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67 views65 pages

Full The Collected Translations of The Sanskrit Epics 1st Edition Valmiki PDF All Chapters

Valmiki

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hargglavac
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The Sanskrit Epics
(c. 1500 BC-AD 1000)

Contents
The Hindu Itihasa
Ramayana by Valmiki
Mahabharata by Vyasa

Other Sanskrit Epics


Buddhacharita by Asvaghosa
Saundarananda by Asvaghosa
Selections from ‘Raghuvamsha’ by Kalidasa
Selections from ‘Kumarasambhava’ by Kalidasa
Shishupala Vadha by Magha (Cantos I-IV)
Kiratarjuniya by Bharavi
Bhattikavya by Bhatti (Canto I)

The Biographies
A History of Sanskrit Literature by Arthur Anthony Macdonell
Kalidasa: His Life and Writings by Arthur W. Ryder

The Delphi Classics Catalogue


© Delphi Classics 2018
Version 1
The Sanskrit Epics

By Delphi Classics, 2018


COPYRIGHT
The Sanskrit Epics - Delphi Poets Series

First published in the United Kingdom in 2018 by Delphi Classics.


© Delphi Classics, 2018.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the publisher,
nor be otherwise circulated in any form other than that in which it is published.

ISBN: 978 1 78656 128 2

Delphi Classics
is an imprint of
Delphi Publishing Ltd
Hastings, East Sussex
United Kingdom
Contact: [email protected]

www.delphiclassics.com
NOTE

When reading poetry on an eReader, it is advisable to use a small font size


and landscape mode, which will allow the lines of poetry to display
correctly.
The Hindu Itihasa

Yamuna River , near Kalpi, a town and a municipal board in Jalaun district in the Indian state of
Uttar Pradesh — according to Vishnu Purana, Vyasa , the composer of ‘Mahabharata’ was born on
an island by Kalpi.
Ramayana by Valmiki

Translated by Ralph Thomas Hotchkin

Sanskrit literature is a large body of works produced by the Aryan peoples


that entered the Indian subcontinent from the northwest, probably during
the second millennium BC. It developed as the vehicle of expression for the
Brahmanical society, gradually establishing itself as the main cultural force
throughout the region in the period before the Muslim conquest.
Throughout this period of 2,500 years the dating of most literary works is
difficult due to the tendency to ascribe authorship to well-known or
legendary names. The two main periods in the development of Sanskrit
literature are the Vedic period, approximately 1500–200 BC and the
classical period, approximately 500 BC–AD 1000.
The epic poem Ramayana narrates the struggle of the divine prince
Rama to rescue his wife Sita from the demon king Ravana. Along with the
Mahabharata, it forms the Hindu Itihasa, the most revered series of Hindu
scriptures and texts in Sanskrit literature. The classical Indian poets usually
derived the story of their poetry and drama from the Itihasas. Traditionally
ascribed to the Hindu sage Valmiki, Ramayana is one of the largest ancient
epics in world literature, consisting of nearly 24,000 verses (mostly set in
the Shloka meter), divided into seven Kandas (books) and about 500 sargas
(chapters). In Hindu tradition, it is considered to be the adi-kavya (first
poem). It depicts the duties of relationships, portraying model characters,
such as the ideal father, the ideal servant, the ideal brother, the ideal wife
and the ideal king. The epic was an important influence on later Sanskrit
poetry and Hindu life and culture. Like Mahabharata, it is not just a story,
but presents the teachings of ancient Hindu sages in narrative allegory,
interspersing philosophical and ethical elements.
The epic narrates the birth of the god Rama in the kingdom of Ayodhya,
his tutelage under the sage Vishvamitra and his success in bending Shiva’s
mighty bow at the bridegroom tournament of Sita, the daughter of King
Janaka, therefore winning her for his wife. When Rama is banished from his
position as heir to the kingdom, he retreats to the forest with his wife and
his favourite half brother, Lakshmana, to spend fourteen years in exile.
Ravana, the demon-king of Lanka, captures Sita, taking her to his
capital, while her two protectors are pursuing a golden deer sent to mislead
them. Sita resolutely rejects Ravana’s attentions and Rama and his brother
set out to rescue her. After numerous adventures, they forge an alliance with
Sugriva, king of the monkeys, and, with the assistance of the monkey-
general Hanuman and Ravana’s own brother, Vibhishana, they attack
Lanka. Rama slays Ravana and rescues Sita, who undergoes an ordeal by
fire in order to clear herself of infidelity. When they return to Ayodhya,
however, Rama learns that the people still question the queen’s chastity and
he banishes her to the forest. There she meets the sage Valmiki (the poem’s
author) and at his hermitage gives birth to Rama’s two sons. The family is
reunited when the sons come of age, but Sita, after again protesting her
innocence, plunges into the earth, her mother, who receives her and
swallows her up.
By tradition, the text belongs to the Treta Yuga, second of the four eons
of Hindu chronology. Rama is said to have been born in the Treta yuga to
king Dasharatha in the Ikshvaku dynasty. There is no consensus regarding
the date the epic poem was first composed, though it is generally held to be
no later than 300 BC. It enjoys enormous popularity in India, where its
recitation is considered an act of great merit. Little is known of the poet
Valmiki as a historical figure, though he is described as having been a thief
named Ratnakara, before becoming a sage. The Ramayana was popular
during the Mughal period (sixteenth century) and it was a favourite subject
of Rajasthani and Pahari painters of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. The epic also spread in various forms throughout Southeast Asia
in Cambodia, Indonesia and Thailand. The heroes, together with the
Pandava brothers of the Mahabharata, were also the heroes of traditional
Javanese-Balinese theatre, dance and shadow plays.
Eighteenth century manuscript of the epic poem
Rama (left third from top) depicted in the Dashavatara, the ten avatars of Vishnu. Painting from
Jaipur, now at the Victoria and Albert Museum
CONTENTS
BOOK I.
BOOK II.
BOOK III.
BOOK IV.
BOOK V.
BOOK VI.
APPENDIX.
ENDNOTES
RAMAYANA: DETAILED TABLE OF CONTENTS
Rama with his wife Sita and brother Lakshmana during exile in forest, manuscript, c. 1780
An artist’s impression of Valmiki Muni composing the Ramayana
Ancient Sanskrit on Hemp based Paper. Hemp Fiber was commonly used in the production of paper
from 200 BC to the late 1800's.
Invocation.1

Praise to Válmíki,2bird of charming song,3


Who mounts on Poesy’s sublimest spray,
And sweetly sings with accent clear and strong
Ráma, aye Ráma, in his deathless lay.
Where breathes the man can listen to the strain
That flows in music from Válmíki’s tongue,
Nor feel his feet the path of bliss attain
When Ráma’s glory by the saint is sung!
The stream Rámáyan leaves its sacred fount
The whole wide world from sin and stain to free.4
The Prince of Hermits is the parent mount,
The lordly Ráma is the darling sea.
Glory to him whose fame is ever bright!
Glory to him, Prachetas’5holy son!
Whose pure lips quaff with ever new delight
The nectar-sea of deeds by Ráma done.
Hail, arch-ascetic, pious, good, and kind!
Hail, Saint Válmíki, lord of every lore!
Hail, holy Hermit, calm and pure of mind!
Hail, First of Bards, Válmíki, hail once more!
BOOK I.6
Canto I. Nárad.7

OM.8
To sainted Nárad, prince of those
Whose lore in words of wisdom flows.
Whose constant care and chief delight
Were Scripture and ascetic rite,
The good Válmíki, first and best

Of hermit saints, these words addressed:9


“In all this world, I pray thee, who
Is virtuous, heroic, true?
Firm in his vows, of grateful mind,
To every creature good and kind?
Bounteous, and holy, just, and wise,
Alone most fair to all men’s eyes?
Devoid of envy, firm, and sage,
Whose tranquil soul ne’er yields to rage?
Whom, when his warrior wrath is high,
Do Gods embattled fear and fly?
Whose noble might and gentle skill
The triple world can guard from ill?
Who is the best of princes, he
Who loves his people’s good to see?
The store of bliss, the living mine
Where brightest joys and virtues shine?
Queen Fortune’s10 best and dearest friend,
Whose steps her choicest gifts attend?
Who may with Sun and Moon compare,
With Indra,11 Vishṇu,12 Fire, and Air?
Grant, Saint divine,13 the boon I ask,
For thee, I ween, an easy task,
To whom the power is given to know
If such a man breathe here below.”
Then Nárad, clear before whose eye
The present, past, and future lie,14
Made ready answer: “Hermit, where
Are graces found so high and rare?
Yet listen, and my tongue shall tell
In whom alone these virtues dwell.
From old Ikshváku’s15 line he came,
Known to the world by Ráma’s name:
With soul subdued, a chief of might,
In Scripture versed, in glory bright,
His steps in virtue’s paths are bent,
Obedient, pure, and eloquent.
In each emprise he wins success,
And dying foes his power confess.
Tall and broad-shouldered, strong of limb,
Fortune has set her mark on him.
Graced with a conch-shell’s triple line,
His throat displays the auspicious sign.16

