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Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Pliny,
the Younger.

[Correspondence. English]

Complete letters / Pliny the younger; translated with an

introduction and notes by P. G. Walsh.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and indexes.

1. Pliny, the Younger—Correspondence. I. Walsh, P. G.

(Patrick Gerard) II. Title.

PA6639.E5W3513 2006 876’.01—dc22 2006011797

Typeset in Ehrhardt
by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk
Printed in Great Britain by
Clays Ltd., St Ives plc ISBN 0–19–280658–0 978–0–19–280658–1

1
 OXFORD WORLD’S CLASSICS

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 OXFORD WORLD’S CLASSICS

Complete Letters

PLINY THE YOUNGER

Translated with an Introduction and Notes by

P. G. WALSH
 OXFORD WORLD’S CLASSICS

COMPLETE LETTERS

PLINY THE YOUNGER (AD 61/2–c.112) was born into an equestrian family at
Comum in northern Italy. After the death of his father, his uncle the
Elder Pliny and the eminent consular Verginius Rufus became his
guardians. After early schooling at Comum, he studied rhetoric under
Quintilian at Rome. Following minor offices and brief military service,
he became quaestor, plebeian tribune, and praetor under Domitian. After
that emperor’s assassination, he became a high civil servant as prefect of
the treasury. Under Trajan in AD 100 he advanced to the suffect
consulship, and in 103 was appointed curator of the Tiber. His crowning
appointment came in 109-10 as governor of Bithynia-Pontus, where he
probably died about two years later. The letters, part autobiography and
part social history, cast a vivid light on Pliny’s wide-ranging roles as
advocate in the courts, as politician in the Senate, as cultivated
littérateur, as man of property on his extensive estates, as provincial
governor, and as devoted husband. They are also revealing on many
aspects of social life in the early Empire, for example on education, on
the treatment of slaves, on religion and the rise of Christianity, and on
the eruption of Vesuvius.

P. G. WALSH is Emeritus Professor of Humanity in the University of

Glasgow. This is the sixth of his translations of Latin authors in Oxford
World’s Classics, following Apuleius, The Golden Ass, Petronius,
Satyricon, Cicero, The Nature of the Gods and On Obligations, and
Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy. He has also published
extensively on Livy, on the Roman novel, and on patristic and medieval
Latin.
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

THIS volume makes no claim to scholarly originality. I acknowledge my

debt in particular to three predecessors. The first is to Betty Radice’s
revised Loeb edition, and in particular to the carefully compiled Index.
When I reviewed this edition many years ago, I failed to pay adequate
tribute to its solid merits. Secondly, in coping with the problems of Book
X, I have profited greatly from the excellent contribution of Wynne
Williams in the Aris and Phillips series; his edition of Pliny’s
correspondence with Trajan is a model volume for student use. But my
greatest debt is to the masterly work of scholarship of A. N. Sherwin-
White, to which I have constantly turned for enlightenment.
The solid contributions of nineteenth-century continental scholarship
are not acknowledged here. But the image of John of Salisbury, ‘We are
dwarfs, standing on the shoulders of giants’, should always be in the
forefront of our minds as we attempt to transmit that accumulated
knowledge to the next generation of readers and students.
I owe a great debt of gratitude to Judith Luna, for her encouragement
at the early stages, and for her efficiency and courtesy in improving the
typescript and guiding it through the press. Thanks, too, to Elizabeth
Stratford for meticulously checking, correcting, and improving the
typescript.
 CONTENTS

Abbreviations

Introduction

Note on the Text and Translation

Select Bibliography

A Chronology of Pliny the Younger

COMPLETE LETTERS

BOOK ONE

BOOK TWO

BOOK THREE

BOOK FOUR

BOOK FIVE

BOOK SIX

BOOK SEVEN

BOOK EIGHT

BOOK NINE

BOOK TEN
Map of Bithynia and Pontus

Explanatory Notes

Indexes:
I. Aspects of Social Life
II. Pliny’s Correspondents
III. General
 ABBREVIATIONS

AJP American Journal of Philology

ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt

CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum

CJ Classical Journal

CP Classical Philology

CW Classical Weekly

GR Greece and Rome

HSCP Harvard Studies in Classical Philology

ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae

JRS Journal of Roman Studies

Mnemw. Mnemosyne

OCD3 Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd edition

PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome

REL Revue des Études Latines

SCI Scripta Classica Israelica

SIFC Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica

TAPA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological

Association
 INTRODUCTION

The Political Background of the Letters

THE extant letters of Pliny were all composed in the years between 97
and 112, during the principates of Nerva and of Trajan. But they contain
references to events which date back half a century; moreover, Pliny’s
political stance can be fully understood only by consideration of the
evolution of the principate from the days of Augustus.
When Augustus assumed direct control of a Rome which was
exhausted by civil discord, he sought to mitigate the resentment of
nostalgic Republicans by encouraging the myth of dyarchy, joint rule
between the princeps, as he styled himself, and the Senate. Subsequent
history exposed the hollowness of the claim. Pliny makes no direct
criticisms of the reigns of Tiberius and of Gaius, but he waxes bitter
about the servitude of the Senate under Claudius. Though that emperor
showed deference to the Senate, his manipulation of the reins of power
was demonstrated by his increasing control of the civilian treasury, by
the appointments of governors of the senatorial provinces, and above all
by the establishment of a court bureaucracy under the control of four
imperial freedmen. The most prominent of these was Pallas, secretary of
finance. In two letters Pliny draws attention to the obsequious behaviour
of the Senate towards this ‘slave’ (as he inaccurately calls him, VIII 6.4).
He cites the inscription on Pallas’ tomb, which recorded that on his
retirement the Senate decreed to him the insignia of a praetor, together
with 15 million sesterces, distinctions ‘wasted on such slime and filth’
(VII 29.3). Pliny is so infuriated by this inscription that he looks out the
decree in the Roman archives, and devotes a long and satirical letter to
the voluntary degradation of the Senate in making this award (VIII 6).
The increasing despotism of Claudius’ successor Nero was reflected in
the savage persecution which followed his murder of his interfering
mother Agrippina, and the death of his discreet adviser Burrus in 62.
Following the condemnation and murder of Christians after the Great
Fire of 64, and the conspiracy of Piso in 65, Nero ordered the execution
or the enforced suicides (Seneca included) of about twenty senators, and
the exile of another thirteen. Pliny waxes bitter not only about the
systematic persecution of worthy men, but also about the informers who
laid evidence of treason against fellow senators (see e.g. I 5.1). In more
enlightened days Trajan cited Nero as exemplar of how an emperor
should not behave. When he conducted an inquiry into allegations
against his freedman Eurhythmus, Pliny cites with approval his remark:
‘That freedman is not Polyclitus’ (he was the notorious freedman of
Nero), ‘and I am not Nero’ (VI 31.9).
Pliny was too young to witness the turbulent ‘Year of the Four
Emperors’ which ensued when Nero failed to establish a successor, but
his family doubtless welcomed the restoration of discipline with the
accession of Vespasian in 69. The fiction of dyarchy was now totally
dispelled; henceforward the Senate had to bow before the imperial
bureaucracy. Vespasian held the consulship every year until his death
except 73 and 78, and his son Titus, in addition to holding seven
consulships with his father, was awarded the two powers which
guaranteed his succession, the proconsulare imperium and the tribunicia
potestas. Recalcitrant senators who refused to cooperate, like Helvidius
Priscus, were banished; Priscus indeed was eventually executed.
Philosophers who fomented opposition were exiled. Vespasian had no
difficulty in ensuring the smooth succession of his son Titus in 79.
In spite of the authoritarian attitude of the emperor towards the
Senate, Pliny’s letters offer no criticism of Vespasian. It is doubtless
significant that his uncle, the Elder Pliny, was a close confidant. He was
a member of the emperor’s council, and was appointed by him to various
offices, including the command of the western fleet at Misenum, as our
Pliny notes (III 5.7 and note; VI 16.4). It is less surprising that there is no
criticism of Titus, in view of the brevity of his reign and his popular
policies of banishing informers and discouraging charges of treason. He
was popular, not only with the Senate, but also with Romans in general;
he was ‘the dear one and darling of the human race’ (Suetonius, Titus 1).
The Elder Pliny’s friendship with the father extended to the son: he
dedicated his monumental Natural History to him. The sudden death of
the young emperor in 81 made thoughtful observers wonder whether
this popularity could have been maintained had he lived longer; the
repressive regime of Domitian which followed lent Titus’ two-year reign
a nostalgic glow, especially in view of the alleged coolness between the
two brothers (see IV 9.2).
The shadow of Domitian’s reign darkens the pages of Pliny’s letters,
which reinforce the jaundiced views of Tacitus in the Agricola and of
Juvenal in his Fourth Satire. The combination of these three powerful
voices, representative of the great majority of the Senate which
condemned Domitian’s memory after his death in September 96, has to
be set against the more balanced estimate of Suetonius’ biography and
the flattering attentions of the poets Martial and Statius. A strong case
can be made for the emperor’s conscientious administration of the
provinces, for his financial stringency, and for his attempt to maintain
high standards of public morality. But Pliny’s letters ignore these virtues.
When he writes on the banishment of Valerius Licinianus, accused of
sexual depravity with the Vestal Virgin Cornelia, he presents a lengthy
indictment of the emperor for the barbaric cruelty of entombment of the
allegedly innocent woman, supplemented with an accusation of
Domitian’s own sexual immorality with his niece, which led to her death
after an abortion (IV 11.6). But the bulk of the vendetta against the
emperor rightly details the executions and exiles of worthy opponents of
the regime, together with condemnation of the despicable informers who
laid charges of treason against the victims. Pliny is particularly severe on
his bête noire Regulus for his harrying of the innocent (I 5), and there are
also scathing condemnations of Messalinus (IV 22) and of Publicius
Certus (IX 13). Pliny goes so far as to claim that he himself might have
become a victim had Domitian lived longer, for an accusation laid by
Mettius Carus was found on the emperor’s desk after his death (VII
27.14). Pliny repeatedly and strenuously defends his own intrepid
conduct during these troubled years, though his incipient career
indicated no hindrance to its progress.
The peaceful succession to Nerva was ensured by the conspirators
who had murdered Domitian. He was not their first choice, but he was
acceptable to the body of senators as a moderate who had held the
consulship twice. During the insecurity of the early months of his tenure
(see IX 13), he revoked the oppressive measures of Domitian, recalling
exiles and restoring confiscated properties, so that his sixteen-month
reign was lauded as the restoration of liberty (IX 13.4; cf. Tacitus,
Agricola 3). The ever-present danger from restive army-units was
dispelled by Nerva’s adoption in October 97 of the distinguished soldier
Trajan as co-regent. At this time Trajan was governor of Upper Germany;
he succeeded to the throne on the death of the elderly and ailing Nerva
in January 98. For Pliny, the reign of Nerva marked the beginning of his
standing as a senior political figure.
The principate of Trajan (98–117) was regarded throughout antiquity
as a golden age. Adored by the common folk and worshipped by the
soldiery, the new emperor won the unstinting devotion of the Senate,
which he treated with such grave respect that there was general
acknowledgement that the principate and liberty were at last reconciled.
In 100, Pliny delivered his speech of thanks (for the award of his
consulship) to Trajan in the Senate. This speech, the Panegyricus, has
survived. In it, he depicts Trajan as the ideal prince, tracing his career
from the governorship of Upper Germany in 96, with praise of his love
of peace, his political moderation, and his generosity.
The cordial relations between the emperor and Pliny are reflected at
many points in the letters. During the trial of Marius Priscus in January
100, Trajan showed concern for Pliny’s lungs after he had spoken for
almost five hours (so Pliny reports at II 11.15, without a hint of self-
irony). He obtains the ‘right of three children’ not only for himself, but
also for his friends Voconius Romanus and Suetonius (X 2, II 13.8, X 94–
5). He is readily granted leave from his post at the treasury to dedicate a
temple at Tifernum, and to attend to the affairs of his estate near by (X
8–9). He asks for and is granted a priesthood (X 13, IV 8). Above all, the
reward of the governorship of Bithynia-Pontus, the friendly interest
which Trajan shows about the progress of the arduous voyage, and the
patient replies to Pliny’s queries and requests from Bithynia as recorded
patient replies to Pliny’s queries and requests from Bithynia as recorded
in Book X, indicate the emperor’s careful concern. The final extant
letters (X 120–1), in which Pliny requests and receives permission for his
wife Calpurnia to use the imperial transport system in order to return
home more speedily, show that this cordial relationship continued
throughout Pliny’s tenure of his post.

Pliny’s Career
Pliny was born in AD 61 or 62, the son of Lucius Caecilius, a wealthy
landowner of Comum.1 After primary and secondary schooling at
Comum, he moved to Rome, where his tertiary education at the school
of rhetoric was supervised by the renowned Quintilian and the Greek
rhetorician Nicetes Sacerdos. His father had died earlier, and he was
brought up under the care of the eminent Verginius Rufus and of his
uncle, the Elder Pliny.
As explained in the note to I 14.7, the Republican ladder of offices
(cursus honorum) had been revised by the emperor Augustus. A man
seeking advancement to the Senate had first to hold one of the twenty
minor offices (technically called the Vigintivirate) allocated by the
emperor. Ten of the twenty were appointed to the Board of Ten for
Judging Lawsuits (decemuiri stlitibus iudicandis); these took turns in
presiding over the Centumviral court, which dealt with civil cases. The
youthful Pliny was presumably selected for this role because he had
already pleaded and won his first case there (I 18.3). Following this
year’s service, an aspirant was expected (though it was not mandatory)
to gain experience of army service for a few months as a military
tribune. A man of equestrian family might command an infantry or
cavalry cohort, but Pliny’s service in Syria was virtually in a civilian
role, in which he supervised the accounts of the auxiliary forces. This
was during the first years of Domitian’s principate.
On his return to Rome, he became well known through frequent
appearances as advocate in the Centumviral court, which assisted his
rise to political eminence. Candidates for the twenty quaestorships were
elected by the Senate, but as Pliny makes clear at II 9.1 f., a
recommendation by the princeps was at once accepted, and it seems
certain that Pliny made his way without the formality of election, for he
later reveals that he was appointed with Calestrius Tiro as Domitian’s
assistant (quaestor Caesaris, VII 16.2), a role in which he was required to
convey to the Senate communications from the emperor. His
appointment as quaestor also gave him entry to the Senate.
On the revised ladder of offices, a non-patrician quaestor was next
required to take up one of sixteen posts as aedile or as tribune of the
plebs (tribunus plebis). Pliny reveals that he became a tribune, and that
whereas the magistracy was widely regarded as a sinecure and an empty
show, he had demanded due deference, and was ready to respond to
citizens’ appeals in the time-honoured way (ius auxilii; see I 23). The
office seems to have provided over-zealous individuals with the
opportunity to bring people to order (cf. VI 8.3), but in what
circumstances is not clear.
The next step was election to the praetorship, which Pliny gained
probably in 93. Of the twelve vacancies each year (Nerva later raised the
number to eighteen), four were nominated by the emperor. It is
uncertain whether Pliny was so preferred by Domitian, who did however
permit him to hold the office a year early (see VII 16.2). The traditional
permit him to hold the office a year early (see VII 16.2). The traditional
function of praetors as guardians of the law was maintained; one
presided over the Centumviral court, and others supervised criminal
trials, and occasionally convened the Senate. Incumbents of the
praetorship gained a high profile in organizing and financing public
games; see VII 11.4, where Pliny mentions that he appointed a substitute
to preside in his absence.
On laying down their office, ex-praetors were offered administrative
posts at Rome or in the provinces. Pliny was appointed as prefect of the
military treasury (praefectus aerarii militaris), where his duties were to
pay out pensions to discharged troops from the 5 per cent tax imposed
on inheritances, and the 1 per cent tax levied from auction sales. This
was his final appointment under Domitian. At the close of the
Panegyricus, he suggests that his career had prospered until the emperor
‘proclaimed his hatred for good men’ (doubtless with reference to the
purge of 93–4, and the execution of the emperor’s cousin Clemens in
95). Pliny’s progress was ‘halted’, which suggests that he resigned or was
replaced.
Following the assassination of Domitian in September 96, Pliny’s
career was revived. From January 98 to August 100, he was prefect of
the treasury of Saturn (praefectus aerarii Saturni, so called because it was
located in the temple of Saturn below the Capitol), jointly with Cornutus
Tertullus. The aerarium was the civil treasury administered by the
Senate, as distinct from the fiscus, the imperial treasury, which had
control over taxation in the provinces. In August 100 he was raised to
the suffect consulship for the months September to December.
In 103 his eminence was further signalled when Trajan acceded to his
request for a priesthood, There was a vacancy to be filled in the
augurate, and Pliny’s pleasure at being nominated for this honour was
redoubled by the knowledge that his idol Cicero had held the same
priesthood—and at a later age (see X 13; IV 8). In the following year he
was designated as curator of the Tiber, its banks and the citysewers
(curator aluei Tiberis et riparum et cloacarum). This was a highly
responsible post, since flooding was a perennial hazard at Rome, as VIII
17 attests. During these years of the early second century Pliny
continued to shoulder other responsibilities, as advocate and assessor in
the Centumviral court, the Senate, and the emperor’s council.
Pliny’s crowning appointment came in 109 or 110 (the date is
disputed). He was appointed by Trajan to govern the province of
Bithynia-Pontus as ‘propraetorian legate with consular power’ (legatus
pro praetore consulari potestate). Hitherto the province had been
administered by the Senate, which had appointed proconsuls as
governors, but recent scandals which implicated the leading officials
Julius Bassus and Varenus Rufus prompted Trajan to assume direct
control. Pliny had been involved in the extortion trials of these
governors (see IV 9, V 20), so that he already had some acquaintance
with the problems of the province. The sixty-one letters in Book X which
he wrote to the bureaucracy at Rome reveal a fascinating glimpse of the
range of problems which confronted him, as he sought to establish
probity in the finances and administration of the cities. The letters cease
abruptly before the third year of the tenure of his office; it seems certain
that sudden death overtook him in the province, probably shortly after
his wife had left for Italy on hearing of the death of her grandfather.
 The Range of Topics in the Letters
In each of Books I-IX, Pliny systematically assembles letters which reflect
the wide range of his activities and interests, public and private.2 In this
sense the letters are a form of autobiography. Though political leaders
like Sulla and Julius Caesar wrote ‘diaries’ (commentarii), the fully
fledged autobiography in the modern sense does not appear in Latin
until the Confessions of Augustine in the late fourth century. Thus the
letters allow Pliny (like Cicero before him) to project his personality and
his achievements in the various fields of his endeavours. By the same
token, the letters cast a flood of light on numerous aspects of the world
of AD 100. They can (and should) be read as a social history of the early
empire.

(i) Pliny as Advocate and Assessor; the Centumviral Court,

Senate, and Emperor’s Council
Pliny made his name initially as a lawyer pleading in the civil court of
the centumvirs, which by this date had expanded from a Board of 105 to
one of 180. The court, over which a praetor presided, was divided into
four panels (consilia) each headed by one of the Board of Ten for
Judging Lawsuits, for the speedier handling of cases. Normally,
therefore, each action was contested before a panel of forty-five judges,
but in cases deemed to be of exceptional importance the four panels sat
together (see IV 24.1). The entire range of disputes under the
jurisdiction of the court is unknown, but it will have covered litigation
about property, notably legacy-claims. Letter VI 33 provides a juicy
example, in which an octogenarian father brings home a new wife and
disinherits his daughter, the wife of an ex-praetor. Pliny modestly
reports that friends have compared his speech on this occasion with the
best of the orations of Demosthenes. This letter vividly describes the
scene in the Basilica Iulia (the regular venue of the court, on the south
side of the Forum) with hordes of spectators thronging the floor and the
gallery. But another letter (II 14) laments the decline in oratorical
standards in the court. Pliny describes most of the cases as ‘slight and
trivial’, the pleaders are rude and raw youths fresh from the schools of
rhetoric, and audiences consist of bevies of paid claqueurs, hired at three
denarii to swell the audience and to voice ignorant support. When Pliny
was not pleading, he was often called in to act as judge or assessor.
The Senate sat as a court of law when one of its members was
indicted on a criminal charge. Prominent among these cases were
accusations levelled against ex-governors of provinces for extortion.
Pliny provides details of four such trials, with mention of a fifth. These
cases are reviewed en masse in VI 29, where Pliny instructs a young
protégé on the improvements in legal procedures which have been
introduced as a result of his efforts. The four detailed accounts of the
trials present a clear picture of the conduct of such cases. First, the
Senate nominates two of its members to act as advocates of the province
concerned; in the trial of Marius Priscus (II 11), Tacitus serves with Pliny
as counsel for the province of Africa. Priscus pleaded guilty, and the
question to be decided was whether he should be compelled merely to
make financial restitution or be exiled. Those who had bribed the
governor to convict innocent men were then subpoenaed as witnesses.
Pliny, as chief prosecutor, speaks for almost five hours (measured by
water-clocks; see note to II 11.14). On the third day of the trial, senators
then vote in order of seniority. When Caecilius Classicus is indicted by
the province of Baetica in Spain (III 4 and 9) the same procedure is
described. Pliny and Lucceius Albinus are named to appear for the
province against the henchmen of Classicus, who has died in the
meantime. In the other two cases, Pliny acts as defending counsel for
Julius Bassus (IV 9) and Varenus Rufus (V 20, VI 13, VII 6) against
indictments by the province of Bithynia. Again, there are two advocates
on each side.
On three occasions Pliny proudly reports that Trajan invited him to
join his council to act as assessor in investigations which bear on public
policy (IV 22) or on which the emperor has been personally consulted
(VI 22 and 31). He also served occasionally as assessor at the court of
the city prefect (VI 11), which dealt with criminal charges against
members of the lower classes.

(ii) Pliny as Politician: The Senate and the Emperor

Pliny’s letters, in so far as they are devoted to the political scene, largely
reflect and complement the exultant theme of the Panegyricus, that
liberty has been restored. Pliny repeatedly harks back to the oppressive
days of Domitian. So, for example, in VIII 14. 8 ff. he recalls a Senate of
those days as ‘fearful and speechless … wholly idle or wholly wicked …
now a laughing-stock and now ripe for grief’. In this letter he is asking
for advice on senatorial procedures, which he claims had fallen into
abeyance in that era of tyranny. At IX 13 he celebrates the new spirit of
freedom with an attack on Publicius Certus for his disgraceful record in
that period, and he succeeds in having him rejected for the consulship.
None the less Pliny acknowledges that even in this enlightened age
senators continue to refer to the emperor decisions which that body
might have been expected to take themselves. Thus at VI 19, when he
discusses abuses in electioneering in which candidates attract votes by
offers of dinners, presents, and loans, the emperor is asked to remedy the
evil. Again, at VI 5 in the trial of Varenus when controversy arises as to
whether the defendant should be permitted to introduce witnesses, some
senators urge that the emperor be asked to decide. Likewise, at V 13.7
the plebeian tribune Nigrinus proposes that the emperor should take
action about advocates’ fees, ‘because the laws and senatorial decrees
were being flouted’. It is doubtful that Trajan welcomed such deference,
but old habits died hard.

(iii) Pliny and Roman Social Life

Since Pliny was frequently writing to friends remote from the capital,
the social life in the city is a frequent topic. In I 9 he laments days
wasted on the social round: ‘If you were to pose to anyone the question,
“What did you do today?”, the answer would be: “I attended an
investiture of the adult toga, or I was present at a betrothal or a
wedding; one person asked me to witness his will …”’ Unlike Tacitus,
Pliny does not waste his time at the races, at which thousands are ‘so
childishly keen … to see horses galloping and drivers hunched over their
chariots’ (IX 6.2; for Tacitus’ presence, see IX 23. 2). In spite of such
high-mindedness, Pliny does visit the low theatre (VII 24.6), and this in
spite of his enthusiastic approval of Trajan’s earlier attempt to ban such
shows (Panegyricus 46.4 ff.).
Pliny is more at home in the literary salon, where recitations of
original works were now in vogue. He contrasts the enthusiasm of
would-be poets (I 13: ‘Throughout … April there has scarcely been a day
on which someone was not offering a recitation’) with the reluctance of
invited audiences to attend (they ‘either fail to turn up, or, if they do
come, complain that they have wasted their day just because they have
failed to waste it’). Another letter (VI 17) criticizes the chilly reception
which some sophisticated listeners manifest. In reference to his own
recitations, he reports criticisms of his readings of his speeches as
distinct from other genres, which suggests that this had been an
uncommon practice, and he offers an apologia for it (VII 17). He claims
that his reading of the Panegyricus has enticed his audience to return for
a third day (III 18.4). Similarly, when he offers a reading of his short
poems, his audience dutifully turns up for a second day, and this despite
his admission that he is said to read poetry more limply than speeches,
so that he wonders whether to train one of his freedmen for the task (IX
34).
In his accounts of dinner-parties, Pliny contrasts the refinement of
the food and entertainments at his own table with the vulgarity shown
by other hosts. Thus at I 15, a letter rebuking Septicius Clarus for failing
to keep his appointment for dinner, he specifies the modest but refined
vegetarian fare which he provides by contrast with ‘oysters, sow’s tripe,
sea urchins’ at a more pretentious establishment. Similarly the
entertainments are contrasted: he offers performers of comedy, a reader,
and a lyre-player, and not ‘performing-girls from Cadiz’ as in the other
establishment. In response to a complaint from his youthful friend Julius
Genitor, he chides him for his criticism of the vulgar entertainment he
experienced elsewhere (‘wits and catamites and clowns roamed round
the tables’), and suggests that other guests might regard the refined
entertainment laid on by themselves with similar horror (IX 17). In
another letter which describes a boorish dinner-party, he castigates the
another letter which describes a boorish dinner-party, he castigates the
host for serving the best dishes to the privileged few, and for placing
inferior food and wine before the rest of the company. Inevitably, he
contrasts his own practice, which is more civilized: ‘I invite [guests] for
dinner, not for disgrace … my freedmen do not drink what I drink; no, I
drink what they drink’ (II 6.3f.).
Many letters record the deaths of friends (there is at least one
obituary in each of the first nine books, communicating Pliny’s
conviction that man’s hope for immortality lies in the achievements and
writings he leaves behind). This sense of deprivation, one of Pliny’s most
civilized characteristics, is evident also in descriptions of friends driven
by illness to thoughts of suicide, for example Corellius Rufus (I 12), and
Titius Aristo, who awaits the physicians’ reports before making a
decision (‘to ponder and weigh the motives for [death], and then to
adopt or abandon the decision to live or die … is the mark of a noble
mind’, I 22.10). Pliny pays tribute also to old men like Spurinna, who
ward off death’s approach by the regular round of physical and mental
exercise (‘A well-ordered human existence gives me the same pleasure as
the fixed course of the stars’ III 1.2). In his comments on contemporaries,
Pliny is invariably charitable, except when reporting on ex-informers like
Regulus, whose discomfiture in the new era of liberty he savours (I 5),
whose legacy-hunting he abominates (II 20), and whose extravagant
mourning for his son he repeatedly mocks (IV 2 and 7). Even so, he finds
words of praise for him when reporting his death, as a man who knew
the value of oratory (VI 2).

(iv) Pliny and his Extended Family: Slaves and Freedmen

Pliny was married three times. We are told nothing about his first wife.
Pliny was married three times. We are told nothing about his first wife.
His second died in 97 (IX 13.4); she was the daughter of Pompeia
Celerina, with whom Pliny continued to have a close relationship, for
she readily offered him hospitality and loans of money when he
requested it (III 19.8, VI 10.1). Some years later, probably in 104, he
married his third wife Calpurnia. Pliny describes his relationship with
her as idyllic; he appreciated her concern for him when he was speaking
in court or giving a recitation (‘She sits close by, concealed by a curtain,
and listens most avidly to the praises heaped on me. She also sings my
verses and adapts them to the lyre … It is not my time of life or my body
which she loves … but my fame’, IV 19.3 f.). To modern eyes this reads
more like a father-daughter relationship, but the letters he writes to her
later, in 107, when she is away convalescing, reveal a close conjugal
affinity, almost worthy of inclusion in attestations of courtly love (VI 4
and 7; VII 5). Further letters report her miscarriage (VIII 10 and 11),
which likewise reflect tender affection. At this time Pliny was optimistic
that they would be able to start a family, but the hope was never
fulfilled.
Towards his slaves and freedmen Pliny adopted the humanitarian
approach increasingly evident in the Rome of his day, as reflected, for
example, in Seneca, Letters 47. The most conspicuous evidence of this
attitude in Pliny is in VIII 16. He laments the illnesses and deaths of
servants, but states that he has two consolations: ‘The first is my
readiness to grant them their freedom … and the second is my
permitting those who remain slaves to make a sort of will … They …
bequeath their possessions, with the proviso that they are confined to
the household, for the household is for slaves a sort of republic and
citizen-state.’ In another letter, composed about the same time, he writes
of ‘the life-threatening maladies of my servants, and indeed the deaths of
some of them’ (VIII 19.1), for which his only solace is to retire to his
studies. He mentions in particular his reader Encolpius, ‘mainstay of my
serious studies and joy of my relaxation’, who has coughed up blood
(VIII 1.2), and his freedman Zosimus, ‘reciter of comedies … a seasoned
lyre-player’, who also ‘reads speeches, histories, and poetry … expertly’.
Zosimus has earlier been so dear and valuable to Pliny that he had been
sent to Egypt to regain his strength after repeatedly spitting blood (V
19). This concern for the health of his servants surfaces again when he
praises the health-giving atmosphere of his estate near Tifernum: ‘My
servants too nowhere live a healthier life than here … I have never lost a
single one’ (V 6.46).
Pliny regularly refers to his staff as mei (‘my servants’) without
specifying whether they are freedmen or slaves. We may reasonably
assume that the more cultivated among them had been manumitted, and
that they sat at table with him (so II 6.4). On the other hand, the more
menial servants who rowdily celebrate the feast of the Saturnalia at
Laurentum (II 17.24) will have remained slaves. Pliny makes an
interesting observation in discussion of the servants of Calpurnia’s
grandfather Fabatus: he states that some of them who had already been
informally manumitted were to have their status made official by the
visit of a passing magistrate. Their admittance into the ranks of the
citizens, he remarks, will benefit the local community: ‘I am keen that
our native area should be advanced … especially in the number of its
citizens’ (VII 32). Such manumission would not, however, be extended to
uneducated slaves such as those who work on Pliny’s estates (III 19).
 (v) Pliny’s Views on Education
The Roman system of education was a continuation of the tripartite
division in the Hellenistic world. Girls as well as boys (see V 16.3;
Martial 9.68.2) attended the primary school under the litterator about the
age of 7, and secondary school under the grammaticus about the age of
11. When they received the toga of manhood at 13 or 14, they
proceeded to the school of rhetoric, often until the age of 20. Not all
children went out to primary or secondary school, for many were
privately instructed at home by an educated member of the household.
In a letter to Corellia Hispulla, Pliny remarks of her son: ‘Until now
consideration of his boyhood has kept him closely bound to you. He has
had teachers at home, where there is little or even no opportunity of
going astray’ (III 3. 3).
Pliny’s chief interest was in tertiary education, both in his native
town of Comum and in Rome. A letter to Tacitus recounts an encounter
with a young man who is a student at Milan, since there were no
teachers at Comum. Pliny suggests to local parents that if they club
together to contribute the equivalent of the cost of travel, lodgings, and
food at Milan plus a little more, he will be willing to undertake a third of
the salaries of teachers whom they appoint. He adds that he would have
pledged the entire sum, but this might lead to abuses, ‘for I see this
happening in many places where teachers are hired at public expense’
(IV 13.6). The abuses refer to canvassing for the posts; the parents will
ensure that they get the best appointments only if they have to pay for
them. Pliny’s generosity is motivated not only by local patriotism, but
also by concern for the moral welfare of students when away from
parental supervision.
This concern to safeguard young students from sexual abuse is also
evident in Pliny’s activity at Rome. Two letters report that he is
investigating a possible teacher for the young charges of friends. In one,
Pliny stresses to Corellia Hispulla that her son has ‘outstanding physical
beauty, and at this hazardous stage of life, one who is not merely a
teacher but also a protector and guide must be sought out’ (III 3.4). He
recommends Julius Genitor, from whom ‘he is to learn first upright
behaviour, and then eloquence. One cannot properly learn the second
without the first’ (III 3.7). In another Pliny conscientiously undertakes
the rounds of all the teachers. With characteristic modesty he relates
how on one visit to a lecture-room, the badinage of the band of students
was reduced to silence on his august entry. There was clearly a wide
choice of teachers available, for he remarks that ‘in this business of
choosing a teacher, some can feel resentful … I must bear not only
resentment, but also enmity …’ (II 18.5).

(vi) Pliny, Roman Religion, and Christianity

For many Romans, including Pliny and his idol Cicero, the state religion
was inextricably bound up with Rome’s history and her mission to
dominate the world. Pliny was especially gratified when Trajan at his
request awarded him a priesthood, the more so since it was the
augurate, which Cicero before him had also held (IV 8). In this spirit of
traditional Roman piety, he dedicated a temple at Tifernum, the
township which acknowledged him as patron (III 4). He installed statues
both there and in his native Comum, ‘for particular preference in a
temple of Jupiter’ (III 6.4). At the behest of soothsayers he enlarged a
shrine of Ceres on his estate near Tifernum to accommodate the crowds
of locals who attended her feast (IX 39). He recounts at length the
entombment alive of the errant Vestal Virgin Cornelia (IV 11; this had in
fact occurred several years earlier in the dark days of Domitian, whom
he was at pains to disparage). When he became governor of Bithynia-
Pontus, he sought to impose Roman forms of consecration of temples
there until Trajan vetoed this plan (X 49–50).
As an apologist for the traditional religion, Pliny reacted with dismay
to the remarkable rise of Christianity in the province of Bithynia. He
wrote a long and celebrated letter to ask the advice of the emperor on
how to treat the new sect, and elicited a brief but equally celebrated
reply (X 96 and 97). His conscientious investigation of the growth and
practice of the new religion reveals that it had already existed in the
province as early as AD 90. He states that there are numerous Christians
‘of all ages, every rank, and both sexes’. They assembled ‘at dawn on a
fixed day [of the week], to sing a hymn antiphonally to Christ as God,
and to bind themselves by an oath … to avoid acts of theft, brigandage,
and adultery, not to break their word, and not to withhold money
deposited with them when asked for it’. Following the ceremony they
departed, but again assembled to take food; this was probably the agape,
the love-feast first described in Paul’s First Epistle to the Corinthians (11:
17 ff.). Pliny finds these Christians guiltless of any crimes. To establish
their innocence, he even interrogates under torture two maidservants,
‘who were called deaconesses’. None the less, he ordered the execution
of those who refused to renounce their adhesion to the sect, because of
their ‘wilful obstinacy’ (contumacia, disobedience to a judicial
command). He asks the emperor’s advice on how to proceed with the
investigation.
Trajan in reply commends his governor’s actions. Though ‘Christians
are not to be sought out’, once indicted they are to be punished if they
refuse to deny their religion and to worship the Roman gods. Thus the
emperor makes it clear that adhesion to Christianity constitutes a crime,
even if no criminal activity is involved. Trajan adds, however, that
anonymous denunciations are to be disregarded as contrary to the spirit
of the age. The emperor clearly by this statement distances himself from
the practice of informers in the reign of Domitian.3

(vii) Pliny and Natural History: The Eruption of Vesuvius

Pliny’s close relationship with his uncle, who had become his adoptive
father, led him to share the Elder Pliny’s interest in natural philosophy.
At VIII 8 he describes how the Clitumnus in Umbria emerges from its
course with such force as to defy the laws of gravity. In another letter
(VIII 20) he discourses at length on the floating islands of lake Vadimon.
As governor of Bithynia-Pontus, he surveys the ground near Sinope to
assess whether it will support an aqueduct (X 90), and investigates the
possibility of diverting the waters of lake Sophon from their natural
course into the Black Sea so as to connect it by a canal to the river which
flows westward into the Propontis (X 41 and 61). He is fascinated by the
behaviour of the dolphin which loves to sport with the boy whom it
selects as its favourite (IX 33).
The most celebrated of the letters concerned with natural phenomena
are those describing the eruption of Vesuvius in August 79, which Pliny
penned at the request of his friend Tacitus, who used them as a source in
a lost section of his Histories. After a premonitory earthquake in 63, the
volcano buried Pompeii in sand, stones, and mud, Herculaneum in liquid
tufa, and Stabiae (modern Castellamare) in ashes. The first of the two
letters (VI 16) describes the eruption as the backcloth to the heroic death
of the Elder Pliny. As commander of the fleet at Misenum, he had (with
the enthusiasm of the scientist) ordered a galley to allow him to
investigate the appearance of a remarkable cloud (‘The pine tree … best
describes its appearance and shape, for it rose high up into the sky on …
a very long trunk, and it then spread out …’). But then ‘the journey
begun in a spirit of research he now undertook with the greatest
urgency’, for he received an urgent appeal for rescue, and he launched
other ships. At Stabiae, where his friends were in a state of panic, he
calmly dined and retired to sleep, but had to be roused as the danger
loomed nearer. Escape over the mountainous sea now proved impossible.
The party emerged on to the beach with pillows covering their heads as
protection against falling pumice-stones. There Pliny’s uncle died from
asphyxiation.
As the central theme of this first letter was the heroism of his
adoptive father at Stabiae, so the second letter (VI 20) depicts the
heroism of the 17-year-old at Misenum. We smile indulgently as Pliny in
tranquillity reflects on the events of a quarter of a century earlier, and
places himself at the centre of the dramatic events of August 24–5. As
the buildings shake around his mother and himself, he coolly guides her
out of the town, followed by a stream of panicstricken townsfolk looking
to him for salvation. When the black cloud from the volcano descends to
ground level, engulfing them in blinding darkness, he takes his mother
aside to avoid the hazard of being trodden underfoot by the crowds
pressing from behind them. When daylight returns, they behold a
countryside covered in ash ‘as though by snow’. They trudge back into
countryside covered in ash ‘as though by snow’. They trudge back into
Misenum, calmly awaiting news of the fate of Pliny senior, while blood-
curdling prophecies ring out from hysterical neighbours.
The two letters combined form a memorable description of the
eruption and its devastating progress over the countryside. Pliny does
not, however, detail its calamitous effects upon Pompeii, Herculaneum,
and Stabiae.

(viii) Pliny as Littérateur

Though Pliny enjoyed his prominent role as senator and advocate at
Rome, he frequently claims in the first nine books that he is never so
happy as when he is closeted with his books in retirement at Laurentum
and Tifernum. He divided his time there between his own compositions
and his assessments, invariably flattering, of the works of his friends.
The letters record three speeches of individuals of his literary circle, the
historical writings of Tacitus, Suetonius, and two others, and above all
the poetic compositions of seven versifiers. If Pliny is any guide, the loss
of the writings of Pompeius Saturninus, contributor to all three genres (I
16), is particularly regrettable. In sum, this group of literary men attests
the vigour of the intellectual life of Trajan’s day.
Pliny regarded himself pre-eminently as an orator, and most of his
time in retirement is devoted to revision of his numerous speeches. No
fewer than fifteen letters discuss these, including two (III 13 and 18)
which refer to his Panegyricus. He devotes long discussions to his
theories of oratory, being especially concerned with the traditional
controversy of the merits of Atticism, the compressed and factual
presentation, over Asianism, the richer and more flowery mode. Like
Cicero and Quintilian, his former teacher, Pliny claims to espouse a
mixture of styles, employed according to the context. Atticism, he
suggests, is more appropriate for discussion of practical issues in the
courts, whereas a more florid style is more suitable in speeches such as
the Panegyricus (so III 18.8 ff.). But in general he inclines to the more
ebullient style, and in a long defence of it (IX 26), he equates it with
greater richness of vocabulary and freer use of figures of speech.
The tedium involved in revision of speeches, together with the
example of friends, may have encouraged Pliny to try his hand at verses,
and specifically at hendecasyllabics, but he himself claims that an
epigram of Cicero was the direct inspiration (VII 4.3 ff.). He sends the
first batch of poems to his friend Paternus at Comum, explaining that he
beguiles his leisure-time with them ‘when in my carriage; or in the bath,
or during dinner’. He forewarns his friend that some topics are risqué
and the language is coarse, but he emphasizes that like Catullus he does
not wish his readers to assume that his verses are reflections of his
lifestyle (IV 14). This proviso proved all too necessary for another friend,
who reported that when the poems had been discussed in his circle, their
vulgarity had elicited criticism. Pliny was roused to make a spirited
response, citing a long list of eminent forebears who likewise indulged in
sportive and indecent versification (V 3).
At a more elevated level, in a letter of advice to a youthful associate
on how to develop his literary powers, he suggests among other
recommendations that his friend should compose poems which are
‘pungent and brief’. He underlines the message by breaking into elegiac
couplets, and points out that the finest orators trained themselves in this
way, for such poems (specifically hendecasyllabics) contain ‘accounts of
love, hatred, anger, mercy, and elegance, in short, all features of life’
love, hatred, anger, mercy, and elegance, in short, all features of life’
(VII 9.11–13), such as the orator evokes. Pliny doubtless preaches to
himself here.
Pliny claims that ‘there is virtually no lover of literature who does
not regard me likewise with affection’ (I 13.5). The letters indicate that
he is on friendly terms with all the literary giants of the day, Juvenal
excepted. He is especially pround of his close connection with Tacitus, to
whom eleven of his letters are addressed. The sequence of them reflects
the development of their friendship. After serving together as
prosecutors in the trial of Marius Priscus (II 11.2), they are on
sufficiently affable terms for Pliny to ask Tacitus to recommend suitable
candidates as teachers of rhetoric at Comum (IV 13), and for Tacitus to
request a detailed account of the eruption of Vesuvius (VI 16 and 20).
Thereafter Pliny acknowledges his pleasure that their names are
increasingly paired in literary contexts (VII 20), and he is bold enough to
send Tacitus details of his role in the extortion case of Baebius Massa in
the hope that Tacitus will incorporate this in his Histories (VII 33). The
climax to Pliny’s enthusiasm at their joint celebrity is reached when he
records that Tacitus at a dinner-party describes himself to a new
acquaintance as a writer, and is asked: ‘Are you Tacitus or Pliny?’ (IX
23.3).
Whereas Pliny’s relations with Tacitus were as devoted pupil to
master (VIII 7), his connection with another notable historian, Suetonius,
was of solicitous patron to a protégé. In the year 97 he dispels his
friend’s fears that an unpropitious dream may cause him a bad day in
the courts, and he proposes to cover for him in his role as advocate (I
18). At I 24 he is helping him to buy a property at an economical price.
A little later he reveals that he has obtained for his young friend a post
as military tribune and was graciously arranging to have the post
transferred to a relative (III 8). But by V 10 Suetonius’ talents are
becoming known, perhaps after recitations of his De uiris illustribus (his
Lives of the Caesars were published later, under Hadrian); Pliny castigates
his slowness in publication. A later letter confirms this change in the
relationship, for Suetonius is begged to advise a remedy for Pliny’s
frailty at reading verses (IX 34). It seems likely that Pliny invited his
friend to serve on his staff in Bithynia, for when he asks Trajan by letter
to award the historian the ‘right of three children’, he states: ‘I have
begun to love him all the more, the more I have now come to know him
from close at hand’ (X 94.1). For the probable role of Suetonius in
gathering and publishing Pliny’s letters, see below (pp. xxxiv f.).
The poet Martial was another contemporary with whom Pliny reveals
his acquaintance. The obituary (III 21) which he composed on hearing of
Martial’s death informs us that he paid the poet’s travelling-expenses,
when he retired to his native Spain, ‘as a gesture of friendship and an
acknowledgement of the verses he composed about me’. With
characteristic modesty Pliny cites the lines before adding: ‘You will
respond that his writings will not be immortal. Perhaps they will not be.’
A similarly just judgement is expressed of the epic composed by Silius
Italicus on the Hannibalic war. Of this extant poem, the Punica, Pliny
writes, in an obituary devoted largely to Silius’ chequered career, ‘He
composed poetry with greater diligence than genius’ (III 7.5).
In this roll-call of notable literary figures, the Elder Pliny naturally
holds a prominent place. In response to a friend’s request, a complete
bibliography of his uncle’s works is provided, with brief commentary on
each (III 5). After listing his one hundred and two books, his nephew
each (III 5). After listing his one hundred and two books, his nephew
adds: ‘Are you surprised that such a busy man completed so many
volumes …? Your surprise will be greater if you know that for a period
he pleaded in the courts, that he died in his fifty-sixth year, and that his
middle years were preoccupied and hindered by duties of the greatest
importance’ (III 5.7). He describes the Elder Pliny’s daily routine both at
Rome and in retirement, when not a minute was lost from his books:
‘Only the time for the bath deflected him from his books. (When I say
“the bath”, I mean when he was in the water, for when he was being
scraped and towelled, he was either listening to or dictating something.)
… For he believed that any time not devoted to study was wasted’ (III
5.15 f.). It has already been noted how his zest for enquiry led to his
death in the eruption of Vesuvius (VI 16).

(ix) Pliny as Man of Property

Though Pliny retired to his estates primarily to seek the solitude
conducive to his literary activities, part of his leisure was devoted to
supervision of his properties at Laurentum, Tifernum, and Comum; not
least because he was in part financially dependent on the returns from
their produce. He frequently complains of the meagre returns which they
bring him, as at II 4.3: ‘Because of the poor state of my modest farms,
the returns are rather small or uncertain.’
Of his three properties, that at Laurentum was the least pretentious
(see plan of the house, p. 308). The house itself, described in detail in II
17, was ample, ‘large enough for my needs’, but ‘not expensive to
maintain’, but the property was not extensive: ‘I have nothing there but
the house and garden, and the beach immediately beyond … there I …
cultivate not my non-existent land but myself with my studies’ (IV 6. 2).
At Comum, Pliny had inherited his mother’s property (II 15). He speaks
of doing the rounds of his ‘modest holdings, lending an ear to the many
complaints of the country folk, skimming through the accounts
unwillingly’ (V 14.8). By 107 he has acquired further estates by a legacy,
a part of which he generously sells to a close friend of his mother for
substantially less than its market value (VII 11 and 14).
Pliny’s most extensive property is that near Tifernum in Umbria. He
devotes a lengthy letter (V 6) to a description of the capacious mansion
with its woodland, extensive vineyards, and open fields (earlier, at III
19, he debates whether to purchase a neighbouring estate identically
described, so that it seems probable that he had incorporated it with his
own). He states that he prefers this estate to ‘any in Tusculum or Tibur
or Praeneste’ (V 6.45), in other words, to the properties of the wealthy in
the vicinity of Rome. As when visiting Comum, he is assailed with the
complaints of tenants (VII 30.3, IX 36.6), together with the problem of
neglected accounts (IX 15).
In two letters he complains of the difficulty of leasing his farms, ‘an
exceedingly troublesome task, for suitable tenants are a rare commodity’
(VII 30.3). In 107 he reports that ‘in spite of large-scale lowering of
rents, the arrears of debts have increased … several tenants have lost all
interest in reducing their debts.’ One remedy which he investigates is to
lease the farms ‘not for money but for part of the produce’ (IX 37.2–3). A
letter of particular interest (VIII 2) describes how eager buyers had
purchased his vine-crop in advance, in anticipation of a bumper harvest,
but when it proved disappointing, Pliny awarded them a generous
rebate. ‘Other people’, he remarks at the head of this letter, ‘visit their
estates to return richer, but I myself go to return poorer.’
estates to return richer, but I myself go to return poorer.’

(x) Pliny as Provincial Governor

The letters of Book X, collected posthumously (probably by an official in
Pliny’s entourage), describe his activities as governor of Bithynia-
Pontus.4 When Trajan appointed him to this position in 109/110, the
province had been part of the Roman Empire for more than 170 years.
The Greek monarch Nicomedes IV had at his death bequeathed the
kingdom of Bithynia to the Roman people in 74BC, but Mithradates of
Pontus then invaded it, and only after he was subjugated was Pompey
able to establish Bithynia-Pontus as a Roman province in 63BC. He
divided the territory of Bithynia among eleven self-governing cities, the
local officials of which were required to collect the taxes for Rome,
provide supplies for Roman armies, and organize transport and lodgings
for visiting Roman officials. The traditional tripartite structure of
government, assembly, council, and magistrates, was retained in each
city, but henceforth the assembly merely approved decisions of the
council. Each city appointed delegates to the two provincial councils of
Bithynia and Pontus, but these over-arching bodies exercised little
power, and are never mentioned by Pliny.
Under the late Republic and earlier emperors, the governor was a
magistrate of praetorian rank formally appointed by the Senate as
proconsul, but by Trajan’s day the province was notorious for
maladministration. Under emperors from Augustus onwards, more
governors were indicted for extortion from this province than from any
other. Trajan accordingly appointed Pliny as his direct representative,
with the title legatus Augusti pro praetore consulari potestate. The title
makes clear that he was Trajan’s deputy with praetorian power (earlier
governors had been ex-praetors). The addition to his title, consulari
potestate, was a mere sop to the ex-consul, allowing him to be attended
by six lictors instead of the five allotted to other legates.
Since the administration of the province was almost wholly the
charge of the cities, Pliny’s role in the maintenance of public order, in
scrutinizing finances, and in authorizing large-scale projects was
conducted with the officials of the cities. Seven of the cities in Bithynia,
and five in Pontus, are cited in the letters. In Bithynia, Nicomedia, the
erstwhile capital of the Greek kingdom, presented him with a range of
problems: he proposes to establish a fire-brigade to counter fires (letter
33), to build an aqueduct (37), to divert the waters of a lake for more
efficient transportation (41), to rebuild a temple (49), and to deal with
problems of slaves (31 and 74). Nicaea, rival of Nicomedia for pre-
eminence in the province, confronts him with the indictment of a
prominent citizen from Prusa (81), with property-disputes (83), and with
the proposal to build a theatre (39). At Prusa, the finances and provision
of public works demand his attention (17B), together with a proposal for
a new bathhouse (23 and 70). Apamea, as a Roman colony established
by Julius Caesar or Mark Antony, claims exemption from taxation and
also financial self-government (47). Claudiopolis, like Prusa, wishes to
build a new bathhouse, for which Pliny requests an architect from Rome
(39.5 ff.). Finally, Byzantium, strictly in the province of Thrace, but now
administered from Bithynia, has been awarded a military contingent to
support the city-magistrates, and Pliny pleads for similar provision at
Juliopolis (77).
It will be clear from this survey that cities normally required
permission from Rome to initiate projects such as aqueducts, theatres,
permission from Rome to initiate projects such as aqueducts, theatres,
and baths. This was to ensure that money was prudently spent and to
prevent corrupt contracts. Throughout the tenure of his governorship
Pliny was particularly vigilant in ensuring financial probity in the cities.
He had served less than two years in the province when the letters
suddenly cease. As the normal tenure of a governorship was three years,
it seems virtually certain that he died in the province.

Epistolography at Rome
Whereas published epistles in Greek were common, and especially from
the third century onwards, the arrival of epistolography as a prose genre
at Rome came much later.5 Though there is evidence of publication of
letters composed by the elder Cato and by Cornelia, mother of the
Gracchi, in the second century BC, the earliest surviving collection is that
of Cicero a century later. This massive anthology comprises 914 letters
in all, largely from Cicero’s pen but some also from his correspondents.
For Pliny, Cicero as letter-writer is the essential model (we are here
concerned neither with the poetic epistle represented in Horace and
Ovid, Martial and Statius, nor the philosophical type, represented by
Seneca as the chief Latin counterpart to Plato and Epicurus). Cicero’s
letters perform two main functions for the benefit of today’s readers as
for his correspondents: first, they offer a view from the inside of many
facets of the political, social, and domestic concerns of the day, and
secondly, they depict Cicero’s own leading role in them. Autobiography
was still in its infancy as a genre at Rome, being represented almost
entirely by military and political memoirs, and for Cicero the letters
serve as a substitute for self-projection.
 Pliny, likewise, is not slow to proclaim his own virtues and his many-
sided accomplishments, but in the very different political and social
atmosphere of the day, especially as they impinge on the men and
women of the haute bourgeoisie. The collection, numbering 246 letters in
Books I–IX, all from Pliny himself, and 121 in Book X shared between
Pliny and the emperor Trajan on the problems of provincial
administration, can thus be exploited as a primer of Roman social
history, as the classification of topics in Index I indicates.

Literary Style, Publication, and Dating of the Letters

Pliny regarded epistolography as a third genre of creative literature
additional to his orations and his verses. What style, then, was to be
adopted in the presentation of the letters? When he offers advice to his
youthful friend Fuscus Salinator on the literary exercises he should
practise to further an orator’s career, amongst other suggestions he
writes: ‘I am keen … that you should devote some care to letter-writing
… we look to epistles for language which is compressed and unadorned’
(VII 9.8). In another letter, in which he praises Pompeius Saturninus, he
states: ‘Recently he read out to me some letters, which he said his wife
wrote. I thought that what was being read to me was Plautus or Terence
freed of the metre’ (I 16.6). Taken together, these passages indicate that
the prose epistle should be composed in a plain but educated style, and
this is why, for young students of today, their Latin is more suitable as
being more comprehensible than the speeches of Cicero or the history of
Livy.
While ‘plain but educated’ serves as a general assessment of Pliny’s
epistolary style, the dramatic content of some letters tempts him to
embark on more flowery discourse. One obvious example is the ghost
story recounted to Licinius Sura (VII 27), where Pliny imaginatively
creates a dramatic and atmospheric narrative. Other similarly dramatic
accounts include the dream of Fannius (V5), the poetic description of the
floating islands on lake Vadimon (VIII 20), the anecdote of the sportive
dolphin (IX 33), and of course the account of the eruption of Vesuvius
and the heroism of the Elder Pliny (VI 16).
When Pliny dispatched letters to selected correspondents, he had
copies made and filed with the intention of later publication.6 The
dedication to Septicius Clarus which precedes Book I indicates that he
intended to publish groups of selected letters at staggered dates. Some
scholars have suggested that Books I–IX were issued tidily in three triads
(I–III, IV–VI, VII–IX), others that each book was published separately,
and others still that Books I–IX were published simultaneously.
Study of the chronology of the early letters suggests the further
possibility that Books I–II formed the first volume. All the letters of Book
I can be dated to the reign of Nerva and the first months of Trajan’s
principate. Book II contains further letters from this period 97–8, but
others must be assigned to the year 100. Pliny may have gathered and
published Books I and II before undertaking the duties of the consulship
in September of that year. The wide range of letters in Book I has no
single dominant topic; by contrast, Book II has as its centre the lengthy
account, covering two letters (II 11–12), of the extortion trial of Marius
Priscus and Pliny’s prominent role in it. Artistically set against these is a
second letter devoted to Pliny’s life away from city-business, the
description of his estate at Laurentum (II 17). The final letter of Book II
offers a light-hearted close to the volume with three anecdotes
portraying Regulus as legacy-hunter.
portraying Regulus as legacy-hunter.
The continuity of themes pervading Books III–VI suggests that they
are closely harmonized, but both the large number and the careful
balance of the numbers of letters (21 and 30 in Books III and IV, and 21
and 34 in V and VI) encourage the speculation that Pliny published them
in two separate volumes. As in Book II, there is a dominant letter in
Book III portraying an extortion trial, that of Caecilius Classicus (III 9)
and round it are assembled artistically the diverse themes of his uncle’s
writings, panegyrics of the deceased poets Martial and Silius Italicus,
obituaries and testimonials, and notable events in the social life of the
capital, including recitations, a dinner-party, and the consternation
caused by the murder of a cruel grandee by his slaves. Book IV likewise
centres on an extortion trial, that of Julius Bassus (IV 9). The letters
round it again offer a mélange of public business in the Senate and the
Centumviral court, and of Pliny’s private affairs. The letters devoted to
literary matters now include references to his burgeoning role as
versifier. Virtually all the letters in Books III and IV can be dated to
between 100 and 105, encouraging the speculation that the two books
were published together in that latter year.
As in these earlier books, in Books V and VI Pliny groups shorter
letters with pleasing variation of topics around a more extended topic. In
Book V this is the description of his estate near Tifernum (V 6), and in
Book VI the two letters requested by Tacitus on the eruption of Vesuvius
(VI 16 and 20). The accumulation of a series of short letters towards the
close of Book VI suggests that Pliny was seeking a balance between the
length of the two books. The letters in both can be dated predominantly
to the years 105 to 107, and were probably published in 107.
 The letters of Books VII–IX may likewise have been subdivided into
two volumes. Most of those in Books VII–VIII can be dated to 107–8,
though a few may have been incorporated from earlier years. By
contrast, Book IX gives the impression that Pliny has filled it out with
several epistles from earlier years. Moreover, the large number of letters
in the book, and the brevity of many of them, reinforce the impression of
a shortage of more substantial correspondence. It is striking that there is
little discussion of political affairs in this book. We may conclude that
these three books were published in two volumes, VII–VIII in the first,
and IX in the other, late in 108 or early in 109.

The correspondence with Trajan, which occupies the whole of Book X,

comprises the earlier exchange of private letters (1–14), and those sent
and received when Pliny was governor of Bithynia-Pontus. Of the first
small group, letters 1–11 date from 98–9, shortly after Trajan’s
accession, 12 is to be assigned to 101–2, 13 to 104, and 14 to either 102
or 106. These letters will have been gathered and published together
with 15–121, not by Pliny himself nor in his lifetime, but by a person
with access to the imperial archives. It is feasible that the work was
carried out under the supervision of Suetonius, for as a close associate of
Pliny he probably served on his staff in Bithynia (see X 94.1), and, more
important, he became a prominent figure in the imperial bureaucracy in
the later days of Hadrian. Indeed, he became the imperial secretary for
correspondence until Hadrian dismissed him from this post (Historia
Augusta, Hadrian 2.3), so that he had unrestricted access to the Roman
archives. He could then have arranged for the publication of Book X in
the 120s or 130s.
In the course of editing, the bald headings on the letters replaced the
 In the course of editing, the bald headings on the letters replaced the
more courtly versions of the originals. Evidence from papyri and
inscriptions also shows that letters to and from the imperial court
included the date and place of origin. These too will have been struck
out in the course of editing.

A note on writing materials. At I 6.1 Pliny, when out hunting, sits by the
nets, ‘armed not with hunting-spear or lance, but with pen and tablets’.
At III 5.15 his uncle when travelling has his secretary by him ‘with a
book and writing-tablets’. From the days of Catullus and Cicero, these
were wax-coated wooden tablets, hinged together by straps, and small
enough to be held in the hand. They were incised with a stylus for
preliminary drafting, which could later be deleted to allow repeated use
of the tablets. By Pliny’s day there is evidence of the introduction of
parchment ‘tablets’ (Martial 14.7 and 184), but it is not certain that
Pliny used them. The versions of the letters finally sent were inscribed
on papyrus with a split reed dipped in ink made from soot and gum, or
from the juice of the cuttlefish. Such writing in ink could be erased by a
sponge, and the paper reused.
 NOTE ON THE TEXT AND TRANSLATION

THIS translation is based on the text of the letters edited by R. A. B.

Mynors (Oxford, 1963), which is faithfully reproduced in the Loeb
edition (ed. B. Radice, 1969). It rests on three separate manuscript
traditions, which Mynors labels α, β, γ, and which are popularly known
as the Nine-book, Ten-book, and Eight-book versions.
The Nine-book tradition is represented by two ninth-century
manuscripts M and V, and V does not survive after V 6, leaving M as the
sole representative of this tradition for V 7 to IX. The Ten-book tradition
(β) provides the sole evidence for Book X; no manuscript survives after V
6, so that we are dependent on printed editions for the rest. The Eight-
book version (so called because it does not contain Book VIII) has no
complete surviving manuscript, and provides the least reliable readings
of the three. Mynors helpfully prefaces his edition with a book-by-book
survey of the available evidence from the three traditions. The section
numbers of Mynors’ text are given in the margins.
The existence of the letters as we have them is attributable to the
heroic endeavours of the Italian and French humanists. They assembled
them from widely dispersed texts of the three traditions. There is an
enlightening brief account by Reynolds in L. D. Reynolds (ed.), Texts and
Transmission (Oxford, 1983), 316–22.

In translating the letters I have sought to bear in mind two categories of

readers. A carefully selected anthology is the ideal text for young
students grappling with the Latin, because the language is simpler and
students grappling with the Latin, because the language is simpler and
more straightforward than that of Cicero’s speeches or Livy’s history. For
these students I have provided a more literal and careful version than
the admirably fluent rendering of Betty Radice in the Loeb edition. But
the second (and much larger) group of readers will approach the letters
independently of the Latin. For them I have attempted, as far as possible,
to provide an idiomatic English version without straying from the
essential sense of the original.
The letters are virtually all addressed to learned friends who are
equally at home in Greek and in Latin. Pliny on occasion, with some
affectation, employs a Greek expression to convey his meaning. I have
resorted to French to convey a similar effect. But where he quotes from
Homer or other Greek writers in a more extensive way, I have translated
literally into English.
 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Editions and Commentaries

Durry, M., Lettres X et Panégyrique (Paris, 1959).

Guillemin, A.-M., Lettres I–IX (Paris, 1927–8).

Mynors, R. A. B., Letters I–X (Oxford, 1963).

Radice, B., Letters and Panegyricus, 2 vols. (Loeb, 1969).

Schuster, M., and Hanslik, R., Letters and Panegyricus (Leipzig, 1958).

Sherwin-White, A. N., The Letters of Pliny (Oxford, 1966). See also the
extended reviews by C. P. Jones, Phoenix, 22 (1968), 111–44, and by
F. Millar, JRS 58 (1968), 218–24.

Stout, S. E., Letters I–X (Bloomington, Ind., 1962). Williams, W.,

Correspondence with Trajan from Bithynia (Warminster, 1990).

General
Ash, R., ‘“Aliud est enim epistolam, aliud historian scribere” (Ep.
6.16.22)’, Arethusa, 36 (2003), 211–25.

Augustakis, A., ‘“Nequaquam historia digna”: Plinian Style in Ep. 6.20’,

CJ 100 (2005), 265–73.

Balsdon, J. P. V. D., Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome (London, 1969).

Barnes, T. D., ‘Legislation against the Christians’, JRS 58 (1968), 32–50.

Bennett, J., Trajan, Optimus Princeps (London, 1997).

Bradley, K., ‘Writing the History of the Roman Family’, CP 88 (1999),
237–50.

Bütler, H. P., Die geistige Welt des jüngeren Plinius (Heidelberg, 1970).

Crook, J., Consilium Principis (Cambridge, 1955).

Delia, D., Alexandrian Citizenship (Atlanta, 1991).

De Neeve, P., ‘A Roman Landowner and his Estates: Pliny the Younger’,
SIFC 10 (1992), 335–44.

Duncan-Jones, R. P., ‘The Finances of the Younger Pliny’, PBSR 20

(1965), 177–88.

Du Prey, P., The Villas of Pliny from Antiquity to Posterity (Chicago,

1996).

Edwards, C., ‘Epistolography’, in S. Harrison (ed.), A Companion to Latin

Literature (Oxford, 2004), ch. 19.

Felton, D., Haunted Greece and Rome: Ghost Stories from Classical
Antiquity (Austin, Tx., 1999).

Gonzalès, A., Pline le Jeune: Esclaves et affranchis à Rome (Besançon,

2003).

Grainger, J. D., Nerva and the Roman Accession Crisis of AD 96–99

(London, 2000).

Griffin, M., ‘Pliny and Tacitus’, SCI 18 (1959), 139–58.

Grimal, P., Les Jardins romains2 (Paris, 1969).

Guillemin, A.-M., Pline et la vie littéraire de son temps (Paris, 1929).

Hammond, M., ‘Pliny the Younger’s Views on Government’, HSCP 49

 (1938), 115 ff.

Harris, B. F., ‘Bithynia’, ANRW 7.2 (1980), esp. pp. 883–94.

Henderson, J., Pliny’s Statue: The Letters, Self-portraiture, and Classical Art
(Exeter, 2002).

—— ‘Knowing Someone through their Books: Pliny on Uncle Pliny, Ep.

3.5’, CP 97 (2002), 250–84.

Higham, T. F., ‘Dolphin Riders’, GR 7.1 (1960), 82 ff.

Hoffer, S. E., The Anxieties of Pliny the Younger (Atlanta, 1999).

Hutchinson, G. O., Latin Literature from Seneca to Juvenal (Oxford, 1993).

—— Cicero’s Correspondence: A Literary Study (Oxford, 1998).

Jackson, R., Doctors and Disease in the Roman Empire (London, 1988).

Jones, A. H. M., Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (Oxford, 1971).

Jones, B. W., The Emperor Domitian (London, 1992).

Jones, C. P., Plutarch and Rome (Oxford, 1971).

Jones, N. F., ‘Pliny the Younger’s “Vesuvius” Letters’, CW 95 (2002), 31–

48.

Kraemer, C. J., ‘Pliny and the Early Church Service’, CP 29 (1934), 293–
300.

MacDougall, E. (ed.), Ancient Roman Villa Gardens (London, 1987).

Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton, 1950).

Malherbe, A. J., Ancient Epistolary Theorists (Atlanta, 1988).

Meiggs, R., Roman Ostia2 (Oxford, 1973).

Murgia, C. E., ‘Pliny’s Letter and the Dialogus’, HSCP 89 (1985), 171-
206.

Myers, K. S., ‘Docta Otia: Garden Ownership and Configuration of

Leisure in Statius and Pliny the Younger’, Arethusa, 38 (2005), 103–29.

Oberrauch, L., ‘Et statim concidit: Bemerkungen zum Tod Plinius des
Alteren’, Mnem. (2000), 721-5.

Pitcher, R. A., ‘The Hole in the Hypothesis: Pliny and Martial

Reconsidered’, Mnem. (1999), 554–61.

Riggsby, A. M., ‘Pliny on Cicero and Oratory’, AJP 116 (1995), 123–35.

—— ‘Self and Community in the Younger Pliny’, Arethusa, 31 (1998),

75–98.

Roller, M., ‘Pliny’s Catullus: The Politics of Literary Appropriation’,

TAPA 128 (1998), 265–304.

Rudd, N., ‘Stratagems of Vanity’, in T. Woodman and J. Powell (eds.),

Author and Audience in Latin Literature (Cambridge, 1992), ch. 2.

Rutledge, S. H., Imperial Inquisitions: Prosecutors and Informants from

Tiberius to Domitian (London, 2001).

Sherwin-White, A. N., ‘The Date of Pliny’s Praetorship’, JRS 47 (1957);

repr. as Appendix IV in The Letters.

—— ‘Trajan’s Replies to Pliny: Authorship and Necessity’, JRS 52

(1962), 114–125.

Slater, W. J., ‘Hand-outs at Dinner’, Phoenix, 60 (2000), 107–22.

Smallwood, E. M., Documents of Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian (Cambridge,

 1966).

Sordi, M., The Christians and the Roman Empire (London, 1986).

Southern, P., Domitian: Tragic Tyrant (London, 1997).

Stout, S. E., Scribe and Critic at Work in Pliny’s Letters (Bloomington, Ind.,
1954).

—— ‘The Coalescence of the Two Plinies’, TAPA 86 (1955), 250 ff.

Syme, R., Tacitus, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1958).

—— ‘Pliny’s Less Successful Friends’, Historia, 9 (1960), 362–79.

—— ‘People in Pliny’, JRS 58 (1968), 135–51.

Tanzer, H. H., The Villas of Pliny the Younger (New York, 1924).

Testard, M., ‘Carmenque Christo quasi deo dicere’, REL 72 (1994), 138–
58.

Townend, G. B., ‘The Hippo Inscription and the Career of Suetonius’,

Historia, 10 (1961), 99–109.

Trapp, M. (ed.), Greek and Latin Letters: An Anthology with Introduction

(Cambridge, 2003).

Traub, H. W., ‘Pliny’s Treatment of History in Epistolary Form’, TAPA 86

(1955), 213–32.

Van Buren, A. W., ‘Pliny’s Laurentine Villa’, JRS 38 (1948), 35 ff.

Vidman, L. Étude sur la correspondance de Pline le Jeune avec Trajan

(Prague, 1960).

Wolff E., Pline le Jeune ou le refus de pessimisme (Rennes, 2003).

 Further Reading in Oxford World’s Classics
Juvenal, The Satires, trans. Niall Rudd, ed. William Barr.

Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, trans. Catharine Edwards.

Tacitus, Agricola and Germany, trans. Anthony Birley.

——The Histories, trans. W. H. Fyfe, revised by D. S. Levene.

 A CHRONOLOGY OF PLINY THE YOUNGER

All dates are AD

61/2 Birth of Pliny.

c.69-c.75 Schooling at Comum. Death of father; adoption by

uncle.

76 Tertiary education begins under Quintilian at Rome.

76 Present at eruption of Vesuvius.

c.80 Vigintivirate; presides over Centumviral court.

c. 82 Military tribune in Syria.

c. 90 Quaestor; chosen as quaestor Caesaris.

c. 92 Serves as tribunus plebis.

c. 93 Elected praetor.

c. 94–6 Prefect of the military treasury.

Jan. 98–Aug. Prefect of the treasury of Saturn

100

Sept.–Dec. 100 Suffect consul.

c. 104–7 Curator of the Tiber.

c. 109–11 Governor of Bithynia-Pontus.

c. 112 Presumed dead.

54–68 Nero emperor

68–9 Year of the Four Emperors

69–79 Vespasian emperor

79–81 Titus emperor

81–96 Domitian emperor

96–Jan. 98 Nerva emperor

Jan. 98–117 Trajan emperor

COMPLETE LETTERS
 BOOK ONE

1 Gaius Pliny sends greetings to his friend Septicius Clarus1

On numerous occasions you have urged me to assemble and to pubilish 1

such letters as I had composed with some care. I have now assembled
them without maintaining chronological sequence, for I was not
compiling a history, but as each happened to come to hand.*
What remains is that you should not repent of your advice, nor I 2
of obeying you. On that assumption I shall seek out those still lying
neglected, and I shall not expunge any which I intend to add to the
collection in future. Farewell.

2 To his friend Arrianus Maturus

c. 97–8
I foresee that your arrival is to be somewhat delayed, so I am presenting1

for your inspection the book which I promised you in earlier letters. I
beg you to read and correct it as you usually do, more especially because
I do not seem to have written anything before with as much élan. This is
because I have tried to imitate Demosthenes, 2
your invariable model, and Calvus,* who has lately become mine,
though only so far as figures of speech go, for the impact of these great
men can be attained solely by ‘the favoured few’.* The subject 3
matter* itself did not militate against such rivalry with them (I fear I
speak without shame), for it was presented almost entirely in
impassioned speech, and it roused me as I slumbered in lengthy idleness,
if a person like me can be so roused. But I did not entirely eschew the 4
grandiloquence of our Cicero, whenever I was prompted to stray a little
from my path in not inappropriate passages that charm, for the effect
which I sought was to stimulate, and not to depress.
You are not to think that I am craving your indulgence for this 5
stylistic departure. Indeed, in order to provoke your criticism the more, I
shall confess that both my friends and I are not averse to publishing the
work, provided that you vote in favour of what may be a mistake on my
part. Clearly I must publish something, and I pray 6
that what I have ready may be most suitable; you hear my aspiration to
idleness! Several reasons prompt my need to publish, above all the fact
that the works which I have already issued* are said to be in men’s
hands, though they have lost the glamour of being new. But perhaps the
booksellers* are tickling my ears. If so, let them keep at it, so long as this
deception of theirs gives me a good impression of my writings. Farewell.

3 To his friend Caninius Rufus

How goes it at Comum, your favourite spot and mine? And that 1
delightful house of yours close to the town, with that colonnade in
which it is always spring, that grove of plane trees with their abundant
shade, that watercourse sparkling like emeralds, the lake lying below* at
your service, the walk so soft yet firm underfoot, the bathhouse which
gets its fill of the sun as it courses round, the dining rooms, some
catering for a number and others for the few, the bedrooms for rest at
night and during the day? Do they claim and share you with each other?
Or are you called away, as often in the 2
past, on frequent trips to review your domestic affairs? If they are
claiming you, what a lucky and blessed soul you are! If not, you are ‘one
of a crowd’.*
Why not assign those shallow and shoddy concerns to others, for 3
it’s time you did, and apply yourself to your books in this time of
boundless and slothful retirement? Make this your business and leisure,
your work and relaxation. Devote your waking hours to this, and your
sleeping hours too. Create something and shape it, so that it 4
becomes yours for ever. Whereas all else will pass to a succession of
owners, this will never cease to be your own from the moment it begins
to exist. I know well the mind and talent which I stir to action. Strive
only to be as outstanding in your own eyes as you will appear to others,
if you do. Farewell.

4 To Pompeia Celerina, his mother-in-law

c. 97
What amenities you have in your houses at Ocriculum, Narnia, 1
Carsulae, and Perusia!* At Narnia there is even a bathhouse! My letters
make these available, so there is no need for you to write now, as the
brief note which you wrote earlier is enough. I swear that 2
my own properties are not so much mine as are yours. The difference
between yours and ours is that your domestics welcome me with more
attention and concern than do my own.
Perhaps you will get the same treatment should you at some time
 Perhaps you will get the same treatment should you at some time
break your journey at ours. I should like you to do this, first so that 3
you may enjoy our hospitality as we enjoy yours, and secondly so that
my servants may finally rouse themselves, for they await my coming
without concern, almost offhandedly. The fact is that when 4
masters are tolerant, the fear felt by their slaves is dispelled through
their growing used to us, whereas they rouse themselves when there are
new arrivals, and they strive to win the favour of their masters by
attention to others rather than to ourselves. Farewell.

5 To his friend Voconius Romanus

early 97
Did you ever see anyone more fearful and abject than Marcus 1
Regulus, following Domitian’s death?* The crimes which he perpetrated
under Domitian were no less than those in Nero’s day, but he hid them
more successfully. He began to be apprehensive that I was angry with
him, and he was not mistaken, for I was angry.
He had lent his support to the trial of Arulenus Rusticus,* and 2
had rejoiced at his death to the point of publicly reciting and publishing
a written version, in which he launched an attack on Rusticus, even
calling him ‘the ape of the Stoics’, and adding ‘branded with Vitellius’
scar’* (you recognize his eloquence!). His lambasting of 3
Herennius Senecio* was so immoderate that Mettius Carus asked him:
‘What concern of yours are my dead victims? Did I harass Crassus or
Camerinus?’* (Regulus had laid accusations against them in Nero’s day.)
Regulus believed that I was angry at his behaviour, and so he had 4
not even invited me to his public reading. He also recalled with what
not even invited me to his public reading. He also recalled with what
hostility he had assailed me in the Centumviral court. I was appearing 5

on behalf of Arrionilla, the wife of Timon, at the request of Arulenus

Rusticus,* and Regulus was on the opposing side. Part of our plea rested
on the view of Mettius Modestus, that excellent man who was then in
exile, for Domitian had excluded him. Regulus, look you, comes forward
and says: ‘I want to know your view of Modestus.’ You appreciate my
danger if in replying I had expressed approval, and the disgrace if I had
expressed disapproval. I can only say that the gods were with me at that
moment. ‘I shall answer’, I said, ‘if the Centumviral court is to pass
judgement on him.’ He 6
repeated: ‘I want to know your view of Modestus.’ I in turn said: ‘It used
to be the case that witnesses were questioned about the accused, and not
about the convicted.’ He made a third attempt: ‘I am not asking now for
your view of Modestus, but for your view of his patriotism.’* ‘You ask
me for my view,’ I said, ‘but I regard it as 7
improper even to ask questions about one already sentenced.’ He was
silenced, and I was praised and congratulated for avoiding on the one
hand damage to my reputation by giving a reply perhaps opportune but
certainly dishonest, and on the other the trap set by so insidious a
question.
So, being now terrified by his feelings of guilt, he laid hold of 8
Caecilius Celer and then of Fabius Justus, begging them to forge a
reconciliation between us. This was not enough for him; he approached
Spurinna,* and addressed him in grovelling entreaty, as is his most
downcast manner when he is afraid: ‘Please visit Pliny at home early in
the morning; be sure to make it early in the morning, for I cannot bear
the strain any longer. Ensure by any way you can that he feels no anger
towards me.’ I had just woken up when a messenger came from
Spurinna: ‘I am coming to see you.’ ‘You certainly aren’t,’ I replied. ‘I
will come to you.’
We ran into each other in the colonnade of Livia,* 9
as we were making for each other. He retailed Regulus’ instructions and
added a plea of his own, but brusquely, as befitted the best of men
speaking on behalf of one wholly unlike him. I said to him: ‘You must
decide for yourself what reply you think should be made to Regulus. I
must 10
not deceive you; I am waiting for Mauricus’* (he had not yet returned
from exile), ‘so I cannot give you a reply either way, for I intend to do
whatever he decides. It is right that he should take the lead, and that I
should go along with him.’
A day or two later Regulus himself encountered me as we were 11
paying our formal visit* to the praetor. He came up behind me, and
asked to have a private word. He said that he feared that what he had
said some time ago during a process in the Centumviral court was
lodged deep in my mind. That occasion was when he was replying to
Satrius Rufus* and myself—‘Satrius Rufus, who is no rival of Cicero, and
is satisfied with the style of utterance of our day.’ I answered that I now
realized that he had said that maliciously, because he was himself
admitting it, but that the remark could have been interpreted as
respectful. ‘I myself do vie with Cicero,’ I said, ‘and I am not content
with the eloquence of our age, for I regard it 12
as utterly stupid not to posit for imitation all that is best. But now that
you remember this lawsuit, why have you forgotten the one in which
you asked me for my view of the patriotism of Mettius Modestus?’ 13
He grew markedly pale (though in fact he is always pale), and in
faltering tones he said: ‘My question was designed to damage not you
but Modestus.’ (Note the viciousness of the man, for he did not conceal
his desire to damage an exile.) He offered 14
in addition a remarkable reason. ‘In a letter which was read out before
Domitian,’ he said, ‘Modestus wrote: “Regulus, the most depraved of all
two-legged creatures.”’ Modestus had been wholly truthful in penning
this.
This was virtually the end of our conversation, for I had no wish 15
to take the matter further. I wanted to keep all my options open until
Mauricus came. I am well aware that Regulus is dur à réprimer* for he is
wealthy, leader of a faction, well regarded by many, and feared by more,
fear being an emotion stronger than affection. It is possible, 16
however, that those supports may be shaken, and collapse, for the
popularity of evil men is as fickle as the men themselves.
However, to keep repeating what I have already said, I await
Mauricus, a serious man of practical wisdom whose many experiences
have schooled him, the sort of man who can visualize the future from
past events. My own decision on whether to take action or to remain
quiet* will rest on his advice.
I have written this account to you because it is right that in view of17
 I have written this account to you because it is right that in view of17

our shared affection you should know not only all that I have done and
said, but also what I plan to do. Farewell.

6 To his friend Cornelius Tacitus

before 98
You will laugh at this, and your laughter is in order. This acquaintance
of yours has captured three boars,* and most handsome ones at that.
‘What, you yourself?’ you ask. ‘Yes, but without totally abandoning my
idle and restful life. I would sit by the nets, armed not with hunting-
spear or lance, but with pen and tablets. I would contemplate some
subject and jot it down, so that if I returned empty-handed, my tablets
would be full.’ 1
You are not to despise this manner of study, for it is remarkable 2
how the mind is roused by exercise and movement of the body. To start
with, the woodland all around, the solitude, and the silence imposed by
the hunt are great incentives to thought. So when you 3
go hunting you can adopt my advice, and carry your tablets as well as
your food-basket and flask, for you will find that Minerva roams the
mountains no less than Diana.* Farewell.

7 To his friend Octavius Rufus

September 97
Observe the lofty eminence on which you have set me when you 1
ascribe to me the same power and the same dominion as Homer allots to
Jupiter Greatest and Best:

Part of his prayer the Father granted, part denied,*

for I can likewise part grant and part refuse your prayer. It is certainly
for I can likewise part grant and part refuse your prayer. It is certainly 2

right for me, especially as you demand it, to demur at representing the
Baetici against a single individual,* but it does not square with my good
faith and integrity, which win your affection, to confront in court the
province to which I have been closely attached through my many
services and toils and even dangers. So I shall 3
cling to this compromise: of the alternatives which you seek, I shall
choose the course which does justice not merely to your inclination but
also to your good judgement. I am in fact to take seriously not so much
your momentary whim, excellent man though you are, as what will win
your lasting approval.
I expect to be in Rome about 15 October, and to maintain this 4
position in person to Gallus,* with my expressions of loyalty and yours.
For now, you can assure him of my benevolence. ‘He nodded with his
dark brows’,* for why should I not chat with you in Homeric 5
lines, seeing that you do not allow me to converse with you in your
own? I am fired with such enthusiasm* for them that I think this reward
alone could induce me to be bribed to oppose the Baetici in court.
I almost omitted to mention what ought to be the last thing to 6
leave unmentioned. Your excellent dates have joined me here, and they
must now engage with my figs and mushrooms. Farewell.

