.c.), à fortiori we
may expect the same primitive method of assessment to prevail
among the pastoral peoples of Central Italy in the 6th and 5th
centuries b.c.
Among the Kelts, the close kinsfolk of the Italians, the same
system probably prevailed. Thus in the ancient Irish laws, where the
various classes of freemen are described, there are a number of
them called Bo-aires[449], cow-freemen.
 As modern research has shown that everywhere among the
Aryans land was originally held in common, and that separate
property in land sprung up only at a comparatively late period, we
may with some confidence infer that in Italy likewise in early days a
man’s wealth was reckoned in his cattle, and not in lands, such as I
have shown to have been the practice among the Greeks of the
‘Homeric times’ (‘The Homeric Land System,’ Journal of Hellenic
Studies, 1885).
 APPENDIX C.
Keltic and Scandinavian Weight Systems.
It is always dangerous to deal with things Keltic. So much difficulty
is there in getting at any facts amidst masses of wild assertions and
loose conclusions, that a prudent man may well shrink back.
However, as it is worth while to give some facts respecting the actual
weights of gold rings and other ornaments, I have thought it best to
print the following pages.
Attempts have long ago been made to find the standard of the so-
called ring money. Sir William Betham, followed by John
Lindsay[450], after weighing many examples, arrived at the
conclusion that they are based on the ounce Troy. Now as the ounce
Troy is entirely unknown to the Brehon Laws, and was only brought
into Ireland by the English settlers, it is needless to argue further
against that doctrine. Dr Petrie’s[451] discussions about Irish coins
are similarly vitiated by his treating as Troy grains the grains of
wheat mentioned by the authorities.
1. Irish. Let us work back from the known to the unknown.
The system in the Brehon Laws is as follows:

1 Cumhal (ancilla) = 3 Cows.

1 Cow = 1 Unga (uncia of silver).
1 Unga = 24 Screapalls.
1 Screapall = 3 Pinginns.
1 Pinginn = 8 grs. of wheat.

Unga = 576 grs. of wheat.

 The ounce seems to be the highest unit of weight, and just as in
the Brehon Laws an unga of silver is equated to a cow, so in early
times an unga of gold seems to have been the regular value of a
slave, the most valuable of living chattels. At least we may so infer
from a curious story of St Finnian of Clonard:

Life of St Finnian (of Clonard, Co. Meath).

(Book of Lismore, fol. 24 b, c.)
Tainic iar sin Finnen cu Cilldara co Brighit, cu m-bui ic
tiachtuin leiginn ocus proicepta fri re. Ceilebrais iar sin do
Brigit ocus dobreth Brighit fainne oir dho. Nir ’bho santach
som imon saegul: ni roghabh in fainne. “Ce no optha,” ar
Brigit, “roricfea a leas.” Tainic Finnen iar sin cu Fotharta
Airbrech. Dorala uisce do. Roinnail a lamha asin usci[452]: tuc
lais for a bhais asan uisci in fáinne targaidh Brighit dó.
Táinic iar sin Caisin, mac Naemain, co faelti moir fri Finden.
Ocus coneadhbair fein dó ocus roacain fris ró Fotharta ic
cuinghidh oir fair ar a shaeire. “Cia mét,” ar Finnen,
“conaidheas?” “Noghebhudh uingi n-oir,” ar Caisin.
Rothomthuis sé iar sin in fainne [ocus frith uingi oir[453]] ann.
Dorat Caisin hi ar a shaeriri.
Translation.
“After that came Finnian to Kildare to Brigit and he was
engaged in teaching and preaching for a time. He takes leave
afterwards of Brigit and Brigit gave a ring of gold to him. He
was not covetous regarding the world: he accepted not the
ring. “Though thou refusest,” said Brigit, “thou wilt require it.”
Finnian came after that to Fotharta Airbrech[454]. [On his
way] he met water. He washed his hands with the water
[and] brought on his palm from out the water the ring that
Brigit offered to him.
 “After that came Caisin, son of Naeman, with great joy to
[visit] Finnian. And he offered himself to him and complained
to him that the king of Fotharta was demanding gold from
him for his liberation. “How much,” said Finnian, “asketh he?”
“He would accept an ounce of gold,” said Caisin. He [Finnian]
weighed after that the ring (and there was found an ounce of
gold[455]) in it. Caisin gave it for his liberation.”