High destiny is clear impressed


On massive jaw and ample chest,
His mighty shafts he truly aims,
And foemen in the battle tames.
Deep in the muscle, scarcely shown,
Embedded lies his collar-bone.
His lordly steps are firm and free,
His strong arms reach below his knee;17
All fairest graces join to deck
His head, his brow, his stately neck,
And limbs in fair proportion set:
The manliest form e’er fashioned yet.
Graced with each high imperial mark,
His skin is soft and lustrous dark.
Large are his eyes that sweetly shine
With majesty almost divine.
His plighted word he ne’er forgets;
On erring sense a watch he sets.
By nature wise, his teacher’s skill
Has trained him to subdue his will.
Good, resolute and pure, and strong,
He guards mankind from scathe and wrong,
And lends his aid, and ne’er in vain,
The cause of justice to maintain.
Well has he studied o’er and o’er
The Vedas18and their kindred lore.
Well skilled is he the bow to draw,19
Well trained in arts and versed in law;
High-souled and meet for happy fate,
Most tender and compassionate;
The noblest of all lordly givers,
Whom good men follow, as the rivers
Follow the King of Floods, the sea:
So liberal, so just is he.
The joy of Queen Kauśalyá’s20heart,
In every virtue he has part:
Firm as Himálaya’s21 snowy steep,
Unfathomed like the mighty deep:
The peer of Vishṇu’s power and might,
And lovely as the Lord of Night;22
Patient as Earth, but, roused to ire,
Fierce as the world-destroying fire;
In bounty like the Lord of Gold,23
And Justice self in human mould.
With him, his best and eldest son,
By all his princely virtues won
King Daśaratha24 willed to share
His kingdom as the Regent Heir.
But when Kaikeyí, youngest queen,
With eyes of envious hate had seen
The solemn pomp and regal state
Prepared the prince to consecrate,
She bade the hapless king bestow
Two gifts he promised long ago,
That Ráma to the woods should flee,
And that her child the heir should be.
By chains of duty firmly tied,
The wretched king perforce complied.

Ráma, to please Kaikeyí went


Obedient forth to banishment.
Then Lakshmaṇ’s truth was nobly shown,
Then were his love and courage known,
When for his brother’s sake he dared
All perils, and his exile shared.
And Sítá, Ráma’s darling wife,
Loved even as he loved his life,
Whom happy marks combined to bless,
A miracle of loveliness,
Of Janak’s royal lineage sprung,
Most excellent of women, clung
To her dear lord, like Rohiṇí
Rejoicing with the Moon to be.25
The King and people, sad of mood,
The hero’s car awhile pursued.
But when Prince Ráma lighted down
At Śringavera’s pleasant town,
Where Gangá’s holy waters flow,
He bade his driver turn and go.
Guha, Nishádas’ king, he met,
And on the farther bank was set.
Then on from wood to wood they strayed,
O’er many a stream, through constant shade,
As Bharadvája bade them, till
They came to Chitrakúṭa’s hill.
And Ráma there, with Lakshmaṇ’s aid,
A pleasant little cottage made,
And spent his days with Sítá, dressed
In coat of bark and deerskin vest.26
And Chitrakúṭa grew to be
As bright with those illustrious three
As Meru’s27 sacred peaks that shine
With glory, when the Gods recline
Beneath them: Śiva’s28 self between
The Lord of Gold and Beauty’s Queen.
The aged king for Ráma pined,
And for the skies the earth resigned.
Bharat, his son, refused to reign,
Though urged by all the twice-born29 train.
Forth to the woods he fared to meet
His brother, fell before his feet,
And cried, “Thy claim all men allow:
O come, our lord and king be thou.”
But Ráma nobly chose to be
Observant of his sire’s decree.
He placed his sandals30 in his hand
A pledge that he would rule the land:
And bade his brother turn again.
Then Bharat, finding prayer was vain,
The sandals took and went away;
Nor in Ayodhyá would he stay.
But turned to Nandigráma, where
He ruled the realm with watchful care,
Still longing eagerly to learn
Tidings of Ráma’s safe return.
Then lest the people should repeat
Their visit to his calm retreat,
Away from Chitrakúṭa’s hill
Fared Ráma ever onward till

Beneath the shady trees he stood


Of Daṇḍaká’s primeval wood,
Virádha, giant fiend, he slew,
And then Agastya’s friendship knew.
Counselled by him he gained the sword
And bow of Indra, heavenly lord:
A pair of quivers too, that bore
Of arrows an exhaustless store.
While there he dwelt in greenwood shade
The trembling hermits sought his aid,
And bade him with his sword and bow
Destroy the fiends who worked them woe:
To come like Indra strong and brave,
A guardian God to help and save.
And Ráma’s falchion left its trace
Deep cut on Śúrpaṇakhá’s face:
A hideous giantess who came
Burning for him with lawless flame.
Their sister’s cries the giants heard.
And vengeance in each bosom stirred:
The monster of the triple head.
And Dúshaṇ to the contest sped.
But they and myriad fiends beside
Beneath the might of Ráma died.
When Rávaṇ, dreaded warrior, knew
The slaughter of his giant crew:
Rávaṇ, the king, whose name of fear
Earth, hell, and heaven all shook to hear:
He bade the fiend Márícha aid
The vengeful plot his fury laid.
In vain the wise Márícha tried
To turn him from his course aside:
Not Rávaṇ’s self, he said, might hope
With Ráma and his strength to cope.
Impelled by fate and blind with rage
He came to Ráma’s hermitage.
There, by Márícha’s magic art,
He wiled the princely youths apart,
The vulture31 slew, and bore away
The wife of Ráma as his prey.
The son of Raghu32 came and found
Jaṭáyu slain upon the ground.
He rushed within his leafy cot;
He sought his wife, but found her not.
Then, then the hero’s senses failed;
In mad despair he wept and wailed.
Upon the pile that bird he laid,
And still in quest of Sítá strayed.
A hideous giant then he saw,
Kabandha named, a shape of awe.
The monstrous fiend he smote and slew,
And in the flame the body threw;
When straight from out the funeral flame
In lovely form Kabandha came,
And bade him seek in his distress
A wise and holy hermitess.
By counsel of this saintly dame
To Pampá’s pleasant flood he came,
And there the steadfast friendship won
Of Hanumán the Wind-God’s son.
Counselled by him he told his grief
To great Sugríva, Vánar chief,
Who, knowing all the tale, before
The sacred flame alliance swore.
Sugríva to his new-found friend
Told his own story to the end:
His hate of Báli for the wrong
And insult he had borne so long.
And Ráma lent a willing ear
And promised to allay his fear.
Sugríva warned him of the might
Of Báli, matchless in the fight,
And, credence for his tale to gain,
Showed the huge fiend33 by Báli slain.
The prostrate corse of mountain size
Seemed nothing in the hero’s eyes;
He lightly kicked it, as it lay,
And cast it twenty leagues34 away.
To prove his might his arrows through
Seven palms in line, uninjured, flew.
He cleft a mighty hill apart,
And down to hell he hurled his dart.
Then high Sugríva’s spirit rose,
Assured of conquest o’er his foes.
With his new champion by his side
To vast Kishkindhá’s cave he hied.
Then, summoned by his awful shout,
King Báli came in fury out,
First comforted his trembling wife,
Then sought Sugríva in the strife.
One shaft from Ráma’s deadly bow
The monarch in the dust laid low.
Then Ráma bade Sugríva reign
In place of royal Báli slain.
Then speedy envoys hurried forth
Eastward and westward, south and north,
Commanded by the grateful king
Tidings of Ráma’s spouse to bring.
Then by Sampáti’s counsel led,
Brave Hanumán, who mocked at dread,
Sprang at one wild tremendous leap
Two hundred leagues across the deep.
To Lanká’s35 town he urged his way,
Where Rávaṇ held his royal sway.