8 To his friend Pompeius Saturninus

96–7
Appropriately enough, the arrival of your letter, in which you 1
demanded that I send you one of my compositions, coincided with my
demanded that I send you one of my compositions, coincided with my
own decision to do so. Thus you have spurred on this horse already
eager, simultaneously depriving yourself of any excuse to avoid the toil
of reading it, and me of the embarrassment of demanding that you do;
for it is hardly right for me to show reluctance 2
towards your offer, or for you to be oppressed by your own request. But
you are not to anticipate any new work from this idle fellow, for I intend
to ask you to read again at leisure the speech which I delivered before
my fellow townsmen* prior to dedicating their library. I recall that you
have already made some general observations 3
on it, so now I am begging you not merely to peruse it in the round, but
also to examine the detail with your usual critical faculty. I shall then
also after correction have the option of publishing or of withholding it.
Indeed, this process of correction will perhaps guide 4
my hesitant steps on whether to publish it or not. Quite frequent
reconsideration will either establish its unworthiness for publication, or
will make it worthy in the course of scrutiny.
Yet the reasons for this hesitation of mine lie not so much in the 5
writing as in the nature of the subject matter, for it is rather too boastful
and elevated. It will weigh heavily on my modesty (though the style
itself is restrained and subdued) because I am compelled to dwell upon
the generosity of my parents and myself. The topic is 6
two-edged and ticklish, even though the need justifies it. For if praise
even from other people often sounds unwelcome to people’s ears, how
hard it is to ensure that a speech dwelling on oneself and one’s kin does
not sound oppressive! For we tend to loathe true worth, and still more
not sound oppressive! For we tend to loathe true worth, and still more
the fame and repute which attend it. It is only when such honourable
deeds lie buried in obscurity and silence that we subject them to less
disparagement and criticism. For this reason 7
I have often asked myself whether I should have composed this speech,
such as it is, for others as well as myself. That it was written for my own
benefit I was reminded by the fact that many things which are essential
in the performance of an action lose both their usefulness and their
esteem once they are concluded. To look no 8
further for instances of this, what was more useful than to commit to
paper the reason for my generosity? This was the means by which I
succeeded, first of all in dwelling on honourable reflections, secondly in
visualizing their nobility in more extended thought, and finally in
guarding against the regret which accompanies impulsive generosity.*
These considerations gave birth to what we may call the practice of 9
despising money, for though nature has constrained all of us to keep it
under lock and key, my fondness for munificence, on which I have
reflected long and hard, has freed me from the chains of greed by which
the generality of people is bound, and my generosity seemed more likely
to win praise because I was drawn to it not by a sort of impulse, but by a
considered plan.
In addition to these motives there was the fact that I was pledging 10

money not for shows or gladiators,* but for year-by-year expenses

towards the rearing of freeborn children.* Moreover, pleasures which
delight the eye and the ear, so far from demanding approval, ought not
to be encouraged but rather played down in public addresses. Indeed, to
induce a person gladly to undertake the wearying toil 11
of bringing up children, we must successfully deploy not merely rewards
but also refined exhortations. If physicians use more wheedling 12
words in prescribing a healthy but not pleasurable diet, how much more
fitting was it in the public interest to recommend by genial words a
service which is highly useful but not equally popular! This was
particularly important, since I had to endeavour to explain that what
was being conferred on parents should be approved by the childless also,
so that the privilege granted to the few would be patiently awaited and
deserved by the rest. But just as at that time I 13
was intent on the general welfare rather than on my own self-projection,
when I wanted the purpose and outcome of my gift to be understood, so
now in considering publication I fear that I may perhaps appear to have
ministered to my own praise rather than to the advantages of others.
Moreover, I keep in mind the fact that the greater magnanimity 14
attributes the rewards of worthy behaviour to our moral awareness
rather than to our good repute. Esteem ought to be the outcome rather
than the motive, and, if by some chance it does not accrue, it is
no less noble in having deserved that esteem. Indeed, people who 15
dignify their good deeds by recounting them are thought not to
announce them because they have performed them, but to have
performed them in order to announce them. In this way, what would
have been a fine action when recounted by another fades from view
when the one who performed it himself recounts it. For when people
cannot nullify the deed, they attack the boasting which accompanies it.
Thus if you have done something which should go unmentioned, the
action itself incurs blame; but if you do not keep quiet about something
praiseworthy, you yourself get the blame.
In my case a personal obstacle presents itself, for I delivered this 16
very speech, not before the citizens but before the city council, in the
Senate House and not in the open. My fear is therefore that having 17
avoided popular approval and applause when delivering the speech, it is
rather inappropriate to seek it now by publishing it. So having distanced
myself from the very people whose interests were being consulted by
interposing the door and the walls of the Senate House, so as not to give
the impression of canvassing them, I fear that, by now publicizing myself
before them, I may be seeking out the very persons to whom my
generosity is irrelevant, apart from the example it sets before them.
You have heard the reasons for my hesitation, but I shall defer to 18

your advice, for the authority it wields will afford me a sufficient reason
to proceed. Farewell.

9 To his friend Minicius Fundanus

97
It is remarkable how we account, or seem to account, for each individual1

day in Rome,* but not for a number of days combined. If you 2

were to pose to anyone the question, ‘What did you do today?’, the
answer would be: ‘I attended an investiture of the adult toga,* or I was
present at a betrothal or a wedding;* one person asked me to witness his
will,* a second to plead for him in court, a third to act as assessor on the
Bench.’* These duties seem necessary on the day you 3
perform them, but once you reflect that you have spent every day doing
the same things, they seem pointless, and much more so when you retire
from Rome, for it is then that you recollect: ‘How many days I have
wasted, on what tedious pursuits!’
This is my own reaction once I am in my residence at Laurentum,* 4

reading or writing or just indulging in the physical relaxation on which

the mind depends for its support. I hear or say nothing which 5
I regret having heard or spoken; no one in my presence criticizes another
with unkind insinuations, and I have no harsh words for anyone—except
myself, when my writing falls below standard. No hope, no fear agitates
me; no gossip disturbs my mind. Conversation is confined to myself and
my books.
What straightforward, unblemished living this is! What delightful 6
and what honourable leisure, nobler than virtually any active
occupation! The sea and shore, my true and private maison des Muses,
how many thoughts do you inspire, and how many do you dictate!
This is why you too must at the first opportunity abandon this city 7

din, this pointless bustle, these quite foolish toils, devoting yourself to
your studies or to leisure, for as our friend Atilius* most learnedly and
also most wittily remarked, it is better to seek relaxation than to do
nothing. Farewell. 8
10 To his friend Attius Clemens
98
Liberal studies in this city of ours are flourishing as splendidly as 1
ever before. There are many outstanding examples of this, but it 2
would be enough to cite one, the philosopher Euphrates.* When I was
serving in the army in Syria* as a mere youth, I became closely
acquainted with him—indeed, in his home. I worked hard to win his
affection, though the effort was superfluous, for he is accessible and
straightforward, and entirely practises the civility which he preaches. 3
I only wish that I myself had fulfilled the hope which he then
entertained of me, as much as he greatly enhanced his own virtues—or
perhaps it is that I admire them the more because I now appreciate them
better.
Yet even now I do not sufficiently understand them. Just as it takes 4

an artist to pass judgement on a painter or sculptor or modeller, so only

a philosopher can appreciate a philosopher. However, to such 5
insights as are granted to me the many qualities in Euphrates are so
outstanding and crystal-clear that even moderately learned men are
attracted and struck by them. In argument, he is precise, earnest, and
elegant, and often he even achieves the grandeur and sweep of a Plato.
In discussion he is fluent, wide-ranging, and particularly charming, the
sort of person who can lead on and impress even those
who confront him. In addition, he is tall and handsome, with flowing 6
hair and a long white beard. These features may be regarded as
accidental and of no consequence, but they induce the greatest 7
 7
respect. There is nothing repellent or depressing in his deportment, but
rather a profound seriousness. Your reaction on meeting him would be
one of respect rather than apprehension. His manner of life is wholly
blameless, and this is matched by his friendliness. He rebukes not people
but faults; he corrects men rather than censures them. You could listen
closely and adhere to his advice, and long to have him continuing to
persuade you, after he has done so.
A further point: he has three children, two of them boys, whom he 8

has reared most carefully. His father-in-law, Pompeius Julianus,* has

attained distinction and fame both in his life generally and notably in
this alone: though he himself has been a leading figure in the province,
and though there were possible matches with the highest families, he
chose for his son-in-law one outstanding in philosophy rather than in
social eminence.
Yet why do I go on about a man whose company I cannot enjoy? Is 9

it to vex myself the more, because it is impossible? For I am torn away

by my official duties, which though most important are also most
troublesome. I take my seat on the Bench, sign petitions, present
accounts, write countless letters of a most unliterary kind. When 10
the occasion offers, I tend sometimes to recite my grumbles about these
to Euphrates, who consoles me, and also maintains that it is not merely a
part but in fact the most noble part of philosophy* to conduct public
affairs, to investigate and to pass judgements, to promote and to wield
justice, and to put into practice what the philosophers preach. However,
he does not persuade me of this one thing: that it is 11
better to conduct these public affairs rather than to spend whole days
better to conduct these public affairs rather than to spend whole days
with him in listening and learning.
So this is what I urge you all the more to do, since you are fancy-free.
When you come to Rome in the near future (and for this purpose you
must come the sooner), allow him to polish and to perfect you. Unlike
many, I do not begrudge others a blessing which I 12
myself forgo. On the contrary, I get a feeling of pleasure if I see that
things denied to me are available to my friends. Farewell.

11 To his friend Fabius Justus

You have sent no letters to me for quite a while. Your excuse is that 1
you have nothing to write. Well, then, just write that you have nothing
to write, or nothing beyond the introductory greeting which our
forebears used to use: ‘If you are well, that’s fine; I am well.’* I’m 2
satisfied with that, for it’s the main thing. Do you think I’m joking? My
request is deadly serious. Do let me know how you are doing, for I
cannot remain ignorant without being deeply concerned. Farewell.

12 To his friend Calestrius Tiro

97–8
I have sustained a very heavy loss, if the deprivation of so great a 1
man can be called a loss. Corellius Rufus has died*—in fact it was
suicide, which aggravates my pain, as it is the most grievous form of
death when it is seen to occur neither naturally nor inevitably. For 2
whatever the circumstances of death by disease, the very fact of
necessity is a great consolation, whereas in the case of those taken from
us by suicide, our grief is irreparable, because we believe that they could
us by suicide, our grief is irreparable, because we believe that they could
have had a long life.
In fact, Corellius was constrained by supreme reasoning,* which 3
for philosophers is the equivalent of necessity, and by conscious
decision, yet he had numerous reasons for living—the highest rectitude,
the highest repute, the greatest authority, and in addition to these, a
daughter, a wife, a grandson, and sisters, and among all these cherished
ones some true friends. But he was tormented by 4
such a lengthy and harsh illness that these rewards for living were
outweighed by reasons for dying.
I heard him state that at the age of thirty-two he was afflicted with
gout.* This was a hereditary condition, for clearly diseases, like other
things, are transmitted by a sort of succession. During his green 5
years he fought and overcame the disease by dieting and by virtuous
living. More recently, as the disease worsened with the onset of old age,
he endured it with strength of mind, despite suffering agonies beyond
belief and the most degrading tortures, for by that stage the 6
pain was not, as earlier, confined to his feet, but roamed at large
through all his limbs.
In Domitian’s time I visited him when he was bedridden in his house
close to the city. His slaves retired from his chamber (this was 7
a practice he maintained whenever one of his more trustworthy friends
came in, and even his wife, who was wholly privy to every confidence,
used to leave). He swivelled his eyes round,* and said: 8
‘Why do you think I endure this dreadful pain for so long? I want to
survive that brigand,* if only for a single day.’ Had you endowed him
with a physique to match such spirit, he would have achieved what he
wished.*
God, however, attended his prayer, and once he had obtained it, he
now felt untroubled and free to die, sundering many attachments to life
since they were of less account. His illness had worsened, 9
though he sought to control it by self-restraint. But as it maintained its
hold, with strength of mind he fled from it. A second and a third and a
fourth day came while he declined to eat. His wife Hispulla dispatched
Gaius Geminius, a mutual friend, to me with the most melancholy news
that Corellius was intent on death, and was unmoved by the entreaties of
their daughter and herself. I was the last resort, she said, as one who
could recall him to life. I hastened 10
there, and had almost reached him when Julius Atticus* brought a
message, again from Hispulla, that even I would make no impression, for
his decision to die had hardened more and more inflexibly.
In fact, he had said to the physician who was placing food before
him: ‘Je me suis décidé’,* a phrase which affected my mind with a sense
of loss as much as of admiration. I contemplate the sort of friend, the
sort of man I am now without. He completed his sixty-seventh 11
year, a reasonable age for the sturdiest of us; I acknowledge that. He
escaped from an interminable illness; I acknowledge that. He died with
his dear ones surviving him, and at a time of prosperity for the state,
which was dearer to him than all else; that too I acknowledge. Yet I
lament his death as though he were young and in glowing 12
lament his death as though he were young and in glowing 12
health. I lament it—you can consider me a weakling in this—on my own
account, for I have lost the witness, guardian, and teacher of my life. In
short, I shall say what I said to my boon-companion Calvisius* while my
grief was fresh: ‘I fear that for me life will be of less account.’
So you must send me some words of consolation, but do not say, 13
‘He was an old and sick man’, for I am aware of that. Make it something
original and impressive, such as I have never heard or read before, for
the consolations such as I have heard and read come to me unbidden,
but are unequal to this great grief. Farewell.

13 To his friend Senecio

97
This year has unearthed a healthy crop of poets,* for throughout the 1
whole month of April* there has scarcely been a day on which someone
was not offering a recitation. I am delighted that the literary life is
flourishing, that people’s talents are sprouting and showing themselves,
though audiences are sluggish in attending. Most people 2
sit around in resting places,* and while away in gossip the time for
listening. From time to time they ask to be told whether the reader has
come to the podium, whether he has finished his introduction, or
whether he is a good way through his material. It is only at that point
that they make their way in, and even then slowly and reluctantly; and
they do not see the performance through, but make off before the end,
some discreetly and stealthily, others openly and brazenly.
By contrast, within our parents’ recollection, so the story goes, 3
Claudius Caesar was strolling on the Palatine.* On hearing the sound of
voices, he asked what it was about, and when he was told that
Nonianus* was giving a reading, he made a sudden and unexpected
entry during the performance. But nowadays individuals with nothing 4

whatever to do, though invited long before and repeatedly reminded,

either fail to turn up, or, if they do come, complain that they have
wasted their day just because they have failed to waste it.
This makes all the more praiseworthy and impressive the attitude 5
of those who are not put off from their enthusiasm for composition and
recitation by these lazy or superior airs of audiences. I myself have failed
hardly anyone. True, most of the performers have been my friends, for
there is virtually no lover of literature who does not regard me likewise
with affection.
For these reasons I have stayed on in Rome longer than I had 6
planned, and now I can head back to my place of retirement, and write
something not for recitation.* This is to ensure that I may not appear to
have been a lender rather than a listener to those whose recitations I
have attended, for as in other matters so in the obligation of attending
readings, the favour is nullified if we demand it in return. Farewell.

14 To his friend Junius Mauricus

97
You beg me to keep an eye open for a husband for your brother’s
daughter.* It is right that you should impose this task on me in
particular, for you know how much I have looked up to him and loved
him as the most outstanding of men. You know too the repeated
encouragement with which he fostered my youthful years, together with
the praises which ensured that I emerged deserving of them. 1
There is no more important or welcome task which you can allot to 2
me, and none which can be more honourable for me to undertake, than
to choose the young man who can fittingly father grandchildren for
Arulenus Rusticus.
This task would in fact have involved a lengthy search, were it not 3

that Minicius Acilianus* is available, and as it were, readily available.

The most intimate regard he has for me is that of one young man for
another (he is only a very few years younger), and the respect he shows
is that towards one of advanced years; for he is eager to 4
be moulded and educated by me in the way I used to be by the two of
you.
He is a native of Brixia, from that Italian region of ours* which still
keeps and preserves a great deal of the modesty, sobriety, and indeed the
provincialism of old. His father, Minicius Macrinus,* is a leading 5
equestrian; he had no wish for further advancement, for though the
deified Vespasian designated him as a praetorian,* he was most insistent
in preferring honourable retirement to our—shall I say ambition, or high
status? The young man’s maternal grandmother, Serrana 6
Procula, is from the township of Patavium.* You know the manner of
their behaviour there, yet Serrana is a model of sobriety even to
Patavians. He also has an uncle, Publius Acilius,* who is a man of
seriousness, practical wisdom, and almost unique reliability. In short,
there can be nothing in his entire household which is not as acceptable
to you as anything in your own.
As for Acilianus himself, he is intensely energetic and hard-working, 7

though he is totally unassuming. He has held successively the

quaestorship, tribunate, and praetorship* without the least reproach. He
has thus already released you from the need to canvass on his behalf. He
has the looks of a real gentleman, with a rosy 8
countenance and high colour. He is genuinely handsome in physique,
with the fitting air of a senator. Such factors are in my view certainly not
to be disregarded, for they are, so to say, as the reward bestowed on
girls for their chastity.
I should perhaps add that his father is financially well endowed. 9
When I see in my mind’s eye the pair of you for whom I seek a son-in-
law, I think I should say nothing about wealth, but when I consider
attitudes at large, and beyond these the legal requirements* of the state,
which ordain that men’s finances should be regarded even as paramount,
it seems that this too should not be ignored. Certainly, when one thinks
of the greater number of descendants to come, money too must be taken
into account in choosing a marriage alliance.
You may perhaps think that I have given free rein to my affection, 10

and that I have exaggerated these qualities more than the facts allow.
But I give you my word and pledge that you will find all these
recommendations far more impressive than my account of them. It is
true that I have the most glowing affection for this young man, as he
well deserves, but it is the nature of such affection not to overload him
with praises. Farewell.
with praises. Farewell.

15 To his friend Septicius Clarus

Shame on you! You promised to come to dinner, and you never came! 1

I’ll take you to court,* and you will pay to the last penny for my losses, 2

and quite a sum! Ready for each of us were a lettuce, three snails, and
two eggs, barley water* with honeyed wine cooled with snow (you must
add the cost of the snow as well, in fact the snow in particular, as it
melts in the dish). There were olives, beetroot, gourds, onions, and
countless other delicacies no less elegant.* You would have heard
performers of comedy, or a reader, or a lyre-player,* or even all three,
such is my generosity!
But you preferred to dine at some nobody’s house, enjoying 3
oysters, sow’s tripe, sea urchins, and performing-girls from Cadiz.* You’ll
be punished for this, I won’t say how. What boorishness was this! You
begrudged perhaps yourself, and certainly me—but yes, yourself as well.
What joking and laughter and learning we would have enjoyed! You can
dine in many houses on more elaborate 4
fare, but nowhere more genially, innocently, and unguardedly. In short,
you must try it out, and in future, unless you make your excuses to
others instead, you must always make them to me. Farewell.

16 To his friend Erucius

97
Earlier I was fond of Pompeius Saturninus* (I speak of a friend of
mine*), 1
and I would praise the variety, adaptability, and wide range of his
talent* before I knew him. But nowadays he captivates me wholly and
has me firmly in his grasp. I have heard him handling 2
cases in court with vigour and passion, yet equally with polish and
adornment, whether his speeches were prepared or unrehearsed. He has
at his fingertips appropriate aphorisms in abundance; his word-
arrangement is sonorous and seemly; his vocabulary is high-sounding
and traditional. All these aspects are remarkably attractive when borne
along in passionate flow, but they also please when reconsidered.
You will share my view when you take up his speeches, which 3
you will readily compare with any of the orators of old whom he seeks
to rival. But he will impress you even more with his historical 4
writing by reason of its succinctness or lucidity or charm, and the
brilliance and grandeur of the narrative. As for the orations, they have
the same impact as his own speeches, except that they are more
condensed, concise, and contracted.
Then again, he composes verses on the lines of those of Catullus 5
or Calvus,* and indeed they are as good as those of Catullus or Calvus.
What elegance and sweetness they contain, and the bitterness of love!*
True, he includes some rather harsher pieces among the smooth and
light compositions, but this is purposeful, done in imitation of Catullus
or Calvus.
Recently he read out to me some letters, which he said his wife 6
wrote. I thought that what was being read to me was Plautus or Terence
freed of the metre. Whether they were composed by his wife, as he
maintains, or by his own hand, as he denies, he deserves equal credit; for
he either penned them himself, or he has moulded the girl he married*
into so learned and elegant a wife.
So he is with me* throughout the day. I read him before I write, and 7

again once I have written. I read him too when at leisure, though he
does not seem to be the same man. So I urge and advise you likewise 8
to do the same. The fact that he is a living author ought not to prejudice
his works. If he had flourished among men on whom we have never set
eyes, we would be searching out not only his books but also his
portraits. So are his distinction and popularity to wane because he is still
with us and because we have had more than our fill of such writing?
But it is wicked and spiteful to refrain from admiring a man 9
wholly worthy of admiration, merely because it is our fortune to see and
address and hear and embrace him, and bestow on him not only our
praise but also our affection. Farewell.

17 To his friend Cornelius Titianus

97–8
Loyalty and a sense of obligation are still observed among men, for 1
there are some who maintain their friendship even with the dead.
Titinius Capito* has obtained permission from our emperor* to be
allowed to erect a statute of Lucius Silanus in the Forum. It is a 2
noble intention, and one worthy of high praise, to exploit one’s
friendship with the emperor for such a purpose, and to assess the degree
of one’s influence by conferring distinctions on others. It is 3
of one’s influence by conferring distinctions on others. It is 3
Capito’s obsessive practice to show observance to famous men. The
scrupulousness and enthusiasm with which he tends the portraits of men
like Brutus, Cassius, and Cato* in his home whenever possible is
remarkable. He also glorifies the lives of all most celebrated men in
outstanding verses. We can realize from such affection for the virtues 4
of others that he himself is plentifully endowed with them. The
distinction due to Silanus has been bestowed on him, and by looking to
immortality for him Capito has gained it for himself. For it is as noble
and striking a gesture to erect a statue in the Forum of the Roman
people as to be commemorated by one. Farewell.

18 To his friend Suetonius Tranquillus

97
You write that you have had a bad fright from a dream,* and that 1
you fear that you may sustain a reverse in the court case, so you ask me
to seek an adjournment* for a day or two, or at any rate for the day
closest at hand. It is difficult, but I will try, ‘for a dream comes from
Zeus’.* But what matters is whether you usually dream what 2
will actually take place, or the opposite. When I think back to the
following dream of my own, your fear seems to augur a happy outcome.
I had agreed to represent Junius Pastor, and I dreamt that my 3
mother-in-law approached me on bended knees, and begged me not to
take on the case. I was still a mere stripling, and was about to plead in
the Four Courts* against very powerful politicians who were also friends
of Caesar. Each one of these circumstances could have caused me mental
paralysis following such a melancholy dream. But I 4
 4
reasoned that ‘to fight for one’s native land was the best and sole
omen’,* for my promise to appear seemed to me to be my native land,
and indeed something dearer than my native land. Things turned out
well, and the speech I made opened men’s ears to me, and also opened
the door to my successful career.
So you must consider whether you too can follow this example, 5
and turn that dream of yours to good account. Or if you think as safer
the rule of thumb adopted by all who are circumspect, ‘If in doubt, don’t
do it’, do write back to say so. I shall devise some 6
expedient and plead your case so that you can take it over when you
wish. There is no doubt that your situation differs from mine.* A case in
the Centumviral court can under no circumstances be adjourned, but for
you a solution though difficult is possible. Farewell.

19 To his friend Romatius Firmus

c. 97
You are a fellow townsman of mine; we were students and comrades 1
together from an early age. Your father was a friend of my mother and
my uncle, and of myself as well in so far as the difference between our
ages allowed. So there are substantial and important reasons why I
should take in hand and further your social status. The 2
fact that you are a town-councillor is a sufficient indication that you are
worth 100,000 sesterces.* Accordingly I am offering you 300,000 more
to advance your resources to the requirement for an eques.* In that way
your status not merely as a councillor but also as an equestrian will be a
source of pleasure to me.
 Our long-standing friendship guarantees that you will keep this 3
gift ever in mind. I refrain from offering even that advice which it would
be incumbent on me to offer, if I was not aware that of your own accord
you will conduct yourself in the most temperate way in the rank which I
have bestowed on you. For one’s social status is to 4
be treated with the greater discretion when we are also to keep in mind
the generosity of a friend. Farewell.

20 To his friend Cornelius Tacitus

I often argue with a certain man of learning and experience,* who in 1
forensic speeches approves of nothing so much as brevity.* I grant 2
that we must observe it, if the case allows; otherwise to pass over
essential points is a betrayal of one’s trust, as also is hasty and brief
mention of issues which should be rammed home, implanted, and
repeated. The topics for the most part gain additional impact 3
and weight with fuller discussion. A speech is to the mind what a sword
is to the body; its effect is achieved as much by holding back as by
thrusting.
At this point my friend deploys authorities against me, pointing 4
out to me from among the Greeks the speeches of Lysias,* and those of
the Gracchi and of Cato* from our Latin tradition; and it is true that very
many of these are pruned and concise. I counter with Demosthenes,
Aeschines, Hyperides,* and many others against Lysias, and with Pollio,
Caesar, Caelius, and above all Cicero* against the Gracchi and Cato.
Cicero’s longest speech* is said to be the best. In fact, like other good
things, the longer a good book is, the better it is. You observe how in the
case of statues, emblems, pictures, and 5
finally dimensions of human figures, many animals, and also trees, it is
the size more than anything which gains favour, so long as these are
well executed. The same holds good for speeches; length in fact lends a
sort of authority and beauty to the volumes themselves.
These arguments, and many others which I often present to 6
express the same viewpoint, my friend sidesteps, for he is hard to pin
down and is slippery in argument. So he goes on to claim that the very
advocates on whose speeches I rely delivered speeches shorter than the
published versions. I take the opposite view,* which 7
is supported by the witness of many speeches by many spokesmen,
including the Pro Murena and the Pro Vareno of Cicero, in which the
accusations, brief and unadorned, are depicted solely by the headings of
the various charges. These make it clear that Cicero made numerous
statements that he left out when the speeches were published. Cicero
also says that in defence of Cluentius he followed 8
the old procedure,* and conducted the entire case alone; and further,
that in defence of Gaius Cornelius his speech lasted four days. This
removes all possible doubt that the speeches which he delivered more
extensively, as was essential, over several days, he later cut back and
pruned, and thus abridged them in one admittedly large but none the
less single volume.
It may be claimed that a well-delivered speech is one thing, and 9
the published version another. I know that quite a few hold this view,
but my belief (I could be wrong) is that while a speech well delivered
may not be good when published, a good published version must have
been good when delivered, for the published version is the copy and as it
were l’archétype* of the verbal version. For this reason we 10
find in all the best speeches countless spontaneous figures of speech,
even in those which were merely published without having been
delivered. For example, in the speech against Verres:* ‘The sculptor, who
was he? Who was that chap? Oh yes, you do well to remind me. They
said it was Polyclitus.’ So what this shows is that the delivered version is
that which is fully developed and is as close as possible to the written
version, so long as the speaker is accorded the appropriate and due time;
if this is refused him, the fault is in no way his, but a serious lapse on the
part of the judge.
The laws support this belief of mine,* for they provide abundant 11
time, and they counsel speakers to be expansive, in other words to be
conscientious, rather than brief, for brevity cannot be conscientious
except in the most limited cases. My further observation is what 12
experience, that outstanding teacher, has taught me. I have often
pleaded, have often been a judge, and often an assessor. Different
approaches influence different people, and often minor considerations
lead to momentous outcomes. Men’s judgements differ, and so do their
inclinations, so that people listening to the same case at the same time
often react differently, and sometimes identically but from different
impulses. Moreover, every individual inclines to his 13
own insight, and accepts as the strongest argument the statement of
own insight, and accepts as the strongest argument the statement of
another which tallied with his own prior view. So all must be fed some
observation which they can grasp and acknowledge.
Regulus* on one occasion remarked to me, when we were pleading 14

in court together: ‘You think that you must follow through every issue in
a case; I set my sights at once on the jugular, and press home my attack
there.’ True, he presses home the issue which he has selected, but his
choice is often awry. My retort was that his 15
idea of where the jugular was could be the knee or the heel! ‘Since I
cannot identify the jugular,’ I said, ‘I investigate and try every approach;
in fact je n’y laisse rien? It is like working on the land. 16
I tend and cultivate not just the vines, but also the fruit-bushes, and not
just the bushes, but also the fields. In those fields I sow not only grain
and wheat, but also barley, beans, and other vegetables. So too in
composing a speech I scatter arguments like seeds over a wider area, so
that I can gather up the issues which emerge. This is because the
thoughts of judges are no less hard to fathom, 17
and just as uncertain and deceptive as the hazards of wild weather and
the soil.
I always keep in mind the praise lavished on that outstanding orator
Pericles by the comic poet Eupolis:*
Besides the rapid movement of his thought,
Persuasion of a kind sat on his lips.
Thus he beguiled. Yet of all orators
Alone he left his sting upon men’s ears.
But neither that persuasion nor that beguiling could have been 18
But neither that persuasion nor that beguiling could have been 18
attained by the great Pericles himself by brevity or rapidity or both (for
they are different qualities) without his supreme ability. Pleasing and
persuading people demand fluency of speech and leisurely timing;
leaving a sting in the minds of listeners can be achieved only by one who
implants it rather than bestows a pinprick. Append to this 19
what a second comic poet* said, also about Pericles:

His lightning and his thunder shattered Greece.

His is no pruned or lopped-off utterance, but one which is broad, high-

sounding, and sublime, with thunder and lightning which in short
confounds the entire world.
‘Yet the mean is best.’ Who denies it? But the man who falls short 20

fails to keep the mean as much as he who overshoots, the spokesman

who is too terse as much as he who is too diffuse. So you often hear 21
the comment ‘meagre and lacking body’ as much as ‘undisciplined and
repetitive’. The second is said to have gone beyond the subject matter,
the first not to have covered it. Both are equally guilty, the one through
feebleness and the other through virility. The second fault admittedly
has the greater lack of polish, but the greater talent.
In saying this, I am not approving the character whom Homer 22
describes as prolixe, but rather the one who uttered

Words which fall like snowflakes in the wintertime.

Not that I fail to regard with the greatest approval the one who speaks
 few words, but with the utmost clarity.*

But if given the choice, I opt for an utterance like the winter snows, that
which is copious and continuous but also abundant, in short what is
godlike and heavenly.
‘But many prefer a short speech.’ True, but they are sluggards, 23
and it is nonsense to regard their indolent fripperies as informed
judgement. Indeed, if one were to take their advice, it would be better
not just to speak briefly, but not to speak at all.
This is my opinion as yet, but I shall change it if you disagree, 24
though I beg you to explain clearly why you do. For though I ought to
yield to your authority, I think it better on this important topic to be
prevailed upon by reason rather than by authority. Accordingly, if 25
I seem to be on the right track, write to tell me so in as brief a missive as
you like, but do write, for you will be bolstering my judgement. If I am
mistaken, compose a letter of the greatest length. It is surely not bribery
on my part to have required the need for a short letter from you if you
agree with me, but for an extended one if you disagree? Farewell.

21 To his friend Plinius Paternus

My boundless respect for your intellectual judgement extends equally 1
to your scrutinizing eyes; not that this says much (I would not have you
complacent), but since you are as smart as I am—that too does say a lot
for you! But all joking apart, I think that the slaves I bought 2
on your recommendation are suitable. Their honesty is still in question,
for so far as slaves go, our judgement rests on hearsay rather than our
for so far as slaves go, our judgement rests on hearsay rather than our
eyes. Farewell.

22 To his friend Catilius Severus

97
For some time now I have been held fast in Rome, and moreover in 1
a state of acute anxiety. What is troubling me is the lengthy and
stubborn illness of Titius Aristo,* a man whom I both admire and love
uniquely. In dignity, integrity, and learning he is unsurpassed, so that in
my eyes this is not an individual who seems to be on the brink of the
utmost danger, but literature itself, together with all worthy
accomplishments.
What great experience he has in both private and public law! 2
What a grasp of affairs and precedents and former times he possesses!
There is nothing you would wish to learn which he cannot teach you. At
any rate, whenever I seek some abstruse information,* he is a treasure-
house of knowledge. His conversation is so reliable 3
and so authoritative, the pauses in his speech so deliberate and
attractive! Is there anything which he cannot call to mind at once? Yet
he often pauses in doubt, pondering the various arguments which with
his keen and impressive judgement he draws forth from their source and
from first principles, and then distinguishes them and weighs them.
Then too how thrifty are his eating habits, and how modest his 4
grooming! I often envisage his bedchamber and the bed itself as a kind
of reflection of old-time simplicity. What adorns them is his 5
magnanimity with its indifference to mere show, and its total
commitment to integrity of mind; he seeks his reward for upright
commitment to integrity of mind; he seeks his reward for upright
behaviour not from the good opinion of the people, but from his actions
themselves. In short, you will not readily find a single one of 6
those who parade their enthusiasm for philosophy in bodily adornment
to compare with this man. Indeed, he does not attend the gymnasia or
the colonnades;* he does not divert the leisure hours of others and his
own with lengthy discussions, but dons his toga and involves himself in
public affairs, aiding many as advocate in the courts, and still more with
counsel. He yields to none of these 7
philosophers his pre-eminence in chaste life, devotion, justice, and
courage.
If you were present, you would be astounded at the patience with
which he endures this illness, how he confronts the pain, postpones
quenching his thirst, and bears the unbelievable heat of fevers without
flinching or throwing off his covers. He recently summoned me 8
and a few besides myself of whom he was particularly fond. He asked us
to consult the physicians about the outcome of his illness, intending if it
was incurable to depart deliberately from life,* but, if it was merely
difficult and lengthy, to withstand it, and to remain alive; for, 9
he said, he owed it to his wife’s entreaties, to his daughter’s tears, and
also to us his friends not to betray our hopes by suicide, so long as those
hopes were not idle.
My view is that this decision is particularly difficult, and deserving 10

of outstanding praise. It is a tendency shared with many to hasten one’s

death under some impulse and emotional urge, but to ponder and weigh
the motives for it, and then to adopt or abandon the decision to live or
the motives for it, and then to adopt or abandon the decision to live or
die as reason dictates, is the mark of a noble mind.
In fact, the physicians promise me a happy outcome, and all that 11
remains is for God to consent* to their promises, and finally deliver me
from this worry. Once freed from it I shall get back to my house at
Laurentum,* to my books, that is, and my writing-tablets and leisure for
study, whereas at present I have no time to read or write anything as I
sit by him, and in my anxiety no desire either. So now 12
you know my fears, my hopes, my future intentions. You in turn must
write and tell me of your activities, past and present, and your future
aspirations, but on a happier note than this. It will be an immense
reassurance to me in my troubled state of mind if you have no
complaints to report. Farewell.

23 To his friend Pompeius Falco

97
You ask my view on whether I think you should plead in the courts 1
when you are a tribune.* What matters most is your idea of the nature of
the tribunate, whether it is an empty shadow and undistinguished title,
or an inviolable office which is not to be reduced in importance 2
by anyone, not even by the incumbent. I was perhaps in error when
tribune* in believing that I had some status, but I refrained from
pleading in the courts as though I had. My first reason was because I
thought it degrading that the official in whose presence all should stand,
and to whom all should give precedence, should stand while all
remained seated; that one who could order each and every person to be
silent should be reduced to silence by the hourglass; and that though it
was sacrilegious to interrupt him, he should be subjected even to insults,
appearing to be a sluggard if he endured them without reprisals, or
arrogant if he imposed them.
I envisaged also the perplexity if my client or opponent formally 3
appealed to me: was I to intervene with the veto* and lend him help, or
to stay mute and say nothing, converting myself into a private citizen as
if I had resigned the magistracy?
For these reasons I chose to appear before all as tribune rather 4
than before the few as advocate. But once again I shall say that what 5
matters most is your view of the nature of the tribunate, and the role
which you impose upon yourself. The wise man must assume that role in
such a way as to sustain it throughout. Farewell.

24 To his friend Baebius Hispanus

My close friend Suetonius Tranquillus* wishes to buy the small estate
which a friend of yours is said to be putting up for sale. I am writing to
you to ensure that he buys it at a fair price, for in that way the purchase
will please him. After all, a poor bargain is always unwelcome, above all
because it seems to charge the new owner with stupidity. 1
2
The small estate has many features which excite my friend
Tranquillus’ 3
appetite, so long as the price is congenial. It is close to Rome, and easily
accessible; the house is a modest size, and the grounds are just big
enough to entice him rather than to overstretch him there.
The fact is that owners who, like my friend, are scholars regard as 4
 The fact is that owners who, like my friend, are scholars regard as 4
plenty just enough land to enable them to clear their heads, restore their
eyes, saunter along its boundaries, tread its solitary path, come to know
each modest vine, and count the fruit-bushes.
I point this out to you to enable you to appreciate better the great
debt he will owe me and I will owe you, if he buys this modest estate,
which these amenities recommend, at such a favourable price as to leave
no possibility of regret. Farewell.
 BOOK TWO

1 To his friend Romanus

97
The public funeral of Verginius Rufus,* that citizen of the highest 1
eminence, greatest celebrity, and an equally blessed life, has after
several years presented to the eyes of the Roman people a striking and
also memorable display. He lived on for thirty years following his 2
hour of glory. He read poems and historical works* composed about
him, and lived to witness his later reputation. Three times he held the
office of consul, thus achieving the highest status of a private person, for
he declined to become emperor.
He escaped the clutches of Caesars who suspected and even hated 3
him for his merits, and at death he left safely installed one who was an
excellent person and a close friend. It was as if he had been held back for
this very distinction of a public funeral. He lived beyond 4
his eighty-third year, enjoying supreme peace of mind and revered status
in equal measure.
He enjoyed stable health, except that his hands used to tremble, but
without causing him pain. It was only his approach to death which was
rather grim and protracted; even so, his attitude towards it was
praiseworthy. When at his consulship he was rehearsing his 5
speech of thanks to the emperor, and chanced to lift up a rather heavy
book, its weight caused it to slip from his hands owing to his age and
standing posture. When he bent down after it and was picking it up, he
standing posture. When he bent down after it and was picking it up, he
missed his footing on the smooth and slippery flooring, and he fell and
fractured his hip. It was incompetently set, and with the handicap of his
age, it failed to join properly.
The funeral obsequies bestowed great distinction on the emperor, 6
on our times, and on the Forum and Rostra. The panegyric was delivered
by Cornelius Tacitus as consul,* adding the final touch to Verginius’
happy lot, for Tacitus is the most eloquent of spokesmen. So Rufus died
with his fill of years and his fill of distinctions, including 7
those which he rejected, leaving us to look vainly for him and to miss
him as the symbol of an earlier age. My personal loss is especially
severe, because I loved him as much as I admired him, and not merely as
a statesman; for to begin with, we came from the same 8
district,* from neighbouring towns, and our estates and properties lay
cheek by jowl. Secondly, he was bequeathed to me as my guardian,* and
showed me the fondness of a father. So when I stood for office, he
honoured me with his vote, and, likewise, he hastened from his areas of
retirement to inaugurate all my magistracies, though he had for long
given up obligations of that kind. Likewise on the day when the priests
usually name those whom they consider most worthy of a priesthood, he
always put forward my name.*
Then again, during this most recent illness, he feared that he 9
might be appointed as one of the quinquevirs* whom the Senate had
decided to set up to reduce public expenditure. Although numerous
friends, former consuls ripe in age, were still alive, he chose me at my
early age to present his excuses. His actual words were: ‘Even if I had a
son, I would still have commissioned you.’
These are the reasons why I must seek your intimacy to grieve for 10

his death as though it were before its time—if it is the right thing, that
is, to lament or even to label it as his death at all, when it is the bodily
close rather than the life of so great a man which has reached its term.
For he remains alive, and will always remain alive, and 11
his presence will continue to be felt even more widely in men’s
recollections and conversations now that he has vanished from our sight.
I should like to write to you on many other matters, but my mind 12

is focused wholly on this one consideration. It is Verginius who is on my

mind, Verginius who is before my eyes, Verginius whom I see and
address and embrace. His apparitions though illusory are fresh. Perhaps
we shall have and already have fellow citizens equal in their merits, but
not one equal in fair fame. Farewell.

2 To his friend Paulinus

I am angry. Whether I should be I am not sure, but I am angry. You 1
know how love-feelings are sometimes unjust, often intemperate, and
always susceptibles.* But what provokes them is weighty and perhaps
just. Anyway, it is as if my anger is as justified as it is fierce. I am
considerably angry because I have not heard from you for so long. There2

is only one way you can prevail on me, which is to send me, now at long
last, streams of the lengthiest letters, for in my eyes this is the only
genuine means of excusing yourself. All other excuses will not ring true.
I won’t hear of ‘I was not in Rome’, or ‘I was too busy’. As for ‘I was
somewhat out of sorts’, even the gods would not buy that!
I am on my estate,* enjoying the two fruits born of leisure, books and
idleness. Farewell.

3 To his friend Nepos

Though Isaeus’ great reputation* had preceded him, we found him 1
still greater in the flesh. His command of words is fluent, abundant, and
rich. He invariably speaks off the cuff, but as though he has spent ages
composing his remarks. He converses in Greek, or rather in Attic. His
preliminaries are polished, unadorned, mellifluous, but from time to
time weighty and challenging. He asks his audience to 2
suggest a number of subjects for disputation, and allows them to make
the choice from them, and often also the side he is to take.* He rises,
wraps his cloak around him, and begins. He has every aspect
immediately and in almost equal measure at his fingertips. Abstruse
notions come to his mind. His expressions—and what expressions! —are
studied and polished. A great deal of reading, and a great deal of
writing, shine out of his spontaneity. His introductions are 3
appropriate, his narratives clear, his polemics sharp, his summaries
powerful, his embellishments elevated. In short, he instructs, charms,
and moves* his audience, and you would find it hard to select the most
impressive aspect of the three. His enthymemata are numerous, and so
are his syllogisms,* the first abridged and the second fully formed; it is
quite an achievement to construct these even with the pen. His powers
of recall are astonishing; remarks made off the cuff are reintroduced
with more profound consideration, and without the loss of a word. He
has attained this 4
great habileté by study and constant practice, for night and day he acts
and hears and speaks nothing else.
He is over sixty, and still a practitioner of rhetoric and nothing 5
else. No class of men is sounder, more straightforward and more
honourable than this. Those of us who slog away at real-life disputes in
the public sphere become acquainted with much depravity, however
reluctantly, but fictitious cases conducted in school and lecture-hall 6
are unarmed combat, inflicting no damage, though no less rewarding,
especially for the old—for what in old age is more rewarding than the
most pleasurable activities of one’s youth?
For this reason I regard Isaeus as not merely supremely eloquent, 7
but also supremely blessed. If you are not eager to make his
acquaintance, you are a man of stone or iron. So you must come at 8
least to hear him, if not on other business or to see me. Did you never
read of a man from Gades* who was so roused by the name and fame of
Titus Livy that he came from the end of the earth to set eyes on him, and
as soon as he had seen him he departed? To fail to regard as worthwhile
an acquaintance which is as pleasant, charming, and civilized as can be,
is an attitude which is malappris, uneducated, sluggish, and virtually
degrading.
You will respond: ‘But I have with me authors no less eloquent to 9
read.’ True enough, but reading is always on the cards, whereas listening
is not. Then, too, the spoken word is much more moving according to
is not. Then, too, the spoken word is much more moving according to
the general view, for though a written version may be more incisive, the
impact of delivery, facial expression, bearing, and gestures of a speaker
lie deeper in the mind. But perhaps we regard 10
as apocryphal that anecdote of Aeschines,* who after reading out a
speech of Demosthenes to the admiring public of the Rhodians, is said to
have added: ‘But what if you had heard it from the beast himself?’ Yet if
we believe Demosthenes, Aeschines’ delivery was bien distinct. But
Aeschines confessed that the composer of the speech had declaimed it
far better.
All this points to your need to come to hear Isaeus or to ensure 11
that you have heard him. Farewell.

4 To his dear Calvina

If your father had owed money to several people, or to any individual 1

other than me, perhaps you would have wondered whether to take on an
inheritance which would have been oppressive even for a man.
But I have been guided by my obligation as a relative, and have paid 2
off all those who were being somewhat—perhaps troublesome is the
wrong word, but attentive. So I have emerged as his sole creditor. While
he was still alive, and when your marriage was being arranged, I
contributed 100,000 sesterces towards your dowry, in addition to the
amount that your father promised you, which came virtually from me
(for he could pay it only by drawing on my finances). So you have a
striking assurance of my generosity, relying on which you must protect
your father’s good name and honour.
 To encourage you with deeds rather than words to do this, I shall
give instructions that the entire sum owed me by your father will be
credited to your account.* You need not fear that this gift will be a 3
burden on me. True, my resources are quite modest,* and my high
station is expensive; and because of the poor state of my modest farms,
the returns are rather small or uncertain, I am not sure which. But these
diminishing returns are made up by my modest living, the source from
which my generosity flows free. For I must restrain its 4
course so that I do not disgorge too much and it runs dry. But that
restraint I am to exercise in other projects; in your case its accounts will
readily square, even if they rise beyond due limits. Farewell.

5 To his friend Lupercus

I am sending you the speech which you have often requested* and 1
which I have often promised, but as yet not all of it, for a section of it is
still being polished. In the meantime it is not unreasonable to 2
submit to your judgement the parts which I think have gained the final
touch. I beg you to lend them the close scrutiny of a written report, for
up to this time I have never had any work on hand which demanded the
application of greater care. Whereas in my other 3
speeches my diligence and honesty alone were subject to the assessment
of the world at large, in this case my patriotism will be before them as
well. For this reason the written version has expanded, in my pleasure at
enhancing and extolling my native soil, and no less in ministering to its
protection and fame. But you must prune these 4
passages in so far as reason demands, for whenever I contemplate what
passages in so far as reason demands, for whenever I contemplate what
readers dislike and what they favour, I realize that I must win their
approval by applying restraint to the text as well.
But at the same time as I demand this stringency from you, I am 5
forced to beg a different favour; namely, that you relax your severity in a
number of places, for I must offer some concessions to the ears of young
people, especially if the subject matter does not militate against it. So,
for example, it is right that descriptions of places. which will appear
quite often in this written version, should be treated in the manner not
only of the historian, but also of the poet.* But if some person surfaces
who thinks that I have treated the theme 6
more exuberantly than the seriousness of a speech demands, his gloom,
so to speak, must be lifted by the other sections of the speech.
I have at any rate tried to sustain the interest of classes of readers, 7
however different, through applying several types of utterance;* and in
spite of my fear that one section or another may meet with the
disapproval of some by virtue of their individual temperaments, it still
seems possible for me to have confidence that the varied nature of the
speech may recommend itself as a whole to everyone. Take the 8
example of banquets. Though as individuals we refrain from trying some
dishes, we one and all usually heap praise on the whole dinner. Those
foods which our appetite rejects do not banish the attraction of those
which take our fancy.
I would like what I send to be regarded as expressing, not my 9
belief that I have been successful, but rather that I have toiled hard to be
successful, and perhaps not in vain, if only in the meantime you run
successful, and perhaps not in vain, if only in the meantime you run
your careful eye over these sections, and later over those that follow.
You will claim that you cannot achieve this with sufficient 10
care unless you first acquaint yourself with the whole speech. That I
grant. However, for the moment these parts will become more familiar
to you, and some of them will be such as can be improved section by
section. Take, for example, the head or some limb which 11
has been broken off a statue. You could not infer from it the symmetry
and uniformity of the whole, but you could assess whether the fragment
itself was sufficiently artistic. Some books likewise contain 12
initial passages* and are circulated for no reason other than that some
section is considered perfect even apart from the rest.
The pleasurable experience of conversing with you has carried 13
me along too far. But I will finish now, so as to avoid going beyond the
limit which I think should be imposed on a speech as well. Farewell.

6 To his friend Avitus

97-8
It would take too long to delve deeper—and it is of no importance— 1
into how it happened that I, who am far from being a close friend, dined
at the house of an individual who thought himself refined and attentive,
but was in my eyes mean and extravagant; for he served 2
himself and a few of us* with choice fare, but the rest with cheap food
and tiny portions. He had further separated out small flasks of wine into
three categories, not to offer the possibility of choice, but to forestall the
right to refuse. The first category was for himself and for us, the second
for his friends of lesser account (for he ranks his friends at different
levels), and the third for his freedmen and ours.
The man reclining next to me noticed this, and asked if I 3
approved. I said no. ‘What is your practice?’ he asked. 4
‘I put the same food before all,’ I replied, ‘for I invite them for dinner,
not for disgrace.* Those whom I have made equal at table and on the
couches, I make equal in all respects.’ ‘Even the freedmen?’ he asked.
‘Yes, the freedmen too, for then I regard them as fellow guests, not
freedmen.’ He rejoined: ‘That costs you a packet!’ ‘Far from it,’ I replied.
‘How come?’ he asked. ‘Because, I suppose, my freedmen do not drink
what I drink; no, I drink what they drink.’
Indeed, if you are abstemious it is not a heavy expense to share 5
with a number what you yourself enjoy. What must be suppressed and
‘reduced to the ranks’* is economizing on expenses, for you will attend
to this more honourably by your own modest appetite than by insulting
others.
Why do I recount this? To ensure that the extravagance at table of 6
certain men, by masquerading as frugality, does not deceive you, a
young man of noble disposition. It befits my affection for you, whenever
such an incident occurs, to exploit it as an example to warn you what
you should avoid. So bear in mind that there is nothing you 7
should avoid more than the novel alliance of extravagance and
meanness, traits most demeaning when distinct and separate from each
other, but still more so when they are merged. Farewell.
other, but still more so when they are merged. Farewell.

7 To his friend Macrinus

97–8
Yesterday a triumphal statue was decreed by the Senate to Vestricius 1
Spurinna* on the proposal of the emperor. It was not an award like those
given to many who have never stood in the battle-line, have never seen a
military camp, and in short have heard the din of the trumpet only in
stage-shows. No, it was like that given to those who achieved this
distinction by sweat, blood, and deeds, for Spurinna 2
established the king of the Bructeri* upon his throne by force of arms,
and by the threat of war he subdued that fiercest of nations by terrifying
them—the most noble species of victory.
So this was the reward gained for valour; and as consolation in 3
grief the distinction of a statue has been bestowed on his son Cottius,*
whom he lost while he was away.* The tribute was unusual in the case
of a young man, but this too was merited by his father, for this heaviest
of wounds which he sustained needed to be healed by a sizeable
application. But in addition Cottius himself had exhibited so 4
glowing an indication of character that his short and constrained life
needed to be extended by this kind of immortality, for his integrity, high
seriousness, and authority were such that he could challenge in merit
those elders with whom he has now been ranked in distinction.
As I see it, this distinction was not merely directed towards the 5
memory of the dead man and to assuage the grief of his father, but also
to be an inspiration to others. The establishment of such august rewards
for our young men, as long as they are worthy of them, will incite our
youth to practise the virtues. Our political leaders will likewise be
encouraged to rear children,* both by the joys they experience from
those who survive, and by such glorious consolations from those which
have been lost to them.
These are the reasons, private no less than public, which prompt 6
my joy at the erection of the statue of Cottius. I loved the young man in
his perfection with the same intensity with which I now find his loss
unbearable. It will be pleasant for me from time to time to gaze on this
statue, from time to time to look back towards it, to halt below it, and to
stroll past it. For if the statues of the dead positioned 7
in our houses alleviate our grief, how much more do those that are set in
crowded locations, which remind us, not only of the outward forms and
features of those men, but also of their distinction and glory. Farewell.

8 To his friend Caninius

98–100
Are you at your books, or fishing, or hunting, or at all three at once? 1
They can all engage you together at that lake Comum of ours, for the
lake contains fish, the woods surrounding the lake are the haunt of
beasts, and that deepest of retreats offers abundant prospects of study.
But whether you are busy with all of them, or with just one, I 2
cannot say ‘I begrudge you’; I am merely irked that I too cannot
participate, for I yearn for these activities as sick men yearn for wine and
baths and spring-waters. Will I never sever these close-confining bonds,*
if I am refused permission to loose them? I do not think that I 3
ever can, for fresh duties are superimposed on long-standing ones before
those earlier ones are discharged. With all these chains and fetters a
greater column* of activities extends further every day. Farewell.

9 To his friend Apollinaris

The candidature of my friend Sextus Erucius* finds me on edge and 1
worried. I am greatly concerned, feeling for my second self the anxiety
which I did not experience on my own behalf; and in general my self-
respect and reputation and status are being called into question. I
obtained for Sextus the broad stripe* and the quaestorship 2
from our Caesar, and on my recommendation he obtained the right to
apply for the tribunate. If he does not attain this office on the approval
of the Senate, I fear that I may seem to have misled Caesar. For this
reason I must make every effort to ensure that the senators 3
all regard him in the same light as the emperor did on my assurance.
Even if this motive did not fire my eager support, I would still be
keen to lend aid to this wholly worthy, most serious, and most learned
young man, who in short is entirely deserving of all praise, as is his
whole household. For his father is Erucius Clarus, a man of integrity, 4
old-fashioned manners, eloquence, and long practice in handling cases in
the courts, which he defends with the utmost probity and a similar
tenacity, yet with equal moderation. His uncle is Gaius Septicius,* the
most genuine, straightforward, frank, and reliable person I know. All the
family vies in that affection for me which they 5
equally share, and now I can show my thanks to all of them through this
one member. So I am contacting all my friends, pleading with them and
one member. So I am contacting all my friends, pleading with them and
canvassing them. I do the rounds of private houses and public places,
and with all the authority and influence I can muster I try my hand at
entreaties. I do beg you to consider it as equally urgent to shoulder some
part of my burden. If you ask me to return 6
the favour, I will reciprocate—and even if you do not ask me. People are
fond of you, they cultivate you, and attend on you. Only reveal your
wish, and there will be no shortage of men eager to comply with it.
Farewell.

10 To his friend Octavius

late 97
What an easy-going fellow you are, or rather a hard-hearted, virtually 1

cruel one, since you cling to your outstanding works for so long! For
how long will you bear a grudge against yourself and against me? 2
You begrudge yourself the meed of greatest praise, and me the pleasure
it imparts. You must allow your works to be borne on all men’s lips and
to roam as widely as the language of Rome itself. Our anticipation has
been great and lengthy; you ought not to go on disappointing us and
putting us off. Some of your verses have become known, and in 3
spite of your reluctance have broken out from their prison. Unless you
claw these back into your collection, like runaway slaves they will at
some point find someone who claims them as his own.* You must 4
keep before your eyes our mortal lot, from which you can liberate
yourself by this one memorial,* for all else is frail and fleeting. Death
and non-existence descends on everything as on us men ourselves.
In your usual way you will say: ‘My friends must see to it.’ My 5
 In your usual way you will say: ‘My friends must see to it.’ My 5
pious hope is that you have friends so faithful, so learned, and so
industrious that they both can and will undertake such concentrated care
and attention. But you must beware of inadequate foresight, in expecting
from others a task which you fail to impose on yourself.
So far as publication goes, follow meantime your own inclination, 6
but at any rate arrange a recitation, so that you may then become
amenable to publication* and finally experience the pleasure which long
ago I anticipated without rashness for you. I see in my mind’s 7
eye the crowds, the enthusiasm, the applause—and also the silence
which lies in store for you. When I speak or recite, it is the silence which
pleases me as much as the applause, so long as it is alert and thoughtful,
and eager to hear more. So cease to deprive your works 8
by this interminable delay of the great reward which lies in store for
them, for when that delay goes beyond bounds, one fears that it may be
labelled sluggishness, idleness, or even cravenness. Farewell.

11 To his friend Arrianus

early 100
You are usually delighted at any event in the Senate worthy of that 1
order, for though in your preference for a peaceful life you have retired
from Rome, concern for the dignity of the state is lodged in your mind.
So let me tell you of the event of recent days, which the celebrity of the
central figure made notorious, which the stern precedent it set made
salutary, and which the importance of the case made of perennial
significance.
 Marius Priscus* was indicted by the Africans whom he governed 2
as proconsul. He pleaded guilty, and asked for assessors* to be
appointed. Cornelius Tacitus and I, who had been bidden to represent
the provincials,* believed that it was in keeping with the trust reposed in
us to inform the Senate that Priscus by his monstrous savagery had
overstepped any charges for which assessors could be appointed, for he
had received money for the condemnation and even the execution of
innocent persons.
Catius Fronto* in reply pleaded that no investigation should be 3
made beyond the law covering extortion. He is a man with the greatest
expertise at extracting tears, and he filled all the sails of his speech with
the breeze, as it were, of compassion. There was considerable 4
dispute, with considerable shouting on both sides, some maintaining that
the Senate’s judicial inquiry was limited by legal principle, and others
claiming that its discretion was free and unfettered, and that the
punishment should be measured by the guilt of the defendant. In the end
Julius Ferox,* the consul-designate, who is a man of 5
uprightness and probity, proposed that in the meantime assessors should
indeed be appointed for Marius, but that the persons to whom he was
alleged to have sold the punishment of innocent men should be
summoned. This proposal was not merely carried, but 6
after those major disagreements it was absolutely the only one which
won support. Such outcomes demonstrate that benevolence and pity
exercise an initial impact which is penetrating and considerable, but that
gradually mature thought and reason stifle them and cause them to
subside. The result is that a position maintained by many in
subside. The result is that a position maintained by many in 7
mingled shouting finds no one willing to defend it when the rest are
silent, the reason being that assessment of factors cloaked by turmoil
becomes clear once you detach it from that turmoil.
The men who had been summoned to attend, Vitellius Honoratus 8
and Flavius Marcianus,* then arrived. One of them, Honoratus, was
accused of having procured the exile of a Roman knight and the
execution of seven of his friends for 300,000 sesterces, and the other,
Marcianus, of having purchased for 700,000 sesterces the multiple
punishments of one Roman knight, for the victim had been beaten with
clubs, condemned to the mines, and strangled in prison.* Honoratus,
however, was withdrawn from the Senate’s judgement 9
by a timely death. Marcianus was led into the Senate, while Priscus
stayed away. This was why the ex-consul Tuccius Cerealis* used his right
as a senator to demand that Priscus be informed.* The reason was that
he thought that if Priscus appeared in person, he would attract greater
pity or greater odium, or alternatively (this is my preferred opinion) it
was because it was the fairest procedure that the joint accusation should
be defended by both, and that if they could not be acquitted both should
be punished.
The case was adjourned until the Senate next met. It was a most 10
majestic scene. The emperor as consul* presided, and in addition the
month of January brings to Rome both the public and the senators in
great numbers. Moreover, the importance of the case, the anticipation
and gossip which had swelled with its postponement, and the inherent
interest of people in acquainting themselves with important and unusual
events, had aroused the whole population from all quarters. Picture my
anxiety and apprehension at having to speak in 11
that gathering on such an important issue, and in the presence of the
emperor. True, I had performed a number of times in the Senate, and
indeed there is nowhere I am usually listened to with greater favour. But
on that occasion the entire scene seemed unprecedented, and affected
me with unprecedented apprehension. Apart from the 12
factors I have mentioned, the difficulty of the case confronted me; in the
dock was one who only recently had been a consular and only recently a
septemvir* in charge of feasts, but now was neither. So it 13
was a considerable burden to accuse a man already condemned, a man
who though under the weight of a monstrous accusation was fortified by
the pity felt for a condemnation already decided.
Somehow or other I composed my mind, gathered my thoughts, 14
and began to speak. My anxiety was counterbalanced by the approval of
my listeners. I spoke for almost five hours, for four further water-clocks*
were added to the twelve of the largest size already allotted to me. Thus
the very factors which had seemed forbidding and hostile before I spoke
turned out to be to my advantage once I began. Caesar 15
in fact showed me such great support,* and also such great concern (it
would be an exaggeration to call it anxiety) that he more than once
counselled my freedman, who stood behind me, that I should not strain
my voice and lungs, for he thought that I was extending myself more
vigorously than my slender physique could stand.
 Claudius Marcellinus* spoke in response to me on behalf of
Marcianus. The Senate was then dismissed and ordered to reconvene 16

the next day, for by that time a speech could not be begun without its
being cut short by the arrival of darkness.
Next day Salvius Liberalis* spoke on behalf of Marius. He is a 17
clever, well-organized, sharp, and eloquent speaker, and in this case he
brought forth all his skills. Cornelius Tacitus spoke most eloquently in
reply, with that majesté which is the outstanding feature of his
eloquence. Catius Fronto delivered a second speech on behalf of 18
Marius. It was a notable performance, and, as the occasion now
demanded, he devoted more time to pleas for clemency than to a
defence. The evening closed in on his speech, but without forcing him to
cut it short.
Accordingly the summings-up* extended to a third day. This was the
fine old practice, by which the Senate was adjourned at nightfall,
summoned on three days, and confined to three days. Cornutus
Tertullus,* the consul-designate and an outstanding man 19
who stands four-square for the truth, proposed that the 700,000
sesterces which Marius had received should be deposited in the
treasury,* that Marius should be debarred from Rome and Italy,* and
Marcianus from these and from Africa as well. At the close of his
proposal, he added that because Tacitus and I had performed our
function as advocates with care and courage, the Senate believed that we
had acted in a manner worthy of the roles allotted to us. The consuls-
designate and all the consulars as far as Pompeius 20
Collega expressed agreement.* Pompeius proposed that the 700,000
sesterces should be paid into the treasury, that Marcianus should suffer
relegation for five years, and that the sentence on Marius should be
confined to the punishment for extortion which he had already suffered.
Both proposals attracted many supporters, with perhaps more 21
favouring this less restrictive or milder one; for even some of those who
seemed to have agreed with Cornutus attached themselves to Pompeius,
who had made his proposal following their decision. But 22
when the division took place, those who had taken their stand by the
consuls’ chairs* began to support Cornutus’ proposal. Then those who
were allowing themselves to be counted with Collega crossed to the
other side, and Collega was left with few supporters. He subsequently
complained at length about those who had urged him on, and notably
Regulus, who had left him high and dry maintaining the proposal which
Regulus himself had formulated. Regulus’ thinking is in general so
inconsistent that he is both extremely forward and extremely
circumspect.
Such was the end of a most august trial. But un procès* of some 23
importance is left hanging. Hostilius Firminus,* a staff-officer of Marius
Priscus, has been involved in this case, and was heavily and severely
embarrassed, for it was proved, both from the account-books of
Marcianus* and from a speech which Firminus himself made in the
council at Lepcis, that he had lent his assistance to Priscus in a most
despicable commission, that he had by bargaining extracted from
Marcianus 50,000 denarii, and had moreover received 10,000 sesterces*
in the most disgusting role of ‘perfumer’, a role not incompatible with
the lifestyle of a man who is always spruce and close-shaven. On the
proposal of Cornutus it was agreed that his 24
case would be raised at the next meeting of the Senate, for chance or
guilt had on this occasion kept him away.
You have the news from the city; now write back with your news
from the country. How are your fruit-trees, your vines, your crops, 25
and those very frisky sheep of yours? In short, if you do not reply at
equal length, from now on you must expect only the briefest note.
Farewell.

12 To his friend Arrianus

early 100
The procès which, as I recently wrote, was the unfinished business 1
from the trial of Marius Priscus, has now been rounded off and cleaned
up, though perhaps not satisfactorily.*
When Firminus was brought into the Senate, and answered 2
the charge which you know, different proposals followed from the
consuls-designate.* Cornutus Tertullus proposed that Firminus be
expelled from the senatorial order, and Acutius Nerva that he should not
be considered when lots were drawn* for the provinces. This second
proposal, apparently milder, prevailed, but in general it is harsher and
more unkind. What can be more wretched than to be 3
stripped and deprived of the distinctions owed to a senator, yet not freed
from the toils and troubles? What is more oppressive for one so
profoundly disgraced than not to skulk in isolation, but to present
profoundly disgraced than not to skulk in isolation, but to present
oneself for sightseeing as a showpiece in that exposed eminence?
Again, what in public life is less appropriate and seemly than to 4
sit in the Senate under senatorial censure, to be ranked with the very
men by whom one has been censured? And though debarred from a
governorship because of loathsome behaviour as a deputy, to pass
judgement on governors, and though condemned for gross misconduct to
condemn or acquit others?
Yet such was the decision of the majority. Votes are counted, 5
but not weighed carefully. Public decisions can be reached in no other
way, yet nothing is so inequitable as equality itself,* for though practical
wisdom is not equally shared, the right to vote is shared by all.
I have fulfilled my promise, and discharged the pledge made in my 6

earlier letter, which I presume you have now received because of the
time which has elapsed—for I entrusted it to a fast-moving and
conscientious courier,* unless he has met with some obstacle en route.
Your role is now to repay me for the first and the second with letters 7
such as can return with abundance of news. Farewell.

13 To his friend Priscus

You for your part have most eagerly seized opportunities to oblige 1
me, and I for mine feel indebted to none more gladly than to you, so 2
I have decided to seek your help in particular, and it is my most fervent
wish that it will be granted for two reasons. You are in command of a
really massive army,* a position which gives you abundant scope for
bestowing favours. Secondly, you have held this office for a long time,
during which you have been able to advance your own friends.
Now turn your attention to mine—not many of them, though you 3
may have preferred them to be many, but just one or two; and one in
particular, Voconius Romanus,* is enough to satisfy my moderation. 4
His father was an eminent member of the equestrian order, and even
more eminent was his stepfather, who was more a second father,
deserving of this title because of his devotion to the son. His mother* too
was from the top drawer. Only recently he was a priest in Nearer Spain*
(you are aware of the discernment and high seriousness of that
province). When we were pupils together, I regarded him with close 5
and friendly affection. He has been my boon-companion both in Rome
and in retirement. We have shared both earnest and light-hearted
pursuits. Could there be anyone more faithful as a friend, or 6
more pleasant as a companion? His conversation, his voice, and his
features are wonderfully attractive. Then too as an advocate in the 7
courts he has a talent that is lofty, refined, attractive, fluent, and
learned. The letters he writes would make you believe that the
Muses speak Latin. My boundless affection for him is no greater 8
than his for me. Indeed, ever since we were both young men, I have with
the greatest eagerness bestowed on him all the favours that my years
permitted. I recently obtained for him from our most noble emperor the
‘right of three children’.* Though this privilege has been granted only
sparingly and with discrimination, the emperor gave his assent to me as
if it were his own choice. There is no way in 9
which I can maintain these kindnesses of mine other than by enhancing
them, especially as Voconius’ attitude towards them is so grateful that
while receiving earlier kindnesses he becomes deserving of those to
follow.
You are now apprised of the sort of man he is, and how estimable 10

and dear he is to me. I am asking you to ennoble him in a way befitting

your character and your status. In particular, you must feel affection for
him, for though you can accord him the most honourable rank, you can
grant him nothing more honourable than your friendship. I have briefly
outlined for you his pursuits and his character, and thus in short his
entire mode of life, to enable you to become more aware of his fitness
for your friendship which will attain the closest intimacy.
I would have pressed my pleas further, but you for your part 11
would not have wished to be solicited at length, and I for mine would
have solicited you throughout, for the person who makes the most
persuasive request is he who proffers the reasons for it. Farewell.

14 To his friend Maximus

You are right. I am preoccupied by Centumviral cases,* which cause 1
me more hard work than pleasure. The majority of them are slight and
trivial; only occasionally does one crop up which is notable for the fame
of individuals or the importance of the business. And 2
besides, there are few individuals with whom it is a pleasure to plead.
The rest are presumptuous, largely unknown youths who have crossed
over from schools to the courts to practise declamations. They are so
lacking in respect and so heedless that my friend Atilius* seems to have
hit the nail on the head when he said that boys in public life begin with
Centumviral cases as they do with Homer in the schools;* for in the
courts as in the schools what is most important has begun to be the first
to be handled. But goodness, before my time 3
(this is how our elders like to put it) there was no opportunity for young
men (even the most high-born) unless they were brought in by an
advocate* of consular rank, for this was the respect with which this
noblest of professions was venerated.
But now the barriers of modesty and respect are breached, and all 4
avenues are open to all; they are not ushered in, but they burst in.
Listeners attend them who are like the performers; they are hired
claques, purchased with money. They meet with the contractor. The dole
is handed out as openly in the middle of the basilica* as in the dining
room. They proceed from one case to the next at the same rate of pay.
This is why with some wit they are called ‘Sophocleses’; 5
the Latin name attached to them is ‘Tommy Tuckers’.* But the disgusting6

practice blacklisted in both languages is growing every day. Yesterday

two of my announcers* (they are of the same age as those who have
recently put on the man’s toga) were drawn in to swell the applause for
three denarii each. That is how much it costs to become really eloquent.
This rate of pay ensures that the benches, however numerous, are filled,
that a huge circle is assembled, and that unending shouts are raised
when the MC gives the signal. The signal is 7
necessary because the audience does not understand or even listen — for
necessary because the audience does not understand or even listen — for
most of them do not listen, but they applaud as loudly as any. If 8
at any time you pass through the basilica, and you are keen to know
how each advocate is performing, there is no need to mount the rostrum
or even to lend an ear. You can easily guess; just grasp that the one who
wins the loudest applause is the least competent speaker.
Larcius Licinus* was the first to inaugurate this practice of audience-
participation, 9
but only so far as inviting people to listen. At any rate this is what I
recall my teacher Quintilian* telling us. He used to tell this tale: ‘I was
the pupil of Domitius Afer.* He was pleading in 10
the Centumviral court in his sonorous and stately way (that was the
manner of his speaking) when he heard from close by* some monstrous
and strange shouting. He was astonished, and fell silent. When the noise
subsided, he resumed where he had broken off. There was further
cheering, and again he fell silent. When silence 11
ensued, he began again. The same thing happened a third time. Finally
he asked who was speaking. The reply came “Licinus”. He then
abandoned the case. “Centumvirs,” he said, “this profession is doomed.”’
What in general was beginning to die when it seemed to 12
Afer to have already died, is now almost totally dead and laid to rest. I
am ashamed to recount the speeches and the affected accents in which
they are delivered, together with the effeminate cries with which they
are greeted. The only thing missing from their chanting 13
is the clapping, or rather nothing but cymbals and tambourines. As for
is the clapping, or rather nothing but cymbals and tambourines. As for
the howling (for no other word can express the applause, unfitting even
in the theatre), it is wholly overdone. As for myself, service 14
to my friends and consideration of my time of life still delay and keep
me here, for I fear that perhaps I may appear to have fled, not from
these unworthy scenes but from the toil involved. But I attend less often
than was my custom, and this is the beginning of gradual retirement.*
Farewell.

15 To his friend Valerianus

How are your ancient Marsian lands* treating you? And your new 1
purchase? Are you pleased with the property now that you have bought
it? That doesn’t often happen, for nothing is as pleasing once you have
acquired it as when you were keen to get it. My mother’s 2
estate* isn’t treating me well. I’m pleased that it’s my mother’s, and in
general my lengthy coping with it has given me a thick skin. This is the
end of my non-stop grumbling, because I’m ashamed to be grumbling.
Farewell.

16 To his friend Annius 100–1

In keeping with your attentiveness in other respects, you remind me 1
that the additional clauses left by Acilianus,* who made me his partial
heir, are to be regarded as invalid because not attested in his will.
This is a provision of which even I am not unaware, for even those 2
otherwise completely ignorant know of it. But I have established my own
law,* so to say, to protect the intentions of deceased persons as
executed, even if they should be inadequate in law. Clearly these codicils
were written in his own hand, so though they are not 3
attested in the will, I will regard them as attested, especially as there is
no opening for an informer.* If it were to be feared that the state 4
would seize any donation made by me, I would perhaps have to be more
hesitant and circumspect. But since an heir can give away anything
buried in an inheritance, there is nothing to impede my law, for the laws
of the state do not conflict with it. Farewell.

17 To his friend Gallus

You express surprise that my Laurentine, or Laurentian if you prefer, 1
estate* gives me so much pleasure, but you will no longer be surprised
when you get to know the charm of the house, the convenience of the
location, and the expanse of the shore. It is tucked 2
away seventeen miles from the city, so that once the necessary tasks of
the day are completed, one can stay there,* leaving the business of the
day unimpaired and well ordered. There is more than one route to it, for
the roads both to Laurentum and to Ostia* head in the same direction,
but you must leave the Laurentine road at the fourteenth milestone, and
the Ostian road at the eleventh. The road which takes you on from both
is partly sandy, making it rather too heavy and long for a coach and
pair, but short and soft on horseback.
The view is varied at different points, for at one moment woodland 3

confronts you and the road narrows, and at the next it widens and
extends through the broadest meadows. There are many flocks of sheep
and many herds of horses and cattle there. When winter drives them
and many herds of horses and cattle there. When winter drives them
down from the mountains, they grow sleek on the grass and the warmth
of spring.
The house, though large enough for my needs, is not expensive to
maintain. At the front of it there is an entrance hall which is modest 4
without being dingy. Beyond it are colonnades shaped like the letter D,
which wind round and enclose a small but cheerful courtyard. The
colonnades afford the best possible refuge against stormy weather, for
they are protected by glass frames, and much more by the overhanging
roof. Facing the centre of these is a cheerful inner hall, 5
and next to it is a quite handsome dining room, which runs out onto the
shore. Whenever the sea is buffeted by the south-west wind, the room is
lightly lapped by the last foray of the spent waves. It has folding doors,
or windows as big as the doors, all round, and so from both sides and the
front it looks out onto the equivalent of three seas. To the rear, it looks
back towards the inner hall, one colonnade, the courtyard, the other
colonnade, and then the entrance hall, woods, and distant mountains.
To the left of the dining room, a little further set back, there is a 6
large room, and then a second and smaller one, which by one window
lets in the rising sun, and by the other holds it captive as it sets. From
this window, too, the room looks out at the sea lying below from a
longer but safer distance. Interposed between this room and 7
the dining room is enclosed a nook which holds and intensifies the heat
of the wholly unclouded sun. This serves as both a winter retreat and a
gymnasium for my staff, for all the winds subside there except those
which bring in the rain-clouds, and dispel the day’s brightness before
which bring in the rain-clouds, and dispel the day’s brightness before
depriving this area of its use. Adjoining this nook 8
is a room which bends round like the arc of a circle, and which from all
its windows follows round the circuit of the sun. Into its wall is fitted a
cupboard which acts as a sort of library, containing books that are not to
be merely read but repeatedly read. Next to this is a 9
sleeping apartment with an intervening passage. The floor of the passage
is raised on supports, and is fitted with pipes. When the steam-heat is
produced, it distributes it on both sides and provides it with a beneficial
temperature. The remaining part of this side of the house is reserved for
the uses of the slaves and the freedmen, though most of the rooms are so
elegant that they can lodge guests.
On the other side of the dining room there is a most elegant 10
chamber, and adjacent to it one which can serve as a large private room
or a small dining room, bright with abundance of sun and of glistening
sea. Behind it lies another room with an antechamber; its height makes
it suitable in summer, and its protective walls in winter, for it is
sheltered from all the winds. A further room with antechamber is joined
to this by a common wall.
Next to this is the cooling-room of the baths. It is large and 11
spacious, and from facing walls project two baths curved in shape. They
are big enough when you consider that the sea is at hand. The anointing-
room, the hypocaust, the sweating-room come next, followed by two
reclining-rooms, elegant rather than luxurious. Attached to them is our
wonderful heated pool, from which swimmers have a view of the sea.
Near by is the games court, which meets 12
 12
the full warmth of the sun when the day has now commenced its
downward path.
Here a tower rises, with two sets of apartments on the ground floor,
with two above. There is also a dining room which claims a view of the
vast expanse of the sea, the huge extent of the shore, and its most
attractive houses. There is also a second tower, with a room 13
in it which is visited by both the rising and the setting sun. Behind it are
a wide wine-cellar and a granary, and on the ground floor there is a
dining room which experiences nothing from the sea when it is stormy
except the noise of the breakers, and even that when it is wearied and
exhausted. The tower looks out upon the garden and the drive which
encircles it.
The drive is lined with a hedge of box, or by bushes of rosemary 14
where the box fails (for where it is shielded by the buildings, the box
flourishes, but it wilts under the open sky when it is exposed to the wind
and the sea-spray, however far away). Close to the drive on its inner
circuit is a gentle, shady path* which is soft and yielding even 15
to bare feet.
The garden is clothed in large numbers of mulberries and figs, for the
soil is especially fertile with regard to these trees, but more hostile to all
others. The dining room on the other side from the sea enjoys an outlook
just as fine as that over the sea. It is encircled in the rear by two suites of
rooms, beneath the windows of which lie the approach to the house and
another sleek kitchen garden.
At this point a covered passageway extends, almost like a public 16
building;* it has windows on both sides, more of them facing the sea,
and fewer which alternate with them facing the garden. When the day is
cloudless and still, all the windows lie open, but when there are
troublesome winds on one side or the other, they are kept open
harmlessly on the windless side. In front of the passageway is a 17
strolling area scented with violets; the passageway itself accentuates the
warmth of the sun that beats upon it by reflecting it. It both retains the
sun and restrains and keeps at bay the north wind, so that it is as cool
behind as it is warm in front. It likewise acts as a brake on the south-
west wind, and thus halts and breaks the force of these wholly divergent
winds with one of its sides or the other. This is its charm in winter, but it
is more charming still in summer, for with its 18
shade it cools the strolling area before midday, and after midday the
nearest part of the drive and garden. As the day waxes and wanes, its 19

shadow becomes shorter and then longer on one side or the other. The
passageway itself gets absolutely no sunshine when the sun at its fiercest
beats down on its roof. In addition it lets in and circulates the western
breezes through the open windows, so that it is never stuffy with fetid
and unshifting air.
Over beyond the strolling area, the passageway, and the garden is 20

my favourite suite of rooms, truly my favourite, for I had it built myself.

It contains a sun-room which looks out on the strolling area on one side,
and on the sea on the other, and it gets the sun on both. The bedroom
from its folding doors looks out on the passageway, and from its window
on the sea. Facing the wall which lies between 21
these is an alcove quite elegantly set behind the bedroom, and, by
these is an alcove quite elegantly set behind the bedroom, and, by
closing or opening the glass doors and the curtains, it can reduce or
extend the size of the bedroom. It takes a bed and two armchairs. The
sea lies beneath it, houses lie in its rear, and woods over and beyond. It
both separates and mingles all the vistas from as many windows.
Attached to it is a chamber for sleeping at night. There, nothing is 22
heard of the voices of confidential slaves, or the gentle sound of the sea,
or the lashings of storms; and nothing is seen of lightning flashes, or
even of daylight unless the windows are open. The reason for this dense
and buried seclusion lies in the intervening passage which separates the
bedroom wall from that of the garden; thus the empty space absorbs all
the noise. A tiny hypocaust is set by the bedroom, 23
and by means of a narrow window it expels the heat below or confines
it, as the situation demands. Next to it is another bedroom with an
antechamber extended to meet the sun; it catches it as soon as it rises,
and though after midday the sun slants in, it is still retained.
When I retire to this suite, I regard myself as being away even 24
from my house, and I take great pleasure in it, especially at the
Saturnalia,* when through the rest of the house the roof resounds with
the uninhibited behaviour and the festive shouts of the holidays; for then
I do not impede the games of my household, and they do not interrupt
my studies.
The only thing missing from these amenities and delights is running25

water, but the house does have wells, or rather springs, for they rise
close to the surface; indeed, it is a remarkable feature of this shore that
wherever you uncover the earth, a ready supply of water confronts you.
wherever you uncover the earth, a ready supply of water confronts you.
It is pure, not even slightly affected by such close proximity to the sea.
Logs in abundance are provided by the nearest 26
woodland, and the colony of Ostia provides the other resources. Then
too there is a village* from which we are separated by a single dwelling,
and this supplies all that a plain-living man needs. In the village there
are three baths for hire, a considerable convenience if it happens that a
sudden arrival or too short a stay makes us disinclined to heat our bath
at home.
The shore is adorned with the roofs of houses, some in unbroken 27
line and others spaced out, offering most pleasing variation. They
present the appearance of as many cities, whether you view them from
the sea, or when walking on the shore itself. Sometimes a long spell of
balmy weather makes the seashore soft, but more often it is hardened by
the regular impact of the breakers. The sea, it is true, 28
does not contain lots of expensive fish, but it does produce soles and
excellent prawns. Our estate also provides supplies from inland,
especially milk, for, whenever the herds make for water and shade, they
come in from the pastures and gather there.
So now do you think I am justified in making this retreat my 28
home and habitation, and loving it? If you do not long for it, you are too
much the city-slicker. I pray that you will long for it, for then all these
splendid endowments of my modest house may gain in addition the
greatest recommendation from your company here. Farewell.

18 To his friend Mauricus

mid-97
 mid-97
What more pleasant task could you have imposed on me than to 1
seek out a teacher for the children of your brother? For through your
kindness I am going back to school,* reliving, so to say, the most
pleasant period of my life. I sit among the young as I used to, and I also
become aware of the considerable authority which my researches have
brought me in their eyes.
Quite recently they were exchanging loud pleasantries in a crowded 2

lecture-hall, though there were many present of senatorial rank.* But

when I entered, they were silent. I would not have mentioned this if it
did not redound to their credit rather than to mine. I also wanted you to
entertain the hope that your brother’s sons can likewise show good
manners as students. It now remains for me, once I have 3
listened to all the performers, to report to you my views about them
individually, and so far as I can by letter,* make you feel that you have
heard each and all of them. I owe this commitment and concern to 4
you and to the memory of your brother particularly in this important
respect. For what is of greater importance to you both than that the
children (I would have said your own children, but these days you love
your nephews more!) should be found worthy of their father and their
uncle? I would have claimed this charge for myself even if you had not
imposed it on me. I am well aware that in this business 5
of choosing a teacher some can feel resentful, but on behalf of your
nephews I must bear not only resentment, but also enmity* with the
same equanimity as parents feel on behalf of their children. Farewell.
19 To his friend Cerialis 100
You urge me to recite my speech* to a number of friends. Because you 1

urge me, I shall do so, though I am extremely hesitant, being well 2

aware that speeches when read out lose their entire impact and passion,
and virtually their claim to be speeches. This is because what usually
recommends and ignites them is the assemblage of judges, the gathering
of advocates, the prospect of the outcome, the repute of the several
participants, and the divided support of the partial audience.* Then too
there are the speaker’s gestures, his movements as he moves forward and
bustles this way and that, and the vitality of his body which harmonizes
with the shifting movements of his mind.
This explains why people who perform sitting down, though still 3
possessing for the most part the same abilities as when they are
standing, are weakened and weighed down by the very fact that they are
seated. Indeed, when men read out their speeches, this hinders 4
their eyes and hands, the chief agents of effective delivery. Hence it is
less surprising that the concentration of listeners wanes, for there are no
outward gestures to beguile them by flattery or to rouse them by
stinging barbs.
Then too the speech under discussion is combative and, so to say, 5
margumentative. Nature has also conditioned us to believe that people
should take the same pains to listen as we have taken to compose; yet 6

how few right-minded listeners are there who do not get greater
pleasure from mellifluous and resounding utterance than from that
which is dry and compressed? True, this disharmony between styles* is
quite reprehensible, but it does exist, for it usually happens that listeners
and judges demand different things, though as a general rule the listener
ought to be influenced particularly by the factors which would chiefly
register with him if he were a judge. It is however 7
possible that in spite of these difficulties the new approach may lend
charm to the written version. (New, that is, with us; for the Greeks have
something not at all dissimilar,* though from a different viewpoint. It
was their custom to refute laws which they maintained 8
were opposed to previous legislation by comparing them with other
laws, and in the same way I had to argue that my demands were in
keeping with the law of extortion by arguing from that law itself and
from others.) Though this approach is far from attractive to the ears of
inexperienced listeners, it ought to win favour commensurately greater
in the eyes of the learned as it wins less in the eyes of the ignorant. If we
decide to go ahead with the reading, I shall invite all 9
who are best instructed.
But at this point clearly you must ponder whether the recitation
should take place. Set out all the considerations which I have mooted on
each side, and make the choice where reason has prevailed. Such a
rational choice will be demanded of you, whereas my excuse will be my
compliance. Farewell.