I am indebted for this valuable reference, which also enables us to

form an idea of the relative value of gold and silver in early Ireland,
to the Rev. B. Mac Carthy, D.D., of Youghal.
But there is another weight called crosoch (crosóg or crosach),
found in the most ancient poems. For instance in Cuchulaind the
brooch of Queen Medbh, “My spear brooch of gold which weighs
thirty ungas, and thirty half ungas, and thirty crossachs and thirty
quarter [crossachs].” (O’Curry, Manners and Customs, Vol. iii. p.
102.) The weight of a crosoch we learn from a gloss quoted by
O’Donovan (Supplement to O’Reilly’s Dictionary) from MS. R. I. A.,
No. 35, 5. 49.

da pinginn agas cetrime pinginne isin lacht caerach i,

crosóg[456].

“Two pinginns and a fourth of a pinginn are a milk of a sheep, i.e.

a crosóg.” Since 1 pinginn = 8 grs. wheat therefore a crosóg = 18
grs. wheat or 13·5 grs. Troy.
There are accordingly 32 crosochs in the unga of the Brehon
Laws.
Inspection at once shows that the crosoch must have belonged to
a different system, on which either the system of ungas and
screapalls was grafted or vice versa. The expulsion of the crosoch
from the later Irish shows that the first alternative is the true one.
 Again, it is certain that the unga and screapall were borrowed
from the Roman system, probably before the time of Constantine, as
after his time the solidus became universal throughout the Empire,
and has left its impress everywhere.
The crosoch therefore must be non-Roman, i.e. belong to the
native population.
Above we saw that it was used along with ungas and half ungas in
describing Medbh’s Fibula. Here is historical evidence of its use in
the weighing of gold ornaments.
There were certainly 32 crosochs in the ounce of the Brehon
Laws, but if we can show in another system of north-western Europe
a weight exactly the same as the crosoch, with an ounce which is its
thirty-fold, we may hesitate to lay down that the full Roman ounce
with its 432 grs. Troy (576 grs. wheat) was the earliest form of Irish
unga.
There is no mention of screapalls in the weight of Medbh’s brooch.
It is quite possible that under ecclesiastical influences the full Roman
ounce and its division into screapalls may have been introduced at a
comparatively late period. The contact between Kelts and
Scandinavians in early times has of late excited much interest.
2. Let us now turn to the old Norse system. It is as follows:

1 pening = 13·5 grs. Troy

10 penings = 1 örtug = 136·7 grs.
3 örtugs = 1 öre = 410 grs.
8 öres = 1 mark = 3280 grs.