There pensive ‘neath Aśoka36 boughs


He found poor Sítá, Ráma’s spouse.
He gave the hapless girl a ring,
A token from her lord and king.
A pledge from her fair hand he bore;
Then battered down the garden door.
Five captains of the host he slew,
Seven sons of councillors o’erthrew;
Crushed youthful Aksha on the field,
Then to his captors chose to yield.
Soon from their bonds his limbs were free,
But honouring the high decree
Which Brahmá37 had pronounced of yore,
He calmly all their insults bore.
The town he burnt with hostile flame,
And spoke again with Ráma’s dame,
Then swiftly back to Ráma flew
With tidings of the interview.
Then with Sugríva for his guide,
Came Ráma to the ocean side.
He smote the sea with shafts as bright
As sunbeams in their summer height,
And quick appeared the Rivers’ King38
Obedient to the summoning.
A bridge was thrown by Nala o’er
The narrow sea from shore to shore.39
They crossed to Lanká’s golden town,
Where Ráma’s hand smote Rávaṇ down.
Vibhishaṇ there was left to reign
Over his brother’s wide domain.
To meet her husband Sítá came;
But Ráma, stung with ire and shame,
With bitter words his wife addressed
Before the crowd that round her pressed.
But Sítá, touched with noble ire,
Gave her fair body to the fire.
Then straight the God of Wind appeared,
And words from heaven her honour cleared.
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both with generally indifferent musicians and misappropriated
pioneers, I would save to each regiment about thirty soldiers, or
about half the effectives of a company of the present day.
It will surprise those who know nothing of war, and even many
military men, when I mention how many soldiers are lost, I may say,
to the service, taken out of the ranks of corps to be employed as
non-combatant clerks, servants or bat-men, horse-keepers or
grooms, &c. The head-quarters and staff sweep off numbers in this
way beyond belief. The general officers and staff of divisions and
brigades, including engineer officers, staff surgeons, commissariat,
&c. if allowed, quite as bad. Then come field officers and regimental
staff, and perhaps forty captains and subalterns per regiment, all of
whom must be supplied; a few with two, for taking care of their
chargers and pack-horses or mules, and all with at least one each to
look after pack-horses for the conveyance of baggage; most of it
probably indispensable, if it is expected that these gentlemen are to
be kept efficient. But there is another demand of a man per
company for the care of pack-horses for the carriage of tents, &c. as
wheel carriages for such purposes ought never to be allowed upon
the line of march.
For these various occupations, I have no hesitation in saying, many
hundreds of soldiers are taken away from where they should be, and
corps are thus deprived of their best men, and greatly weakened
before they come into contact with an enemy.
This must appear almost incredible to many good people, who will
naturally be surprised what Mr. Hume, that mirror of economists,
could have been about; but who, they may depend upon it,
invariably contrives to have, at last, the candle burnt at both ends.
But how indignant they must now be to hear, probably for the first
time, that they were obliged to pay for such a number of soldiers,
who only made a figure upon paper to the disadvantage of the
general's reputation who commanded the army in the field, who was
supposed to have had, perhaps, 30,000 men to act with, whereas in
reality he could not bring into action 25,000; and when a battle took
place, there were a few more drains from the ranks besides the
killed and wounded; for the latter and sick required attendants at
the several hospital stations, and also on the road to them; and how
often have I, as a Brigade-major of the 3d division, had to encounter
the cross looks of commanding officers of regiments, when I could
not avoid calling upon them for officers, non-commissioned officers,
and soldiers, for such purposes, when the enemy had, perhaps,
sufficiently thinned their ranks.
I would suggest that money should be allowed, and, if possible, no
soldiers whatever for any of these purposes at home or abroad, and
certainly not upon service; and even at home it would be advisable
to make officers a proper allowance for private, or non-combatant
servants, so that an end might at once be put to the custom of
taking away soldiers from their duties to be employed as such. All
servants should however, be regularly enlisted as soldiers are at
present, but for a limited period only; and they should be bound to
accompany their masters abroad, or upon any kind of service; and
commanding officers of regiments should have the power of
discharging, at their master's request, these servants if found guilty
of bad or improper conduct, and of enlisting others to replace them,
of course, such servants come under martial law; but what I have
proposed, in this respect, is nothing new, for does not history tell us,
of non-combatant servants being of old attached to armies; and
allow me to ask, with what intention is it, that officers receive at the
commencement of a campaign, and at fixed periods afterwards, bat
and forage money? If the sums granted are insufficient—which they
undoubtedly are—for providing servants, field equipments, pack-
horses, &c. more should be given, as it must be admitted, that they
are all indispensable. It could never, however, have been intended,
that the number of muskets and bayonets in the ranks, were to be
so much reduced, as I have shown is the case, to supply men for the
purposes enumerated, when by a trifling comparative increase of the
expenses of a war, our armies could be kept efficient, and in such a
complete state, as to enable a General to carry it on with that vigour,
which is always so essential towards its successful and speedy
termination.
But the necessity of what I have just recommended being adopted,
appeared in so strong a light, to one of our best officers, that we
read in a general order, dated Tholen, 20th of December, 1813, as
follows:—
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces being desirous to render the
army for the field as effective as possible, directs that all soldiers
acting as servants to officers, shall always appear in uniform, and
carry their arms and accoutrements on the march. The servants of
regimental officers to be in the ranks on the march, and the
Commander of the Forces calls upon the General and other officers
in command strictly to inforce this order."
"No. 2. With a view to diminish, as much as possible, requisitions on
regiments for soldiers as servants, General Sir Thomas Graham
authorizes any officer who is entitled by the usage of the service to
appear mounted and keep a horse, to hire a servant as bat-man in
lieu of a soldier, for which he will be allowed at the rate of 4s. 6d.
(quite insufficient) per week and a ration; but it is distinctly
understood, that the allowance is not to be extended to any persons
attached to this army, who, by the custom of the service, are not
entitled to soldiers to wait upon them, and whenever it is drawn, an
effective soldier is to be thereby restored to the army."
"No. 6. The Commander of the Forces strongly recommends to all
general officers of the army to return immediately any bat-men they
may have to their corps, and to direct their staff to do the same, at
all events no officer of any rank is to employ more than one soldier
of this army to attend upon him, whether he acts as his own
personal servant or bat-man."
"No. 7. Field officers of regiments are entitled each to a servant and
bat-man, and of course to draw the allowance for each, when men
from the ranks are not employed."
"No. 9 Announces that such servants come under martial law."
I believe that I could not any where, more conveniently or properly,
introduce some observations, I consider it necessary to make upon
the baggage of an army in the field, and upon some other matters
connected with it, than at the close of this chapter, and I feel
convinced that experienced officers will allow, that is a difficult
subject to enter upon. It must, however, have been obvious to many,
how much the quantity of baggage gradually increases as a
campaign advances. Various articles are accumulated in all sorts of
ways, but chiefly by servants upon the line of march, in the towns
they pass through, in the field of battle, and above all at sieges.
We unluckily have many wants, almost unknown to the people of
other countries, arising out of our early habits of indulging in many
comforts; indeed, so many and so productive are they of enjoyment,
that in spite of what some philosophers may say to the contrary, we
cannot easily divest ourselves of the remembrance of them, for with
most of us they too frequently become indispensables, or in other
words, they are apt to make us rather selfish. But a General who
may wish to keep such wants within reasonable bounds, or who is
determined not to be overwhelmed with baggage, followers, and
animals of burden, must be wholely uninfluenced by any other
feeling than that of the good of the public service, and must cut off,
at once, with an unsparing hand, all superfluities of every
description; and he must endeavour to keep the whole under due
restrictions. All the odium of this ought not, however, to be thrown
upon the Commander of any army about to take the field, as it
must, to a certainty, render him unpopular with many; but it would
be much wiser that a British army should have, at all times for its
guidance, established regulations, which no one could, on any
account, be allowed to deviate from.
Selfish feelings never, I believe, show themselves more strongly than
amongst landsmen on board ship, and amongst too many men in
the field. Some, I have no doubt, have seen individuals retire to a
snug corner, to enjoy unobserved something good which they had in
their haversacks, lest they should be obliged to offer part of it to
hungry comrades. Others have been known to sleep sound, warm,
and dry in their tents, having probably offered shares of them, but in
such a way to the officers of their own companies, that even they
could not accept of their liberality, and preferred reposing at the
roots of trees, or behind hedges, exposed to the pitiless storm. My
only object in alluding to such trifling matters is, in the first instance,
to show that these things do sometimes occur, and, moreover, to try
to inculcate, if I can, into such badly brought up men, at least a little
feeling for the wants of others. Yet I would not leave it in their