20 To his friend Calvisius

Pay your penny and hear this princely story, or rather stories,* for this 1

latest one has reminded me of earlier ones, and it does not matter which
latest one has reminded me of earlier ones, and it does not matter which
to begin with for preference.
Verania, wife of Piso* (I mean the Piso whom Galba adopted) lay 2
seriously ill. Regulus approached her.* To begin with, what cheek, his
coming to a sick woman when he had been bitterly hostile to her
husband, who had utterly hated the sight of him! Enough said, if he 3
had merely come. But he also sat close to her couch, and asked her the
day and hour of her birth. On hearing these he arranged his features,
concentrated his gaze, pursed his lips, juggled his fingers, and made a
calculation. Then nothing more. After keeping the poor lady on
tenterhooks for ages, he states: ‘This is a critical time for you, but you
will survive. To ensure that you get a clearer picture, I shall 4
consult a soothsayer* whom I have often tried out.’ He there and then 5

conducted a sacrifice and claimed that the entrails were in harmony

with the message of the stars. The lady was disposed to believe him in
her hour of danger. She asked for additions to be made to her will, and
appended a legacy for Regulus, Then her illness got worse. On her
deathbed she cried out that he was a wicked deceiver, worse than a
perjurer, for the oath that he had sworn was on the survival of his own
son.* This conduct of Regulus is as barbaric as it is frequent. 6
He calls down the gods’ anger, which he himself daily beguiles, upon the
head of an unfortunate boy.
Velleius Blaesus,* the rich ex-consul known to you, was struggling 7
in his final illness. He wished to alter his will. Regulus, fondly hoping to
obtain something from the new one (for he had recently begun to pay
court to him) urged and begged the physicians to prolong the man’s life
court to him) urged and begged the physicians to prolong the man’s life
in any way they could. Once the will was witnessed, he 8
became a different man, changed his tune, and said to the physicians:
‘For how long are you going to torture the poor fellow? Why do you
begrudge him an easy death, when you cannot prolong his life?’ Blaesus
died, and as though he had heard every word, he left Regulus not a
penny.
Are these two stories enough, or do you demand a third in accord 9
with the scholars’ law?* There is another at hand. Aurelia,* a well-
endowed 10
lady, had put on some very fine garments before signing her will.
Regulus turned up to witness it, and said: ‘Please bequeath to me those
garments.’ Aurelia thought that he was joking, but he 11
was serious in his insistence. To cut a long story short, he prevailed on
the woman to open up the document, and to bequeath the garments she
was wearing to him. He watched her as she appended it, and looked it
over to see whether she had done so. In fact, Aurelia is still alive, but he
put that pressure upon her as though she were on her deathbed. And
this, mind you, is the man who accepts inheritances and legacies* as
though he earns them!
Mais pourquoi je me fâche?* In this community for a long time 12
now wickedness and dishonesty have gained no less—and indeed greater
—rewards than have decency and virtue. Cast your eye on 13
Regulus. Through his crimes he has risen from poor and humble
circumstances to such great wealth that, as he himself told me, when he
was working out how quickly he would reach sixty million sesterces, he
had come across a twin set of entrails* which presaged that he would
attain a hundred and twenty million. He certainly 14
will, if he continues as he has begun, and dictates the terms of wills not
his own to the people to whom they belong. This is the most
disreputable type of fraud in existence. Farewell.
 BOOK THREE

1 To his friend Calvisius Rufus

c. 101
I doubt whether I have spent any time more delightfully than 1
that during my recent stay with Spurinna,* so much so that when I grow
old (if old age is granted me) there is no other I would wish to emulate,
for there is no pattern of living more out of the ordinary than his. A
well-ordered human existence gives me the same pleasure 2
as the fixed course of the stars, especially so in the case of old men. A
cluttered and disorganized mode of life is not at that stage inappropriate
for the young, but for old people an entirely tranquil and well-ordered
existence is apposite. For them, sustained activity is outdated, and
ambition is degrading.
The regimen that Spurinna most steadily maintains reflects this. 3
With a sort of routine and fixed circuit he undertakes in order those
unimportant activities—unimportant, that is, except that they are carried
out daily.
In the early morning he keeps to his bed. At the second hour* 4
of daylight he asks for his shoes, and takes a three-mile walk, exercising
his mind no less than his body. If friends accompany him, the most
dignified conversation takes place; if not, a book is read, and sometimes
too when friends are with him, so long as they are not bored. He then
sits down, and there is either more reading, or for preference, 5
conversation. After a short time, he climbs into his carriage, taking
conversation. After a short time, he climbs into his carriage, taking
either his wife, a model woman for all to imitate, or one of his friends,
most recently myself. How fine, how exquisite was that tête-à-tête! 6
How evocative of the old days! What events and what personalities one
would hear of! In what rules of conduct would you be steeped, though
he has imposed the restraint which his moderation demands, namely not
to appear to lay down the law.
When he has covered seven miles, he goes on foot again for a mile. 7

He then returns to his chair or retires to his room and his pen, for he
writes highly learned lyrics, not merely in Latin but also in Greek. They
are marvellously sweet and smooth and gay, and their charm is
enhanced by the integrity of their author.*
When the hour for the bath is announced (in winter at the ninth 8
hour, and in summer at the eighth), he walks naked in the sun as long as
there is no wind. He then throws a ball forcefully for some time, since
with this type of exercise too he wars on old age. After his bath he lies
down, and for a short time postpones the prospect of food; in the
meantime he listens to the reading of a work of a more relaxing and
pleasurable kind. During this entire period his friends are free to do the
same, or something different, if they prefer. 8
The dinner set down is as elegant as it is simple, served on antique 9

dishes of solid silver. Corinthian ware* is also employed, for he delights

in it without being obsessed by it. The dinner is often punctuated with
readings of comedy, so that even gastronomic pleasures are spiced with
study. The meal extends for a time after dark even in summer, and no
one finds the party overlong in such friendly company. 9
Hence, though he is in his seventy-eighth year, his hearing and his 11

sight are unimpaired. He is physically mobile, and his only concession to

old age is discretion. This is the type of life which I anticipate in prayer
and thought, and as soon as calculation of my age allows me to sound
the retreat, I shall embark upon it with the greatest eagerness.
Meanwhile I am exercised with a thousand tasks, but in these too
Spurinna offers me both consolation and example. For as 12
long as it was honourable, he performed public duties, held magistracies,
governed provinces,* and through the wide scope of his labours he has
deserved the leisure he enjoys. So I set for myself the same course and
the same goal, and I now witness it in your presence. Thus if you see me
continuing to run for too long, you can summon me to observe the terms
of this letter of mine, and bid me retire once I have escaped the charge
of idleness. Farewell.

2 To his friend Vibius Maximus

The favour which I myself would have extended to your friends, 1
if the same opportunity were available to me, I now appear justified in
begging from you for mine. Arrianus Maturus* is a leading citizen 2
of Altinum.* When I call him a leading citizen, I refer not to his wealth,
which he has in abundance, but to his integrity, justice, serious
demeanour, and practical wisdom. I turn to his advice on 3
business matters, and to his judgement on my writings, because his
loyalty, truthfulness, and intelligence are absolutely outstanding. His
affection for me equals yours, and I cannot describe it more 4
glowingly than that.
He is not ambitious, and he has accordingly confined himself to his
equestrian rank, though he could easily rise to the very top. None the
less, I must see to his ennoblement and further progress. So I 5
regard it as important to advance his distinction without his expectation
or knowledge—perhaps indeed against his will. But that advancement is
to be one which brings glory, yet without being burdensome. I beg you
to bestow on him some distinction of this 6
kind at your first opportunity. Both he and I will be most gratefully in
your debt, for though he does not seek the favour, he will accept it as
thankfully as if he eagerly sought it. Farewell.

3 To his friend Corellia Hispulla

Your father* was a man of high seriousness and the greatest integrity,
1
and I am not sure whether my esteem or my love for him was the
greater. For this reason, and also because of my particular affection for
you (which I owe both to his memory and to my respect for you), I must
be eager and also assiduous as far as I can to ensure that your son turns
out like his grandfather. I express my preference for his grandfather on
his mother’s side, though his paternal grandfather was also famous and
highly regarded, and his father and uncle too have won prominence by
their distinguished fame. He will be like 2
them all on reaching maturity only if he is endowed with honourable
principles, and the most important consideration is the person from
whom he is especially to imbibe them.
whom he is especially to imbibe them.
Until now, consideration of his boyhood has kept him closely 3
bound to you. He has had teachers at home,* where there is little or
even no opportunity of going astray. But now his studies are to be
advanced beyond your threshold, and we must now cast round for a
teacher of Latin rhetoric in whose school strictness, probity, and above
all propriety must be implanted. For this young man of ours 4
has, in addition to the other endowments of nature and of fortune,
outstanding physical beauty, and at this hazardous stage of life one who
is not merely a teacher but also a protector and guide must be sought
out.
For this reason I can, I think, recommend to you Julius Genitor.* 5
Though I am fond of him, my assessment is not hindered by my
affection, which is based on that assessment. He is a serious person with
no faults, a man even a little too prickly and uncompromising for the
easygoing standards of our day. For his rhetorical ability you 6
can trust the judgement of more than one, for fluency of speech is clear
and obvious, and so immediately recognizable. But people’s personal
lives contain hidden depths and substantial hiding-places; so far as this
goes, you must accept me as the guarantor on Genitor’s behalf. Your son
will hear nothing from this man which is not to his profit, and he will
learn nothing which it would be better for him not to know. Genitor will
remind him just as often as you or I of the ancestors who weigh upon
him, and the importance of their names which he must bear.
So with the gods’ support you must entrust him to the teacher 7
from whom he is to learn first upright behaviour, and then eloquence.*
One cannot properly learn the second without the first. Farewell.

4 To his friend Caecilius Macrinus

100
Though not only friends who were with me at the time but also 1
people at large with their comments appear to have approved my action,
I attach great importance to your opinion. While I would 2
have preferred to seek your advice in this matter before the decision was
made, I am extraordinarily eager to have your judgement on it even
though it is decided.
I had hurried off to Etruria to lay the foundations of a public
building* at my own expense, for I had been granted leave from my
prefecture of the treasury.* Then ambassadors from the province of
Baetica, who intended to lay a complaint against the proconsul Caecilius
Classicus,* requested the Senate that I should represent them. My
colleagues,* excellent men bound to me by close ties of 3
affection, tried to excuse and extricate me with prefatory mention of the
necessary duties which we share. The decree of the Senate was quite
laudatory, to the effect that I should be assigned to the provincials as
their protector, provided that they obtained my consent. The 4
ambassadors were again ushered in, and again sought me (by then I was
present) as their advocate. They begged for my loyal support which they
had enjoyed against Baebius Massa,* and they claimed my formal
attachment to them as patron.* The agreement of the Senate ensued in
the clearest terms, and this usually heralds a formal decision. Then I
stated: ‘Conscript Fathers, I no longer believe that I have advanced just
reasons for exemption.’ Both my unassuming words and my argument
won approval.
What impelled me to follow this plan was not merely the unanimity 5

of the Senate, though this was the weightiest reason, but also certain
other aspects of lesser account, which were none the less relevant. I
remembered that our predecessors had on their own initiative pursued
with accusations injustices inflicted even on individual foreigners, and
this induced me to believe that it would be all the more contemptible to
disregard the rights of states who received us as their guests. Moreover,
when I recalled the considerable 6
dangers* I had undergone in that earlier advocacy on behalf of the
Baeticans, I thought it important to preserve the merit of that former
service by undertaking this new one. For it is in the nature of things that
you undermine your earlier kindnesses if you do not reinforce them with
new ones, for however often you put people under an obligation, if you
refuse them a kindness just once, they remember only that one rejection.
I was further motivated by the fact that Classicus had died,* and 7
thus what is often the most melancholy feature in cases of this kind,
namely the hazardous plight of a senator, was not in question. I
therefore realized that gratitude for my advocacy would be no less than
if he were alive, whereas the odium would be non-existent. And 8
finally I reckoned that if I performed this duty for the third time,* I
would have a readier excuse if some individual became involved whom
it would be undesirable for me to indict. There is, after all, some limit to
be set on all obligations; then too the best excuse for remaining free then
is to bow to authority now.
You have heard the motives for my strategy. What remains is for 9
you to come down on one side or the other. I shall be just as delighted
by your frank disapproval as by your weighty approbation. Farewell.

5 To his friend Baebius Macer

I am pleased that you are repeatedly reading the works of my uncle*1

with such care that you wish to possess all of them, and you ask for all
their titles. I shall perform the role of an index, and I shall also
2
inform you of the order in which the books were written, for this too is
knowledge which scholars are pleased to have.
One book on throwing the javelin from horseback.* He wrote this 3
when serving as a prefect of cavalry, devoting to it ingenuity and care in
equal measure.
Two books on the life of Pomponius Secundus.* My uncle was held in
unique affection by this man, so he wrote this work as a tribute owed to
the memory of a friend.
Twenty books on the wars in Germany.* In this he assembled all the 4
wars which we have waged against the Germans. He embarked on this
when he was soldiering in Germany. He was prompted by a dream, in
which as he lay asleep there stood before him the ghost of Nero Drusus,*
who after victories over a huge area of Germany died there. He
entrusted his memory to my uncle, and pleaded with him to deliver him
from the injustice of oblivion.
Three books on education.* He divided this work into six rolls 5
because of its length. In it he educates the orator from the cradle, and
completes his training.
Eight books on ambiguity.* He wrote this in Nero’s last years, when
slavery had made hazardous every sort of writing which inclined to
some independence or nobility of thought.
Thirty-one books continuing where Aufidius Bassus left off.* 6
Thirty-seven books on natural history.* This is a work both extensive and
learned, one no less varied than nature herself.
Are you surprised that such a busy man completed so many 7
volumes, many of them so detailed? Your surprise will be greater if you
know that for a period he pleaded in the courts, that he died in his fifty-
sixth year,* and that his middle years were preoccupied and hindered by
duties of the greatest importance,* and also by his friendships with
emperors.* But he had a keen intelligence, astonishing 8
concentration, and little need for sleep. From the time of the Vulcanalia*
he would begin work by lamplight, not to take the auspices, but to start
studying at once while it was fully dark, in winter from the seventh or at
latest the eighth hour, and often from the sixth. True, he fell asleep very
readily; on occasion sleep would overcome and leave him as he worked
at his books. He would 9
make his way before dawn to Vespasian (for that emperor likewise
employed the hours of darkness), and after that to the posts allotted to
him. On returning home he would devote the rest of the day to 10
him. On returning home he would devote the rest of the day to 10
his studies. After a snack (like the men of old, during the day he would
eat sparingly and informally) he would often in summer spend any
leisure time lying in the sun; a book would be read, and he would make
notes and take excerpts; for there was no book which he read without
excerpting it. He used to say that there was no book so bad that it was
not useful at some point.
After sunbathing he would often bathe in cold water, then after a 11

light lunch* he slept for a very few minutes. After that, as if a new day
had dawned, he worked at his books till dinner-time. Over dinner a book
was read, on which he took notes at great speed. I recall that 12
once when the reader mispronounced some words, one of my uncle’s
friends made him go back, and forced him to go over them again. My
uncle said to him: ‘But surely you understood?’ When his friend agreed,
my uncle said: ‘So why did you order him back? We have lost ten lines
and more* through your interruption.’ Such economy he 13
exercised with regard to time. In the summer he would quit the dinner-
table while it was still light, and in winter during the first hour of
darkness. It was as though some law had laid it down.
This was the pattern of his life when in the midst of his labours 14
and the bustle of the city. In retirement only the time for the bath
deflected him from his studies. (When I say ‘the bath’, I mean when he
was in the water, for when he was being scraped and towelled,* he was
either listening to or dictating something.) When on a journey, as 15
though freed from other preoccupations he devoted himself solely to
study. His secretary sat by him with a book and writing-tablets; in winter
study. His secretary sat by him with a book and writing-tablets; in winter
his hands were shielded with gauntlets so that not even the harsh
temperature should deprive him of any time for study. For this reason
even when in Rome he was conveyed in a chair. I recall his 16
rebuke to me for walking: ‘You could’, he said, ‘have avoided wasting
those hours.’ For he believed that any time not devoted to study was
wasted. It was through such concentration that he completed those 17
numerous volumes, and also bequeathed to me one hundred and sixty
notebooks of select excerpts written on both sides of the paper in the
tiniest script, so that when you take this into account the number is
multiplied. He himself used to say that when he was a procurator in
Spain, he could have sold those notebooks to Larcius Licinus* for
400,000 sesterces, and at that time they were somewhat fewer.
When you recall the volume of his reading and writing, you would 18

surely imagine that he had never held any public offices, nor been a
friend of the emperor; again, when you hear the amount of toil which he
devoted to his studies, that he did not read or write enough. For what
could those busy duties not have hindered, and what could such
concentration not have achieved? This is why I often smile 19
when people call me an earnest student, for by comparison with him I
am the laziest creature alive. But is it just me—for I am distracted partly
by official duties and partly with services to friends?* Which one of
those who spend their whole lives on literature, when compared with
my uncle, would not blush at appearing to devote themselves to sleep
and idleness?
I have prolonged my letter, though I had planned to pen only what 20
 I have prolonged my letter, though I had planned to pen only what 20

you were seeking, namely, what books he had left. But I am sure that
this additional information will please you no less than the books
themselves, for this can move you not merely to read the books, but also
by the goad of imitation to work away at something similar. Farewell.

6 To his friend Annius Severus

From an inheritance that came my way I have purchased a Corinthian 1

statue*—quite a small one, but a fine piece nicely finished, so far as I

can tell. Mind you, my expertise, perhaps minimal in general, is certainly
so in this area. But even I can appreciate this statue, for it is 2
unclothed, and so it does not conceal possible defects, or fail to reveal its
virtues. The figure is of an old man in a standing position. Bones,
muscles, sinews, veins, and even wrinkles give it a lifelike appearance.
His sparse hair is swept back; he has a broad forehead, frowning
features, and a thin neck. His arms hang loose, his chest is flat, and his
belly pulled in. The rear view, in so far as a rear view can, 3
indicates a person of the same age. The bronze itself, so far as the true
colour shows, is old, of early date. In short, every detail is such as can
detain the eyes of a craftsman, and delight those of the novice.
This is what impelled me to buy it, ignoramus though I am. 4
My purpose in buying it was not to keep it at home (I do not in fact
have any Corinthian ware as yet), but to have it set in some populous
place in my native region, and for particular preference in a temple of
Jupiter, for it seems to be a gift worthy of a temple and 5
worthy of the god. So undertake this task, as you regularly undertake all
the tasks which I impose on you. Commission a pedestal to be made
from any marble you choose, and have my name inscribed on it with my
titles,* if you think that these too should be appended. I shall 6
dispatch the statue itself to you as soon as I find someone who is not
inconvenienced by it, or I shall bring it myself, as you will prefer. For
my plan is to hurry off with it, if the situation of my office allows it. You
will be pleased at my promise to come, but you will frown when 7
I add ‘just for a few days’, for tasks which do not yet allow me to leave
do not permit me to be away for longer. Farewell.

7 To his friend Caninius Rufus

c.103
It has recently been announced that Silius Italicus* has committed 1
suicide by starvation in his villa at Naples. His reason for dying was his
illness. He had developed an incurable tumour, and the weariness it
induced caused him to hasten his death with resolute determination.
Until the day of his death his life was happy and successful, except that
he lost the younger of his two children. However, his elder son, the
better of the two, is doing well and has in fact attained the consulship. *2

Silius had besmirched his reputation under Nero, for it was 3

believed that he voluntarily turned informer, but after becoming a friend
of Vitellius* he had conducted himself in a prudent and genial way. He
had gained distinction as proconsul of Asia. He had erased the stain of
his former busy activity in praiseworthy leisure. He 4
became one of the most prominent figures in the state, but without
exercising power or incurring odium. People paid early morning visits to
him, and cultivated him. For much of the time he lay on his couch, and
invariably spent the days in his room attended by many without thought
of his wealth,* and when not occupied with writing indulging in highly
learned conversation.
He composed poetry with greater diligence than genius, and on 5
several occasions he held recitations to submit his writings to the
judgement of others. Most recently, at the prompting of his years, he 6
retired from Rome and settled in Campania. He did not budge from there
even on the accession of the new emperor.* This was much to 7
Caesar’s credit, for allowing such licence, and to Silius’ also for
presuming to exploit such freedom. He was un connaisseur,* to the point
of being criticized for his mania for buying. He owned a number 8
of villas* in the same region; he would fall in love with his new
purchases, and neglect the former ones. In every place he had many
books, many statues, and many busts. He not merely possessed but also
revered them, especially those of Virgil, whose birthday he would
celebrate with greater devotion than his own, and above all at 9 Naples,
where he used to visit Virgil’s tomb* as if it were a shrine. He 9
enjoyed this peaceful existence beyond his seventy-fifth year, being frail
rather than feeble in body. He was the last to be chosen as consul by
Nero, and he was likewise the last to die of all those whom Nero had
made consuls. What is also noteworthy is that he was the last of 10
Nero’s consulars to die, and Nero died when he was consul.
Nero’s consulars to die, and Nero died when he was consul.
As I recall this, I am struck with pity for the frailty of the human
condition. What is so confined and short as even the longest life of 11
man? You must think that it is no time since Nero was still with us, yet
meanwhile not one of those who held the consulship under him has
remained alive. Yet why do I find this surprising? Not long ago 12
Lucius Piso, father of the Piso who was killed in Africa* by Valerius
Festus by a despicable deed, used to say that in the Senate he did not see
one of those whom as consul he had called upon for their opinions.
Within such narrow limits is the lifespan of such a huge number 13
confined, that the celebrated tears of Xerxes* seem not merely
pardonable but also praiseworthy. For we are told that when that king
surveyed his mammoth army, he wept at the thought of the early death
overhanging so many thousands. But if it is not granted to us 14
to expend our fragile and fleeting days on famous deeds (for the
opportunity for this lies in another’s hands*), let us all the more devote
it at least to writing, and in so far as a long life is denied to us, let us
bequeath something to attest that we have lived. I know that 15
you do not lack the spur, but none the less my regard for you summons
me to urge on even a galloping horse, as you likewise often urge me. La
lutte, c’est bonne,* when friends spur on each other by mutual
exhortation to embrace the love of immortality. Farewell.

8 To his friend Suetonius Tranquillus

101–3
It is in accordance with the general respect you show to me that you 1
take such pains to beg me to have the tribunate (which I obtained for
you from the most distinguished Neratius Marcellus)* transferred to your
kinsman Caesennius Silvanus. I myself would have found it 2
most gratifying to see you made a tribune, but it is no less pleasing to
see another advanced through your agency. I do not regard it as
appropriate, when one is eager to honour a man with distinctions, to
begrudge him his claim to observance of his family, for this claim is
more noble than any distinctions. I further realize that, while it is a 3
splendid thing to be as deserving of kindnesses as to bestow them, you
will win praise on both counts, since you are assigning to another the
distinction which you yourself have deserved.
In addition, I am aware that I too will gain some prestige, since as a
result of your gesture it will not remain unknown that my friends are
able not merely to wield the office of tribune, but also to bestow it. For
this reason I am falling in with your most honourable wish, 4
for as yet your name has not been entered on the army-lists, and I am
free to put Silvanus in your place.* I hope that your gift is as welcome to
him as is mine to you. Farewell.

9 To his friend Cornelius Minicianus

100
I can now detail to you all the difficulties I have experienced in 1
the public indictment involving the province of Baetica; for it had 2
many ramifications, with quite frequent hearings and considerable
variations. Why the variations, and why the series of hearings?
 Caecilius Classicus, a disgusting, blatantly evil man, had in his
capacity as proconsul in that province governed in a manner no less
brutal than squalid. This was in the same year that Marius Priscus*
governed Africa. Priscus was a native of Baetica, and Classicus was 3
from Africa. Hence the bon mot of the Baeticans which circulated (for
grievances, too, often elicit witticisms): ‘I dealt a nasty one, and got one
back.’ But whereas Marius was indicted publicly by a single 4
community* and by many individuals privately, Classicus was set upon
by the whole province. Classicus forestalled the accusation by 5
dying, whether by chance or suicide, the cause of his death being
uncertain though suspicious. It seemed credible that he had wished to
end his life, since no defence could be offered, but on the other hand it
was surprising that he had escaped the shame of condemnation by dying
when he had shown no shame in performing acts worthy of
condemnation.
In spite of this, the Baeticans persisted with the indictment, even 6
when he was dead. This was licit according to the laws, but the practice
had fallen into abeyance, and was now reintroduced after a long
interval. The plaintiffs further stated that they were bringing charges
against the allies and agents of Classicus,* and they demanded that they
be investigated, citing each by name. I represented the 7
Baeticans conjointly with Lucceius Albinus,* who is a fluent and elegant
speaker. We had for some time liked each other, but as a result of this
shared obligation I have begun to feel a more glowing affection for him.
The desire for prestige, particularly in matters 8
 8
intellectual, ne veut pas partager, but between us there was no
competition or rivalry, for in bearing the yoke equally we were striving
in the interests of the case and not of ourselves. Both its importance and
its usefulness seemed to demand that we should not shoulder this great
burden by each making a single speech. We feared that 9
time, our voices, and our lungs would give out on us if we wrapped
these numerous charges and all the defendants into one bundle. We
feared too that the concentration of the judges might be not merely
wearied, but also baffled by the plethora of names and charges; and then
again that favour for each of them, when combined and intermingled,
might win for each individual the collective impact of all of them.
Finally, we feared that the most powerful among them would offer the
least important defendants as a sort of expiation, and themselves slip
through the net while others were punished. Good will and canvassing
become dominant when concealed 10
under the cloak of stern sentencing. We also took into account that
exemplary tale of Sertorius,* who ordered the strongest and the weakest
individual among his soldiers to pull off the horse’s tail— you know how
the story goes! For we too realized that such a large number of
defendants could be bested only if we picked them off one by one. 11
We took the view that the first essential was to prove Classicus 12
guilty. This was the most appropriate way to pass on to his allies and
agents, for these allies and agents could not be found guilty unless he
was a wrongdoer. We at once attached to Classicus two of them, Baebius
Probus and Fabius Hispanus, both of them being very influential, and
Hispanus also very eloquent. So far as Classicus was 13
Hispanus also very eloquent. So far as Classicus was 13
concerned, our efforts were swift and straightforward, for he had left a
written account in his own hand of the money he had received from
each transaction and each indictment. He had also sent arrogant and
boastful letters to some lady-friend at Rome. These are his actual
words:* ‘All hail! I’m on my way to you, having gained my freedom, for
I’ve sold a parcel of Baetica and made a cool four million.’
Hispanus and Probus cost us a lot of sweat. Before embarking on 14
the charges against them, I thought it vital to take pains to establish that
their carrying out of orders was a crime.* Had I not done this, finding
the agents guilty would have been futile, for the defence on 15
their behalf was not denial of the charges, but a plea for pardon on the
grounds of necessity, for they claimed that being provincials they were
forced through fear to carry out every command of governors. Claudius
Restitutus,* who replied to me on behalf of the defence, and 16
is a practised, careful speaker, ready for any argument however
unexpected, often remarks that he was never so befuddled and confused
as when he saw that the arguments in which he placed all his trust had
been forestalled and wrenched out of his speech for the defence.
The outcome of our strategy was that the Senate decreed that the 17

possessions which Classicus had before going to the province should be

set apart from the rest, and bequeathed to his daughter, while the
remainder was conferred on the persons he had plundered. A further
clause decreed that the money which he had paid to his creditors should
be returned. Hispanus and Probus were relegated for five years,* so
serious was the charge against them, whereas at the outset it was
uncertain whether it was a crime at all.
A few days later we indicted Claudius Fuscus, son-in-law of 18
Classicus, and Stilonius Priscus, who had been a tribune of a cohort
under Classicus. The outcome differed for each of them, for Priscus was
banished from Italy for two years, and Fuscus was acquitted.
At the third hearing we thought it most convenient to assemble 19
several defendants together, for we feared that, if the investigation was
dragged out too far, those hearing the case would be glutted and rather
bored with it, with the result that the justice and severity which they
administer would be enfeebled. Then again, the remaining defendants
were in general lesser figures, held back for the occasion. The one
exception was Classicus’ wife. Though her complicity was suspected,
there did not appear to be sufficient proof to convict her. As for
Classicus’ daughter, likewise one of the accused, there 20
were not even any suspicions attached to her, so when I reached her
name at the end of my speech —by the end of the case there was no
need to fear, as there had been at the outset, that the reliability of the
entire indictment would be diminished in this way—I thought it the
most honourable course not to bear heavily on her, since she did not
deserve it, and I made the point openly and in sundry ways. Not only 21

did I question the ambassadors on whether they had informed me of any

irregularity which they were sure could be factually proved. I then
sought the advice of the Senate: did they think that I would launch such
eloquence as I possessed like some weapon at the throat of an innocent
woman? Finally I rounded off the whole topic with these closing words:
‘Someone will ask: So are you a judge in this case? No, I am not, but I
recall that I was assigned from the judges’ bench* to undertake the
prosecution.’
This was the end of a case which involved so very many defendants.22

Some were acquitted, but more were condemned and also relegated,
some for a period and others for life. The same senatorial 23
decree registered in fullest testimony its approval of our diligence,
honesty, and integrity, a worthy reward which alone was commensurate
with our great labours. You can visualize how exhausted 24
we were by reason of our numerous speeches and verbal exchanges, and
the interrogation, support, and refutation of so many witnesses. Again,
how taxing and troublesome it was to say no to the secret 25
pleas of friends of so many defendants, and then to face their opposition
openly! I shall cite one of these replies which I gave when some of the
very judges were loudly protesting to me on behalf of a highly
influential defendant. I remarked: ‘He will be just as innocent as now if I
recount all the facts.’*
You can gather from this the extent of the challenges, and also the 26

abuse which we endured, admittedly for only a short time, for honesty
momentarily gives offence to those who oppose it, but thereafter wins
respect and praise from those same persons.
I could not have given you a clearer picture of the trial. You will 27
say, ‘It was not so important. Why have you saddled me with such a long
letter?’ Very well, don’t keep asking what goes on in Rome. And bear in
letter?’ Very well, don’t keep asking what goes on in Rome. And bear in
mind that the letter is not so long, in that it has taken in all those days,
all those hearings, and finally all those defendants and indictments. I
think I have described them all with as much brevity as carefulness. 28
But I was rash to claim carefulness, for all too late something which I
have passed over occurs to me. You will have it, though it will be out of
place—this is a technique of Homer’s,* and many writers follow his
example. It is in general quite an elegant device, though that is not the
reason why I shall employ it.
One of the witnesses, either because he was angry at being called 29

up against his will, or because he had been suborned by one of the

defendants to weaken the indictment, prosecuted Norbanus Licinianus,
one of the investigating ambassadors, on a charge of collusion in the
case of Casta, wife of Classicus. The law has provided 30
that the trial of a defendant should be completed before any
investigation of a prevaricator,* the reason doubtless being that the
honesty of an accuser is best assessed from the accusation itself. But 31
Norbanus obtained no protection from the order prescribed by law, nor
from his status as ambassador, nor from his official role as investigator.
Such was the flaming hatred in which he was engulfed; for he was in
general a wicked person who had exploited the era of Domitian like
many others. On this occasion he had been chosen by the province to
conduct the investigation, not because he was a decent and honest man,
but because he was an enemy of Classicus, who had previously banished
him.
Norbanus demanded a postponement and a statement of the 32
 32
charges, but he obtained neither and was compelled to reply to the
charges there and then. When he did so, his wicked and debased
character caused me to doubt whether it was a show of assurance or of
integrity, for it was certainly carefully prepared. There were many 33
accusations more damaging than that of prevarication. Indeed, two ex-
consuls,* Pomponius Rufus and Libo Frugi, adduced damning evidence
that in Domitian’s day he had appeared before a judge in support of the
accusers of Salvius Liberalis.* He was condemned, and relegated to an
island. 34
So when I indicted Casta, my main attack was that her accuser had
been brought down on a charge of prevarication, but my attack was
vain, for the outcome went the other way and was unprecedented: that
the defendant should be acquitted, though her accuser had been
condemned for prevarication. You will ask what our reaction was to 35
all this. We pointed out to the Senate that it was from Norbanus that we
had been informed of the indictment by the state, and that we must now
learn it afresh, since he was found guilty of prevarication. So during his
indictment we remained seated. Norbanus subsequently attended every
day of the trial, persisting to the end with his attitude of steadfastness or
shamelessness.
I am asking myself whether I have again left something out, and 36
again I almost have. On the final day Salvius Liberalis issued a weighty
rebuke against the remaining ambassadors, on the grounds that they had
not prosecuted all the defendants as prescribed by the province. Since he
is a forceful and eloquent spokesman, he put them in a difficult position.
I defended them as excellent individuals, and they were most grateful.
I defended them as excellent individuals, and they were most grateful.
They publicly declare that they owe it to me that they survived that
whirlwind.
This will be the end of the letter, really the end. I shall add not a 37
single letter, even if I still think of something which I have left out.
Farewell.

10 To his friend Vestricius Spurinna and to Cottia

100–1
When I was staying with you recently, I refrained from informing 1
you that I had written an account of your son.* Why? First, I wrote it,
not for your benefit, but to meet the demands of my affection and my
grief. Secondly, you had heard that I had given a recitation (as,
Spurinna, you yourself told me), and I assumed that you had heard at
the same time of the subject of my recitation, Then again, I feared 2
that if I reminded you of your most harrowing grief, I might cause you
distress during the festive days. Even now I am uncertain whether to
send at your request merely the work which I recited, or to add what I
plan to hold back for a second volume; for it does not 3
satisfy my feelings to furnish in a single volume my most affectionate
and hallowed recollections, since his fame will be ensured more widely
if it is disseminated in serial form.* But in my uncertainty 4
whether I should show you all that I have written or whether I should
withhold certain parts at the present time, I decided that it was more
consonant with honesty and friendship to send you all of it, especially as
you guarantee that it will remain closeted with you until a decision is
made whether to publish.
made whether to publish.
One further thing: I ask that you should with like honesty inform 5
me of anything which you think should be added, amended, or omitted.
It is hard for you as yet to turn your mind to it in your grief. Yes, 6
it is hard, but just as you would advise a sculptor or painter, when
fashioning a representation of your son, what features he should
emphasize or change, so you must mould and guide me in the same way,
for I am trying to achieve a likeness not frail or fleeting, but one that is
in your opinion immortal. The more authentic and fine and finished it
will be, the longer it will survive. Farewell.

11 To his friend Julius Genitor

Our friend Artemidorus* is so full of kindness by nature that he heaps 1

exaggerated praise on his friends for their services. So he is singing the

praises of my deserving merit as well. What he says is true, but 2
more than I deserve. It is a fact that when the philosophers were
banished* from Rome, I visited him in his residence outside the city, and
my visit was all the more noteworthy, and therefore more hazardous,
because I was a praetor.* Then, too, when he was in need of quite a
substantial sum of money to pay a debt which he had incurred for the
noblest of reasons, at a time when most of his high and mighty wealthy
friends were humming and hawing, I borrowed the money and passed it
to him without charging interest. Moreover, 3
I did this at a time when seven of my friends had been executed or
banished. Senecio, Rusticus, and Helvidius* had been executed, and
Mauricus, Gratilla, Arria, and Fannia* had been banished; scorched as I
was with all these bolts of lightning hurled around me, certain sure signs
made me prophesy that the same fate overhung me.
However, I do not think that I have deserved the outstanding 4
reputation such as Artemidorus proclaims; it is merely that I avoided
disgrace. For in so far as my youth allowed, I loved and admired his 5
father-in-law Gaius Musonius,* and, when I was serving in the army as a
tribune in Syria, I was already then joined in close friendship with
Artemidorus himself. That was the first occasion when I gave evidence of
some insight, for I appeared to realize that he was a sage, or one closely
approximating to a sage. Indeed, of all those 6
today who call themselves philosophers, you will find scarcely one or
two who manifest such integrity and truthfulness. I say nothing of the
physical endurance with which he bears winters and summers alike. He
yields before no hardships, makes no concessions to the pleasures of
food and drink, and exercises firm control over his eyes and thoughts.*
These are impressive traits in others; they are trivial in 7
Artemidorus compared with his other virtues, as a result of which he has
deserved to be chosen by Gaius Musonius from all the suitors of every
rank to be his son-in-law.
As I recall these facts, it is gratifying that he heaps such praise on 8
me in the presence both of others and of you, though I fear that he
exaggerates. To return to the point I made at the beginning, his kindness
often leads him to overstep the mark. This is the one 9
fault in which this man, who is in general supremely wise, seems to err
fault in which this man, who is in general supremely wise, seems to err
—an honourable one, but none the less a fault, that he thinks his friends
are of greater worth than they actually are! Farewell.

12 To his friend Catilius Severus

Yes, I will come to dinner, but here and now I state my terms: it must 1
be informal and inexpensive, plentiful only in Socratic conversation,*
with a time limit set even on that. Your duties with early morning 2
callers* will lie ahead. Not even Cato* was allowed to collide with them,
though Caesar’s rebuke* to him was not without praise. He 3
relates that when the persons whom Cato encountered uncovered his
head, and discovered the identity of the drunkard, they blushed for
shame. ‘You would have thought, not that they had caught Cato red-
handed, but that he had caught them.’ Could Cato’s high repute have
been signalled more clearly than that, since when even drunk he was
such a revered figure?
However, our dinner-party must have a limit imposed not only on 4
preparations and expense, but also on time, for we are not the kind of
people whom even our enemies cannot censure without also praising us.
Farewell.

13 To his friend Voconius Romanus

100–1
At your request I am sending you the written version of the speech* 1
in which as consul I recently expressed our thanks to the best of
emperors; I was about to send it even if you had not requested it. I 2
should like you to give thought not only to the splendid content, but also
to the difficulty inherent in it. Whereas in other speeches the unfamiliar
content holds the attention of the reader, in this case all that was said is
known and noised abroad. The result is that the reader has leisure and
freedom to devote himself solely to the mode of expression,* and it is
more difficult to give satisfaction in this when it is assessed in isolation. I
only hope that the reader directs his 3
attention alike to the order of topics, the transitions from one to the
next, and the figures of speech; for sometimes even uncivilized people
are outstandingly good at invention of topics and at impressive delivery,
but clever arrangement and varied use of figures are denied to all except
the initiated. We should not always aspire to lofty and elevated
expression. Take the analogy of a painting; nothing 4
brings out light better than shadow.* In the same way the lowering of
tone is as appropriate as the raising of it.
However, why do I explain this to a man of such great learning? 5
Instead, I must beg you to mark the passages which you think need
correction, for I shall more readily believe that you approve the rest if I
know the passages of which you disapprove. Farewell.

14 To his friend Acilius

Larcius Macedo,* a praetorian, has suffered at the hands of his slaves1

a ghastly fate which merits notice more than in a mere letter. True, he
was in general an arrogant and savage master, too forgetful, or rather,
all too aware, that his father had been a slave. He was taking a 2
bath at his residence in Formiae* when suddenly slaves surrounded him.
One took him by the throat, another battered his face, and a third
pummelled his chest, belly, and (disgustingly) his private parts. When
they thought that he was senseless, they threw him on the hot pavement
to see if he was alive. Whether because unconscious or feigning
unconsciousness, he lay stretched out and motionless, giving the
impression of being quite dead.
Finally he was carried from the bath as though overcome by the 3
heat. His more trusty slaves took over, and his concubines came rushing
round, moaning and shouting. In this way he was both roused by their
voices and revived by the cool temperature indoors. By opening his eyes
and moving his body he indicated (for now it was safe) that he was
alive.
Those slaves made off in different directions. Many have been 4
caught, and the rest are being hunted. Macedo was revived with
difficulty, but died within a few days. However he had the consolation of
vengeance, for while still alive he was avenged as murdered individuals
usually are.* You realize to what dangers and insults and 5
derision we are exposed. No man can remain untroubled because he is
relaxed and gentle, for masters are murdered through wickedness rather
than considered judgement.
So much for that. What other news is there? There is none, for 6
otherwise I would add it. There is still some paper vacant, and today’s
holiday* allows me to compose more. I shall make a further point with
regard to the same Macedo which aptly occurs to me. When he was
bathing in the public baths* at Rome, a surprising event occurred which
the outcome has shown was portentous. His 7
slave laid his hand gently on a Roman knight as a request to allow them
to pass. The knight turned, and with the flat of his hand struck not the
slave who had touched him, but Macedo himself with such force that he
almost fell over. In this sense, the baths have 8
for Macedo successively proved to be the scene first of abusive
treatment, and then of his death. Farewell.

15 To his friend Silius Proculus

You ask me when I’m away from Rome to read and scrutinize your 1

writings to see if they are worth publishing. In your recourse to pleas,

you offer a parallel, for when you request that I devote to your writing
any spare time I take from my own, you add that Cicero* showed
remarkable kindness in nurturing the talent of poets.
But I need no request or exhortation, for on the one hand I have 2
the most scrupulous respect for poetry,* and on the other I have
boundless affection for you. So I will do what you desire both carefully
and gladly. However, I think that I can say in reply here and 3
now that your work is splendid, and should not lie unpublished, so far as
I could judge from the pieces which you recited in my presence; that is,
so long as your delivery did not beguile me, for you read so very
charmingly and skilfully. However, I am sure that my ears do 4
not lead me on to cause the sharp edge of my judgement to be blunted
by the charms of listening. Its acuteness may perhaps be dulled and
by the charms of listening. Its acuteness may perhaps be dulled and
deadened, but it cannot be forcibly removed or extracted.
So this is no rash pronouncement which I make about the work as a
whole; I shall try it out part by part in reading it. Farewell. 5

16 To his friend Nepos

I think that I have noted that some deeds and words of men and 1
women are more celebrated, but that others are greater. My belief 2
was strengthened by a conversation I had yesterday with Fannia.* She is
the granddaughter of the famous Arria,* who was both a consolation and
an example to her husband at his death. She told me many things about
her grandmother which were no less impressive than that, but are less
well known, and I think you will find them as remarkable as you read
them as I did when I heard them.
Caecina Paetus,* her husband, was ill, and so was her son, and both 3

were at death’s door. Her son died. He was remarkably handsome and
equally modest, and dear to his parents as much for other considerations
as for being their son. She organized his funeral and 4
arranged the ceremonies so discreetly that her husband knew nothing of
it. Indeed, whenever she entered her husband’s room, she pretended that
their son was still alive, and was even improving. To his frequent
enquiry about the son’s progress, she would reply: ‘He has slept well,
and has happily taken some food.’ When her tears, for 5
long restrained, overcame her and burst forth, she would leave and then
yield to her grief. After crying to her heart’s content, she would dry her
eyes, compose her features, and go back to her husband as if she had left
eyes, compose her features, and go back to her husband as if she had left
her son’s loss outside.
That celebrated action* of hers in unsheathing the dagger, piercing 6

her breast, extracting the dagger, passing it to her husband, and

crowning all with the immortal, almost godlike words ‘Paetus, it does
not hurt’, was certainly an outstanding deed. But as she did these things
and said these words, never-ending fame lay before her eyes; all the
greater was it, therefore, without the reward of perennial fame, to
conceal her tears, to bury her grief, and to play the role of a mother
when her son was lost to her.
When Scribonianus raised a rebellion* against Claudius in 7
Illyricum, Paetus had joined his faction, and when Scribonianus was
killed, Paetus was escorted to Rome. As he was embarking, Arria 8
pleaded with the soldiers that she too should be taken aboard.
‘Doubtless,’ she said, ‘since he is a consular, you will provide him with
some slaves to feed and clothe him, and to put on his shoes. I shall do all
these things by myself.’ When she was refused, she 9
hired a small fishing-boat, and followed the huge ship in her tiny craft.
When the wife of Scribonianus was laying information before Claudius*
about the rising, Arria said to her: ‘Am I to listen to you, when
Scribonianus lay slain in your arms, and yet you go on living?’ This
incident makes it clear that her decision to die a most noble death was
not unpremeditated. Indeed, when her son-in-law 10
Thrasea* begged her not to take the path to death, and among other
things remarked, ‘So if I had to die, would you wish your daughter to die
with me?’, she replied: ‘Yes, if she lives as long and as harmoniously
with you as I have lived with Paetus.’ This reply had intensified 11
the concern of her household, and they kept a more vigilant eye on her.
She realized this, and said: ‘You are wasting your time, for you can
ensure for me a coward’s death, but you cannot prevent my dying.’
Saying this, she jumped from her chair, and with great force 12
struck her head on the wall opposite, and collapsed. When she came
round, she said: ‘I told you that I would find some harsh way to die if
you refused me an easy one.’
These words must surely strike you as more impressive than that 13
famous utterance, ‘Paetus, it does not hurt’, to which they led. While
those final words have become hugely famous, these earlier ones are not
current at all. So this exemplifies my initial remark, that some sayings
are more celebrated, but others are greater. Farewell.

17 To his friend Julius Servianus

c.100–1
Is all well? Your letters have stopped coming for some time now. Is
all 1
perhaps well, but you are fully stretched? Or are you perhaps not fully
stretched,* but with few or no opportunities to write?* Do relieve 2
my anxiety, for I cannot keep it under control. Do relieve it, even by
dispatching a special courier. I will pay his travelling-expenses, and I
will also reward him provided that he tells me what I long to know.
I am well, if being in suspense and on tenterhooks is being well, 3
for at every hour, with the welfare of the dearest of friends in mind, I
for at every hour, with the welfare of the dearest of friends in mind, I
await with apprehensions at what can happen to a person. Farewell.

18 To his friend Vibius Severus

c.102
My position as consul* imposed upon me the task of offering thanks 1
to the emperor in the name of the state. Once I had performed this duty
in the Senate as tradition demanded, in accordance with the nature of
the location and the occasion, I thought it most appropriate for me, as a
loyal citizen, to embody the same material in a more extended and
luxuriantly written version.* My motive was first to 2
applaud with sincere praises the emperor’s virtues, and secondly to offer
prior counsel to future incumbents on the best possible way to strive for
the same renown—not laying down the law as a schoolmaster, but by
offering a precedent. For it is an excellent 3
notion to prescribe what an emperor should be, but it is also oppressive
and almost arrogant, whereas to praise this best of emperors, and in this
way to indicate to his successors as from some lofty vantage-point the
beacon which they are to follow, is just as useful without being
overbearing.
I had wanted to recite this written version among a company of 4
friends, so I informed them, not by dispatching formal notices or
programmes, but with messages ‘if convenient’ or ‘if absolutely free’ (at
Rome, in fact, no one is ever ‘absolutely free’ or finds it ‘convenient’ to
listen to someone reciting his work). What has given me no little
pleasure is that in spite of this, and really foul weather as well, they
assembled on two days running, and when in my modest way I would
have wished to put an end to the recital, they demanded that
have wished to put an end to the recital, they demanded that 5
I continue for a third day. Should I believe that this was a tribute paid to
me, or to the literary exercise? I opt for the second, for these literary
recitals, which had almost died out, are being revived.*
But what was the subject matter in which they showed such
sustained 6
interest? Surely it was the stuff which after no more than a moment used
to oppress us even in the Senate, where we had to endure it. But now we
find some willing to recite, and others willing to listen, for three days!
This is not because the compositions are more fluent than before, but
because they are written in an atmosphere of greater freedom and
therefore of more pleasure. So this too 7
will redound to the praise of our emperor, that an exercise earlier as
loathed as it was hypocritical has now become as popular as it is
genuine.
But it was with some wonder that I registered approval of both the 8

enthusiasm and the good judgement of my audience, for I observed that

what they appreciated above all were the unadorned passages. I 9
bear in mind that I have read out only to the few what I have written for
the world at large, but the serious demeanour of my listeners gives me
the pleasant expectation that their opinion will be shared by people
generally. Just as in days gone by the theatres taught performers to sing
badly, so now I am led to hope that these same theatres may possibly
teach them to sing well.
All who compose to give pleasure will write the kind of things 10
 All who compose to give pleasure will write the kind of things 10
which they have noted give pleasure. So far as I am concerned, I am sure
that for this type of content the argument for a more luxuriant style
prevails, since the more restrained and severe presentation* seems more
artificial and alien than what I have composed in a more genial and
buoyant mode. However, I pray all the more eagerly that the day will
sometime come (I only hope that it has come already) when these
charming and ingratiating modes of expression may abandon their
tenure of the scene, however justified, in favour of what is disciplined
and plain.
Here then are my efforts over the three days. On behalf of both 11
the exercise and myself, I wanted you to obtain as much pleasure in
reading them in your absence as you would have gained by being
present. Farewell.

19 To his friend Calvisius Rufus

100
I want to consult you on a matter of property. A neighbouring estate*1

which actually forms a wedge into mine is up for sale. It has many
attractions which excite me, but just as many features which dissuade
me. What chiefly attracts me is the splendid prospect of the 2
combined properties. Then there is the aspect, as useful as it is pleasing,
and the possibility of visiting both with the one outlay of effort and of
travelling-expenses. Then again, having the one superintendent and
virtually the same bailiffs, and maintaining and equipping the one
residence, and merely keeping an eye on the other.
The calculation involved includes the cost of furniture, domestic 3
staff, landscape gardeners, workmen, and hunting equipment, for it
makes a huge difference whether you concentrate these in one place, or
apportion them among several. Against acquisition is my fear that 4
it may be injudicious to subject so sizeable a property to the same
vagaries of weather and the same natural hazards. It seems safer to
confront the uncertainties of fortune with a varying range of properties.
Also relevant is the great pleasure experienced in a change of location
and climate, as well as the journeying between one’s properties.
But the main factor which dominates my thinking is that the lands 5

are fruitful, rich, and well watered; they comprise open fields, vineyards,
and woodland, which provides timber* and from it a modest but steady
return. But this fertility of the earth is being exhausted by 6
inadequate cultivators; for the previous owner quite often sold what the
farm-labourers had mortgaged, so that while for the moment he reduced
their liabilities, he drained their resources for the future, and when these
ran out, their debts mounted again. So we shall have 7
to equip them with slaves,* and they will be more expensive because
they will have to be reliable, for neither I myself nor anyone at all there
keeps chained slaves.
The final thing for you to know is the likely purchase price. It is three
million sesterces. Mind you, at one time it was five million, but owing to
the dearth of farm-labourers and the economic slump* of these days, the
returns from the land have been reduced, and with them the value of the
estate.
You ask whether I can readily raise the three million. My wealth is 8
almost entirely invested in land, but I lend some money at interest, and
it will not be difficult to borrow. I shall obtain some money from my
mother-in-law,* whose wealth I deploy just like my own. So this 9
problem must not weigh with you, as long as the other matters are no
obstacle. I would like you to ponder these as carefully as possible, for
both in matters generally and in the allocation of finance you have
abundance of both experience and practical wisdom. Farewell.

20 To his friend Maesius Maximus

103–4
Do you remember often reading of the great controversies arising 1
from the lex tabellaria,* and the great esteem or censure it conferred on
the proposer? Nowadays, however, the procedure is approved in 2
the Senate with no disagreement, as being the best. On the day of the
elections* everyone requested a wax tablet.
With open voting in public we had earlier been more intemperate 3
than in the free-for-all in those public assemblies. The time limit for
speeches was not maintained; no moderation was shown in establishing
silence; people did not even observe propriety in remaining seated. Loud
and confused shouting was heard from every side; all 4
were rushing forward with their candidates; there were long lines in the
centre of the hall with many circling round them—an undignified mêlée.
To such an extent had we abandoned the custom of our forebears, with
whom everything was well ordered, under control, and peaceful,
upholding the dignity and decency of the Senate House.
There are old men still among us from whom I often hear that the 5
 There are old men still among us from whom I often hear that the 5
procedure at elections* was as follows. When the name of a candidate
was announced, there was total silence. He spoke on his own behalf. He
outlined his life, and adduced as witnesses and eulogists either his
former commanding officer or the governor he had served as quaestor,
or both if possible. He would then introduce in addition some of the
voters, who would each contribute a few dignified words.
This procedure was more effective than pleas. Sometimes a candidate6

would challenge a rival’s origin, age, or even character.* The Senate

would listen with austere sobriety. As a result, candidates who were
worthy rather than influential gained the day. Nowadays 7
these proceedings have been marred by uncontrolled shouts of support,
and recourse has been had to secret voting as a remedy. Meanwhile it
has already served as that remedy, because it was a novel and
emergency measure, but I fear that as time goes on the remedy itself 8
may give rise to vices, the danger being that silent voting may be quietly
invaded by shamelessness; for how few evince the same concern for
what is honourable in secret as in public? Many show 9
respect for their reputation, but few for their conscience. But it is too
early to worry about the future. In the meantime, thanks to these
writing-tablets we shall have magistrates who have deserved election,
for just as in court cases* which assess financial compensation, so in
these elections when suddenly pressed into service we have performed as
honest judges.
My reasons for writing to you about this were first to report some 10

news to you, and secondly on occasion to raise with you political issues.
news to you, and secondly on occasion to raise with you political issues.
The opportunity for raising this topic comes less frequently to us than it
did to men of old, and for that reason we should be more reluctant to
forgo it. What point is there, for heaven’s sake, in 11
those everyday greetings, ‘How are things?’ and ‘Are you in good form?’
Our letters should also incorporate content which is not trivial or mean
or restricted to personal affairs. It is true that everything 12
is under the control of one man, who has alone undertaken the concerns
and toils of all for the common good. But from that outstanding source
of kindness certain streams flow* down to us at a health-giving
temperature. We can draw on these for ourselves, and also by our letters
transmit them to our absent friends. Farewell.

21 To his friend Cornelius Priscus

101–4
I hear that Valerius Martial* has died, and I find it sad news. He was a 1

talented and intelligent man with a keen mind, the sort of poet with
abundant wit and gall, and an equal measure of openness. When 2
he was retiring from Rome,* I presented him with his travelling-
expenses as a gesture of friendship and acknowledgement of the verses
he composed about me. It was an ancient custom to honour 3
poets who had written eulogies* of individuals or of cities with
distinctions or with money. But in our day this practice in particular,
like other splendid and notable customs, has lapsed. For now that we
have abandoned praiseworthy pursuits, we consider it pointless to
receive accolades.
 Would you like to hear the verses for which I thanked him?* I 4
would refer you to the collection, if I did not remember some of them. If
you like these, you must look out the rest in his publications. He is
addressing his Muse, bidding her make for my house on the 5
Esquiline,* and to approach with deference.
But be sure that you don’t when drunk go knocking
At that eloquent door when you’re not welcome.
He devotes all his days to stern Minerva,
While for the ears of the court of Centumviri
He works away at what men of later ages
Can compare even with Arpinum’s pages.*
You will go more safely when late lamps burn;
That is your hour, when Bacchus rages wildly,
When the rose is queen, when men’s hair is perfumed.
Why, unbending Catos would then read me!
Surely it was right that he who penned these lines should then have 6
been waved off in the friendliest way, and should be mourned as a close
friend now he has died? For he gave me the greatest tribute that he
could, and he would have given more if that had been possible. Yet what
greater thing can a man bestow on a person than fame, praise, and
immortality? You will respond that his writings will not be immortal.*
Perhaps they will not be, but he composed them believing that they
would be. Farewell.
 BOOK FOUR

1 To Calpurnius Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

104
You are eager to see both your granddaughter* and myself after this 1
considerable time. Your eagerness is appreciated by both of us, and is
certainly reciprocated; for we in turn are possessed by a longing to 2
see you which is beyond belief, and we shall not postpone the visit any
longer. So we are already packing our baggage, intending to hasten as
quickly as the nature of the route allows.
There will be one delay, but a short one. We shall turn aside into 3
Etruria, not to set eyes on our lands and property (this we can postpone),
but to perform an essential duty. There is a town close to 4
our estate called Tifernum-on-Tiber.* The citizens adopted me as their
patron while I was still virtually a boy. Their enthusiasm was in inverse
proportion to their judgement! They make much of my arrivals, regret
my departures, and rejoice in my distinctions. So to 5
return their favours (it is very uncivilized to be outdone in affection)
have had a shrine* built in the town at my own expense, and since the
building is ready it would be impious to postpone its dedication any
longer. So we shall be there on the day of the dedication, which I 6
have decided to celebrate with a banquet. We shall perhaps stay there on
the following day as well, but this will induce us to hasten our journey
to you all the more.
to you all the more.
We only hope that we find your daughter* and yourself in good 7
shape. We shall certainly find you in good spirits, if we reach you safe
and sound! Farewell.

2 To his friend Attius Clemens

c. 104
Regulus has lost his son,* the sole misfortune which he did not 1
deserve, though whether he thinks it a misfortune is uncertain. He was a
boy with a keen but vacillating brain; yet he could have made good if he
had not been like his father. Regulus released him from 2
paternal authority* to enable him to inherit his mother’s estate, but once
he was ‘disposed of’ (this was how the father’s behaviour was
characterized in common gossip), Regulus began to win him over with a
hypocritical show of kindness unusual in parents. It is hard to believe,
but just think of Regulus!
But now that he has lost him,* he mourns him like a madman. 3
The boy had many ponies, some harnessed in pairs and others unfettered
for riding; he also had dogs, larger and smaller, nightingales, parrots,
and blackbirds. Regulus slaughtered all of them round his funeral-pyre.
This was no grief, but a mere display of it. People are 4
thronging round him in astonishing numbers. They all loathe and hate
him, but they rush up to him and mob him as if they approve and love
him. To state my feelings in a nutshell, in fawning on Regulus they play
the Regulus. He keeps himself in his gardens 5
across the Tiber, where he has covered a massive area with huge
colonnades, and the river-bank with his statues,* for despite his
monstrous greed he is extravagant, and in spite of his monstrous
notoriety he plays the braggart.
So he is disturbing the city at this unhealthiest time of year, and 6
he regards this disturbance as a consolation. He says that he intends to
marry, showing wrong-headedness in this as in other things. Soon 7
you will be hearing of the mourner’s marriage, the old fellow’s marriage,
the first coming too early and the second too late. On what do I 8
base my prophecy? Not on any statement of Regulus—nothing is more
untrue than that—but Regulus is sure to do what should not be done.
Farewell.

3 To his friend Arrius Antoninus

104
Your tenure of two consulships in a manner reminiscent of leaders of 1
old, your proconsulship of Asia, matched by few others before or since
(your modesty does not permit me to claim that there is not one), your
pre-eminence, too, in the state in integrity, authority, and ripe years —
these are august and splendid achievements. But for myself, I admire you
even more for your activities in retirement. To 2
season that stern demeanour with matching amiability, to combine such
friendliness with the height of seriousness, is as difficult as it is
impressive. This you achieve in your conversation, agreeable beyond
belief, and conspicuously in your writing; for when you speak, that 3
honey of Homer’s fabled ancient* seems to issue forth, and as for your
writings, the bees seem to fill and to entwine them with the sweetness of
the blossoms.
Such at any rate was the effect on me in my recent reading of your
Greek epigrams and your iambic mimes. What culture, what charm 4
they embody, how agreeable and affecting they are! What clarity, what
propriety lie in them! I thought that I was handling Callimachus or
Herodas,* or such as is better than these—yet neither of these poets
wrote, or sought to write, poetry in both genres. To think that a 5
Roman can be so at home in Greek! I could swear that Athens herself
could not be so Attic!
Need I say more? I am envious of the Greeks, for you have chosen to
write in their language. There is no need to hazard what you can express
in your native tongue, since you have achieved such outstanding
productions in this alien and imported language. Farewell.

4 To his friend Sosius Senecio

I have the greatest affection for Varisidius Nepos,* a diligent, upright, 1

and eloquent man; these qualities weigh most heavily with me. He is a
close relative of Gaius Calvisius,* my boon-companion and your friend,
for he is the son of his sister. I am requesting you to ennoble 2
him with a six-months’ tribunate,* both for his own sake and for that of
his uncle. You will render a service to our friend Calvisius and to Nepos
himself, who is as worthy to be in your debt as you consider myself to
be. You have bestowed many kindnesses on many people; I 3
would presume to claim that you have awarded one to no one more
deserving, and to very few equally so. Farewell.
deserving, and to very few equally so. Farewell.

5 To his friend Julius Sparsus

The story goes* that, at the request of the Rhodians, Aeschines read a 1
speech of his own and then one by Demosthenes. Both were greeted with
tumultuous applause. I am not surprised that the written versions 2
of these great men were greeted in this way, for recently men of the
greatest learning listened to a speech of mine* with the same
enthusiasm, approval, and also sustained concentration—for it lasted
two days —and this in spite of the fact that no comparison, no
competition, so to say, between this and some other speech stirred the
interest of the audience. The Rhodians were roused both by 3
the merits of the speeches themselves and by the challenge of the
comparison, whereas my speech won approval without the attraction of
rivalry. Whether this reception was deserved, you will know once you
read the written version, for its length does not permit me the preface of
a longer letter. I must be brief at least where I can, so as to 4
win greater pardon for the expanded length of the speech itself, though
its length does not outgrow the importance of the case itself. Farewell.

6 To his friend Julius Naso

Etruria has been battered by hail, and the report from across the Po* 1
is of a bumper harvest but with prices correspondingly dirt-cheap. My
Laurentine estate* alone offers a return. In fact, I have nothing 2
there but the house and garden, and the beach immediately beyond.
None the less, it is my only profitable property, for there I write a lot,
None the less, it is my only profitable property, for there I write a lot,
and cultivate not my non-existent land but myself with my studies.
Already I can show you a full cupboard of papers, the equivalent of a full
granary elsewhere. So if you are keen on a reliable and rewarding 3
property, purchase something here! Farewell.

7 To his friend Catius Lepidus

c. 104
I often tell you of the native energy possessed by Regulus.* It is 1
remarkable how he achieves whatever he embarks upon. He decided to
mourn his son;* he mourns like no other. He decided to have the
greatest possible number of statues and portraits of his son made; he sets
to work on this in every studio, and has him fashioned in colours, wax,
bronze, silver, gold, ivory, and marble. Recently he 2
gathered a huge audience, and declaimed a biography of his son. It was
a mere boy’s life, but he none the less declaimed it. He had a thousand
copies transcribed and dispatched throughout Italy and the provinces.
He wrote letters to the authorities, asking town councillors to choose
from among them their most articulate member to read each out before
the citizens. This was done.
If he had directed this energy (or by whatever term you are to call 3
that determination to achieve whatever you want) towards better aims,
how much good he could have achieved! But good men have less of that
energy than evil ones, and just as ‘ignorance breeds daring, while
reflection breeds hesitation’,* so a sense of restraint weakens decent
minds, while daring strengthens the corrupt. Regulus 4
exemplifies this. He has weak lungs, clouded utterance, a hesitant
tongue, the dullest imagination, and a non-existent memory*—in short,
nothing but the brain of a madman—yet by his shamelessness and that
very craziness he has attained a reputation as an orator. So to describe
him Herennius Senecio* turned Cato’s definition* 5
marvellously on its head: ‘An orator is a wicked man unskilled at
speaking.’ I swear that Cato himself did not define the true orator as well
as Senecio defined Regulus.
Is there some way you can do me an equal favour with a letter to 6
match this? There is, if you write to tell me whether any of my friends in
your township, or even you yourself, have had to read out, like some
hawker in the Forum, this woeful book of Regulus. In Demosthenes’
words,* ‘raising your voice exultantly, and shouting lustily’. For that
book is so idiotic that it can rouse laughter rather 7
than grief. You would think that it had been composed not about a boy,
but by a boy! Farewell.

8 To his friend Arrianus Maturus

104
You congratulate me on my admission to the augurate.* 1
You do well to congratulate me; first, because it is a splendid thing to
merit the decision from our most dignified emperor, and secondly, since
the priesthood itself is not only ancient and sacred, but is clearly
hallowed and celebrated because it is retained for life. Whereas other 2
positions* are virtually equal in distinction, they are withdrawn as well
as awarded. But for the augurate, fortune can play a part only in the
possible award.
I regard the appointment as deserving of congratulation also 3
because I have taken the place of Julius Frontinus,* an outstanding
citizen, who nominated me for a priesthood every year without a break
on the day for nominations. It was as if he was co-opting me in his place,
and now the outcome has confirmed this in such a way that it has
seemed not to have happened by chance.
You comment that you are especially pleased with my augurate 4
because Cicero was an augur, and you are delighted that in honours I am
following in the footsteps of him whom I am keen to emulate in my
writings. I pray that just as I have attained the same priesthood 5
and the consulship at a much earlier age* than he did, so I may at least
in old age match his talent in some degree. Assuredly, however, 6
distinctions which are at the disposal of men may come to me as to
many, but to match his talent is difficult and too much to expect, for it
can be bestowed only by the gods. Farewell.

6 To his friend Cornelius Ursus

103
Julius Bassus,* a man struggling and celebrated in adversity, has in 1
recent days been standing trial. In Vespasian’s time he was indicted by
two private citizens; after being referred to the Senate, his case lay for a
long time in abeyance, but he was finally acquitted and discharged. As a
friend of Domitian, he felt endangered under Titus, 2
and was then relegated by Domitian. After being recalled by Nerva, he
obtained the province of Bithynia, and was indicted on his return. The
obtained the province of Bithynia, and was indicted on his return. The
accusation against him was as vehement as his defence was
conscientious. The voting was divided, but the majority inclined to
mercy.
Pomponius Rufus was the prosecutor, a ready and forceful speaker 3

and Theophanes,* one of the Bithynian ambassadors, the firebrand and

originator of the indictment, was his second string. I spoke for 4
the other side, for Bassus had imposed on me the task of laying the
foundations of the entire defence. I was to speak of 5
his positive qualities,* which were many, arising from the fame of his
lineage and from the hazardous processes he had undergone. I was to
speak of the plotting of the informers,* which they were seeking to
exploit for gain. I was to speak of the reasons why he had alienated all
those most turbulent agitators such as Theophanes himself. Bassus had
wanted me also to confront the most serious charge hanging over him,
for though the other accusations* sounded more serious, he was on those
counts deserving not merely of acquittal but also of praise.
What weighed heavily on this naive and unthinking person was 6
that he had received as a friend certain presents from provincials (for he
had been quaestor* in that same province). His accusers labelled these
thefts and plunder, while he called them gifts. But the law forbids the
acceptance even of gifts. On this issue what was I to do? 7
What line should I take in his defence? Was I to deny the accusation? I
feared that to admit it would be seen as acknowledging blatant theft. In
addition, denial of a clear act would aggravate the charge rather than
diminish it, especially as the defendant himself had not left his lawyers
with carte blanche, for he had told many people, including the emperor
himself, that the only small gifts he had received were on his birthday
and at the Saturnalia,* when he had himself sent presents to several
persons.
So was I to plead for pardon? I would have cut the defendant’s 8
throat if I had admitted that his guilt was so clear-cut that pardon alone
could save him. Was I to defend his action as above board? That would
have been no help to him, but would have exposed me as bare-faced.
Confronted with the problem, I decided to hold a middle 9
course, and I think that I succeeded.
My speech (as happens with battles too) was interrupted by nightfall.
I had spoken for three and a half hours, with an hour and a half still
available, for though the law* had permitted an accuser six hours and a
defendant nine, the defendant had divided the time between myself and
my seconder, so that I was to speak for five hours, and he was to take up
the rest. The success of my speech counselled me to 10
opt for silence and to say no more, for it is rash not to be content with
what has gone well. Moreover, I feared that my physical strength* would
fail me if I again shouldered the burden, for it is more difficult to resume
a speech than to continue with one. There was the further 11
danger that the rest of my speech when abandoned would induce a cold
response, and when resumed would cause weariness. Take the parallel of
a torch. It keeps its flame alive when continually shaken, but once put
down it becomes very difficult to restore. In the same way the heat of a
speaker and the concentration of a listener are maintained when
speaker and the concentration of a listener are maintained when
unbroken, but weaken if there is an intermission and relaxation. But
Bassus implored me with repeated pleas, even 12
almost to the point of tears, that I should take up my allotted time. So I
complied, and put his interests before my own. It worked out well. I
found the Senate’s attention as lively and as fresh as if they had been
roused rather than glutted by my previous speech.
Lucceius Albinus* took over from me so appropriately that our 13
speeches are thought to have contained the variation of two orations but
the coherence of one. Herennius Pollio* made a forceful and 14
dignified reply, and Theophanes again followed. He delivered this
speech like the others with utter shamelessness, for though he was
following after two speakers who were both ex-consuls and eloquent
orators, he claimed his time somewhat too generously. He spoke until
darkness fell, and even as night drew on, for lamps were brought in.
Next day Homullus and Fronto* spoke wonderfully well on behalf of 15

Bassus, and the evidence of witnesses took up a fourth day.

Baebius Macer, the consul-designate, proposed that Bassus should 16

be committed under the law of extortion, and Caepio Hispo* that

assessors should be appointed without Bassus’ loss of status. Both
proposals were justified. ‘How can that be,’ you ask, ‘when their 17
proposals were so different?’ The answer is that Macer, following the
law, regarded it as appropriate to condemn one who had illegally
accepted gifts, while Caepio, since he believed that the Senate had the
power (as in fact it has) both to soften and to intensify the rigour of the
law, had some justification in proposing pardon of an action which was
law, had some justification in proposing pardon of an action which was
admittedly forbidden, but was not without precedent. Caepio’s view
prevailed; indeed, on rising to make his proposal he 18
was greeted with the applause usually accorded to speakers when they
resume their seats. From this you can gather how wholehearted was the
reception given to his words since there was such support when he
seemed about to speak.
However, in the community at large as in the Senate, people’s 19
views were divided. Those who favoured Caepio’s proposal censured that
of Macer as unbending and harsh, while those who agreed with Macer
called the alternative proposal wishy-washy and also illogical, their
argument being that it is unfitting for a man to remain a senator if
assessors have been nominated to deal with him. There was also a 20
third proposal. Valerius Paulinus,* agreeing with Caepio, further
recommended that, once Theophanes had reported on his embassy, he
should be investigated, for it was claimed that in the course of the
prosecution many of his actions made him liable under the very same
law as that under which he had indicted Bassus. But the consuls did 21
not pursue this proposal,* in spite of the fact that it gained remarkable
support from most of the Senate. However, Paulinus gained a 22
reputation for fair dealing and integrity.
When the Senate was discharged, Bassus was welcomed by a huge
crowd of people making a great din and demonstrating great joy. The
renewal of the long-standing saga of the dangers he had undergone had
brought him popularity, as did his name, widely known for the hazards
he had endured, and the unhappy and unsightly appearance of his aged
he had endured, and the unhappy and unsightly appearance of his aged
and lofty frame.
This letter will be for you un avant-coureur, for you are to await 23
the full and substantial speech which follows. Your wait will be lengthy,
for revision of such an important case cannot be undertaken lightly and
speedily. Farewell.

10 To his friend Statius Sabinus

You inform me that Sabina,* who has left us as her heirs, has nowhere 1

instructed us that her slave Modestus should be freed, but that she had
left him a legacy with the appendage: ‘To Modestus, whom I have
ordered to be freed.’ You seek my opinion. I have conferred 2
with legal experts, all of whom are agreed that he should not be freed,
since his freedom has not been granted, and that a legacy is not his due
since Sabina awarded it to him as her slave. But this seems clearly
mistaken,* so I think that we should act as if Sabina had written what
she herself believed she had written. I am sure that you 3
will fall in with my opinion, for you are always most scrupulous in
observing dead persons’ wishes, the understanding of which is for decent
heirs as good as a law, and with us honourable conduct is no less
binding than is necessity with others. So let us allow Modestus 4
to dwell in freedom and to enjoy his legacy as if Sabina had taken every
careful precaution; in fact, she did take such precautions by her good
choice of heirs. Farewell.
11 To his friend Cornelius Minicianus
Have you heard that Valerius Licinianus* is practising his profession 1

in Sicily? I imagine that you have not yet heard this, for the news is
fresh. Only recently this praetorian was regarded as one of the most
eloquent pleaders, but now he has slumped to becoming an exile from
being a senator, and a teacher of rhetoric from being an orator. So in his
prefatory remarks he stated sadly and heavily: ‘What sport 2
you have with us, Fortune, converting senators into teachers, and
teachers into senators!’* There is so much anger, so much bitterness in
this aphorism that he seems to me to have become a teacher in order to
say it. When he made his entry wearing a Greek cloak (for 3
those who have been ‘debarred from water and fire’* are not granted the
right to wear a toga), he settled himself, surveyed his clothing, and said:
‘I intend to deliver my speech in Latin.’
You will say that this was a melancholy and pitiable sight, but that 4

he deserved it for blackening those studies with the crime of sexual

impurity. He admitted this charge, but it is not clear that he did so 5
because it was true, or because he feared graver charges if he denied it.
For Domitian was raging and seething at being left high and dry amid
strong feelings of odium. He had wanted to bury Cornelia, 6
chief of the Vestals, alive* in his plan to add lustre to his era by
deterrents of this kind. So by his right as chief priest, or rather by his
monstrous behaviour as tyrant and by his free rein as despot, he
summoned the other priests, not to the Regia,* but to his Alban
residence. He then perpetrated a crime no less wicked than that which
he appeared to be avenging. He condemned Cornelia,* absent and
unheard, for sexual impurity, though he himself had not merely defiled
his brother’s daughter* sexually, but had also killed her, for that widow
died as a result of an abortion. Priests were immediately 7
dispatched* to arrange the burial and the murder of Cornelia. She
stretched out her hands, now to Vesta, now to the other deities with
repeated cries, and most frequently with these words: ‘Caesar believes
me guilty of sexual depravity, though through my conduct of the ritual
he has won victories and triumphs!’
It is not clear whether she uttered these words in flattery or in 8
derision of the emperor. She repeated them until she was led out to her
death. Whether innocent or not, she certainly behaved as though 9
innocent. Indeed, when she was escorted down into the underground
chamber, and her robe caught up on her way down, as she turned and
freed it, and the executioner offered her his hand, she turned away and
recoiled from him, rejecting his foul touch with a final gesture of
chastity, as if her person was demonstrably pure and spotless. With
successive movements of modesty, ‘she took elaborate care to sink down
with due decorum’.* In addition, Celer,* a Roman knight, who 10
was charged with being a partner with Cornelia, as he was scourged in
public, repeatedly said: ‘What have I done? I have done nothing.’
The outcome was that Domitian was livid, owing to the notoriety 11

incurred by his cruelty and injustice. He had Licinianus arrested, because

he had hidden a freedwoman* of Cornelia on his estate. He was
forewarned by responsible officials that if he wished to avoid being
scourged in public, he should have recourse to a confession as 12
a means of obtaining pardon. He complied. Herennius Senecio* pleaded
for him in his absence, adopting the ‘Patroclus is dead’ technique:* ‘I
have become not an advocate but a messenger; Licinianus has
withdrawn.’ Domitian welcomed this so enthusiastically 13
that his joy betrayed him, and he said: ‘Licinianus has acquitted me!’ He
added that there was no need to harry him in his shame, and indeed he
allowed him to grab whatever he could of his possessions before the
confiscation of his goods, and he awarded him the mild form of exile* as
a sort of reward. However, through the clemency of 14
the deified Nerva, he was allowed to move from his place of exile to
Sicily, where he is now teaching, and in his forewords to his lectures
taking revenge on Fortune.
You observe how obediently I obey you, for I write to you not only 15

about affairs in Rome but also about those abroad with such diligence,
harking back to earlier events. I believed in fact that because you were
away at the time, you had heard nothing about Licinianus beyond the
fact that he had been relegated for sexual depravity. Common gossip
reports the gist but not the sequence of events. I 16
deserve in turn to obtain from you an account of what is happening in
your town and neighbourhood (for noteworthy events often do occur). In
short, report whatever you like, as long as your letter is as lengthy as
mine. I shall count not only the pages, but also the lines and the
syllables! Farewell.
12 To his friend Arrianus Maturus
105
You are fond of Egnatius Marcellinus,* and you also often recommend 1

him to me. You will love and recommend him all the more once you
learn of his recent action. After he had left for his province 2
as quaestor there, the scribe who had been assigned to him by lot died
before his salary was legally payable. He had been given the money to
hand over to the scribe. He understood and decided that it should not
remain in his charge. So on his return he consulted 3
Caesar,* and then on Caesar’s authorization the Senate, on what they
wished him to do with the money.
The inquiry was minor, but was none the less an inquiry. The scribe’s
heirs claimed it for themselves, while the prefects of the treasury
claimed it for the people. The case came to court. The lawyer 4
for the heirs spoke first, followed by the advocate for the state; both
spoke admirably. Caecilius Strabo proposed that the money be paid into
the treasury, and Baebius Macer* that it should go to the heirs. Strabo
gained the day.
You must applaud Marcellinus, as I did on the spot, for though the 5

approval he has gained from both emperor and Senate is more than
ample, he will be delighted to have your corroboration; for all who are 6

impelled by fame and repute evince surprising pleasure at applause and

praise emanating even from lesser men. In fact, Marcellinus has such
lofty respect for you that he holds your judgement in the highest regard.
And besides, if he becomes aware that news of his 7
 7
action has travelled so far, he must inevitably be pleased that his praises
are sung so widely and swiftly as they journey abroad.* Somehow or
other, men take more pleasure from widespread than from resounding
praise. Farewell.

13 To his friend Cornelius Tacitus

c. 104
I am delighted that you have reached the city safely. Your arrival has 1
come at a time when, if ever, I was most eagerly longing to see you. I
shall be staying for a very few further days on this Tusculan estate,* to
complete a little work which I have on hand, for I fear that if I 2
relax my concentration, now that it is almost finished, I may find it hard
to take it up again. But in the meantime, so that the matter may lose
none of its urgency, I am asking in this letter (which is, so to say,
hastening before me) for a favour which I intend to ask of you face to
face. But first you must hear the reasons for the request.
Recently I was in my native region* when the young son of a fellow 3

citizen of mine came to greet me. I asked him: ‘Are you a student?’* He
replied: ‘Yes.’ ‘Where?’ I asked. ‘At Milan,’ he said. ‘Why not here?’ I
asked. Then his father, who was with him (he had in fact brought him
along), answered: ‘Because we have no teachers here.’ ‘Why are there
none? Surely it is very much in the interests of you 4
fathers here’ (several of them were conveniently listening) ‘that your
children should learn here rather than elsewhere. Where could they
reside more happily than on their native soil? Where could their morals
be better safeguarded than under their parents’ eyes?* Where could they
live at less expense than at home? Surely it would be 5
inexpensive to hire teachers, if you put your money together, and add
towards their salaries what you now lay out on lodgings, travelling-
expenses, and purchases away from home (for you have to buy
everything when away from home)? As I do not as yet have any
children,* I am ready to contribute a third of what you raise together as
a gift to my native region as if it were a daughter or a parent. I 6
would pledge the entire sum if I did not fear that this gift of mine might
at some time be misused by canvassing for the posts, for I see this
happening in many places where teachers are hired at public expense.*
This failing can be confronted by one remedy only, namely, 7
if the right to hire is left to the parents alone, and the duty of making the
right choice is imposed on them by their need to contribute the funds.
People who are perhaps careless with other people’s money 8
will at any rate be judicious with their own, and they will ensure that
only a deserving person obtains money from me if he is to obtain it also
from them. So make common agreement and work together. 9
Show greater initiative from my example, for I desire the sum I must
contribute to be as large as possible. You can grant nothing worthier to
your children, and nothing more welcome to your native region. Let
children who are born here be educated here. Let them from their
earliest childhood grow used to loving and thronging their native region.
I only hope that you bring in teachers so celebrated that students from
neighbouring towns come here for their learning; and just as now your
children flock to other areas, so in the near future may students from
other areas flock here!’
other areas flock here!’
I thought that I should recount these details from earlier on and 10
from the start to allow you to realize what a favour it would be to me if
you undertook what I seek to impose on you. What I impose and beg of
you, in view of the importance of this matter, is that you cast your eye
around the horde of students who surround you* in admiration of your
talent, and look for teachers whom we can inveigle here, but on
condition that I do not bind myself with pledges to anyone. The reason
for this is that I am leaving the choice entirely to the parents. They must
pass judgement and choose; I confine my role to supervision of the
project and my contribution. So if anyone 11
emerges who has confidence in his ability, he must go there on condition
that he takes nothing from here except his own self-confidence. Farewell.

14 To his friend Paternus

You are perhaps both demanding and anticipating a speech from me, 1
as you usually are, but I am bringing out for you from my outlandish
and frivolous stock some trifles of mine. With this letter you will 2
receive my hendecasyllables,* with which I beguile my leisure-time
when in my carriage, or in the bath, or during dinner. In these I 3
incorporate my joking and my sport, my affection and my grief, my
complaints and my irritations. I treat a topic at one time with some
restraint, and at another in more elevated style,* and by this very variety
I try to ensure that different pieces attract different people, and that
some of them please everyone.
If several of these poems seem to you rather too coarse, your 4
 If several of these poems seem to you rather too coarse, your 4
learning must cause you to reflect that those outstanding and highly
serious men who wrote verses like these avoided neither wanton topics
nor even explicit language. I have drawn back from such treatment, not
because I am too puritanical (why should I be?), but because I am too
cowardly. Yet in general I know that the most
authentic rule of thumb for this lesser activity is that which Catullus
formulated:* 5
True poets must themselves be chaste;
Their verses need not be so clean.
Such wit and charm they only have
If they are pathic and obscene.
You can infer the value which I place on your judgement from the 6
very fact that I have preferred you to assess them in their entirety, rather
than accord praise to selected pieces. Indeed, those pieces which are
most agreeable cease to appear so, once they begin to be comparable
with others. Moreover, the shrewd and subtle reader 7
ought not to compare poems of different kinds, but judge them
individually, without regarding one that is perfect in its own category as
inferior to another.
But why should I say more? It is the height of foolishness to 8
excuse or to recommend one’s tomfooleries in an extended preamble.
The one foreword which seems necessary is that I intend to entitle these
trifles of mine ‘hendecasyllables’, a heading confined solely to the
discipline of the metre. So you can call them epigrams, or idylls, 9
or eclogues, or short poems* as many do, or anything else you prefer; I
present them merely as ‘hendecasyllables’. I ask you to be
straightforward, and to tell me what your comments to a third party
about my book will be. My request is not difficult, for if this lesser work
10
were my main or my sole literary achievement, it could perhaps seem
brutal to say: ‘Look for something worth working on.’ A gentle and
kindly formulation is: ‘You have something worth working on.’ Farewell.