Let us deal first with the mark. As its name signifies, it in all
probability was originally not a weight, but a measure. The use of
mark as a land measure is well known in the Teutonic languages. It
is also used as a measure of length. Thus a mark of cloth consists of
448 alen or ells. After what we have learned about the history of the
Roman as (p. 354) we need not be surprised if a term originally used
as a measure of some article which was not as yet sold by weight,
came in similar fashion to be incorporated at a later period into the
weight system as a higher unit. If the mark was originally a given
measure of bronze or iron, we can readily see how it came later on
to be used as a weight, and ultimately to be the chief unit of
account among our Anglo-Saxon forefathers, until it was at last
driven out by the pound.
That silver was cast into bars which weighed a mark is rendered
highly probable by the fact that three of the silver bars found at
Cuerdale weigh respectively 3960, 3954, and 3950 grs. Troy; that is,
just the weight of 160 pennies of the reign of Alfred. 160 pennies
are two-thirds of a pound of 240 pennies, or in other words a mark.
The practice of running silver into ingots of such a weight may
well have arisen from an earlier practice of employing bronze or iron
bars of such a weight. It is at all events certain that the mark is
native Teutonic and is not borrowed from Rome. That the Kelts at
least used bars of iron as money is made not unlikely by a famous
passage of Caesar which I shall quote later on. A various reading
states that the Britons used iron rods as money (ferreis taleis). Even
without this we may reasonably infer from what we have learned of
the practice of primitive peoples in dealing with iron or copper, that
the Teutons and Kelts must have used these by measure. It is well
known that the Swedes used ingots of copper as currency down to
comparatively recent times. It is then most likely that the öre or
ounce of 410 grs. was the highest original weight unit, just as the
unga is in the ancient Irish system. The weight of this öre is of great
interest. If we found the Roman pound of 12 ounces in Scandinavia,
we should at once say that the öre of 410 grs. was the reduced
Roman ounce (432 grs.). But as the native mark evidently got its
position before the influence of Rome was felt in the North, we may
well consider the öre to be pre-Roman. The reader will remember
that I identified the ancient Roman uncia with the small talent of
Sicily and Macedonia. The latter weighed 3 ox-units or about 405
grs. I also suggested that it originally represented the value of a
slave, and was thus the original highest unit used for gold or silver. I
showed on an earlier page (141) that the Norse örtug, the one-third
of the öre, was the price of a cow. If three cows were the price of a
slave in Scandinavia as they were in Ireland, and probably in
Homeric Greece, an öre of gold was the price of a slave. The
passage from the life of St Finnian given at once shows that an
ounce of gold was the regular price of a slave in early Ireland, and
probably a good Scandinavian scholar could soon find similar
evidence for the value of the old Norse slave.
The meaning and derivation of the term örtug have been much
discussed. It occurs in the forms örtog, örtug, ertog, œrtug.
Cleasby’s Lexicon makes nothing out of the first part of the word,
but takes the second part (-tog -tug = tugr = 20), because örtug
had the value of 20 penningar, though tugr means 10. But as a
matter of fact there were, as we saw above, 240 penningar in the
mark, and therefore there were 10 penningar in the örtug.
Holmboe[457] goes more deeply into the origin of örtug. He says, “As
á, pl. œr, signifies a ewe, and tug-r as a derivative of ten both by
itself and in compounds signifies ten, ertug seems originally to have
signified 10 ewes, just as the weight ertug betokens the weight of
10 peningar, and peningr itself also means a sheep. It may be
regarded as questionable to assume the plural œr to form the first
part of the compound, yet œr must at an early period have been
used in the formation of compounds, since both the folkspeech of
Norway has the form œr-saud-ewe, sheep, technically a ewe-with-
lamb, and the folkspeech of Denmark has œr lam in the sense of
ewe-lamb[458].” Another suggestion is that örtug comes from arta =
a pea-formed knob, so that örtug = örtu-vog, the weight of a pea.
The objection to this would be that the pea would weigh 13·5 grs.
Troy, which seems far too much.
In spite of the philological difficulty in making örtug = 10 ewes, it
is very remarkable that this value corresponds so accurately with the
value of a cow, which I independently found for it. I have already
pointed out that 10 sheep were the usual value of a cow. So it was
at Rome in 451 b.c. and so it is with the Modern Ossetes. The ox fit
for the yoke was probably worth 20 lambs or 5 sheep in
Lusitania[459], and as we saw that in the Welsh Laws the ox when fit
for the yoke was worth half a full-grown cow, the Lusitanian cow
was worth 10 sheep. So also at Athens, when Plutarch[460] says an
ox was worth 5 sheep, he probably means an ox fit for the yoke, the
cow being worth 10 sheep. In the Brehon Laws 8 sheep go to the
cow, but as I have already pointed out the insulated position of
Ireland would tend to cause a variation in prices from those on the
mainland of Europe. Thus we see from the story of St Finnian that
gold must have been worth only three times its weight in silver in
Ireland in the early centuries of our era. For the price of a slave was
an ounce of gold, whilst in the Brehon Laws it is 3 ounces of silver. It
might be said that we cannot prove that this was the value of a slave
in gold and silver at any one time, and that silver may have been
much cheaper at an earlier date. When we recollect that silver has
never existed in any quantity in Ireland, and that where it does exist
it can only be obtained by systematic mining, a thing impossible in
the eternal turmoil of Ireland, and also bear in mind that when
Japan was opened to Europeans in this century gold was exchanged
for three times its weight in silver, we need not think such a relation
at all unlikely in ancient Ireland. The paucity of silver ornaments in
the Royal Irish Academy Museum confirms this opinion. But the
evidence from the Penitentials shows that silver was scarce at a
comparatively still early date in Ireland[461]. Thus XII altilia vel XIII
sicli praetium unius cuiusque ancillae.
I have already shown the universality of making gold ornaments
after a fixed weight. The passages given above show that a similar
practice existed among the ancient Irish.
Let us turn to the numerous gold rings, commonly called Ring
Money, of which there are some 50 in the Museum of the Royal Irish
Academy of various weights and sizes. I give these weights. Let us
examine them, and see if we can find any indications gained
inductively of a weight standard.
 As by inspection we see that the smallest rings weigh 13 and 14
grs. Troy, and the next three 29, 31, 32 respectively, which look like
the double of the smaller, I shall group the rings according as they
approximate to the multiples of 15.

Multiples Actual Ring Weights (Royal Irish Multiples

Actual Rings Weights
of 15 Acad.) of 15
15 13, 14 180 179 345
30 29, 31, 32, 36 195 199, 360
203
45 40, 46 210 206, 375 372
209
60 54, 56, 58, 59, 61, 65, 65 225 220 370
75 69, 73 240 247
90 84, 84, 88, 96 255 259
105 98, 104, 111 270
120 121, 124 285 283,
283
135 300
150 144, 144, 147, 147, 150, 315 322
151
165 171,172 330 332

A glance at the foregoing table shows that the most numerous

group of rings occurs at the fourfold (60), no less than seven
specimens ranging themselves at that point, next we find six
specimens at the tenfold (150), whilst next in order comes the
sixfold with four examples. There are three cases of the double (30).
On the other hand it is worth noticing the absence of the ninefold,
whilst there are three instances of the sevenfold, and the absence of
the eighteenfold (2 × 9) likewise, whilst we have the elevenfold,
twelvefold, thirteenfold, fourteenfold. However from the absence of
the twentyfold (2 × 10) we cannot lay great stress on this. The
heaviest specimen (372) closely approximates to the twenty-five fold
(375).
I add the weights of the ancient Irish gold rings preserved in the
British Museum.