power thus to enjoy their comforts—at all events in such situations,
for I would make the officers of a company live and sleep in the
same tent or hut, and be partakers of the same fare whatever it
might be.
A regimental mess at home or abroad, is admirably calculated to
keep up respectability, by insuring a proper degree of genteel
economy; but of this the officers of corps cannot avail themselves in
the field, and then it becomes requisite to act upon established
regulations. The officers of a company should be made to have in
common, a tent of a particular size and shape, and they should all
three contribute towards its purchase, as well as towards the
procuring of two horses or mules, which they should be obliged to
keep. I would also fix upon a trunk or rather a portmanteau for
each, of a certain size and shape. One of the horses should carry, on
a well-fitted pack-saddle, the two subaltern's portmanteau, and the
tent between them. The other horse should carry the captain's
portmanteau, which might be a very little larger than those allowed
to subalterns, but care should be taken that its size was also fixed
upon; and this should be balanced upon the horse's back by a
canteen (bought also amongst them) for the use of the mess, and
between them a bag of a certain size, made of some water-proof
stuff, could be placed, in which might be conveyed some useful
articles for general comfort, especially such as might be considered
necessary, when the country, the seat of war, could afford but few
supplies.
It appears to me that the officers of a company could not possibly
contrive to get on, for any length of time, with less than those two
animals; but in the portmanteau should be carried, besides their
clothes and a blanket each, their mattresses made air tight, so as to
be inflated when necessary, and which can be rolled up into very
small compass, when not wanted for use; and such mattresses not
only make excellent beds, but also secure those who use them
completely from damp from the ground. This is all that could or
ought to be allowed to company officers in the field; and positive
orders should prevent any other article whatever from being put
upon the horses, as all good purposes are at once defeated if they
are permitted to be overloaded; and even the private servants or
bat-men should be made to carry their own knapsacks, in place of
fastening them, as they will always try to do, upon the loads. I at
the same time conclude, that the baggage of a company, regiment,
brigade and division, marches in proper order, and if one overloaded
or sore backed animal knocks up, the whole is most annoyingly and
injuriously detained in consequence upon the road. In any
arrangement, however, of this kind, I should expect that the
baggage and animals allowed to field officers and regimental staff,
and to commissariat and medical officers, &c. were likewise strictly
brought under regulations, and the name of the owner, or the
number of the troop, company, and corps, being conspicuously
painted on a water-deck or cover, to go over the load of each
animal, any irregularity, and the individual who might occasion it,
could be at once ascertained.
It is quite impossible to make arrangements for company officers
who may be taken ill, and obliged to go to the hospital stations in
the rear. A company in the field is what must be kept in view in any
plan of this kind. The medical department, with the means I have
yet to propose to place at its disposal, would have to look to such
casualties. I must, however, here observe, that in Portugal especially,
we had often far too many officers at such stations—for instance at
Lisbon, or rather Belem, Coimbra, &c. where it was well known many
of them staid so long, that Lord Wellington had often to give them
very broad hints, that it was high time they should remember that
their regiments were in presence of the enemy. Some of these
gentlemen, when absent from their corps, had well supplied their
wants, and returned at last to their divisions, nicely mounted on a
horse, probably purchased in Lisbon, attended by a soldier, and
perhaps a Portuguese boy, leading a mule or two heavily loaded with
the good things of this world. Thus the baggage and animals with
the army were always increasing. The mule or horse had very likely
soon to be sold, from want of food and people to look after them, so
that the good things brought up being consumed, the temporary
campaigner again fell so sick, that it became indispensable for him
to revisit an hospital station, to recruit his health and replenish his
supplies. This is by no means an over-drawn picture; and when it
was sometimes asked by those with the army, what had become of
so and so, the common answer was, that he had taken up a strong
position near Lisbon, his right upon the Tagus, and his left at Belem;
or that he was teaching the good people of Lisbon to cross the river
in cork boats,—for these gentlemen were not without their
amusements. It however strikes me at this moment, that as many of
these frequenters of hospital stations were really seriously ill, it
would be desirable, that when young gentlemen presented
themselves to be examined for commissions, it should not only be
ascertained that they had been educated, but also that they were fit
for service. But I must proceed with other matters. The large bell
tents now in general use for soldiers in the field, accommodate
certainly a great many of them at night, when well packed with their
feet to the poles; but they are much too heavy to be carried on the
backs of animals when wet, or when they must be struck before
sunrise, saturated with heavy dew. The baggage mules were often
knocked up by them in this state. It is a bad plan that of carrying the
large iron camp kettles upon animals for the use of companies; the
light tin ones carried in turn by the soldiers themselves, in a bag
made for the purpose, are greatly to be preferred, as they are
always at hand.
It must altogether depend upon circumstances, but it would at all
times require serious consideration, whether company officers
should be allowed to keep riding horses or not. When they are
allowed to ride on the line of march, they are certainly enabled to go
unfatigued into action, and to look more closely after their men at
the end of a day's work; but I beg to ask (servants being along with
the baggage) who are to take the charge of their horses, when they
must dismount when near the enemy, on going into action; and no
soldier should be taken out of the ranks for such a purpose; how can
any country be supposed capable of furnishing the enormous
quantity of forage required for such increased numbers of animals,
after regiments of Cavalry, Infantry, (I mean those that must be kept
by them) Artillery, and the other departments have been supplied?
Here therefore an almost insurmountable difficulty presents itself,
and it becomes wise to curtail as much as possible in time, for every
animal allowed to be kept, must be fed in some way or other.
The fewer women permitted to accompany an army the better, for
they are generally useless, and tend immensely to increase the
number of animals and quantity of baggage. I once knew a general,
who, in an order he issued, was so ungallant, as to style these
ladies, "his advanced guard of infamy;" and I must admit that he
had too often just cause to style them so.
His Grace the Duke of Wellington was often greatly annoyed at the
enormous consumption of forage by his army, and found it
necessary to issue many orders upon the subject, of which I shall
now give a few.
"G.O. San Pedro, 19th May, 1809.
"No. 10. As the Commander of the Forces has reason to believe
many horses and mules are kept by even the soldiers of the army,
and maintained by means entirely inconsistent with discipline and
good order, he desires officers commanding regiments and brigades,
to inquire into the number of horses and mules which are attached
to the regiments under their command, and to enforce the
immediate sale of those not allowed to be kept by the regulations of
the army."
"G.O. Zarza Mayor, 4th July, 1809.
"No. 17. The Commander of the Forces requests the attention of
general officers commanding divisions and brigades, to the general
orders of the 4th and 5th of March, by the late Commander of the
Forces, relative to the use of mules allowed for conveying camp
kettles, in any service, except for the carriage of camp kettles.
"No. 18. The consequence of loading them with other baggage is,
that they are unequal to carry the kettles which they are given to
convey, and the loads are so ill put on, that they fall from the mules,
and the camp kettles do not arrive from the march till after the hour,
at which they ought to be used by the troops."
"G.O. Merida, 25th August, 1809.
"No. 3. The army must not forage for themselves, but must get it
from the Commissary according to the usual mode, by sending in
returns of the number of animals for whom forage is required, and
receiving from him the regular rations; or if forage cannot be
provided in that mode, and it is necessary it should be taken from
the fields, it must be taken according to the general orders of the
17th of June, 1839."
"G.O. Villa Formosa, 13th April, 1811.
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces requests, that, if possible, the
green corn may not be cut for the horses, &c. belonging to the
army; and that they may, if possible, be turned into the grass fields
in preference to the green corn. It must be understood, however,
that the horses, &c. attached to the army, must be fed, and must
have the green corn, if they cannot get grass."
"G.O. Nave de Rey, 16th July, 1812.
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces particularly requests the
attention of the commissariat attached to divisions and brigades of
Infantry, and to regiments of Cavalry, and of the general officers of
the army, and commanding officers of regiments, to the orders
which have been issued regarding the cutting of forage.
"No. 2. He desires, that whenever it is possible, grass may be given
to the horses and other animals, instead of straw with the corn in
the ear.
"No. 3. The Assistant Provosts must be employed to prevent the
plunder of the corn-fields, and their destruction by turning cattle into
them."
"G.O. Frenada, 25th November, 1812.
"No. 4. The Commander of the Forces has taken the precaution of
having the grass mowed, and saved as hay, in many parts of the
country in which the troops are now, or may be cantoned, which
resource is ample for the food of all the animals of the army during
the winter, if duly taken care of, and distributed under the