15 To his friend Minicius Fundanus

c. 105
If there is one thing in the world which I count as my considered 1
view, it is my unique fondness for Asinius Rufus.* He is an outstanding
person who has the greatest regard for decent men—for why should I
not reckon myself as one of them? He has moreover joined to himself
Cornelius Tacitus (you know the sort of man he is) in close friendship.
So, if you approve of both of us, you must take the 2
same view of Rufus, since similarity of character is certainly the most
tenacious bond in the establishment of friendships.
He has several children, for in this way, too, he has discharged the 3

obligation of the best of citizens. This is because he has sought to exploit

generously the fertility of his wife in an era in which the rewards of
childlessness make many regard even one child as a burden.* He has
despised their attitude, and has adopted the role of grandfather in
addition. For he is a grandfather; it is Saturius Firmus* who has made
him so, and you will feel affection for him as I do, if like me you get to
know him more closely.
All this is germane to your becoming aware of what a large and 4
 All this is germane to your becoming aware of what a large and 4
numerous household you will oblige by a single act of kindness, which I
am led to seek initially in hope, but in addition by a kind of good omen.
I pray and prophesy that you will become consul next 5
year,* for both your merits and the emperor’s appraisal tend to foretell
this. Coincidentally, in the same year the eldest of Rufus’ sons, 6
Asinius Bassus, becomes quaestor.* He is a young man better even than
his father (I hesitate to claim this, but his father is anxious for me to
believe and state it, though the young man’s modesty forbids it). It is not
easy for me to make you believe this of one you do not 7
know (though you habitually believe all I tell you), but he possesses all
the diligence and honesty, learning and talent, and finally application
and memory, as you will find upon acquaintance with him.
I could wish that our era was so fertile in good qualities that you 8
would be obliged to prefer some other men to Bassus. I should in that
case be the first to encourage and advise you to cast your eye round, and
to ponder the best possible choice to make. As things 9
stand, however—but I am unwilling to speak too boastfully of my friend.
My only claim is that the young man is worthy of adoption by you as
your son, after the fashion of our ancestors.* Men of wisdom like
yourself should acknowledge as sons conferred by the state the sort to
which we are wont to aspire as gifts of nature. It will be a 10
feather in your cap as consul to have as quaestor the son of a praetor,
one whose relatives are consulars and who, in their judgement, though
as yet a mere stripling, already in turn lends distinction to the family. So
as yet a mere stripling, already in turn lends distinction to the family. So
favour my prayers, fall in with my advice, and above all 11
pardon me if I seem to be over-hasty. The reason for this is because, to
begin with, affection usually runs ahead of its desires, and secondly, in a
state in which all business is conducted by those in possession, proposals
which await their lawful time do not come to maturity, but arrive too
late. And lastly, anticipation of what you long to achieve is itself a
pleasure. Let Bassus at this time venerate you as consul; 12
become fond of him as your quaestor, and finally allow me, who have
the utmost affection for both of you, to enjoy a twofold happiness. My
affection for both you and Bassus is such that I intend to aid him 13
under any consul and your quaestor (whoever he may be), with all my
resources, toil, and influence in his bid for high position. But it will give
me considerable pleasure if consideration of both my friendship and
your consulship bestows my support on that same young man —if, in
short, you above all come to my aid in answer to my prayers, for the
Senate most gladly defers to your decisions and puts the greatest trust in
your testimony. Farewell.

16 To his friend Valerius Paulinus

Rejoice for me, for yourself, and for our state, because respect is still 1
paid to the intellectual life. The other day when I was due to speak in
the Centumviral court, I could make my way through from the tribunal
only by passing through the judges, for the rest of the court was
swamped by a large crush of people. Moreover, a young man of 2
some distinction had his tunic torn, as often happens in a crowd, but he
stayed on, clad only in his toga, for a full seven hours. For that
stayed on, clad only in his toga, for a full seven hours. For that 3
was the length of my speech,* delivered with much sweat and to much
effect. So we must knuckle down, and not make other people’s idleness
an excuse for our own. Some come to listen, and some read;* all that we
have to do is to beaver away at producing something worth hearing, and
something worth the paper it is written on. Farewell.

17 To his friend Clusinius Gallus

early 105
You remind and request me to undertake the case of Corellia* in her 1
absence against the consul-designate, Gaius Caecilius.* Thank you for
the reminder, but I resent your request, for while I need the reminder to
be put in the picture, there is no need to ask me to do something which
it would be an utter disgrace not to do. Surely I 2
cannot hesitate to defend a daughter of Corellius?* True, I am friendly
with the man whom you urge me to oppose, though not a close
confidant. But in addition, there is his high status and the 3
distinguished office* for which he is designated, towards which I must
show respect all the greater because I have already discharged it. For it
is a law of nature to desire that greater recognition be accorded to a
status which a person has himself attained. However, all these concerns 4

seem flat and trivial to me when I reflect that it is the daughter of

Corellius whom I am to support.
I see before my eyes the image of a man as dignified, venerable, and
gifted as any which our age has produced. My admiration caused the
growth of my affection for him, and contrary to one’s usual experience,
close acquaintance caused me to admire him still more. For I did make
close acquaintance caused me to admire him still more. For I did make
that close acquaintance. He kept nothing hidden 5
from me, sportive or serious, melancholy or joyful. I was a mere 6
stripling, yet even then he showed me the regard and even, I shall
presume to say, the respect accorded to an equal. When I was seeking
offices, he became my sponsor and witness; when I embarked upon
them, my escort and companion; when I wielded them, my counsellor
and guide. In short, in every office I held, though he was then both
enfeebled and elderly, he made himself as conspicuous as one with
youth and strength. How greatly he enhanced my reputation, 7
both domestic and public; how greatly he furthered it even with the
emperor.
For when there chanced to be some discussion in the presence of 8
the emperor Nerva about young men of quality, and several people were
praising me, for a moment or two Corellius maintained the silence which
lent him additional authority in abundance. Then, in that dignified tone
that you know well, he said: ‘I must be more sparing in my praise of
Secundus, because he does nothing without taking my advice.’ With
these words he paid me a compliment to 9
which it would have been excessive to aspire, for he implied that I did
nothing which was not conspicuously wise, for my every action followed
the advice of the wisest of men. Then even when he was dying he told
his daughter, as she often remarks: ‘Through the benefit of a longer life I
have gained many friends for you, but above all Secundus and
Cornutus.’*
When I recall these words, I realize I must labour hard to ensure 10
 When I recall these words, I realize I must labour hard to ensure 10
that I do not appear to have betrayed in any respect the trust of that
most far-seeing man. So I shall indeed represent Corellia with the 11
greatest enthusiasm, nor shall I refuse to incur resentment thereby.
However, I think I shall elicit not only pardon, but also praise from the
one who is, as you say, bringing a form of action which is perhaps novel
because directed against a woman, if in this court case, whether to win
justification or even commendation, I express these sentiments more
broadly and more fully than the confines of a letter allow. Farewell.

18 To his friend Arrius Antoninus

How can I offer you clearer proof of my great admiration for your 1
Greek epigrams than by my attempt to imitate and render them in Latin?
But they fall below your standard. The first reason for this is the
feebleness of my talent, and secondly there is the dearth, or better, as
Lucretius puts it,* the poverty of our native tongue. But if 2
these renderings of mine into Latin seem to you to possess some charm,
how pleasing you must regard those which you published in Greek!
Farewell.

19 To his friend Calpurnia Hispulla

c. 105
You are a model of family devotion, and you loved your splendid 1
brother, matching his deep regard for you with equal affection. You love
his daughter as if she were your own, and to her you re-enact the
fondness not only of an aunt, but also that of the father she has lost.* For
these reasons I have no doubt that you will be highly delighted to know
that she is turning out worthy of her father, of you, and of her
grandfather. She is highly intelligent, and exceedingly thrifty. Her 2
love for me is the index of her chastity. These qualities are enhanced by
her enthusiasm for literature, which her love for me has fostered. She
possesses and repeatedly reads and even memorizes my books. What
concern she shows when I am due to speak in court! And what 3
delight, once the speech is finished! She posts individuals to report to
her the assent and the applause which I have received, and the outcome
which I have imposed on the judge.
Whenever I am giving a recitation, she sits close by, concealed by a
curtain, and listens most avidly to the praises heaped on me. She also 4
sings my verses and adapts them to the lyre, with no schooling from a
music-master, but with affection, which is the best possible teacher.
For these reasons I entertain the most sanguine hope that we will 5
enjoy enduring harmony which will grow day by day. It is not my time
of life or my body which she loves,* for these gradually decay with age,
but my fame. No other attitude befits one reared by your 6
hands and trained by your instructions, for in her association with you
she has set eyes only on what is pure and honourable, and finally she
has grown to love me as the outcome of your recommendation. For out
of your respect for my mother,* whom you revered as 7
a parent, you fashioned and encouraged me from my earliest boyhood,
and you were wont to prophesy that I would become the sort of person I
appear to be in my wife’s eyes. So we vie in giving you thanks— 8
appear to be in my wife’s eyes. So we vie in giving you thanks— 8
I because you have given her to me, and she because you have given me
to her. It is as though you chose us for each other! Farewell.

20 To his friend Novius Maximus

I informed you of my reactions to each of your volumes* when I had 1
perused them individually; now listen to my general judgement of them
in the round. The work is splendid, powerful, acute, and sublime. 2
The language is varied, elegant, unsullied, rich in metaphor. It is also
expansive, covering a broad canvas, which will bring you great applause.
You have been borne along on your wide-ranging course by the sails of
your talent and your resentment,* each of which lent aid to the other.
For talent has enhanced resentment with sublimity 3
and grandeur, and resentment has added power and bitterness to your
talent. Farewell.

21 To his friend Velius Cerialis

c. 105
What a sad and bitter misfortune has befallen the Helvidian sisters!* 1
Both have died in childbirth, each having given birth to a girl. I 2
grieve, but my grief is within bounds. It is a cause for lamentation that
girls of the highest calibre have been cut off by their fertility in the first
flower of youth. I mourn for the lot of the children, bereft of their
mothers at the moment of birth; I mourn for their noble husbands, and I
mourn on my own account, for with the greatest 3
constancy I have continued to love their father too since his death,* as
my speech on his behalf and my books* attest.
Now only one of the three children survives, left alone as the stay
and prop of a household which shortly before had the firm foundation of
several supports. But my sorrow will find great solace and 4
repose if Fortune preserves him at least, strong and safe, as one equal to
his famous father and famous grandfather. I am all the more concerned
for his well-being and manners, because he has become the sole
survivor. You know how soft-hearted and fearful I am in 5
my affections, which must make you less surprised that my fear is
greatest for him in whom my hopes are highest. Farewell.

22 To his friend Sempronius Rufus

c. 105
I have been present at a hearing held by our emperor, best of men, 1
for I was called in as assessor. Gymnastic games were held at Vienna* as
a result of some person’s bequest, and Trebonius Rufinus, an outstanding
man who is a friend of mine, in his capacity as a citymagistrate* has
caused them to be abandoned and abolished. It was claimed that he had
no public authority to have done this. Rufinus 2
conducted his own case with a success which matched his eloquence.
What won approval of his speech was his speaking on an issue of
personal concern in a considered and dignified manner as a Roman and
a good citizen.
When the judges were asked for their verdicts, Junius Mauricus,* a 3

man as steadfast and honest as can be, stated that the games should not
be restored for the Viennese, and he added: ‘I only wish that they could
be restored for the Viennese, and he added: ‘I only wish that they could
be abolished at Rome as well.’ Firmly and bravely said, you 4
remark. Of course, but this is nothing new from Mauricus. He spoke no
less courageously in the presence of the emperor Nerva, who was dining
with a few people. Veiento* was next to him, and snuggled up against
him—mention of the man says it all. Catullus Messalinus* 5
was mentioned in the course of conversation. He had lost the sight of his
eyes, and the handicap of his blindness had intensified his savage
disposition. He showed no fear, shame, or pity, which was why Domitian
would deploy him, like darts fired blindly and without consideration,
against each and every honourable man. All at table 6
were discussing together Messalinus’ wickedness and his bloodsoaked
views, when the emperor himself remarked: ‘If he had gone on living,
what do we think would have befallen him?’ Mauricus said: ‘He would
be dining with us.’
I have diverged quite a way from my starting point, but deliberately 7

so. It was decided to abolish the games, for they had corrupted the
morals of the Viennese, just as our games here at Rome infect those of
everyone. For while the vices of the Viennese are confined to their
citizens, those of the Romans wander far and wide. As in the human
body, so in the Empire at large the most serious disease is that which
spreads down from the head. Farewell.

23 To his friend Pomponius Bassus

I was greatly pleased to discover from friends we share that in 1
a manner worthy of your wisdom you are organizing your leisure and
coping with it, living in a most beautiful region, exercising your body on
coping with it, living in a most beautiful region, exercising your body on
both land and sea, participating in many discussions, listening a great
deal, and reading and rereading a great deal, and though you are a
polymath, learning something new each day. This is the ideal 2
old age* for a man who has held highly distinguished magistracies,
commanded armies, and devoted himself wholly to the state for so long
as it was fitting. For we must devote our early and middle years 3
to our native land, and our closing years to ourselves; this is what the
laws prescribe* for us, for they restore a man when he is older in years
to a life of leisure. When will I be allowed to conform to this, 4
when will I reach the age at which it will be honourable for me to
imitate the example you set of living in most idyllic peace? When will
my periods of relaxation away from Rome gain the title of peaceful
repose rather than idleness? Farewell.

24 To his friend Fabius Valens

c. 104
After I had spoken recently in a civil case before the four panels* 1
of the Centumviral court, the thought occurred to me that as a young
man I had spoken similarly before the combined panels. As often 2
happens, my thoughts advanced further, and I began to recall with what
associates I had shared the toil in this case and in that earlier one. I was
the only one to have spoken in both. Such are the great changes
introduced by the frailty of the human condition or the fickleness of
Fortune. Some who had spoken earlier have died, and 3
others are in exile. Old age and illness have imposed silence on one,
while another enjoys the great happiness of leisure. One man is
commanding an army, while another has been diverted to duties of state
through friendship with the emperor.*
In my own case, how numerous the changes have been! My 4
speech-making* has brought me advancement, then danger, and again
advancement. My friendship with honourable men has benefited me, 5
thwarted me, and now again benefits me. If you calculate the years, you
would regard it as a short period, but if you survey the changes of
situation, it seems a lifetime. This can be a lesson to us not to lose 6
heart, nor again to repose trust in any situation, since we see such
numerous changes in such an unstable round of events.
It is my regular practice to share with you all my thoughts, and to 7
advise you, following the same principles and examples with which I
advise myself. This was the reason for this letter. Farewell.

25 To his friend Maesius Maximus

105
I earlier wrote to you that we must be chary in case the secret voting 1
might lead to some abuse. This has occurred. At the recent elections*
several tablets were found to have many witticisms and disgusting
comments inscribed on them. One of them contained the names of the
campaigners* instead of the candidates! The Senate was furious, 2
and with loud cries implored the anger of the emperor against the man
who had inscribed them. But the culprit cheated them and escaped
detection; perhaps he was even one of the protesters!
What are we to think of that man’s behaviour in private, seeing 3
 What are we to think of that man’s behaviour in private, seeing 3
that he deploys offensive wit at such a solemn moment and in such an
important matter, one who, in short, in the Senate of all places is such a
smart and elegant and fine fellow? In depraved minds such 4
permissive behaviour is reinforced by the self-assurance of ‘For who will
know?’ That man asked for a tablet, obtained a pen, and bent his head.
He has no fear of anyone, and no respect for himself. So we get 5
these mockeries worthy of the stage-shows. Where does one go from
here? What remedies is one to seek? In whatever direction you go, the
abuses are stronger than the remedies. ‘But he who is over us will take
care of that.’* His taxing vigilance day by day and his heavy labours are
intensified by this sluggish yet lunatic scurrility of ours. Farewell.

26 To his friend Maecilius Nepos

105
You ask me to take in hand the rereading and correction of my 1
volumes, which you have most carefully collected. I shall comply. For
what task ought I more gladly to undertake, especially at your demand?
When a man like you, most serious, most learned, and most 2
eloquent, one who in addition is most busy and is about to be governor
of a massive province,* thinks it so worthwhile to carry my writings
with him, I must make every effort to ensure that this item of your
baggage does not strike you as superfluous. So I shall try to 3
ensure, first that these your companions are as agreeable as possible,
and, secondly, that on your return you may find some which you wish to
add to these. The fact that you are a reader is no slight incentive for me
to embark on new writings. Farewell.
to embark on new writings. Farewell.

27 To his friend Pompeius Falco

104–5
For a third day I have been listening with the utmost pleasure and 1
indeed with admiration to a recitation by Sentius Augurinus.* He calls
them his short poems.* Many are composed with simplicity, many in
lofty style; many are elegant, many are tender, many are sweet-
tempered, and many are cross. In my view no poetry of this 2
type has been composed more competently for many years, unless
perhaps I am beguiled either by my affection for him or by his winning
me over with his praises. For he has chosen as one theme 3
the fact that I occasionally make sport with verses. I will go so far as to
appoint you arbiter of my judgement, if I can recall the second line* of
this very epigram, for I remember the rest and have now set the lines
down:
My songs I sing in these shortened verses, 4

In which long ago my Catullus sang his,

As did Calvus and men of old. I don’t care!
Pliny alone is for me all earlier poets.
He leaves court behind, prefers to write short verses,
Seeking a love affair. He believes he is loved.*
Ho there, Pliny, worth a thousand Catos!
All with love affairs, you must stop your loving.
You see how sharp and fitting and polished his writing is. I guarantee 5
that the whole book is redolent of this flavour, and I shall send it to you
as soon as he brings it out. Meanwhile show affection to the young man,
and be thankful to our times for such talent, which he endows with
honest manners. He spends time with Spurinna and with Antoninus;* he
is a kinsman of one, and a close friend of both. From this you can gather
how faultless the young man is, since he 6
wins such affection from most dignified elders. That famous saw* is
undoubtedly true, that ‘One knows the sort of man he is from those with
whom he loves to associate’. Farewell.

28 To his friend Vibius Severus

Herennius Severus,* a man of the greatest learning, thinks it important 1

to have in his library portraits of your fellow townsmen Cornelius Nepos

and Titus Catius.* He requests that if the originals are in your town, as
they are likely to be, that I arrange for them to be copied and painted in
colour. I am delegating this task to you particularly, first, 2
because you always carry out my wishes in a most friendly way;
secondly, because of your intense devotion for literature and your
intense regard for literary men; and finally, because you respect and love
your native soil and likewise all who have enhanced its fame. I 3
beg you to choose a most conscientious painter, for though it is difficult
to fashion a likeness from an actual person, it is supremely difficult to
imitate an imitation. I beg you not to allow the artist you choose to stray
from the original, even to improve it. Farewell.

29 To his friend Romatius Firmus

early 105
 early 105
Ho there, Romatius! The very next time there is a hearing, you must 1
somehow or other take your place on the judges’ bench. There is no
chance of your relying on me to allow you to sleep untroubled. You
won’t get away with your idling. Here comes the praetor, Licinius 2
Nepos!* What a keen and courageous praetor he is! He has levied a fine
even from a senator. The senator pleaded his case in the Senate, pleaded
in fact to be let off. The fine was remitted, but he got a fright, had to
beg, needed to be pardoned. Your reaction will be: 3
‘Not all praetors are so harsh.’ You are in error. True, only harsh ones
can establish or reintroduce such a precedent, but even the most lenient
can apply it, once it is established or reintroduced. Farewell.

30 To his friend Licinius Sura

As a small gift from my native region, I have brought you a problem 1

wholly deserving of the boundless depths of your learning. There is 2

a spring* which rises in a mountain, runs down over rocks, and is
welcomed by a small dining-area which has been built up. There the
water is contained briefly, and then descends into lake Comum. The
remarkable feature of it is that three times each day the water rises and
falls with regular increase and decrease. This is visible to 3
the naked eye, and affords the greatest pleasure to observe. As you
recline and dine by it, you also drink the water from the spring, for it is
ice-cold. Meanwhile, at fixed and regular intervals the water drains away
and fills up. If you place a ring or some other object in 4
the channel when it is dry, the water gradually laps over it and finally
the channel when it is dry, the water gradually laps over it and finally
covers it; then once again it is exposed and is gradually left high and
dry. If you keep watching it for some time, you can see the water
draining and returning once or twice more.
Is there some air-pressure which is less visible, and first opens up 5
and then closes the entrance and jaws of the spring, according as it
confronts the water when it is borne in, and subsides when it is forced
out? We see this occur in bottles and other similarly shaped 6
vessels, which have narrow necks and do not immediately offer
unimpeded passage; for they too, though inclined downwards, delay the
outflow with what we may call frequent hiccups, as the obstructing air
causes certain delays. Or is the spring identical in nature with 7
the ocean, and just as the ocean is driven forward or sucked back, in the
same way is the modest volume of water alternately repressed and
forced out? Or just as rivers bearing their waters to the sea are 8
forced back by opposing winds or on confronting the tide, is there some
force that repels the outflow of the spring? Or is there a fixed 9
measure of water in the spring’s hidden channels, and until it gathers the
amount which it has lost, is its flow smaller and more sluggish, but once
gathered, it pours forth in more lively fashion and in greater volume? Or
is there some weight of water, lying hidden 10
and unseen, which on being emptied, rouses and summons the spring,
and once it is filled up, delays and constricts the water?
Please ponder the reasons behind this extraordinary phenomenon, 11

for you are competent to do so. For my part, it is more than enough if I
for you are competent to do so. For my part, it is more than enough if I
have sufficiently explained the outcome. Farewell. 11
 BOOK FIVE

I To his friend Annius Severus

105
A legacy has come my way which is modest but more welcome than 1
the largest possible. Why more welcome than the largest? Pomponia
Galla had disinherited her son, Asudius Curianus, and had left me as her
heir; she had appointed as coheirs Sertorius Severus,* a praetorian, and
other distinguished Roman knights. Curianus petitioned 2
me to present him with my share, and to aid him by a preliminary
inquiry. He promised me that by tacit agreement my share would be
safeguarded. I replied that it did not accord with my standards of 3
behaviour to adopt one position openly and another covertly; moreover,
that it was not really the decent thing to present money to one who was
both wealthy and childless; and finally, it would be of no service to him
if I made a present of it, whereas it would be advantageous for me to
renounce it, as I was ready to do, if it became clear to me that he had
been unjustly disinherited.
At this, Curianus said: ‘I am asking you to investigate.’* After a 4
brief hesitation, I said: ‘I will do so, for I do not see why I should
consider myself less adequate for this task than I seem to you. But do
remember at this stage that I shall have enough integrity to pronounce
in favour of your mother, if that is what honesty prescribes.’ ‘As you
wish,’ he replied, ‘for you will wish what is wholly fair.’ I 5
then appointed to advise me two of the most respected individuals in the
state at that time, Corellius and Frontinus.* Flanked by them, I took my
seat in my room.
Curianus put forward what he thought favoured his case. I made a 6

brief response, for no one else was present to protect the integrity of the
deceased lady. I then retired, and in accordance with the view of my
advisers I said to him: ‘Curianus, your mother had apparently just cause
to be angry with you.’
Thereafter he posted an indictment in the Centumviral court against
the other heirs, but not against me. As the day of the suit 7
approached, my coheirs were anxious to come to an agreement and to
settle, not because they had lost confidence in their case, but through
the fear induced by the times.* They were apprehensive at what they
saw had befallen many, in case they might find themselves facing a
capital charge as a result of the Centumviral judgement. Some of them
might have had their friendships with Gratilla and 8
Rusticus* charged against them. They asked me to discuss the matter 9
with Curianus.
We met in the temple of Concord,* where I said: ‘If your mother had
enrolled you as heir for a fourth of her estate, what complaint could you
have made? Or again, if she had made you sole heir, but had drained
away your inheritance with legacies, so that no more remained in your
possession? So, after being disinherited by your mother, you ought to be
satisfied if you obtain a fourth part from her heirs, though I shall add to
it. You realize that you have not indicted 10
me, and that two years have now elapsed,* so that I have acquired it all
by uninterrupted possession. But to ensure that my coheirs find you
more willing to negotiate, and that your respect for me does not deprive
you of anything, I am for my part offering you the same amount.’*
I have gained the reward, not merely of a good conscience, but also
of a fair reputation. So the said Curianus has both left me my 11
legacy and has signalled my gesture (which, unless I flatter myself,
showed old-world virtue) with conspicuous honour. I have penned 12
this account to you because it is my practice to discuss with you, no less
than with myself, whatever brings me pleasure or pain. Then again I
thought it unfriendly to deprive you of the joy which I was feeling, for
you have such great affection for me. And I am not such a 13
sage as to remain indifferent about whether actions which I believe I
have performed honourably have gained some recognition and a kind of
reward. Farewell.

2 To his friend Calpurnius Flaccus

I have received those very splendid thrushes, for which here in my 1
Laurentine villa I cannot make an equivalent return, either from my city-
store or from the storm-buffeted sea. So you will receive 2
instead a barren letter expressing simple gratitude, which does not seek
to vie even with Diomedes’ crafty exchange* of gifts. But such is your
genial nature that you will be all the more forthcoming with your
pardon because my letter admits that it does not deserve it. Farewell.
To his friend Titius Aristo
Your numerous services are both welcome and a pleasure to me, but 1
none more so than your belief that you should not hide from me the fact
that you have hosted much lengthy discussion about my slight verses,
which was further protracted because of the varying range of
judgements. You also report that there were some who, without
censuring the works themselves, rebuked me in a friendly and open way
for writing and reciting them. To exacerbate my fault, my riposte 2
to them is this: I grant that on occasion I write verses that are far from
dignified; yes, I grant it; moreover, I also listen to recitations of
comedies, I watch mimes, I read lyric poetry, and I appreciate Sotadics.*
Then too there are occasions when I laugh, make jokes, sport, and—let
me summarize all the forms of harmless relaxation— am human. As for
those who are unaware that men of the greatest learning, high
seriousness, and blameless manners have habitually written such works,
I do not resent their high opinion of my character, 3
which causes them to express surprise at my writing them. But 4
I am sure that those who are well aware of the great authors in whose
steps I tread can be readily prevailed upon to allow me to stray from the
straight path in the company of those writers, for it is praiseworthy to
emulate their jocular as well as their serious writings. I 5
shall not mention any living author to avoid succumbing to any form of
flattery, but am I to fear that what was fitting for Marcus Tullius Cicero,
Gaius Calvus, Asinius Pollio, Marcus Messala, Quintus Hortensius,
Marcus Brutus, Lucius Sulla, Quintus Catulus, Quintus Scaevola, Servius
Sulpicius, Varro, Torquatus or rather the Torquati, Gaius Memmius,
Lentulus Gaetulicus, Annaeus Seneca, and most recently Verginius
Rufus,* is not fitting for me? And if these examples of private citizens
are not enough, I can cite Julius, Augustus, and Nerva, all deified, as
well as Tiberius Caesar. I make no mention of 6
Nero, though I am aware that such occasional activities do not become
morally depraved because practised by wicked men; rather, they remain
honourable because they are more frequently practised by good men.
Among these we must number in particular Publius Virgil, Cornelius
Nepos, and, earlier, Accius and Ennius.* Admittedly, they were not
senators, but integrity of manners does not make social distinctions.
True, I give recitations, and I am not aware that they did, I 7
concede this, but they could rest happy with their own powers of
judgement, whereas I am too unassuming in my resolve to believe that
what I myself approve is sufficiently meritorious. So I propound 8
these causes for recitation: first, the performer concentrates more keenly
on his writings out of respect for his listeners, and secondly, he takes
decisions about any passages of which he has doubts by taking account
of the opinions of what is a kind of advisory body. Further, he receives
numerous suggestions from numerous people, 9
and even if he does not, he observes the reactions of individuals from
their facial expressions, eyes, nods, applause, murmurs, and silences, for
these offer sufficiently clear indications of the difference between their
judgements and their humane sentiments. Accordingly, if by 10
chance any of those who attended take pains to read what has been
chance any of those who attended take pains to read what has been
recited, they will realize that I have changed or added certain passages,
perhaps in keeping with their own judgements even if they have not
intimated anything to me.
But I am now propounding my arguments as if I had invited the 11
public at large to a lecture-hall rather than friends to a private room. To
have such friends in greater numbers is a source of pride to many, and a
reproach to none. Farewell.

4 To his friend Julius Valerianus

105
This is a small matter, but the beginning of something big. A praetorian 1

called Sollers* asked the Senate to allow him to hold a weekly market on
his estate. Ambassadors from Vicetia* opposed it. Tuscilius Nominatus*
was their advocate. The case was adjourned. At a second meeting of the
Senate the ambassadors from Vicetia 2
arrived, without their advocate. They said that they had been misled,
whether by some verbal misdirection or because they genuinely believed
it. When Nepos the praetor* asked whom they had instructed, they
replied that he was the same man as before. On being asked whether he
had on that occasion represented them without payment, they replied
that they had paid him 6,000 sesterces. When asked whether they had
made a second payment, they said yes, i, 000 denarii.*
Nepos then commanded that Nominatus be brought to court. 3
Nothing further ensued that day, but my hunch is that the matter will go
further, for many issues once touched upon and set generally in motion
tend to creep on much further.
tend to creep on much further.
I have made you prick up your ears. How interminably and how 4
fawningly you must now entreat me to ascertain what follows!* That is,
unless you visit Rome first to get the news, and you prefer to witness it
rather than read about it. Farewell.

5 To his friend Novius Maximus

c. 105
I have been informed that Gaius Fannius* has died. This news has 1
filled me with dismay and oppressive grief, first, because I loved this
elegant and eloquent man, and secondly, because I used to exploit his
judgement, for he was intelligent by nature, well tried by experience,
and most forthcoming with the truth. What saddens me as well is his 2
personal misfortune, for he died without changing his will, and has left
out some of whom he was especially fond, and has included some to
whom he has become more hostile.
But this, such as it is, can be borne. What is more grievous is that he
has left his most noble work unfinished, for though distracted by 3
his pleadings in court, he was writing an account of the deaths of men
executed or banished by Nero. By now he had completed three volumes
with nice judgement and careful research, composed in good Latin
which bridges the conversational and the historical styles. The more
often these books were being carefully read, the more eager he was to
complete the rest.
For those at work on some immortal project, death seems to me to 4

be always bitter and to come too early. For those who surrender to
pleasure, and who live, so to say, for the day, each day forecloses their
pleasure, and who live, so to say, for the day, each day forecloses their
reasons for living. But for those who give thought to posterity, and
prolong remembrance of themselves through their works, death at any
time is too sudden, for it always cuts off some work which has been
begun.
In fact, Gaius Fannius had a premonition long before of what 5
actually occurred. He dreamt* in the silence of the night that he was
lying on his couch dressed in his working-clothes, with his desk as usual
in front of him. Then Nero seemed to him to enter, sat on the couch,
took up the first volume which Fannius had published about the
emperor’s crimes, and read it through to the end. He did the same thing
with the second and third volumes, and then departed. Fannius 6
was terrified. He interpreted this as indicating that this would be the end
of his writing as it had been of Nero’s reading, and indeed it was.
As I recall this, I feel pity for his having endured in vain all that 7
sleeplessness and all that labour. My mind is confronted by my own
mortality and my writings. I have no doubt that you too are most fearful,
for you will have the same thoughts for the works which you have on
hand. So as long as life lasts, let us strive to ensure that death 8
finds very little to destroy. Farewell.

6 To his friend Domitius Apollinaris

I was heartened by your concern and anxiety for me, for when you 1
heard that I intended to spend the summer on my Tuscan estate,* you
sought to dissuade me, believing that the region is unhealthy.* It is 2
true that the Tuscan shore extending along the coast is oppressive and
true that the Tuscan shore extending along the coast is oppressive and
noxious, but my estate lies far back from the sea; indeed, it lies below
the Apennines, the most salubrious of mountains. So to help 3
you to dispense with all fear on my account, hear my recital of the
climate, the geography of the region, and the pleasant situation of my
villa. These details will be a pleasure both for you to hear, and for me to
recount.
The climate in winter is cold and frosty, so it repels and rejects 4
myrtles, olives, and other trees which delight in continual warmth.
However, it bears with laurels and yields most handsome ones, though
from time to time it kills them but not more often than happens in the
neighbourhood of Rome. In summer it is remarkably 5
temperate; the air is constantly stirred by currents, but more often they
are light breezes rather than winds. As a result many live to old 6
age. You can see grandfathers and great-grandfathers of men in their
prime, and you can hear old stories and talk of men of the past, so that
when you go there, you think that you were born in a different era.
The appearance of the area is very beautiful. Think of some massive 7

amphitheatre, one which nature alone can fashion. The broad and
expansive plain is ringed with mountains, on the topmost levels of which
are glades of tall and ancient trees, A good deal of varied 8
hunting* is available there, and woodland suitable for felling descends
with the mountain slopes. Between these areas of woodland are hills
whose soil is rich and fertile (no outcrop of rock readily meets the eye
anywhere, even if you are looking for it); they do not yield in fertility to
the broadest plains. The harvests that ripen there are rich; true, they
arrive rather late, but they are no smaller in size. 9 Below them,
vineyards extend on every flank, presenting an identical 9
appearance as they interweave far and wide. At the lowest level below
them plantations grow, and adjoining them are meadows and fields— 10

fields which only strapping oxen and the strongest ploughs can break
through, for when the ground is first ploughed, the soil cleaves fast, and
comes out in such great clods that it is only finally subdued when turned
over nine times.* The meadows bloom with flowers 11
like jewels; they nurture trefoil and other delicate plants which are
always soft and fresh-looking, for they are all nourished by streams all
the year round. Yet where much water gathers, there is no marshland
because it lies on a slope, and any water which is attracted there and
fails to be absorbed pours into the Tiber.
The river cuts through the middle of the fields. It can take boats, 12
and it conveys all the produce down to Rome, though only in winter and
spring, for in summer its level lowers, and with its dry bed it abandons
its reputation as a massive river until the autumn, when it claims it back.
You will experience great pleasure by gazing out from 13
the mountain over the countryside, for you will get the impression of
looking not at the landscape but at some painting of a scene of
extraordinary beauty. Wherever the eye settles, it will be refreshed by
the variation and the pattern which is outlined.
The villa lies at the base of a hill, but the view seems to be from 14
 14
the top, for the hill rises so gently and gradually, and the slope is so
deceptive, that you would think, not that you were mounting it, but that
you had already done so. The Apennines lie in the rear, but at some
distance. No matter how sunny and still the day is, the house welcomes
breezes from them, but they are not piercing and excessive, but subdued,
and they are played out because of the distance they travel. The house
for the most part faces south, and in 15
summer entices the sun from midday, and in winter from a little earlier,
into a colonnade which is broad and correspondingly long. It contains
several rooms, and also an entrance hall similar to those in days of old.
In front of the colonnade is a terrace divided into several sections 16

of different shapes which are separated by hedges of box. From it a

raised platform slopes downward, on which there are shapes of animals
facing each other, fashioned from box. On the level below there is
acanthus, soft and virtually transparent. There is a walkway 17
round it enclosed by compact bushes cut into various shapes; close by
there is a circular drive which encloses box in different shapes, and
shrubs kept low by being cut back. The whole area is protected by a wall
which is hidden from view by a tiered hedge of box.* Outside the wall
there is a meadow; nature has made it as much worth seeing as 18
the garden just described, which was devised by human skill. Beyond it
there are fields and many other meadows and plantations.
At the head of the colonnade a dining room juts out. Through its 19
folding doors it surveys the end of the terrace and immediately beyond it
the meadow and the expanse of countryside. From the windows on one
the meadow and the expanse of countryside. From the windows on one
side it looks out onto the side of the terrace and onto a projecting part of
the house, and on the other the grove and its foliage, which lie within
the exercise-ground for horses close by. Virtually opposite the middle of
the colonnade there is a suite of 20
rooms somewhat set back; it encircles a courtyard shaded by four plane
trees. They surround a fountain in a marble basin, which gushes forth
and refreshes the plane trees round it and the earth beneath them with
its gentle spray. This suite of rooms contains a 21
bedroom which shuts out the daylight, shouting, and other sounds, and
adjoining it is a dining room for everyday use by me and my friends. It
looks out on the courtyard which I mentioned, on one wing of the
colonnade, and on the general vista which the colonnade enjoys. There
is also a second bedroom which the nearest plane tree 22
endows with greenery and shade. It is adorned with marble up to the
dado, and has a mural depicting tree-branches with birds perched upon
them, a scene no less charming than the marble. In this bedroom 23
there is a small fountain enclosed by a basin, the several jets around
which combine to make a most pleasing whisper.
At the corner of the colonnade, the largest bedroom faces the dining
room. From one set of windows it looks down on the terrace, from the
other on the meadow, in front of which there is an ornamental pool
lying below the windows and enhancing the view from them, for it is
pleasant both to the ear and to the eye, because the 24
water cascades down from a height and turns white when it enters the
marble basin. This room is beautifully warm in winter, for it is
marble basin. This room is beautifully warm in winter, for it is
constantly bathed in sunshine. Adjacent to it is the hot-air room, and if
the day is cloudy the steam is injected and takes over the role of the sun.
25
The spacious and cheerful room next to it, in which one disrobes for
bathing, is adjoined by the cooling-room, in which there is a good-sized
swimming-pool shaded from the sun. If you want a bigger or warmer
pool to swim in, there is one in the courtyard* with a well next to it,
from which you can freshen up again if the warm water is cloying. The
cooling-room leads into a middle room, in 26
which the sun provides a most genial service, though this is more in
evidence in the hot room, for it projects outwards. This has three plunge-
baths, two in the sun and the third at some distance from it, though not
from its light. Beyond the disrobing-room* a ball-court 27
has been erected, big enough to cater for several kinds of exercise and
for several circles of players.
Not far from the bath is a staircase which leads up to a covered
gallery by way of three suites of rooms. The first of these suites
overhangs the small courtyard with the four plane trees; the second is
over the meadow, and the third over the vineyard with a view of various
sectors of the sky. At the end of the covered gallery there 28
is a bedroom hollowed out of the gallery itself, which looks out on to the
riding-circuit, the vineyard, and the mountains. Another room adjoining
it meets the sun, especially in winter. Next comes a suite which connects
the riding-circuit to the house. Such are the appearance and the
perquisites of the front of the villa.
At the side there is a covered gallery* for summer use, which is set 29
on an eminence, and which seems not so much to look out on the
vineyard as to touch it. At its centre there is a dining room, particularly
healthy since it welcomes a breeze from the Apennine valleys. It has
very broad windows at the rear, from which the vineyard is visible; the
folding doors also look out on the vineyard which is visible through the
gallery. On the side of the dining room which has 30
no windows there is a staircase, which by means of a more private
detour allows the access of things useful for dining. At the far end there
is a bedroom which is afforded a view of the gallery no less pleasant
than that of the vineyard. Beneath it there is the equivalent of a
subterranean gallery, which in summer remains glacial with the enclosed
cold; satisfied with its own air, it neither needs nor admits breezes from
outside. Behind these twin galleries, and beyond the 31
dining room, a colonnade opens up which is cold up to midday but then
heats up as evening draws near. This gives entry to two suites, in one of
which there are four bedrooms, and in the other three; the sun’s journey
provides them successively with sunshine and shade.
Far, far more impressive than the arrangement and convenience 32
of the buildings is the riding-ground,* the centre of which lies open, so
that as soon as you enter, the whole complex is laid out before your
eyes. It is surrounded by plane trees which are clothed in ivy and are
green with their own foliage above and with that of other plants below.
The ivy travels round trunks and branches, and roams across to link up
with neighbouring plane trees. Between these planes box-shrubs grow,
and laurels circle outside the box-shrubs, associating their shade with
that of the plane trees. The straight 33
edge of the riding-circuit is broken at its end by a semicircular curve,
which changes its appearance. It is encircled and shaded by cypresses,
and becomes more overshadowed and darkened by the thicker shade,
but in the inner circuits, of which there are several, it gets the most
translucent daylight. In that area roses grow as well, 34
and the cool in the shadows is moderated by shafts of not unwelcome
sunlight.
At the far end of this curved sector, with its varied and manifold
twists and turns, a return is made to a straight lateral stretch, though
there is not just this one, but several separated by box-hedges lying
between them. At some points they are divided by lawns, and at 35
others by box-shrubs fashioned in a thousand shapes. Here and there
these form letters which spell out the names, now of the owner, and now
of the specialist gardener. Miniature obelisks* rise upward, alternating
with fruit-trees planted there. Amidst this creative work, most
characteristic of city-life, you suddenly confront the imitation of an
imported country-scene. The central open area is adorned at both ends
by plane trees of smaller height. Behind them on both 36
sides grow acanthuses with their slippery and pliant leaves, and next
come more shapes and names created from box.
At the far end of the circuit is a semicircular couch of white marble,
shaded by a vine which is supported by four slender pillars of Carystian
marble. From pipes within the couch jets of water stream out as if
ejected by the weight of those who sit there. The water is caught by a
hollowed stone and then held by a basin of delicate marble, where it is
controlled by some hidden means so that it fills up without overflowing.
The hors d’œuvre and the more 37
substantial courses are placed on the circumference of the basin, while
the lighter ones float round on vessels shaped like tiny boats or birds. A
fountain opposite sends water shooting up and recovers it, for after
being ejected high in the air it falls back, and by the combination of
fissures the water is both collected and expelled.
Close by the couch there is a facing bedroom which confers as much
distinction on the couch as it obtains from it. Constructed in 38
gleaming marble, it has folding doors which jut out into the greenery
and lead out into it, and its upper and lower windows gaze up and down
into further greenery. There is a hidden alcove, which is, as it were, part
of the bedroom but also a second one. There is a bed in it, and though
there are windows all round, the daylight is curtained by the shade that
overhangs it, for a most luxuriant vine struggles to 39
mount to the roof of the whole building. You could recline there as if
you were resting in a glade, except that you would not experience a rain-
shower as you would in the glade. Here too a fountain plays and 40
at once retires. Marble chairs are arranged in a number of places, which
please those wearied from walking as much as does the room itself. Tiny
fountains play close by the chairs. The whole riding-circuit resounds
with the noise of the streams which are channelled in, and which follow
the controlling hand, watering now one area, now another, and from
time to time all together.
Long before now I should have refrained from seeming to sing too 41
 Long before now I should have refrained from seeming to sing too 41

loudly, if I had not decided to visit by letter every corner in your

company. I did not fear that you would find it wearisome to read a
description of what would not be wearisome to visit, especially as you
could take a break should you so wish, lay down the letter, and take a
seat. Moreover, I have been pandering to my affections, for I love the
layout which I have for the most part arranged or which I have
developed from that put in train by others. To put it briefly 42
(why should I not reveal to you my decided view or misconception?), I
think the primary task of a writer is to scrutinize his title, to ask himself
repeatedly what he has embarked upon, and to be aware that if he
confines himself to his topic, his treatment cannot be long-winded. If on
the other hand he summons and draws in extraneous themes, it will be
overlong. You know how many lines Homer takes 43
to describe the arms of Achilles, and how many Virgil* expends on those
of Aeneas, yet both treat their subject economically because they achieve
what they set out to do. You observe how Aratus* follows up and gathers
even the smallest stars, and yet he observes the due limit, because this is
no digression of his, but the subject itself. In the 44
same way, ‘to compare small things with great’, I am attempting to
present the whole house before your eyes, and as long as I do not
introduce anything extraneous and irrelevant, it is the house being
described and not my letter describing it which extends itself.
But to ensure that I am not justly censured in terms of my own law, if
I linger longer in this digression, I shall revert to the topic with which I
began. You now know the reasons why I prefer my 45
 45
Tuscan estate to any in Tusculum or Tibur or Praeneste.* Then, too, in
addition to the reasons I have given, I enjoy a leisure there more
profound and more rich, and therefore more carefree. I need not wear a
toga, no neighbour summons me, and all is peace and tranquillity; this
very fact enhances the health-giving atmosphere of the region, as if the
sky were more cloudless, and the air clearer. When I 46
am there I am supremely healthy in mind and body, for my books
exercise my mind, and hunting my body. My servants too nowhere live a
healthier life than here; at any rate, up to now I have never lost a single
one* of those which I had brought to accompany me (forgive my
boasting). I only pray that in the days to come the gods may preserve
this joy for me, and this fair fame for the house. Farewell.

7 To his friend Calvisius Rufus

It is clear that a borough cannot be ratified as an heir, nor receive a 1
preliminary legacy, yet Saturninus,* who has deputed us as his heirs, has
bequeathed a fourth of his estate to our community, and later, in place
of that quarter, awarded it a preliminary legacy of 400,000 sesterces.
According to the law, this is null and void, but according to the wish of
the dead man, it is ratified and definite. In my eyes (I 2
tremble to think how the legal experts will take what I am about to say),
the wish of the dead man is to be preferred to the law,* especially as
regards the bequest which he sought to bestow on the native region
which you and I share. Since I myself have made a 3
gift of i, 600,000 sesterces to the community, am I to refuse it the 400,
000 from an external source which is only slightly more than the one-
third* due to me? I know that you will not dissent from my judgement,
since as the best of citizens you love the state as I do. So what I should
like you to do, when town-councillors are next 4
called to a meeting, is to state what the law is, but in a restrained and
unemphatic way, and then to add that in accordance with Saturninus’
instructions we are offering the community 400,000 sesterces. The gift
and the generosity is his; our role is to be called merely compliance.
I have refrained from stating this in a letter to the council, 5
first, because I remembered that the obligation of our friendship and the
resources of your wisdom make it both desirable and possible for you to
perform my role as well as yours. Secondly, I was afraid that in a letter I
might not appear to have maintained the judiciousness which it is easy
for you to observe in conversation. For whereas one’s 6
voice itself controls language, facial expressions, and gestures, a letter
bereft of all such graces is exposed to malicious interpretation. Farewell.

8 To his friend Titinius Capito

105–6
You urge me to compose a history, and you are not alone in urging 1

this, for many have often suggested it to me. I am keen, not because I am
sure that I would handle it appropriately (that would be a rash
assumption without expertise), but because it seems to me an especially
noble aim not to allow persons who are owed immortality to disappear,
as also to prolong the glory of others together with one’s own. For me,
no stimulus is so great as the love and longing for 2
lasting fame, for this is the most worthy of human aspirations, especially
if one has no awareness of personal guilt,* and accordingly no fear of the
judgement of posterity.
So day and night I ponder if there is ‘any path whereby I too can 3
raise myself from earth’, for that sufficiently meets my prayer, whereas
‘to flit victorious on the lips of men’* is beyond my aspiration. ‘Yet oh
…’.* But history alone seems to guarantee that sufficiency. Oratory and
poetry win little favour without supreme 4
eloquence, whereas history, however it is written, gives pleasure; for
people are inquisitive by nature, and they are charmed by gaining
knowledge of events however baldly presented, for even gossip and
anecdote entice them.
The example of my family is a further stimulus which directs me to
the discipline. My uncle, who became also my father by adoption, 5
wrote works of history* with scrupulous care, and the works of
philosophers inform me that it is a most honourable thing to follow in
the footsteps of one’s forebears, so long as the path on which they paved
the way was an honourable one.
So why do I hesitate? I have pleaded in important and serious 6
lawsuits, and even if my expectations arising from them are slight, I
intend to revise my speeches for fear that all that exacting toil may
perish with me, unless I put the finishing touches to them. For if you 7
take account of posterity, anything left unpolished is accounted as not
having been begun. You will say: ‘But you can both rewrite your
speeches and write history.’ I only wish I could, but both are such
speeches and write history.’ I only wish I could, but both are such
mammoth tasks that to achieve one is quite enough. I began to plead 8
in court in my nineteenth year,* and now at last I see, though still only
dimly, the skills which an orator ought to manifest.
So what would be the outcome, if a new burden were added to 9
the old? True, oratory and history* have much in common, but there are
several differences in the characteristics they seem to share. Both
incorporate narrative, but in different ways. Oratory often has fitting
elements that are lowly and mean, deriving from common life, whereas
for history what is appropriate is all that is recherché, noble, and lofty.
Bare bones and modest muscles and sinews are 10
more often suited to oratory, whereas swelling thews and manes, so to
speak, befit history. Oratory wins supreme approval by its passion,
bitterness, and aggression, history by being drawn out, equable, and
even genial. In short, they differ in vocabulary, sound, and structure. It
makes the greatest difference whether it is, in 11
Thucydides’ words,* a possession or a contest, the first of which is
history, and the second, oratory. For these reasons I am not disposed to
mingle and mix together the two dissimilar genres which differ in their
chief characteristics, in case I am confused by this great jumble, and I
handle the one as I ought to handle the other. So meanwhile, to stick to
the language of my profession, I beg leave for an adjournment.
For the moment you must ponder what period in particular I 12
should tackle. Ancient history, already covered by others? The research
is available,* but the compilation burdensome. Or a recent period not
yet covered?* The animosity is oppressive, and the gratitude meagre.
Apart from the fact that the monstrous vices of humanity 13
entail more that is worthy of blame than praise, it will be said that one’s
praise is too sparing and one’s blame too censorious, even if one’s
commendation is unbounded, and one’s condemnation most restrained.
But these considerations do not hold me back, for I have 14
enough courage to be honest. I am asking you to prepare the ground for
the task you urge on me, and to choose the subject matter, so that once I
am ready to start writing, no other just cause for hesitation and delay
may emerge. Farewell.

9 To his friend Sempronius Rufus

early 105
I had made my way down to the Basilica Iulia* in order to hear 1
the speeches to which I was scheduled to reply after a two-day
adjournment. The judges were seated, the presiding decemvirs had 2
arrived, the opposing lawyers were facing up to each other, and there
was a protracted silence. At last a message arrived from the praetor. The
centumvirs were discharged, and proceedings suspended. This was much
to my delight, for I am never so well prepared as not to be glad of a
delay. The cause of the postponement was the praetor 3
Nepos,* who was holding a judicial inquiry. He had published a brief
edict, and he warned prosecutors and defendants that he would impose
the provisions contained in the senatorial decree* appended to the edict.
By this decree all those pursuing business before the 4
courts were ordered before speaking to swear that they had not given,
promised, or guaranteed payment to anyone for legal advocacy. By these
promised, or guaranteed payment to anyone for legal advocacy. By these
words and a thousand more it was forbidden to sell or to buy such legal
assistance, but once the case was completed, it was permissible to make
a gift of not more than 10,000 sesterces. This intervention 5
by Nepos roused the praetor who was presiding over the Centumviral
court. In order to give thought to whether he should follow Nepos’
example, he bestowed on us some unexpected leisure.
Meanwhile Nepos’ edict is arousing criticism or praise all over 6
the city. Many are saying: ‘We have found someone to straighten out
bent practices! So were there no praetors before he came along? Who is
this fellow who is seeking to correct the morals of the state?’ But others
are saying: ‘He was absolutely right. Before entering on his magistracy
he acquainted himself with the laws, read the senatorial decrees, comes
down hard on the most disgraceful alliances, and refuses to allow the
noblest of professions to be put up for sale in the most demeaning way.’
This is the sort of talk on all sides, 7
and only the outcome will show which view will prevail. It is wholly
unjust, but in practice accepted, that honourable or disreputable designs
are approved or censured according as they turn out badly or
successfully. So quite often the same actions win a reputation for careful
attention or empty-headedness, for independence or lunacy. Farewell.

10 To his friend Suetonius Tranquillus

I beg you to redeem the pledge made in my hendecasyllables, which I 1

promised to the friends we share the publication of your writings.*

Every day there are appeals and demands for them, and now the danger
looms that the poems may be forced to accept a formal writ to show
them. I myself am likewise hesitant about publishing, but 2
you have prevailed even over my delays and dilatory ways. So now you
must break through the barrier of delay, or beware lest these works of
yours, which my hendecasyllables cannot entice from you by flattery,
are squeezed out of you by my abusive scazons. Your 3
writings are fully developed and perfected; the file does not give them a
bright sheen, but impoverishes them. Allow me to see the title of your
volume, allow me to hear that the works of my friend Tranquillus are
being copied, read, and sold. It is right that in view of such a shared
friendship I should experience the same pleasure from you as you enjoy
from me. Farewell.

11 To Calpurnius Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

I have received your letter informing me that you have dedicated a 1
most beautiful colonnade in the names of your son* and yourself, and
that on the following day you promised money for the decoration of the
gateways, so that the start of fresh generosity was the completion of that
proposed earlier. I am delighted, first because of the fame it 2
brings you, some part of which reflects on me because of our kinship;
secondly, because I realize that the memory of my father-in-law is
prolonged by these most handsome works; and finally, because our
native region wins renown,* as this is for me a delight no matter who
adorns it, and the greatest delight since you have done so.
It remains for me only to pray that the gods continue to confer 3
that generous spirit upon you, and the longest period of years upon that
that generous spirit upon you, and the longest period of years upon that
spirit, for it is clear to me that once you have discharged this recent
pledge, you will embark upon another. Once generosity has been roused
to action, it cannot remain inactive, for the very exercise of it
recommends its nobility. Farewell.

12 To his friend Terentius Scaurus

I decided to hold a recital of a modest speech which I am thinking of 1
publishing, so I invited some people as a gesture of respect, and a few
others to get from them an honest reaction. For I have two reasons for
holding recitals: the first so that I am keyed up with anxiety, and the
second so that I can receive advice, in case some error for which I was
responsible has escaped my notice. I obtained what I sought. I 2
found people to give me generously of their advice, and I myself noticed
some things which I am to change. I have amended the 3
written version which I have sent you. You will identify the subject
matter* from the title, and the speech will explain the rest, for it must
already be familiar enough to be understood without an introduction.
Please write and tell me your view of the speech as a whole, and of 4
its parts, for I must be circumspect in withholding it, or more insistent
on publishing it, if your authority inclines to one or to the other,
Farewell.

13 To his friend Julius Valerianus

early 105
You ask me, and I promised if you did so to acquaint you with the 1
outcome of the summons which Nepos issued in connection with
outcome of the summons which Nepos issued in connection with
Tuscilius Nominatus.
Nominatus was escorted in, and spoke on his own behalf, with no
one indicting him, for the ambassadors from Vicetia not merely refrained
from charging him, but even lent him their support. The 2
gist of his defence was that it was not his good faith as advocate which
had been found wanting, but his resolve. He had come to court intending
to plead, and he had even been seen in the Senate, but then he had
become fearful in conversation with friends and had retired, for he had
been warned not to offer such dogged opposition to the aspirations of a
senator who was now battling not for the market, but for his influence,
repute, and dignity, especially in the Senate. Otherwise, they said,
Nominatus would incur greater odium* than he had on the earlier
occasion. As he left the chamber he was applauded, but 3
only by a few. He reinforced his words with pleas and tears. Indeed,
throughout his whole speech this practised performer made sure that he
appeared to be begging to be let off rather than to be defending himself,
for this approach was both more conciliatory and safer.
On the proposal of the consul-designate, Afranius Dexter,* he was 4
acquitted. The gist of Dexter’s statement was that Nominatus would have
been better advised to have continued in support of the Vicetians’ case
with the same courage with which he had undertaken it. However, since
the type of guilt he had incurred had involved no deceit, and it was
established that he had committed no act deserving of punishment, he
should be acquitted on condition that he restored to the Vicetians the
money which he had received. The proposal 5
won universal agreement, with the exception of Fabius Aper. He
proposed that Nominatus be barred from advocacy for five years, and
though his show of authority attracted no one in support, he stood
resolutely by his proposal, and by citing the law* on senatorial
procedure he compelled Dexter, who had made the initial proposal to
the contrary, to swear that his motion was in the interests of the Senate.
Though this demand was in harmony with the law, some 6
members railed against it, for he seemed to be censuring Dexter for a
proposal which was currying favour.
But before the votes could be declared, Nigrinus, a plebeian tribune,
read out an eloquent and important document,* in which he complained
that the provision of advocacy was for sale, as also was collusion
between prosecution and defence; that there was cooperation over
lawsuits; and that it was accounted fame to lay down large and fixed
financial returns from the spoils of citizens. He read out 7
sections of the laws, reminded senators of senatorial decrees, and finally
said that they should plead with the best of emperors to apply a remedy
himself to these great evils, because the laws and senatorial decrees were
being flouted.
A few days elapsed, and then a document came from the emperor 8
which was austere but couched temperately. You will be able to read it,
for it is in the public records.* How pleased I am that in the matter of
lawsuits I have always steered clear of not merely agreements, gifts, and
services, but also of honorific presents! True, one 9
should avoid dishonourable practices, not because they are illegal, but
because they are shameful, but it is none the less satisfying to observe a
because they are shameful, but it is none the less satisfying to observe a
public veto on what one has never allowed oneself to do. Perhaps, or
rather undoubtedly, I shall win less praise and less 10
public recognition for my own observance, once all will perform out of
necessity what I was accustomed to do voluntarily. Meanwhile I enjoy
the pleasant sensation as some keep labelling me a prophet,* while
others in sport and joking claim that an embargo has been placed on my
plundering and my greed. Farewell.

14 To his friend Pontinus Allifanus

I had retired to my township when I was told that Cornutus Tertullus* 1

had accepted the post of curator of the Aemilian Way.* I cannot 2

express how pleased I was, both for his sake and for mine; for his sake,
because, though he may be a complete stranger to any ambition (as
indeed he is), yet a distinction awarded to him unsought must be
gratifying to him; and for me, because any position assigned to me is
somewhat more pleasurable when I see one of equal prestige bestowed
on Cornutus. For it is just as welcome to be placed on a 3
par with good men as to be advanced to high position; and is there
anyone superior to Cornutus in virtue and in integrity, or, in every kind
of praiseworthy activity, one more clearly moulded as a model of
traditional behaviour?
My knowledge of him is not by reputation, though he enjoys in
general the most signal and wholly deserved repute, but by personal
experience over a long period and in important circumstances. Together
we cherish, and together we have cherished, almost every 4
 4
person of both sexes whom our age has produced worthy of imitation.
Our sharing of these friendships has bound us together in the closest 5
bond of intimacy. There is in addition the bond of our relationship in
public life, for as you know he was also, as if in answer to prayer, my
colleague in the prefecture of the treasury, and again in the consulship.
At that time I gained the deepest insight into the kind of man he was,
and into the measure of his greatness, when I attended on him as my
mentor, and reverenced him as a father,* a tribute which he deserved,
not so much by his ripe years as by his experience of life. For these
reasons I congratulate myself as much as him in a 6
public no less than a private capacity, for at last by their merits men are
attaining distinctions, and not, as earlier, encountering hazards.*
I would draw out my letter indefinitely if I were giving free rein to 7

my pleasure. I turn instead to my activities when this news reached me. I

was staying with my grandfather-in-law,* with my wife’s aunt, 8
and with friends whom I had long missed seeing. I was touring round my
modest holdings, lending an ear to the many complaints of the country
folk, skimming through the accounts unwillingly (for my apprenticeship
has been to documents and literature of a different kind). I had also
begun to make my preparations for the journey back, for I am
circumscribed by the brief period of my leave, and am 9
reminded of my duties especially by hearing of the office which
Cornutus has obtained. I am keen that your Campania is simultaneously
sending you back as well, so that on my return to Rome not a day of our
close association may be lost. Farewell.
close association may be lost. Farewell.

15 To his friend Arrius Antoninus

I discover how good your verses are especially when I imitate them. 1
Just as an artist rarely succeeds in painting a consummately beautiful
face without demeaning it, so I stumble and fall short of the original.
This is why I urge you all the more to publish as many poems as 2
possible, so that all can eagerly seek to imitate them, though none or
very few can succeed. Farewell.

16 To his friend Aefulanus Marcellinus

I write these lines to you in great sadness, for the younger daughter 1
of our friend Fundanus* has died. I never saw anyone more sprightly
and lovable than that girl, nor anyone worthier not just of a longer life,
but of virtual immortality. She had not completed her fourteenth 2
year, yet she already had the practical wisdom of an elder and the
serious demeanour of a matron, though she also possessed a girl’s
sweetness and a maiden’s modesty. How she would cling to her 3
father’s neck! How she would embrace those of us who were her father’s
friends, affectionately and modestly! What love she showed to her
nurses, her attendants, and her teachers,* according to the duties of
each! With what diligence and intelligence she applied herself to her
studies! And how restrained and circumspect she was in her play! What
self-control, endurance, and resolve, too, she showed in her final illness!
She obeyed the doctors, encouraged her sister and her 4
father, and when her physical powers failed her, she kept herself going
with her strength of mind, which endured in her to the end,
with her strength of mind, which endured in her to the end, 5
for neither her lengthy illness nor fear of death broke her spirit. This has
left us with all the more affecting reasons to miss her and to lament her.
What a truly sad and bitter death! 6
What a time to die, less fitting than her death itself! She was already
betrothed to an outstanding young man; the wedding day* was already
chosen; we had already been invited. What joy transformed into such
grief! I cannot describe in words the ghastly wound which 7
pierced my heart when I heard Fundanus himself (for grief devises many
trials) giving instructions that the money which he had intended to
disburse on clothes, pearls, and jewels should be spent instead on
incense, ointments, and spices. True, he is a learned man, 8
and a philosopher,* for from his earliest years he has devoted himself to
higher systems of thought and to virtuous principles, but at present he
spurns all that he has often heard and declared, and without regard for
other virtues he is utterly committed to love of family. You will pardon
and even praise him if you ponder what he 9
has lost, for what he has lost is a daughter who mirrored his character
no less than his face and features, and with remarkable likeness wholly
resembled her father.
So if you send him some lines about his wholly justified grief, 10
remember to address a consolation which is not censorious or over-
hearty, but one expressed with kindness* and gentleness. A lapse of time
will do much to help him accept his loss more readily; for just as a
wound still raw shrinks from the hands of healers, but then bears 11
with them and begs for them unasked, so mental grief while fresh rejects
and shrinks from any consolations, but then pines for them and becomes
resigned to them, if they are proffered with sympathy. Farewell.

17 To his friend Vestricius Spurinna

I am aware of your enthusiasm for noble pursuits, and the pleasure 1
you feel when young men of the upper classes achieve something worthy
of their forebears, so with greater haste I am reporting to you my
attendance today in the audience assembled by Calpurnius Piso.* He was
presenting a recital of the learned and splendid content of 2
his Translations to the Stars,* which is composed in flowing, delicate, and
smooth elegiac couplets, which also attained grandeur when a passage
demanded it. For in apt and varied tones, at one point it rose loftily and
at another subsided; he mingled the high-sounding and the subdued, the
slight and the fully rounded, the serious and the jocose, all with equal
talent. He lent added attraction to his lines 3
with his most mellifluous voice, and his voice was enhanced by his
modesty of manner, for his features registered much blushing and much
anxiety, both of which are most attractive in a speaker. The fact is that
in learned performances apprehension is somehow more appropriate in a
person than self-confidence.
To refrain from further praise (though I should like to go further, 4
since these attainments are nobler in the young, and rarer in the
nobility), once the recital was finished, I greeted the young man with
long and enthusiastic embraces (a most incisive incentive in helpful
long and enthusiastic embraces (a most incisive incentive in helpful
advice). With my praises I roused him to proceed on the path on which
he had begun, and to carry the torch on to his descendants as his
ancestors had carried it to him. I also felicitated his mother, best 5
of women; and his brother, who emerged from the gathering with as
much praise for his devotion to family as his brother had gained from his
eloquence, for his initial anxiety and subsequent exhilaration on behalf
of his brother during the recital were so impressively in evidence.
I pray that the gods may allow me to report such news more often. 6

My anxiety for this generation is that it should not be barren and

unproductive, and my pressing concern is that our nobility should have
in their houses something of beauty besides their ancestral portraits. At
this moment such portraits seem to me to be silently praising and
encouraging these young men, and to be acknowledging their presence,
which is sufficiently great glory for both of them. Farewell.

18 To his friend Calpurnius Macer

All goes well with me, because all goes well with you. You have your 1
wife and your son with you, and you are enjoying the sea, the streams,
the greenery, the fields, and your most delightful house. I have no doubt
that it is most delightful, for in it retired a man who was more blessed
until he became most blessed.* I am on my Tuscan estate, 2
combining my hunting with my literary activities. Sometimes I pursue
them alternately, and sometimes simultaneously. At this moment I
cannot declare whether it is more difficult to catch something or to write
something. Farewell.
19 To his friend Valerius Paulinus
I note how humanely you treat your household, so I will openly 1
declare to you the tolerant way in which I treat mine. I always bear in 2

mind Homer’s phrase,* ‘He was gentle as a father’, together with our
expression, ‘Father of the household’. But even if I were by nature
harsher and more unsympathetic, my freedman Zosimus’ illness would
deeply distress me, and I must show him kindness all the greater now
that he is in need of it.
He is an honest and dutiful man, and well educated. His
specialization 3
and selling-point, so to speak, is as a reciter of comedies, at which he is
most adept, for his delivery is clear, correct, appropriate, and in good
taste as well. He is a seasoned lyre-player, more than a reciter of
comedies need be.* He also reads speeches, histories, and poetry so
expertly that he gives the impression that this is the sole skill which he
has learnt.
I have carefully explained all this to you to make you more aware 4
of the numerous and pleasing roles he alone plays for me. Moreover, I
have for long had an affection for him, and this has increased by reason
of those very dangers confronting him. It is a rule of nature 5
that nothing rouses and ignites love so much as fear of loss, and I have
more than once entertained this fear, for a few years ago, when 6
in the course of recitation he was straining himself to the utmost, he
vomited blood. For this reason I sent him to Egypt, and after a lengthy
sojourn abroad, he recently returned restored to health. But
sojourn abroad, he recently returned restored to health. But
subsequently he put too much strain day after day on his vocal chords,
and a cough gave him warning of his former weakness, and he again
vomited blood. For this reason I have decided to send him 7
to your estate which you own at Forum Iulii,* for I have often heard you
mention that the air there is healthy, and that the milk is most suitable
for treatment of this kind. I am therefore asking you to write 8
to your household so that your villa may take him in as his home, and
also to provide him with expenses for whatever he needs. These 9
requirements will be modest, for he is so thrifty and economical that he
cuts back frugally not only on luxuries but also on things essential for his
health. On his departure I shall give him enough money to cover his
travelling-expenses to your estate. Farewell.

20 To his friend Cornelius Ursus

106-7
The Bithynians again! So soon after the case of Julius Bassus,* they 1
have indicted the proconsul Varenus Rufus,* the very Varenus whom
they had recently demanded and accepted as their advocate against
Bassus. When they were escorted into the Senate, they demanded an 2
investigation. Varenus asked that he too should be permitted to summon
witnesses in his defence,* but the Bithynians objected, so the hearing
was begun. I spoke in defence of Varenus, not without success; whether I
spoke well or badly the written version of the 3
speech will show. For when speeches are delivered, Fortune is the
controlling factor, for better or for worse. The memory, the voice, the
gestures, the actual occasion, and finally, affection or loathing for the
gestures, the actual occasion, and finally, affection or loathing for the
defendant, diminish or enhance greatly the approval a speech wins,
whereas the written version is free from the resentment, free from the
partiality, and is not affected by advantageous or adverse circumstances.
The speaker who opposed me was one of the Bithynians, Fonteius 4
Magnus,* who was very long on words but very short on facts. Most
Greeks like him mistake verbiage for richness of content. Their
convolutions of long and turgid period-sentences pour forth in a single
breath like a torrent. As Julius Candidus* is quite wittily 5
wont to say, eloquence is one thing and loquacity is another. Eloquence
is the gift of one or two at most (indeed, if we believe Marcus Antonius,*
no one has it!), whereas what Candidus terms loquacity is the property
of many, and particularly of all shameless individuals.
Next day Homullus made a clever, spirited, and cultivated defence 6

of Varenus, and Nigrinus’* speech indicting him was close-packed,

dignified, and elegant. Acilius Rufus,* the consul-designate, proposed
that the Bithynians be granted an investigation, and he passed over the
application of Varenus without mention of it, which was a species of
refusal. The consular, Cornelius Priscus,* was for granting 7
both accusers and defendant their applications, and his proposal
prevailed with the majority. So we obtained our request, which, though
not enshrined in the law and hardly customary, was fair. I will 8
not explain by letter why it was fair, so that you may hanker after the
speech. If what Homer says* is true,
For men pour louder praises on that song
Which floats most recently about their ears,
 Which floats most recently about their ears,
I must be careful not to let the chattering of a letter despoil the charm
and bloom of novelty which is the greatest recommendation of that little
speech. Farewell.

21 To his friend Pompeius Saturninus

105–6
Your letter roused different emotions in me, for it contained news 1
both happy and melancholy. Happy, because of its report that you are
detained in Rome (you remark: ‘Would that it were otherwise!’, but I am
content), and also because it promised that you would offer a recital as
soon as I arrive. I am grateful that you are waiting for me. The
melancholy news is that Julius Valens is seriously ill. Yet 2
this is not melancholy, since it is thought to be in his interest, for it is
good for him to be delivered from his incurable illness with all possible
speed.
But your further news is clearly not merely melancholy but also 3
grievous, that Julius Avitus* has died when returning from his post as
quaestor, and that he died on board ship, far from his most affectionate
brother, and far also from his mother and sisters. This is of no 4
concern to him now that he is dead, but it was so as he lay dying, as it is
to those who survive him. The news is grievous also because this young
man of such great talents has been snuffed out in his green years. He
would have attained the highest eminence if his qualities had reached
full maturity. With what passion for intellectual 5
studies he was fired! Think of all that he read, and all that he wrote! All
this has departed with him, leaving no reward for posterity. But why do
this has departed with him, leaving no reward for posterity. But why do
I give free play to grief? There is no subject that is 6
not all-consuming, if one gives it free rein. I will foreclose this letter so
that I can foreclose also the tears which this letter has forced from me.
Farewell.
 BOOK SIX

I To his friend Tiro

106–7
During the time I was in the Transpadane and you were in Picenum,* 1
I did not miss you so much, but now that I am in Rome and you are still
in Picenum, I miss you much more. One possible reason is that the
region in which we are often together puts me in mind of you more
keenly; or perhaps proximity more than anything else intensifies the
longing for absent friends, and the closer you get to the hope of enjoying
their company, the more impatiently you feel their absence.
Whatever the reason is, you must rescue me from my distress, So 2
do come, or I shall head back to the place which I ill-advisedly left in
haste. My sole purpose in doing this would be to see whether you might
send me a letter like this one, once you find yourself in Rome without
me. Farewell.

2 To his friend Arrianus

106–7
During court-proceedings, I often keep looking out for Marcus 1
Regulus,* though I don’t like to say I miss him. So why do I look out 2
for him? Well, he showed respect for oratory, he would look
apprehensive, grow pale, write out his speeches (though he could not
memorize them). Then, too, he would paint round one or other of his
eyes (the right when about to speak for the plaintiff, the left for the
defendant); he would sport a white patch* over one eye, or transfer it to
the other; he would always consult a soothsayer* on the outcome of a
case. All this arose from an excess of superstition, but also from the great
respect which he had for oratory. Then again, the 3
advocates speaking with him found two of his procedures quite
enjoyable: he would ask for unlimited time,* and he would muster an
audience to listen. What can be more enjoyable than to speak for as long
as you like while someone else gets the brickbats, and to be, so to say,
constrained to speak appropriately before an audience gathered by
another?
But whatever the merits of this, Regulus did well to die, and 4
would have done better to die earlier. Certainly nowadays he could have
lived on without being a public menace,* under an emperor who
ensured he could do no harm. So it is quite in order to hanker after 5
him at times, for since his death the custom of awarding and requesting
two water-clocks or one,* or sometimes even a half, has become
widespread and has taken root. For on the one hand speakers prefer to
be done with speeches rather than to utter them, and on the other, those
hearing cases would rather see the back of them than pass judgement. So
prevalent is the indifference, the sloth, and in short the lack of respect
for intellectual activities in the courts and judicial hazards. Are we wiser
than our forebears, or more devoted to justice 6
than the very laws which assign so many hours* and days and
adjournments? Our ancestors were dim and unconscionably slow,
whereas we are clear in speech, swifter in understanding and more
conscientious as judges because we rapidly dispose of cases with water-
clocks fewer than the number of days in which the cases used to be
developed. Dear Regulus, despite your canvassing, you used to 7
get from all the trust which very few vouchsafe today.
When I myself sit on the bench, a role which I perform more often than
that of speaker, I allow as many water-clocks as are demanded. I 8
do this because I think it rash to guess how extensive a case as yet
unheard will be, and to impose a time limit on an issue whose
boundaries are as yet unknown, especially as a judge owes patience first
and foremost to his own sense of obligation, for patience is an important
element in administering justice. The objection may be made that some
of what is said is irrelevant. True, but it is better that irrelevances be
aired than that essentials be omitted. Moreover, you cannot 9
identify irrelevances unless you have heard them out.
But we can discuss these things better face to face, together with
other public shortcomings, for you too in your love for the common
good often long to see improvements in things which are difficult to
correct.

Now let us review our domestic concerns. Is all well with yours? 10
There is nothing new in mine, but the blessings which continue are all
the more welcome, and inconveniences become lighter because I have
grown used to them. Farewell.

3 To his friend Verus

Thank you for undertaking the cultivation of the small farm which I
Thank you for undertaking the cultivation of the small farm which I 1
have bestowed on my nurse. When I gave it to her it was valued at
100,000 sesterces, but subsequently, with the decline in output, its value
has also depreciated. Now under your supervision it will recover. Only
bear in mind that I am entrusting to you not merely 2
the fruit-trees and the land (though these too are in your care), but my
modest gift, and it is important, for me the donor as for my nurse the
recipient, that it should be as productive as possible. Farewell.

4 To his dear Calpurnia

107
Never have my routine tasks* caused me to complain so much, since 1
they have not allowed me either to accompany you when you departed
for your convalescence to Campania,* nor to follow hot on your heels
once you had set out. At this time I long to be with you, to 2
witness with my own eyes what you are taking to build up your physical
strength, and to see whether your forgoing both the pleasures of
relaxation away from Rome and the rich foods of the locality leaves you
unimpaired.
For myself, even if you were in rude health I would feel some 3
anxiety at being without you, for to have no news from time to time of a
person you love very dearly leaves you on tenterhooks and deeply
troubled. As things stand, because of both your absence and 4
your illness, various worries and uncertainty make me apprehensive. I
am subject to every fear, I have visions of every circumstance. In the
way of those obsessed by fears, my imagination dwells most of all on
way of those obsessed by fears, my imagination dwells most of all on
what I loathe most of all. So with greater urgency I beg you to 5
relieve my apprehension with one or even two letters each day. I shall
be more free of anxiety as I read them, and fearful again once I have
read them. Farewell.

5 To his friend Ursus

late 106
I reported earlier* that Varenus had succeeded in being allowed to 1
summon witnesses, and that this seemed fair to the majority, but unfair
to some, a view obstinately held in particular by Licinius Nepos,* who at
the next Senate in the course of discussion of other matters spoke at
length about that recent senatorial decree, and thus raised afresh an
issue which had been foreclosed. He further added 2
that the consuls should be asked to refer the question, under the
precedent of the law of bribery as affecting the law of extortion, whether
it should be agreed that for the future an additional clause should be
added, allowing defendants to have the same power as prosecutors of
investigation* and of summoning witnesses. Some 3
senators castigated his speech as too late, ill-timed, and unseasonable,
since it censured a decision already foreclosed which could have been
opposed at the time, when the opportunity to speak against it had been
neglected. Indeed, the praetor Juventius Celsus* fiercely 4
rebuked Nepos at some length for seeking to put the Senate to rights.
Nepos countered, and Celsus spoke again. Neither restrained his insults.
I do not wish to recount their words, for I was affronted by them, 5
and for that reason I was all the more critical of certain senators who in
their eagerness to hear what was being said, kept darting now over to
Celsus, now to Nepos, according to which of them was speaking. At one
moment they seemed to be rousing and igniting them against each other,
at the next to reconcile them and to compose their differences. As
though in some stage-show, they kept praying that the emperor would
look kindly on one or other for the most part, but from time to time on
both.* What I further found distasteful was that 6
each of them was aware of the other’s proposals, for Celsus answered
Nepos in a speech already written out, and Nepos responded using his
tablets. Their friends had gossiped so much that before wrangling, 7
the two of them knew each other’s arguments as if by prior agreement.
Farewell.

6 To his friend Fundanus

late 106
Now if ever I should like your presence at Rome, and I beg you to be 1
there. I need a comrade to share my prayer and toil and anxiety. Julius
Naso* is standing for office. He is one of many candidates, and good
ones at that, so that to come out on top imparts distinction, but is
difficult. So I am on edge, stirred by hope yet apprehensive with 2
fear. I do not recognize myself as an ex-consul, for I see myself again as
a candidate for all the offices which I have exercised.
Naso deserves this attention because of his long-standing affection 3
for me. Admittedly my friendship with him is not like that of a father,
for my youthful age could not make that possible, But when I was barely
in my teens, his father* was signalled to me as an object of great praise;
for he was a great enthusiast, not only for literary studies, but also for
their practitioners. Almost every day he would attend, to listen to the
teachers who were my mentors, Quintilian and Nicetes Sacerdos.* He
was in general a man of distinction and high seriousness, and the
recollection of him should be profitable to his son. But in the Senate
today there are many who did not know 4
him, and though many others did know him, they have respect only for
those who are still alive. This is why the son must strain and strive all
the more without reference to his father’s fame, which may confer great
distinction, but waning influence.
In fact he has always industriously taken this stance, as if he 5
foresaw the time coming, so he has made friends and once made, has
cultivated them. At any rate, as soon as he allowed himself to
discriminate, he chose me as a person to love and to imitate. When I 6
speak in court, he stands attentively at my side; he sits in at my
recitations. Moreover, he involves himself with my humble writings*
especially at their first appearance, these days by himself, but earlier
with his brother, whom he has recently lost, and whose role I must
undertake and fulfil instead. For I mourn both for that brother so 7
undeservedly carried off by a premature death, and for Naso, now
deprived of the aid of his excellent brother, and left only with friends to
support him.
These are the reasons why I demand that you come and append 8
your vote to mine. It is greatly in my interest to show you off and to do
the rounds in your company. Such is your authority that I believe that I
the rounds in your company. Such is your authority that I believe that I
will importune even my own friends more effectively if you are with me.
Dispense with whatever holds you back. My pressing 9
situation, my reputation, and my high position demand it. I have
adopted a candidate, and it is widely known that I have done so. I am
the one who is canvassing, and I am the one risking the consequences. In
short, if Naso is granted what he seeks, his will be the glory, but if he is
rejected the failure will be mine. Farewell.

7 To his dear Calpurnia

107
You write that my being absent from you causes you no little sadness, 1

and that your one consolation is to grasp my writings as a substitute for

my person, and that you often place them where I lie next to you. I am
happy that you are missing me, and that my books console you 2
as you rest. I in turn keep reading your letters, repeatedly fingering them
as if they had newly arrived. But this fires my longing for you 3
all the more, for when someone’s letter contains such charm, what
sweetness there is in conversing face to face! Be sure to write as often as
you can, even though the delight your letters give me causes me such
torture. Farewell.

8 To his friend Priscus

You both know and love Atilius Crescens.* Is there anyone of some 1
slight distinction who does not know or love him? My affection for him,
unlike that of many, is of the closest kind. Our native towns are 2
 2
separated by a mere day’s journey; we began to love each other when
we were young boys, and that is the most passionate friendship there is.
This intimacy continued later; with discernment it has strengthened
rather than cooled, as those who have closer contact with either of us
are well aware, for he broadcasts my friendship and boasts of it far and
wide, while I for my part demonstrate my huge concern for his
unassuming and retiring nature, and for his peace of mind. Indeed, on
one occasion when the rudeness of some candidate for 3
the plebeian tribunate was causing him apprehension, and he mentioned
it to me, I replied: ‘Personne ne fera du tort, tant que je vivrai’*
Why all this? It is so that you may know that Atilius cannot be
wronged while I stand idly by. You will repeat: Why all this? Valerius 4
Varus owed him money. Varus’ heir is our friend Maximus.* I am fond of
him, but you are more closely connected, so I am asking you, 5
and indeed demanding by the rights of our friendship, that you ensure
that my friend Atilius obtains not only his capital but also several years’
interest. He is a man who keeps his hands wholly clear of other people’s
possessions, and is careful with his own. He draws no profits to sustain
him, and his only takings come from his modest income,* for he plies his
literary studies, in which he shows great 6
distinction, merely for pleasure and repute. Even the slightest loss
weighs heavily on him, though getting back what one has lost weighs
more heavily still.
Do relieve him of this headache, and relieve me likewise. Allow me 7
to enjoy his charm and wit, for I cannot bear to see him melancholy
when his cheerfulness refuses to allow me to be depressed. In short, 8
since you know his ready wit, please ensure that injustice does not
transform it into gall and bitterness. You must judge from the strength of
his affection how strongly he feels when rebuffed. That lofty and free-
ranging spirit will not brook an insulting loss. Should 9
he have to bear it, I will regard it as a loss and insult to me—not with
such anger as I would feel if directed against me, but much more
intensely.
Yet why do I indulge in condemnations and virtual threats? Rather, I
ask and beg you, as I began, to ensure that he does not believe that he
has been neglected by me, and that I do not believe that I have been
neglected by you. You will ensure this if you have as much concern for
my feelings as I have for his. Farewell.

9 To his friend Tacitus

late 106
You recommend to me the candidacy of Julius Naso.* What, Naso’s, 1
to me? You could be recommending my own to me. However, I shall
bear with it, and forgive you. I should have recommended him to you,
had I been away while you still lingered in Rome. Concern tends to
regard every step as necessary. I propose that you solicit 2
others; I shall be your agent, assistant, and participant as you make your
pleas. Farewell.