Irish small plain ring money. Some are without localities but
may be assumed to be Irish. Marked thus *.
*103, 563, *389, *121, *29½, 218, 224, 323, 295 injured,
218, 122, 90, 28, 56, 215 copper plated with gold (injured),
299, 148, 98, 366, 89 piece cut from a larger bracelet?, 48½
hollow and open? plating of bronze ring? (banded), 422, 410
(ounces), 288 (injured).
Irish fluted ring money. * No precise locality, but presumably
Irish.
*106, *123 (worn), 30, 59, 90, 66, 59½.
With disks, 249, 806 (2 oz.), 595, 283, 169, 665, 139, 119.
Dots, no lines, 32.

The weights of these rings show many points of agreement with

those in the Irish Museum. Thus we get 28, 29½, 30, and 32 grs.
corresponding to 29, 31, and 32 grs. of the second group in the Irish
Table. Again, 56 and 59½ where we get 54, 56, 58, 59, 61 in the
Irish, and 66 corresponding to 65, 65; 98 to 96 and 98; and 89
corresponding to 88 and 90; 119, 121, 122 and 123 to 121 and 124;
139 to 144, and 144 and 148 to 147 and 147; then 169 to 171 and
172. Then comes a break, and we get 215, 218, 218, 224
corresponding to 220, and 249 to 247, and 283 to 283 and 283; and
323 to 322, and 360 to 366. But the British Museum gives us in the
higher weights three very important specimens: for 410 grs. is the
ounce corresponding exactly to the old Norse öre of 410 grs., and
the ring of 422 grs. looks like the later ounce rising towards the full
weight of 432. The ring of 806 grs. is plainly 2 ounces of the
standard of 410 (806 ÷ 2 = 403).
The occurrence of several specimens so constantly all of the same
weight, as for instance those about 220 grs., points beyond doubt to
the conclusion that when the rings were being made a given
quantity of gold was weighed out for the purpose. The story of St
Finnian proves that for any transaction in which rings were employed
as money, the scales were employed.
There is a set of leaden weights in the Royal Irish Academy
Collection, found at Island Bridge, Dublin, in 1869, when Ancient
Irish and Scandinavian remains were found together. As they are
more or less corroded, it is not advisable to lay much stress on their
present weights.

grs.
1. Semicircular weight 1852
2. Animal’s head 1550
3. Circular 1221
4. 958
5. 634
6. Oblong 539
7. 459
8. Quadrangular 414 (oz.)
9. 395 (oz.)
10. 220

There are certainly some interesting points of agreement between

the weights and the gold ornaments, e.g. the weights of 220, 390,
414, 630, have corresponding weights in gold. The largest weight
may be 4½ oz. of 410 grs.

Let us now return to the Irish monetary system, and see if we can
determine more accurately its relation to that of Rome.
 8 grains of wheat = 1 pinginn.
24 ” ” = 3 pinginns = 1 screapall.
576 ” ” = 72 ” = 24 screapalls = 1 unga.