regulations of the service.
"No. 5. The Commander of the Forces is sorry to learn, however,
that much of what was thus provided in this part of the country, has
been already wasted, or trampled upon and destroyed, and in
particular 35,000 rations of hay, which were at Espeja, and of which
Lieutenant Holborne took possession, has been destroyed.
"No. 6. He entreats the attention of general officers, and
commanding officers of regiments, to these orders, as they relate
not only to the hay provided by the orders of the Commander of the
Forces, but to the forage, and other resources of the country."
Much more might be given and said upon this most important
subject; but being apprehensive that I have already exhausted the
patience of many readers, I shall only farther observe, that in the
French armies they act in a very summary manner with respect to
carriages and animals kept contrary to the rules of the service. All
such carriages and animals, and the persons along with them, are
laid hold of by the police, and taken to head-quarters, to be
delivered up to the provost, who reports the circumstances to the
major-general, and who commonly orders the transgressors to be
punished by the provost-corporals, and the carriages and animals to
be sold for the benefit of the captors.
It now becomes necessary to consider other subjects connected with
the higher branches of the military profession, and which require to
be so well weighed, that I may, if possible, give offence to no one;
at least it shall be my study to endeavour to avoid doing so.
CHAP. V.
There are many schools in which officers should study in order to
gain a perfect knowledge of the military profession, but certainly
none can be selected superior to that of experience, in which
previously acquired science or theory can be usefully exemplified.
But the best of all teachers is decidedly Cæsar, who still speaks to
soldiers in a language which they can understand; and of this
Napoleon was so well aware, that he always expected his officers to
have carefully studied that great general's Commentaries, and which
are so well translated into French by General Toulongeon. As an
instance—selected out of many to be found in that finely written
narrative—what can possibly be a more admirable piece of military
policy, than when Cæsar, as he tells us, having found that his army
had become alarmed at the accounts received of the warlike
appearance, and desperate valour of the Germans under Ariovistus,
he decides at once, to allow all who had no stomach for fighting to
depart, if they thought fit to do so; and which instantly produced the
effects he so wisely anticipated. And let me ask, if a British army
were again to get into a scrape, like that in which the 3rd division,
and part of our troops, found themselves on the Garonne, just
before the battle of Toulouse, and had at least four to one pitted
against them; and if our General announced, that those who did not
like the appearance of matters might go home; how many would go?
Cæsar perfectly understood the feelings of a Roman army, and knew
how to act upon them; but let us see what were those of even a
commander of a British regiment.
Colonel Forbes was left by order of Sir Thomas Picton, after the 3rd
division moved up the Garonne towards Toulouse, with the 45th
regiment, to guard the pontoon bridge across it, where a
considerable part of the army had passed. He had reason to think
that a battle was about to be fought; and the idea of his remaining
in the rear in command, even of such a regiment as the 45th, and
though employed upon an important duty, was intolerable. Almost
every hour I received a letter from him, urging me to represent to
Sir Thomas Brisbane how unhappy he and his regiment felt, at being
left in such a situation; and entreating that he might be allowed to
give up his post to some troops more in the rear, or to detachments
coming up to join the army. His impatience was for some time
laughed at; but at last I had the pleasure of sending him orders to
abandon his post, and to replace himself and his regiment at the
head of the right brigade of the 3rd division. He came up just in time
for the battle of Toulouse; and in it he fell, gallantly leading on his
regiment in the unfortunate attempt made to force the passage of
the canal.
To be able to take advantage of the proper moment for acting upon
national feeling or character, is a strong proof of an officer being
qualified to command. But a Commander-in-Chief cannot give the
world a stronger proof of his fitness or unfitness for his high station
than in the men by whom he surrounds himself or employs—if the
choice is left to him—upon the staff of the army placed under his
orders.
It is the opinion of many of our best soldiers, that no officer should
ever be taken from his regiment to be employed upon the staff,
unless his place in it be immediately and permanently supplied by
another; for no corps ought thus to be deprived of those allowed for
carrying on its duties; and such appointments have often been found
to injure, in some degree, the individuals themselves ever after as
regimental officers. What a corps might suffer in being thus deprived
of its officers, seemed to be always overlooked; and interest or
patronage alone too often guided those who had the power of
recommending or selecting officers for such important
appointments; their fitness to perform the duties attached to them
was quite another matter, with which they did not appear to trouble
themselves; and I have no doubt but I would be set down as a mere
simpleton in the ways of the world, if I were to imagine that they
would ever act otherwise.
It must be acknowledged, that our selections of officers for staff
appointments were too often injudicious; but I do not allow that
they were ever carried to the extent, shewn by an able French
writer, that they were brought in France at the commencement of
the year 1792, when the Etat Major of their armies were in so
wretched a state, that it was found necessary to re-establish, quietly,
but imperfectly, what had been destroyed by a decree of the 5th of
October, 1790. The difficulties of the service augmented incessantly,
from their ignorance even of the old forms gone through, and which
some fancied they could remedy, by multiplying the numbers
employed. The power of attaching assistants to the Etat Major
consequently grew into a complete abuse; and at last, in the month
of April, 1792, rose to such a pitch, that what with the numbers
employed, and through the choice made, the Minister of War saw
himself forced to try to put things to rights, by a circular letter
addressed to Generals commanding military divisions, and which led
to the dismissal from their employments of the whole of these
assistants. It, however, soon after became necessary to employ the
same, or others equally useless; and this letter did not by any means
put a stop to the increasing evils of interest and patronage, for there
were still appointed to the Etat Major the most improper and
ignorant men, and even girls, who had mounted uniforms, and
substituted the sword for the distaff. We are told that there is still to
be seen a letter from General Dumourier to Pache, the Minister of
War, reproaching him for having sent to his army an opera dancer as
an adjutant-general. Men of abilities were, as may be well supposed,
disgusted, whilst they were overwhelmed with business, to make up
for the ignorance of others; and they were necessitated to use every
expedient in order to get through, in any way, the tasks assigned
them; and thus the service only presented one mass of confusion,
the Minister of War not receiving connected reports or returns; and,
as a matter of course, he could not give satisfactory information,
when called upon to do so, to those really interested in knowing the
state of the army. Another circular was, in consequence, issued by
the Minister of War, dated Paris, the 20th of April, 1793; but it had
no effect whatever, because it was not only unreasonable, but
ridiculous, to require from men what they neither could do, nor
knew how to do. The Committee of Public Safety, struck with this
state of things, set about putting matters to rights; but two or three
of its members, interested that the disorders should continue, found
means to overturn all, and the state of the Etat Major was allowed to
remain as hopeless as ever. It was not therefore until about the 4th
year of the Republic, that they were able in some measure to put
things into order, by turning out ignorant and incapable men, and
the Etat Major then became composed of some good officers, who
established plans to keep its machinery in movement; but France
had then had time to see the danger, which there always is, in even
slightly disorganizing useful establishments, under the pretence of
reforming them. These remarks do not apply directly to us, farther
than in the occasional appointment, through interest, of inefficient
officers, for the returns of a British army, at least its regiments, were
and are still well and regularly kept. Yet, I must say, that for the
guidance of our staff in the field, we can scarcely show that we have
a system, or what ought to be considered as such.
The staff of an army ought to be a distinct and permanent branch of
the service, and no officers should be employed upon it but those
who had received such an education, as is usually given to our
engineers, the usefulness of which is so ably demonstrated by
experiments and practice under Colonel Pasley, whose establishment
for instruction (if we except what the artillery are taught at
Woolwich,) is the only one worth keeping up; but it is a great
drawback to our military service, that the officers of engineers are
not more frequently placed in high responsible situations, and
intrusted with high important commands and missions; at all events,
officers employed even as Aides-de-Camp, but certainly as Brigade-
Majors, or in the departments of the Adjutant and Quarter-Master-
General, should have had a first-rate military education; but I repeat,
that I would not ask where it had been acquired, whether in France,
Germany, or wherever it can be had upon the most reasonable
terms, for in England it is far too expensive.
Staff officers ought to be men of talents and of great enterprise and
perseverance, and should possess even a certain knowledge of what
is considered business, both in a civil and military point of view,
which would render them capable of ascertaining and calling forth
the various resources of a country. They should also be well