10 To his friend Albinus

107
After visiting the house of my mother-in-law at Alsium,* which for 1
some time belonged to Verginius Rufus,* the place itself renewed my
longing and sorrow for that best and greatest of men, for he had been
accustomed to spend his days there in retirement, and he used to call it
‘the wee nest of his old age’. Whenever I repaired there, my 2
thoughts and my eyes strove to seek him out. I was keen also to visit his
tomb there, and then regretted having visited it. For it is still 3
unfinished, not because of the difficulty of the work (it is modest, and in
fact small in size), but because of the sloth of the person to whom the
task has been deputed. I feel anger as well as pity that nearly ten years
after his death* his remains and ashes lie neglected without an
inscription, and without the name of one whose memory and fame are
widespread throughout the whole world. Yet he had 4
left instructions to ensure that his godlike and immortal achievement
should be inscribed there in verses:
Rufus lies here; of old by routing Vindex,
He freed the imperial power for Rome, not for himself.

Loyalty in friendship is so rare, and forgetfulness of the dead so 5

habitual, that we ought even to erect our own monuments, and
anticipate all the obligations of our heirs. Who is not to fear the fate 6
that we see has overtaken Verginius? His fame makes the injustice done
to him not only more undeserved, but also more notorious. Farewell.
11 To his friend Maximus

What a blessed day! When the city prefect called me in as assessor,* I 1

listened to two young men of the greatest promise and the greatest
ability, Fuscus Salinator and Ummidius Quadratus,* speaking on
opposite sides. They are an outstanding pair, who will adorn not merely
our times, but also our literature itself. Both showed remarkable honesty
and integrity unimpaired. They combined a handsome 2
appearance, accents of pure Latin, manly tones, retentive memory, great
originality, and judgement to match. One and all, these attributes
delighted me. So did the fact that, in manifesting them, they regarded
me as their guide and mentor. The audience listening got the impression
that they were modelling themselves on me, and treading in my
footsteps. What a blessed day! I say again, a day to be 3
marked on the calendar with the whitest of pebbles!* What can be more
gratifying for the state than that young men from the noblest families
should seek fame and high repute in oratory, and what aspiration could I
entertain greater than to be proposed as a model for men advancing on
the right path? I beg the gods that I may experience 4
this joy unceasingly. You will be my witness that I further pray to them
that those who think it so important to model themselves on me may
strive to outstrip me. Farewell.

12 To Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

You must certainly not hesitate to recommend to me persons who 1

you think need support, for on the one hand it is fitting that you should
lend assistance to many, and on the other that I should undertake
whatever is relevant to your concerns. So I shall lend Bittius 2
Priscus* all the help I can, especially in my own field of the Centumviral
court. You bid me forget the letters which you wrote, as you put 3
it, ‘with the heart’s candour’, but there are none which I recall with
greater pleasure, for from them especially I realize the depth of your
affection for me, since you have dealt with me as you used to do with
your son. I do not hide that they were the more pleasing to me 4
because my conscience was clear, for I had discharged as energetically as
I could the tasks which you wished me to discharge. So 5
I repeatedly beg you always to rebuke me with the same frankness
whenever I seem to be remiss (I say ‘seem’, for I shall never be remiss),
because for my part I shall realize that you are motivated by the greatest
affection, and you for your part will be pleased that I have not deserved
such rebukes. Farewell.

13 To his friend Ursus

107
Did you ever see anyone in such toils and troubles as my friend 1
Varenus? He has had to defend, and virtually to seek again, the
concession he had gained after a most contentious dispute. The 2
Bithynians brazenly attempted to erode and undermine the senatorial
decree in the presence of the consuls, and even to denounce the emperor
in his absence.* He directed them back to the Senate, where they did not
stop complaining. Claudius Capito* spoke disrespectfully rather than
with integrity, for he assailed the senatorial decree in the Senate. Catius
Fronto* made a dignified and steadfast response. 3
The Senate itself behaved wonderfully, for even those who had refused
Varenus his request voted that it should be granted, now that his
application had been approved. They argued that it was right for 4
individuals to oppose the proposal while the matter was unresolved, but
that all should stand by what the majority had decided. Acilius 5
Rufus* alone, together with seven or eight others—seven, in fact—
persisted in his previous opinion. This small number included one or two
whose momentary seriousness, or rather, affected seriousness, was
laughed to scorn. But you must make your own assessment of 6
the great struggle in store for us when the battle proper is joined, since
this preliminary and prelude has awakened these disputes. Farewell.

14 To his friend Mauricus

You invite me to your place at Formiae.* I shall come, provided that 1

you do not put yourself to any inconvenience. Such an agreement allows
me in turn to safeguard my own interests. For it is not the sea and shore
that I am after, but yourself, leisure, and freedom; otherwise it would be
better for me to stay in Rome. All things must 2
be ordered to suit someone else’s convenience, or one’s own. My natural
inclination is to go all out for nothing but the whole hog. Farewell.

15 To his friend Romanus

You were not present at a marvellous episode, and nor was I, but the 1
story reached me the other day. Paulus,* a distinguished Roman knight
of exceptional learning, writes elegiacs. This is a family trait, for he is a
fellow townsman of Propertius, and indeed he numbers him among his
forebears. He was giving a recital, and he began 2
with the words: ‘Priscus, you command me …’. At this, Javolenus
Priscus,* who was there as a close friend of Paulus, broke in: ‘But I do
not command you.’ Imagine the general laughter and the joking! Priscus
is indeed an odd fellow, yet he meets his obligations, is called 3
upon as adviser, and is also a community-adviser on the civil law. This
was what made the comment more comic and also more remarkable.
Meanwhile the eccentric behaviour of another brought 4
Paulus a lukewarm reception. So people intending to offer a recital
should carefully ensure not only that they themselves are sound in mind,
but also that the audience they invite are, too! Farewell.

16 To his friend Tacitus

You ask me to describe for you the death of my uncle, to enable you 1
to transmit a more truthful account* for the benefit of posterity. I am
grateful to you, because I realize that perennial glory is in store for the
manner of his death if it is extolled by you. It is true that he died 2
in a disaster which overtook the most beautiful of regions, and in a
calamity shared by communities and cities, so that his renown will
seemingly live for ever, and it is true also that he wrote numerous
works* which will also survive. But none the less, the undying quality of
your writings will greatly enhance his immortality. I myself 3
account as blessed those who by the gods’ gift have been granted the
ability either to perform deeds worth chronicling or to compose accounts
which deserve to be read,* but I regard as most blessed those who
achieve both. My uncle will be numbered among these through his
books and through yours, and for this reason I more gladly undertake
and even demand the task you lay on me.
My uncle was at Misenum, where he held command of the fleet* in 4

person. Just after midday on August my mother pointed out to him the
appearance of a cloud of unusual size and appearance. He 5
had relaxed in the sun, had then taken a cold dip, had lunched lying
down, and was at his books. He asked for his sandals, and mounted to
the place from which that remarkable phenomenon could best be
observed. A cloud was issuing up from some mountain which spectators
from a distance could not identify; it was later established to have been
Vesuvius. The pine tree,* rather than any other, best describes its
appearance and shape, for it rose high up into the sky on 6
what one can describe as a very long trunk, and it then spread out into
what looked like branches. I believe that this was because the cloud was
borne upward while the pressure of wind was still fresh, and then when
this died down it was left unsupported, or was overcome by its own
weight and so thinned out and became widespread. Its appearance
varied between white on the one hand, and grimy and spotted on the
other, according as it had thrust up earth or ashes. My uncle, most
learned man that he was, realized that this was 7
learned man that he was, realized that this was 7
important, and should be investigated at closer quarters. He ordered a
fast-sailing ship to be made ready, and gave me the option of
accompanying him if I so wished. I replied that I preferred to work at my
books,* and it chanced that he had given me an exercise to write.
As he was leaving the house, he received a letter from Rectina, 8
wife of Tascius.* She was panicking at the danger looming over her, for
her house lay below Vesuvius, and the only way of escape was by ship.
She begged him to rescue her from that great hazard. He 9
changed his plan, and the journey which had begun in a spirit of
research he now undertook with the greatest urgency. He launched some
quadriremes, and embarked in order to lend aid personally, not merely
to Rectina, but to many, for the attractiveness of the coast had made it
thickly populated. He headed swiftly into the area from 10
which others were fleeing, and maintained a straight course, steering
straight towards the danger. He was so fearless that he dictated and had
notes taken of all the movements and shapes of that evil phenomenon as
he observed them.
By now ashes were falling on the ships, whiter and thicker the 11
nearer they approached. Then pumice stones also descended, and stones
which were black, charred, and split by the fires. Suddenly they were in
shallow water and the shoreline barred their way with debris from the
mountain. My uncle hesitated momentarily, wondering whether to turn
back, but then, as the steersman advised that course, he said to him:
‘Fortune favours the brave. Head for the villa of Pomponianus.’ This was
at Stabiae, separated from the ships by 12
at Stabiae, separated from the ships by 12
the middle of the bay (for the shore gradually winds in a curve round
the sea as it pours in). Though the danger had not yet drawn near, it was
clearly visible, and would come very close as it spread. So Pomponianus
had stowed his baggage into boats, having determined on flight if the
opposing wind dropped. My uncle was then carried in by the wind,
which was wholly in his favour. He embraced, consoled, and encouraged
Pomponianus, who was panicking. Then in order to relieve his host’s
fear by a show of unconcern, he gave orders to be conveyed to the bath.
After bathing, he reclined and dined in cheerful mood, or apparently
cheerful, which was just as impressive.
Meanwhile from Mount Vesuvius widespread flames and fires rising13

high blazed forth in several places, their gleaming brightness

accentuated by the darkness of the night. To calm people’s
apprehensions, my uncle kept saying that these were fires abandoned by
peasants in their fear, and houses ablaze because they had been left
untenanted. Then he retired to rest, and in fact he relaxed in sleep that
was wholly genuine, for his snoring, somewhat deep and loud because of
his broad physique, was audible to those patrolling the threshold. But by
this time the courtyard which gave access to 14
his suite of rooms had become so full of ash intermingled with pumice
stones that it was piled high. Thus if he had lingered longer in the
bedroom the way out would have been barred. So he was wakened, and
he emerged to join Pomponianus and the rest, who had stayed awake.
Together they debated whether to stay indoors or 15
to roam in the open, for the buildings were shaking with frequent large-
scale tremors; as though dislodged from their foundations, they seemed
to shift now one way and now another, and then back again. On the
other hand, in the open they feared falling pumice 16
stones, however light and hollow. But comparison of the dangers made
them opt for the open. For my uncle, this was one rational choice
prevailing over the other, but for the rest, fear prevailing over fear. They
used strips of cloth to fasten pillows on their heads as a protection
against falling stones.
By now it was daylight elsewhere, but there it was night, blacker 17
and denser than any night, though many torches and lights of various
kinds relieved it. They decided to go out onto the shore, and to
investigate from close at hand whether the sea now allowed any
departure, but it still remained mountainous and hostile. My uncle 18
lay down there on a discarded sail, and repeatedly drank cold water,
which he had requested. Then flames and the smell of sulphur heralding
the flames impelled the rest to flight and roused him. Leaning 19
on two of his confidential slaves, he stood up and at once collapsed.* I
infer that his breathing was choked by the greater density of smoke, and
this blocked his gullet, which was often frail and narrow, and often
unsettled. When daylight was restored, two days after his eyes 20
had closed in death, his body was found intact and unharmed. It was
covered over, still in the clothes he had worn. It was more like someone
sleeping than a corpse.
Meanwhile my mother and I at Misenum*—but this is irrelevant to 21

a historical account, and you wanted to ascertain nothing other than

a historical account, and you wanted to ascertain nothing other than
details of my uncle’s death, so I shall end here, but with a single 22
addition. I have detailed everything at which I was present, and which I
had heard at the very time when the facts were most truthfully recorded.
You must select what you particularly want, for it is one thing to write a
letter, and another to compose a history; one thing to write for a friend,
another to write for the world. Farewell.

17 To his friend Restitutus

I cannot refrain from pouring into your ear by letter, since I cannot 1
do it face to face, the slight irritation which I felt in the audience of a
certain friend of mine. A work was being recited which was exquisitely
polished. Two or three of those present, eloquent men in their 2
own eyes and and in those of a few, listened as though they were deaf
and dumb. They did not part their lips, stir their hands, or even rise to
their feet because they were tired of sitting down. Why such high 3
seriousness, such superior wisdom, or rather such indolence, hauteur, ill-
breeding, or rather mindlessness, to spend an entire day in causing
offence, leaving behind as an enemy one to whom you came as a close
friend? So are you yourself more eloquent? All the more 4
reason, then, not to be grudging, for he who is grudging is the lesser
man.
In short, whether your abilities are greater, or less, or identical, offer
praise to him who falls below you, or rises above you, or who is your
equal: to the one who is above you, because if he is not worthy of praise,
you yourself cannot obtain it; to the one who falls below you, or is equal
you yourself cannot obtain it; to the one who falls below you, or is equal
to you, because your own esteem depends on the person whom you
excel or equal being regarded as outstanding. For 5
my own part, I regularly go so far as to revere and admire all who
achieve something in the intellectual life, for it is a difficult, demanding,
and exacting pursuit, which, when despised by people, despises them in
turn. But perhaps you think differently. Yet who is more respectful and
appreciative as a judge of literature than you? For this 6
reason I have revealed my annoyance to you particularly, for I could
associate you with me more than anyone in this matter. Farewell.

18 To his friend Sabinus

You ask me to undertake proceedings on behalf of the community of 1

Firmum.* Though I am overstretched, with numerous tasks on hand, I
shall try to do it, for I am keen to put under an obligation both that
distinguished colony by taking on the duties of advocate, and yourself by
undertaking this service so very pleasing to you. You often 2
proclaim to the world that you have gained my friendship for your
protection and prestige, so there is nothing which I should deny to you,
especially as you seek this on behalf of your native city; for what pleas
are more honourable than those which demonstrate patriotism, or more
effective than those of a dear friend? So you can pledge my 3
loyalty to your citizens of Firmum, whom I can now call mine instead.
That they deserve my hard work and eager support is guaranteed both
by their own distinction and above all by the likelihood of their
excellence, since your worthy self has emerged from among them.
excellence, since your worthy self has emerged from among them.
Farewell.

19 To his friend Nepos

Are you aware that the price of land has risen, especially around 1
Rome? The reasons for this sudden increase have been the subject of
much discussion. At the last elections, the Senate issued the worthiest
instructions that candidates should not host dinner-parties, dispense
gifts, or deposit money.* The first two of these practices were 2
carried on both openly and without restraint, and the third though
covert was known to be taking place.
Our friend Homullus* then alertly exploited this unanimity of 3
the Senate as a proposal to demand that the Senate should inform the
emperor of this general desire, and should beg him with his forethought
to confront this abuse as he had confronted others. He 4
has done so, for he has invoked the law against bribery to restrict the
disgraceful and notorious expenses incurred by candidates. He has
ordered them to invest a third of their inherited wealth in real estate, for
he considered it a disgrace, as indeed it was, that candidates for office
were regarding Rome and Italy not as their fatherland but as a lodging
house and a stable, as if they were travellers from abroad.
So candidates are rushing around, trying to buy whatever they 5
hear is for sale, and ensuring that more properties are available for
purchase. If you are unhappy with your Italian estates, therefore, this 6
is the time, heaven knows, for selling them and buying in the
provinces,* while those same candidates are selling there to buy here.
Farewell.

20 To his friend Tacitus

You say that your interest has been whetted by the letter which I 1
wrote to you at your request about the death of my uncle, and that you
are keen to know, when I was left behind at Misenum (I had embarked
on this topic but then broke off), not only what fears but also what
misfortunes I endured. So ‘though aghast in mind at recalling them, I
shall begin’.*
Once my uncle had departed, I devoted the rest of my day to my 2
studies, for that was the reason why I stayed behind. I then took a bath,
had dinner, and then a disturbed and short-lived sleep. There 3
had been earthtremors for many days previously, though they were less
terrifying because they were frequent in Campania.* But that night they
became so strong that everything around us seemed to be not merely
shifting but turning upside down. My mother broke into 4
my bedroom. I in my turn was already rising, intending to rouse her if
she was sleeping. We retired to the courtyard of the house, which
extended a short distance between the sea and the buildings. I am 5
uncertain whether I should call it resolve or foolishness (I was then in
my eighteenth year, you see), but I asked for a book of Titus Livy and
read it, and I also copied out passages (as I had begun earlier), as though
in relaxation. Suddenly a friend of my uncle appeared; he had recently
come from Spain* to join him. When he saw my mother and myself
sitting there, and me even reading a book, he rebuked her for her
forbearance, and me for my untroubled attitude. But I concentrated on
the book just as eagerly.
By now the first hour of daylight had arrived, but it was still 6
uncertain and listless. The buildings all round were shaking, and though
we were in the open, it was a confined space, and our fear of falling
buildings became great and definite. We then finally decided 7
to quit the town, followed by a stupefied mob. In what passes for
prudence at a time of panic, they preferred the decision of others to their
own, and in an extended column they pressed close to us and drove us
on as we departed. Once we were away from the buildings, 8
we halted. There we experienced many remarkable and many fearful
things, for the carriages which we had ordered to be brought out were
moved in opposite directions though on wholly level ground, and did not
remain stationary in the same tracks even though wedged with stones.
Moreover, we watched the sea being sucked 9
back and virtually repelled by an earthtremor; at any rate the shoreline
had advanced, and left many sea-creatures stranded on the dry sand. On
the landward side there was a black and menacing cloud, split by
twisted and quivering flashes of fiery breath; it opened out into extended
shapes of flames, like lightning flashes, but greater.
Then that same friend from Spain spoke more urgently and
pressingly: 10
‘If your brother, if your uncle* is still alive, he desires your safety. If he
is dead, he wanted you to survive him. So why do you postpone your
escape?’ Our answer was that we would not take thought for our own
safety while we were not sure of his. He did not 11
delay further, but burst out, and removed himself from the danger with
all speed.
Not long afterwards that cloud descended to ground level and covered
the sea. It had encircled Capri and hidden it from sight, and made the
promontory of Misenum invisible. My mother then 12
begged and encouraged and bade me flee in any way I could. She said
that this was possible for a young person, but that she herself, being
weighed down with years and a frail physique, would be happy to die if
she were not responsible for my death. My riposte was that I would not
seek safety without her. I then grasped her hand, and forced her to move
faster. She reluctantly obeyed, reproaching herself for delaying me.
Ash was now descending, though slight in quantity. I looked back. 13

Dense blackness loomed over us, pursuing us as it spread over the earth
like a flood. ‘Let us turn aside,’ I said, ‘while we can see. Otherwise, if
we stay on the road, we may be brought down and flattened in the
darkness by the crowd accompanying us.’ We had 14
scarcely sat down when darkness descended. It was not like a moonless
or cloudy night, but like being in an enclosed place where the light has
been doused. You could hear women moaning, children howling, and
men shouting; they were crying out, some seeking parents, others
children, and others wives, or recognizing them by the sound of their
voices. Some were lamenting their own misfortune, others that of their
families. A few in their fear of death were praying for death. Many were
raising their hands to implore 15
raising their hands to implore 15
the gods, but more took the view that no gods now existed anywhere,
and that this was an eternal and final darkness hanging over the world.
There were some who magnified the actual dangers with invented and
lying fears. Some persons present reported that one part of Misenum was
in ruins, and that another was on fire; it was untrue, but their listeners
believed it.
A vestige of light returned, but to us it seemed to be not daylight 16
but an indication of advancing fire. In fact, the fire halted some distance
away. But the darkness returned, and so did the ash, now abundant and
heavy. We repeatedly stood up and shook it off, for otherwise we would
have been buried and even crushed beneath its weight. I could boast that
though encompassed by these great dangers 17
I uttered no groan or pusillanimous word, but what deters me is that I
believed that I was perishing together with the whole world, and the
whole world was perishing with me—a wretched consolation for my
mortal lot, yet a powerful one.
At last the darkness thinned out and vanished into smoke or 18
cloud. True daylight came, and the sun also shone, but pallidly, as
occurs at an eclipse. Our eyes, still trembling, were confronted with a
scene of universal change, for everything was buried by deep ash as
though by snow. We returned to Misenum, tended our bodies as 19
best we could, and in mingled hope and fear spent the night on
tenterhooks and in uncertainty. The fear was stronger, for the
earthtremors continued, and many frenzied individuals made a mockery
of their own misfortunes and those of others with terrifying prophecies.
of their own misfortunes and those of others with terrifying prophecies.
Even then, however, we ourselves did not plan to leave, in spite 20
of our experience and expectation of the dangers, until the message
came about my uncle.
These details are in no way worthy of your history. You will read
them with no intention of recording them. If they seem to you unworthy
even of a letter, you will doubtless blame yourself for requesting them.
Farewell.

21 To his friend Caninius

I am of the company of admirers of the ancients, but am not one to 1
despise the talents of our own day, as some do. Nature is not so weary*
and exhausted that it produces nothing praiseworthy. Indeed, I 2
recently listened to Vergilius Romanus* reading to a small group a work
modelled on the Old Comedy. It was so good that it can at some time
serve as a model for others.
I am not sure if you know him, but you ought to. He is the 3
epitome of honest manners, refined talent, and literary versatility. He
has written graceful, sharp, and charming iambic mimes, and is 4
supremely eloquent in this genre (for there is no category of writing
which when perfected cannot be pronounced supremely eloquent). He
has written comedies rivalling Menander and others of that age; you can
regard these as on a par with those of Plautus and Terence. Now for the
first time he has made his appearance with Old Comedy, 5
but he does not appear to be a beginner. He does not lack intensity,
grandeur, subtlety, pungency, sweetness, or charm. He has paid honour
grandeur, subtlety, pungency, sweetness, or charm. He has paid honour
to virtues, and attacked vices; he has deployed fictitious names fittingly,
and real names appropriately. Only with regard to myself 6
has he exceeded the limit in generosity of judgement, but poets are
permitted to transgress with regard to truth.
In short, I shall extract the book from him, and send it to you to 7
read or rather to memorize, for I have no doubt that you will not put it
down once you have taken it up. Farewell.

22 To his friend Tiro

106–7
A case of great importance has been conducted which concerns all 1
who are to be governors of provinces; it is important too for all who
naively entrust themselves to friends. Lustricius Bruttianus caught 2
his colleague Montanius Atticinus* red-handed in much criminal
activity, and reported it by letter to Caesar. Atticinus then added insult
to injury by laying an accusation against Bruttianus, whom he had
deceived. At the hearing which took place I was an assessor.* Each of
the two spoke on his own behalf, and both handled the issues separately
and sommairement, the kind of presentation which at once divulges the
truth. Bruttianus produced his will, written as he said 3
by the hand of Atticinus, for this was the means of demonstrating both
their intimate friendship and his need to complain about the man for
whom he had entertained such affection. He recounted clear 4
evidence of foul crimes.* Atticinus was unable to rebut them; he
retaliated in such a way that in his disgusting defence and his accusation
he showed himself to be a scoundrel. For he had bribed a slave of
Bruttianus’ scribe, had intercepted documents and tampered with them,
and, most sacrilegiously of all, he had exploited the charge against
himself by diverting it against his friend.
Caesar acted in the best possible way. He indicted,* not Bruttianus, 5

but Atticinus there and then. He was condemned, and banished to an

island.* Bruttianus was awarded a thoroughly deserved attestation of
honourable conduct, and indeed fame, since his resolution has pursued
him. For, having defended himself with the greatest dispatch, 6
he launched a vigorous accusation, so that he has emerged as incisive as
he was virtuous and honest.
I have written to you about this to give you prior warning now that 7

you have obtained your province. You must rely on yourself totally, and
not trust anyone very much. Secondly, you must realize that if any
person does practise deception on you (I pray that this does not happen),
retaliation is at hand. But repeatedly ensure that there is no 8
need for this, for the pleasure of exacting reparation is not so great as
the humiliation of being deceived. Farewell.

23 To his friend Triarius

You insistently press me to take on a case in which you have a 1

personal interest, and which in general is a noble cause, bringing good
repute. Yes, I shall take it on, but not for nothing.* ‘What?’ you ask. ‘Is it
possible that you will refuse to do it for nothing?’ It certainly is, for the
fee I intend to demand is more honourable than advocacy offered gratis.
What I am asking as part of the bargain is 2
that Cremutius Ruso* should be my fellow advocate. This is a regular
practice with me, one which I have already repeatedly carried out with
young men of high birth; for I have this zealous ambition to parade fine
young men in the courts, and to propel them to fame. I 3
must bestow this attention on my friend Ruso if on anyone, whether
because of his high birth or his exceptional affection for me. I regard it
as very important for him to be seen and heard in the same cases and
also on the same side as myself. Do indulge me, indulge me 4
before the time comes for him to speak, for once he has spoken you will
thank me. I promise you that he will allay your anxiety, and satisfy my
hopes and the importance of the case. He is a young man of outstanding
qualities, who within a short time will introduce others, if in the
meantime we advance him. For no individual has 5
such conspicuous talent from the start as not to need a subject, an
opportunity, and also a sponsor and patron. Farewell.

24 To his friend Macer

106
In any action, what a great difference the identity of the person 1
makes! The same deeds are either praised to the skies or relegated as the
lowest of the low, depending on the fame or obscurity of the person
performing them. I was sailing on our lake Comum, when a 2
friend of riper years pointed out to me a house and also a bedroom
overhanging the lake. ‘It was from that room’, he said, ‘that a woman of
overhanging the lake. ‘It was from that room’, he said, ‘that a woman of
our town some time ago threw herself down with her husband.’ 3
I asked him why. The husband, as a result of a long-standing illness, was
festering with ulcers in his private parts. His wife demanded to take a
look,* for, she said, no one would give him a more honest opinion of
whether he could be cured. Her examination removed all 4
hope. She urged him to die, and herself became his companion in death
—or rather she led him, was his inspiration, and compelled him, for she
roped herself to her husband, and threw herself into the lake. Even I, a
fellow townsman, had not heard of this until that 5
recent occasion, not because her action was less impressive than that
most celebrated deed of Arria,* but because she was socially humbler.
Farewell.

25 To his friend Hispanus

You write that Robustus, a distinguished Roman knight, journeyed 1
with my friend Atilius Scaurus* as far as Ocriculum, but has not been
seen anywhere since. You beg me to ask Scaurus to come, and to put us,
if he can, on any track in the investigation. He will come, but I 2
fear that it will be of no avail. For my suspicion is that something
untoward has befallen Robustus, as happened to my fellow townsman
Metilius Crispus* some time ago. I had secured the rank of 3
centurion for him, and as he was leaving I also presented him with
40,000 sesterces with which to kit himself out and to smarten himself
up. But thereafter I received no letters from him, nor any message that
he had died. It is not clear whether he had been ambushed
he had died. It is not clear whether he had been ambushed
by his slaves or together with them; what is sure is that neither he nor
any of his slaves has been seen again, and the slaves of Robustus
likewise. However, we must make the attempt, and summon Scaurus.
We must make the gesture in response to the praiseworthy pleas of both
yourself and that most honourable young man who with impressive
devotion and also impressive intelligence is searching for his father. May
the gods favour him in finding his father, as he has already found the
identity of his travelling-companion! Farewell.

26 To his friend Servianus

106–7
I am delighted, and I send my congratulations on your decision to 1
wed your daughter to Fuscus Salinator.* He comes from a patrician
family, his father is a most honourable man, and his mother merits equal
praise. The young man himself is devoted to his books and to literature,
and is also an eloquent speaker. He has a child’s openness, a young
man’s affability, and an elder’s dignity. Nor does his affection for me
deceive me. True, I have boundless affection for him, as 2
he has deserved for the services and the respect he has shown me, but I
am discerning, and the greater keenness of my judgement is
commensurate with my enhanced affection. As one who knows him from
experience, I promise you that you will have a son-in-law than whom no
better can be imagined. It remains for him with all speed 3
to make you a grandfather of children like himself. How blessed that
time will be, when I can take from your arms his children and your
grandchildren, as though they were my own children or grandchildren,
and hold them as if my rights were equal to yours! Farewell.
and hold them as if my rights were equal to yours! Farewell.

27 To his friend Severus

early 107
You ask me to think over what proposal as consul-designate you 1
should make to honour the emperor.* To formulate suggestions is easy,
but to choose between them is not, because his virtues offer abundant
material. However, I will offer a suggestion by letter, or for preference
face to face, if I can first reveal my doubts. I wonder whether I should
offer you the same advice as I gave to myself. When 2
I was consul-designate, I refrained from any semblance of flattery, even
if unintended. This was not because I was being independent and true to
myself, but from an understanding of our emperor, for I realized that the
greatest tribute I could pay him was to make no proposal which I
seemed forced to make. Then too I had in mind the 3
numerous distinctions bestowed on all the unworthiest recipients,* from
whom this excellent incumbent could be detached only by a different
kind of proposal. I did not gloss over this point by concealment and
silence, in case it might seem to be forgetfulness on my part rather than
personal choice.
This was what I did then, but the same tactic is not everyone’s 4
choice, and indeed is not appropriate for all. Then again, the motive for
taking or avoiding some course of action varies with the circumstances
of individual persons, situations, and occasions. So the recent
achievements* of this greatest of emperors offer the opportunity of
making some new, important, and heartfelt proposal. For this reason, as
I wrote earlier, I am uncertain whether to offer you the same advice now
as I offered myself then. But I have no doubt that I had to lay before you
my own procedure as part of my advice to you. Farewell.

28 To his friend Pontius

I know what prevented you from being able to get to Campania* 1
before my arrival, but though you were away, you have moved here
lock, stock, and barrel; such an abundance of both urban and rustic
supplies have been offered to me in your name. I have accepted them 2
all in my unscrupulous way, for your servants begged me to do so, and I
feared that you would be cross with both me and them if I refused. In
future I shall impose limits on myself, unless you impose them; and I
have already threatened your staff that if they bring in so many supplies
again, they will have to take them all back. You will 3
say that I am to have the use of your possessions as if they are my own.
Very well, but I intend to be as sparing with them as with my own.
Farewell.

29 To his friend Quadratus

106–7
Avidius Quietus,* who showed not only particular affection towards 1
me but also his approval (which gives me equal pleasure), used often to
recount this observation of Thrasea* as well as many others: he used to
recommend undertaking three types of cases, those of friends, those
without an advocate, and those which established a precedent. Those of
friends require no explanation. Why those 2
without an advocate? Because in these above all both the resolve and the
without an advocate? Because in these above all both the resolve and the
humanity of the speaker were demonstrated. And why those which
established a precedent? Because it was of the greatest importance
whether a good or an evil principle was at stake. To these 3
types of case I shall—perhaps audaciously—add those which bring fame
and celebrity, for on occasion it is right to plead to gain glory and
repute, in other words to plead for oneself. So, since you have consulted
me, these are the boundaries I lay down for one of your high position
and sensitivity.
I am not forgetting that experience both is, and is held to be, the 4
best teacher of oratory, and I observe too that many with minuscule
talent and no education have achieved fluency in speaking by practising
it. But I also find that the dictum which I have heard was Pollio’s,* 5
or was ascribed to him, has the greatest truth: ‘Adequate pleading has
brought me frequent pleading, but frequent pleading has made me plead
less adequately.’ The reason for this is that through excessive practice
fluency rather than ability is acquired, and rashness rather than
dependability. It did not impede Isocrates* from being 6
regarded as a supreme orator that he was hindered from public speaking
by having a weak voice and a bashful attitude. So you must read and
write and think a lot to be able to speak at will; you will speak when the
desire to do so becomes imperative.
The balance I maintained was of this nature: sometimes I obeyed 7
the law of necessity, which partakes of reason,* for I pleaded in some
cases at the behest of the Senate. Among these are some that fall into the
third of Thrasea’s categories, namely those which establish a precedent. I
represented the Baeticans against Baebius Massa when 8
the question was posed whether they should be allowed an investigation.
It was granted. I again represented them in their complaint against
Caecilius Classicus. The question was whether provincials should be
punished for being the agents and lackeys of the proconsul. They paid
the penalty. I indicted Marius Priscus, who when 9
condemned under the law of extortion exploited the clemency of the
law, though its rigour was insufficient to punish the monstrous nature of
his crimes. He was banished. I defended Julius Bassus on 10
the grounds that his actions lacked circumspection and prudence, and
were therefore in no sense criminal. His case was submitted to the
judges, and he remained a senator. Most recently I spoke on 11
behalf of Varenus, who requested that he in turn be allowed to subpoena
witnesses; the request was granted.* I pray that I may in the future be
assigned to those cases particularly which it would be fitting for me to
have undertaken voluntarily. Farewell.

30 To Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

We must, I swear it, celebrate your birthday as gladly as our own, for 1
our joy in ours is dependent on yours, since it is through your
attentiveness and care that we are enjoying ourselves here with no
worries about you there. 2
The villa Camilliana, your property in Campania, is admittedly
ravaged by age, but the more valuable buildings remain undamaged or
ravaged by age, but the more valuable buildings remain undamaged or
are only very slightly affected. So we are ensuring that they are 3
restored to the soundest possible condition.
Though I have many friends, I seem to have virtually none of the
kind you are looking for and which the situation demands, for they 4
are all toga-clad city-dwellers, whereas supervision of country estates
requires some hardbitten country-dweller who does not regard physical
toil as oppressive, nor the maintenance demeaning, nor the 5
lonely life depressing. Your thoughts on Rufus* are thoroughly
commendable, for he was a close friend of your son. But I do not know
what he can do for us with regard to the estate, though I believe that he
is very well disposed. Farewell.

31 To his friend Cornelianus

107
I was summoned by our Caesar to join the panel of assessors at 1
Centum Cellae,* which is the name of the place. This has given me great
pleasure, for what could be more delightful than to observe the 2
emperor’s justice, sobriety, and affability, and moreover in retirement
from Rome, where these virtues are made most visible? There were
varying cases of such a kind as could test his judicial role by reason of
their differing types. Claudius Aristion,* chief citizen of 3
Ephesus, conducted his own defence. He is a generous soul who courts
popularity without causing offence. This had led to jealousy, and a
person was sent to inform against him by people of a wholly different
stamp. So he was cleared and acquitted.
Next day there was a hearing implicating Gallitta on a charge of 4
Next day there was a hearing implicating Gallitta on a charge of 4
adultery.* She was married to a military tribune who was a candidate
for office. She had brought a stigma to her own reputation and to that of
her husband by a love affair with a centurion. Her husband had reported
this to the consular governor, who had written to the emperor about it.
Caesar reviewed the evidence of witnesses, dishonourably 5
discharged the centurion, and also banished him. Since the accusation
had to be levelled at two persons, the issue of the remaining punishment
was still outstanding. But love for his wife and a kind of self-blame for
his own complaisance gave the husband pause. Indeed, even after her
adultery had been exposed, he had kept her in his house, as if he was
content to be rid of his rival. When he 6
was warned that he must go through with his accusation, he did so, but
unwillingly. However it was essential for her to be condemned, even
against the wishes of her accuser. So she was condemned, and subjected
to punishment according to the Julian law. Caesar appended to the
record of the sentence both the name of the centurion and a reminder
about military discipline, to avoid appearing to have all such cases
referred to him.
On the third day a case was introduced which had raised much 7
discussion and varying gossip. The will of Julius Tiro* was clearly
genuine in part, but was claimed to be partly forged. Sempronius 8
Senecio, a Roman knight, and Eurhythmus, a freedman and procurator
of Caesar, were made to answer the charge. While Caesar was in Dacia,
the heirs had jointly composed a letter and begged him to undertake a
hearing. He had done so. When he returned, he had 9
hearing. He had done so. When he returned, he had 9
arranged a day. When some of the heirs, apparently out of respect for
Eurhythmus, were for withdrawing the accusation, the emperor had
made this splendid statement: ‘That freedman is not Polyclitus, and I am
not Nero.’* He had however granted the petitioners an adjournment, and
after the expiry of the time limit he had taken his seat to hear the case.
Only two of the heirs put in an appearance. They 10
demanded that all the heirs be compelled to plead, since all of them had
laid the charge, or alternatively that they themselves too should be
allowed to abandon the case. Caesar spoke with the greatest 11
seriousness and self-control. When the advocate of Senecio and
Eurhythmus stated that the defendants were left under suspicion unless
they were granted a hearing, the emperor remarked: ‘Whether they are
left under suspicion is not my concern; I am left under suspicion.’ He
then turned to us and said: ‘Comprenez bien* what 12
we must do, since these defendants wish to complain at being allowed
not to be charged.’ Then, in keeping with the opinion of the councillors,
he ordered all the heirs to be informed that they must either proceed
with the indictment, or individually endorse the reasons for not
proceeding. Otherwise he would go so far as to charge them with
calumny.
You realize how diligently and seriously the days were spent, but 13

each day the proceedings were followed by most enjoyable relaxation.

We were invited to dinner each day, a modest meal, considering that the
emperor was present. For some of the time we listened to
entertainments, and for the rest, the night was prolonged with the most
entertainments, and for the rest, the night was prolonged with the most
agreeable conversation. On the final day as we departed we 14
were sent guest-presents; such is the solicitous kindness shown by the
emperor. For me the pleasure lay not merely in the serious hearings, the
distinction of being an assessor, the charm and simplicity of our shared
meals, but also in the location itself. The very handsome 15
house is ringed with bright green fields, and lies close to the shore. At
this very time a harbour* is being created in the bay there, its left arm
protected by a most substantial mole, while work proceeds on the right
arm. An island projects in the harbour-mouth so that it 16
confronts and breaks the force of the sea borne in by the wind, and it
provides a safe passage on both sides for ships. The technique by which
it is being built up is worth seeing. An especially wide-decked ship
brings in huge rocks against it; these are thrown down on top of each
other, their very weight keeping them in place, so that gradually they
form a sort of rampart. A rocky spine already juts out and is 17
visible, ejecting and throwing up the waves, which dash against it up to
a monstrous height. There is a mighty din, and the sea all round turns
white with foam. Piers will later be superimposed on the rocks, so that
as time goes on they give the appearance of an island newly formed. The
harbour will bear—indeed, already bears—the name of its founder,* and
will form an especially safe haven, for this very long stretch of shore
which has no harbour will exploit its shelter. Farewell.

32 To his friend Quintilian

You yourself are the last person to cut a figure, and you have brought 1
up your daughter in a manner befitting one who is your daughter and
the grandchild of Tutilius.* None the less, since she is to marry that most
honourable man Nonius Celer,* and since consideration of his offices of
state necessitates in him a certain measure of elegance, she must show
regard to the status of her husband by being clothed and escorted in a
manner which, without increasing her worth, lends her some distinction
and adornment. I am aware, too, how, while you rest 2
perfectly content, your resources are limited. So I am claiming to
shoulder a part of your expenses. As though I were a second father to
this daughter of ours, I am giving you 50,000 sesterces, and I would give
you more if I was not confident that your sense of propriety can be
prevailed to accept it and not reject it solely because this little gift is so
trifling. Farewell.

33 To his friend Romanus

‘Put all away,’ he said, ‘discard the work begun.’* Whether you are 1
writing something, or reading, bid it be shifted and set aside; take up
like those famous arms this godlike speech (could I possibly be more
arrogant?). This is the really handsome one among my speeches, for I am
content to compete with myself. This one is on behalf of Attia 2
Viriola,* and is notable for the distinction of her character, the unusual
precedent set, and the importance of the judgement. For she is a woman
of distinguished birth, married to a praetorian. She was disinherited by
her octogenarian father within eleven days of his bringing home to his
daughter a stepmother with whom he had become infatuated.
 Attia was now seeking to recover her father’s property in the
assembly of four panels.* The 180 judges (this is the sum of the four 3
panels sitting together) took their seats. There were several advocates on
the two sides, and the benches were jammed; and in addition a densely
packed crowd of bystanders surrounded the very extensive court-room in
a circle which was thronged. Then, too, the bench of 4
judges was crowded, and in the gallery of the basilica both men and
women loomed over us in their eagerness to hear (which was difficult)
and to see (which was easy). Fathers, daughters, even stepmothers all
awaited with great anticipation.
The outcome was divided, for we prevailed in two of the four 5
panels, and were defeated in two. Such a divergence was certainly
noteworthy and remarkable, given the same case, the same judges, 6
the same advocates, and the same occasion. The chance outcome was
one that did not seem to happen by chance; the stepmother, heiress to a
sixth of the estate, lost her case. So did Suburanus,* who after being
disinherited by his own father was with some shamelessness claiming
the property of someone else’s father, when he did not dare claim that of
his own.
I have explained this to you, first, to acquaint you by this letter 7
with what you could not infer from the speech, and secondly (I shall
reveal my guile), so that you can read the speech more appreciatively if
you seem not to be reading it, but to be present at the hearing. Though
the speech is long, I am not without hope that it will gain the favour of a
very short one, for it retains its freshness by its 8
 8
abundant matter, its clear divisions, its several short anecdotes, and its
varied eloquence. Many of the passages (I would not presume to claim
this to anyone but you) are sublime; many are aggressive, and many are
delicate; for it was often necessary to interrupt those 9
impassioned and noble passages to calculate and virtually to demand
counters and a games-board so as to transform a speech appropriate to
the Centumviral court into the shape of a private hearing. I spread 10
my sails to express indignation and anger and grief, and I was borne
along by a succession of winds in this most noble case as on a boundless
11
sea. To put it briefly, some of my close friends often reckon this speech
(I shall repeat myself) among the rest as my On the Crown.* You will
most readily decide whether that is true, for you have them all off by
heart, so that while you read this one, you can compare it with the rest.
Farewell.

34 To his friend Maximus

You did well to promise a gladiatorial show to our citizens of Verona,* 1

by whom you have for long been loved, respected, and honoured.
Moreover, this was a city from which you gained your wife, whom you
loved so dearly and esteemed so highly. To her memory some public
building, or some public show—and this most fittingly as a funeral
tribute* —was due. Then again, the request was made to you 2
with such unanimity that it would have seemed churlish rather than
resolute to have refused it. What was also impressive was your readiness
and generosity in mounting it, for magnanimity too is displayed in this
way.
way.
I do wish that the African beasts* which you had purchased in 3
great numbers had arrived by the appointed day. But though they were
detained by bad weather, and failed to arrive, you deserved to gain the
credit, because it was not your fault that you failed to produce them.
Farewell.
 BOOK SEVEN

1 To his friend Geminus

This illness of yours which is so persistent frightens me, and, though 1
I am aware of your supreme self-control, I fear that it may have an
impact on your behaviour. So I urge you to fight patiently against it, 2
for this is both praiseworthy and efficacious. Human nature is in keeping
with my advice. At any rate, now that I am well, this is how I 3
often broach the topic with my household: ‘My hope is that if I chance to
fall ill, I shall not long for anything which causes me shame or regret.
But if the illness gets the upper hand, I am laying it down that you are
not to give me anything without the doctors’ permission. You are to
know that if you do so, I shall punish you as others do when things are
refused them.’
Indeed, once I did have a high temperature* from a raging fever. I 4
finally cooled down and had a massage, and was taking a drink from the
doctor. I stretched out my hand and told him to take my pulse. The
drink had by now been put to my lips, but I rejected it. Later, 5
when on the twentieth day of my illness I was being got ready for a
bath, and I suddenly noticed that the doctors were whispering to each
other, I asked what the matter was. Their answer was that I could safely
take a bath, but they were not altogether happy about it. ‘So is it
necessary?’ I asked, and gently and serenely I abandoned 6
hope of the bath, to which I was apparently now being carried, and
hope of the bath, to which I was apparently now being carried, and
instead ordered my mind and features to forgo it, just as the moment
before I was looking forward to it.
I have written this to you, first so as not to counsel you without 7
offering you a model, and secondly, to compel myself for the future to
accept the same self-restraint, once I had bound myself by this letter as
by a sort of pledge. Farewell.

2 To his friend Justus

What consistency is there in your simultaneously claiming that 1
you are hindered by unremitting duties,* and your expressing a desire
for my writings, which can scarcely obtain from people at leisure any of
the time which they proceed to waste? So I will allow the 2
summer to pass, for it is always a busy and strenuous time for you, and
finally in the winter, when it is likely that you can find some time at
night at least, I shall look among my trifles for what I can best 3
produce for you. Meanwhile it is more than enough if letters are not a
hindrance—but I know they are, and so they will be shorter! Farewell.

3 To his friend Praesens

Why do you persist in spending so much time, now in Lucania, and 1
now in Campania? ‘The reason is’, you reply, ‘that I am a Lucanian, and
my wife is a Campanian.’ This is a reasonable excuse for 2
a prolonged absence, but not for an indefinite one. So why don’t you
return to Rome some time, where your distinction and glory and
friendships with both upper and lower classes reside? For how long will
friendships with both upper and lower classes reside? For how long will
you play the monarch? For how long will you enjoy late nights as you
wish, and lie in for as long as you like? For how long will your shoes
never be worn, your toga remain on holiday, and your day be entirely
free? It is time to revisit our problems, if for no other reason 3
than to avoid letting those pleasures of yours flag through
overindulgence. Come and greet us for a short time, to take greater
pleasure in being greeted. Experience the crush of this Roman crowd, so
as to take full delight in solitude.
But why do I foolishly dissuade one whom I am trying to entice? 4
Perhaps these very exhortations may encourage you to bury yourself
more and more in the leisure which I do not wish you to tear yourself
away from, but merely to interrupt. If I were giving you dinner, I 5
would mingle the sweet dishes with tangy and spicy ones, so that when
your digestion was dulled and cloyed with the first, it could be
sharpened by the second. Likewise I now urge you to season your most
sweet manner of life from time to time with a few tart flavours.
Farewell.

4 To his friend Pontius

You say that you have read my hendecasyllables.* Further, you ask how1

I came to write them, for I seem to you to be a serious person. I myself

confess that I am not a trifler. I was never averse to poetry 2
(I shall go back to my earlier days). In fact, at the age of fourteen I wrote
a Greek tragedy. What was it like, you ask. I have no idea, but it was
called a tragedy. Then, when I was returning from military 3
service, and was held up by winds on the island of Icaria,* I composed
some elegiacs describing the sea there and the island itself. I also at one
time tried my hand at heroic verses, and now for the first time at
hendecasyllabics. Let me explain how and why they began.
In my Laurentine villa some books of Asinius Gallus* were being read
to me. They were devoted to a comparison between his father* and
Cicero. They contain an epigram of Cicero on his darling Tiro.*
Subsequently, when I had retired for a sleep at midday (it was high
summer) 4
and the sleep did not steal over me, I began to reflect that the most
eminent orators had practised this genre of writing,* 5
both for recreation and to win esteem. I concentrated my mind, and, to
my surprise because I was short of practice, I composed in quite a short
period of time these verses on the theme which had stirred me to write.
When I was reading Gallus’ book, in which he dared 6
To award the palm to his father over Cicero,
I chanced upon the wanton sport that Tully wrote,
A work exceptional even from that genius.
In it his serious concerns he lays aside;
Therein he shows that minds of great men can rejoice
In cultured wit and sundry varied pleasantries.
For he complains that Tiro, with his gross deceit,
Cheated his lover late at night, when he had dined;
The meagre kisses owed to him Tiro withdrew.
 When I had read these lines, ‘So why, then,’ I enquired,
‘Am I concerned to hide so timidly my loves?
Refusing to reveal, to acknowledge that I know
The wiles of Tiro and his fleeting flattery,
And thefts igniting further flames to fire me more?’*
I moved on to elegiacs, and with equal speed I rendered them as well, 7

and seduced by such ease I appended more. Then when I returned to

Rome I read them to my friends, and they approved of them. Later I 8
tried further metres at odd leisure times, especially when travelling.*
Finally I decided to follow the example of many, and to complete a
separate volume of hendecasyllabics, and I am pleased with it. It is 9
being read, copied, and even sung. Moreover, it is being set to music on
the harp and lyre* even by Greeks, for love of the book has taught them
Latin.
But why should I be such a braggart? Yet poets are allowed to rave 10

like madmen. And I am citing not my own judgement, but that of others.
This delights me, whether their judgement is sound or is mistaken. My
only prayer is that later ages may likewise be mistaken or approve in the
same way. Farewell. 10

5 To his dear Calpurnia

107
My obsession with longing for you is beyond belief. The reasons are 1
first, my love for you, and second, my being unaccustomed to living
apart. Hence I spend a great part of the night awake, just picturing you,
and likewise during the day, at the times when I used to visit you, my
feet lead me (this is the absolute truth) to your suite, and eventually I
leave it, feeling unwell and depressed, like a locked-out lover* on a
deserted threshold. The one time when I am free of this torture is when I
exhaust myself in court with friends’ lawsuits. Just imagine, 2
then, the kind of life I am living, when my relaxation lies in hard work,
and my consolation is in troubles and worries! Farewell.

6 To his friend Macrinus

106–7
An unusual and striking turn has occurred in the case of Varenus,* 1
though the outcome is still uncertain. It is said that the Bithynians have
abandoned the accusation against him, regarding it as a rash endeavour.
Do I say ‘It is said’? The emissary of the province is in Rome, and he has
brought a decree of the council to Caesar, with copies for many leading
citizens, and also for us advocates of Varenus. Yet the notorious Magnus
is still obdurate; indeed, he is most persistently 2
harassing the excellent man Nigrinus,* through whom he has
approached the consuls, demanding that Varenus be compelled to
furnish his accounts.
At this point I supported Varenus merely as a friend, having 3
decided to keep my mouth shut, for nothing would have been as
prejudicial as that I, his advocate nominated by the Senate, should
defend him as an accused person, when it was vital that he should not
appear to be such. However, when Nigrinus had made that 4
request, and the consuls looked towards me, I remarked: ‘You will be
aware that I have good reason for my reticence once you grant a hearing
to the ambassador from the province.’ Nigrinus countered: ‘To whom
have the copies been sent?’ I replied: ‘To me among others. I have the
decree from the province with me.’ ‘So possibly the issue 5
is clear to you?’ he said. ‘If you have a different perspective,’ I replied, ‘I
can have a better one.’ Then Polyaenus the ambassador 6
explained the reasons for their abandoning the indictment, and
requested that no prior decision be taken before the emperor held a
hearing.* Magnus then countered, and Polyaenus renewed his request.
My own interventions were few and brief, and for much of the time 7
I kept my counsel, for my understanding is that on occasion the orator’s
task is to be silent rather than to speak.
Indeed, I recall that I have been of service to certain defendants on
capital charges even more by silence than by the most punctilious
speech. A mother whose son had died (there is surely nothing to 8
prevent me making a point about the orator’s role, though my reason for
writing this letter was different) had indicted his freedmen, who were
her coheirs, on charges of forgery and poisoning.* This was before the
emperor, and she had obtained Julius Servianus* as judge for the case.
There was a huge crowd before whom I appeared on 9
behalf of the defendants, for the case was a most celebrated one, and
men of the most eminent talents were pleading on both sides. The
investigation put an end to the lawsuit in favour of the defendants. Later
the mother approached the emperor and claimed that she had 10
unearthed fresh evidence. Suburanus was instructed to find time for a
unearthed fresh evidence. Suburanus was instructed to find time for a
review of the case which had been finalized, if she could adduce
anything new.
The mother’s advocate was Julius Africanus, grandson of the 11
celebrated orator* about whom Passienus Crispus remarked after
hearing him: ‘He’s brilliant, heaven knows, quite brilliant, but to what
purpose?’ The grandson is a talented youngster, but somewhat clever-
clever. He made a long speech, using up his permitted time. He then
said: ‘Suburanus, I beg you to allow me to add one word.’ Then everyone
looked at me, expecting me to make a lengthy reply. I 12
said: ‘I would have countered if only Africanus had appended that one
word, for no doubt it would have contained all the new evidence.’ 13
I do not readily recall ever obtaining such vehement approbation by a
speech as I obtained then by reticence.
On this present occasion my reticence up to now on behalf of
Varenus has gained similar approval and acceptance. The consuls, in 14

accordance with Polyaenus’ request, held the entire issue in abeyance for
the emperor to decide. I await the hearing with some apprehension, for
that day will either spell for me on behalf of Varenus freedom from
anxiety and time for relaxation, or it will impose on me with renewal of
anxiety the labours which have been interrupted. Farewell.

7 To his friend Saturninus

107
I thanked our Priscus* both very recently, and a second time at your 1
command; indeed, I was delighted to do so. It is gratifying for me that
you two excellent men, very dear friends of mine, have become so close
you two excellent men, very dear friends of mine, have become so close
as to believe you are in each other’s debt. For he too maintains 2
that he derives particular pleasure from your friendship, and he vies
with you in your most honourable contest of affection towards each
other. Time itself will enhance this.
I find it frustrating that your activities at work distract you, for the
reason that you cannot devote yourself to your books. But if you can
settle one of your court cases by adjudication, and the other, as you
claim, by your own efforts, you will begin to enjoy your relaxation in
your own abode, and then when you have had your fill you can rejoin
me. Farewell.

8 To his friend Priscus

107
I must express the full measure of my delight because our friend 1
Saturninus* in letter after letter to me confesses the most profound
gratitude to you. Proceed as you have begun,* love this excellent man 2

with the greatest intimacy, for you will experience great pleasure from
his friendship, and not just for the moment. He is replete with 3
all the virtues, and above all with the supreme steadiness of his
affection. Farewell.

109 To his friend Fuscus

107
You enquire how I think you ought to study in the life of relaxation 1
which you have long been enjoying. What is especially useful, and 2
what many advise, is translation from Greek into Latin,* and from Latin
into Greek. This type of exercise engenders precision and brilliance of
vocabulary, abundant resources of figures of speech, force of exposition,
and also, through imitation of the best writers, skill at devising similar
concepts. At the same time things which might have eluded you when
reading cannot escape the notice of the translator. All this promotes
understanding and critical judgement.
When you have just read a passage, so as to memorize the content 3
and the argument, there is nothing wrong in writing a sort of rival
version, then comparing it with the one you have read, and carefully
pondering what you and what the original have expressed more aptly. It
is a matter for great self-satisfaction if your version is superior at some
points, and for humiliation if the original is invariably better. 3
It will be in order from time to time to choose a very familiar
passage, and to compete with what you have chosen. This is a daring 4
ploy, but not reprehensible, because the competition is private. Indeed,
we observe that many who have engaged in competition of this kind
have emerged with great praise, and in refusing to be disheartened have
excelled those whom they were content to imitate.
You will also be able, after putting it out of your mind, to review 5
what you have written, and to retain a great deal but to omit still more,
to insert new passages and to rewrite others. It is a laborious 6
and hugely boring task, yet one whose very difficulty makes it fruitful,
to rekindle afresh the enthusiasm and to recover the eagerness which has
been dulled and has disappeared, and in short to graft fresh limbs, so to
say, on an aged body, but without disturbing its earlier structure.
 I am aware that at present your particular interest* is pleading in 7
court, but I would not for this reason urge the invariable adoption of the
aggressive, virtually warring style. Just as the earth is renewed by
sowing different changes of seed, so our talents are refreshed by
different categories of reflection. I am keen that from time to time 8
you should try your hand at a historical passage, and that you should
devote some care to letter-writing, for often even a speech demands
descriptions not merely appropriate to history, but also those virtually
akin to poetry, and again we look to epistles for language which is
compressed and unadorned. It is also in order to relax by composing 9
verses. I do not mean continuous poems of some length (for they can be
completed only when at leisure) but those which are pungent and brief,*
and which suitably punctuate activities and responsibilities, no matter
how extensive. They are termed ‘pleasantries’, but such 10
pleasantries sometimes attain celebrity no less than serious
compositions. Indeed—for why should I not use verses to incite you to
verses?—
Wax wins its praise, if soft and yielding it obeys 11
Skilled fingers, and when bidden becomes art,
As now it fashions Mars, and chaste Minerva too,
And Venus now creates, and now her son;
Likewise, as sacred springs not merely quench the flames,
But also foster flowers and green fields;
So it befits men’s talents to be shaped and formed,
 Being instructed through wide-ranging skills.*
So it was that the finest orators, and the finest men too, used to train 12

and delight themselves, or rather, to delight and train themselves in this

way, since it is remarkable how the mind both concentrates and 13
relaxes by means of these. For they contain accounts of love, hatred,
anger, mercy, and elegance, in short, all features of life, and also of
political and legal affairs. Moreover, they embody the usefulness 14
common to other poems, for when we are freed from the requirements of
the metre, we rejoice in the unfettered language of prose, and with
greater pleasure we write what comparison shows is the readier
medium.
Perhaps you have received more advice than you asked for, but I 15
have omitted one thing. I have not told you what I think you should
read, though I did advert to it when I stated what you should write. You
must remember to make a careful choice of authors of each genre. As the
saying goes, we are to read a lot, but not many authors. 16
Those to be read are so well known and approved that there is no need
to point them out; and in any case I have protracted this letter so
excessively that, in advising you what you should study, I have deprived
you of the time to do so. So why not return to your tablets, and compose
something as suggested here, or whatever you have begun? Farewell.

10 To his friend Macrinus

106–7
When I have learnt the first part of a story, and the end has been 1
detached from it, I am keen to join it up, so I imagine that you are
similarly eager to learn the outcome of the case of Varenus and the
Bithynians.* Polyaenus spoke for the one side, and Magnus for the 2
other. At the close of the speeches, Caesar said: ‘Neither party will
complain if there is a delay. I will undertake to investigate the will of the
province.’* Meanwhile Varenus’ position is greatly strengthened, 3
for it is doubtful whether the indictment is justified, since it is uncertain
whether he is accused at all. For the rest, we pray that the province may
not again take up what it is said to have condemned, and repent of its
decision to repent. Farewell.

11 To Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

106–7
You express surprise* that my freedman Hermes did not await an 1
auction, but has sold to Corellia for 700,000 sesterces the lands which I
had inherited and had ordered to be advertised for sale, representing my
five-twelfths of the legacy. You add that they could have been sold for
900,000, which reinforces your query whether I am to ratify his action. I
do ratify it. Listen to my reasons for doing 2
so, for I am keen that you approve, and that my coheirs excuse my
dissociating myself from them because of an overriding obligation.
I regard Corellia with the greatest respect and affection. My first 3
reason is that she is the sister of Corellius Rufus,* whose memory is
sacred to me. Secondly, she was an intimate friend of my mother. In 4
addition, I have bonds of long standing with her husband Minicius
Justus,* an excellent man; these bonds were particularly close with her
son*—indeed, he presided over the games which I mounted when I was
praetor. When I recently visited you, Corellia informed 5
me that she was eager to possess some land close to our lake Comum. I
offered her any estate of mine which she wanted, and at the price she
wanted, apart from those which belonged to my mother and father, for I
cannot relinquish them even to Corellia. So when the 6
inheritance passed to me which included those properties, I wrote to her
that they would be up for sale. Hermes carried the letter to her, and
when she pressed him to sell her my share there and then, he assented.
So you realize that I must ratify my freedman’s action which accords
with my disposition. It now remains for my coheirs to bear 7
with my reason to sell separately the land which I need not have sold at
all. There is absolutely no obligation on them to follow my 8
example, for they do not have the same bonds of friendship with Corellia
that I have. So they can look to their own interests; mine are
subordinated to friendship. Farewell.

12 To his friend Minicius

I am sending you the written version of the speech which I have 1
composed at your request for your friend, or rather our friend (for what
is there that we do not possess in common?), to use as occasion
demands. I have sent it rather tardily so that you may have no time to
improve it—in other words, to make a mess of it. You will have the 2
time, not perhaps to improve it, but to make a mess of it!* Car vous
autres puristes delete all the best passages. Yet should you do so, I 3
shall regard it as all to the good, for later when any opportunity offers, I
shall exploit your efforts as my own, and by virtue of your fastidiousness
I shall get the praise—as though they are like the passages which you
will find marked* and expressed otherwise in a note above them. For I
suspected that you would regard the speech 4
as too puffed up, since it is rather high-sounding and sublime. So I
thought it not out of the way to avoid paining you, and immediately to
append something more compressed and meagre, or, to put it better,
something meaner and inferior, though in your view more appropriate.
For why should I not take every opportunity to attack 5
and criticize your spare style?
So far I have been trying to raise a smile from you at last during your
busy round, but this point is in earnest. Be sure to repay me for 6
the travelling-expenses I have laid out in sending a courier for this
specific purpose. I am sure that once you have read this you will
castigate, not individual sections, but the whole of the speech. You will
say that it is not worth a penny, when you are asked to pay for it!
Farewell.

13 To his friend Ferox

The one letter indicates both that you are not and that you are at 1
your books. Do I speak in riddles? Indeed I do, until I declare my
meaning. The letter states that you are not at your books, but it is so 2
polished that it could have been written only by one busy with his
books. Alternatively, you are the most blessed man in the world, if you
compose such addresses when idle and at leisure. Farewell.

14 To his friend Corellia

106–7
It is extremely decent of you both to ask and to demand that I 1
should give instructions to accept from you as the price for the lands not
700,000 sesterces, the amount specified by my freedman, but 900,000, a
twentieth part* of which you paid to the tax-collectors. I in 2
my turn both ask and demand that you take into account what is fitting
not only for you, but also for me, and that you allow me on this one
issue to oppose you with the same spirit with which I often accede to
your wishes in all things. Farewell.

15 To his friend Saturnmus

You ask about my activities, but you know what they are. I am 1
stretched by my public service, I lend aid to my friends,* and from time
to time I work at my books. To involve myself in that third activity, not
from time to time, but exclusively and always, I would not presume to
call virtuous, but it would certainly be more blessed. I should lament
that all your activities are other than those you 2
prefer,* if those which you perform were not so wholly admirable, for
supervision of the affairs of one’s country, and arbitration* between
friends are both totally praiseworthy.
 I knew that you would find friendship with my Priscus* congenial, 3

I was aware of his openness and courtesy, and I am now apprised of his
abundant gratitude, since you write that he recalls my services to him
with such pleasure. Farewell.

16 To Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

107
I enjoy the closest possible friendship with Calestrius Tiro,* who 1
has been associated with me in both private and public connections. We
served in the army together, and we were quaestors of Caesar 2
together. He preceded me in the office of tribune by virtue of the right of
children; I caught him up in the praetorship when Caesar granted me a
year’s grace. I have often enjoyed relaxation at his residences, and he
has often regained his health at my home.
He is now about to leave for his province of Baetica as proconsul, 3
by way of Ticinum.* I hope, indeed I am confident, that I shall readily 4

persuade him to diverge from his route to visit you, if you wish formally
to free the slaves* whom you recently manumitted in the company of
friends. You need not fear that this will be a nuisance for him, since he
would not regard a journey round the world as over-long if made for my
sake. So lay aside that excessive deference of 5
yours, and have regard for your own inclinations. He will be just as
pleased to fall in with my request as I am to fall in with yours. Farewell.

17 To his friend Celer

Every person has his own reason for holding a recitation, and mine, 1
as I have often previously said, is to be prompted about anything which I
have overlooked, as inevitably happens. This causes me all 2
the more astonishment at your writing that there were people who
reproached me for reciting my speeches* at all —unless they think that
speeches alone require no correction. I should be glad to enquire 3
of these people why they grant (if indeed they do) that there should be
recitations of history, which is written not for empty show but for honest
and truthful reporting; or again, tragedy, which needs a stage and actors,
not a lecture-hall; or lyric poetry, which calls for a chorus and a lyre
rather than a reader. 1
2
3
‘But recitals in these genres are already accepted as customary.’ So 4

should the person who introduced the practice incur blame? As for
speeches, these too have often been recited, both by some Romans* and
by Greeks. ‘But recitation of a speech already delivered is redundant.’ 5
This would be true if the speech were entirely unchanged, and made to
all the same listeners precisely at that time. But if you introduce many
new sections, or if you invite fresh listeners and others who have heard
it but some time ago, why should recitation of your speech win less
approval than publication of it? ‘But it is hard for a 6
speech to be recited satisfactorily.’ But this is a matter for the efforts of
the one reciting it, not an argument against recitation.
I myself seek praise not while reciting, but when I am read, so 7
 I myself seek praise not while reciting, but when I am read, so 7
there is no form of correction which I disregard. Initially I scrutinize
alone what I have written. Next I read it with two or three others. After
that I pass it over to others to annotate, and if I am in doubt about them,
I ponder their comments again with one or other of my friends. Finally I
read out the speech to a number of people, and it is then, believe me,
that I make the most incisive corrections, for I 8
concentrate all the more carefully for being more keyed up.
Respect for others, humility, and fear are the soundest critics, so put
it this way: ‘Surely, if you are about to speak with some individual,
however learned, and with him alone, you will be less on edge than if
you talk with many, even if they are ignorant? Surely, when 9
you rise to speak in court, it is then that you feel least confident, and it
is then that you long to change not most of your speech, but all of it?
This is especially so if you are performing on the larger stage, with a
bigger audience encircling you—for we show respect even to dirty and
shabby listeners. If you think that your exordium is being 10
criticized, do you not feel enfeebled, and lose heart? In my opinion, this
is because there is in numbers a sort of large-scale collective
discernment; whereas individuals show insufficient judgement, enmasse
they show a great deal. So Pomponius Secundus,* the composer 11
of tragedies, used to say, if some more intimate friend happened to think
that a passage should be expunged when he believed it should be
retained: ‘I appeal to the people.’ So the silence or applause of the
audience led him to adopt his own or his friend’s opinion. Such 12
was the great importance he attached to the views of the public. I am
was the great importance he attached to the views of the public. I am
not concerned whether he was right or wrong, for my practice is to
consult not the public, but particular chosen friends to whom I look and
whom I trust. In short, I take notice of them as individuals, and I fear
them when combined. I ascribe to fear what Cicero ascribes to 13
the pen;* apprehension is the most incisive corrective. It is fear which
inspires corrections, when we reflect that we are to offer a recitation,
fear when we enter the lecture-hall, fear when we are pallid and aghast
as our eyes circle round.
This is why I do not regret my regular practice, for I find it 14
most useful. So far from being put off by the idle gossip of your
acquaintances, I am asking you spontaneously to suggest something in
addition. I am never sufficiently conscientious. I reflect on the 15
great responsibility of entrusting a work to men’s hands, and I cannot
persuade myself that I am not to discuss often, and with many, writings
which one wishes will gain lasting and universal approval. Farewell.

18 To his friend Caninius

You raise with me the question how the money which you have offered 1

to our fellow townsmen for an annual feast can be safeguarded after you
are gone. It is a worthy point to consider, but a proposal not easy to
solve. You could make over the capital to the town, but with the fear
that the money may dribble away. You could make a gift of land, but
being publicly owned it would be neglected. I find no 2
arrangement more suitable than the one which I myself made. I had
promised 500,000 sesterces to pay for the rearing of freeborn boys and
girls,* and to cover this I allotted land worth considerably more from my
estates to the city-agent; then I took the land back with the imposition of
a rental by which I was to pay 30,000 sesterces* a year. By this means,
the principal was secured for the state and the annual 3
return is fixed, and the land itself will always find an owner to work it,
because its produce greatly exceeds the rental. I am well aware 4
that I seem to have paid rather more than the sum I donated,* for the
need to pay the rental has reduced the value of the very handsome
property. But one must put the interests of the state before private 5
advantages, and lasting benefits before transient ones; and also look to
the interests of one’s gift much more carefully than to one’s own
resources. Farewell.

19 To his friend Priscus

I am upset by Fannia’s* illness, which she caught when looking after 1
the Vestal Virgin Junia,* a task she initially discharged voluntarily (for
she is a relative) and later on the authority of the pontiffs, for when 2
the Vestals are forced to quit the hall of Vesta through severe illness they
are allotted to the care and guardianship of matrons. While Fannia
diligently discharged this duty, she contracted this dangerous illness.
Fevers oppress her, her cough worsens, and she is extremely 3
thin and extremely weak. The only strength left to her is in her mind and
spirit, which are fully worthy of her husband Helvidius and her father
Thrasea;* all else is slipping away, afflicting me not merely with fear,
but also with grief, for I grieve that this noblest of women is 4
being torn from our city’s eyes, which will never perhaps see her like.
What purity, what integrity, what dignity, what resolve! Twice she
followed her husband into exile, and because of him she was herself
banished a third time,* for when Senecio* was indicted for having 5
written volumes on the life of Helvidius, and when while defending
himself he had stated that he had been requested to write them by
Fannia, Mettius Carus asked her threateningly whether indeed she had
requested it, and she replied: ‘Yes, I did.’ And had she passed on to
Senecio her husband’s diary, when he was commencing the biography?
‘Yes, I passed it on.’ Was her mother* aware of this? ‘No, she was not.’ In
short, no single word did she utter to escape from the capital charge.
Why, though the Senate had decreed their 6
destruction through the pressures and fear of the times, and her
possessions were confiscated, she preserved and retained those volumes,
and bore them into exile as the cause of that exile.
Yet how charming and genial she is, and how she inspires affection 7

as much as respect, a quality granted to few! Will there be any woman

after her whom we can establish as a model for our wives, and to whom
we men also can look for patterns of courage? Will there be any whom
we can likewise gaze upon and listen to in admiration, like the heroines
of history? Her very house seems to me to be 8
shaking and shattered* from its foundations, destined to fall upon her,
though as yet she has descendants. What great merits and what great
deeds will they manifest to ensure that she does not die as the last of her
line?
A further cause of my depression and pain is that again I appear
9
to be losing her mother, that renowned mother of this great woman (for
I can ascribe no greater glory to her). It is Fannia who brings her back
and restores her to us, and Fannia will take her with her. This will afflict
me with both a fresh wound and one reopened. I revered 10
and loved them both; which the more I do not know, and no preference
did they seek between them. I discharged my services to them in times
of both prosperity and adversity. I consoled them when they were
banished, and I avenged them on their return.* Yet I have not matched
my services to them both, and for this reason I am all the more eager
that Fannia should survive, so that I may have continuing time to pay
my debts.
These are my anxieties as I write to you. If some god converts 11
them into joy, I shall not complain about my fear. Farewell.

20 To his friend Tacitus

?106–7
I have read your book,* and, as carefully as I could, I have marked the 1

passages which I thought should be changed and those which should be

deleted. I for my part make it my practice to tell the truth, as you for
your part accept it gladly. None accepts criticism with greater
forbearance than those who deserve the greatest praise. I now await 2
the return of my own book* from you with your observations. What a
pleasant and splendid exchange this is! I take great delight in the
prospect (assuming that posterity pays some regard to us) that reports
will circulate everywhere of the harmony, frankness, and loyalty we
have shown each other in our lives. It will be an unusual 3
and notable fact that two men virtually identical in age and distinction,*
and with some standing in the world of literature (I am forced to speak
of you rather unflatteringly, since I am describing myself as well), have
nurtured each other’s writings.
I was still a mere youth when you were already flourishing in fame 4

and renown, and I was eager to follow your example, to be, and to be
thought to be, ‘closest, but by a long distance’* to you. There were many
highly talented writers, but you seemed to me—our natural likeness to
each other inclined that way—the one whom I could and should best
imitate. So I rejoice all the more that in any conversation 5
about literature, our names are bracketed together, and when men speak
of you, my name at once crops up. There are some who are esteemed
above us both, but our ranking is of no account to me, as 6
we are linked together, for in my eyes he who is nearest to you ranks as
the highest. Why, you must have observed in wills that unless someone
has chanced to be a close friend of one or other of us, we receive
identical legacies, and indeed we are cited together. The 7
outcome of all this is that our affection for each other becomes still more
ardent, since our literary interests, characters, and reputations, and
above all the judgement of the public, bind us together with so many
bonds. Farewell.
21 To his friend Cornutus
I am following your instructions, dearest colleague,* and as you bid 1
me, I am taking precautions to cope with my eye-problem. I journeyed
here in a covered carriage, enclosed on every side as if I were in my
bedroom. Here* I renounce not only my pen, but also my sight-reading,
and am confining myself to listening. I keep the rooms in 2
shadow by drawing the curtains but without totally excluding the light.
The covered passageway is kept half in shadow and half in light by
putting the shutters over the lower windows. In this way I am gradually
adapting my eyes to the daylight. I take a bath, 3
because that is beneficial, and wine, because it does no harm, but very
sparingly. This has become my routine, and now my doctor is keeping an
eye on me.
I was delighted to receive the guinea fowl, since it came from you. 4

My eyes, though bleary, were sharp enough to see that it was a very
plump bird. Farewell.

22 To his friend Falco

You will be less surprised at such a persistent request from me that 1
you should bestow a military tribunate on a friend of mine, once you
know his identity and his character. I can now both reveal to you his
name and describe him, now that you have given your promise. He is 2
Cornelius Minicianus,* a notable figure in my native region, both in rank
and in character. He is of distinguished family, and well endowed, keen
on literature in the way of unproductive amateurs. He is also the most
upright of judges, the most courageous of advocates, and the most loyal
of friends. You will believe that I have done 3
you a good turn once you gain closer acquaintance with him, for he is
equal to every distinction and every appointment. He is a most
unassuming man, so I do not wish to praise him too highly. Farewell.

23 To Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law 107

I am glad that at present you feel strong enough to be able to meet 1
Tiro at Mediolanum,* but, so as to maintain your strength, I beg you not
to impose such heavy exertion on yourself, when your sum of years
counsels against it. Indeed, I insist that you await him at home and
indoors—in fact, within the confines of your bedroom. True, I 2
love him as a brother, but he must not demand from one whom I
reverence as a father an obligation which he would not have imposed on
his own father. Farewell.

24 To his friend Geminus

107
Ummidia Quadratilla* has died, shortly before her eightieth birthday. 1

She retained her vigour until her final illness, and her body remained
compact and sturdy, more than is the norm for a married woman, She 2

left the most edifying will at her death. She bequeathed two-thirds of her
estate to her grandson,* and a third for her granddaughter to inherit. I
scarcely know the granddaughter, but I have the most intimate fondness
for the grandson, an outstanding young man who inspires a sense of
family affection among those beyond his blood-relatives. In his early
days as a boy and a youth, in spite of his 3
handsome looks, he escaped all the tittle-tattle of malicious tongues. He
married before the age of twenty-four, and would have become a father
if the god had been kind. Though dwelling in the luxurious ambit of his
grandmother, his way of life was extremely Spartan, though he was most
deferential. She kept a troupe of pantomime 4
dancers, and indulged them more extravagantly than was fitting* for a
woman in high society. Quadratus never watched them, either in the
theatre or at home, nor did Quadratilla demand his presence. On one
occasion she informed me, when she was entrusting me with 5
her grandson’s studies, that it was her practice, as a woman enjoying the
leisure of her sex, to relax with a game of draughts, or in watching her
pantomime dancers; but before doing either of these things she always
instructed her grandson to retire to his studies. It seemed to me that she
did this more out of respect for him than out of affection.
You will be surprised at this, as I was. At the recent sacerdotal 6
games,* the pantomime performers were brought on as the
commencement. As Quadratus and I were leaving the theatre together,
he said to me: ‘Do you know that today is the first time I have watched
my grandmother’s freedman dancing?’ This was what her grandson 7
said, but good heavens, men with absolutely no connection with her
were paying honour to her (I am ashamed to have said ‘honour’). As
they performed their service of flattery, they were rushing to the theatre,
jumping up and down, clapping their hands, expressing admiration, and
then reciprocating every gesture of their mistress as they sang. They will
then reciprocating every gesture of their mistress as they sang. They will
now receive the tiniest of bequests as a bonus for their activities in the
theatre from an heir who failed to watch them.
I recount this because you for your part are not reluctant to hear of 8

any new event, and for me it is a pleasure to review by writing about it

anything which has lent me delight. My delight springs from the dead
woman’s family feeling, and the honour bestowed on this best of young
men. I am happy too that the house which at one time belonged to Gaius
Cassius, head and founder of the Cassian school,* will be under a master
in no way inferior. For my friend Quadratus 9
will occupy and adorn it, and restore it to its ancient distinction, fame,
and glory, since he will emerge from it as great an orator as Cassius was
a jurist. Farewell.

25 To his friend Rufus

107
What a huge number of learned men lurk hidden and unknown 1
to fame through their unassuming nature or their inactive lives! Yet
when we are to make a speech or give a reading, we are apprehensive of
those who publicize their literary skills, whereas those who say nothing
reveal their superiority all the more by greeting a masterly work with
reverential silence. What I now write describes 2
my experience of this.
After Terentius Junior* had seen military service as an equestrian,
and had served with the greatest integrity as procurator in the province
of Narbonensis,* he retired to his country estate, preferring the life of
most peaceful leisure to the public distinctions available to him. When I
was invited to stay with him, I regarded him as a decent 3
head of household and as a hard-working farmer, and I had in mind to
chat with him on issues in which I imagined him to be involved. But
once I had begun in this vein, he called me back to literature with highly
learned observations. How elegant was every word he 4
spoke in flawless Latin and Greek! His proficiency in both languages is
so striking that the one he uses at a particular moment seems to be his
speciality. The depth of his reading and his power of recall are amazing;
you would think that he lived in Athens, and not on a country estate.
Need I say more? He kept me more on my toes, causing me to 5
respect these men, living like rustics in retirement, just as much as the
most learned people I know. I offer you the same advice; just as in 6
military camps, so in the field of letters there are a good number of men
of rustic appearance, whom you will find on close inspection to be girt
and armed and most eagerly talented. Farewell.

26 To his friend Maximus

The sickness of a certain friend* has recently brought to my notice 1
that we are most virtuous when we are ill, for who is gnawed by greed
or lust when he is out of sorts? He is not subject to love-liaisons, 2
does not aspire to high positions, is indifferent to riches, and is satisfied
with what little he has, as he is soon to leave it. It is then that he is
mindful of the gods, and remembers that he is a man. He envies no one,
admires no one, despises no one. He does not even pay attention to or
admires no one, despises no one. He does not even pay attention to or
feed on malicious gossip. He pictures in his mind baths and running
streams, and these are the sum of his concerns 3
and prayers. For the future he aspires to a soft and easeful life, one of
harmless blessedness, if he should happen to survive.
So I can briefly prescribe for you and for myself what philosophers 4

try to teach in countless words and even in countless volumes: when

restored to health we are to persist in being what when ill we maintain
that we will be. Farewell.

27 To his friend Sura

Our leisure offers us the opportunity for me to play the pupil, and 1
you the master. So what I should very much like to know is whether you
believe ghosts exist* and have a form peculiar to them and some
supernatural power, or whether they are insubstantial and illusory,
acquiring shape merely from our fear. I am especially inclined to 2
believe in their existence from what I am told happened to Curtius
Rufus.*
While he was still a menial and little-known figure, he had become a
member of the staff of the governor of Africa. Late one afternoon he was
strolling in the colonnade when the figure of a woman, larger and more
beautiful than a human, appeared before him. He was petrified. She told
him that she was Africa, and had come to foretell the future to him. She
said he would repair to Rome, hold high positions, and also return to
that same province invested with the supreme command; there he would
die. The entire prophecy came 3
true. Moreover, as he neared Carthage and was disembarking, so the
true. Moreover, as he neared Carthage and was disembarking, so the
story goes, the same figure met him on the shore. What is definite is that
when he fell ill he drew upon his past to foretell his future, and on his
happy days to presage his ill-fortune, for though none of his entourage
feared for him, he himself abandoned hope of recovery.
Hear now this second story, which I shall recount as I heard 4
it; surely it is more terrifying and no less astonishing than the first. At
Athens* there was a sprawling, roomy house which was notorious 5
and plague-ridden. In the silence of the night the clink of metal was
heard. Then, to one of keener hearing, the distant rattle of chains was
initially audible, and then resounded from close at hand. A spectre
appeared, an old man bowed down with emaciation and filth, with a
flowing beard and bristling hair. He wore fetters on his legs and chains
on his wrists which he kept rattling. As a result, the 6
residents were kept awake in terror all through the grim and dread
nights. Their lack of sleep induced illness and then, as their fear grew,
death, for even during the day, though the ghost had retired, the
recollection of it roamed before their eyes, and their fear survived longer
than the causes of it. The house was then abandoned, and condemned to
lie empty, left wholly to that spectre. But it was put up for sale, in case
anyone unaware of that monstrous evil wished to buy or to rent it.
The philosopher Athenodorus* visited Athens. He read the
advertisement, 7
and on hearing the price he was suspicious because it was so cheap. So
on making enquiries, he learnt the whole story, and in spite of it, or
rather all the more because of it, he rented the house. When the day
rather all the more because of it, he rented the house. When the day
began to draw in, he ordered a couch to be laid for him in the front of
the house. He asked for tablets, a pen, and a lamp, and consigned all his
servants to the inner part of the house. He concentrated his brain and
eyes and hand upon his writing, for fear that if his mind was
unoccupied, he would imagine the presence of the apparitions which he
had heard of, and arouse in himself empty fears.
At first the night was as silent there as elsewhere, but then there 8
was the clank of metal and the movement of chains. The philosopher did
not raise his eyes or abandon his pen, but he fortified his mind and
stopped his ears. Then the noise intensified and drew nearer; now it was
audible at the threshold, and now within the threshold. He looked back,
and saw and recognized the spectre as it had been described to him. It
stood there, signalling with a finger as though 9
summoning him. In response he gestured with his hand that it should
wait a little, and again he bent over his tablets and his pen. The wraith
rattled its chains over his head as he wrote. He again looked back at the
ghost, which was signalling as before, and without lingering he picked
up his lamp and followed. The spectre proceeded 10
with heavy steps, as though burdened with its chains. After diverging
into the courtyard of the house, it suddenly glided away and left him as
he was accompanying it. Now left alone, he plucked some plants and
leaves and marked the spot with them. Next day he 11
approached the magistrates, advising them to bid the place to be dug up.
Bones were unearthed there, encircled and entwined with chains; the
corpse had rotted with its time in the earth, and had left the bones
uncovered and worn away with the chains. They were gathered and
uncovered and worn away with the chains. They were gathered and
buried at public expense. Thereafter the house was free of the shades,
which had been duly buried.
These details are attested by other persons, and I believe them; 12
but I can attest to others the truth of the story that follows. I have a
freedman of some education. Sleeping in the same bed with him was a
younger brother. My freedman seemed to observe a man sitting on the
bed and applying scissors to his head, cutting off the hair from his
crown. When daylight came, the crown of his head was shorn, and the
hair was found lying there. A short period elapsed, and a 13
similar episode in turn lent credence to that earlier one. A young slave
was sleeping among several others in the slaves’ compound. As he tells
the story, two figures in white tunics came through the window, cut his
hair as he lay there, and retired the way they had come. The daylight
showed that he too had been shorn, and his hair was scattered all
around. Nothing untoward followed, except perhaps 14
that I was not indicted, though I would have been if Domitian, in whose
reign these events occurred, had lived longer.* For found on his desk
was a document laid against me by Carus. Since it is customary for
persons indicted to let their hair grow long, this allows me to guess that
the cutting of my servants’ hair was an indication that the danger
looming over me was averted.
So I ask you to apply your learning to this question, for it merits 15
your sustained and deep thinking. I am surely not unworthy to receive
the benefit of your abundant knowledge? For though as usual 16
you may present the arguments on both sides, you must come down
you may present the arguments on both sides, you must come down
more strongly on one or the other, so as to leave me in no doubt and
uncertainty, for my purpose in consulting you was to foreclose my
vacillation. Farewell.