As regards unga and screapall we have spoken already. Of their

origin there is no doubt. The pinginn on the other hand is not so
easy. The name is certainly Teutonic, said to be ultimately a loan
word formed from pecunia. It seems to have been employed as a
general term for the smallest form of currency. Hence we find the
Saxon form (pendinga) applied to the 240th part of the lb., and of
about 32 grs. wheat, and the Norse peningr used for the 240th part
of the mark, whilst in Ireland the cognate form is applied to the
72nd part of the ounce, and is of the weight of 8 grains wheat.
The Irish employed the system of Uncia and Scripula. Shall we say
then that this system was in vogue in Britain likewise before the time
of Constantine and yielded slowly before the later one?
Since then it was common to the Kelts on both sides of the Irish
Sea, and we find that in Ireland it was grafted upon an earlier
system, of which the crosoch is a survival, we may reasonably infer
that the Kelts of Britain had likewise a native system analogous to
the crosoch. But further, of this we have strong evidence of two
kinds. Caesar B. G. v. 12, when describing the British Kelts and their
manners, says; pecorum magnus numerus. Utuntur aut aere aut
nummo aureo aut annulis ferreis ad certum pondus examinatis pro
nummo[462]. The passage has been mutilated by Editors, but this is
the reading of the best MSS. Caesar thus tells us that they had a
system of weights of their own. Secondly the evidence of the actual
British Coins (cf. Evans, Coins of Ancient Britons) which are of a
standard not Roman.
Now we have seen above that the Irish gold rings were weighed
on a standard of almost 13·5 grs. Troy. Let us now see if the larger
gold ornaments preserved in our Museums confirm or disprove the
evidence of the rings. I shall first give the weights of those in the
Royal Irish Academy[463]:
 Crescent shaped ornaments: 1539, 434 (ounce of Brehon
Laws?), 733, 1008, 255, 2013, 489, 552, 660, 1081, 98, 432
(ounce of Brehon Laws), 339, 400 (early ounce = Norse
öre?), 187, 390 (old ounce?), 797 (2 ounces, 2 × 398½).
The following are not in Wilde’s Catalogue: 472, 505, 542,
540, 630, 647, 667, 687, 720, 722, 737, 1092, 4331.
Torques: 476, 1013, 1527, 3126, 3168, 4722, 5941, 6007,
10268.
Not in Wilde: 154, 342, 1946, 2715, 4172, 5207, 5275,
6012, 6881.
Armlets: 144, 158, 182, 329, 401 (small pre-Roman ounce),
421 (ounce), 487, 510, 684, 757, 894, 989, 1037, 1369, 1630
(4 ounces of 407 grs.?), 1716 (4 ounces of 426 grs.?), 2089
(5 oz. of 418 grs.?), 5635 (14 oz. of 402 grs.?), 6265 (15 oz.
of 417 grs.).
Not in Wilde: 130, 145 (⅓ of oz. of 432 grs.?), 178, 184,
187, 199, 208, 215 (half oz. of 432 grs.?), 241, 289, 301, 303
(¾ oz. of 405 grs.?), 345, 396 (oz.?), 487, 509 (1¼ oz.?),
547 (1⅓ of oz.), 606 (1½ oz. of 405 grs.?), 630 (1⅓ oz. of
420 grs.?), 740, 753 (1¾ oz.), 1093 (2½ oz.?), 1190, 1210
(3 oz. of 405 grs.), 1267 (3 oz. of 422 grs.?), 1322, 1641 (4
oz. of 410 grs.), 1730 (4 oz. of 432 grs.?), 1836, 1836 (4½
oz. of 410 grs.?), 1940 (5 oz. of 388 grs.? or 4¾ oz. of 410
grs.?), 1980 (5 oz. of 396 grs. or 4¾ oz. of 410 grs.?), 2201,
6144 (15 oz. of 410 grs.?), 13557 (33 oz. of 410 grs.?).
Fibulae: 56 (4 crosachs), 179, 180 ( ⅖ oz. of 400 grs.?),
415 (oz.), 600 (1½ oz. of 400 grs.?), 1231 (3 oz. of 410 grs.),
1345 (3½ oz. of 432 grs.), 1596 (4 oz. of 399 grs.?), 2301
(5¼ oz. of 400 grs.), 2536 (6 oz. of 422 grs.), 17200 (43 oz.
of 400 grs.?), 8092 (20 oz. of 404 grs.), 19440 (48 oz. of 405
grs.).
Not in Wilde: 61, 106 (¼ oz.), 170, 170 (⅖ oz. of 425 gr.),
191, 196 (½ oz.?), 207, 209 (½ oz.), 248, 275 (⅔ oz. of 411
 grs.), 315 (¾ oz.?), 379 (oz.), 542 (1⅓ oz.?), 557 (1⅓ oz.?),
586 (1½ oz.?), 649 (1½ oz. of 432 grs.?), 1187 (3 oz. of 396
grs.?).
Gorgets: 1160 (3 oz. of 387 grs.?), 2020 (5 oz. of 404
grs.?), 3091 (8 oz. of 386 grs.?), 3444 (8 oz. of 430 grs.?).

The result of an examination of the foregoing weights is to show

that in all probability the vast majority of them were made on a
standard much lighter than the Roman ounce of 432 grs., which was
in full use in mediaeval Ireland. We saw that the Roman ounce had
been only 420 grs. down to the Second Punic war, and I suggested
that originally it was of the same weight as the Sicilian talent 390-
405 grs. Can we observe a similar increase in the Irish ounce? The
ounce of 400-410 seems to point to a time when Kelt and
Scandinavian had a common higher unit of similar weight
corresponding to the value of a slave[464], just as the Sicilian and
Macedonian talent of three ox units represented the same slave unit.
I shall now give the weights of the various ornaments of gold
found in England, Wales and Scotland which are preserved in the
British Museum. For these I am indebted to the great kindness of Mr
F. L. Griffith of the Anthropological department.

Torques with rings.