acquainted with military police duties, or the best modes of
exercising military law, in all its bearings, and to enable them to do
this with advantage to the army, and to the country, they should
have attached to them an intelligent mounted police corps. From the
want of such an establishment, which it is the work of years to form,
how often, and how severely have our armies suffered, and must
continue to suffer till a change takes place.
Inexperienced officers, if even well educated, taken suddenly from
their regiments, and, according to the fancy of general officers, or in
compliance with the wishes of injudicious and interested friends, are
unfit for, and must be ignorant of the complicated duties of the staff;
and our generals, at least of old, were themselves too often unequal
to instruct them. The consequences therefore invariably were, that
on first taking the field, nothing could be worse managed than the
departments over which our misnamed staff had to preside. The
system, if it deserved to be so called, being undefined or ill-digested,
the movements or manœuvres of the army, were, as a matter of
course, often badly arranged, and nearly as badly executed; its
combinations, as far as the staff were concerned in them, were
frequently defective. The General-in-Chief had little or no assistance
from the generality of them in the time of need, and it was really
ridiculous to see how even our common out-posts were sometimes
thrown out, leaving the most essential points unwatched, or wholly
disregarded.
These are sweeping charges, and I ought to be able to shew that I
am justified in making them: for example then—some may
remember that on the 27th of July, 1809, the first day, I may say, of
the battle of Talavera, the enemy's light troops broke unexpectedly
in upon us at the Alberche river, when our troops were quite
unprepared for such an event; some young corps were surprised and
consequently did not behave well. Lord Wellington, himself, if I
mistake not, and some of his staff were placed in a very perilous
situation in an old unroofed house, into which they had gone in
order to ascertain from its highest windows what was going forward;
and his Lordship had, immediately after, to take upon himself, in a
great measure, the direction of the hastily-formed rear guard of
infantry, consisting of the 45th regiment and 5th battalion 60th;
which corps, assisted by our cavalry, covered the retreat of the
advanced division till it reached the position in which the battle of
that night, and the following day were fought. But who, that
witnessed it, can ever forget the scene of confusion which took place
on the night of the 27th, amongst the Spaniards! They literally swept
away with them, in their panic, occasioned by the fire of a few
French sharpshooters who had followed up to their position, the part
of the rear-guard to which I belonged. These untoward events,
were, in a great measure, the consequence of the advanced division
not being managed by instructed or experienced staff officers; but I
can scarcely undertake to say, that even for some time afterwards
this branch of our service had become respectable, though it
certainly had improved by practice. In short, in point of movement
and intelligence on the part of regimental officers, the British corps
of cavalry and infantry were, in general, excellent; but we had not,
with a few exceptions, many officers of rank employed, either as
generals or upon the staff, who were capable of directing or making
use of such troops scientifically, or to advantage. It may be said,
that in thus speaking of British soldiers I now contradict my former
assertions, but I by no means do so; I here only allude to their
discipline and courage in the field, under good regimental officers,
and not to what occurred too often upon other occasions.
The French fairly worked us into practical knowledge of war at last;
not that the officers of that gallant nation were themselves so
greatly enlightened, as was generally supposed, or that they or their
troops gained the battles fought—although I often, and especially at
first, wondered they did not—but we had almost always to pay most
dearly for victory, that is to say, for getting possession of the field of
battle, which was sometimes all we had to boast of.
I may not, perhaps, appear to be borne out in the opinions I have
ventured to give, by Lord Wellington's general orders after the battle
of Talavera; I must, nevertheless, bring it before the reader to
enable him to come to a right conclusion:—
"G.O. Talavera de la Reyna, 29th July, 1809.
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces returns his thanks to the
officers and troops for their gallant conduct in the two trying days of
yesterday and the day before, in which they have been engaged
with, and beaten off the repeated attacks of an army infinitely
superior in number.
"He has particularly to request that Lieutenant-General Sherbrooke
will accept his thanks for the assistance he has received from him,
as well as from the manner in which he led on the infantry under his
command to the charge of the bayonet. Major-General Hill, and
Brigadier-General Alexander Campbell, are likewise entitled, in a
particular manner, to the acknowledgments of the Commander of
the Forces, for their gallantry and ability with which they maintained
their posts against the attacks made upon them by the enemy.
"The Commander of the Forces has likewise to acknowledge the
ability with which the late Major-General M'Kenzie (whose
subsequent loss the Commander of the Forces laments,) withdrew
the division under his command from the out-posts, in front of the
enemy's army, on the 27th instant, as well as to Colonel Donkin for
his conduct on that occasion.
"The Commander of the Forces, likewise, considers Lieutenant-
General Payne and the cavalry, particularly Brigadier-General Anson
and his brigade, who was principally engaged with the enemy, to be
entitled to his acknowledgments; as well as Brigadier-General
Howarth and his artillery; Major-General Tilson, Brigadier-General R.
Stewart, Brigadier-General Cameron, and the brigades under their
commands, respectively.
"He had opportunities of noticing the gallantry and discipline of the
5th battalion 60th and the 45th, on the 27th; and of the 29th and
1st battalion 48th, on that night; and on the 28th, of the 7th and
53rd: and he requests their commanding officers, Major Davey,
Colonel Guard, Colonel White, Colonel Donallan, Lieutenant-Colonel
Sir William Myers, and Lieutenant-Colonel Bingham to accept his
particular thanks.
"The charge made by the brigade of Guards, under the command of
Brigadier-General H. Campbell, on the enemy's attacking column,
was a most gallant one, and the mode in which it was afterwards
covered by the 1st battalion of the 48th, was most highly creditable
to that most excellent corps, and to their commanding officer, Major
Middlemore.
"The Commander of the Forces requests Colonel Fletcher, the Chief
Engineer, Brigadier-General the Hon. Charles Stewart, Adjutant-
General, Colonel Murray, Quarter-Master-General, and the officers of
those departments, respectively, and Lieutenant-Colonel Bathurst
and those of his personal staff, will accept his thanks for the
assistance he received from them throughout these trying days."
Before the great French revolution, or about the year 1790, some
able French officers had given their attention to the formation of an
état-major, or staff, for their armies, which would have greatly
conduced to improvement in carrying on business in the various
branches of their service; and this was proposed to be chiefly
accomplished by establishing an uniform, comprehensive, and
connected system; embracing objects, to a certain degree, both civil
and military; the details of which would develop themselves, as the
several heads of service came to be examined.
These objects, owing to the confusion that arose out of the sudden
elevation to power of daring and able, but generally inexperienced
men, and the displacing of the old accomplished officers of the royal
army were frustrated, or at least lost sight of for some time: but,
although the French marched on from victory to victory over the
neighbouring panic struck and astonished nations, the want of such
an organized department, was seriously felt by the Commanders-in-
chief of their armies, so much so, that upon an able work being
published at Paris, by General Grimoard in 1809, styled "Traité sur le
service de l'Etat-major-general des Armées," it was received with
great approbation, and I may say, continued from that period to be a
guide to the French Marshals and Generals, in the formation of the
staff of the armies put under their charge; and it seemed also to be
the system adopted, or approved of, by the Emperor.
Not long before this General Thiebault had also published a very
useful work upon the same subject; but not by any means so
comprehensive as that of General Grimoard; which I am inclined to
think, would afford many useful hints to us in establishing a system
for carrying on the duties of this essential branch of our service; but
taken as a whole, it would, I am persuaded, be found too diffuse
and complicated to be advantageously adopted by any army. I may
however observe, that strictly speaking, we have no established
system of this kind; for the experience of a few officers, acquired on
service, most of whom are now high in rank, cannot be considered
as such; and what a deal an officer who wants information, would
have to wade through, if he endeavoured to find it in the several
volumes of general orders of His Grace the Duke of Wellington, who
must have felt, and evidently did feel, throughout his protracted
operations in the field, how hard and wearing it was, not only to
command a British army, but also to have so much of the weight and
annoyance of attending to minute details of military police, the
commissariat, and of almost every thing else, thrown upon him, and
requiring his constant superintendence and watchfulness. I am
aware, that after they had acquired experience in the field, he
received assistance, to a considerable extent, from some of the
head-quarter staff, and from the generals and staff of divisions and
brigades; but I do not believe, and his orders fully bear me out in
saying so—that any of our other generals could have been equal to
the task he found it necessary to impose upon himself; for at first he
was evidently not much better off, than a commander of a regiment,
who happens to have an indifferent adjutant, and who is in the habit