28 To his friend Septicius

You state that certain people have rebuked me in your presence for 1
exaggerated praise of my friends at every opportunity. I acknowledge 2
the charge and indeed embrace it, for what is more honourable than the
sin of generosity? But who are these acquaintances of yours who know
my friends better than I do? Granted that they know them, however,
why do they begrudge my making the most felicitous of mistakes? My
friends may not rise to the level of my praise, but it makes me happy to
believe so well of them. So let those people 3
direct their baleful attentions towards others, for there is no shortage of
those who call it discriminating to disparage their friends. They will
never succeed in persuading me that I am overfond of mine. Farewell.

29 To his friend Montanus

You will laugh, you will then be angry, but then you will laugh, 1
should you read what you cannot credit unless you read it. On the road
to Tibur, less than a mile out, I recently noticed the tomb of Pallas* with
the inscription: ‘For his loyalty and devotion to his patrons, the Senate
decreed* to him the insignia of a praetor, together with million
sesterces, but he was satisfied merely with the distinction.’ 2
I myself have never admired distinctions which originated from 3
 I myself have never admired distinctions which originated from 3
fortune rather than good judgement. But this inscription reminded me
above all how ridiculous and pointless are those which from time to time
are wasted on such slime and filth. That scoundrel had the audacity both
to accept and to refuse distinctions, and even to present the proffered
gifts before posterity as a model of modesty. But why should I feel
angry? It is better to laugh, in case such people 4
think they have obtained something important, when by such luck they
attain the status of laughing stock. Farewell.

30 To his friend Genitor

107
I am deeply pained by your loss of a pupil who, you write, showed 1
outstanding promise. Of course I realize that your studies have been
hindered by his illness and death, for you are most attentive to all your
obligations, and you show the most abundant affection towards all those
of whom you approve. 1
My Roman tasks follow me even here, for there are people seeking 2

to make me judge or arbitrator. Then too there are the complaints of 3

the peasants, who claim their right to trouble my ears following my
lengthy absence. I am also oppressed by the need to let my farms, an
exceedingly troublesome task, for suitable tenants* are a rare
commodity. For these reasons I have precious little time to devote to 4
study, though I do work at it, for I am doing some writing and reading.
But as I read, comparison makes me realize how badly I write, in spite of
your cheering me up by comparing my speech which 5
vindicated Helvidius with Demosthenes’ oration* against Meidias. In
fact, I had that speech to hand when I was writing mine, not to
challenge it (which would be shameless and almost lunatic), but to
imitate it and follow in its footsteps, in so far as the gap between the
strongest and the feeblest talent, and the difference between the cases,
allowed. Farewell.

31 To his friend Cornutus

Claudius Pollio* desires your close friendship, and deserves it because 1

he desires it and also because of his affection for you. Scarcely anyone
makes such a request unless he takes the initiative. He is in general
upright, honourable, retiring, and excessively modest—if anyone can be
too modest! When we served in the army together,* I formed a view 2
of him not restricted to that of the fellow soldier. He commanded a wing
of a thousand cavalry; my orders from the consular legate were to audit
the accounts of the cavalry and infantry units, and while I unearthed
large-scale and disgusting greed with corresponding neglect, in Pollio’s
case I found the greatest honesty and scrupulous care. He was later
advanced to most distinguished offices* as procurator, 3
and was never suborned by any opportunity to be diverted from his
inherent attachment to incorruptibility. He never waxed overproud
through his prosperity, and never in the wide range of his offices
breached his unbroken reputation for kindness. With the same mental
resolution he showed himself equal to hard work as now he copes with
retirement. This leisure he interrupted and laid aside 4
briefly, and gained great praise thereby: he was taken on as assistant by
our friend Corellius* in the purchase and allocation of lands,* a process
resulting from the generosity of the emperor Nerva. He is indeed
deserving of the highest repute to have gained the unqualified approval
of that outstanding man, when there was available such a wide range of
choice for the post.
You can be assured of the degree of respect and loyalty which he 5
shows to his friends from the attestations at death of many men,
including one from that most dignified citizen Annius Bassus,* whose
memory he preserves and prolongs with such grateful commendation
that he has published a biography of him (for he accords to literature the
same respect he shows to other honourable pursuits). This was a 6
noble gesture deserving of praise, since it is so unusual, for many invoke
the memory of the dead only to grumble about them.
This is the man, believe me, who is so very keen to cultivate you. 7
So welcome and embrace him, in fact summon him and show him
affection as if returning a favour. For in duties of friendship, the one
who has taken the first step deserves to be rewarded rather than to be
placed under an obligation. Farewell.

32 To Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

107
I am delighted that the visit of my friend Tiro* has been a pleasure for 1

you, and I am especially happy at your mentioning that you took the
opportunity of the proconsul’s presence to grant freedom* to a large
number. For I am keen that our native area should be advanced in every
material way, but especially in the number of its citizens, since this is
the strongest accession to our cities. 1
I am also pleased, though not for any ostentation, at your additional 2

news that you and I have been celebrated both in a vote of thanks and in
expressions of praise, for, as Xenophon remarks,* ‘praise is the sweetest
thing to hear’, especially if you believe that you have deserved it.
Farewell.

33 To his friend Tacitus

107
I prophesy (and my prophecy is not mistaken) that your histories* 1
will be immortal, so I am all the more eager to be given a place in them,
as I freely admit. If we are usually careful to ensure that our 2
features are portrayed by all the best artists, we must surely aspire to
have our deeds penned by a writer and publicist like yourself.
So I am describing to you an episode (in fact, it cannot have 3
escaped your watchful eye, for it is in the public records,* but none the
less I am describing it) so that you may be readier to believe that I shall
be delighted if my role, which has won increased popularity because of
the hazard it incurred, is enhanced by your genius and your testimony.
The Senate had allocated Herennius Senecio and myself as advocates4

for the province of Baetica against Baebius Massa, and, after Massa was
convicted, had passed a decree that his possessions should be lodged in
state custody. Senecio ascertained that the consuls would be open to
appeals against this decision, so he contacted me, and said: ‘We have
conducted in concert the indictment allotted to us, so let us also in
concert approach the consuls, and request them not to allow the
dispersal* of the property which they should keep in custody.’ I replied:
‘The Senate merely allocated us as advocates, so 5
consider whether our role is at an end, now that the Senate hearing has
been completed.’ He rejoined: ‘You must impose whatever limit you like
on your own account, for your relationship with the province* is
confined to your services to them of recent date. But I was both born and
held the quaestorship there.’ Then I said: ‘If that is 6
your firm and carefully pondered decision, I will support you so that any
resultant odium from it may not fall on you alone.’
We approached the consuls, and Senecio explained the situation, 7
while I appended some comments. We had barely finished when Massa
complained that Senecio had been motivated not by the good faith of an
advocate, but by the hostility of a personal enemy, and he demanded
that Senecio be indicted* for dereliction of duty. All 8
were aghast. Then I spoke: ‘I fear, most distinguished consuls, that Massa
may have exposed me to a charge of collusion with him by his silence,
for he has not indicted me as well.’ The statement was both welcomed
there and then and achieved subsequent fame, being on many people’s
lips. Indeed, the deified Nerva* (for even when still 9
a private citizen he acknowledged actions directed to the public good)
sent me a most dignified letter in which he felicitated not only myself
but also our era for having shown an example (these are his very words)
‘similar to those of days of old’.
‘similar to those of days of old’.
Whatever the significance of this, you will make it better known,* 10

more celebrated, and of greater import, though I am not demanding that

you exaggerate what really happened. History must not go beyond the
truth, and for honourable deeds the truth is enough. Farewell.
 BOOK EIGHT

1 To his friend Septicius

107
I have accomplished the journey* successfully, though with the one 1
snag that one of my servants fell ill in the most oppressive heat. In 2
fact, my reader Encolpius,* mainstay of my serious studies and joy of my
relaxation, coughed up blood when his throat was irritated by the dust.
How grim this will be for him, and what a harsh blow to me, if this
disqualifies him for intellectual work, when his entire charm lies in it!
Who will then read and savour my books as he does? To whom 3
will my ears be pinned* as they are to him? But the gods give promise of
a happier outcome. The discharge of blood has stopped, the pain has
diminished; then, too, he is a self-controlled patient, we are exercised
about him, and the doctors are attentive. Moreover, the healthy climate,
the retirement, and the relaxation give promise of a cure as much as of
leisure. Farewell.

2 To his friend Calvisius

107–8
Other people visit their estates to return richer, but I myself go to 1
return poorer. I had sold my vine-crop* to businessmen vying to buy it.
The price was enticing, both at the moment of sale and what seemed in
prospect, but their hopes were dashed. The quickest way 2
out was for me to offer them all an equal rebate, but that was not quite
just, and I hold the view that it is wholly admirable to practise justice at
just, and I hold the view that it is wholly admirable to practise justice at
home as well as abroad, in small things as well as in great, and in our
own affairs as well as in those of others. For if all sins are equal, so are
all merits. So I granted all of them an eighth of the price 3
which they had paid so that ‘none should leave without a prize’;* then I
made a separate arrangement for those who had expended the largest
amounts in their purchases, for they had both lent me greater help and
themselves sustained the greatest loss. So for those who had 4
laid out more than 10,000 sesterces, I added to the one-eighth, which
was conferred all round as a kind of general donation, a tenth of any
sum in excess of the 10,000.
I fear that I have not explained this too well, so I shall clarify it by 5

calculation of the figures. Any buyers who had chanced to lay out
15,000 sesterces received an eighth of that sum plus a tenth of 5,000. In
addition, when I recalled that some had paid over a fair amount of 6
what they owed, while others had put down a modest deposit, and
others still, nothing, I thought it wholly unfair that those who had not
been equally responsible in making payments should be made equal
recipients in the generosity of the rebates. So I granted a further 7
rebate of a tenth of the sum paid by those who had deposited the money.
This seemed the most appropriate way of both showing gratitude to each
individual according to his past merits, and enticing all of them not only
to buy in future but also to put down the money.
This mode of calculation—or amenability—has cost me a great 8
deal, but it was worth it, for throughout the whole region the
unprecedented rebate and the process have won praise. Moreover, the
purchasers, whom I treated, not by the same measuring-rod, as the
saying goes, but separately and in ascending order, have departed under
an obligation to me commensurate with their greater honesty and
decency. They have discovered that in my eyes it is not the case that
‘wicked and honourable men are equally respected’.* Farewell.

3 To his friend Sparsus

You indicate that you have found the book which I most recently sent 1

you to be by far the most congenial of all my writings. A certain very

learned person* holds the same view. This inclines me all the more to 2

believe that neither of you is mistaken, for it is hardly likely that you are
both wrong—but perhaps I flatter myself!* My own aspiration is that
each most recent work should appear impeccably finished, so now, as
against the speech which is in your possession, I am promoting the one
which I have recently published, and which I intend to share with you as
soon as I find a reliable courier. I have whetted your 3
expectation, and I fear that the speech may fall below it when you take
it up. In the meantime, however, you must await it with the assumption
that it will please you, as perhaps it will. Farewell.

4 To his friend Caninius

107
Your plan to write on the Dacian war* is an excellent one, for what 1
subject is so recent, so wide, so sublime, and finally so poetic, and
though centred on most truthful events, so legendary? You will 2
describe new rivers unleashed over lands, new bridges erected over
rivers,* precipitous mountains overhanging the camps; a king, refusing
to despair* as he was harried from his palace, and then from his life.
Then, in addition to these topics, the celebration of two triumphs, the
first over an unconquered nation, and the second that of most recent
days.
But there is one most crippling difficulty: to find language to 3
match the subject is an uphill and massive task even for a talent like
yours,* however much it rises to the greatest heights and gains
momentum from most splendid compositions. Additional toil lies in the
fact that the barbaric and uncivilized names, notably that of the king
himself, do not run easily into Greek verses. But there is no 4
impediment which cannot be alleviated by skill and care even if it
cannot be wholly overcome. Moreover, if Homer is allowed to shorten,
lengthen, and adapt malleable Greek words to lighten his verse,* why
should you not be permitted a similar licence, especially
when this is not self-indulgent, but necessary? So when by the privilege 5

granted to poets you have invoked the gods and among the gods* him
whose deeds, achievements, and plans you are to proclaim, you must
cast off the ropes, spread your sails, and then, if ever, launch into the
deep with the full wind of your genius—for in converse with a poet, why
should I not wax poetic?
At this moment I make it a condition that you send me the initial 6
sections as you complete them, or rather, even before you complete
sections as you complete them, or rather, even before you complete
them, in their rough-and-ready state while newly composed, like
newborn babies. Your reaction will be that fragmented parts cannot 7
please as much as when they are assembled, nor initial attempts as much
as the finished article. I know that, so they will be assessed as first
drafts, regarded as detached sections, and kept in my desk to await your
final polish. Allow me to have this pledge of your affection in addition to
the rest, to gain acquaintance with secrets which you would not wish
anyone to know. In short, I shall perhaps be able to 8
approve and praise your writings the more when they are more slowly
and more carefully produced, but I shall love you the more and praise
you the more, the more speedily and unwarily you send them. Farewell.

5 To his friend Gemmus

107-8
Our friend Macrinus* has sustained a heavy blow, for he has lost his 1
wife, who even if she had lived long ago would have been what she has
been, a model wife beyond compare. He lived with her for thirty-nine
years without wrangling or animosity. What respect she demonstrated
for her husband, and she deserved it herself likewise to the highest
degree! Think of the number and the depth of the virtues which she
assembled and mingled in herself, acquiring them at the different stages
of her life! True, Macrinus has the great consolation 2
of having possessed that blessing for so long, but this intensifies his loss
all the more, for the grief of missing her is increased through the past
enjoyment of pleasures. So I shall suffer anxiety on this dearest 3
friend’s behalf until he can lend himself to distractions, and endure the
scar of his wound. Nothing can achieve this so much as necessity itself,
scar of his wound. Nothing can achieve this so much as necessity itself,
length of time, and sufficiency of grief. Farewell.

6 To his friend Montanus

You must now be aware from my letter that I recently noticed Pallas’ 1
tomb bearing the inscription: ‘For his loyalty and devotion to his
patrons, the Senate decreed to him the insignia of a praetor, together
with million sesterces, but he was satisfied merely with the distinction.’
Later I decided that it was worthwhile to look out the 2
senatorial decree. I found it so verbose and effusive that the supreme
arrogance of the inscription seemed modest and humble by comparison.
I pass over the men of old like Africanus, Achaicus, and Numantinus;*
those of most recent date, men like Marius, Sulla, and Pompey (I am
reluctant to go on) should assemble and intermingle; they will fail to rise
to the glories of Pallas. Am I to regard those 3
who passed that decree as men of wit* or poor wretches? I would call
them men of wit, if wit were appropriate in the Senate; or wretched,
except that no man is so wretched as to have that measure foisted upon
him. So was it ambition, or lust for advancement? But who is so lunatic
as to desire advancement by way of personal and civic shame, in a city
in which exploitation of the most illustrious distinction lay in being able
to be first to praise Pallas in the Senate?
I pass over the fact that praetorian insignia were offered to Pallas, 4
a slave,* for those who offered them were slaves; I pass over the fact
that they decreed that he should be not merely encouraged, but even
compelled to wear a gold ring,* for it would have been an affront to the
majesty of the Senate for a praetorian to wear an iron one. These 5
are minor issues to be passed over; what must be mentioned is that the
Senate in Pallas’ name (and the Senate House was not subsequently
purified), in Pallas’ name the Senate gave thanks to Caesar both because
Claudius himself had attached the highest honour to mention of his
name, and because he had granted the Senate the opportunity of
attesting their good will towards him. For what more 6
splendid gesture could the Senate make, than to show itself suitably
grateful to Pallas? Appended to the decree are these words: ‘That Pallas,
to whom all confess their obligation as best they can, should most
deservedly obtain the reward for his unique loyalty and unique
diligence.’ You would think that he had extended the boundaries of
empire, or brought armies back safely to the state!
Subjoined to those words we read: ‘Since the Senate and the 7
Roman people could have no more welcome means of showing their
generosity than if they had been able to lend support to the wealth of
the most abstemious and reliable guardian of the resources of the
princeps.’* This was the prayer of the Senate at that time, this was the
special source of joy of the people, this was the most welcome
opportunity for their generosity, that they should enrich Pallas’ resources
by disbursing public funds.
Then what came next? That the Senate sought to decree that 8
million sesterces be awarded him from the treasury, and the further his
disinclination withdrew him from base longings of that kind, the more
earnestly to beg the father of the state to force him to yield to the wishes
earnestly to beg the father of the state to force him to yield to the wishes
of the Senate. The only thing lacking was that there 9
should be discussion with Pallas by the authority of the Senate; that
Pallas should be requested to yield to the Senate, and that Caesar as
sponsor should be called on to counsel him in that most arrogant self-
denial, so that he would not refuse the million sesterces. He did refuse
them; when such great wealth was offered him by the state, this was the
only way he could have acted more arrogantly than by accepting it. Yet
the Senate greeted even this gesture with praises 10
in tones of complaint with these words: ‘Since the best of emperors and
the father of the state, on the plea of Pallas, desired that the section of
the proposal referring to the gift to him of million sesterces should be
rescinded, the senators bore witness that they had willingly and
deservedly taken steps to decree this sum to Pallas, together with the
other distinctions, to mark his loyalty and his conscientiousness, but that
they were obeying the wish of the princeps in this matter, since they
believed that it was not right to oppose him in any issue.’
Just picture Pallas vetoing, so to say, the senatorial decree, restricting
11
the honours conferred on him, and rejecting the million sesterces as
excessive, after accepting the praetorian insignia as of lesser account!
Just picture Caesar deferring to the plea, or rather the 12
command, of a freedman in the presence of the Senate (for it was a
command which the freedman imposed on his patron, when he made the
request in the Senate). Just imagine the Senate going so far as to bear
witness that it had begun, deservedly and willingly, to decree this sum to
Pallas, together with the other distinctions, and that they would have
proceeded with this had they not deferred to the wishes of the emperor,
proceeded with this had they not deferred to the wishes of the emperor,
for it was not right to oppose him on any issue! So what was necessary
to prevent Pallas obtaining the million sesterces from the treasury was
his own deference and the obedience of the Senate, who especially in
this matter would not have obeyed had they not thought it right in no
respect to refuse their obedience.
Do you think this is the end of the story? Hold on, and hear the 13
major part. ‘In particular, since it is expedient that the benevolence of
the emperor, which shows the greatest alacrity in praising and
rewarding those who deserve it, should be famed everywhere, especially
in those places where men charged with the administration of his affairs
could be fired to imitate him, and the well-tried loyalty and integrity of
Pallas could by his example incite enthusiasm to emulate such
honourable conduct, the statement read out by the best of emperors
before our most distinguished order on January last, together with the
decrees of the Senate on these matters, should be engraved in bronze,
and this bronze tablet should be affixed to the mailed statue of the
deified Julius.’*
So it seemed insufficient that the Senate House should witness 14
scenes of such disgrace. The most crowded place in Rome was chosen
where they were displayed to be read by contemporaries, and read too
by posterity. It was decreed that all the honours of this most arrogant
slave should be inscribed on bronze, both those which he had rejected
and those which he sported so far as the proposers envisaged it. The
praetorian insignia of Pallas were incised and carved on public
monuments to last for ever, as if they were ancient treaties or hallowed
laws. So monstrous was the—I cannot find the 15
word for it—of the emperor, of the Senate, of Pallas himself, so that
Pallas might purpose to have his shamelessness, and Caesar his long-
suffering, and the Senate its humiliation, inscribed before the eyes of all.
They were not ashamed to offer a pretext for their base conduct, indeed
a worthy and honourable pretext, so that the rest of the world could be
challenged by the example of the rewards to Pallas to show enthusiasm
in emulating him. Such was the cheapness in which 16
honours were held, even those which Pallas did not disdain. Yet men
from honourable families were found to seek and to aspire to what they
saw was offered to a freedman, and promised to a slave.
How consoling it is that I had no experience of those times,* of 17
which I am ashamed as if I lived during them! I have no doubt that your
reaction is like mine. I know how lively and noble you are in mind, so
that though I have perhaps at some points let my anger transgress the
bounds of a letter, you may more easily believe that my resentment is
understated rather than excessive. Farewell.

7 To his friend Tacitus

It was not as master to master, nor as pupil to pupil as you state, 1
but as master to pupil (for you are the master and I am the opposite, and
you bid me return to school while I am still stretching out the
Saturnalia) that you have sent me your book.* I could hardly compose 2

a longer hyperbaton* than that, could I, and thus prove that I am the
sort who is unfit not only to be called your master, but even your pupil?
But I will adopt the persona of the master, and exercise over your book
the rights that you have granted, all the more willingly because in the
meantime I am going to send you none of my own on which to take
vengeance. Farewell.

8 To his friend Romanus

107
Have you at any time seen the source of the Clitumnus?* If not yet 1
(and I imagine ‘not yet’, for otherwise you would have described it to
me), you must visit it as I did recently. I am ashamed at having been so
slow in going there.
There is a hill which rises to a moderate height, thickly wooded 2
and shaded with ancient cypresses. Below the hill the river emerges at
its source, is forced out in several channels of varying size, and having
struggled clear of the whirlpool which it creates, it opens out into a
broad basin, its waters clear and glassy, so that you can count the coins
which have been thrown in, and the pebbles reflecting the light. It is
borne along from there, not because it goes downhill, but 3
by its own force and apparent weight, At one moment it is a rill, and at
the next the broadest of rivers, capable indeed of bearing boats. Even
when these confront it, and strain and struggle in the opposite direction,
it bears and carries them along. Its current is so strong that the boat
which hastens along with it, even over level ground, needs no help from
oars, whereas if the current is against it, one overcomes it only by the
use of oars and poles, and with the greatest difficulty. Those who take to
the water for amusing relaxation 4
enjoy the twin pleasure of hard work alternating with idleness, and
enjoy the twin pleasure of hard work alternating with idleness, and
idleness with hard work, as they vary their course.
The banks are clad in thickly planted ash trees and poplars. The
crystal-clear stream allows us to count their green reflections lying
buried deep within it. The icy temperature of the water competes with
snow, and its sheen is as bright. Close by, an ancient temple 5
stands, invested with religious awe. Clitumnus himself stands there, clad
and adorned in a toga with purple border; oracular responses* attest the
presence of divine and prophetic power. Scattered around are several
tiny shrines, with gods matching their number. Each has its separate cult
and name, and indeed some have their own running waters, for, in
addition to the father-figure among them, there are lesser streams rising
from different sources, though they merge with the river, which is
crossed by a bridge.
The bridge marks the boundary between sacred and secular. 6
Above it, only sailing is allowed, whereas below it bathing is permitted.
The citizens of Hispellum,* to whom the deified Augustus presented the
site, maintain a civic bathing area there, and also an inn, and there are
houses lining the river-bank, enticed by the beauty of the river.
In short, there is no aspect which will not afford you pleasure. For 7
you will also have things to study; you will read many inscriptions
written by many hands on all the pillars and on all the walls, which
hymn the waters and the god. Several of them you will praise, and a few
will make you laugh.* But such is your charitable nature that you will
not laugh at them. Farewell.
9 To his friend Ursus
It is some time since I held a book or a pen, and for some time I have 1
known no leisure or relaxation —in short, that sluggish but blessed life
of doing nothing and being nothing. So exacting are the many concerns
of my friends,* which allow me neither to retire from Rome nor to get
down to study, for no attention to books is of such importance 2
as to cause me to abandon the obligations of friendship, which those
very books counsel us* to perform with the most scrupulous observance.
Farewell.

10 To Fabatus, his grandfather-in-law

c. 107
Your eagerness to see us providing you with great-grandchildren 1
will make you all the sadder to hear that your granddaughter has
suffered a miscarriage.* She had a girl’s ignorance that she was
pregnant, and for that reason she both failed to take the precautions
which pregnant women should take, and did things which she ought not
to have done. She has paid for her mistake with harsh realization, for
her life was in the greatest danger. So on the one hand you must 2
reluctantly accept that your old age has been deprived of the posterity
which seemed forthcoming, but on the other hand you must thank the
gods that for the time being they have denied you great-grandchildren to
preserve your granddaughter; and they will provide those children, for
her fertility offers more certain hope of this, though it has been
unhappily ascertained.
At this time I offer you the same encouragement, advice, and 3
 3
assurance that I offer myself, for your yearning for great-grandchildren is
no more fervent than is mine for children. I shall, it seems, bequeath to
them as descendants from both of us, a favourable route to high offices,
names more widely acknowledged, and an ancestry firmly established. I
pray that by their being born they may transform our present sorrow
into joy. Farewell.

11 To his dear Hispulla

c. 107
As I ponder your affection for your brother’s daughter, which is 1
more tender than the fondness of a mother, I am conscious that I should
first report the news of what came later, so that the prior accession of
joy may leave no scope for anxiety. Yet I fear that your thankfulness may
revert to fear, and that your joy at hearing that she is out of danger may
be affected by your horror at the crisis which has attended her.
She is now cheerful, restored to her former self and to me, as she 2
begins her recovery and assesses the danger through which she has
passed by regaining her health. At one time her life was in the greatest
danger (I do not wish to tempt Providence), not through any fault of her
own, though her age was partly to blame. This was the cause of her
miscarriage, the melancholy proof of the pregnancy of which she was
unaware.
So though your yearning for your lost brother has not brought you 3

the consolation of a grandson or granddaughter of his, you must bear in

mind that this is delayed rather than denied to you, because she who can
be the source of our hope is safe and sound. Meanwhile give your father
an explanation of the accident, for women make a readier allowance for
an explanation of the accident, for women make a readier allowance for
it. Farewell.

12 To his friend Minicianus

This is the one day for which I plead exemption,* for Titinius Capito* 1
is to give a recitation; I do not know whether a sense of obligation or
enthusiasm impels me the more to hear him. He is a splendid man who
is to be counted among the outstanding glories of our era. He is an
enthusiast for literature and is fond of literary men, whom he nurtures
and advances. Many who devote themselves to creative writing find in
him a harbour, a haven, and a refuge. He is an example to all. In short,
he revives and reforms the study of letters, which were now declining.*
He opens his house to those who offer 2
recitations, and shows remarkable indulgence in joining audiences, not
merely in his own house; at any rate, so long as he has been in Rome, he
has never let me down.
It would accordingly be all the more disgraceful not to return the
favour, as my reason for doing so is the more honourable. If I were 3
being harassed by lawsuits, I should believe that I was duty-bound to the
man standing surety for me; surely, then, at this moment when all my
business and all my concern is with literature, I have an equal obligation
to the man who devotes such close attention to me. I can show that
obligation to him especially, if not to him alone. But even 4
if I owed him no return and no reciprocal obligation, I should still be
influenced either by the man’s talent, which is most splendid, most
outstanding, and in spite of his most serious demeanour, most affecting,
or by the high worth of his subject.
or by the high worth of his subject.
He writes books on the deaths of famous men,* some of whom were
most dear to me. So it seems that I am performing a dutiful 5
role, for though I could not attend their funeral rites, I can now be
present at their funeral panegyrics, so to say, admittedly after the event
but all the more sincerely. Farewell.

13 To his friend Genialis

I think it is good that you have read my slight works together with 1
your father. It is relevant to your development to learn from a man of
the greatest eloquence what you are to praise and what to censure, and
at the same time to be educated in becoming accustomed to speak the
truth. Your eyes are on the person you are to emulate and 2
in whose steps you are to tread. How blessed you are to have as your
model that one and the same person who is both the finest man on earth
and your closest relative! In short, you possess for imitation the one
above all whom nature desired that you should most closely imitate.
Farewell.

14 To his friend Aristo

105
As you are the greatest expert on private and public law, a part of 1
which is concerned with senatorial procedure, I am extremely keen to
have your views on whether I acted wrongly or otherwise in the Senate
the other day. My aim is to seek enlightenment not on what is past—it is
too late for that—but for the future, in case something similar occurs.
You will respond: ‘Why do you enquire about something 2
You will respond: ‘Why do you enquire about something 2
which you ought to have known?’ My answer is that the slavish situation
of former days casts a kind of forgetfulness and ignorance over senatorial
procedures* as over other most honourable pursuits, for how few of us
have the patience to wish to learn what we shall not 3
apply in practice? Then too it is difficult to retain what you have learnt
unless you practise it. So the resumption of freedom has found us ill-
educated and ignorant, but, fired by the sweetness of that freedom, we
are compelled to perform certain duties before we are acquainted with
them.
In days of old the custom was that, not merely by listening, but 4
also by observing, we used to learn from our elders the procedures
which we were next to follow, and then in our turn we were to pass
them on to the younger generation. Thereafter our young men were 5
then lent immediate experience in periods of military service, so that
they grew accustomed to command by obedience, to exercise leadership
by following others. Then before becoming candidates for office, they
would stand at the doors of the Senate House* to observe state policy
before sharing responsibility for it. Each individual had 6
his father as his teacher; the greatest and the oldest men in the state
took on parental duties for those who were fatherless. Thus men were
instructed by example (the most reliable means of attaining knowledge)
about the powers of proposers, the rights of voters, the discretion of
magistrates, and the freedom of the rest. They also learnt when they
should yield and when they should hold out, the time for silence and
time limits for speaking, the distinction between competing proposals,
the way of introducing supplements to existing motions—in short, the
the way of introducing supplements to existing motions—in short, the
entire conventions of senatorial procedure.
Admittedly, when we were young men, we performed military 7
service, but at that time military excellence was under suspicion,
sluggishness was rewarded, leaders had no authority, and common
soldiers showed no deference. Authority was nowhere in evidence, nor
obedience either, for the whole scene was lax, disorganized, and topsy-
turvy. In a word, all was better forgotten than remembered. We then
trained our gaze on the Senate, but a Senate which was 8
fearful and speechless, for it was dangerous to express your convictions,
and humiliating to repress them. What was it possible to learn at that
time, or what point was there in having learnt such things, when the
Senate was summoned to be wholly idle or wholly wicked, when it was
kept in being to be now a laughing-stock and now ripe for grief? Once
we became senators, for many years we witnessed 9
and endured the same evils in which we then took part, so that our
talents were blunted, broken, and bruised by them, affecting even our
later days. There has been only a brief period (for every era of 10
greater happiness is shorter) in which it has been our pleasure to come
to know our identity, and to apply that knowledge.
So I am the more justified in begging you, first to pardon any error
which I may have made, and second, to remedy it by your knowledge,
for it was always your speciality to be familiar with laws both public and
private, ancient and modern, exceptional and everyday. Moreover, I
believe that even those whose regular handling of 11
numerous cases did not allow for any ignorance, will have found the
numerous cases did not allow for any ignorance, will have found the
kind of question which I am putting to you not sufficiently
commonplace, or even unfamiliar. Accordingly, I shall win further
forgiveness if I happen to have erred, and you will be more deserving of
praise if you can offer guidance on a matter which one doubts one ever
learnt.
The trial before the Senate implicated the freedmen of the consul 12

Afranius Dexter.* It was not clear whether his death was attributable to
suicide or to the crime or the obedience of his servants. Following the
investigation, one senator (who? I myself, but no matter) thought that
they should be acquitted, a second that they should be relegated to an
island, and a third that they should be punished with death.
These proposals were so different from each other that they could 13
only be considered one by one, for what have execution and relegation
in common? No more indeed than relegation and acquittal, though a
vote for acquittal is somewhat closer to a vote for relegation than is one
for execution, for the first two leave a man with his life, but the third
deprives him of it. Meanwhile those opting for punishment by death and
those voting for relegation were sitting together, seeking to postpone
their disagreement by a momentary pretence of harmony.
I demanded that the three proposals be counted as three, and that 14

two of them should not be united in a short-lived truce. So I insisted that

those who thought that the freedmen should be executed should detach
themselves from those proposing relegation, and that in the meantime
they should not combine in opposing those voting for acquittal, when
later they would be at odds with each other. I argued that it mattered
later they would be at odds with each other. I argued that it mattered
very little whether they both disagreed with one proposal, since they
were not supporting the same one. A further 15
point which seemed to me surprising was that the man who had
proposed relegation for the freedmen and execution for the slaves had
been compelled to subdivide his proposal, whereas the proposer of death
for the freedmen was being counted in with the advocate of relegation.
For if it had been necessary for the subdivision of one because he was
combining two issues, I did not see how the proposals of two such
different submissions could be combined.
So let me now render an account of my understanding of the 16
situation to you as if you had been there, and though the case is
terminated, as though it were still undecided; let me now assemble at
leisure the points I then made intermittently in the face of many loud
protests. Let us imagine that three judges only had been 17
assigned to this case, and that the first of them had decided that the
freedmen should be executed, the second that they should be relegated,
and the third that they should be acquitted. Will the first two
judgements combine forces and eliminate the third, or will each of the
three separately have the same validity as each of the others, so that the
first cannot be joined to the second any more than the second to the
third? So in the Senate likewise, the proposals 18
advanced as different ought to be accounted differently. But if the one
identical person submitted that the freedmen should be both executed
and relegated, they would surely not suffer both death and relegation on
the basis of a single judgement. In short, a judgement combining such
diverse punishments could surely not be considered a single one. So
diverse punishments could surely not be considered a single one. So
when one person proposes that they be executed and 19
another that they be relegated, how can this be seen as a single
judgement advanced by two persons, when it did not appear as one
advanced by one person?
Again, does not the law* clearly teach that proposals for execution
and for relegation must be distinguished from each other, when it
prescribes a division in these words: ‘You who make this judgement
proceed to this side, and you who support all other measures proceed to
the side which you approve’? Scrutinize and weigh each word. ‘You who
make this judgement’, that is, you who believe that they are to be
relegated, ‘proceed to this side’, that is, to the side where the proposer of
relegation is seated. This makes it clear that those 20
who believe that they should be executed cannot remain at that side.
‘You who support all other measures’: note that the law was not content
to say ‘other measures’, but added ‘all’. So there is surely no doubt that
those who opt for execution take a wholly different view from those who
support relegation. ‘Proceed to the side you approve’: surely the law
itself seems to summon, compel, and drive those who dissent to proceed
to the opposite side? Does not the consul, too, not merely by the ritual
words but also by a gesture of the hand, indicate where each is to
remain or to cross over?
But the objection can be made that if the proposals advanced for 21
execution and relegation were separated, the proposal for acquittal
would prevail. What relevance has this to the voters? It is certainly
unfitting for them to wage war by every means and on every count to
prevent the outcome of a more merciful proposal. However, those voting
prevent the outcome of a more merciful proposal. However, those voting
for execution and those who advocate relegation ought to be mustered
against those for acquittal, and then against each other. Just as in some
public shows the lot extracts and preserves an individual to join battle
with the victor, so perhaps in the Senate there are certain primary and
certain secondary contests, and when two of the proposals clash, the
third awaits the one which comes out on top.
What of the fact that if the first proposal is approved, the rest 22
fall? What rational basis, then, can there be for not affording the
proposals equal standing, when they have no such standing
subsequently? Let me repeat my point more clearly. When the proposer23

of relegation pronounces his opinion, unless those who favour execution

cross to support a different measure, it will be vain for them
subsequently to dissociate themselves from the proposer with whom
they were in agreement a little before.
But why should I assume the mantle of the teacher, when I wish to 24

learn whether the proposals should have been separated or voted upon
one at a time? I obtained the result I demanded,* but none the less I
wish to know whether I should have demanded it. How did I obtain it?
The person who was proposing the exaction of the death penalty was
defeated by the fairness, if not perhaps the legality, of my demand. He
renounced his proposal, and went over to the proposer of relegation,
doubtless because he feared that, if their motions were separated, which
seemed likely on other grounds, the proposal for acquittal would gain
the majority of votes. Indeed, there were far more supporters of this one
motion than of each of the others. Then 25
 25
those, too, who had been attracted by his authority were left high and
dry when he crossed over, and they abandoned the motion which the
sponsor had renounced, and they trooped after him whom they followed
as a leader as if he had become a deserter. So the three motions 26
became two, and once the third was eliminated, the second prevailed.
For since the third could not prevail over both of the others, it chose
which of them would prevail over it.* Farewell.

15 To his friend Junior

I have burdened you with the dispatch of so many volumes at once. 1
The reason why I have burdened you is, first, because you demanded
them, and secondly, because you wrote that your vine-harvest was so
thin that I knew well you would have leisure to read a book, as the
saying goes. I have the same report from my own poor estate,* so I 2
too will be free, and can write something for you to read, so long as I
have the wherewithal to buy paper. Otherwise I shall have to erase
whatever I have written,* good or bad. Farewell.

16 To his friend Paternus

Illnesses and also deaths among my servants,* some of them young, 1
have affected me deeply. I have two consolations, which though in no
way commensurate with the overwhelming grief, are none the less
consolations. The first is my readiness to grant them their freedom (I
seem not to have lost them wholly before their time, when they were
free as I lost them), and the second is my permitting those who remain
slaves to make a sort of will; such documents I guard as if they are legal.
slaves to make a sort of will; such documents I guard as if they are legal.
The slaves issue their instructions and requests 2
according to their wishes, and I fall in with them as though under
orders. They allocate, bestow, and bequeath their possessions, with the
proviso that they are confined to the household, for the household is for
slaves a sort of republic* and citizen-state.
But though these consolations ease my mind, I am badly affected 3
and heartbroken, owing to the same human feelings which led me to
grant that concession. I would not wish, however, that I were more
insensitive on that account. I am well aware that others regard
happenings of this kind as nothing more than financial loss, and that
they regard themselves on that account as men of importance and
wisdom. Whether they are important and wise I do not know; they are
certainly not men, for it is part of being human to be assailed by 4
grief and to have feelings, but to struggle against them and to
acknowledge consolations rather than to have no need of them.
I have perhaps dwelt on these matters longer than I ought, but 5
more briefly than I wished, for there is a sort of pleasure even in
grieving, especially if you weep in the embrace of a friend who accords
ready praise or pardon to your tears. Farewell.

17 To his friend Macrinus

Surely you are not enduring such harsh and stormy weather as we 1
are? Here we have had continual storms and frequent flooding. The
Tiber has left its channel* and burst its banks further downstream to a
considerable height. Though its impact has been reduced by the 2
channel dug by the abundant foresight of our emperor, it is oppressing
the valleys, inundating the plains, and, where there is level ground,
before our eyes is an expanse of water covering it. In consequence it
confronts and drives back the tributaries which it usually absorbs and
carries with it down to the sea, and so it covers the fields, which it does
not itself reach, with these immigrant waters.
The Anio,* that most sumptuous of rivers—hence the villas on its 3
banks seem to entice and hold fast to it—has broken off and carried
away most of the glades with which it is shaded. It has undermined the
hillside, and in several places it is blocked by massive landslides. In its
search for its lost course, it has battered buildings and forced its way,
extricating itself over the fallen masonry. Those on higher 4
ground who have borne the force of the storm have witnessed in some
places the fittings and weighty furniture from wealthy establishments, in
others farm equipment, here, oxen and ploughs and ploughmen, there,
herds of cattle at large and unsupervised, and among them tree-trunks
and beams and roofs of houses, all floating along higgledy-piggledy over
a wide area. Even areas not reached 5
by the rising river have not escaped the calamity. Instead of river-floods
they have had incessant rain, tornadoes hurtling down from the clouds,
walls levelled enclosing valuable estates, and burial structures battered
and even brought crashing down. Many people have been enfeebled,
crushed, and smothered by such disasters, so that mourning for the dead
is accentuating the financial losses.
I fear that something comparable to this hazard has struck your 6
 I fear that something comparable to this hazard has struck your 6
region. I beg you to take thought for my anxiety and to let me know if
nothing of the kind has occurred. But let me know also if something
similar has happened. There is very little difference between enduring
adversity and awaiting it, except that there is a limit to grieving, but not
to apprehension; for grief is limited by knowledge of what has happened,
but apprehension by what can happen. Farewell.

18 To his friend Rufinus

The popular belief that wills reflect people’s characters is certainly 1
untrue, seeing that Domitius Tullus* has given a much better impression
in death than in life. Though he had made himself available to 2
legacy-hunters,* he has left as his heiress the daughter* whom he shared
with his brother (she was his brother’s daughter, and he had adopted
her). He also left numerous legacies most agreeably to his grandchildren,
and one also to his great-granddaughter. In short, all the bequests
reflected totally his devotion to family, and were on that account all the
more unexpected.
So there is varying gossip throughout the city. Some are calling 3
him insincere, ungrateful, and unappreciative, and in upbraiding him
they betray themselves with their wholly demeaning expressions of guilt,
for their complaints are levelled at a father, a grandfather, and a great-
grandfather as if he were childless. Others, by contrast, are praising the
very fact that he has cheated the shameless expectations of certain men,
for their being deceived is in keeping with the manners of our day. They
also make the point that he was not free to make a different will at
death, for he had not left, but restored, the money to his daughter, since
it was through her that he was enriched by it. What happened was that
Curtilius Mancia* loathed his son-in-law 4
Domitius Lucanus, the brother of Tullus, and he had made his
granddaughter his heiress only on condition that she was released from
her father’s control. Her father had then released her, and her uncle had
adopted her. In this way, the brother shared in the inheritance by
circumventing the stipulation of the will, for having released her from
his control, he transferred her to the control of his brother, and thus by
deceitful trickery of adoption he restored her to his own control,
together with her very substantial riches.
In general, fate seemed to have endowed these brothers with the 5
opportunity of becoming rich at the expense of most unwilling donors.
Why, even Domitius Afer,* who adopted them, left a will drawn up
eighteen years previously, which was subsequently so displeasing to him
that he ensured that their father’s possessions should be impounded. His
harshness was remarkable, but so was their good 6
fortune; for his harshness removed from the citizen-roll the man who
had been his associate in rearing the children, and their good fortune lay
in their being adopted by a father who had removed their natural father
from the scene. However, this inheritance* from Afer, 7
like the rest of the riches shared with his brother, were to be bequeathed
to his brother’s daughter, for that brother had made Tullus his sole heir,
thus preferring him to his own daughter in seeking to win his affections.
So the will was all the more praiseworthy because it was dictated by
family feeling, loyalty, and a sense of decency, for by it he returned the
family feeling, loyalty, and a sense of decency, for by it he returned the
favours owed to all his kin for the services each had bestowed on him.
He has likewise repaid his wife for her efforts, for 8
she has inherited most handsome houses and a considerable amount of
money. That excellent woman* had borne her lot with supreme patience.
and she was all the more deserving of better treatment from her husband
because of the criticism she incurred in marrying him, for she had a
distinguished pedigree, and an honest character, and is now in her
declining years. She had earlier been a mother, but was for long
widowed, and it had seemed rather inappropriate that she should have
sought marriage with a rich old man so wasted with illness that he could
have been wearisome even for a wife whom he had wed when he was
young and healthy. In fact he was gnarled and 9
crippled in every limb. He attended to his massive wealth only by eyeing
it, and even in bed he could change his posture only with help from
others; disgusting and pitiful to relate, he had even to have his teeth
washed and brushed for him. He was often heard to say, when he was
complaining about the indignities of his weakened state, that every day
he licked the fingers of his slaves. Yet he continued to live 10
on, and wanted to live on, sustained above all by this wife, who by her
perseverance had transformed the obloquy incurred at the beginning of
their marriage into good repute.
You have here all the talk of the town, for all the talk is about 11
Tullus. The sale of his goods is awaited, for he was so well endowed that
on the very day he bought the hugest gardens, he adorned them with
numerous statues of the greatest antiquity, so large was his collection of
most handsome works of art, which were lying uncared for in his store-
most handsome works of art, which were lying uncared for in his store-
rooms.
In turn, if you have anything in your habitat worth a letter, do not 12

begrudge it; for on the one hand there is always pleasure at hearing
something new, and on the other particular incidents educate us on the
ordering of our lives. Farewell.

19 To his friend Maximus

I find joy and consolation in literature. There is no happiness that 1
literature does not intensify, and nothing so sad that literature does not
relieve it. So in the anxiety caused by my wife’s sickness and by the life-
threatening maladies of my servants,* and indeed the deaths of some of
them, I have had recourse to my studies as the sole alleviation of my
distress, for they ensure that I become aware more clearly of my
misfortunes, but also that I bear them with greater equanimity.
But it is my practice, before consigning a work to the hands of the 2
public at large, to try it out first on the judgement of friends, and
especially on yours. So now if ever please address your mind to the book
which you will receive with this letter, for I fear that in my depression I
have not addressed my own mind to it sufficiently. I was able to master
my grief sufficiently to write, but not with a mind unpreoccupied and
serene. It is certainly the case that as literary studies give rise to joy, so
the contented mind inspires our writing. Farewell.

20 To his friend Gallus

Though we often embark upon a journey and cross the sea to 1
 1
enhance our knowledge of certain things, we ignore those which lie
before our eyes. This is possibly because we are disposed by nature to
show no interest in things close at hand, but to investigate what lies far
away. Or possibly eager interest in everything fades when opportunity
readily offers, or perhaps we postpone going to observe what we can set
eyes on whenever we are so inclined, on the grounds that we will often
see it in the future. Whatever the reason, there are 2
numerous things in this city of ours and in the vicinity that we fail not
merely to set eyes upon, but even to read about, whereas if they were a
feature of Greece or Egypt or Asia or any other country abundant in and
boastful of its wonders, we would have heard and read of them, and
visited them.
At any rate, I myself quite recently heard of and witnessed something3

I had neither heard of nor seen before. My grandfather-in-law had

requested me to cast an eye over his estate in Ameria. As I was walking
round it, a lake lying below it called Vadimon* was pointed out to me,
and at the same time some astonishing facts about it were recounted to
me. I went to take a look at it. The lake is shaped like a 4
wheel lying on its side, enclosed in proportion all round. There are no
inlets, no irregular features, all symmetrically balanced, hollowed and
cut out as though by the hand of a craftsman. Its colour is somewhat
paler than blue, but with a tinge of darker green. It reeks of sulphur, and
has a medicinal taste; the water contains the property to heal fractures.
It is modest in extent, but large enough to feel the force of winds and to
swell with waves. No ship sails on it because it 5
is sacred, but there are floating islands,* all of them grassy with reeds,
sedge, and such other plants as more fertile marshland bears at the lake’s
edge. Each island has its individual shape and size. The edges of all of
them are shaven, because they often collide with the shore and with
each other, and thus they chafe or are chafed. They are all of equal
height, and are equally buoyant, for like a ship’s keel their roots lie low
in the water. These are visible from every side, floating 6
above and submerged beneath the water in equal measure. At one time,
as they join and are locked together, they look like unbroken mainland;
then at another they are separated by warring winds, and frequently,
when abandoned by windless weather, they float separately. Often the
smaller islands cling to the larger, like small craft to 7
merchant ships, and often smaller and greater compete in a sort of race;
in turn they are all driven to the same point of the shore, and dislodge
the earth there where they take up their stations. They restore or remove
the expanse of the lake on one side or the other. Only finally when they
occupy the centre do they not diminish its size.
It is known that cattle, in their search for grazing, often set foot on 8

the islands as though they are on the edge of the lake, and only when
they are drawn from the shore do they realize that the ground is moving
beneath them, as if they have been herded onto a ship, and lodged there.
They are aghast at finding the lake surrounding them on all sides. Later,
having disembarked where the wind has taken them, they have no more
awareness of having left the islands than of having mounted them.
The lake also debouches into a river, which remains visible for a 9
short time until it descends into a cave, and maintains its course buried
short time until it descends into a cave, and maintains its course buried
deep below. Whatever object it has received before retiring below, it
preserves and produces on re-emerging.
I have recounted this to you because I imagined that it was as little 10
known to you as to me, and no less acceptable to know, for nothing is so
delightful, in your eyes as in mine, as the works of nature. Farewell.

21 To his friend Arrianus

107
As in life, so in literature I regard it as the most handsome and 1
civilized thing to mingle the serious with the genial,* so that the first
does not lapse into melancholy, nor the second into wantonness. This is
the rationale which leads me to intersperse more serious 2
works with playful and sportive ones. In order to publicize these lighter
pieces, I chose the most apposite time and place, and so that people
could henceforward become accustomed to hear them at leisure and
over dinner, during the month of July when litigation is especially at a
standstill, I settled my friends on chairs placed in front of the couches.
It so happened that in the early morning of that same day, I was 3
suddenly asked to act as an advocate, and this circumstance offered me a
pretext for introductory remarks. I begged that no one should accuse me
of being cavalier towards the composition which I was to read out—
admittedly to friends merely, and to a small number, which is another
way of saying to friends—because I had not abandoned my business in
the courts. I added that this was the priority I followed also in writing,
putting needs before pleasures and serious things before pleasant ones,
and that I wrote first for my friends, and only secondly for myself.
and that I wrote first for my friends, and only secondly for myself.
The work consisted of a variety of brief pieces in various metres.* 4
Such is the regular practice of those of us with insufficient confidence in
our abilities, to avoid the danger of inordinate length. My recitation
extended over two days, as was demanded by the kind reception of my
audience. But whereas others pass over certain sections, and charge such
omissions to their credit, I omit nothing, and moreover I say that I am
omitting nothing. My reason for reading everything is to correct
everything, whereas those who recite merely selected passages cannot
achieve this. You may say that their 5
practice is more restrained and perhaps more sensitive towards others,
But mine is more straightforward and affectionate, for true affection is
shown by one who believes that he is held in such affection that he does
not fear he is wearying people. And in any case, what is the use of
friends if they assemble solely for their own pleasure? The person who
prefers to listen passively to a good work rather than help to create it,*
is a frivolous person, and virtually an ignoramus.
I have no doubt that, in accordance with your general affection for 6

me, you are eager to read as early as possible this book while it is still
immature. Yes, you will read it, but only following the revision which
was the purpose of my recitation—though in fact you are already
acquainted with parts of it. These sections, when they have been later
corrected (or, as sometimes happens following a more protracted delay,
changed for the worse), you will find apparently new and revised when
you read them again. For when most passages have been amended, the
sections left unaltered seem likewise to have been changed. Farewell.
22 To his friend Geminus
You doubtless know the type of person who, while being subject to 1
every low pleasure, waxes angry at the vices of others as though envious
of them, and who comes down most heavily on those whom he chiefly
resembles. On the other hand there are those in no need of anyone’s
forbearance, whose most apposite quality is their tolerance.
For my own part, I regard as best and most unblemished the character 2

who is indulgent to the faults of others as if he were guilty of them day

after day, yet eschews faults as though he would forgive none of them.
So this should be our abiding rule at home and abroad and in 3
every sphere of life, to show no mercy to ourselves, and to be indulgent
to those who refuse to pardon all faults but their own. Let us commit to
memory what Thrasea,* gentlest of men, used often to say with the
attitude which contributed to his greatness: ‘The man who loathes faults,
loathes men.’
Perhaps you are asking what has moved me to write this. The 4
other day a certain person—but I had better tell you of him face to face,
or rather not even then; for I fear that my condemnation of such
persecution, sniping, and judgement which I condemn may militate
against the precept which I particularly lay down. So I must make no
mention of the man’s identity and his character, for to reveal him offers
no useful lesson, and to refrain from exposing him is the greatest mark
of decency. Farewell.

23 To his friend Marcellinus

108–9
All my studies, preoccupations, and distractions have been driven, 1
expelled, and excluded from my mind by the most crippling grief which
I feel at the death of Junius Avitus.* He had assumed the broad 2
senatorial stripe in my house, and by my vote he had been assisted to
obtain offices. Moreover, his affection and respect for me were such that
he engaged me to mould his character and to be in a sense his teacher,
an unusual trait in our young men of today, for how few of 3
them defer to the age or authority of another and regard themselves as
of lesser account? They have immediate access to wisdom, they know
everything, they respect nobody, and imitate nobody; they are their own
models.
Avitus was not like these, for his outstanding wisdom lay in
considering others wiser than himself, and his outstanding learning lay
in his eagerness to learn. He always came to seek advice on his 4
studies or on his everyday obligations, and he always went away as if
better for it. Indeed, he had become better, either from the advice he
received or from the fact that he had sought it at all. What deference 5
he showed to Servianus,* that most scrupulous man! When he was
military tribune, and Servianus was governor, he so came to know him
and so took to him that when Servianus was transferred to Pannonia
from Germany, Avitus followed him, not as a fellow-soldier but as a
companion on his serving staff. When he was quaestor,* what diligence
and modesty he showed in making himself no less genial and
accommodating than useful to his consuls (he served several)! What
activity and watchfulness he displayed in canvassing for the office of
aedile, from which he has been so untimely taken! This is what makes
my grief especially painful. Those pointless labours, those 6
fruitless pleadings,* the position which he deserved but did not attain,
pass before my eyes. My mind dwells on the broad stripe which he
assumed in my house. I keep recalling those first and last supporting
votes of mine, the discussions and the consultations which he held.
What deeply affects me is his youth, and the bereavement suffered 7

by his relatives. He had an aged mother, a wife whom he married as a

maiden a year ago, and a daughter whom he had recently seen born. So
many hopes, so many joys, have become disappointments and griefs in a
single day. This man, of late an 8
aedile-designate, so recently a husband and a father, has left behind an
office never filled, a mother bereft of her son, a widowed wife, a
dependent daughter who never knew her father. What intensifies my
tearful grief is that I was away, all unaware of the looming evil. I heard
of his illness simultaneously with his death, affording my fears no time
to accommodate themselves to this overwhelming sadness. I am in such
torment as I write this that my letter contains this news alone, for I can
neither think or speak of anything other at present. Farewell.

24 To his friend Maximus

My affection for you compels me, not to instruct you (for you need 1
no instructor), but rather to remind you to hold fast to what you know
and to abide by it, or to have no knowledge of anything better. Bear in
mind that you have been dispatched to the province of 2
Achaia,* which is the true and genuine Greece in which civilization,
literature, and agriculture too are believed to have been first invented.
Remember that you have been sent to order the condition of free states,
dispatched in other words to men who are men in the highest sense, to
free citizens, free in the highest sense, who have maintained the rights
which nature bestowed on them by virtue of their excellence, merits,
political friendships, treaty, and finally religious devotion. Show respect
for their founder-gods and the 3
names of those gods; show respect for their ancient glory and old age,
which in men is worthy of respect, and in cities is sacred. Show honour
to their antiquity, to their mighty achievements, and also to their
legends. Take nothing away from any man’s dignity, his independence,
or even his boasting. Keep before your eyes that this 4
is the land which conferred rights and bestowed laws on us,* not after
conquering us, but in response to our appeals; that it is Athens to which
you are to go, and Sparta which you are to govern; and that it would be
harsh, merciless, and even barbaric to rob cities of the last vestige and
remaining title of freedom.
You observe that although in sickness slaves and free men do not 5
differ, yet physicians treat free men better and more gently. Remember
what each city has once been, and do not despise it because it has ceased
to be such. Show no arrogance or brutality, and do not fear 6
being despised for this. Surely no man who wields supreme power and
its insignia is despised, unless he is degraded and shabby, and despises
himself first? It is wrong for authority to flex its muscles by insults
towards others, and wrong for respect to be won by terror. Affection is
towards others, and wrong for respect to be won by terror. Affection is
far more effective than fear for attaining your purpose, for fear
disappears once you depart, whereas affection remains, and, just as fear
begets hatred, so affection breeds respect.
Again and again you must remember (for I shall re-emphasize 7
this) the title which your office bears, and you must clarify in your mind
the nature and importance of the task of ordering the condition of free
cities; for what is more fitting for cities than due order, and what is more
precious than freedom? And further, what is more 8
demeaning than if that order should be overthrown, and freedom
transformed into slavery?
There is the additional challenge of a personal nature. The
outstanding reputation as quaestor which you brought back from
Bithynia* lies heavily upon you, as does the emperor’s recommendation,
and your tenure of the tribunate, the praetorship, and this very role as
commissioner, bestowed on you as a reward. So you are to 9
strive all the more not to appear to have been more civilized, more
efficient, and more experienced as an official in that distant province
than in this one closer to Rome, nor among that subject people than
among free men, nor when chosen by lot than here specially selected,
nor when inexperienced and unknown than well tried and approved. For
in general, as we have often heard and we often read, it is much more
humiliating to lose a reputation than to fail to win it.
Do please believe, as I said at the outset, that I have written this 10
to remind rather than to instruct you, though I am instructing you as
well, for I am not apprehensive that my affection has taken me too far,
well, for I am not apprehensive that my affection has taken me too far,
There is no danger that what should be of the greatest importance goes
too far. Farewell.
 BOOK NINE

1 To his friend Maximus

I have often advised you to publish with all speed the written versions 1

of the speeches which you made in self-defence or against Planta* (or

rather, both in self-defence and against Planta, as the subject
demanded). I urge and advise it now especially, having heard that he has
died. Though you have recited the speeches to many, and have 2
distributed them to be read, I should not like anyone to think that they
were finally begun only after his death, whereas you completed them
when he was still alive and well. Your reputation for consistency 3
must be preserved, as it will be if both friend and foe realize that you
did not pluck up courage to write after your enemy’s death, but that the
work was already completed when his death forestalled its publication.
At the same time you will avoid the charge that ‘it is 4
unholy to boast over the slain’.* For what is written and recited about a
man still alive can still be published after his death as though he were
still alive, so long as it is published at once.
So if you have some other work on hand, abandon it for the time
being, and put the final touches to this work which those of us who read
it some time ago regard as already perfected. You too must now take the
same view, for both the subject and consideration of the time brook no
delay. Farewell.
2 To his friend Sabinus
How agreeable of you to demand not merely a horde of letters, but 1
also very long ones! I have been more sparing with them partly because
I feared you were busy with your routine tasks, and partly because I
myself was considerably distracted by affairs, predominantly tedious,
which both divert and reduce my powers of concentration. Then, too, no
subject offered itself for further writing, for my 2
situation is different from that of Marcus Cicero, whom you invite me to
imitate. He had not only the most abundant talent, but also matched it
with the most lavish supply of varied and important topics.
You realize even without my mentioning it within what narrow 3
boundaries I am circumscribed, unless perhaps I opt to send you a letter
reeking of the school of rhetoric and of the philosopher’s shade, so to
speak. But I consider nothing to be less suitable when I 4
think of you under arms, and your camp, and bugles and trumpets, and
the sweat and dust and heat of the sun.
So this is what I consider a reasonable excuse, though I doubt 5
whether I want you to accept it. For it is the mark of boundless affection
to deny forgiveness for brief letters sent by friends, even if one knows
that there is good reason for them. Farewell.

3 To his friend Paulinus

Different people hold different views, but I regard as wholly blessed 1
the man who enjoys the anticipation of a good and lasting repute, and
lives in certainty of the survival of his name and future fame. If the
lives in certainty of the survival of his name and future fame. If the
reward of immortality were not in prospect, my choice would be for a
life of idle and utter leisure. Indeed, I believe that all must 2
opt for either immortality or mortality. Those who choose the first must
strive and struggle, while those who opt for the second must live
peacefully in relaxation, without wearying their short-lived existence
with transient toil, as I see many doing,* who, after chasing the
wretched and thankless shadow of hard work, attain only a tawdry end
for themselves.
I share these thoughts with you as I share them with myself each 3
day, so that if you demur, I shall abandon them. But you will not demur,
since you are always pondering some splendid work which will bring
immortality. Farewell.

4 To his friend Macrinus

I should be afraid you might think that the speech you will receive* 1
with this letter is too long, if it were not of the type which is seen to
incorporate frequent beginnings and frequent conclusions, for each
indictment is treated as a separate case. So wherever you begin and 2
then lay aside the speech, you will be able to read what immediately
follows both as a fresh beginning or an attachment to what goes before,
and thus you will be able to account me interminable in the whole, but
very economical in each part. Farewell.

5 To his friend Tiro

107–8
You are doing splendid work (for I am taking soundings). Carry 1
 1
on the good work in administering your justice to the provincials in that
most civilized way. This wins you the affection of the lesser citizens, and
at the same time the regard of the leading men. Many 2
people, in their fear that they may bestow too many favours on the
powerful, gain a reputation for bad manners and even ill-will. I am 3
well aware that you have distanced yourself far from this fault, but I
cannot refrain from making my praise sound like advice, in your
observing due discretion in preserving distinctions* between men of
different rank and status, for if they are thrown together, confused, and
intermingled, there is nothing more unequal than the resultant equality.
Farewell.

6 To his friend Calvisius

All these recent days I have spent in the most agreeable tranquillity 1
among my tablets and my books. ‘How could you manage that in this
city?’ you ask. The races were on,* and I take not the slightest interest*
in that type of performance. There is no novelty, no variation, nothing
for which a single viewing would not suffice. This makes me 2
wonder all the more that so many thousands should be so childishly
keen, time after time, to see horses galloping and drivers hunched over
their chariots. If the attraction for them lay in the speed of ths horses or
the skill of the riders, there would be some justification for it, but as it is
they show their support and affection for the colour of the shirt, and if in
mid-course, while the race was being run, the colours should be
changed, then the enthusiasm and support of the crowd will be
transferred, and in a moment they will forsake the drivers and the horses
transferred, and in a moment they will forsake the drivers and the horses
which they identify repeatedly from afar, and whose names they
repeatedly bawl. So devout is the popularity and 3
the authority residing in a single shirt of the cheapest kind, not merely
among the common crowd (which is cheaper than the shirt), but among
certain men of dignity. When I call these men to mind settling down so
insatiably to watch the pointless, tedious, continual pursuit, I get some
pleasure in not being captive to such low enjoyment, and I 4
feel the utmost delight in devoting my leisure to literature during the
days which others are wasting on the idlest of pursuits. Farewell.

7 To his friend Romanus

You write that you are engaged in building.* That’s good, because it 1
means that I’ve found some justification, for I have a warrant for my
own building since I am in harmony with you. Moreover, our situations
are not dissimilar, because you are building near the sea, and I near lake
Comum, on the shore of which I have a number of 2
houses. Two of them in particular give me much pleasure, but also much
labour. One of them looks out on the lake, being set on rocks 3
in the manner of houses at Baiae, and the other, as at Baiae, abuts on the
lake’s edge. So I often call the first Tragedy and the second Comedy, for
the one rests on tragedy’s high boots, and the other on comedy’s
slippers. Each has its peculiar charm, and each seems more attractive to
its owner because it is different. The first gazes 4
more closely on the lake, and the second has a more extensive vista of it.
The first takes in a single bay which winds gently round, and the second
lies between two bays on a very high ridge. The second has a straight
drive, which stretches above the shore to its distant boundary; the first
has the widest of terraces winding gently round. The second is not
lapped by the waves, whereas the first breaks their impact. From the
second you can observe the fishermen, and from the first you can
yourself fish, casting your line from your bedroom and virtually even
from your bed,* as though from a small boat.
These are my reasons for building additions onto both houses, in
view of their numerous amenities. Yet why should I render an 5
account to you when you will be doing the same in kind? Farewell.

8 To his friend Augurinus

If I begin to praise you after your praise of me, I fear that I may 1
seem not so much to express my considered judgement as to return a
compliment. But in spite of such appearances, I do think that all your
writings are very fine, and especially those about me. This is attributable
to one and the same reason: for your part, 2
you write best when the subject is your friends, and I for my part in
reading your works regard those about me to be the best. Farewell.

9 To his friend Colonus

Your grief at the death of Pompeius Quintianus, which leads you 1
to deepen your affection for your departed friend owing to your sense of
loss, wins my vehement approval. You are not like many, who love men
only in life—or rather, pretend that they do, and even that pretence
only in life—or rather, pretend that they do, and even that pretence
extends only to those who are successful, for they exclude the
unsuccessful from their thoughts, just as they do the dead. But your
loyalty is enduring, and your unswerving love is so great that it can be
bounded only by your own death.
Quintianus was indeed worthy of affection since he himself
demonstrated 2
it. He showed affection to the successful, protected the unsuccessful, and
felt the loss of those who died. Then too what decency showed itself in
his features, and in his speech what reserve, equally balanced between
seriousness and geniality! What enthusiasm and what fine judgement he
had on literary matters! What devotion he showed in a life spent with
his father who was utterly different, though the excellence of the son did
not prevent the father from appearing to be outstanding!
But why do I intensify your grief? Yet your affection for the 3
young man was such that you prefer these sentiments to my saying
nothing about him, especially as they come from me, for you believe
that his life can be enhanced, his memory prolonged, and these very
years from which he has been torn restored to him by my praise.
Farewell.

10 To his friend Tacitus

107–8
I am eager to follow your instructions, but there is such a shortage 1
of boars that it is not possible to cope with both Minerva and Diana,*
who you say should be equally cultivated. So I must render 2
service to Minerva alone, but in a relaxed way, as is appropriate in
summer retirement. On my way here I strung out a few lighter pieces not
summer retirement. On my way here I strung out a few lighter pieces not
worth preserving for a moment, which were composed in the sort of
chatter in which conversation is carried on in a carriage. To these I
appended a few more in the house here, when no other activity
appealed. So no voice is found for those poems which you think are most
appositely composed among groves and glades. I have revised one or
two short speeches, though this 3
category of writing has no charm or attractiveness,* and approximates
more closely to the toils than to the pleasures of country life. Farewell.

11 To his friend Geminus

I have received that most agreeable letter of yours, which was 1
particularly welcome since you asked for something to be dedicated to
you so that it can be included in a collection of my works.* A suitable
topic will occur to me, either the one which you indicate or something
else more suitable, since your suggestion contains some comments of a
slightly offensive nature; take a look, and they will strike you.
I did not imagine that there were booksellers at Lugdunum,* 2
and I was all the more pleased to learn from your letter that my writings
are on sale there. I am delighted that they are continuing to attract the
favour which they have won at Rome. I begin to regard my work as
quite the finished article when the opinions of people scattered over
such widely different regions are as one about it. Farewell.

12 To his friend Junior

107–8
A certain individual rebuked his son for buying horses and dogs 1
 1
which cost a little too much. When the young fellow had gone off, I said
to his father: ‘Come on now, did you never do anything deserving a
rebuke from your father? I put that in the past tense, but do you not
sometimes act in a way which your son would censure as harshly if he
suddenly turned father, and you turned son? Aren’t we all misguidedly
drawn into one mistake or another? Don’t different people indulge
themselves in different ways?’
It was because I was prompted by this instance of excessive harshness
2
that I have written these lines to you out of the affection we have for
each other, in case you too at some time should be too sharp and too
hard on your son. Just remember both that he is a boy and that you have
been the same, and play your role as father in such a way as to recall
that you are human and the father of one who is human. Farewell.

13 To his friend Quadratus

The more eagerly and attentively you read the written versions of 1
the speeches which I composed on the vindication of Helvidius,* the
more insistent was your demand that I pen for you the details not
covered in them, and the background information to them; in short, the
entire sequence of the affair which your youth did not allow you to
witness.
Following the murder of Domitian,* after some thought I reached 2
the conclusion that there were important and edifying grounds for
prosecuting the guilty, avenging the unhappy victims, and achieving
personal advancement. In particular, though many individuals had
committed many crimes, none seemed more outrageous than that in the
Senate House a senator should have committed violence* against a
senator, a praetorian against an ex-consul, and a judge against a man on
trial. Another circumstance was that I was a friend of Helvidius, 3
in so far as this was possible with a man who in fear of the times was
keeping his notable fame and his equally notable virtues under cover in
retirement. I also enjoyed friendship with Arria and Fannia,* the second
of whom was Helvidius’ stepmother, and the first, her mother. But it was
not so much private obligations as the rights of the community, the
outrageous nature of the deed, and consideration of the precedent which
fired me. In fact, during the first days 4
when freedom was restored,* men on their own account in disordered
and uncontrolled uproar had indicted their enemies and brought them
down—so long as these were lesser figures. My own thinking, both less
self-seeking and more resolute, was to bring pressure upon a most
notorious culprit, based not upon the general odium of that era, but on a
specific charge involving him, at a time when the initial outbursts had
subsided, and when anger was every day abating, and justice had been
restored in its place. Although at that time I was especially downcast
owing to the recent loss of my wife,* I contacted Anteia, widow of
Helvidius, asking her to visit me, since the period of mourning was still
under way, and was confining me indoors.
When she arrived, I said to her: ‘I have decided not to allow your 5
husband to go unavenged. Tell this to Arria and Fannia’ (they had now
returned from exile). ‘Think it over, and ask their views, whether you all
wish to be enrolled in this. I have no need of an associate, but I am not
so bent on my own glory as to begrudge you a share in it.’ Anteia
conveyed the instruction, and the two ladies promptly agreed.
Conveniently enough, the Senate met two days later. I used
invariably 6
to refer everything to Corellius,* for I knew him to be a man of the
greatest foresight and wisdom of our age. But on this occasion, I
remained content with my own decision, because I feared that he would
veto the plan, for he was rather hesitant and circumspect. However, I
could not contemplate refraining from telling him on that very day that I
was about to undertake the course of action which I intended to carry
through without further deliberation; for experience dictates that when
you have made a decision, you should not consult those men to whom
you ought to defer when you have consulted them.
I entered the Senate, sought permission to speak, and for a short 7
time my words won the greatest approval. But when I began to refer to
the charge, and to indicate the culprit* (though as yet not naming him),
shouts arose against me from every side. One man cried: ‘Let us know
who the individual is to whom you are referring out of turn!’ Another
said: ‘Who is this person being indicted before any motion has been put?’
Then a third: ‘We have survived, so let us 8
play safe!’ I listened, serene and showing no fear; so strong was the
integrity of the case which I had undertaken, and it makes such a
difference in instilling confidence or fear, whether people object to your
action or merely disapprove of it. It would be tedious to 9
review all the claims advanced on both sides. Finally the consul said:
‘Secundus, if you wish to make a proposal, you must make it in your due
turn.’* I replied: ‘You had granted me the discretion which you granted
to everyone up to this moment.’
I sat down. Other business was conducted. Meanwhile a certain 10
friend from the ranks of former consuls took me aside, and in carefully
ordered words rebuked and restrained me, on the grounds that I had
advanced too boldly and rashly; he warned me to hold back, and then he
added: ‘You have brought yourself to the notice of future emperors.’ ‘So
be it,’ I replied. ‘So long as they are wicked 11
ones.’ He had scarcely left me when a second one harangued me in turn:
‘What are you presuming to do? Where are you rushing to? To what
dangers are you exposing yourself? Why do you repose such confidence
in the present when you are uncertain of the future? You are gunning for
a man who is already a prefect of the treasury, and will soon be consul.
Moreover, think what influence and what friendships he can call upon!’
(He named a man who at that time was in command of the most massive
army* in the East, the subject of some significant gossip, and one
causing apprehension.) I replied: 12
‘I have anticipated and thought through all this beforehand. I do not
shrink from paying the penalty for a most honourable deed in punishing
a most wicked man, if fate so decrees.’
It was now time for the verdicts. The consul-designate, Domitius 13
Apollinaris, Fabricius Veiento, Fabius Postuminus, Bittius Proculus, the
colleague of Publicius Certus (who was the man under investigation) and
the stepfather of the wife who had died on me, all spoke, and after them
Ammius Flaccus.* Each and all defended Certus as though I had named
him, though I had not yet done so, and took up the defence of the
charge, though as yet it had not been tabled. There 14
is no need to recount their additional comments, for you have them in
the written version, since I have recorded their words verbatim.
Avidius Quietus and Cornutus Tertullus* spoke on the other side. 15

Quietus said that it was most unjust that the complaints of the aggrieved
parties should be disregarded, and therefore that Arria and Fannia
should not be deprived of their right to complain. He added that it was
not a person’s rank that was relevant, but the case 16
he had to answer. Cornutus stated that the consuls had appointed him as
guardian to Helvidius’ daughter at the request of her mother and
stepfather, and that at this juncture too he did not contemplate
abandoning the role dictated by his obligation. However, he was limiting
his own resentment, and was conveying the most moderate sentiments of
those excellent women. He said that they were content to remind the
senate of Publicius Certus’ bloodstained flattery, and to request that if
punishment for his most blatant wickedness was remitted, that he should
at least be branded with the equivalent of the censor’s stigma.*
Then Satrius Rufus* took a moderate and ambivalent line. ‘My 17
view’, he said, ‘is that if Publicius Certus is not acquitted, he is wronged.
His name has merely been mentioned by the friends of Arria and Fannia,
and by his own friends. This should not trouble us, for we who take a
favourable view of him will also be his judges. If he is innocent, as I
hope and would wish and believe until there is proof to the contrary,
hope and would wish and believe until there is proof to the contrary,
you will be able to acquit him.’
These were the views advanced by those senators when called to 18
speak in the due order. When my turn came, I rose, and after my initial
remarks in the written version, I responded to each observation. It was
astonishing how those who had previously objected loudly listened to
every word with close attention, and with cries of approval. Such was
the change of heart attending upon the seriousness of the business, or
the success of the speech, or the integrity of the speaker. When I
finished, Veiento* began to oppose my view, but no one 19
allowed it, and the opposing din and clamour reached such a pitch that
he said: ‘Conscript fathers, I implore you not to compel me to invoke the
aid of the tribunes.’ Immediately the tribune Murena responded:
‘Veiento, most distinguished senator, I give you leave to speak.’
This led to further loud objections. During the ensuing delay, the 20
consul called out our names, and after the division was completed, he
dismissed the Senate. Veiento was left still on his feet, trying to speak.
He complained at length about what he called ‘this insult’, citing a line
of Homer: ‘Aged sire, these youthful fighters are sore distressing you.’*
There was virtually no one in the Senate who did 21
not embrace and kiss me as the members vied with each other in
heaping praise upon me for having reintroduced the practice, for long
discontinued, of consulting the public interest at the cost of incurring
personal enmities, and in short of delivering the Senate from the odium
it had aroused among the other orders for being harsh on the rest and
being indulgent only to senators by their turning a blind eye towards
being indulgent only to senators by their turning a blind eye towards
each other’s guilt.
These proceedings took place in the absence of Certus, for he 22
either suspected that some such business was in hand, or the excuse was
that he was ill. Caesar, however, did not cite him in any proposal sent
back to the Senate. But I had gained my purpose, for the consulship 23
was awarded to the colleague of Certus, and his office passed to a
successor.* Thus what I proposed in my closing words came to pass: ‘The
reward which he received from the worst of emperors he should
relinquish under the best.’
Later I reassembled my speech as best I could, and made many
additions. By a coincidence, though it did not appear coincidental, a 24
very few days after the speech was published, Certus became ill, and
died. I have heard it said that there swam before his eyes and mind an 25

image of my coming before him with a sword. I should not presume to

claim that this was true, but the apparent truth of the story serves a
useful example.
You now have a letter—and considering what the length of a letter 26

should be, what you have is no shorter than the written version of the
speech you have read! But blame yourself for not having been content
with the published speech. Farewell.

14 To his friend Tacitus

You do not blow your own trumpet, and no writing of mine is more 1
sincere than that referring to you. Whether generations to come will pay
any attention to us I do not know, but at any rate we deserve some
any attention to us I do not know, but at any rate we deserve some
notice, not for our talent (that would be an arrogant claim), but for our
application, labour, and veneration for posterity. Only let us proceed on
our established path. Though it has led few into the light of eminence, it
has none the less allowed many to emerge from the darkness and silence
of anonymity. Farewell.

15 To his friend Falco

I have taken refuge among the Etruscans* to arrange everything 1
according to my inclination. I cannot, however, achieve this, even
among the Etruscans, so numerous and so plaintive are the written
requests of the country-folk which trouble me from all sides. I read these
somewhat more unwillingly than my own writings—for these too I read
reluctantly. Why? I am revising a few minor speeches, a 2
tedious and disagreeable task after some time has elapsed. My accounts
are not being worked upon, as though I were not here.
However, from time to time I mount a horse and assume the role of 3
proprietor in so far as I ride round part of my estate, though only for the
exercise. Do continue your practice of informing me by letter of events
at Rome, for I live the life of a peasant here. Farewell.

16 To his friend Mamilianus

107–8
I am not surprised that you obtained supreme pleasure from that most 1

fruitful hunting-expedition of yours, since you write as historians do that

the number of beasts defied counting. I have neither time nor inclination
for hunting; no time, because the grapeharvest is on hand, and no
inclination because the harvest is so meagre.* But in 2
place of new wine I am bringing home new verses, and at your most
engaging request I shall send them to you as soon as they stop
fermenting.* Farewell.

17 To his friend Genitor

I have received your letter, in which you complain that you found 1
a dinner-party tedious in spite of its most lavish provision, because wits
and catamites and clowns roamed round the tables. Shouldn’t 2
you try a little to stop frowning? I myself don’t lay on anything of that
sort, but I bear with those who do. Why do I not have them? Because I
derive absolutely no unexpected or gratifying pleasure from the
effeminacy of a catamite, the wantonness of a city-wit, or the stupidity
of a clown. What I recount to you is not my logic, but 3
my feelings—and on that score how many people do you think there are
who are alienated by the entertainments which enthral and attract you
and me, when some of them regard them as idiotic, and others as
supremely boring? When a reader or lyre-player or comic actor* is
ushered in, how many request their sandals, or lie back and listen with
as much boredom as you had to endure with those monstrosities, as you
call them. So let us indulge other people’s pleasures 4
so that we may obtain our own. Farewell.

18 To his friend Sabinus

Your letter reveals the concentration, enthusiasm, and finally powers 1
of memory with which you have read my modest works. So when you
of memory with which you have read my modest works. So when you
entice and invite me to agree to share with you as many of my writings
as possible, you are responsible for imposing this trouble on yourself. I 2

shall comply, but by sending it piecemeal, as the saying goes. In this way
I hope to avoid confusing that memory of yours, which I gratefully
acknowledge, with the constant presence and abundance of material,
and not to overburden and overwhelm it, and thus compel it to dispense
with individual parts in the interests of the greater number, and the
earlier ones in the interests of the later. Farewell.

19 To his friend Ruso

You indicate that you have read in a letter of mine* that Verginius 1
Rufus* commanded these lines to be inscribed on his tomb:
Rufus lies here; of old by routing Vindex,
He freed the imperial power for Rome, not for himself.
You censure this instruction of his, and you add that Frontinus* acted in
a better and nobler way by forbidding any tombstone whatsoever to be
erected for him. Finally, you ask me for my feelings about both men.
I loved them both, but I had more admiration for the one whom 2
you censure. My admiration was so great that I considered no praise
could be adequate for him. I must now undertake his defence. I regard 3

all who have achieved something important and memorable as most

deserving not merely of pardon but even of praise, if they pursue the
immortality which they have deserved, and if by their epitaphs too they
strive to prolong the glory of a name which will live on. I do not 4
readily think of anyone other than Verginius whose fame in achievement
readily think of anyone other than Verginius whose fame in achievement
was matched by his modesty in proclaiming it. I myself, as one 5
who was held in close affection and esteem by him, attest that only once
in my hearing did he go so far as to make reference to his achievements.
This was when on one occasion Cluvius* in conversation with him
remarked: ‘Verginius, you are aware of the good faith which is owed to
history, so I ask your pardon if you read in my historical writings
anything which does not please you.’ Verginius replied: ‘Are you not
aware, Cluvius, that I have acted as I did so that you historians could be
free to write what you wanted?’
So let us now compare Frontinus, whom you mentioned, on this 6
very issue on which you regard him as more sparing and restrained. He
forbade the construction of a tombstone, but what were his words in
doing so? ‘Spending money on a tombstone is superfluous; my memory
will survive if my life has merited it.’ So do you think that it shows
greater restraint to proclaim a message to be read throughout the whole
world that his memory will endure, than to signal one’s achievements in
one place with two short lines?
However, my purpose was not to denigrate Frontinus but to 7
defend Verginius, and what more appropriate defence of him can there
be than by comparison with the person you preferred? My 8
judgement is that neither is worthy of blame, for each strove for fame
with the like aspiration, but by different routes, the one by requesting
the epitaph due to him, and the other by preferring to appear to have
despised it. Farewell.
20 To his friend Venator
107–8
Your letter was all the more welcome to me owing to its greater 1
length, and especially since it was wholly concerned with my writings. I
am not surprised that they give you pleasure, since you are as fond of all
that concerns me as you are of myself.
At this particular moment I myself am gathering in the
grapeharvest,* 2
thin but more abundant than I had anticipated—if ‘gathering’ is the right
word for plucking the odd grape, visiting the press, testing the new wine
from the vat, and stealing up on my city-servants as they now
superintend the peasants, leaving me to my secretaries and my readers.
Farewell.

21 To his friend Sabinianus

Your freedman, with whom you said you were angry, has approached 1
me,* and grovelling at my feet he has clung to them as if they were
yours. His tears were copious, as were his pleas and also his silences. In
short, he persuaded me that he was genuinely sorry, and I believe that
he has turned over a new leaf because he feels that he has misbehaved. I
know that you are furious with him, and I know also 2
that you are rightly so, but praise for forbearance is especially due when
the grounds for anger are more justified. You were fond of 3
him, and I hope that you will be so in the future; meanwhile it is enough
that you allow yourself to be appeased. It will be possible for you to
renew your anger, if he deserves it, and you will have greater
renew your anger, if he deserves it, and you will have greater
justification if you have been prevailed upon now. Make some allowance
for his youth, for his tears, and for your own benevolence. Do not cause
him pain, to avoid paining yourself, for you pain yourself when your
mild disposition turns to anger.
I fear that I may seem to be applying pressure rather than to be 4
pleading with you, if I join my prayers to his, and I shall do this all the
more fully and frankly for having rebuked him more sharply and
severely, having threatened that I shall never plead with you again after
this. That threat was addressed to him, for it was necessary to scare him,
and not to you; indeed, I shall perhaps plead with you again, and my
plea will again be granted, provided only that it is fitting for me to
request it, and for you to grant it. Farewell.