Boxton, Suffolk, torque band twisted. 1·038 (2½ oz. of 415
grs.) with double ring. Weight 24·8 grs.
(A ring of 8 parallel sections, bronze plated with gold,
injured, weighs 111 grs.; the locality is not known, but it
seems connected with this class. Probably Irish, one in
Wilde’s catalogue of 7 sections.)
Another double ring, Devonshire, weighs 563 grs. (1⅓ oz.
of 420 grs.).
 Lincolnshire torques; 1454 grs. (3½ oz. of 415 grs.), coiled
band 119½. Quadruple ring, 93½ (¼ oz.?), another similar
93.
Cambridgeshire torques (not in B. M.) 1944 (5 oz. of 387?
or 4¾ oz. of 410), rest in B. M. viz.:—bracelet 613 (1½ oz. of
412 grs.), two treble rings linked together, combined weight
358, double ring, weight 132 (⅓ oz.), another 131½, two
others similar but smaller are each 68 (⅙ oz.).
Wales. Two plain bracelets, near Beaumaris, Anglesea,
1028 (2½ oz. of 410 grs.); 420 (1 oz.), crescent-shaped
gorget, Caernarvon, 2861 (7 oz. of 410 grs.).
Scotland. Noard, near Elgin, torques formed of a plain
twisted band, 207 (½ oz.): 215 (½ oz.): 192 (½ oz.): 119
grains.

The evidence points to an ounce of 420 grs. It is worth noting that

this is just 5 times the weight of the latest British coins, 84-82 grs.
Whence then did the Britons obtain this pre-Roman standard? Was
it of native development or borrowed from some other people? By
Britons we must be careful to express not all the natives of Britain.
They fall most certainly into at least two groups. I. The Kelts in the
East and South East. II. The barbarous inhabitants of the interior,
who subsisted by hunting and fishing, and who were probably of
that Iberic race, which spread over all Western Europe before the
advance of the Aryans. It is only with the first group that we are
immediately concerned. They almost exclusively possessed the art of
coining, as is shown by the area over which British coins are found.
Furthermore Caesar tells us of the close relationship of the first
group to the Gauls, as is shown by their tribal names, language and
customs. In addition their coinage is similar. Now there can be no
doubt as regards the source from whence the Gauls derived their
coinage. As they got the art of writing from the Phocaeans of
Massilia (founded circ. 600 b.c.), so likewise did they gain the art of
money-stamping from the same famous town, as has been
completely demonstrated long since. People are inclined at once to
assume that the Gauls and Britons got their weight standards also
from Marseilles. There is certainly some evidence to support this
belief. Thus the gold torque lately found in Jersey weighs 11500 grs.,
which is exactly the mina of the Phocaic system at a time when 57½
grs. went to the drachm. Again we have seen that there were a
considerable number of gold ornaments in Ireland and Britain which
weigh 224-216 grs. This is the Phocaic (or Phoenician) stater. But
the question is not so simple as it might appear at first sight in
relation to the weight system, as will appear most readily by a short
survey of the history of the monetary system of Massilia.
I. The earliest coinage consists of silver, small divisions of the
Phocaic drachm (58-54 grains Troy). These have various symbols on
the obverse, but have uniformly the incuse square on the reverse.
These may be placed after 500 b.c. “Notwithstanding their archaic
appearance, it does not seem that these little coins are much earlier
than the middle of the 5th century.”
II. Next comes a series, chiefly obols for the most part with head
of Apollo on obverse, and a wheel on reverse, the latter probably a
development of the earlier incuse square. They are mostly obols of
13-8 grains.
III. About the middle of the 4th century the drachm first appears
with the head of Artemis on obverse and a lion on the reverse,
weighing 58-55 grains.
Now over all Gaul, and far into Northern Italy, and the valleys of
the Alps, as far as the Tyrol, the coinage of Massilia made its way
and was abundantly imitated. In fact these imitations formed the
entire medium of those regions until the Roman conquest. The
imitations of the little coins with Apollo and the wheel as reverse are
found right into the north of France, and in England.
Did the Kelts borrow their 13½ grain unit from the 13 grain obol
of Massilia, or is it of far earlier growth? The Etruscans used a unit of
13½ grs. in the 4th century b.c., and we find the Massaliotes having
almost the same. Is the true answer this? All over Western Europe
the ox unit of 135 grs. of gold was subdivided into 10 parts each of
13½ grs. These 10 parts corresponded to 10 sheep, the regular
value of a cow. There was also a higher unit from Greece to Gaul
and Britain corresponding to the slave. There were fluctuations in
their worth in various times and places, but on the whole there was
a tendency to raise the weight of the higher unit (ounce). But it is
natural that the Kelts may have taken over into their system certain
units from the Phocaic system which they used as multiples of their
own smaller units, just as the Teutonic peoples took the Roman
pound into their own system, and the natives of West Africa made
the Spanish dollar the multiple of their own native weights, based on
seeds. Some idea of the relative ages of Keltic gold ornaments may
perhaps be got from applying the criterion of weight standard to
them.
 FOOTNOTES
[1] Metrologische Untersuchungen über Gewichte, Münzfüsse
und Masse des Alterthums in ihrem Zusammenhange. Berlin,
1838.
[2] χρύσεα χαλκείων, ἑκατόμβοι’ ἐννεαβοίων.
[3] Iliad, xxiii. 750.
[4] Victor A. L. Morier, Murray’s Magazine, August, 1889, p.
181.
[5] Trans-Caucasia, p. 410 (Engl. trans. 1854).
[6] Pollux, ix. 73, τὸ παλαιὸν δὲ τοῦτ’ ἦν Ἀθηναίοις νόμισμα καὶ
ἐκαλεῖτο βοῦς, ὅτι βοῦν εἶχεν ἐντετυπωμένον. εἰδέναι δ’ αὐτὸ καὶ
Ὅμηρον νομίζουσιν εἰπόντα ἑκατόμβοι’ ὲννεαβοίων.
[7] Cf. Aesch. Agam. 36; Theognis 815. Cp. τὰν ἀρετὰν καὶ τὰν
σοφίαν νικᾶντι χελῶναι, a proverb (given by Pollux ix. 74) alluding
to the Tortoise coins of Aegina; and Menander (Al. 1), παχὺς γὰρ
ὗς ἔκειτ’ ἐπὶ στόμα.
[8] ἡ γλαῦξ ἐπὶ χαράγματος ἢ τετραδράχμου, ὡς Φιλόχορος·
ἐκλήθη δὲ τὸ νόμισμα τὸ τετράδραχμον τότε [ἡ] γλαῦξ· ἦν γὰρ ἡ
γλαῦξ ἐπίσημον καὶ πρόσωπον Ἀθηνᾶς, τῶν προτέρων διδράχμων
ὄντων, ἐπίσημον δὲ βοῦν ἐχόντων.
[9] Plutarch, Solon, c. 15.
[10] Hultsch, Reliquiae Scriptorum Metrologicorum, i. 301, τὸ
δὲ γαρ’ Ὁμήρῳ τάλαντον ἴσον ἐδύνατο τῷ μετὰ ταῦτα Δαρεικῷ.
ἄγει δ’ οὖν τὸ χρυσοῦν τάλαντον Ἀττικὰς δραχμὰς β’, γράμματα ζ’,
τετάρτας δηλαδὴ τεσσάρας.
[11] Iliad, xviii. 507, 8,