of hopelessly attempting to carry on the whole of its duties, and
managing all its details, between himself and that functionary,
without considering for what purpose he has been furnished with
two majors, ten captains, twenty or thirty subalterns, and a number
of non-commissioned officers. But it is really wonderful what His
Grace had at first to get through, from the want of a properly
organized staff for his army, who could have acted upon fixed
principles, or established regulations. From not being able to avail
himself of such assistance (and no Commander-in-chief of a British
army can ever under present circumstances do so), he was obliged
to come too much into contact with divisions, brigades, and
regiments, and their minute details; and had even to decide, after
having had all the trouble of inquiry into intricate matters, either
personally or through the means of a general court-martial, as to the
punishment the misconduct of many of our soldiers merited, and
even to order it to be carried into effect.
These and many other considerations should convince us, that there
ought never to be, what is usually termed a second in command,
without a division to take charge of, for he is too often only in the
way; but there should be a head, or chief of the staff of an army, in
constant and immediate communication with the commander of it;
and he ought to possess, in virtue of his office, considerable
authority. He should have under him, for carrying into effect the
orders or views of the Commander of the Forces, an adjutant, and a
quarter-master-general, with a sufficient number of assistants
attached to them; and one of each department, according to our
present plan, should be appointed to each division of the army; and
a brigade-major ought also to have the superintendance of the staff
duties of each brigade.
The respective duties of the adjutant and quarter-master-general's
departments ought to be clearly defined in every point, and carefully
kept distinct; and the strictest system of responsibility, should at all
times, and in all situations, be enforced throughout the whole; and it
should never again be necessary for a Commander of the Forces to
issue such an order as that which follows, and which shows at once,
what must have been at first the composition of the staff of a British
army.
"G.O. Zarza Mayor, 4th July, 1809.
"No. 1. The assistant-adjutant-generals, and brigade-majors of those
divisions and brigades stationed in the neighbourhood of head-
quarters, must attend at the adjutant-general's office for orders at
10 o'clock precisely.
"No. 2. The brigade-majors will attend at the assistant-adjutant-
generals of divisions to receive the division orders at half-past 11
o'clock, and at one, the brigade-majors must give out the orders to
the adjutants of regiments, which must be given out to the troops
and companies, and read to the soldiers at evening parades.
"No. 3. In case circumstances should prevent the brigade-majors
from issuing the general orders to the adjutants of regiments before
3 o'clock on any halting day, they are to receive and issue on that
day only the orders requiring immediate execution, of which the
general-officers commanding brigades are to make the selection,
and on the following day the other orders of general regulation.
"No. 4. All orders received by the adjutants of regiments must, at
the first parade, or earlier, if necessary, be read to the troops.
"No. 5. On marching days the assistant adjutant-generals and
brigade majors, stationed near head-quarters, will attend at the
adjutant-general's office for orders as soon as the troops reach their
ground.
"No. 6. All orders requiring immediate execution issued on marching
days, must be given to the adjutants, and read to the troops as soon
as possible.
"No. 7. The general orders will be sent from head-quarters to
divisions at a distance by the first opportunity, those requiring
immediate execution must be issued and read to the troops as soon
as received; the others, if not received by the general officer of the
division before 2 p.m., are not to be issued till the following day.
"No. 8. The assistant adjutant-generals, or the brigade major, of the
division or brigade at a distance to which the general orders will
have been sent, must send to the adjutant-general by the first
opportunity, a receipt for the orders received, specifying the number
for each day.
"No. 9. When pass orders will be sent, directions will be written on
the back of them, stating whether they are to be circulated by the
person who will have carried them from head-quarters, or to the
officers respectively to whom they have been addressed.
"No. 10. Every officer, to whom they are addressed, must sign his
name on the paper on receiving them, and insert the hour of the day
at which they reached him.
"No. 11. As pass orders invariably must require immediate execution,
they must be issued and read to the troops without loss of time.
"No. 12. The numberless mistakes which have occurred, and the
many instances of neglect and disobedience of orders issued
referring to the health, subsistence, or the convenience of the
troops, renders it necessary not only to observe the early circulation
of orders, but, if possible, obedience to them and their early and
prompt execution.
"No. 13. The obedience to orders of general regulations must
depend upon the attention of general officers commanding brigades,
and commanding officers of regiments, and their determination to
enforce regularity and discipline, but obedience to them requiring
execution can be secured by other means.
"No. 14. Accordingly the Commander of the Forces desires that
officers commanding regiments shall report to the general officer
commanding the brigade, that the general orders requiring the
performance of any duty, or the execution of any arrangement, have
been obeyed."
All this proves that the knowledge and experience of the staff of a
British army were, at that period, at a very low ebb; but matters
were afterwards greatly improved, and the valuable time of the staff
saved, which was thrown away in attending for orders, by Lord
Wellington ordering the distribution of printed copies of general
orders for departments, divisions, brigades, and regiments; but, still,
too much of the time of the non-commissioned officers, who might
have been much better employed in assisting their officers in looking
after the soldiers, was always taken up in the field, in writing out
orders for their respective companies. This ought to be dispensed
with altogether. The corps should be quickly assembled in square, or
close column, and the orders or regulations, which should be few in
number, as almost every thing could be arranged before hand at the
Horse Guards, ought to be read distinctly to them by the
commanding officer, a field officer, or the adjutant; and when thus
assembled, any explanations, or farther directions, which might be
necessary, could be given, and the orders themselves more forcibly
impressed upon the minds of the soldiers, which is rarely properly
done, if left to company officers, or non-commissioned officers.
This plan would not only save much time, but also prevent many
mistakes from happening.
It is not my intention here, nor in any other part of this work, to be
unnecessarily minute in bringing matters before the readers; or at
present to enter fully into the various details of the duties of staff
officers; and I may, therefore, only now observe, and I shall not
hesitate in doing so to take advantage of the suggestions, or hints,
of any military writer, when it may suit my purpose, that the duties
or functions of the staff, which have hitherto, with us, been only
determined by what was considered custom, or by some obsolete
modes of practice, which, after much trouble, may, perhaps, be
found scattered through numerous orders and regulations, which
from time to time, have been issued by various commanders, or in
books which have no claim whatever to be considered official; and
so completely is this the case, that the practice of modern warfare
makes it desirable, and even indispensable, that where any authority
may be attached to them, they ought to be annulled or suppressed,
and a new system, constructed on a wise, and, if it can be done, on
a limited scale, soon promulgated, as the established regulations of
the army, which would render it scarcely possible, that mistakes, as
to staff duties, could hereafter happen when brought into practice;
for, in the field, the slightest misunderstanding, or disputing about
points, perhaps in themselves trivial, might destroy that unity and
rapidity of acting, which is so essential towards ensuring success in
war.
The officer employed as chief of the staff should possess first-rate
talents, much military information or experience; great activity, and
perseverance. There are very few officers capable of filling this
important and responsible appointment; for it demands a complete
knowledge of the profession of a soldier. He should be well
acquainted with the country about to become the seat of war; with
its history, and with the wars which may have been there carried on,
either in ancient or modern times; so that the general in command
of the army could consult and arrange with him, if he thought
proper, as to the best mode of directing his operations, and his
suggestions might in many respects be of the most essential service.
He should be looked up to by both the generals and the army, as not
only intrusted with the plans or views of the Commander-in-Chief,
but as also of being fully aware how they were to be executed; so
that all the details of service would properly come from him; and
thus freed from much care and trouble, the General-in-chief would
more particularly be able to devote his attention to the grand objects
of the enterprise in view. But the duties of chief of the staff and
those of the several departments under him, being, as far as
practicable, clearly defined by regulations; with what little difficulty
or danger from the effects of ignorance or inexperience an army
handled by officers so taught, and always kept in readiness when
called for, could be brought into the field in an efficient state for
service; whereas by the way in which we now try to get through
matters, a Commander-in-Chief in any future war would have to
wade through all the difficulties encountered, and by so much
perseverance overcome by his Grace the Duke of Wellington.
I must now observe, and in as few words as possible, that issuing of
orders and regulations, and upon all occasions seeing that they were