22 To his friend Severus

The illness of Passennus Paulus* has been causing me great concern, 1
and indeed for the greatest number of justified reasons. He is the best
and most honourable of men, who shows the greatest affection for me,
and besides, his writings challenge, imitate, and reproduce those of the
ancients, especially those of Propertius, of whom he is a descendant, a
true offspring who resembles his forebear most closely in the genre in
which Propertius excelled.* Take Paulus’ elegies 2
into your hands, and you will read work which is refined, tender, and
attractive, written closely in the Propertian tradition. He has recently
moved on to lyric poetry,* in which he reproduces Horace as
competently as he does Propertius in his elegies. You would think that if
kinship influences literary art, he was a relative of Horace as well. His
writings show great variety and great dexterity; he writes of love like the
truest of lovers, of grief like one who finds it hardest to bear, of praise as
the most generous of men, and sportiveness as a man of the greatest wit.
In short, his poetry as a whole is as good as each part.
For this friend and this talent I was as sick in mind as he was in 3
body, but now at last I have found him restored, and myself likewise. So
felicitate me, and felicitate also literature itself, which through the
hazard to his life came as close to danger as his recovery will enhance its
fame. Farewell.

23 To his friend Maximus

It has often happened to me in the course of pleading that members 1
of the Centumviral court, after for long preserving the authority and
serious demeanour appropriate to judges, have suddenly got to their feet
and complimented me, as if overcome and compelled to do so.
Often, too, I have won from the Senate the glory to which I particularly 2

aspired. Yet never have I experienced greater pleasure than from a

conversation the other day with Cornelius Tacitus. He told me that
seated next to him at the recent chariot-races* was a Roman knight, who
after diverse conversation of a learned kind asked: ‘Are you Italian or a
provincial?’,* and that he replied: ‘In fact you know me from my
published work.’ Thereupon the knight asked: ‘Are you 3
Tacitus or Pliny?’ I cannot describe how pleasurable I find it to have our
names associated with literature, and belonging to it, so to say, rather
than to our identity, and also that each of us should be known from our
writings to people to whom we are otherwise unknown.
Something similar occurred a very few days ago. A man of note, 4
Fadius Rufinus,* was reclining at table next to me, and beyond him was
a fellow townsman who had come to Rome that day for the first time.
Rufinus pointed me out to him, and asked: ‘Do you see this gentleman?’,
and he spoke at length about my writings. Whereupon the man said:
‘Why, it’s Pliny!’ I shall tell the truth: I obtain a great 5
reward for my labours. Surely, if Demosthenes was justified* in his
pleasure when an old Attic woman recognized him with the words ‘It’s
Demosthenes’, I ought to be glad because my name is celebrated? For
myself, I am delighted, and I admit that I am delighted. I do 6
not fear being thought too boastful when I retail the judgement of others
rather than my own, especially to you, for you begrudge praise to none,
and you cherish that accorded to me. Farewell.

24 To his friend Sabinianus

It was commendable of you to restore to your home and affection the
freedman who was earlier dear to you, after my letter had guided him
back to you. Your gesture will be of service to you; at any rate it is
gratifying to me, first because I see that you are sufficiently amenable to
be able to accept guidance when angry, and secondly because you
repose sufficient trust in me either to follow my authority or to be open
to my pleas. So you win both my praise and my thanks, but at the same
time, my advice for the future is that you show yourself ready to forgive
the misdemeanours of your servants, even if there is no one to plead for
them. Farewell.
them. Farewell.

25 To his friend Mamilianus

107–8
You complain about the crowd of camp-duties, yet as if you were 1
enjoying the height of leisure you read and admire and demand my
sportive trifles, and urge me pressingly to compose others like them. I
am indeed beginning to seek from this type of writing not only 2
pleasure but also repute following your assessment, for you are a most
learned, serious, and candid judge.
At the moment the performance of my court-duties is a minor 3
distraction, but none the less a distraction. Once I have disposed of
them, I shall land something inspired by these same Muses into that
most accommodating lap of yours. You must allow my little sparrows
and little doves to spread their wings among your eagles,* but only if
you find them pleasing; be sure to confine them to their cage or nest if
they are merely gratifying to themselves. Farewell.

26 To his friend Lupercus

In commenting upon a certain orator of our era, whose style was 1
sound and sensible, but lacking in grandeur and not highly wrought, I
think my judgement was apposite: ‘His only fault is that he has no
faults.’ For an orator ought to be elevated and exalted, and from time 2
to time glowing with heat in a transport of passion, often drawing close
to a headlong fall, for usually lofty and exalted language approximates
to the precipitous. The lower and more pedestrian path over level
ground is safer. Sprinters fall more often than those who creep along,
ground is safer. Sprinters fall more often than those who creep along,
but no praise accrues to crawlers who do not stumble, whereas runners
gain some glory even if they fall. Eloquence 3
is like certain other skills in winning approval above all from its
hazards.* You observe what loud shouts are often aroused by men who
practise tightrope walking* at a great height, when they seem about to
fall at any moment. For the most remarkable feats are those 4
which are most unexpected and most hazardous, and which Greeks
better express as téméraires. Hence the skill of a helmsman in sailing on
calm waters is by no means commensurate with journeying on a stormy
sea. On the first, he attracts no admiration as he enters harbour winning
no praise or glory, but when the ropes are creaking, and the mast bends
over, and the rudder groans, he then achieves fame, and attains a stature
closest to the gods of the sea.
Why do I make these observations? The reason is that you seemed 5
to have designated some passages in my writings as inflated, when I
thought them lofty, as pretentious, when I thought them bold, as
overblown, when I thought them fully expressed. It makes the greatest
difference whether you signal blameworthy faults or striking features,
for everyone notices what is out of the ordinary and out of 6
the common run, but it requires keen concentration to discriminate
between the extravagant and the high-flown, between the lofty and the
monstrous. Let me cite Homer as the pre-eminent example. Who, I ask
you, cannot fail to notice and assign to one or other of these the phrases
‘the lofty heavens trumpeted forth’ and ‘his spear reclined upon a cloud’,
and that whole passage which begins: ‘Nor did the wave of the sea
bellow so loudly…’.* But there must be 7
scrutiny and weighing to decide whether these phrases are outrageous
and meaningless on the one hand, or magnificent and divine on the
other. I do not here believe that I have voiced, or can voice, utterances
like these (I am not as crazy as that!), but I want to make it clear that
eloquence should be given free rein, and that the impact of talent should
not be confined within a very circumscribed course.
The objection may be raised that the role of orators is one thing, 8
and that of poets another. But was Marcus Tullius any less audacious?
However, I disregard him, for I believe that there is no doubt in his case.
But what of the great Demosthenes, the very model and standard of the
orator? He does not confine and restrain himself, does he, when he
utters those most celebrated words:* ‘Blackguards, flatterers, and
wretched creatures!’, and again: ‘It was not with stones or bricks that I
fortified the city’, and immediately following: ‘Was it not to throw up
Euboea as a defence for Attica on the seaward side?’ Elsewhere he has:
‘By the gods, men of Athens, I believe that the man is intoxicated by the
greatness of his achievements.’ And 9
what is bolder than that very fine and very lengthy digression which
begins: ‘An epidemic…’? Again, this passage is shorter than what goes
before, but is equally audacious: ‘Then, when Pytho was playing the
braggart, and was pouring heaps of abuse on us…’. On the same lines
are the words: ‘When a man like this has obtained power by rapacity and
villainy, then the first pretext and some minor stumble overthrows and
destroys everything.’ Similar is the phrase: ‘Debarred by every right that
obtains in the city’, and again, in the same speech: ‘Aristogeiton, you
have betrayed your children’s right to pity, or rather, you have
destroyed it totally. Do not then seek anchorage in the harbours which
you yourself have barricaded and filled with stakes.’ Earlier he had said:
‘I do not see that any one of these topics offers a firm basis for the
defendant. All that lie before him are precipices, ravines, and gaping
pits.’ Then too we read: ‘I fear that in some men’s eyes you will appear
to be acting as trainer to each and every citizen who seeks to be wicked.’
Nor is that enough; he also writes: ‘For I do not assume that your
forebears built these law courts for you so that you could plant men such
as these in them.’ And again: ‘If he is a huckster and importer and dealer
in wickedness …’. There are a thousand similar phrases, not to mention
those which Aeschines* labels ‘monstrosities, not words’.
I am beset here with opposition, and you will say that Demosthenes10

too is blameworthy on these counts. But observe how much greater an

orator is the man being criticized than the critic, and greater too for
these very features. In other passages his vigour shines out, but in 11
these his grandeur. And surely Aeschines himself did not refrain from
the usages which he censured in Demosthenes? ‘For, men of Athens, the
orator and the law ought to deliver the same message, but when the law
says one thing and the orator another…’. Elsewhere he has: ‘Then he
appears totally absorbed in the decree.’ And again in another place: ‘But
if you sit lying in wait for him as you listen, you must drive him into
discussion of the illegality.’ He so 12
greatly approved of this expression that he repeats it: ‘Drive him as on
greatly approved of this expression that he repeats it: ‘Drive him as on
the racetrack to maintain the same course on this topic.’ Again, is this
passage more circumspect and restrained? ‘You reopen old wounds, and
you care more for speeches at the moment than for the safety of the
city.’ He rises still higher with: ‘Will you not remove this man, this
disaster shared by all Greeks? Or rather, seize him and take vengeance
on him as a pirate in political life who sails through the state on his ship
of words?’
I anticipate that you will delete from this letter certain expressions 13

like ‘the rudder groans’, and ‘a stature closest to the gods of the sea’,
with the same censure with which you delete the passages which I cite;
for I realize that in begging pardon for my previous faults, I have fallen
into those very errors which you have condemned. But you can delete
them, so long as here and now you fix a day on which we can face to
face analyse both those past and these present instances. Then you will
either make me more circumspect, or I shall make you adventurous.
Farewell.

27 To his friend Paternus

On other occasions I have often felt the great force, dignity, majesty, 1
and finally divine power of history, as I did the other day. Someone had
been reciting a most truthful account,* and he had held back a part of it
for another time. Would you believe it, but friends of a 2
certain individual came begging and pleading with him not to read out
the rest. Such great shame do men feel at hearing the account of their
actions, though they felt none at doing things which make them blush to
hear. The performer granted the request, as his probity allowed, but the
written word, like the events themselves, remains and will remain to be
read for all time, and all the more for not being read there and then; for
men are roused to discover facts reserved for the future. Farewell.

28 To his friend Romanus

A lengthy period elapsed before I received your letters, but three 1
have arrived simultaneously, all of them most elegant and most
affectionate, the sort which ought to have come from you since I was
particularly longing for them. One of them imposes on me the most
agreeable task of bearing your letter to Plotina,* that most upright lady,
and I shall carry out this commission. In the same letter you 2
brought to my favourable notice Popilius Artemisius,* and I have
immediately complied with his request. You also inform me that your
grapeharvest was meagre. This lament I share with you, though in a
totally different part of the world.*
Your second letter reports that you are now dictating and writing 3
a great deal, recording your impressions of me. I am grateful, and would
have been more so if you had desired me to read what you are writing
and dictating. It would be fair for me to gain acquaintance with your
writings as you are acquainted with mine, even if yours referred to
someone other than myself. At the close of your letter, 4
you promise that when you have more definite information about my
future plans,* you will take flight from your domesticity and wing your
way at once to me. I am already forging fetters for you, and there is no
way you can break out of them.
The third letter contained the information that the speech on 5
 The third letter contained the information that the speech on 5
behalf of Clarius* had been delivered to you, and that it appeared more
extensive than when I delivered it in your hearing. It is indeed more
extensive, for I made many subsequent insertions. You said that you
have sent a letter composed with particular care,* and you ask if I have
received it. I have not, and I am keen to get it. So dispatch it at the first
opportunity with the interest added, which I shall calculate at twelve per
cent annually, for surely I cannot charge you less? Farewell.

29 To his friend Rusticus

On the one hand, it is better to achieve one thing with distinction 1
than several things with modest success, but on the other hand it is
better to do numerous things with modest attainment if you cannot
achieve one with distinction. With this thought in mind, I am trying
myself out at different types of literature, since I have insufficient
confidence in any one of them. So when you read one or other of my 2
pieces, you must excuse each individually, since each is not the only
one. In the other arts, excuse for failure is granted to one among many,
so why should the law for creative literature, in which success is more
difficult, be harsher? Yet why do I harp on pardon as though I am
ungrateful? Why, if you greet my recent work as indulgently as my
earlier pieces, I am to anticipate praise rather than beg for pardon—
though pardon is enough for me! Farewell.

30 To his friend Geminus

You praise your friend Nonius* to me both often when we meet and 1
now in a letter, because of his generosity to certain people. I too praise
now in a letter, because of his generosity to certain people. I too praise
him, so long as his giving is not confined to those you mention. My
aspiration for the man who would be truly generous is that he should
bestow his gifts on his native land, his neighbours, his kin, and his
friends. When I say ‘friends’, I mean impoverished ones, unlike men you
know who direct their gifts chiefly at people who are best able to be
donors themselves. I believe that such people do not 2
bestow their own possessions, but lay their hands on those of other
people by smearing their gifts with bird-lime, and equipping them with
anglers’ hooks. Similarly crafty are men who take from Peter what they
give to Paul, seeking a reputation for generosity by resort to avarice. Our
first obligation is to be content with what we have; 3
and the second is to support and cherish those who we know are
especially in need, and to encircle them, so to say, with friendliness.
If Nonius discharges all these duties, he is wholly praiseworthy. If he
discharges any one of them, he is still praiseworthy, but to a lesser
degree—so out of the ordinary is the man who is a model of even 4
qualified generosity. Lust for ownership has come to dominate men so
much that they seem to be possessed by their wealth rather than possess
it. Farewell.

31 To his friend Sardus

After leaving you, I remained with you no less than when I was in 1
your company. This was because I was reading your book, to which I
have reverted repeatedly and especially (I will not lie) to your profuse
discussion about myself. How numerous and how varied were the
comments you have made, without repetition on the same theme yet not
comments you have made, without repetition on the same theme yet not
diverging from it! Am I to offer praise as much as thanks? I can 2
do neither adequately, and even if I could, I should be afraid of
boastfully praising you for the things which won my thanks. I shall add
this one comment, that the whole work seemed the more worthy of
praise as it was the more agreeable, and the more agreeable as it was the
more worthy of praise. Farewell.

32 To his friend Titianus

What are you doing at present, and what do you plan to do? I am living
the most agreeable life, in other words, the most idle. For this reason I
refuse to write longer letters, but I should like to read some, the first
because I am self-indulgent, and the second because I am unoccupied;
for there is nothing so idle as men who are self-indulgent, and nothing so
inquisitive as those who are unoccupied. Farewell.

33 To his friend Caninius

I have come across a subject which is factual but very close to fable, 1
worthy of that talent of yours which is very luxuriant, lofty, and
eminently characteristic of a poet. I lighted upon it over the dinner table,
when diverse marvels were being exchanged to and fro. The author of
this account is highly reliable*—though what concern have poets with
reliability?—he is, however, a source whom you would have done well
to trust even if you were going to compose a history.
The colony of Hippo in Africa* lies very close to the sea. Adjoining 2

it is a lagoon on which boats sail and from which an estuary flows like a
river, at one time to join the sea, and at another back into the lagoon,
river, at one time to join the sea, and at another back into the lagoon,
alternating as the tide impels the water forwards or backwards. Folk of
every age spend time there, in their keenness for fishing or 3
sailing or swimming. In particular, boys are drawn there, since leisure
and love of sport entice them. They gain credit for bravery by going far
out into the deepest water, and the one who has left the shore and his
fellow swimmers furthest in his wake is pronounced the victor.
In this contest, one boy bolder than the rest made his way further 4
out. A dolphin approached him.* At one time it would swim in front of
the boy, at another behind him, and at another it would circle round
him. In the end it would take him on its back, then push him off, and
then take him back on again. As the boy panicked, it ferried him first out
into the deep, and then turned back to the shore, restoring him to land
and to his mates.
Rumour of this wound its way through the colony. The whole 5
community hastened together there, gazing at the lad as if he were a
prodigy, questioning him, listening to him, and spreading his story
around. Next day they laid siege to the shore, their eyes glued to the sea
and to any waters resembling it. The boys went swimming, among them,
but more circumspectly, the boy in question. The dolphin appeared at
the same time as before and made for the same boy. He fled with the
others. The dolphin seemed to be enticing and urging him back, for it
would leap up and dive underwater, and curl itself into different shapes
and then uncurl itself. This happened 6
the next day, on the third day, and on several subsequent days, until
those men who had been nurtured by the sea grew ashamed of their
fears. They approached the dolphin, sported with it, addressed it, and
fears. They approached the dolphin, sported with it, addressed it, and
even touched and stroked it, with its encouragement. As these trials
progressed, they became increasingly bold. In particular, the boy who
had had that initial experience swam close to it as it swam along,
climbed on its back, and rode out into the deep and back again. He
believed that the dolphin recognized him and felt affection for him,
which he reciprocated. Neither of them either showed or induced fear.
The boy grew more trusting and the dolphin grew tamer. Other boys
accompanied him on either side, offering him 7
encouragement and advice. What was also surprising was that a second
dolphin accompanied the first, but merely to observe and attend it, for it
did not make or entertain similar approaches; it merely escorted the
other out to sea and back to land, just as the other boys escorted the
dolphin’s favourite. What is beyond belief, 8
and yet is as authentic as the previous events, is that the dolphin which
was mounted and sported with the boys grew used to being dragged
ashore, where it would dry itself on the sand, and when overcome by the
heat would roll back into the sea.
It is known that Octavius Avitus,* the governor’s legate, was 9
induced by debased superstition to pour perfumed ointment on the
dolphin as it was enticed ashore, and that it fled from the unaccustomed
odour into the deep and was not sighted until many days later, when it
appeared listless and unhappy. But subsequently its strength was
restored, and it recovered its previous playfulness and its usual offices.
All the magistrates* would flock to watch it, 10
and their arrival and lodging there inflicted additional expense on this
and their arrival and lodging there inflicted additional expense on this
small community. Eventually the place itself began to forfeit its
tranquillity and privacy, and it was decided that the focus of large
gatherings should be secretly destroyed.
How compassionately and profusely you will lament and adorn 11
and elevate this event! Yet you need not invent any additions to it. It is
enough that these true details should not be underplayed. Farewell.

34 To his friend Tranquillus

Do solve my anxiety. I am told that I read badly—verses at any rate; 1
that I read speeches quite competently, but verses all the worse by
comparison. So as I am about to give a recital to intimate friends, I am
contemplating trying out a freedman of mine. A further pointer to that
intimacy is my choice of a man who will not read well, though I know
that he will read better so long as he is not on edge, for his 2
role as reader* is as recent as mine as poet.
For myself, I do not know what I should do while he is reading. Am I
to sit still and mute as though uninvolved, or as some do, attend his
delivery with murmur and movement of eyes and hands? The trouble is
that I think I am no better at mimic portrayal than at reading. So I shall
ask you again to solve my anxiety. Write back to tell me honestly
whether it is better to read very badly than either to mime or to avoid
miming. Farewell.

35 To his friend Atrius

I have received the book which you sent, and I thank you for it. I am 1
extremely busy at the moment, however, so I have not yet read it,
though in other circumstances I would be extremely eager to do so. But
the respect I owe both to literary studies, and to your writings especially,
is such that I consider it impious to take up the book unless my mind is
free to concentrate upon it. Your industry in 2
revision of your writings meets with my emphatic approval, but there
must be a limit to it, first because excessive care impairs rather than
improves, and secondly because it draws us back from our more recent
compositions, allowing us neither to polish off our earlier work nor to
embark upon new writing. Farewell.

36 To his friend Fuscus

You ask how I spend my day in summer among the Etruscans.* I 1
wake when I like, usually about the first hour of daylight, but often
before, and occasionally later. My shutters remain closed, for the silence
and the darkness divert me from distractions, leaving me free in my own
company. My thoughts are not dictated by what I see, but my eyes
follow the direction of my thoughts, for when the eyes do not light on
other things they concentrate on the same things as the mind. I turn my
thoughts to the work I have on hand, choosing 2
exact wording and improving the text. The changes I make are
sometimes fewer and sometimes more numerous, depending on the
difficulty or the ease with which they could be constructed or
remembered. I then call in my secretary, let in the light, and dictate
what I had fashioned; he leaves me, and is again called in and sent away
a second time.
At the fourth or fifth hour of daylight (the time is not fixed
 At the fourth or fifth hour of daylight (the time is not fixed 3
or carefully measured out) I retire to the terrace or the covered
colonnade, according as the weather advises, and there I ponder the
remaining changes, and dictate them. I then mount my carriage, and
there too I follow the same routine as when strolling or in bed, for my
concentration is strengthened and the change itself refreshes it. After a
short sleep and a stroll, I next read aloud a Greek or Latin speech clearly
and deliberately to exercise the gullet* rather than the voice, though the
voice too gains strength from this.
Once again I take a stroll, then oil and exercise myself, and take a bath. 4

If I take dinner with my wife or a few friends, a book is read* to us,

and after the meal we listen to the reading of a comedy, or to a lyre-
player. I then take a stroll with my servants, among whom are men of
learning. In this way the evening is drawn out with intellectual
conversation, and even the longest days of summer are happily rounded
off.
Sometimes there are changes in this routine, for, if my lie-in or 5
my walk has been lengthy, I do not ride in my carriage following my
siesta and my reading, but on horseback, for this is speedier and so less
time-consuming. Friends from the nearest towns drop in to occupy part
of the day, on occasion alleviating my weariness by their timely
interruptions. Sometimes I go hunting, but not without my 6
writing-tablets,* so that even if I catch nothing I do not return empty-
handed. Then too I devote some time to my tenants, though in their
view not enough. Their rustic complaints* are a spur to my literary
activities and to the civilized pursuits of the city. Farewell.

37 To his friend Paulinus

107
You are not the sort of person to demand from your friends those 1
conventional, quasi-public duties which are contrary to their interests.
Then again, my affection for you is too steady to fear that you may
misinterpret my wishes if I fail to attend your inauguration as consul* on
the first day of the month, especially as the necessity to lease my farms,
which will obtain for several years, holds me back, since it involves my
adopting new strategies. For during the previous 2
four-year period,* in spite of large-scale lowering of rents, the arrears of
debt have increased. So several tenants have lost all interest in reducing
their debts, because they have no hope of being able to discharge them.
They even seize and consume the produce from the land, since they now
think that it is not in their interest to keep their hands off it.
So I must confront these increasing shortcomings, and devise a 3
remedy for them. One solution is to lease the farms, not for money, but
for part of the produce, and then appoint some members of my
household to supervise the work and to safeguard the harvest. In
general, there is no type of return fairer than that yielded by the soil, the
weather, and the season. But this demands great honesty, 4
keen eyes, and many hands. However, I must try this out, for, as with a
long-standing malady, each and every remedial change must be applied.
So you realize that this is no self-indulgent reason preventing my 5
attendance at the initial day of your consulship. But I shall celebrate it
attendance at the initial day of your consulship. But I shall celebrate it
here with prayers, joy, and felicitations as though I were present.
Farewell.

38 To his friend Saturninus

I do indeed praise our friend Rufus,* not because you begged me to do
so, but because he is most worthy of it, for I have read his book, which is
perfect on every count, and my affection for him greatly added to my
appreciation of it. Mind you, I did peruse it critically, for critical
assessment is not confined solely to spiteful readers. Farewell.

39 To his friend Mustius

On the advice of the soothsayers, I must rebuild the shrine of Ceres,* 1
which stands on my estate, to improve and enlarge it, for it is certainly
dilapidated and confining, and it is generally very crowded on her feast-
day. Indeed, on September* a huge throng gathers from 2
the entire area around. Many ceremonies are performed, and many vows
are both undertaken and discharged. But there is no shelter near at hand
from rain or sun. So I shall be seen to act both generously 3
and piously if I build as splendid a shrine as possible, and adjoin
colonnades to the shrine—the temple for the goddess, and the porticoes
for the people.
So I should like you to purchase four marble columns of the sort 4
that gains your approval, and marble to beautify the floor and the walls.
A statue of the goddess herself will have to be sculpted as well, since bits
of the antique wooden one have fallen off because it is so old. As for the
colonnades, nothing strikes me at the moment which 5
colonnades, nothing strikes me at the moment which 5
can be carried out at your end,* other than drawing a plan which
conforms with the nature of the area. They cannot encircle the shrine
because the site is enclosed on one side by the river and its precipitous
banks, and on the other by the road. Beyond the road 6
there is a most capacious meadow where the porticoes can quite suitably
be erected facing the shrine. But perhaps you will devise something
better, for you are used to overcoming problems of terrain as part of
your profession. Farewell.

40 To his friend Fuscus

You write that you are delighted with my letter* in which 1
you ascertained how I spend my leisure among the Etruscans in summer,
and you ask what changes I make from this routine when at Laurentum*
in winter. The answer is none, except that I forgo my 2
midday sleep, and utilize the hours of darkness before dawn or after
dusk, and, if a vital court-case is looming, as is frequent in winter, there
is no room for a performer of comedy or for a lyre-player after dinner.
Instead, I repeatedly revise what I have dictated, making numerous
improvements to assist my memory.
So now you know my routine in summer and in winter; to these 3
you can add spring and autumn, the seasons lying between them, since
they lose none of the daylight, and they appropriate little from the hours
of darkness. Farewell.
 BOOK TEN

1Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 98
Most venerable emperor, your filial devotion had made you pray that 1
your succession to your father should come as late as possible, but the
immortal gods hastened to apply your merits to the guidance of the state
which you had already undertaken.* So I pray that all success 2
worthy of your reign may accrue to you, and through you to the human
race. In both capacities, as private citizen and public figure, I wish you,
best of emperors, both strength and joy.

2Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 98
I cannot find words to express, my lord, the great joy you have 1
brought me by your having regarded me as worthy of the right of three
children.* Though you had granted this to the prayers of Julius
Servianus,* an excellent man and one especially devoted to you, I none
the less realize from your very reply that you granted him this boon
more gladly because he asked for it on my behalf. So I think 2
that I have gained the summit of my prayers, since as one of the first
acts of your most blessed principate you have found me worthy to be the
recipient of your personal generosity. I therefore long all the more for
the children I sought to have even in that most melancholy reign, as you
can infer from my two marriages.* But the gods had 3
better designs, for they have held back the process unimpaired for your
better designs, for they have held back the process unimpaired for your
generosity. I preferred that I should become a father at this time instead,
when I was to be both safe and blessed.

3 A Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

98
As soon, my lord, as the generosity of you both* advanced me to the 1
prefecture of the treasury of Saturn, I abandoned all my roles as
advocate (in general, I had never performed them indiscriminately) so
that I could leave myself free to devote my whole attention to the duties
assigned to me, For this reason, when the provincials chose 2
me as their spokesman against Marius Priscus,* I both begged to be
excused this duty, and obtained my request. But subsequently, when the
consul-designate proposed that those of us granted exemption should be
asked to put themselves at the Senate’s discretion and to allow our
names to be included in the ballot,* I thought it most in keeping with
the harmonious nature of your era not to oppose the wish of that most
august body, especially as it was such a modest one. I pray that you may
consider this deference reasonable, for I am keen 3
that all deeds and words of mine should conform with your most
venerable procedures.

3 B Trajan to Pliny

In showing deference to the most reasonable demand of our most august

order, you have performed the role of both good citizen and good
senator. You will, I am sure, fulfil that role in accordance with the trust
reposed in you.
reposed in you.

4 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

98–9
Your kindness, best of emperors, which I experience in fullness, 1
encourages me to presume to beg you to be bound by it on behalf of my
friends. Among them, Voconius Romanus* claims a quite outstanding
place, for he has been a fellow student and a bosom friend from our
earliest years. This was why I petitioned your deified father 2
also to advance Romanus to our most august order. However, this wish
of mine was held back to await your favour, because Romanus’ mother,
having pledged in a written document sent to your father that she was
conferring a gift of million sesterces upon her son, had not at that time
completed the legal formalities. Later, however, she completed these
when I advised her, for she released some farms to 3
him, and completed the other formalities usually required to fulfil the
transfer of property.
So now that the business which was delaying my hopes has been 4
completed, with some considerable confidence I give you my guarantee
of the good character of my friend Romanus. His cultivation of the
liberal arts, and his outstanding filial piety, which merited his mother’s
generosity as well as an immediate inheritance from his father and
adoption by his stepfather, lend him distinction. These 5
qualities are enhanced by the prestige of his birth and by his father’s
wealth. I am sure that in addition to each of these my plea will be a
strong recommendation to your gracious self.
Therefore, my lord, I ask that you grant me this happy outcome 6
 Therefore, my lord, I ask that you grant me this happy outcome 6
which is my dearest wish, and that you indulge what I hope are my
honourable sentiments, so that through your adjudication I can take
pride not only in myself but also in my friend.

5 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 98
Last year, my lord, I was afflicted by an illness* so serious that my life 1

was in danger. So I called in a physiotherapist,* whose concern and

attentiveness I can repay with equal gratitude only by your gracious
kindness.
I am therefore asking you to award him Roman citizenship, for he 2
is a foreigner, having been manumitted by a foreign mistress. His name
is Harpocras, and his patroness Thermuthis, wife of Theon, is long dead.
I am also begging you to grant the rights of citizens to Media and
Antonia Harmeris, freedwomen of a most distinguished lady, Antonia
Maximilla.* I make this plea at the request of that patroness.

6 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

98–9
Thank you, my lord, for the speedy award of the rights of citizens to 1
the freedwomen of my kinswoman, and of the Roman citizenship to
Harpocras, my physiotherapist. However, when I was submitting details
of his age and finances in accordance with your instruction, I was
advised by those more expert than myself that I ought first to have
obtained Alexandrian citizenship for him,* as he is an Egyptian, and
then that of Rome. But because I believed that there was no 2
difference between Egyptians and other foreigners, I had confined myself
difference between Egyptians and other foreigners, I had confined myself
to informing you in writing merely that he had been manumitted by a
foreign woman, and that this patroness of his had died long ago. I do not
chide my ignorance about this, since it has allowed me to be in your
debt more often on behalf of the same man. So I beg you to award him
Alexandrian citizenship as well, so that I can legally enjoy that kindness
of yours. I have dispatched details of his age and financial status to the
freedmen you requested, to avoid any further delay to your kind help.

7 Trajan to Pliny
98–9
In conformity with the practice of emperors, I have decided not to grant
Alexandrian citizenship indiscriminately, but since you have already
obtained Roman citizenship for your physiotherapist Harpocras, I do not
propose to deny this further request. You will have to notify me of his
native region so that I can send a letter on your behalf to my friend
Pompeius Planta,* prefect of Egypt.

8 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

98 or 99
Your deified father, my lord, had in a most attractive address and by a 1

most honourable precedent encouraged all citizens to acts of

generosity,* so I asked him to allow me to transfer statues of emperors,
which I had received through several bequests and was preserving on
distant estates in the condition in which I had received them, to the
township of Tifernum,* and to add to them a statue of himself. He 2
had granted me this request in a fully detailed attestation. I at once
wrote to the town officials, asking them to provide a piece of ground on
which I could erect a temple at my own expense. They gave me leave to
choose the site to do honour to the building. But initially my
choose the site to do honour to the building. But initially my 3
poor health, and then that of your father, and subsequently supervision
of the office* which you had consigned to me, held me back, so now
seems the most convenient time for me to be able to embark on this
present enterprise, for my month’s duties* expire at the end of August,
and the month that follows* includes several public holidays.
So first and foremost I beg that you allow me to adorn the project 4
which I am about to launch with the addition of your statue. Secondly, I
ask that you grant me leave, so as to be able to perform this task with all
speed. But my honesty does not permit me to conceal 5
from your kindness the fact that you will incidentally very greatly
further the interests of my family affairs. The estates I own in that same
area bring in more than 400,000 sesterces at least. I cannot postpone
letting them out, because the new tenant must carry out the pruning
very shortly. Moreover, an unbroken series of barren harvests is forcing
me to contemplate reductions of rent* which I cannot calculate without
being there.
So, my lord, I shall be indebted to your kindness for both the swift 6

execution of my piety and the arrangement of my affairs, if you grant me

leave of absence for thirty days for this twofold mission. I cannot impose
a narrower limit, since both the township and the estates which I
mention are more than 150 miles away.

9 Trajan to Pliny
98 or 99
You have given me many reasons, all of them relevant to the public
interest, for your application for leave of absence. But the mere
interest, for your application for leave of absence. But the mere
expression of your wish would have been enough for me, for I have no
doubt that you will return as soon as you can to your taxing duties.

You may erect my statue in the place you wish (though I allow
distinctions of this kind only very sparingly), for I do not wish to appear
to have limited the scope of your devotion for me.

10 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 99
My lord, I cannot express in words the great joy which your letter 1
brought me, from which I learnt that you have additionally granted
Alexandrian citizenship to my physiotherapist Harpocras,* though
following the precedent of earlier emperors you have decided not to
grant this at random. I now inform you that Harpocras hails from the
district of Memphis, and accordingly I beg that you write on my 2
behalf to Pompeius Planta,* prefect of Egypt, as you undertook to do. I
beg you to allow me to meet you* as far as possible from Rome, my lord,
so that I may greet you and more speedily savour the joy of your eagerly
anticipated return.

11 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

99
My recent indisposition, my lord, has put me under an obligation to 1
my doctor, Postumius Marinus. Through your kindness I can do him an
equal favour, if in accord with your usual good nature you are
favourable to my request. So I am asking you to grant the citizenship 2
to his relatives Chrysippus, son of Mithradates, and to Chrysippus’ wife
Stratonice, daughter of Epigonus, and also to the sons of this Chrysippus,
Epigonus and Mithradates, on condition that they remain under their
father’s authority though preserving their rights* as patrons over their
freedmen.* I am further asking that you grant the rights of citizens to
Lucius Satrius Abascantus, to Publius Caesius Phosphorus, and to
Pancharia Soteris. I make this request of you in accord with the wishes
of their patrons.

12 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

101–2
I know, my lord, that my petitions are embedded in your mindful 1
thoughts, which are most mindful of good works. But because you have
shown favour in this matter as well,* I remind you and earnestly beg you
to deign to honour Accius Sura* with the praetorship, since there is a
vacancy there. He is in general most reticent in seeking 2
this ambition, but the distinction of his birth, his total integrity in his
impoverished state, and above all, the happy augury of the times offer
an incentive, for these times challenge and inspire the honourable
thinking of your citizens to exploit your favour.

13 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

Since I know, my lord, that the esteem of so good an emperor enhances
the assessment and praise of my character, I am petitioning you to deign
to add to my standing, to which your kindness has advanced me, by
awarding me the augurate or the status of septemvir,* since there are
vacancies in both. Thus by virtue of a priesthood I can officially entreat
the gods on your behalf, as I now entreat them with the piety of a
private citizen.

14 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

?102
Best of emperors, I felicitate you both in your name and in that of the
state for your outstandingly great and glorious victory,* most worthy of
the days of old. I beg the immortal gods that so happy an outcome may
attend all your projects, and that the fame of the Empire may be both
renewed and enhanced by your abundant merits.

15 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

August 110 (?109)
My lord, I am reporting to you that I have reached Ephesus by sea with
my entire entourage, having rounded Cape Malea* after being held back
by opposing winds. I am confident that you regard this as your concern.
I now intend to make for my province, partly by coastal shipping and
partly by carriages,* for on the one hand the oppressive heat impedes
overland travel, and on the other the Etesian winds* are a bar to
uninterrupted sailing.

16Trajan to Pliny
August—September 110 (?109)
My most dear Secundus, you did well to report back, for I am interested
to know the nature of your route to the province. It is wise of you to
decide to make use of shipping for part of the journey, and carriages
overland for the rest, according as local conditions advise.

17A Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

September 110 (?109)
My lord, I enjoyed a most bracing voyage by sea to Ephesus, but 1
My lord, I enjoyed a most bracing voyage by sea to Ephesus, but 1
once I began to journey by carriage from there, I was oppressed by the
most intense heat and minor bouts of fever, so I called a halt at
Pergamum.* Then again, when I transferred to coastal vessels, I was 2
detained by opposing winds, so I reached Bithynia rather later than I had
expected, on September. I cannot, however, grumble about the delay,
since it was my good fortune to celebrate your birthday* in the province,
the best of omens. At present I am reviewing the 3
expenditure, revenues, and debtors of the city of Prusa, and the process
of handling these makes me realize that this exercise is more and more
essential, for many sums of money are for various reasons being held
back in private hands, and, again, some are being disbursed on wholly
illegal outlays. This is my written report to you, my lord, upon arrival
here.

17B Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

September 110 (?109)
I entered the province, my lord, on 17 September, and found it 1
in that sense of obedience and loyalty towards you such as you deserve
from the whole human race. You must ponder, my lord, 2
whether you consider it necessary to send a quantity-surveyor* here, for
it appears that not inconsiderable amounts of money could be recovered
from contractors of public works if measurements were conducted
honestly. This at any rate is how I foresee it on the evidence of the
Prusians, with whose accounts I am particularly exercised.

18 Trajan to Pliny
October–November 110 (?109)
If only you could have arrived in Bithynia without distress to your 1
dear person and to your entourage, and if only your journey from
Ephesus had been as pleasant as that which you experienced on your
voyage there! I have gathered from your letter, fondest Secundus, 2
the date of your arrival in Bithynia. I believe that the provincials will
understand that I have taken thought for their interests, for you too will
ensure that it is clear to them that you were chosen to be dispatched to
them in my place.
You must take particular care to examine the financial accounts 3
of the cities, for it is quite clear that they are not in order. As for a
quantity-surveyor, I have scarcely enough for the works being conducted
in Rome or the neighbourhood. But in every province men can be found
who can be trusted, so you will not be without them so long as you are
willing carefully to seek them out.

19 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110 (?109)
My lord, I am writing for the guidance of your advice. I am in doubt 1
whether I should maintain guard over prisoners by employing the public
slaves of the cities, which has hitherto been the practice, or whether I
should employ soldiers;* for my fear is that the use of public slaves may
result in less reliable supervision, but on the other hand this duty may
divert a not inconsiderable number of soldiers from military tasks.
Meanwhile I have reinforced the public slaves 2
with a few soldiers, but I see that there is a danger that this practice may
lead to neglect of duty by both, as each side feels sure that they can pin
the guilt they share on the other.
the guilt they share on the other.

20 Trajan to Pliny
late 110 (?109)
There should be no need, my fondest Secundus, for more of our 1
fellow soldiers to be diverted to guard duties over the prisons. Let us
continue with the practice which obtains in your province of employing
public slaves for guard-duties. Indeed, it lies with your 2
discipline and careful attention to ensure that they do the job
conscientiously; for, as you write, we must be especially apprehensive, if
soldiers are mingled with public slaves, that they become more careless
through relying on each other. We must rather abide by the practice that
as few soldiers as possible should be called away from the standards.

21 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110 (?109)
Gavius Bassus, prefect of the Pontic shore,* has paid me a most 1
respectful and dutiful visit, my lord, and has stayed with me for several
days. So far as I could ascertain, he is an outstanding man, worthy of
your kindness. I acquainted him with your order that, from the cohorts
which you wished me to command, he should be satisfied with ten first-
class privates,* two cavalrymen, and one centurion. He replied that this
number was insufficient for him, and that 2
he would write to you to say this. This was the reason which deterred
me from opining that the troops which he has in excess of that number
should be at once recalled.
22 Trajan to Pliny
late 110 (?109)
Gavius Bassus has likewise written to me to say that the number of 1
troops I had included in my instructions to be entrusted to him was not
enough for him. I have ordered that my reply to him* should be
attached to this letter for your information. There is a world of
difference between the needs of his situation and whether on this pretext
he wishes to employ them more widely. But my concern 2
must be solely for what is useful, and as far as possible to ensure that the
soldiers are not absent from the standards.

23 Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110 (?109)
The citizens of Prusa, my lord, have public baths which are filthy 1
and out of date, and they think it important to have a new building.* In
my view you can show favour to their request, for there will be 2
money to finance it. In the first place, there are the sums which I have
already begun to recover and to exact from private citizens, and
secondly, amounts which they habitually expend on olive oil they are
ready to contribute towards the building of the baths. In general, both
the prestige of the town and the splendour of your reign make this
demand.

24 Trajan to Pliny
late 110 (?109)
If the construction of the new baths is not going to impose a burden on
the resources of the Prusians, we can grant this request, so long as no
levy is imposed on them for that purpose, and that they do not have
levy is imposed on them for that purpose, and that they do not have
fewer resources available for necessary expenditure in the future.

Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110 (?109)
My deputy, Servilius Pudens,* arrived at Nicomedia on 24 November,
my lord, thus freeing me from the anxiety caused by the lengthy wait.

26 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110—early 111 (?109–10)
Your kindnesses bestowed on me, my lord, have united Rosianus 1
Geminus* with me in the closest bond of friendship, for I had him as
quaestor in my consulship. I found him most attentive to me, and after
my consulship he has shown me the same degree of respect, and he has
enhanced the allegiance of his official relationship by informal gestures
of service. So I am requesting your personal 2
indulgence that you should take to your heart his high status. You will
also, if you repose any trust in me, grant him your favour. He himself
will ensure, in the tasks which you enjoin on him, that he is deserving of
greater things. What makes me less effusive in praise of him is my hope
that his sincerity, honesty, and hard work are abundantly known to you,
not only from the offices which he has held in the city before your eyes,
but also from his military service with you in the field.
This one request, which because of my affection for you I do not 3
yet seem to have made in sufficient fullness, I make again and again, and
I beg you, my lord, to assent at the earliest possible moment to my joy at
the illustrious standing of my quaestor, which through him affects my
own.
27 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan
late 110 (?109)
Your freedman and procurator Maximus, my lord, maintains that in
addition to the ten first-class private soldiers which you ordered me to
allocate to the excellent Gemellinus,* he needs six soldiers more. I
thought that for the moment those soldiers should be left in his retinue
as I had found them, especially as he was journeying to Paphlagonia to
obtain grain.* I had in fact at his request given him two cavalrymen in
addition as bodyguards. Please let me know what procedure you wish to
maintain in future.

28Trajan to Pliny
late 110 (?109)
You acted rightly in equipping my freedman Maximus with troops, as he
was setting out at the time to collect grain, for he was undertaking a
special mission. When he returns to his former activity, the two soldiers
you have assigned to him will be enough for him, together with the
same number supplied by my procurator Virdius Gemellinus, whose
assistant he is.

29 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110 (?109)
Sempronius Caelianus,* an outstanding young man, has discovered 1
and sent to me two slaves who were among the new recruits. I have
postponed punishing them until I could consult you about the nature of
the punishment, for you are the one who established the military
discipline we uphold. I am hesitant chiefly because, though 2
they had already taken the oath, they had not yet been allocated among
the units. Please write, my lord, to tell me what course I must follow,
the units. Please write, my lord, to tell me what course I must follow,
especially since this involves a precedent.

30 Trajan to Pliny
late 110
Sempronius Caelianus acted in accordance with my instructions by 1
sending to you those who must be subject to a formal inquiry to decide
whether they appear to have deserved the death penalty. It makes a
difference whether they volunteered, or whether they were conscripted,
or were provided as substitutes. If they were 2
conscripted, the scrutiny at recruitment was at fault. If they were
supplied as substitutes, the blame lies with those who supplied them. If
they volunteered in full knowledge of their status, they are to be
executed. It does not make much difference that they had not been
allocated among the units, for the day on which they first passed muster
was the time when truth of their origin was demanded of them.

31 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110
Saving your eminence, my lord, you must condescend to confront 1
my worries, since you have given me the right to refer to you issues on
which I was doubtful. In most cities, and notably at Nicomedia 2
and Nicaea, certain men who had been condemned to forced labour, or
to the arena and to punishments similar to these,* are performing the
duties and functions of public slaves, even to the point of drawing the
yearly emolument of the public slave. On being apprised of this, I
pondered long and hard about what I should do, for I thought 3
it extremely harsh after such a long interval to return them to their
it extremely harsh after such a long interval to return them to their
punitive status, when several of them were now old, and by all accounts
were living frugal and moderate lives. Yet I thought it insufficiently
fitting to keep condemned men engaged on public projects. On the other
hand, I considered it inexpedient to feed them at public expense for
doing nothing, while not to feed them was also dangerous. Of necessity
therefore I have left the whole issue hanging 4
until I could consult you. Perhaps you will ask how it came about that
they were released from the punishment to which they had been
condemned. I too made enquiries, but discovered nothing to enable me
to make a firm declaration. Though the decrees by which they had been
condemned were adduced, there were no proofs which could established
that they were freed. There were, however, some 5
who spoke up, entering pleas for them, that they had been released by
orders of proconsuls or their deputies. What lent substance to this claim
was that it was credible that no one had dared to maintain this without
authority.

32 Trajan to Pliny
late 110 (?109)
We are to remember that you were sent to this province of yours 1
because many things appeared in need of improvement. What will stand
especially in need of correction is the fact that those condemned to
punishment were not merely, as you write, freed without authority, but
are also enrolled in the status of responsible officials.*
Accordingly, those who have been condemned within the past ten 2
years and and have not been released by any appropriate authority must
be returned to continue their sentences. Any of more advanced years,
be returned to continue their sentences. Any of more advanced years,
and the elderly who are found to have been condemned more than ten
years ago, are to be spread among duties not much different from the
punishment earlier prescribed. Such slaves are usually assigned to the
baths, or to clearing the sewers, or again, to laying roads and streets.

33 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 110 (?109)
As I was touring round a different area of the province, a massive fire 1
at Nicomedia burnt down many dwellings of private citizens and two
public buildings, the Gerousia and the temple of Isis,* in spite of the
road lying between them. The fire spread quite extensively, in the 2
first place because of the violence of the wind, and secondly because of
the inactivity of the people. It is clear that they stood idly by
throughout, taking no action as they watched the disastrous event. In
general, there was no state provision of a pump or bucket or in short any
means of controlling fires. I have now given instructions, and these
things will be made available. But you, my lord, must consider 3
whether you think that an association of firemen* should be established,
confined to a total of 150. I shall ensure that firemen only are enrolled,
and that they do not exploit the rights they are granted for any other
purpose. It will not be difficult to control such a small number.

34 Trajan to Pliny
late 110 (?109)
Following the precedent of several others, you have in mind the 1
possibility that an association of firemen should be set up among the
citizens of Nicomedia. But we are to remember that the province, and
citizens of Nicomedia. But we are to remember that the province, and
notably these cities, have suffered disturbances through factions of this
kind. Whatever title and for whatever reason we bestow on those who
join together for the same purpose, they will become 2
cabals, and that within a short time. So it is better to make provision for
the equipment which can be of help in controlling fires, and to advise
owners of properties both to make use of this themselves, and if the
situation demands it, to deploy for this purpose the bystanders who
assemble there.

35 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 111 (?110)
My lord, we have both organized and discharged the vows for your well-
being,* by which the safety of the state is preserved. We have prayed to
the gods that these vows will be for ever discharged and for ever
fulfilled.

36 Trajan to Pliny
early 111 (?110)
My fondest Secundus, I have learnt with pleasure from your letter that
you and the provincials have discharged and pronounced the vows for
my safety and well-being.

37 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 111 (?110)
The citizens of Nicomedia, my lord, have spent 3,318,000 sesterces 1
on an aqueduct.* It was abandoned before it was completed, and also
demolished; 200,000 sesterces were then contributed towards another
aqueduct, but this too was abandoned. Hence there is need of a fresh
contribution so that the citizens who have disastrously squandered all
that money may obtain water. I have myself visited the source 2
from which the purest water should apparently be drawn. This was
attempted on that first occasion. An arched structure was built so that
the water would reach not merely the level and the low-lying areas of
the city. Arches, though very few, are still in place, and some can be
erected from the dressed stone removed from the previous structure. In
my view some part of it should be fashioned from brickwork, an easier
and cheaper process. But what is above all 3
necessary is that you send out a water-engineer or an architect so that
there may be no repetition of the previous occurrence. The one point I
emphasize is that the usefulness and beauty of the structure are to be
worthy of your reign.

38Trajan to Pliny
early 111 (?110)
Every effort must be made to have water brought to the city of
Nicomedia, and indeed I am sure that you will tackle the project with
the necessary application. But for heaven’s sake, it is up to you to make
careful enquiry on whose fault it is that the citizens of Nicomedia have
wasted so much money up to now. One fears that people were doing
each other favours when they began work on the aqueducts and then
abandoned them. So let me know your findings.

39 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

January 111 (?110)
My lord, the theatre at Nicaea,* which is well on the way to completion 1

but remains unfinished, has sucked in more than million sesterces; this is
but remains unfinished, has sucked in more than million sesterces; this is
what I am told, for the calculation of the cost of the work has not been
examined. But I fear that it is all in vain, for it is 2
subsiding with huge cracks and holes, whether because the soil beneath
is wet and yielding, or because the stone itself is porous and crumbling.
It is at any rate worth pondering whether it should be completed or
abandoned or even destroyed, for the props and bases on which it is
supported below appear to me to be not as solid as the expense
indicated. Many additional features in the theatre—for 3
example, halls on each side, and a colonnade above the auditorium —
are promised by private individuals and are still due to be built, but they
are now all postponed since the theatre which is to be finished first is
not forthcoming. The Nicaeans have also begun to restore a 4
gymnasium,* which was destroyed by fire before my arrival, on a far
more ambitious and extensive scale than its predecessor, and they have
already contributed a considerable sum towards it. But the danger is that
their money may be wasted, for the building is badly arranged and
scattered; moreover, an architect (doubtless a rival of the one who made
a start on the building) maintains that the walls though feet thick are
unable to bear the weight placed on them because they are centred on
rubble within, and are not faced with brick.
The inhabitants of Claudiopolis* are also at work on a huge baths, 5
but they are excavating rather than building it, for it lies on a hollow
site overhung by a mountain. The cost is being borne by those
councillors who owing to your kindness were additionally appointed.
They have already on their appointment disbursed the money, or they
will make their contribution when we demand it. Accordingly, 6
since I fear that in the first building the money of the community, and in
the second your generosity, which is more precious that any money, is
being wasted, I am compelled to ask you to send out an architect not
only for the theatre, but also for the baths. He would consider whether it
is more useful, in view of the outlays already made, to complete the
work somehow or other in the way it has been begun, or to make the
adjustments that appear necessary to be made, and to transfer to other
sites what needs to be moved, in case in seeking to save the money
which has been spent we spend badly the additional sums necessary.

40 Trajan to Pliny
January 111 (?110)
At the present juncture you must best ponder and decide what must 1
be done about the theatre begun at Nicaea. It will be enough for me to
be told of the decision which you have reached. You must then exact
from private citizens the additional buildings, once the theatre which
prompted their promises is completed. The wretched Greeks* 2
are addicted to gymnasia, so perhaps this is why the citizens of Nicaea
are tackling one with greater zest. But they must remain content with a
building which can meet their basic needs.
As for the advice to be given to the citizens of Claudiopolis, in 3
connection with the baths which you state have been mounted on an
unsuitable site, you must decide. You can have no shortage of
architects,* for no province is without experienced and clever
individuals. Do not imagine that dispatching one from Rome is quicker;
all architects usually hail from Greece to us as well.

41 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

January 111 (?110)
As I contemplate the greatness of both your position and your cast of 1
mind, it seems to me most appropriate that buildings should be shown to
be worthy of your personal fame no less than of your glory and that they
should be as useful as they are beautiful.
In the territory of Nicomedia there is an extensive lake.* Marble, 2
agricultural produce, logs, and timber are transported by ship across it to
the highway* at little cost and labour, but then with great toil and
greater expense on carts to the sea. The operation demands many hands,
and indeed these are not lacking, for there are large resources of men in
the countryside and a huge number in the city, and there is a sure
expectation that they will gladly undertake a project which will be
advantageous to all. It remains for you to dispatch a surveyor 3
or architect, if you are agreeable, to study carefully whether the lake lies
higher than the sea. The draughtsmen in this area maintain that it is 40
cubits* above sea level. I have discovered that a canal 4
was cut through the same region by a king,* but it is uncertain whether
this was to drain the water from the fields around or to join the lake to
the river, for it has been left unfinished. It is likewise uncertain whether
the king’s life was cut short or whether they lost hope in the success of
the project. You must bear with my eagerness 5
to promote your glory, but what inspires and fires me in this is my desire
that you complete what kings had merely begun.
42 Trajan to Pliny
January 111 (?110)
The lake you mention can inspire us to join it to the sea, but obviously a
careful study must be made at least of the volume of water, and the
sources from which it comes, in case when it is released into the sea the
lake drains away completely. You will be able to ask Calpurnius Macer*
for a surveyor, and I shall send out from here to you some expert* in
operations of this kind.

43 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

January 111 (?110)
As I was reviewing, my lord, the very considerable expenditure of 1
the state of Byzantium,* it was pointed out to me that a delegate is sent
every year with a decree to greet you, and he is given 12,000 sesterces.
So, being mindful of your policy, I considered that the 2
delegate could be withdrawn but that the decree could be forwarded.
Thus the cost would be relieved, and the duty of the state fulfilled. This
state has also been charged 3,000 sesterces, which under the 3
heading of travelling-expenses were given annually to the delegate who
goes to pronounce the state’s greeting to the governor of Moesia.* My
view was that this payment should be abolished in future. I ask, my lord,
that you communicate your views, and deign 4
either to approve my plan or to correct my error.

44 Trajan to Pliny
early 111 (?110)
My fondest Secundus, you were perfectly correct in relieving the
Byzantines of the 12,000 sesterces spent on the delegate to greet me.
Byzantines of the 12,000 sesterces spent on the delegate to greet me.
They will perform this role even if the decree alone is sent through you.
The governor of Moesia will likewise excuse them if they honour him
less expensively.

45 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

January 111 (?110)
Please write, my lord, and remove my doubts about whether you wish
travel passes,* the date of which has expired, to be honoured in any
way, and for how long. My fear is that through ignorance I may slip up
one way or the other, and either approve what is unlawful or hinder
what is essential.

46 Trajan to Pliny
January 111 (?110)
Travel passes which are out of date ought not to be used. Hence one of
the first rules I impose upon myself is to send new passes throughout all
the provinces before they can possibly be needed.

47 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

January 111 (?110)
My lord, when I sought to investigate at Apamea* the state debtors, 1
the revenue, and the expenditures, I was given the reply that the whole
citizen body was eager for me to scrutinize the accounts of the colony,
but that they had never been scrutinized by any of the proconsuls, for
they had the privilege and long-standing custom of administering the
state at their own discretion. I demanded that the 2
claims and the decrees they quoted be embraced in a memorandum
which I have forwarded to you in the form in which I received it, though
I realized that several items in it did not relate to the matter under
I realized that several items in it did not relate to the matter under
investigation. So I am asking you to deign to guide me about 3
the procedure which you think I should follow, for my fear is that I may
seem to have either gone beyond the role of my office, or not to have
fulfilled it.

48 Trajan to Pliny
January 111 (?110)
The memorandum of the Apameans which you appended to your 1
letter has freed me from the need to weigh the motives on account of
which they wish it to appear that those who governed the province
refrained from investigation of their accounts, whereas they did not
refuse to allow you to inspect them. Their worthy attitude is therefore 2

to be rewarded by now informing them that the investigation you are

about to make you will carry out in accordance with my wish, and
without prejudice to the privileges which they possess.

49 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

January 111 (?110)
Before I came here, my lord, the citizens of Nicomedia began to add 1
a new forum to the earlier one, in the corner of which is a shrine of
great antiquity dedicated to the Great Mother.* It must either be
restored or moved to another site, especially as it stands at a much lower
level than the building which is rising at this very moment. When I
enquired whether any charter had been laid down for the 2
temple, I discovered that the local form of dedication is different from
ours. So, my lord, decide whether you think that a shrine for which no
charter has been established can be moved to another site, for otherwise
charter has been established can be moved to another site, for otherwise
this solution is the most practicable if there is no religious impediment.

50 Trajan to Pliny
January 111 (?110)
Secundus my dearest friend, you can transfer the temple of the Mother
of the Gods to a more appropriate site without any religious scruple, if
the situation of the present site seems to demand this. The fact that no
charter of dedication is found should not give you pause, since a site in a
foreign city does not qualify for the dedication which takes place under
our religious law.

51 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 111 (?110)
My lord, I find it hard to express my great happiness at your 1
arranging for my mother-in-law* and myself the transfer of her relative
Caelius Clemens* to this province. This gesture gives me a 2
further deep awareness of such abundant kindness. I do not even
presume to offer you like gratitude in return, however able I could be to
do so, so I take refuge in prayers, begging the gods that I may be thought
not unworthy of the gifts you so regularly bestow on me.

52 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 111 (?110)
My lord we have celebrated with the joy you merit the day on which
you have preserved the empire by shouldering it. We have begged the
gods to keep you safe and well for the benefit of the human race, whose
protection and security have rested on your safety. We have led our
fellow soldiers too in the declaration of the oath* in the formal manner,
and the provincials vied with them in swearing with the same devotion.

53 Trajan to Pliny
February 111 (?110)
My dearest friend Secundus, it was with pleasure that I learnt from your
letter of the abundant devotion and happiness with which our fellow
soldiers and the provincials followed you in celebrating the first day of
my rule.

54 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early–mid-111 (?110)
Public moneys, my lord, through your foresight and my handling 1
have already been and are still being levied, but I am fearful that they lie
unused;* for there is no opportunity, or only a most occasional one, of
purchasing estates, and none are found willing to become debtors to the
state, especially at the rate of twelve per cent, the rate at which they
borrow from private individuals. So, my lord, consider whether 2
you think that this rate of interest should be lowered, and suitable
debtors enticed by this means, and if even so debtors are not found,
whether money should be allotted among the city-councillors, specifying
that they safeguard the welfare of the state. Even if they are unwilling
and reluctant, this will be less burdensome if a lower rate of interest is
established.

55Trajan to Pliny
early–mid-111 (?110)
I too visualize no remedy, my dearest Secundus, other than that the level
of interest should be lowered, so that the public money can be more
easily lent out. You must decide on the level, depending on the resources
of those who will borrow. It is not in accord with the justice of our times
of those who will borrow. It is not in accord with the justice of our times
to force men to borrow if they are unwilling, when perhaps the money
will remain unused in their hands.

56 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early or mid-111 (?110)
I thank you profusely, my lord, for when you are preoccupied with 1
the greatest issues of state, you deign to guide me also on matters on
which I have consulted you. I am asking you to do this now as well. A
certain individual has approached me with the information that 2
enemies of his who had been banished by Servilius Calvus,* a man of
great renown, for three years, were still lingering in the province. They
countered by maintaining that the same governor had restored them,
and they read out his edict. This is why I thought it necessary to refer
the issue to you from the beginning. Your instructions specify 3
that I am not to restore men who have been banished by another or by
myself, but no provision is included for those who have been both
banished and restored by another.
This is why, my lord, I had to consult you on the attitude which you
wish me to maintain, and likewise indeed about those who have been
banished for life and not restored, but are arrested in the province; for
this type of case too has come to me for a decision, since one 4
who had been banished for life by the proconsul Julius Bassus* has been
brought before me. I knew that the decisions of Bassus had been
revoked, and that the Senate had granted the right of a fresh trial to all
who had been subject to his decisions, provided that it took place within
two years. I questioned the man whom Bassus had banished, and asked
him whether he had approached and informed the proconsul. He said
that he had not. This was what made me 5
consult you on whether he should be returned to continue his sentence,
or a more severe one, and above all what penalty would in your view be
prescribed against this man and any others whom we happen to
encounter in the same situation. I have appended to this letter Calvus’
decision and edict, and also the decision of Bassus.

57Trajan to Pliny
early or mid-111 (?110)
The decision to be reached in the case of those banished for three 1
years by the proconsul Servilius Calvus, who were later restored by
Calvus’ edict and have remained in the province, I will very soon
communicate to you once I have elicited from Calvus the reasons for his
action. The man who was banished for life by Julius Bassus, and 2
has had the opportunity for two years to appeal if he thinks he was
banished unjustly, and has refrained from doing so, continuing to linger
in the province, must be put in chains and sent to the prefects of my
praetorian guard, for it is not enough to send him back to continue his
sentence, since he has made a mockery of it by his insolence.

58 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early or mid-111 (?110)
As I was about to convene the court and was naming the jurymen, 1
Flavius Archippus* began to plead exemption on the grounds of being a
philosopher. Some persons claimed that he should not be 2
relieved of the duty to serve on the jury, but struck off entirely from the
relieved of the duty to serve on the jury, but struck off entirely from the
roll of jurymen and restored to the punishment from which he had
escaped by breaking his bonds. The sentence of the proconsul 3
Velius Paulus* was read out, and established that Archippus had been
convicted of forgery and condemned to the mines. He produced nothing
to demonstrate that he had been restored, but in support of that
restoration he presented a document which he had sent to Domitian,
together with letters from Domitian attesting his distinction, and also a
decree of the Prusans. He also submitted a letter sent to him by yourself,
and an edict and letter from your father by which he gave proof of the
benefits bestowed by Domitian. Therefore, though such serious charges
were levelled against this 4
person, I thought that no decision should be reached until I consulted
you on this matter which I thought worthy of your decision. I have
attached to this letter the documents read out on both sides.

Letter of Domitian to Terentius Maximus

The philosopher Flavius Archippus has obtained from me his request

that 5
I should command that an estate of value about 100,000 sesterces should
be bought for him in the vicinity of Prusa, his native city, so that the
rental from it can support his family. I want this to be given to him. You
must charge the entire cost to my generosity.

Letter of Domitian to Lappius Maximus*

My dear Maximus, please regard the philosopher Archippus, a sound 6
man whose character is at one with his profession, as one recommended
by me. Accord him full kindness in the matters which he will
respectfully request of you.

Edict of the deified Nerva

Undoubtedly, citizens, the very happiness of this era legislates on some 7

matters, and the proclamation of a good emperor is not to be awaited on

those issues to which it is enough that he be understood; for the
approval of my fellow citizens can guarantee even without prompting
that I have put the general safety of all before my own peace of mind, so
as to bestow fresh kindnesses and to preserve those granted before me.
But, to 8
ensure that the diffidence of those who have obtained favours, or the
recollection of him who bestowed them, does not cause uncertainty amid
the public rejoicing, I have believed it to be as essential as pleasurable to
confront those doubters with my generosity. I do not wish anyone to 9
imagine that what he obtained privately or publicly from another
emperor is rescinded by me, so that at any rate he owes the favour to me
instead. Those favours are to be ratified and secure, nor should anyone
in gratitude require to renew his pleas if the imperial destiny has shown
him a more benign face. They must allow me to have free scope for fresh
favours, and they are to know that they need plead only for things which
they do not possess.
they do not possess.

Letter of Nerva to Tullius Justus*

Since the disposition of all things begun and completed in earlier days 10
is

to be respected, we must abide also by the letters of Domitian.

59 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early or mid-111 (?110)
Flavius Archippus, invoking your health and eternal majesty, asks me to
dispatch to you the letter which he entrusted to me. The manner of his
request made me believe that I should accede to it, on condition that I
informed the woman who was his accuser. I have received a
memorandum from her as well, and have attached it to these letters, so
that having heard, so to say, from both sides you may consider what
decision you think we should reach.

60 Trajan to Pliny
early or mid-111 (?110)
Domitian could indeed have been unaware* of Archippus’ situation 1
when he wrote at such length about his distinction. But it is more in
keeping with my nature to believe that his situation was aided by the
emperor’s intervention, especially as the honour of having statues raised
to him was so often decreed by those who were well aware of the
judgement pronounced against him by the proconsul Paulus. But, my
fondest Secundus, these considerations do not lead to the 2
conclusion that if any new charge is laid against him, you should
consider that less notice should be paid to it. I have read the memoranda
of his accuser Furia Prima and of Archippus himself which you attached
to your second letter.
to your second letter.

61 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

autumn 111 (?110)
My lord, you most prudently express the fear that if the lake were 1
joined to the river and thus to the sea, it would drain away. But here on
the spot I seem to have found a solution to confront this danger. The
lake can be linked to the river by a canal without its being 2
discharged into the river; a bank, so to say, can be left to contain it and
keep it separate. In this way we shall succeed in preventing the lake
being drained by mingling with the river, yet the outcome will be as if it
were mingled. For it will be easy to convey loads over that very narrow
strip of earth lying between, by means of the canal, and in this way to
transfer them to the river.
This will be the solution if we are driven to it, which I hope will 3
not be the case. For the lake is fairly deep, and pours out into a river on
the other side. If it is closed off on that side and diverted to where we
want it, it will discharge the same amount of water as it now bears away
without loss to the lake. Moreover, rivulets develop over that area
through which the canal is to be dug; if these are carefully combined,
they will increase the amount of water discharged by the 4
lake. Indeed, if it is decided to prolong the canal, to drive it deeper, and
thus to make it level with the sea, so that the water is discharged not
into the river but into the sea itself, the counter-pressure of the sea will
preserve and repress the water from the lake. If the nature of the site
does not allow us any of these plans, it would still be possible to control
the water-flow by means of sluice-gates.*
However, the surveyor whom you must obviously send out, my 5
lord, as you promise, will research these and other problems much more
knowledgeably, for this project is worthy of both your greatness and
your interest. In the meantime I have written as you recommend to
Calpurnius Macer,* that man of great distinction, asking him to send the
most suitable surveyor possible.

62 Trajan to Pliny
mid-111 (?110)
My fondest Secundus, it is clear that you have lacked neither practical
wisdom nor thoroughness in regard to that lake of yours, since you have
so many projected plans to ensure that there is no danger of its being
drained, and so that it may be more useful to us in future. So choose the
plan which the situation itself especially recommends. I believe that
Calpurnius Macer will ensure that he provides you with a surveyor, and
these provinces of yours are not short of such craftsmen.

63 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
Your freedman Lycormas, my lord, has written to say, if any delegation
from the Bosporus arrives on its way to Rome, that it should be detained
until his arrival. In fact, no embassy has come as yet, at least to the city
where I am now, but a courier from king Sauromates* has arrived. I
have exploited this chance opportunity in the belief that I must send him
with the courier who has preceded Lycormas on his journey, so that you
could ascertain equally from Lycormas and from the king’s letter
anything which perhaps you ought to ascertain from both.
64 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan
mid-111 (?110)
King Sauromates has written to me that there are some matters which
you ought to know as early as possible. For this reason I have
accelerated the speed of the courier, whom I have dispatched to you
with the letters, by affording him a travel pass.*

65 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
My lord, there is an important issue affecting the whole province 1
which concerns the status and rearing of those they call ‘foster-
children’.* Having listened to pronouncements of emperors on 2
this subject and having found nothing specific or general referring to the
Bithynians, I thought that I must consult you on what procedure you
wish to have followed in this matter. I did not think that I could be
satisfied with precedents in an issue which demanded your authority.
There was in fact an edict read out before me which was 3
relevant to Achaia and was said to have been issued by the deified
Augustus. Also read out were letters from the deified Vespasian to the
Spartans, and from the deified Titus likewise to the Spartans and to the
Achaians; and from Domitian to the proconsuls Avidius Nigrinus and
Armenius Brocchus,* and also to the Spartans. I have not sent these
copies to you because they seemed to me both uncorrected and in some
cases of dubious authority, and also because I believed that the true and
corrected versions are in your archives.

66 Trajan to Pliny
mid-111 (?110)
The issue which you raise relating to freeborn infants exposed and 1
then rescued by certain individuals, and brought up as slaves, has often
been discussed, but in the diaries of emperors preceding me no entry has
been found which was directed at all provinces. True, 2
there are letters from Domitian to Avidius Nigrinus and Armenius
Brocchus, which ought to be applicable, but Bithynia is not in the
provinces which his replies specified. Therefore my view is that
applications are not to be rejected in the case of those who claim
freedom on such grounds, and freedom should not have to be purchased
by payment for their rearing.

67 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
After the ambassador from king Sauromates* had lodged for two 1
days at Nicaea, where he had found me, I did not think, my lord, that he
need remain longer. My first reason was that it was still uncertain when
your freedman Lycormas would arrive, and my second was that, as my
duties demanded, I was on the point of setting out to 2
a different region of the province. I thought that I would bring this to
your notice, because I had only recently written to say that Lycormas
had asked me to detain any embassy which might come from Bosporus
until his arrival. No persuasive reason for doing this any longer occurred
to me, especially since the letters of Lycormas, which as I previously
mentioned to you I did not wish to hold back, were likely to arrive from
here some days before the ambassador.
68 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan
September 111 (?110)
Some persons have asked my permission, following the precedent of
previous proconsuls, to transfer the remains of their kin* to some other
site because of the damage attributable to long years of river-flooding, or
for particular reasons. I was aware that at Rome the college of pontiffs is
usually approached on matters of this kind, so I thought that I should
consult you, my lord, since you are the chief priest, for the procedure
which you would like me to follow.

69 Trajan to Pliny
September 111 (?110)
To impose on provincials the requirement that they approach the
pontiffs if they seek to remove the remains of their relatives from one
site to another, for one or other appropriate reason, would be harsh. So
instead you are to follow the precedents set by those who governed the
province earlier, and to grant or reject each application according to its
merits.

70 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

September 111 (?110)
My lord, in the course of examining where the baths at Prusa,* which 1
you kindly allowed to be built, should stand, a site recommended itself
on which stood a house which my information tells me was once
beautiful but is now an unsightly ruin. If we follow this course, we shall
achieve the beautification of a most unsightly aspect of the city;
moreover, we shall ensure that the city itself will be splendidly improved
without the destruction of any buildings, while those that are
tumbledown with age will be developed for the better.
 The situation concerning the house is this. Claudius Polyaenus 2
had bequeathed it to Claudius Caesar with the instruction that a shrine
to him be erected in the peristyle, and the other parts of the house to be
let. For some time the city obtained rent for it, but gradually thereafter,
partly by looting and partly by neglect, the whole house including the
peristyle fell down, so that now scarcely anything but the ground
survives. If you, my lord, either present the site to the city, or order it to
be sold, the city will regard it as a most generous gift since its position is
so convenient.
I myself have it in mind, if you are agreeable, to locate the 3
baths on an open area, and to enclose with a recess and porticoes the
place where the buildings stood, and to dedicate them to you. Thus by
your kindness a handsome building will rise which is worthy of your
name. I have sent you a copy of the will (though it is defective) from
which you will gather that Polyaenus bequeathed many objects to
enhance the beauty of the house. Like the house itself, they have
vanished, but I shall search them out as best I can.

71 Trajan to Pliny
mid-September 111 (?110)
We can exploit that open area at Prusa with the house that has fallen
down, for you say that it is unoccupied, in order to build the baths. But
you did not indicate clearly enough whether the shrine to Claudius had
been raised in the peristyle, for if it had been completed, even if it has
fallen down, its religious aura has taken possession of the ground.

72 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-September 111 (?110)
Certain persons have asked that I adjudicate on the acknowledgement of
children and the restoration of their freeborn status,* in accordance with
the letter of Domitian to Minicius Rufus and the precedents set by
proconsuls. So I have examined the senatorial decree relevant to the
same type of case. It discusses only those provinces which have
proconsuls as governors. Accordingly, I have deferred a decision on the
whole matter until you issue instructions on the procedure which you
want me to follow.

73 Trajan to Pliny
mid-September 111(?110)
If you send me the senatorial decree which has raised your doubts, I
shall assess whether you should adjudicate on the acknowledgement of
children and the restoration of their freeborn status.

74 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-September 111 (?110)
Appuleius, my lord, is a soldier stationed at Nicomedia. He has 1
written to me about a man called Callidromus.* When he was being kept
in close confinement by the bakers Maximus and Dionysius, to whom he
had rented out his services, he took refuge with your statue, and when
haled before the magistrates he revealed that some time earlier he had
been a slave to Laberius Maximus, that he was captured by Susagus in
Moesia, and was sent by Decibalus as a gift to Pacorus, king of Parthia,
but after serving him for many years he had then fled and had reached
Nicomedia.
When he was brought before me and he told me the same story, 2
I thought that he should be sent to you. This I did after a little delay in
which I searched for a jewel which he stated was inscribed with a
which I searched for a jewel which he stated was inscribed with a
portrait of Pacorus, together with his embellishments, and which had
been taken from him. For I wished to send the jewel as well if it could be
found, at the same time, together with a small lump of ore which he said
he had brought from a Parthian mine. It has been stamped with my ring,
the device on which is a four-horse chariot.

75 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
A Julius Largus from Pontus, my lord, whom I have not yet seen, or 1
even heard of previously, has entrusted to me (he was doubtless relying
on your judgement of me), the handling and management of 2
an act of devotion towards you. In his will he has asked that I acquaint
myself with and take cognizance of his estate, and then, after excluding
the first 50,000 sesterces, that I allocate all the rest to the cities of
Heraclea and Tium,* in such a way that it would be my decision
whether I consider that buildings dedicated to your honour should be
erected, or quinquennial games established to be called Trajanic. I
thought that I should bring this to your notice so that you could ponder
which I ought to choose.

76 Trajan to Pliny
mid-111 (?110)
Julius Largus opted for your reliability as if he knew you well. So you
yourself must consider what will best guarantee his enduring memory in
accordance with the situation in each of the two places, and follow
through the plan you think best.
77 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan
mid-111 (?110)
It was with the greatest prudence, my lord, that you ordered that 1
most distinguished man Calpurnius Macer* to dispatch a legionary
centurion to Byzantium. Consider whether you think that the interests 2

of the city of Juliopolis* should likewise be consulted by a similar plan,

for though the city is tiny, it shoulders the greatest burdens, and endures
injuries the heavier because of its greater weakness. Whatever assistance
you provide to the people of Juliopolis will 3
also benefit the whole province, since the city lies at the extremity of
Bithynia, and provides a passage for very many journeying through it.

78 Trajan to Pliny
mid-111 (?110)
The situation of the city of Byzantium, into which a horde of travellers 1

pours from every side, is such that we considered that we should consult
the interests of the magistrates, following the practice of previous
periods, by providing the protection of a legionary centurion. If we
decide that the citizens of Juliopolis should be aided in the 2
same way, we shall burden ourselves with a precedent, for the weaker
the cities are, the greater the number which will seek the same privilege.
I have such confidence in your careful administration that I believe you
will employ every means to ensure that they are not exposed to injuries.
But if any persons act in contravention of my 3
discipline, they are to be forcibly restrained at once. If their crimes have
been too excessive to be punished on the spot, should they be soldiers
you must inform their commanders that you have arrested them, or if
they are on their way back to Rome, you must inform me by letter.

79 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
My lord, the Pompeian law* addressed to the Bithynians excluded 1
from tenure of a magistracy or from membership of the senate anyone
under thirty years old, The same law included the stipulation that those
who held a magistracy should be members of the senate. There next
followed an edict of the deified Augustus which 2
allowed tenure of lesser magistracies from the age of twenty-two. So 3
the question arises whether a person less than thirty years old who has
held a magistracy can be enrolled by the censors into the senate, and, if
that is possible, whether those who have not held a magistracy can also
by the same interpretation be enrolled as senators from that age at
which they were allowed to become magistrates. This has been the
general practice up to now, and is said to be essential because it is a
good deal better that sons of honourable men be admitted to their senate
than commoners. When I was asked by 4
the censors-elect for my view, I considered that men under thirty who
had held a magistracy could certainly be enrolled in the senate, both
according to the edict of Augustus and according to the Pompeian law,
for Augustus had allowed men less than thirty to hold magistracies, and
the law allowed anyone who had held a magistracy to be a senator. But
as for those who had not held magistracies, 5
though they were of the same age as those permitted to hold them, I was
though they were of the same age as those permitted to hold them, I was
in doubt, and this is why the outcome was that I should consult you my
lord, about the procedure which you wish to be followed. I have
appended to my letter the chapters of the law and the edict of Augustus.

80 Trajan to Pliny
mid-111 (?110)
I agree with your interpretation, my fondest Secundus, that the
Pompeian law was amended by the edict of Augustus, to the extent that
those of no less than twenty-two years could hold a magistracy, and that
those who had held a magistracy could enter the senate of each city. But
those of less than thirty who have not held a magistracy cannot in my
view be enrolled in the senate of each region merely because they are
eligible to hold a magistracy.

81 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
My lord, I was at Prusa near Olympus, and on the day I was to leave I 1

was free to deal with public issues in my private lodging. The magistrate
Asclepiades informed me that a Claudius Eumolpus had appealed to me.
When Cocceianus Dio* in council sought to have a holding in his charge
assigned to the city, Eumolpus, acting on behalf of Flavius Archippus,
said that the financial accounts of the building should be demanded
from Dio before it could be consigned to the state, because Dio’s
administration had been improper. He 2
further added that your statue had been placed in the same building
together with the bodies of Dio’s wife and son, which were buried there;
and he demanded that I should judge the case before the tribunal. When
I said that I would do this at once, postponing my
I said that I would do this at once, postponing my 3
departure, he asked me to allow him a longer period to prepare his case,
and to adjudge the case in another city. I replied that I would hold the
hearing at Nicaea.
When I had taken my seat to judge the case, the said Eumolpus 4
began to request a postponement on the grounds that he was
insufficiently prepared, but Dio on the other hand began to demand that
the case be heard. Many statements were made on both sides, some 5
of further relevance to the case. After deciding that a postponement
should be granted, and that you should be consulted since the case
raised a precedent, I instructed both parties to provide details of their
allegations, for I wanted you to ascertain their submissions in their
precise words. Dio said that he would comply; Eumolpus 6
replied that he would include in his submission his demands on behalf of
the state, but so far as the buried bodies were concerned he was not the
plaintiff, but the advocate of Flavius Archippus, whose instructions he
had fulfilled. Archippus, for whom Eumolpus was acting as advocate as
at Prusa, agreed to provide a submission. But neither Eumolpus nor
Archippus have as yet provided me with their submissions, though I
have awaited them for innumerable days. Dio has provided his, and I
have attached it to this letter. I have been 7
there on the spot, and have also seen your statue in position in the
library, and the place where the son and wife of Dio are said to have
been buried; it lies in an open area enclosed by colonnades. I am 8
requesting you, my lord, to deign to guide me in this type of
requesting you, my lord, to deign to guide me in this type of
adjudication, for there is in general great anticipation concerning it, as is
inevitable in a matter openly admitted and defended by precedents.

82 Trajan to Pliny
mid-111 (?110)
My fondest Secundus, you could have entertained no doubt on this 1
issue on which you thought I should be consulted, since you were fully
aware of my decision not to gain respect for my name through men’s
apprehension or terror, or through charges of treason. So the 2
inquiry is to be abandoned, for I would not allow it even if it were
supported by precedents. The financial accounts of the whole building
which was managed under the administration of Cocceianus Dio must be
scrutinized, since the welfare of the city demands it, and Dio does not
and should not oppose it.

83 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
My lord, since I was requested by the citizens of Nicaea speaking for the
city, in the name of what is and ought to be most sacred to me, in other
words your eternal glory and safety, to communicate to you their
entreaties,* I thought it impious to refuse, so I have appended to this
letter the document which I have received from them.

84 Trajan to Pliny
mid-111 (?110)
You will have to direct your attention to the citizens of Nicaea, who
maintain that their claim on the property of their fellow citizens who
have died intestate was granted by the deified Augustus. So you must
assemble all individuals affected by this issue, and bring in Virdius
Gemellinus* and my freedman Epimachus the procurators, so that after
taking into account the arguments against the proposal, you may
together decide on what you regard as the best solution.

85 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
My lord, I have found Maximus, your freedman and procurator,
throughout the time we were together, to be honest, industrious, and
conscientious.* He is as closely committed to the discipline you demand
as he is utterly devoted to your interests. I gladly attend him as he goes
with this testimonial to you, in the good faith which I owe to you.

86 A Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
My lord, I have found Gavius Bassus, prefect of the Pontic shore, to be
honourable, honest, hard-working, and most respectful to me in these
traits. So I attend him as he goes with my best wishes and support, in the
good faith which I owe to you.

86 B Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
… than the things he is to hope for. He has been trained by his military
service with you, and he owes to the discipline of that service the fact
that he is worthy of your kindness. Both soldiers and civilians, by whom
his justice and kindness have been thoroughly scrutinized, have vied in
providing testimony before me both individually and collectively. I bring
this to your notice in the good faith which I owe to you.

87 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
 mid-111 (?110)
When Nymphidius Lupus was a chief centurion, my lord, he was in 1
service with me. When I was a military tribune, he was a prefect. Then I
began to feel the affection of a friend towards him. That fondness later
grew with the long-standing nature of our shared friendship. So it was
that I broke in on his retirement, and demanded 2
that he give me the benefit of his advice in Bithynia. This he has already
done and will continue to do in the most friendly spirit, laying aside for
the time being thoughts of leisure and old age. For 3
these reasons I count his relatives among my own, and especially his son
Nymphidius Lupus,* an honest, hard-working man, fully worthy of his
outstanding father. He will measure up to your kindness, as you can
ascertain from your first experience of him, since as prefect of a cohort
he has won the most glowing commendation from those outstanding
men Julius Ferox and Fuscus Salinator. You will enhance my joy and my
gratitude, my lord, by thus honouring our son.

88 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

mid-111 (?110)
I pray, my lord, that you may celebrate both this birthday* and
numerous others as days most blessed, and that you may enhance the
glory of your virtue which flourishes with perennial fame. You will
increase that glory in safety and strength with achievement after
achievement.

89 Trajan to Pliny
September 111 (?110)
I acknowledge your prayers, my fondest Secundus, in which you pray
that I may spend numerous most blessed birthdays in the prosperity of
that I may spend numerous most blessed birthdays in the prosperity of
our state.

90 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 111 (?110)
The citizens of Sinope, my lord, are short of water.* It seems possible 1
to draw a good and abundant flow from the sixteenth milestone. But
close to this source, a little more than a mile away, the ground is
treacherous and soft, so I have ordered it to be investigated at modest
expense to see if it can take and bear a structure. Money when 2
collected at my instigation will not be lacking if you, my lord, kindly
allow this kind of structure for the health and enjoyment of an extremely
thirsty colony.

91 Trajan to Pliny
late 111 (?110)
My fondest Secundus, continue the careful investigation which you have
begun to ascertain whether the ground about which you are uneasy can
bear the structure of an aqueduct. I regard it as beyond question that
water should be brought to the colony of Sinope, as long as the colony
can also achieve this with its own resources, for this amenity will vastly
contribute to the health and pleasure of the city.

92 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 111 (?110)
The free allied city of the citizens of Amisus* enjoys its own laws
through the kindness of your generosity. I have attached to this letter a
document delivered to me concerning welfare-clubs,* so that you, my
lord, can decide what proposal you think should be permitted or
forbidden and to what extent.