κεῖτο δ’ ἄρ’ ἐν μέσσοισι δύω χρυσοῖο τάλαντα,

τῷ δόμεν, ὃς μετὰ τοῖσι δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴπῃ.

See Appendix A for a linguistic proof that the two talents were
for the Judge.
[12] Ancient Law, p. 375.
 [13]

ἀνδρὶ δὲ νικηθέντι γυναῖκ’ ἐς μέσσον ἔθηκεν,

πολλὰ δ’ ἐπίστατο ἔργα, τίον δέ ἑ τεσσαράβοιον.

[14] Od. i. 430.

[15] Iliad, ix. 12 seqq.
[16] Il. xxiii. 262 seqq.
[17] Of course amongst the lowest races of savages such as
the aborigines of Australia, even barter is almost unknown. Each
man makes his own stone implements from the greenstone which
is everywhere in abundance, his own clubs and boomerangs,
whilst Nature supplies all his other wants.
[18] Whymper’s Alaska, p. 225.
[19] Morier, Murray’s Magazine, August, 1889, p. 181.
[20] Jevons, Money, p. 24.
[21] Tribes of California, p. 21.
[22] Op. cit., p. 335.
[23] Clavigero, Hist. of Mexico, Vol. i. 386.
They counted the Cacao nuts by 8000 and to save the trouble
of counting them they reckoned them by sacks, every sack being
reckoned to contain 24,000. Cf. Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Vol.
i. p. 44.