obeyed; keeping an historical journal of the events of a campaign;
making out returns for head-quarters, and calling for all those
usually required from divisions, brigades, and regiments, and the
ordinary correspondence appertaining to such subjects;
arrangements for the maintenance of the discipline of the army;
furnishing of officers and troops for guards and out-posts; issuing
necessary instructions for a well-regulated and mounted police force,
whose commander, captains, and subalterns, being well-taught their
duties, and competent to perform them, should be entrusted with
even more power than was allowed to provost-marshals;—these,
with some other points of service, ought to come under the
Adjutant-General and his assistants. But all this, it may be said, is
already the common routine of business, and should be known to
staff-officers; yet every one of them, I am certain, who has had
experience in the field, must have felt the want of an efficient police,
and of a better system for their guidance.
No division of the army should ever be without a strong detachment
of police, either temporarily or permanently attached to it; and thus
crimes would either be prevented through their vigilance, or those
guilty of them immediately punished; the resources of a country
would then neither be lawlessly seized and frittered away by
marauders, nor would the inhabitants fail to bring supplies to the
regularly established markets of the army, where they would be sure
to find protection from the police. But all sutlers and persons
permitted permanently to supply articles in camp or cantonments
ought to have licenses from the head of the police, without which
they should not be allowed to do so.
As more irregularities are generally committed by soldiers when
absent from their corps, either upon duty or otherwise, than at other
times; patroles of the police ought therefore to be constantly moving
upon the roads in all directions, and should particularly have their
eyes upon all guards, and people allowed for the service of the
commissariat, either when foraging in collecting supplies of any kind,
or in bringing them from the depots in the rear; and this useful
corps should also extend their observations, even as far to the rear
as the hospital stations more immediately belonging to the army in
the field. These various, important, and indispensable duties if
properly performed, and their due performance being shown by
simple returns or reports, would require a considerable police force;
but as I would expect them to be armed and equipped in all respects
as dragoons, they could, upon any emergency, be called upon to act
as such, and they must, therefore, in no way be looked upon as
taken away from the fighting part of the army; by the regulations
they would enforce, and by their preventing all straggling of soldiers
or followers of the camp in search of plunder or liquor, the army
would be rendered considerably more efficient through their
exertions. Therefore, to the establishing of such a corps, which
ought to be composed of well-conducted and well-paid men, I beg
particularly to request attention.
There is a point too much overlooked, or, at least, but little
understood in our army, viz. that of employing spies in order to
obtain intelligence; and, as I should expect, that the head of the
police is a man of ability and penetration, I would recommend that
he should be entrusted with the management of this necessary point
of service. If it is properly conducted, most useful information may
be procured; especially if sufficient means for this purpose are
placed at the disposal of a commander of the forces. There are
various classes of spies, but I am anxious to be as brief as possible
in alluding to them.
1st. Men considered of importance and in high situations, who,
through avarice or meanness, yield to corruption. It belongs,
however, to the Government of a country to employ such spies, and
it is believed that Russia especially has, at this moment, many of
them engaged in various countries, and in various ways.
2nd. Men supposed to be respectable in character, priests and
intriguing women (I here adopt the words of a French writer), to be
almost always found in countries in which war may be carried on;
who, through a good use of part of the money, which it may be
contrived to remit to them, can procure sometimes valuable
information; but the best of such spies are usually found amongst
those mentioned, and who are the least liable to raise suspicion.
3rd. Individuals admitted in various ways into the enemy's army—
such as servants to general and other officers, sellers of spirits,
provisions, and many trifling articles required by soldiers; and some
men may through them be induced to desert at particular moments,
especially when any important movements are about to take place.
Such people can repeat the conversations they may have listened to;
they can say pretty correctly where the enemy is in force; what
direction he is moving in, as well as what places are occupied by his
detachments; but this is generally all that can be looked for from
them, their communications being frequently too confused and
uncertain to be much relied upon. But some men, for money, as I
know from experience, can be found (indeed they offer themselves)
who would perform acts that would scarcely be believed, were I to
state them.
4th. Intelligent peasants of the country, of whom there are always
plenty to be found; but a good many of them should be sent out at
one time, under the pretence of selling various articles in the
enemy's camp, or cantonments; also to the detachments on his
flanks, and lines of communication and operation. Such men should
not, however, be employed at any great distance from their homes,
as they soon become ignorant of the country and roads.
5th. Good information can often be obtained from prisoners of war
of all ranks, if prudently and judiciously questioned by an officer,
such as I suppose the head of the police would be; and correct
intelligence was even sometimes, to my knowledge, pumped out of
our single-minded officers at the out-posts, by the French, during
the Peninsular war.
6th. The best and most useful of all spies, are those, who, though
known as such, are employed and paid by both parties, according to
the value of the information they are able to obtain. It is at the same
time prudent, that they should be closely watched by the police,
without their being aware of it, whilst they remain with our army;
and it is not difficult to deceive them, and thereby make them
convey false intelligence to the enemy. It would, however, be very
imprudent at any time, to place too much reliance upon the reports
of even the best spies. It is, however, an established principle, that
every possible information should be extracted from spies, without
unguardedly opening the mind to them, which too much zeal or
anxiety might sometimes lead us into; and it is always wise to
employ for the same object, men unknown to each other, so that
they cannot concert between them to deceive. Only one spy should
be spoken to at a time, and that in the most secret manner. Little
should be said to them; but they ought by every means to be
induced to talk much. They should also be led astray by seeming to
attach much importance to objects which are little cared about; at
the same time it requires much attention, to find out whether one is
dealing with double spies or not, for without this knowledge, we
must be taking unnecessary trouble, and often acting in the dark.
Now, no commander of the forces, nor chief of the staff, could
possibly be supposed to enter personally into such transactions, nor
could they possibly find time to devote to such minute
investigations; but the head of the police, whose duty it would be to
make them, in the prudent manner I have suggested, could
communicate the result of his perseverance in these respects to
either, as he might be directed.
Spies should be well paid, especially when it is ascertained that they
have acted faithfully; and Frederick the Great of Prussia, who has
always been considered good authority, says in his military
instructions to his generals, (a work which should be carefully read
by all officers,) "a man, who, in your service, runs the risk of a
halter, deserves to be well rewarded."
I beg to apologise for here intruding what may be looked upon as a
digression; but mentioning information to be obtained from
deserters, has brought to my recollection the extraordinary
circumstance—at least I consider it as such—that it should have
fallen to my lot, to have had the lieutenant of my company desert to
the enemy; the only instance of the kind I ever heard of in the
British army. It occurred just before our advancing in pursuit of the
French, from what were considered the lines of Torres Vedras. I do
not know in what part of Ireland Mr. B—— first saw the light, but he
had been sent in early life to Salamanca, to be brought up for the
Roman Catholic priesthood. It was, however, I suppose, found that
he was unfit for that calling; at least, I understood that he had never
been ordained; and having married, some person had most
unwarrantably taken it upon himself to recommend him for an
ensigncy in the army, for which he was still more unfit than to be a
priest, for he was both vulgar in looks and manners; but as he spoke
Spanish, and some Portuguese, and announcing himself wherever he
went as a good Catholic, he got on, though very ignorant and
illiterate, famously, both with the priests and people of Portugal. But
he had, on one occasion, very nearly, in that country, come to an
untimely end; for having been sent off, in order to get him away
from the regiment, with part of the 3rd division's "advanced guard of
infamy"—that is to say—the soldiers' wives, whom it was found
necessary to send to the rear, in consequence of the depredations
they daily committed; these Amazons, headed by a well known
character, rose upon him with the most diabolical intentions, as
some may remember, for the circumstance was much laughed at at
the time, and he only escaped from their clutches, by jumping out of
a window, at the risk of breaking his neck.
As soon as he disappeared, and that it was conjectured he had gone
over to the enemy, as captain of his company, I was called upon to
report upon the circumstances which could have led to so
extraordinary an event; and I was at the same time given to
understand, that Lord Wellington was uneasy lest he might have
conveyed to the French some useful intelligence; but I conclude that
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