[24] G. M. Dawson, ‘Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands,

1878,’ p. 135 B (Geological Survey of Canada), Montreal, 1880.
[25] F. Magnússon, Nordiske Tidskrift for Oldkyndighed, ii. 112.
[26] Wanderings in a Wild Country, or Three Years among the
Cannibals of New Britain (London, 1883), p. 55.
[27] For shell money in the Caroline Islands cf. Kubary’s
Ethnographische Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Karolinen Archipels
(Leipzig, 1889); in the Pelew Islands cf. Karl Semper, Die Pelau
Inseln (Leipzig, 1873), p. 60; and for shell money in general cf. R.
Stearn’s Ethno-conchology (Washington, 1889).
[28] Jevons, Money, 25.
[29] Terrien de la Couperie, Coins and Medals, p. 193.
[30] Terrien de la Couperie, Coins and Medals, p. 199.
 [31] Yule’s Translation, Vol. ii. p. 70.
[32] Gill, River of Golden Sand, ii. p. 77.
[33] Yule’s Translation, Vol. ii. p. 45.
[34] So the Irish sed, the most general name for chattel,
originally meant simply an ox.
[35] Cochin-Chine Française. Excursions et Reconnaissances,
xiii.(1877), p. 296-8.
[36] Excursions et Reconnaissances, xiii. No. 30 (1887), p. 296-
304.
[37] M. Aymonier, Cochin-Chine. Excursions et
Reconnaissances, Vol. x. No. 24 (1885), pp. 233 seqq.
[38] Ibid. p. 317.
[39] Rig-Veda, Mandala, vii. 90. 6, viii. 67. 1-2, vi. 47, 23-4.
[40] Vendidâd, Fasgard, vii. 41 (Darmesteter’s translation in
Sacred Books of the East).
[41] Vendidâd, Fasgard, ix. 37.
[42] Ibid. iv. 2.
[43] Hakluyt Society, 1857, p. 35.
[44] For larins cf. Prof. Rhys Davids, “On the Ancient Coins and
Measures of Ceylon” (Numismata Orientalia, Vol. i. 68-73). Mr
Rhys Davids makes no mention of the bronze fish-hooks, but
there are a number of them in the British Museum.
[45] I am indebted to the kindness of Mr A. Galetly of the
Edinburgh Museum of Science and Art for the drawing from which
the figure here shown is reproduced, as also for the drawing of
the Calabar wire money and West African axe money figured
lower down. My friend Mr J. G. Frazer (one out of countless
kindnesses) called my attention to all three objects.
[46] Haxthausen, Transkaukasia ii. p. 30 (Engl. Trans. p. 409).
[47] Il. xxiii. 485.
[48] Oecon. ii. 21.
[49] ii. 18.
[50] Annals of the Four Masters, Anno 106 a.d. (O’Donovan’s
ed.).
 [51] Ancient Laws of Wales, p. 795.
[52] O’Donovan’s Supplement to O’Reilly, s.v. Lacht: Senchus
Mor, i. 287.
[53] Thorpe, Laws of the Anglo-Saxons, i. 357. Cunningham,
History of English Commerce, i. 117.
[54] Illud notandum est quales debent solidi esse Saxonum: id
est, bovem annoticum utriusque sexus, autumnali tempore, sicut
in stabulum mittitur, pro uno solido: similiter et vernum tempus,
quando de stabulo exiit; et deinceps, quantum aetatem auxerit,
tantum in pretio crescat. De annona vero bortrinis pro solido uno
scapilos quadraginta donant et de sigule viginti. Septemtrionales
autem pro solidum scapilos triginta de avena et sigule quindecim.
Mel vero pro solido bortrensi, sigla una et medio donant.
Septemtrionales autem duos siclos de melle pro uno solido
donent. Item ordeum mundum sicut et sigule pro uno solido
donent. In argento duodecim denarios solidum faciant. Et in aliis
speciebus ad istum pretium omnem aestimationem compositionis
sunt. Capitulare Saxonicum, ii. Migne, xcvii. 202.
[55] Schive and Holmboe, Norges Mynter (Christiania, 1865),
pp. i.-iii.
[56] G. Hoffmann, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, Vol. ii. (1887) p.
48.
[57] Schliemann, Mycenae, and Tiryns, p. 354.
[58] Il. xviii. 401 πόρπας τε, γναμπτάς θ’ ἕλικας, κάλυκάς τε, καὶ
ὅρμους.
[59] Homer. Epos, 279-281 (2nd ed.).
[60] Hesychius s.v. ἕλικες explains them as earrings (ἐνώτια),
or armlets, anklets (ψέλλια), or rings (δακτύλιοι). Eustathius on
Iliad xviii. 400 explains them as ἐνώτια ἢ ψέλλια παρὰ τὸ εἰς
κύκλον ἑλίσσεσθαι, “earrings or armlets (anklets), so called from
being rolled up” (helissesthai). Cp. Ebeling, Lexicon Homericum,
s.v. ἕλιξ.
[61] Keary, Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Coins, i. p. vii. From beag
Mr Max Müller derives buy in spite of a phonetic difficulty.
[62] Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 are in the collection of my friend Mr R.
Day, F.S.A., of Cork. The others are in my own possession.
[63] Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. x. Here is the description
and weight of the rings (which I have been enabled to figure by
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