93 Trajan to Pliny
late 111 (?110)
If the citizens of Amisus, whose document you had attached to your
letter, are allowed to have a welfare-club by virtue of the laws of those
who enjoy the benefit of a treaty, we cannot hinder their having one.
This concession is granted the more readily if they use such funds not on
gatherings or forbidden assemblies, but to relieve the poverty of those in
greater need. In the other cities which are bound by our law projects of
this kind are forbidden.

94 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 111 (?110)
For a long time now, my lord, I have admitted Suetonius Tranquillus,* 1

that most worthy, honourable, and learned man, into my circle of

friends, for I have long admired his character and his learning, and I
have begun to love him all the more, the more I have now come to know
him from close at hand. There are two reasons 2
which make it vital for him to possess the ‘right of three children’,* for
he deserves the good opinion of his friends, and his marriage has been
unsuccessful. So through your agency we must obtain from your
benevolence what the malice of fortune has refused to grant him. I
know, my lord, the magnitude of the kindness that I 3
seek, but I seek it from one whose generosity I experience in all my
needs. You can infer how great is my desire for this, because I would not
be asking for it when at a distance, if I merely sought it half-heartedly.
95Trajan to Pliny
late 111 (?110)
My fondest Secundus, you are intimately aware how sparingly I grant
these favours, for even in the Senate I regularly declare that I have not
exceeded the number which in the presence of that most august order I
maintained would be sufficient for me. However, I have acceded to your
request, and have ordered it to be inscribed in my records that I have
awarded the ‘right of three children’ to Suetonius Tranquillus, subject to
my usual conditions.

96Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 111 (?110)
It is my regular custom, my lord, to refer to you all questions which 1
cause me doubt, for who can better guide my hesitant steps or instruct
my ignorance? I have never attended hearings concerning Christians,* so
I am unaware what is usually punished or investigated, and to what
extent. I am more than a little in doubt whether there is 2
to be a distinction between ages, and to what extent the young should be
treated no differently from the more hardened; whether pardon should
be granted to repentance; whether the person who has been a Christian
in some sense should not benefit by having renounced it; whether it is
the name Christian, itself untainted with crimes, or the crimes which
cling to the name* which should be punished.
In the meantime, this is the procedure I have followed, in the cases of
those brought before me as Christians. I asked them whether they 3
were Christians. If they admitted it, I asked them a second and a third
time, threatening them with execution. Those who remained obdurate I
ordered to be executed, for I was in no doubt, whatever it was which
they were confessing, that their obstinacy and their inflexible
stubbornness should at any rate be punished.* Others similarly 4
lunatic were Roman citizens, so I registered them as due to be sent back
to Rome.
Later in the course of the hearings, as usually happens, the charge
rippled outwards, and more examples appeared. An anonymous 5
document was published containing the names of many. Those who
denied that they were or had been Christians and called upon the gods
after me, and with incense and wine made obeisance to your statue,
which I had ordered to be brought in together with images of the gods
for this very purpose, and who moreover cursed Christ (those who are
truly Christian cannot, it is said, be forced to do any of these things), I
ordered to be acquitted.
Others who were named by an informer stated that they were 6
Christians and then denied it. They said that in fact they had been, but
had abandoned their allegiance, some three years previously, some more
years earlier, and one or two as many as twenty years before. All these
as well worshipped your statue and images of the gods, and blasphemed
Christ. They maintained, however, that all that their 7
guilt or error involved was that they were accustomed to assemble at
dawn* on a fixed day, to sing a hymn antiphonally to Christ as God, and
to bind themselves by an oath, not for the commission of some crime,
but to avoid acts of theft, brigandage, and adultery, not to break their
word, and not to withhold money deposited with them when asked for
it. When these rites were completed, it was their custom to depart, and
then to assemble again to take food, which was however common and
harmless. They had ceased, they said, to do this following my edict, by
which in accordance with your instructions I had outlawed the existence
of secret brotherhoods. So I thought it 8
all the more necessary to ascertain the truth from two maidservants,
who were called deaconesses,* even by employing torture. I found
nothing other than a debased and boundless superstition.
I therefore postponed the inquiry, and hastened to consult you, 9
since this issue seemed to me to merit consultation, especially because of
the number indicted, for there are many of all ages, every rank, and both
sexes who are summoned and will be summoned to confront danger. The
infection of this superstition has extended not merely through the cities,
but also through the villages and country areas, but it seems likely that it
can be halted and corrected. It is at any rate certain that temples which
were almost 10
abandoned have begun to be crowded, and the solemn rites which for
long had been suspended are being restored. The flesh of the victims, for
which up to now only a very occasional buyer was found, is now on
sale* in many places, This leads me readily to believe that if opportunity
for repentance is offered, a large crowd of people can be set right.

97 Trajan to Pliny
late 111 (?110)
You have followed the appropriate procedure, my Secundus, in 1
examining the cases of those brought before you as Christians, for no
examining the cases of those brought before you as Christians, for no
general rule can be laid down which would establish a definite routine.
Christians are not to be sought out. If brought before you and 2
found guilty, they must be punished,* but in such a way that a person
who denies that he is a Christian and demonstrates this by his action,
that is, by worshipping our gods, may obtain pardon for repentance,
even if his previous record is suspect. Documents published
anonymously must play no role in any accusation, for they give the
worst example, and are foreign to our age.

98 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

late 111 (?110)
The city of the Amastrians,* my lord, which is both smart and well 1
appointed, has amongst its outstanding buildings a most beautiful and
very extensive street. On its flank for its entire length runs a so-called
river, but in reality it is the foulest of sewers. It is both unsightly in its
most disgusting appearance and baneful in its most noisome smell. For
these reasons it is in the interests of health as 2
much as appearance that it should be covered over, and this will be
carried out if you allow it, for we will see to it that money is not lacking
for construction-work both massive and necessary.

99 Trajan to Pliny
late 111 (?110)
My fondest Secundus, it is reasonable to have that water covered which
flows through the city of the Amastrians, if by remaining uncovered it is
a hindrance to health. I am certain that with your punctiliousness you
will ensure that the money is not lacking for this work.
100 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan
January 112 (111)
My lord, the vows which we uttered last year we have fulfilled with
eagerness and joy, and we have in turn undertaken new ones.* Our
fellow soldiers and the provincials have vied in devotion. We have
begged the gods to preserve you and the state flourishing and unharmed
with that good will which you have earned by your notable piety,
obedience, and honour towards the gods, in addition to your great and
numerous virtues.

101 Trajan to Pliny

January 112 (?111)
I have gladly learnt from your letter, my fondest Secundus, that our
fellow soldiers and the provincials in most joyful harmony followed your
lead in discharging their vows to the immortal gods for my safety, and
renewed them for the future.

102 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 112 (?111)
We have celebrated with due piety the day on which the guardianship of
the human race was passed to you in most blessed succession.* We
commended to the gods, from whom you derive your rule, both our
public vows and our joys.

103 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (?111)
I have gladly learnt from your letter that the day of my accession to rule
was celebrated with due joy and piety by our fellow soldiers and
provincials, following your example.
104 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan
early 112 (?111)
My lord, Valerius Paulinus* has passed over Paulinus* and committed to
me his rights over his Latin freedmen. I ask you to confer the rights of
full citizenship* on three of them in the meantime, for I fear that it may
be going too far to invoke your generosity on behalf of all of them. I
must exploit that generosity all the more moderately as I experience it
more fully. Those for whom I entreat it* are C. Valerius Astraeus, C.
Valerius Dionysius, and C. Valerius Asper.

105 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (111)
Since you most honourably wish opportunely through me to promote the
interests of those whom Valerius Paulinus has committed to your good
faith, I have ordered a note to be made in my registers that I have
granted the rights of Roman citizens in the meantime to those for whom
you have now sought it. I intend to do the same in the case of the rest
for whom you request it.

106 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 112
When I was asked, my lord, by P. Accius Aquila, a centurion in the sixth
mounted cohort,* to send to you a petition through which he begs your
generosity on behalf of the status of his daughter, I thought it harsh to
refuse, since I was aware how much forbearance and kindness you
regularly show to the pleas of soldiers.

107 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (?111)
I have read the petition of P. Accius Aquila, a centurion of the sixth
I have read the petition of P. Accius Aquila, a centurion of the sixth
mounted cohort, which you passed to me. In response to his pleas, I have
granted Roman citizenship to his daughter. I have sent to you the
petition with the response below, to deliver to him.

108 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 112 (?111)
I am asking you, my lord, to state in reply what rights you wish the 1
cities of Bithynia and Pontus to have in demanding the moneys owed to
them from rents or sales or other sources.* I have found that several
proconsuls allowed them the right of first claim, and that this had the
force of law. My view, however, is that through your foresight 2
some procedure should be established and ratified, by means of which
their interests can be protected for ever. For the decisions made by the
proconsuls, though wisely conceded, are temporary and precarious
unless your authority is brought to bear on them.

109 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (?111)
The rights which the cities of Bithynia or Pontus should wield in the
matter of the moneys which for one reason and another are owed to the
public weal must be decided in accordance with the law of each. If they
have the privilege by which they are ranked before all other creditors, it
must be safeguarded; or if they have no such privilege, it will not be
incumbent on me to grant it and to do injustice to private individuals.

110 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 112 (?111)
The state prosecutor of the city of the Amiseni,* my lord, was 1
 1
demanding before me from Julius Piso a sum of about 40,000 denarii,
which the state awarded him twenty years previously with the joint
approval of the council and the assembly, and he exploited your
instructions, which forbid gifts of this kind. Piso responded by saying 2
that he had bestowed numerous gifts on the state, and had expended
virtually all his wealth. In addition, he cited the lapse of time, and he
pleaded that he should not be compelled to repay what he had long ago
received in return for many contributions, for this would be the ruin of
what remained of his high standing. For these reasons I thought that I
should postpone the entire case to consult your advice, my lord, on what
you think should next be done.

111 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (?111)
It is true that our instructions forbid donations from the public purse,
but to ensure that the financial position of many is not undermined, it is
not advisable that regulations made some time ago should be
reconsidered and rendered invalid. Let us therefore in this issue ignore
any transaction of twenty years ago, for I wish the interests of
individuals, whatever their position, to be consulted no less than those of
the public finances.

112 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 112 (?111)
The Pompeian law,* my lord, which is observed by the citizens of 1
Bithynia and Pontus, does not prescribe that those selected by the
censors for the council should pay a sum of money. However, those
whom your generosity has permitted certain cities to add to their lawful
whom your generosity has permitted certain cities to add to their lawful
number, have contributed 1,000 or 2,000 denarii each. Subsequently 2
Anicius Maximus,* the proconsul, ordered those chosen by the censors as
well to contribute various sums in a very few cities. So 3
it remains for you to decide whether in all cities all who will from now
on be chosen as councillors should pay a certain sum to be admitted. For
it is fitting that you should decide what will remain as a permanent
arrangement, since undying fame is the necessary outcome of your deeds
and words.

113 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (?111)
I cannot prescribe a general rule that all who become councillors in
every Bithynian city should or should not pay a fee for obtaining that
office, so I believe that the law of each city is to be followed, for this is
the safest procedure. But with greater certainty I imagine that those who
become councillors by invitation will so act as to excel the others in
their contributions.

114Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 112 (?111)
The Pompeian law,* my lord, allowed Bithynian cities to enrol as 1
honorary citizens any persons they wished, provided that they were not
natives of cities in Bithynia. The same law prescribes the reasons for
which censors can exclude members from their senate. Hence 2
some censors have thought that they should consult me on whether they
ought to exclude a man from another city, since the law forbade 3
an outsider to be enrolled as a citizen, but did not order him to be
an outsider to be enrolled as a citizen, but did not order him to be
excluded from their senate on these grounds. Moreover, I was assured
that in every city there were numerous councillors from other cities, and
the result would be that many individuals and many cities would be
deeply embarrassed by that part of the law which had for long become
obsolete by a sort of tacit agreement. I thought it necessary to consult
you for your views on what procedure to follow. I have attached the
chapters of the law to this letter.

115 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (? 111)
You were right to have doubts, my fondest Secundus, about what your
response to the censors should be when they consulted you on whether
citizens from other cities in the same province ought to remain senators.
For the authority of the law, and long-standing custom opposed to the
law, could have pulled you two ways. I have decided on this
compromise: we should make no change to previous practice and men
though enrolled illegally from other cities should remain as citizens, but
in future the Pompeian law should be observed. If we sought to maintain
the force of that law retrospectively, there would inevitably be a great
deal of confusion.

116 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

early 112 (?111)
Those who don the toga of manhood, or celebrate a wedding, or 1
enter upon a magistracy, or dedicate a public building, usually invite the
whole council and a fair number of common folk, and distribute one or
two denarii to each* of them. I am asking you to write detailing your
thinking on whether there should be such celebrations and to what
extent. My own feeling is that this right of invitation should be 2
allowed, especially if the occasion is a formal one, but at the same time I
am afraid that those who invite a thousand and sometimes more may
appear to be going too far, and succumbing to a form of bribery.

177 Trajan to Pliny

early 112 (?111)
You are right to fear that an invitation may become a form of bribery
when the numbers become unlimited and people assemble in blocs, and
not as individual acquintances, to receive the usual handouts. But I
chose you for your practical wisdom so that you would preside over the
moulding of the behaviour of your province, and establish the norms
which would be good for the enduring peacefulness of the province.

118 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

112 (?111)
The athletes, my lord, think that the prizes which you appointed for 1
the triumphal contests* are due to them from the day they were
crowned, for they say what counts is not when they ceremonially ride
into their native city, but when they have prevailed in the contest which
enabled them to make their entry in triumph. But I by contrast would
have strong doubts whether we ought not to consider apposite the time
when they have made their ceremonial entry.
The athletes are also seeking allowances for the contest which you 2

declared ‘triumphal’, although their victories occurred before your

declaration. They maintain it is appropriate that since they did not
receive allowances for the contests which ceased to be triumphal after
their victories, they should accordingly be given them for those contests
their victories, they should accordingly be given them for those contests
which began to be triumphal later. On this issue too I am in 3
considerable uncertainty whether account should be taken of anyone
retrospectively, and whether they should be paid allowances not owed to
them when they gained their victories. So I am asking that you deign to
direct my uncertainty, in other words, to specify how your benefactions
are to be applied.

119 Trajan to Pliny

112 (?111)
I think that the triumphal reward first begins to be due when the
competitor has made his triumphal entry into his city. Allowances for
those contests which I have specified as triumphal are not owed
retrospectively if they were not triumphal earlier. The fact that the
athletes have ceased to receive allowances for those contests which I laid
down as non-triumphal after their victories cannot be advantageous for
their claim, for though the status of the contests has changed, the
allowances earlier obtained are not being brought back.

120 Gaius Pliny to the emperor Trajan

112 (?111)
Up to this time, my lord, I have not issued travel passes* for anyone, 1
nor have I dispatched anyone on business other than yours. My
invariable restraint in this has been dislocated by what amounts to
necessity. When my wife heard of the death of her grandfather,* she 2
wished to hasten to be with her aunt. I thought it unfeeling to refuse her
a travel pass, for speed is of the essence in performing such a favour of
devotion, and I knew that you would approve the reason for the journey,
for it is prompted by family feeling. I have written to you about this,
for it is prompted by family feeling. I have written to you about this,
because it seemed that I would be less grateful than I should be if I hid
the fact that among other kindnesses I owe this one as well to your
generosity. The trust that I repose in that generosity caused me to act
without hesitation as if I had consulted you, for if I had consulted you,
my action would have come too late.

121 Trajan to Pliny

112 (? 111)
You were right, my fondest Secundus, to have confidence in my attitude.
No hesitation should have been felt on whether you should have waited
until you consulted me about whether your wife’s journey should have
been eased by the travel passes which I issued for your official duties.
For in the eyes of her aunt, your wife’s duty was to enhance the favour
of her arrival with the speed of her coming.
 EXPLANATORY NOTES

BOOK ONE
1 SEPTICIUS CLARUS: the recipient of this and three other letters (I 15; VII
28; VIII 1) was a literary friend of Pliny and of Suetonius, who
dedicated his Lives of the Caesars to him. He was to become praetorian
prefect under Hadrian (see note to II 9.4).
as each happened to come to hand: this dedication letter accompanies
the correspondence of Books I–II. The claim of casual collection conceals
the careful choice and variety of topics.

2 ARRIANUS MATURUS: the first of seven letters addressed to this equestrian

friend (see also II II, 12; IV 8, 12; VI 2; VIII 21), with whom he
discusses literary and political topics. At III 2 Pliny extravagantly
praises his qualities in recommending him for advancement to Vibius
Maximus, prefect of Egypt 103–7.
Calvus: the most prominent authority in Cicero’s day to claim the label
of Atticist. Atticism, which promoted a spare and austere style of
rhetoric, was contrasted with the Asianic school, which was regarded as
overelaborate and bombastic. Cicero was sometimes unjustly associated
with this style.
by ‘the favoured few’: Pliny evokes Virgil, Aeneid 6.129 f, which
describes those whom Jupiter enabled to rise from Hades to the heights
of heaven.
the subject matter: Pliny probably refers here to his speech discussed in
II 5.
works which I have already issued: for possible candidates at this early
stage of Pliny’s career, see 18.1 and IX 13.1.
the booksellers: from the sparse evidence in these letters and in Martial
(1.66 and 117), it appears that booksellers paid authors a fee to acquire
the copyright of their work, though other writers like Cicero and Regulus
(IV 7.2) made their own arrangements for publication and distribution.

3 CANINIUS RUFUS: this friend was a landowner at Comum, Pliny’s native

town. Of the six other letters addressed to him (II 8; III 7; VI 21; VII
18; VIII 4; IX 33), virtually all are devoted to literary topics. Rufus
plays no part in the politics of his day, but lives out his life in opulent
retirement at Comum.
the lake lying below: lake Comum (Como); the ‘service’ it provides will
be fish for the table.
‘one of a crowd’: for the popular expression, see Cicero, De finibus 2.66,
with the sense of ‘no one special’.

4 POMPEIA CELERINA: the mother of Pliny’s second wife, who died in 97.
Celerina remarried, her second husband being Bittius Proculus (IX
13.13). Her estates indicate her wealth, which she readily lent to Pliny
when the need arose (see III 19.8).
Ocriculum, Narnia, Carsulae, and Perusia!: the first three were all towns
(modern Otricoli, Narni, Consigliano) on the Flaminian Way, the great
north road which Pliny took when journeying to his estates. In this
instance he will have crossed from Carsulae to Perusia (modern Perugia),
and then journeyed northward along the bank of the Tiber to his villa
near Tifernum (modern Città di Castello).
5 VOCONIUS ROMANUS: this émigré from Nearer Spain became a fellow
student of Pliny at Rome, and Pliny was subsequently active in
recommending him for an army post (II 13), then the ‘right of three
children’ (II 13.8), and finally advancement to the Senate (X 4). Other
letters addressed to him (II 1; III 13; VI 33; VIII 8; IX 7, 28) are
devoted largely to literary or domestic topics.
Marcus Regulus, following Domitian’s death?: M. Aquilius Regulus,
aristocrat and senator, became notorious under Nero for his role as
informer in the condemnation of three consulars; see Tacitus, Histories
4.42 and section 3 of this letter. Under Domitian he made no further
accusations, but he revelled in the condemnation of members of the
Stoic opposition (see sections 2–3 below). The poet Martial is better
disposed towards him, as the recipient of favours. After the death of
Domitian in September 96, Pliny began gingerly to join in attacks on
informers, as is indicated here and in IX 13.
the trial of Arulenus Rusticus: Q. Arulenus Junius Rusticus had reached
the consulship in 92, but as an outspoken member of a Stoic family, he
suffered impeachment for treason and execution while senators stood
impotently by. See Tacitus, Agricola 45: ‘Our hands dragged Helvidius
into prison; the sight of Maurus and Rusticus shamed us; Senecio
bespattered us with his innocent blood.’
‘branded with Vitellius’ scar’: in AD 69 Rusticus as praetor was
dispatched by the Senate to Vitellius’ forces to plead for peace and
reconciliation, but he was roughly received and wounded. The Stoic
philosopher Musonius Rufus attended him (Tacitus, Histories 3. 80 f.).
Pliny’s comment here, ‘You observe his eloquence’, is ironical. Elsewhere
(IV 7.5 f.) he is scathing about Regulus as orator.
Herennius Senecio … Mettius Carus: in 93 Senecio and Pliny indicted
Baebius Massa for extortion in Baetica, and Massa countered by
impeaching Senecio for treason. He was subsequently prosecuted by
Mettius Carus for having written a life of Helvidius Priscus (the leading
Stoic who was exiled under Nero in 68), and was executed.
Crassus … Camerinus: M. Licinius Crassus (consul 64) and the aged
senator Q. Sulpicius Camerinus, both delated by Regulus, were among
the many victims of Nero’s final years. For others, see Tacitus, Histories
1.48; Suetonius, Nero 37.1.
Arrionilla … at the request of Arulenus Rusticus: the nature of the
lawsuit is unknown, but Arrionilla may have been a relative of Thrasea
Paetus and his wife Arria, and therefore implicated in the Stoic
opposition to the emperor. Pliny’s evidence on her behalf rested on the
judgement of Mettius Modestus, ex-governor of Lycia, who had been
banished by Domitian as suspected of being in the Stoic opposition to
the emperor.
your view of his patriotism: ‘patriotism’ translates pietas, here implying
devotion to the state and its ruler.
Celer … Justus … Spurinna: Celer is little known; Justus was a
prominent politician who became suffect consul in 102, and later
governor of Syria. The elderly Spurinna was even more eminent; hence
Pliny’s deference. He was consul three times, finally in AD 100, and in
Pliny’s eyes was the model of how to live in old age; see III 1.
the colonnade of Livia: the two men encountered each other close to
Pliny’s house on the Esquiline (see III 21.5), in the colonnade built by
Augustus in honour of his wife above the Clivus Suburanus.
‘I am waiting for Mauricus’: banished in 93 (see III 11.3), he returned in
97 to become a close associate of Nerva and Trajan.
our formal visit: they were attending the installation of the new
magistrate in January 97.
Satrius Rufus: known only by the references here and at IX 13.17.
dur à réprimer: the Greek word used means ‘hard to put down’.
to take action or to remain quiet: prudence prevailed, and Pliny
refrained from attacking Regulus, but later in 97 he spoke up against
Publicius Certus (see IX 13).

6 CORNELIUS TACITUS: the eminent historian is the recipient of no fewer

than eleven letters, six in Books I–VI (I 20; IV 13; VI 9, 16, 20), and an
interconnected series of five in Books VII–IX (VII 20, 33; VIII 7; IX 10,
14), this second group reflecting a closer degree of intimacy than the
earlier letters.
This acquaintaince of yours has captured three boars: Pliny is relaxing
on his estate near Tifernum. The site of his villa there ‘below the
Apennines’ (V 6.2) has been identified a few miles north of modern Città
di Castello. Hunting was a favoured recreation of Pliny at Tifernum; see
V 6.46; V 18.2; IX 36.6.
Minerva … no less than Diana: that is, the goddess of literature no less
than the goddess of hunting.

7 OCTAVIUS RUFUS: probably the suffect consul in 80, and a relative of the
historian Cluvius Rufus. Pliny again praises his verses in II 10, the
other surviving letter addressed to him.
Part of his prayer … part denied: Pliny cites in Greek a passage from
Homer, Iliad 16.250, where Zeus answers Achilles’ prayer by allowing
Patroclus to chase the Trojans from the Greek ships, but not to return
safely from combat.
the Baetici against a single individual: Octavius Rufus has requested
Pliny not to represent the citizens of Baetica (the province in southern
Spain) in what was apparently an indictment of the proconsul of the
province for extortion. Earlier in 93 Pliny had prosecuted Baebius Massa
on behalf of the Baetici. In that indictment he cooperated with Senecio,
who was later executed by order of Domitian. Hence the references here
to services, toils, and dangers; see also VII 33.
Gallus: presumably an influential friend of the proconsul being indicted;
for Pliny’s connections with him, see II 17.
‘He nodded with his dark brows’: Pliny resumes the persona of Zeus (see
section I of the letter) to indicate that he approves the words of
encouragement to Gallus, as Zeus at Iliad 1.528 accedes to the wishes of
Thetis with a nod.
I am fired with such enthusiasm: for Pliny’s gushing praise of Octavius
Rufus’ merits as versifier, see also II 10.

8 POMPEIUS SATURNINUS: this friend is a busy advocate (I 16; VII 7) and

politician (VII 15). This and other letters (V 21; IX 38) indicate that
the chief bond between the two men is their enthusiasm for literature.
the speech … before my fellow townsmen: the speech announced Pliny’s
philanthropy towards the residents of his native town of Comum, details
of which are recorded in an inscription from Comum which outlines his
career and beneficence (CIL v. 5262), and in V 7.2. He donated a million
sesterces for the foundation of a library, and a further 100,000 for its
upkeep; he also provided the equivalent of half a million sesterces for
the support of freeborn children of the town (see section 10 of this letter,
and VII 18).
the regret which accompanies impulsive generosity: Pliny stresses that
his own benefactions result from deep thought and planning.
not for shows or gladiators: for Pliny’s disdain for the vulgar enthusiasms
of the common herd, see also IV 22; IX 6.
towards the rearing of freeborn children: at VII 18 Pliny explains how he
arranged this gift in the shape of property, the capital value of which
remained intact while the interest was dispensed.

9 MINICIUS FUNDANUS: he is to become suffect consul in 107. The interests

he shares with Pliny are primarily political; see IV 15, VI 6. But at V
16.8 he is referred to as ‘a learned man, and a philosopher’. (The
addressee in VII 12 may not be this Minicius; Pliny has at least five
friends with that name.)
each individual day in Rome: Pliny at this time is a man of leisure,
following his praetorship in 93 and his tenure of the prefecture of the
military treasury in 94–6.
an investiture of the adult toga: a freeborn youth at this date assumed
the man’s toga at the age of 14–16. There was usually a sacrifice,
followed by registration into a tribe, and then a banquet. The traditional
date for it was the feast of the Liberalia (17 March).
a betrothal or a wedding: a girl could be legally married at 12, and a boy
at 14. The betrothal was the occasion for a contract drawn up between
the families. The contract was similarly witnessed at weddings, after
which the bride was escorted to the bridegroom’s home.
to witness his will: a will had to be signed and sealed by seven freeborn
male witnesses to ensure rights of inheritance.
an assessor on the Bench: men with legal expertise were often called in
by judges in the court of the Centumviri (see I 20.12; VI 2.7) or by the
city prefect (VI 11) to act as assessors. Seneca (De breuitate uitae 7.7)
grumbles at time expended on this duty.
residence at Laurentum: Pliny’s estate south of Ostia, described in detail
at II 17. The site, a mere 17 miles from Rome, has not been identified.
Atilius: Atilius Crescens was a school-friend of Pliny (see VI 8) given to
pithy remarks (e.g. II 14.2).

10 ATTIUS CLEMENS: he is unknown except as the recipient of IV 2, another

attack on Pliny’s bête noire Regulus.
Euphrates: this Stoic philosopher was, like Dio Cocceianus (later
Chrysostom), a professional orator of the Second Sophistic; his oratory is
praised by Fronto and Epictetus, so that Pliny’s eulogy seems justified.
Having retired with other philosophers under the oppression of
Domitian, he returned under Nerva to become a rival of Apollonius of
Tyana as professional ‘holy man’. He died by taking hemlock in 119.
in Syria: Pliny served as military tribune there early in Domitian’s reign,
employed by the legate to audit the finances of auxiliary cavalry and
infantry units (see VII 31.2).
Pompeius Julianus: otherwise unknown. Apollonius, a vociferous critic
of Euphrates, speaks scornfully of his rival’s forceful entry into
aristocratic houses (so Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 8.7.11). But Euphrates
was not alone among leading figures of the Second Sophistic in enjoying
life in high society.
the most noble part of philosophy: Euphrates echoes the conviction of
Cicero that public service has a higher priority than private study of
philosophy; see De officas, especially the introductory section of Book 2.

11 FABIUS JUSTUS: see note to 15.8. This and perhaps VII 2 are the only
letters addressed to him, neither of them of any substance.
If you are well … I am well: Cicero uses this formula frequently in
correspondence with his wife Terentia (Ad familiares 14, passim).
Otherwise it is found only in formal addresses to him, as at Ad familiares
5. 9, 10a, 14. Well before Pliny’s time (compare, for example, the letters
of Seneca) the abbreviated greeting had fallen out of fashion.

12 CALESTRIUS TIRO: he and Pliny were long-standing friends, having

served in the army together, and as quaestores Augusti under Domitian.
They also became praetors at the same time, probably in AD 93 (see
VII 16.1). Tiro eventually obtained the governorship of Baetica in
southern Spain. Other letters addressed to him (VI 1, 22; IX 5) are
concerned predominantly with political affairs.
Corellius Rufus has died: he had been prominent in the later years of
Vespasian as suffect consul (probably in 78), and later as governor of
Upper Germany (c. 82), but subsequently, whether through Domitian’s
antipathy or indifferent health, he disappeared from the political scene,
to re-emerge under Nerva as a land-commissioner (VII 31.4).
constrained by supreme reasoning: Rufus was clearly of the Stoic
persuasion. The Younger Cato argued: ‘When a man’s situation is more
in accord with nature, he has the obligation to remain alive; when the
opposite is, or apparently will be, the case, it is his obligation to depart
from this life’ (Cicero, De finibus 3.60). Seneca likewise argues that we
are free to opt for suicide when circumstances demand it, and
emphasizes that incurable illness is a sufficient motive (Letters 58.32 ff.).
afflicted with gout: Pliny is exceptional in not attributing gout to earlier
debauched living. The description here of how Rufus coped with the
condition mirrors the observation of Celsus (De medicina 4.31): ‘Some
have obtained lifelong relief by refraining from wine, mead, and venery.’
his slaves retired … He swivelled his eyes round: the oppressive era of
Domitian had created an atmosphere of fear, in which critics of the
regime feared accusations of treason by informers. Rufus takes
precautions against betrayal by his own household.
that brigand: the Latin word is latro. When Domitian executed or exiled
his opponents, he confiscated their property, according to Suetonius
(Domitian 12.1), in order to meet the expenses of shows and additional
payments to his soldiers.
what he wished: Pliny hints that Rufus would have participated in the
assassination of Domitian, though in fact no senators did so (Suetonius,
Domitian 16 f.; Dio 67.15 f.).
Gaius Geminius … Julius Atticus: both are little known.
Je me suis décidé: Rufus uses Greek to underline his rational decision in
the Stoic tradition.
my boon-companion Calvisius: Calvisius Rufus, an equestrian friend
from Comum, is the recipient of six letters (II20; III1, 19; V 7; VIII2; IX
6), concerned chiefly with property and gossip.

13 SENECIO: Q. Sosius Senecio became a major political figure under

Trajan, becoming consul twice in 99 and 107; he was even honoured
 with a public statue. He had literary connections, being a friend of
Plutarch, who dedicated works to him. Letter IV4 is also addressed to
him.
a healthy crop of poets: contrast Juvenal’s jaundiced view (Satire 1)
about the rash of would-be poets and their recitations.
the whole month of April: there were three major festivals in April: the
Ludi Megalenses, the Ludi Ceriales, and the Ludi Florales. Between them
they accounted for eighteen days on which cultured individuals might
attend public readings.
in resting places: that is, in the public areas around the houses where the
recitations were mounted.
Claudius Caesar … on the Palatine: presumably in the grounds of the
palace of Tiberius, remains of which are still visible on the north-west
corner of the Palatine. Claudius himself had his historical works recited
by professional readers at such recitations (Suetonius, Claudius 41.2,
42.2).
Nonianus: M. Servilius Nonianus was a leading orator, politician, and
historian. He was consul in 35 under Tiberius, and later, under Claudius,
proconsul of Africa. As historian, he won praise from Tacitus (Annals
14.19) and Quintilian 10.1.102 (‘famous for the power of his intellect’).
The attraction for Claudius will have been his account of the reign of
Tiberius.
something not for recitation: as Pliny’s letters suggest, the recitations
served a double purpose for the aspiring author. The reactions of his
audience enabled him to amend his work for publication, and they were
also a means by which he became more widely known.
14 JUNIUS MAURICUS: see note to 15.10 above for this friend and mentor of
Pliny. Letters II 18 and VI 14 are also addressed to him.
your brother’s daughter: Mauricus’ brother was the celebrated Arulenus
Rusticus, whom Domitian had executed in 93 for his close association
with Thrasea Paetus and Helvidius Priscus, intrepid Stoic critics of the
regime. Thus Mauricus, recently returned from exile, was acting as
guardian of his niece, who was about 14 years old at this time.
Minicius Acilianus: little is known of him beyond the information here
and in II16.
Brixia … that Italian region of ours: lying midway between Milan and
Verona, the town (modern Brescia) in Transpadane Gaul was close to
Pliny’s native habitat of Comum.
Minicius Macrinus: he is perhaps the Macrinus discussed in VIII 5.
Vespasian designated him as a praetorian: in 73–4 the emperor was
seeking to fill out the depleted ranks of the Senate, following the purge
by Nero and the casualties in the Year of the Four Emperors. See
Suetonius, Vespasian 9.2.
Patavium: for its reputation as a town of worthy morals, see Martial,
11.1 5.7 f.
Publius Acilius: probably the recipient of III14.
the quaestorship, tribunate, and praetorship: Augustus had reformed the
ladder of offices. Anyone aspiring to a senatorial career had initially to
hold one of the twenty minor offices allocated by the emperor. Election
to one of the twenty quaestorships then became possible. Plebeian
candidates had next to advance to one of the six aedileships or one of
the ten tribunates, before becoming eligible for one of the eighteen
praetorships,
the legal requirements: these were the property qualifications required
for admission to the equestrian and senatorial orders; see I 19 below.

15 SEPTICIUS CLARUS: see note to 11.

I’ll take you to court: this jocular threat to a boon-companion is
sustained throughout the letter.
barley-water: this is the probable meaning here of halica; see Martial
13.6, where it is the poor man’s drink, contrasted with honeyed wine
(mulsum) enjoyed by the rich.
Ready for each of us … other delicacies no less elegant: Pliny’s main
purpose in the inclusion of this letter was to demonstrate the simplicity
of the vegetarian fare which he enjoyed, in contrast to the gargantuan
meals pilloried by the satirists; see Horace, Satires 2.8; Petronius 31 ff.
performers of comedy … or a lyre-player: elsewhere (IX 36.4) Pliny
states that a book was read over dinner, and a comedy or a lyre-player
was the entertainment afterwards.
oysters … performing-girls from Cadiz: oysters and fish were expensive
dishes, and Pliny contrasts this feast with his own plain fare. The girls
from Cadiz who sang and danced provocatively (see Martial 5.78.26 ff.,
3.63.5) were regarded with disapproval by Pliny.

16 ERUCIUS: this Erucius Clarus may be the youthful senator whose early
career is discussed in II 9 (and who became consul for the second time
in AD 146) or alternatively his father.
Pompeius Saturninus: see note to 18.
a friend of mine: I translate nostrum as ‘mine’ rather than ‘ours’, because
the evidence of this letter suggests that Erucius is not personally
acquainted with Saturninus.
wide range of his talent: like other literary friends, he publishes
speeches, history, verses, and (one suspects) cultivated letters.
Catullus or Calvus: intimate friends who wrote in the same wide range of
poetical genres, especially love-poetry, but also satirical epigrams,
miniature epics, and marriage-poems. Calvus was also highly respected
as an orator of the Atticist school; Cicero pays him respectful tributes.
the bitterness of love!: or perhaps ‘bitterness and passion’, the first with
reference to the satirical epigrams, the second to the love-poetry.
he has moulded the girl he married: the patronizing comment is
reminiscent of the attitudes of Plutarch and Pliny himself towards their
young wives (see IV 19.2–4), though in mitigation we are to remember
that brides were usually as young as 14; see, for example, V 16.2.
he is with me: not physically, but in his writings.

17 CORNELIUS TITIANUS: known only from this letter and the note addressed
to him in IX 32.
Titinius Capito: Pliny salutes him elsewhere (VIII 12) as patron of
recitations and literary studies generally. His nostalgia for the Republic
reflected in his activities described here is witheringly dismissed by
Syme (Tacitus (Oxford, 1958), 1. 92) as ‘the inner falsity of conventional
beliefs and pious observances’.
permission from our emperor: Nerva (or Trajan) has granted this
permission to hallow the memory of L. Junius Silanus Torquatus,
unjustly executed by Nero in AD 65 in the aftermath of the conspiracy of
Piso (Tacitus, Annals 16.7–9).
portraits of men like Brutus, Cassius, and Cato: earlier emperors had
discouraged public veneration of these icons of Republicanism, and
under Nero it was hazardous to give house-room to their portraits
(Suetonius, Nero 37). Hence here ‘whenever possible … in his home’.

18 SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS: the celebrated biographer of the Caesars (born

c. AD 70, probably at Hippo Regius in Africa) is here a youthful
advocate at the outset of his public career. For a summary of his
career as administrator and historian, see OCD3. He is the recipient of
three other letters from Pliny (III 8; V 10; IX 34). Pliny hints that he is
playing a valuable role in promoting his young friend’s career.
a bad fright from a dream: Cicero’s discussion of dreams in his treatise
De diuinatione usefully focuses the arguments for and against dreams as
prophetic messages (1. 39–65 presents the Stoic case for taking dreams
seriously, and 2.119–48 the caustic rebuttal of the Academic). Pliny
reveals his own credulous attitude at VII27.12, as well as that of a friend
at V 5.5ff.
the court case … an adjournment: Pliny and Suetonius are appearing
jointly on one side in a civil case. Later in the letter, Pliny appears to
change his mind about the possibility of an adjournment.
‘for a dream comes from Zeus’: so Achilles in Homer, Iliad L 63,
suggesting that the Greeks investigate by some prophetic means why
Apollo is angry with them.
to plead in the Four Courts: Pliny was representing Junius Pastor
(possibly the Pastor who is a friend of Martial; see Martial 9.22) in the
Centumviral court, which divided the cases between four panels.
‘to fight for one’s native land was the best and sole omen’: so Homer,
Iliad 12.243, where Hector rebukes Polydamas for suggesting that the
omen of the snake should dissuade the Trojans from attacking the
Greeks.
your situation differs from mine: since Suetonius is the junior partner,
Pliny graciously offers to initiate his contribution until his friend is
prepared to appear.

19 ROMATIUS FIRMUS: this former fellow student of Pliny’s at the

grammaticus in Comum is also the addressee of IV 29, where he has
become one of the 180 judges in the Centumviral court.
a town-councillor … worth 100,000 sesterces: this passage provides
interesting evidence of the financial requirement demanded of a
municipal councillor in Italy.
the requirement for an eques: the figure of 400,000 sesterces needed for
enrolment in the equestrian order goes back to the period of the
Republic, at least from 76 BC (cf. Cicero, Pro Roscio comoedo 42; Horace,
Epistles L 1.58 provides evidence for what pertained from 67 BC).

20 CORNELIUS TACITUS: see note to 16. This request for the great historian’s
view on the controversy between Atticism and Asianism was made
when Tacitus was at the height of his oratorical powers (he became
suffect consul in 97), but before the publication of his Dialogus de
oratoribus (speculatively dated to c.101). The central theme of that
discussion between three eminent rhetoricians is that eloquence has
declined owing to the changed political circumstances of the day (the
dialogue is set in AD 75). Pliny may have taken this as a lament for the
standards of Cicero, and therefore support for his thesis; but Tacitus is
characteristically ambivalent, and leaves the onus of choice to the
 reader.
a certain man of learning and experience: this may be Lupercus, the
addressee of II 5 and IX 26; in the second of these, Lupercus is reported
as criticizing Pliny’s ebullient style.
nothing so much as brevity: Tacitus’ renowned brevity in his historical
works is no criterion for his views on rhetoric, especially at this early
date.
Lysias: (459–c.380), the virtual founder of the Atticist school; 34 of his
speeches survive. Cicero (Brutus 63) compares him with Cato: ‘Both are
sharp, elegant, and brief.’
the Gracchi … Cato: the brothers Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus, who, as
plebeian tribunes in 133 and 123–2 BC respectively, with their pungent
speeches weakened the dominance of the entrenched nobility; both had
Greek teachers of rhetoric. Tiberius’ oratory is known only at
secondhand through Plutarch, but some fragments of Gaius’ speeches
survive. Artistic rhetoric at Rome began earlier with the Elder Cato
(214–149 BC), numerous fragments of whose speeches survive.
Demosthenes … Hyperides: of this distinguished trio of fourth-century
Attic orators (Aeschines and Hyperides were bitter foes of Demosthenes
in politics and in the courts), Demosthenes is regarded as the master of
the grand style, the others less so. See OCD3, s.vv.
Pollio … and above all Cicero: in Tacitus’ discussions in the Dialogus de
oratoribus, little is made of these orators as exponents of the plain or
grand styles. Cicero is acknowledged as the master, closely followed by
Pollio, Caesar, and Caelius among others (Dialogus 25. 3).
Cicero’s longest speech: this is the Pro Cluentio, in which Cicero claims to
have employed all three styles of plain, medium, and grand (Orator 102
f.).
I take the opposite view: Quintilian (12.10.52) argues that written
versions should excise much from speeches as delivered; Pliny claims
that Cicero actually did so, citing the Pro Murena 57, where headings
replace the detailed charges, and Pro Vareno, which has not survived.
he followed the old procedure: see his comments in Pro Cluentio 199; cf.
Brutus 207.
l’archétype: here and at sections 15 and 22 below Pliny uses Greek
expressions.
in the speech against Verres: at Verr. 2.4.5 Cicero refers to Verres’ theft
of two bronze statues of the Canophoroe sculpted by the celebrated
Argive Polyclitus, whose name he affects to forget to accentuate
ironically the monstrosity of Verres’ conduct.
The laws support this belief of mine: Cf. VI 2.6.
Regulus: see note to 15.1. Pliny misses no opportunity to criticize him.
Pericles … Eupolis: some 500 fragments survive from 19 plays of
Eupolis, one of the leading playwrights of Old Comedy. This praise of
the great Athenian statesman is from the Demes.
a second comic poet: this is Aristophanes; for the quotation, see
Acharnians 531.
I am not approving … with the utmost clarity: of these three characters
in Homer’s Iliad, the first is the demagogue Thersites; for the epithet, see
Iliad 2.212. The second is Odysseus; this description of his oratory is at
Iliad 3.222. The third is Menelaus; see Iliad 3.214.
21 PLINIUS PATERNUS: the relatively uncommon surname makes it virtually
certain that this is the addressee of IV 14, VIII16, and IX 27. The first
and third of these are on literary topics, and the second on slaves,
both connections between the two friends implied in this letter.
Paternus is probably from Comum, and one of Pliny’s literary circle.

22 CATILIUS SEVERUS: this youthful friend of Pliny is to become a leading

figure in the state as suffect consul in 110 and 120, and as governor of
Armenia-Syria in between. Letter III 12 is also addressed to him. He
was the great-grandfather of the emperor Marcus Aurelius.
Titius Aristo: this older friend of Pliny was one of the outstanding legal
minds of the day, frequently cited in the Digest (the codification of
Roman Law by Justinian), and adviser to Trajan on legal affairs. Letters
V 3 and VIII 14 are addressed to him. Clearly he made a complete
recovery from this illness.
whenever I seek … information: see the example at VIII14.
bodily adornment … does not attend the gymnasia or the colonnades:
Pliny contrasts his friend with the philosophers, chiefly Greek, who
made themselves conspicuous with their groomed appearance (see e.g.
Euphrates at 110.6 f.) and philosophers’ cloaks. The gymnasia had
become more and more centres of education rather than of athletics, so
that philosophers held their seminars there as well as in colonnades.
to depart deliberately from life: Pliny has already reflected on the
arguments for and against suicide in the case of Corellius Rufus at 112,
where Rufus takes a Stoic attitude. Here, Aristo is more conscious of the
Aristotelian attitude of opposition to it for the sake of family and
community.
for God to consent: Pliny, like Seneca, frequently refers to the one deity
under the influence of Stoic thought.
My house at Laurentum: cf. note to I 9.4

23 POMPEIUS FALCO: he is another of Pliny’s youthful friends later to attain

political eminence. Almost certainly he is the Murena cited as tribune
in 97 in IX13. 19. He was governor of Lycia-Pamphylia and of Judaea,
became suffect consul in 108, governor of Lower Moesia in 116–17
and under Hadrian governed Britain and then Asia.
when you are a tribune: for the tribunate as the intermediate office
between quaestorship and praetorship in the imperial cursus honorum,
see note to 114.7. It had become less important, desirable only as a
necessary stepping stone to the higher positions. Patricians were
exempted from it.
I… when tribune: under Domitian, probably in AD 92; see the
Introduction, p. xiv. Pliny the arch-traditionalist has an anachronistic
view of the dignity of the office.
to intervene with the veto: there were isolated examples of the use or
threatened use of the tribunician veto in the later first century (e.g.
Tacitus, Annals 16.26.6, Histories 4.9), but not in the Centumviral court.

24 BAEBIUS HISPANUS: he is probably the addressee of VI25, by then in a

position of authority.
Suetonius Tranquillus: see 118 and note. There, as here, Pliny underlines
by his protective attitude Suetonius’ dependence on him for social
favours.

BOOK TWO
1 ROMANUS: for Voconius Romanus, see note to 15.
Verginius Rufus: born AD 14 of an undistinguished family at
Mediolanum, he reached the consulship in 63 under Nero, and became
governor of Upper Germany in 67. There he crushed the revolt led by
Vindex at Vesontio, and on Nero’s death resisted the pressure of his army
to claim the principate. His relations with Galba were cool, and when
that emperor was murdered, he supported Otho, who rewarded him with
his second (suffect) consulship in 69. When Otho committed suicide, he
preferred to support Vitellius rather than to accede to further pressure
from his troops to become emperor. Following the accession of
Vespasian to the throne, nothing more is heard of Verginius until 97
when Nerva conferred a third consulship on him, but he died shortly
after taking office. The public funeral over which the magistrates
presided was an exceptional honour bestowed by the emperor Nerva, a
‘close friend’ (section 3).
poems and historical works: no verses have survived, but for evidence
that Verginius was praised in the history of Cluvius Rufus, see IX 19.5.
Cornelius Tacitus as consul: see note to 120. This letter provides the
evidence for the date of Tacitus’ suffect consulship.
from the same district: that is, Transpadane Gaul. The territories of
Mediolanum and Comum bordered on each other, but Verginius’ family
also owned lands at Mediolanum.
bequeathed to me as my guardian: that is, in the will of Pliny’s father,
who may have made Verginius joint guardian with his brother, the Elder
Pliny.
he always put forward my name: but apparently without success, for
Pliny does not become augur until several years later (IV 8).
as one of the quinquevirs: for this body, see Pliny, Panegyricus 62.2. It
was appointed to review the expenditure of the treasury administered by
the Senate, the aerarium Saturni.

2 PAULINUS: Valerius Paulinus, recipient of IV 16; V 19; IX 3, 37, became

suffect consul in 107. His death is reported in X 104.
susceptibles: rendering the Greek word for ‘touchy’.
on my estate: it is not clear whether Pliny is at Laurentum or at
Tifernum.

3 NEPOS: he is the recipient of III16; IV26; VI19. His gentile name is

reported at IV 26 as Maecilius. Mommsen suggested that it should be
Metilius, suffect consul in 91.
Isaeus’ great reputation: the celebrated rhetorician is known also from
Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists 513.
to make the choice … and often also the side he is to take: this rhetorical
exercise appears to be the controuersia, in which a speaker was asked to
argue for or against a historical or fictitious course of action; for
example, should Hannibal have marched on Rome after his victory at
Cannae?
he instructs, charms, and moves: Pliny echoes the Ciceronian doctrine of
the task of the orator as delectare, docere, mouere.
His enthymemata … his syllogisms: whereas the syllogism proper has a
conclusion based on a combination of a major and a minor premiss, the
enthymema is an incomplete syllogism, whether based on a single
premiss or on incompatible premisses. See Quintilian 5.10.
a man from Gades: this is the sole evidence for the anecdote celebrating
the fame of Livy. Gades is the modern Cadiz.
that anecdote of Aeschines: Pliny presses the story again into use at IV 5,
in the context of self-praise. It appears earlier in Cicero, De oratore
3.213, where it is stated that the speech was On the Crown. Demosthenes’
praise of the delivery of Aeschines is at On the Crown 313.

4 CALVINA: otherwise unknown.

credited to your account: that is, to wipe out the debt owed to Pliny by
her father.
my resources are quite modest: attempts have been made to measure
Pliny’s finances. He drew about a million sesterces yearly from
properties worth about 15 million, and at this date, as prefect of the
treasury of Saturn he will have received a salary of at least 300,000
sesterces annually. These are modest sums compared with the wealth of
Regulus, for example, who was about four times as rich.

5 LUPERCUS: this friend of Pliny, valued for his literary judgement, is also
the recipient of IX 26, where the topic again is oratory, and where
Pliny defends himself against Lupercus’ criticism of his pompous style.
the speech which you have often requested: Pliny clearly regarded this
as a major speech, and at first sight it is tempting to identify it as the
Panegyric, delivered to Trajan in AD 100. But the references to his native
region (section 3), and the absence of laudatory mention of the princeps,
disqualify this suggestion. Secondly, the speech delivered at Comum for
the inauguration of the civic library (see I 8) is also ruled out, because
that was an informal sermo and not an actio, a political or forensic
speech, which is denoted here. The occasion of this speech cannot be
known.
in the manner not only of the historian, but also of the poet: such
pleasant diversions as geographical descriptions were a popular feature
of Hellenistic historiography, as a means of charming the reader, and
Roman rhetoricians approved the practice. So Cicero (Orator 66) states:
‘History is narrated in ornate style, and a region is often described.’ For
Pliny’s view of this relationship between history and oratory, see V 8.9
ff. History and poetry are closely associated in this sense; see Quintilian
10.1.31.
through applying several types of utterance: in this, as in much of his
theories of oratory, Pliny echoes the views of his former teacher
Quintilian (12.10.69 ff.).
certain initial passages: that is, sections of the prefaces which describe
the nature of the works. For this sense of principia, see Cato, De
agricultura, Praefatio 4; Quintilian 4.1.1 f.

6 AVITUS: the paternal advice offered by Pliny in this letter makes it

extremely likely that the recipient is Junius Avitus, the protégé whose
early death is lamented in VIII23, where details of his career are also
given.
himself and a few of us: this practice of separate fare for the host and
select guests should be read in conjunction with Juvenal 5, where, at
Virro’s dinner-party, there are as here three categories of guests. In each
course the privileged few are served elegant dishes. The second group,
the clients or dependants of the host, get inferior food and cheap wine,
and the third group, freedmen, starts a quarrel with them. In earlier days
old Cato, and then Julius Caesar, voiced objections similar to Pliny’s; see
the Elder Pliny’s Natural History 14.91; Suetonius, Julius 48.
not for disgrace: the Latin, non ad notam, evokes the censor’s mark of
disgrace on citizens condemned for moral lapses.
‘reduced to the ranks’: the military metaphor indicates that the practice
is unworthy of men wielding authority.

7 MACRINUS: Caecilius Macrinus is the recipient of five other letters (III 4;

VII 6, 10; VIII 17; IX 4). They mostly report details of extortion trials
in the Senate, thus suggesting that Macrinus is not a member of that
body.
Vestricius Spurinna: Pliny’s model for a vigorous life in old age; see III 1.
Born c. AD 23, he held the consulship three times, finally in AD 100
(Paneg. 61.7 ff.; 64.5 f.). For his other public appointments, see note to
III 1.12.
established the king of the Bructeri: the Bructeri were a tribe living
round the river Lippe in north-west Germany. From AD 75 Roman
operations were conducted against them under Vespasian and later
under Domitian. Tacitus (Germania 33) describes an intertribal war in
which more than 60,000 Bructeri fell. The settlement by Spurinna
reported here is probably to be dated to this period, when the tribe was
decisively weakened, rather than to the later period of 97–8. But see the
note below.
Cottius: at III 10 Pliny reveals that he has written a memoir of his life.
lost while he was away: this mention of Spurinna’s absence from Rome
has prompted the suggestion that his settlement of the Bructeri took
place in AD 97, but Spurinna was old for military operations, and he was
busy at court at this time.
encouraged to rear children: for the reluctance of the rich to have
children, see I 8.11, and for anxiety about the population shortage, see
Paneg. 28.6.

8 CANINIUS: for Caninius Rufus, see note to 17.

these close-confining bonds: his duties as prefect of the treasury of
Saturn.
a greater column: Pliny envisages his string of duties as a column of
slaves chained to each other as they proceed to work in the mines or the
fields.

9 APOLLINARIS: L. Domitius Apollinaris, the recipient also of V6, is cited at

IX 13.13 as about to become suffect consul in 97. He frequently
appears in Martial’s poems as the poet’s patron.
The candidature of my friend Sextus Erucius: for the reformed ladder of
offices, see note to 114.7. Erucius is now a candidate for the tribunate,
for which applicants were recommended by the Senate to the centuriate
assembly. The emperor (here Nerva) put forward names which the
Senate duly approved. Erucius eventually made his way up to the suffect
consulship in 117. He became city prefect and held a second consulship
in 146, the year of his death. His eminence as a literary figure is attested
by Aulus Gellius and Fronto.
the broad stripe: the latus clauus was a purple stripe on the tunic,
signalling the initial promotion to the quaestorship and thus membership
of the Senate. The passage here indicates that the emperor wielded
influence over the award.
Erucius Clarus … Gaius Septicius: since Sextus was the first of his family
to reach the Senate, his father is an anonymous figure. But his uncle C.
Septicius Clarus was to become praetorian prefect under Hadrian. He
was also a noted literary figure; the initial books of these letters, and the
Lives of the Caesars of Suetonius, were dedicated to him.

10 OCTAVIUS: for Octavius Rufus, see note to 17. This letter repeats his
eagerness expressed at I 7.5 to obtain a copy of Octavius’ verses.
claims them as his own: such plagiarism seems to have been rife in
Pliny’s day; see Martial’s repeated complaints (1.28, 38, etc.). For the
absence of copyright, see note to I 2.6.
this one memorial: throughout this section Pliny evokes the thought and
language of Horace, Odes 3.30.
a recitation … amenable to publication: see note to I 13.6.

11 ARRIANUS: For the background of Arrianus Maturus, see III 2. Four

other letters besides this and II 12 are addressed to him in his country
retreat: IV 8 (Pliny as augur); IV 12 (Pliny’s friend Marcellinus); VI 2
(death of Regulus); VIII 21 (Pliny’s recitation). All provide details of
life in Rome.
Marius Priscus: a senator from Spain who had become consul in the
early 80s, and proconsul of Africa (roughly modern Tunisia and Algeria)
in 97–8.
he pleaded guilty and asked for assessors: he was indicted for extortion
by individuals from the province. After an initial hearing in the Senate,
he pleaded guilty and asked for assessors to determine the level of
restitution to be paid. By this ploy he hoped to avoid exile or relegation.
bidden to represent the provincials: the Senate put forward a list of
names from which they were selected by lot.
Catius Fronto: suffect consul in 96, otherwise known only as a
competent advocate, also defending Julius Bassus (IV 9. 15) and Varenus
Rufus (VI 13.3).
Julius Ferox: suffect consul in late 98 or early 99, curator of the Tiber in
101—3, and subsequently proconsul of Asia in 116. The content of VII
13 suggests that he is a regular correspondent of Pliny.
summoned to attend, Vitellius Honoratus and Flavius Marcianus: by the
lex Iulia de ui, these men otherwise unknown were extradited in
connection with these serious accusations.
beaten with clubs … strangled in prison: these punishments when
imposed on Roman citizens were illegal. Condemnation to the mines
involved loss of liberty and citizens’ rights. Strangulation, the regular
form of execution in Republican times (e.g. of the Catilinarian
conspirators) had become less frequent by this date.
Tuccius Cerealis: the correct name is M. Tullius Cerialis, suffect consul in
90.
that Priscus be informed: following his condemnation, he was
disqualified from attendance until summoned.
the emperor as consul: the trial took place in January 100, shortly after
Trajan had been inaugurated as consul on 9 January. At the outset of his
principate he was anxious to clamp down on maladministration in the
provinces.
recently … a consular and … a septemvir: his condemnation had
deprived him of these titles. The septemuiri epulonum formed the fourth
class of priests after the pontiffs, the augurs, and the quindecimuiri sacris
faciundis.
four further water-clocks: the prosecution was normally allotted six
hours (see IV 9.9), which Pliny shared with Tacitus. The clocks normally
ran for a quarter of an hour each, but Pliny’s first twelve were larger,
running for twenty minutes.
Caesar … showed me … great support: the letters of Book X constantly
reflect Trajan’s interest in Pliny’s welfare. His ‘slender physique’ is also
referred to at IV 9.10, after another marathon performance of five hours.
Claudius Marcellinus: otherwise unknown.
Salvius Liberalis: his career is documented on an inscription (ILS 1011).
He was advanced by Vespasian, but after his suffect consulship in c.84,
he was prosecuted under Domitian, and presumably exiled (see III 9.33).
the summings-up: the probationes consisted of a review of the evidence,
spoken and written, before the senators voted.
Cornutus Tertullus: this long-standing friend of Pliny shared the suffect
consulship with him in September—October of this year (AD 100). Two
letters (VII 21 and 31) are addressed to him.
deposited in the treasury: as the money was illegally offered, it was not
to be restored. The aerarium Saturni, as opposed to the fiscus, the
imperial treasury, traditionally received the fees for extortion.
debarred from Rome and Italy: the punishment was not exile, which
would have meant loss of citizenship and of property, but the milder
sentence of relegation. Juvenal (1.49 f.) acidly comments: ‘Marius starts
drinking from the eighth hour, and enjoys the wrath of the gods, while
you, province, won your case and lament.’
as far as Pompeius Collega expressed agreement: the consuls-designate,
recorded their votes first, followed by ex-consuls in order of seniority.
Pompeius Collega, having held the consulship in 93, was well down the
order. His counterproposal would have spared Priscus the penalty of
relegation.
by the consuls’ chairs: one wonders if Trajan made any gesture which
affected this result.
un procès: the Greek word used by Pliny here (and at II 12.1: liturgion) is
of uncertain meaning.
Hostilius Firminus: otherwise unknown.
the account-books of Marcianus: a city-councillor at Lepcis. Lepcis
Magna, a coastal city east of Carthage in Tripolitania, was a Phoenician
foundation which expanded rapidly in the early principate. Its
considerable remains have attracted recent archaeological surveys; see
OCD3.
50,000 denarii … 10,000 sesterces: these sums were paid by the council
of Lepcis to Priscus and Firminus respectively; a denarius was the
equivalent of four sestertii. The figures were drawn from the account-
books of Marcianus. The description of Firminus as ‘perfumer’, a role
more appropriate to a slave, perhaps implies an effeminate relationship
with Priscus.

12 ARRIANUS: see notes to 12 and II 11. He receives this letter as a

postscript to II 11.
not satisfactorily: Pliny would have much preferred the proposal
advanced by Tertullus.
the consuls-designate: for Tertullus, see note to II 11.19. Acutius Nerva
held the suffect consulship earlier in 100 than Tertullus; he then became
governor of Lower Germany.
when lots were drawn: Firminus would have been eligible for one of the
provinces governed by those of praetorian rank.
nothing is so inequitable as equality itself: Pliny’s acceptance of the
democratic process in spite of its limitations is an echo of Cicero’s
discussion of the government of states in Republic 1 46–50.
a fast-moving and conscientious courier: the public service (cursus
publicus) was restricted to state business; see X 45 and note. For Pliny’s
couriers, see III 17.2; VIII 3.2.

13 PRISCUS: probably Javolenus Priscus, suffect consul in 83, governor of

Upper Germany c.90, and legate of Syria for an extended period some
time between 95 and 101. His career is outlined in ILS 1015. A less
likely identification is Neratius Priscus, governor of Pannonia 102–3,
but that date seems too late for this letter; note also in section 2, ‘You
have held this office for a long time’.
a really massive army: Syria housed three or four legions in the Flavian
period.
Voconius Romanus: see note to I 5.; X 4. Inscriptional evidence indicates
that he was from Saguntum in Spain, the son of Voconius Placidus.
While at school in Rome with Pliny, his father died, and he was adopted
by Licinius Macrinus.
his mother: for her wealth and prominence, see X4.2.
a priest in Nearer Spain: as flamen there he not only conducted the
ceremonies of the imperial cult, but also became president of the council
of the province. The tenure of the office, attained by election, was for
one year.
the ‘right of three children’: this privilege, established by Augustus to
encourage population growth, gave precedence in public offices to such
fathers. It was increasingly extended to others as a favour by later
emperors.

14 MAXIMUS: the identity of this Maximus is uncertain. Pliny’s circle has

several friends with this cognomen. The likeliest candidate is either
Novius Maximus, the recipient of IV 20 and V 5, or Maesius Maximus,
who received III 20 and IV 25. Both are apparently detached from life
in the capital.
Centumviral cases: for the scope of the civil court, see Cicero, De oratore
1.173.
Atilius: for Atilius Crescens, see note to I 9.8.
as with Homer in the schools: cf. Quintilian 18.5: ‘So the excellent
custom has been established of beginning by reading Homer and Virgil,
though there is need of more mature judgement to gain understanding of
their merits.’ The reference is to secondary education under the
grammaticus.
brought in by an advocate: for a depiction of the good old days in the
courts, see Tacitus, Dialogus 34.
in the middle of the basilica: the Centumviral court met in the Basilica
Iulia (built by Julius Caesar) in the Forum.
‘Sophocleses’… ‘Tommy Tuckers’: ‘Sophocleses’ literally means ‘those
who shout “How clever!” ‘. ‘Tommy Tuckers’ renders Laudiceni (‘those
who praise for their suppers’).
my announcers: these were slaves of Pliny who announced to their
master the names of persons encountered in the street, or received at
home. The age at which boys received the man’s toga was about 14–16
(see note to I 9.2).
Larcius Licinus: a celebrated advocate and rhetorician under Claudius
and Nero (see Gellius 17.1. 1). Later (c. 73) he became governor of
Hispania Tarraconensis, where the Elder Pliny was his procurator (see III
5.17).
my teacher Quintilian: Pliny again mentions at VI 6.3 that he was a
pupil of the venerable rhetorician, who wrote his Institutio Oratoria in the
reign of Domitian.
Domitius Afer: notorious as an accuser under Tiberius (Tacitus, Annals
4.52.1, 52.4, 66.1), Afer was celebrated as an advocate. Quintilian
(5.7.7) states that as a very young man he became a pupil of his. Afer
died in 59 (Tacitus, Annals 14.19).
he heard from close by: the court was divided into four sections to
enable more speedy disposal of cases; see note to I 18.3.
the beginning of gradual retirement: at X 3A Pliny indicates that after
becoming prefect of the treasury in early 98 until his consulship in 100,
he practised rarely, but thereafter his presence becomes more frequent,
as the letters of Book IV indicate.

15 VALERIANUS: Julius Valerianus, the recipient also of V4 and 13, is

otherwise unknown.
your ancient Marsian lands: the Marsi had by this date been virtually
consigned to history, so that Pliny uses the adjective in a jovial sense.
The area concerned is in central Italy, around the Fucine Lake and the
capital Marrucinum.
My mother’s estate: Pliny has difficulty superintending this property at
Comum from Rome. His father had died while he was still a minor, and
he was still only 17 when his uncle perished during the Vesuvius
eruption. Hence his difficulties in maintaining the property.

16 ANNIUS: Annius Severus was Pliny’s legal adviser, the recipient of III 6
and V 1, both concerned with legacies.
Acilianus: for this younger friend of Pliny, see the warm
recommendation at I 14.3 ff.
my own law: equity, the application of the principle of natural justice to
correct or supplement the force of law, was not a feature of Roman law
at this time. See further examples at IV 10, V 7.
no opening for an informer: by contrast with Domitian, Trajan
discouraged the practice of delation. See Panegyricus 34, where Pliny
states: ‘We have seen the column of informers brought in like brigands
and robbers … No will was safe from them …’ See also X 97.2 (Trajan to
Pliny): anonymous denunciations are ‘foreign to our age’.

17 GALLUS: probably Clusinius Gallus, to whom Pliny writes at IV 17

concerning an impending civil case, and the Gallus to whom VIII 20 is
addressed.
my Laurentine … estate: see note to I 9.4. Pliny’s detailed description of
the house has attracted many attempted reconstructions. Reproduced
overleaf is the diagram and key from Betty Radice’s Loeb edition of
Pliny, vol. ii, appendix B, itself based on C. Pember’s model in Oxford’s
Ashmolean Museum. Pliny’s imprecise description allows only a
tentative reconstruction.
one can stay there: ‘the business of the day’ would be complete by
midday or shortly after, allowing Pliny to reach his villa by late
afternoon.
Laurentum … Ostia: Ostia as the port of Rome lay at the mouth of the
Tiber. Laurentum, the site of a celebrated villa in the Antonine period,
lay on the coast further south.
a gentle, shady path: with some hesitation I accept and translate the
emendation uia for uinea, for the vine can hardly be ‘soft and yielding
even to bare feet’.
almost like a public building: Pliny is not making extravagant claims
about its dimensions, but merely draws attention to it as an unusual
feature in domestic architecture.
the Saturnalia: this celebration in honour of Saturn was gradually
extended from a single day on 17 December to a whole week by Pliny’s
day. The slaves of his household enjoyed freedom to gamble and to sport
without fear of punishment.
there is a village: this is uicus Augustanus, some five miles south of Ostia,
close to Castel Fusano. It is in this general area that Pliny’s villa is to be
located. Extensive excavations have taken place there; see R. Meiggs,
Roman Ostia2 (Oxford, 1973), 69.

18 MAURICUS: for Junius Mauricus and his dead brother Arulenus

Rusticus, see I 14.1–2. In that letter, Pliny writes to Mauricus, recently
returned from exile, and therefore not fully au fait with possible
candidates, in response to his request for advice on a husband for his
niece; Mauricus now makes a further request for help in the education
of his nephews.
I am going back to school: this passage indicates that the boys are old
enough (perhaps at 13 or 14) to attend a school of rhetoric. By this time
there were salaried professors (Vespasian appointed Quintilian as the
first) but also private practitioners.

PLINY’S HOUSE AT LAURENTUM

A. Entrance hall

B. Courtyard

C. Inner hall

D. Dining room

E. Bedroom

F. Bedroom

G. Gymnasium

H. Bedroom

I. Bedroom

J. Slaves’ rooms

K. Bedroom

L. Small dining room

L. Small dining room

M. Rooms and antechambers

N. Bathrooms

O. Heated swimming-bath

P. Ball court

Q. Suite with upper storey

R. Dining room, with stores above

S. Garden with vine pergola

T. Rooms behind dining room

U. Kitchen garden

V. Covered arcade

W. Terrace

X. Pliny’s private suite

Y-Z. Kitchens and storerooms, not mentioned by Pliny

many present of senatorial rank: senior figures attended these
performances for personal profit, or as invited friends, or (like Pliny) to
assess the teachers’ suitability for the education of their children or their
friends’ children.
to report to you … by letter: Pliny probably recommended Julius
Genitor, as he does to Corellia Hispulla at III 3.
not only resentment, but also enmity: doubtless not only from
unsuccessful candidates, but also from their patrons.

19 CERIALIS: Tuccius Cerialis. The speech which Pliny is being invited to

 read is probably that in which he indicted Marius Priscus as described
in II 11. The ex-consul Cerialis was not only present but also made a
formal proposal (II 11.9).
my speech: the speech was an indictment of extortion, which points
persuasively to that described in II 11.
the assemblage of judges … the partial audience: in this section Pliny is
generalizing about the superiority of the spoken speech, not only in the
Senate but also in the Centumviral court. The references to judges
(assessors) and to the audience are more appropriate to the latter.
this disharmony between styles: the controversy between the florid
Asianic style and the austere Atticism has already been discussed (see
e.g. I 2 and II 5). Whereas he argues in those letters for a combination of
the two, in this speech he clearly deployed the more austere utterance,
in view of the complexity of the legal arguments.
the Greeks have something not at all dissimilar: in his speech indicting
Priscus, Pliny argued against the simple application of the law against
extortion, which would have prescribed merely a financial penalty. He
compares this with the Greek fourth-century practice, which led to a
frequent graphē paranomōn (indictment for illegality). For example, after
Ctesiphon proposed a decree to award a crown to Demosthenes,
Aeschines brought such an indictment against him, which provoked
Demosthenes to utter his famous speech On the Crown.

20 CALVISIUS: for Calvisius Rufus, see note to I 12.12.

this princely story, or rather stories: Pliny ends Book II with a further
attack on his bête noire Regulus, here in his role as legacy-hunter. The
satirists regard this as virtually a profession; see Horace, Satires 2.5;
Juvenal 12.93 ff.; Petronius 116, 141, etc.
Verania, wife of Piso: L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus, after returning
from exile, was formally adopted by the emperor Galba in AD 69. This
greatly enraged the Praetorian Guard, who supported Otho, and they
murdered both the emperor and his adoptee. Verania secured her
husband’s body for burial (Tacitus, Histories 1.14 ff., 34 ff., 48).
Regulus approached her: for Aquilius Regulus, see note to I 5.1. The
hostile relations between him and Piso were doubtless attributable to
Regulus’ informing under Nero, when Piso was exiled and his brother
executed. But Regulus had amended his ways thereafter, and was clearly
on friendly terms with Verania.
I shall consult a soothsayer: Regulus shared the widespread belief in the
efficacy of astrology and haruspicy as prophetic. See section 13 below
and VI 2.2.
on the survival of his own son: the young man’s death is reported in IV
2, apparently later than the publication of this letter.
Velleius Blaesus: unknown, unless he is the Blaesus whose death is
signalled by Martial 8.28.
the scholars’ law?: in the school of rhetoric, the topic chosen had to be
illustrated by three examples.
Aurelia: mentioned as the target of a captator in Juvenal 5.97 f.
inheritances and legacies: the first as gifts of land, the second of other
legacies.
Mais pourquoi je me fâche?: the Greek (an echo of Demosthenes, On the
Crown 142) means: ‘Why do I get exercised?’
a twin set of entrails: the size of the liver was especially significant; see
e.g. Livy 27.26.14.

BOOK THREE
1 CALVISIUS RUFUS: see note to I 12.12.
Spurinna: for Vestricius Spurinna, see note to II 7.1.
At the second hour: the Romans divided the period between sunrise and
sunset into twelve hours, so that an hour varied in length according to
the time of the year.
enhanced by the integrity of their author: some of Spurinna’s verses are
risqué. Pliny justifies them by the traditional argument that they are
composed by innocents at play; so also Catullus 16.5 ff.; Ovid, Tristia
2.754; Martial 1.4.8; and Pliny himself, IV 14, V 3.
Corinthian ware: the Elder Pliny (Natural History 34.2.3) states that it is
made of ‘bronze blended with gold and silver’.
held magistracies, governed provinces: Spurinna held the consulship
three times, first under Vespasian (date uncertain), then in 98 and again
in 100. He was governor of Lower Germany under Vespasian or
Domitian; we have no knowledge of other governorships claimed by
Pliny. Under Nerva he served on the board seeking economies in the
outlays of the aerarium Saturni.

2 VIBIUS MAXIMUS: Pliny addresses him with both nomen and cognomen to
distinguish him from other Maximi. He is probably the Vibius
Maximus who became prefect of Egypt in 103.
Arrianus Maturus: see note to I 2.
Altinum: modern Altino on the Adriatic coast in Venetia. It was a
thriving town; see Martial 4.25.
3 CORELLIA HISPULLA: the daughter of Corellius Rufus, whose death Pliny
mourns in I 12. In IV 17 Pliny promises to represent her in court in what
may be a civil case,
Your father: see I 12 and note.
He has had teachers at home: the boy has now at the age of 13–14
completed his literary studies under the grammaticus at home. Quintilian
(1.2) discusses the rival merits of such private tuition and of attendance
at school with other pupils.
Julius Genitor: see II 18, where Pliny is seeking a suitable rhetor for the
nephews of Junius Mauricus. He has now made his choice, and
recommends him also to Hispulla. Three later letters (III 11; VII 30; IX
17) indicate a developing relationship between Pliny and Genitor, all
concerned with various aspects of the intellectual life.
first upright behaviour, and then eloquence: Pliny echoes his former
teacher Quintilian in his warnings against sexual immorality and on the
importance of choosing a teacher of integrity. Quintilian further
recommends the appointment of a second person to accompany the pupil
as a moral guide (1.2.5).

4 CAECILIUS MACRINUS: see note to 117.

a public building: Pliny had decided to pay for the erection of a temple
in the town of Tifernum; see IV 1.5; X 8.2.
leave from my prefecture of the treasury: see the Introduction (pp. xiv f.)
for his tenure of this post from early 98 to his consulship in 100.
a complaint against … Caecilius Classicus: Pliny records the details of
the trial in III 9. Classicus was proconsul of Baetica in 97–8, but his
death delayed the judicial process until late 99.
My colleagues: that is, in the treasury, notably Cornutus Tertullus, who
administered the civil treasury jointly with Pliny.
against Baebius Massa: for this indictment in 93 and the subsequent
ramifications, see VII 33.
my formal attachment … as patron: this system of patronage of
communities had developed from Republican days, when conquering
generals undertook protection of them; see Cicero, De officiis 1 35, The
system continued in Pliny’s day, but he does not acknowledge any
formal agreement with Baetica either here or at I 7.2.
the considerable dangers: Pliny uses similar language with reference to
the indictment of Baebius Massa at I 7.2. He is referring to the possible
displeasure of Domitian.
Classicus had died: see III 9.5: ‘whether by chance or suicide’.
for the third time: following his participation in the trials of Baebius
Massa and of Marius Priscus (see II 11).

5 BAEBIUS MACER: after being curator of the Appian Way, and then
governor of Baetica, he became suffect consul in 103, and city prefect
in 11 7.
my uncle: details of the career of the Elder Pliny (AD 23/24–79) and his
writings will emerge from the commentary on this letter.
One book on throwing the javelin from horsebook: the work has not
survived. It was probably written when Pliny was a junior cavalry officer
in Germany in the late 40s AD.
the life of Pomponius Secundus: after his consulship in 44, Pomponius
was governor of Upper Germany in 50–51 (Tacitus, Annals 12.27–8).
Pliny will have gained the older man’s affection during this period.
Twenty books on the wars in Germany: this substantial work covered the
German campaigns from the time of Julius Caesar to the reign of
Claudius. It is generally assumed that it was the source for Tacitus’
account of German affairs in Annals 1—6. It has not survived.
Nero Drusus: this stepson of Augustus and father of Claudius
campaigned in Germany 12–9 BC. He died as the result of an accident
(Dio 55.1), having reached the Elbe.
Three books on education: Quintilian perused them and regarded them
as fussy (11. 3.143 and 148). The work has not survived.
Eight books on ambiguity: the work, which has not survived, was
broader in scope than the title suggests. Pliny himself described it as De
grammatica (Natural History, Preface to Book 28). It was concerned with
regularity and exceptions in the forms of words (analogy and anomaly).
The Younger Pliny strikes an apologetic note here, hinting that his uncle
would not have devoted himself to such a work in less hazardous times.
where Aufidius Bassus left off: Bassus’ history may have covered the
period from the death of Julius Caesar to the later years of Claudius.
Quintilian is complimentary (10.1.103). Pliny’s history, which has not
survived, continued to the Jewish wars in 71. The Younger Pliny’s
reticence about this work is striking; he may have found the account of
Nero’s reign uncongenial.
Thirty-seven books on natural history: this encyclopaedia of every aspect
of the natural world has survived. On the author’s own count it contains
20,000 facts drawn from 2,000 authors. It deservedly gained eminence
in the Middle Ages, becoming a model for Isidore of Seville’s
Etymologiae.
he died in his fifty-sixth year: for the circumstances, at the eruption of
Vesuvius, see VI 16.19.
duties of the greatest importance: Suetonius, in his (fragmentary) De uiris
illustribus, states: ‘With the utmost integrity he administered as
procurator offices which were most splendid and in succession.’ These
took him to Gaul, Africa, and Spain.
friendships with emperors: amicitia is here technical, referring to his
membership of the emperor’s council, which in Vespasian’s day met
early in the morning. See Suetonius, Vespasian 2.
the time of the Vulcanalia: the feast, on 23 August, was an appropriate
day on which to begin to ignite the lamps for study.
he would often bathe … a light lunch: he thus reversed the normal
Roman pattern of exercise and bath after lunch (see Martial 4.8.1 ff.) At
VI 16.4 f. he follows the same routine of bathing before lunch.
we have lost ten lines and more: the book being read was poetry,
perhaps a comedy.
scraped and towelled: for the routine of oiling, strigilling, and towelling,
see J. P. V. D. Balsdon, Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome (London, 1969),
30.
a procurator in Spain … Larcius Licinus: see II 14.9. The elder Pliny was
in charge of the imperial finances in the province where Larcius was
governor.
official duties … services to friends?: the combination of the two
suggests that ‘official duties’ refers to business at Rome, when he was
prefect of the treasury (between early 98 and 100) or curator of the
Tiber (104–7). ‘Services to friends’ indicates court-appearances as
advocate or as assessor.

6 ANNIUS SEVERUS: see note to II 16.

a Corinthian statue: see note to III 1. 9 for Corinthian ware. Pliny
probably affects ignorance of it because the satirists and others targeted
pretentious owners. See Petronius 50; Martial 9.59.11; Seneca, De
breuitate uitae 12.2.
my name … with my titles: Sherwin-White suggests that this points to a
date after Pliny’s consulship when he was busy as a leading senator and
curator of the Tiber, rather than the period when he was prefect of the
treasury.

7 CANINIUS RUFUS: see note to 13.

Silius Italicus: this politician and poet (c.26–103) was a nouus homo,
initially notorious as an informer under Nero, who awarded him the
consulship in 68. He regained popularity under Vespasian, who
appointed him proconsul of Asia (c. 77). After retirement in Campania,
he devoted himself to literature and art. His epic poem, the Punica, the
longest surviving poem in Classical Latin, is on the Hannibalic War, with
Livy as the main authority and Virgil as poetic model. Pliny’s judgement
in section 5 below is just.
his elder son … has in fact attained the consulship: so also Martial 8.66.
a friend of Vitellius: he aided him in negotiations with Vespasian; see
Tacitus, Histories 3.65.
without thought of his wealth: the visitors were not legacy-hunting.
the accession of the new emperor: Trajan is meant. ‘Accession’ (aduentu)
less probably refers to Trajan’s arrival from Pannonia.
un connaisseur: the Greek philokalos refers to Silius’ enthusiasm for
collecting objets d’art.
a number of villas: they included Cicero’s villa at Cumae (Martial 11.48;
for Cicero’s ownership, Ad Atticum 5.2.1 f.).
Virgil’s tomb: Silius purchased it when it was in disrepair (Martial
11.50).
father of the Piso … killed in Africa: the father was consul in 27. The
son, consul in 57, when proconsul of Africa in 70 was assassinated by
Valerius Festus, the legionary commander acting in the interests of
Vespasian (Tacitus, Histories 4.48-50).
tears of Xerxes: the anecdote is recorded by Herodotus (7.45): ‘None of
all these thousands will be alive a hundred years from now.’
in another’s hands: Pliny laments the loss of political freedom under the
autocratic principate.
La lutte, c’est bonne: the Greek cited by Pliny is from Hesiod, Works and
Days 24.

8 SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS: see note to 118. Pliny’s condescending attitude

towards his protégé is further demonstrated here.
the tribunate … obtained from … Neratius Marcellus: Marcellus was
governor in Britain in 103 (and perhaps earlier). Pliny had obtained for
his young friend a post as military tribune there.
I am free to put Silvanus in your place: Marcellus had obviously given
Pliny carte blanche to enter a name in the army-list, without specifying
Suetonius.

9 CORNELIUS MINICIANUS: this equestrian from Bergamum is also the

 recipient of IV 11 and VIII 12. His background is described in VII 22.
Caecilius Classicus … Marius Priscus: this letter reports the details of the
trial of Classicus, governor of Baetica in 97-8, the preliminaries to which
were recounted in III 4. The trial of Marius Priscus is reported in II 11;
see the notes to these letters.
by a single community: as indicated here, prosecution of provincial
officials could be mounted by individuals, or communities, or provincial
councils. Classicus’ behaviour is here shown to have been more heinous
than that of Priscus.
against the allies and agents of Classicus: these were chiefly the
members of the governor’s staff, comprising tribunes, prefects, scribes,
and the rest, as detailed in Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo 13.
Lucceius Albinus: he is reported again as cooperating with Pliny in the
defence of Julius Bassus in IV 9. He may be the recipient of VI 10.
the exemplary tale of Sertorius: the anecdote is recorded in Valerius
Maximus 7.3.6, and also in Plutarch, Sertorius 16.5-11. In his attempt to
unify the revolts of the Spanish tribes against the post-Sullan regime at
Rome, and to discourage isolated and ineffective attacks on the Roman
forces by individual groups, Sertorius set before them an aged horse
attended by a strong man, and a strong horse with an attendant who was
a weakling. The two men were instructed to pull off the tails of their
respective horses. The strong man sought ineffectually to wrench the tail
off his horse by force; the weakling plucked out the hairs of his horse’s
tail one by one.
a written account … his actual words: these damaging documents came
from Classicus’ account-books and official files.
their carrying out of orders was a crime: the perennial issue of whether
subordinates can justify atrocities by claiming that they were carrying
out orders is discussed by D. Daube, The Defence of Superior Orders in
Roman Law (Oxford, 1956).
Claudius Restitutus: probably the Restitutus who is the addressee of VI
17.
relegated for five years: relegation was the lesser form of banishment,
allowing retention of citizenship and property.
from the judges’ bench: a panel of senators acted as judges; Pliny would
have been one of them had he not been assigned as prosecutor, as
described in III 4.
‘He will be just as innocent … the facts’: Pliny employed irony in
meeting these loud objections from supporters of the defendant.
a technique of Homer’s: the device of husteron proteron which Pliny
probably remembers from Cicero, Ad Atticum 1.16.1.
Norbanus Licinianus … a prevaricator: this letter is our sole evidence for
the career of Norbanus, here accused of prevarication or collusion with
the opposing counsel defending Casta, wife of Classicus.
two ex-consuls: Pomponius Rufus reappears at IV 9.3 as prosecutor of
Julius Bassus. He could be either Q. Pomponius, suffect consul 95 and
governor of Lower Moesia in 99, or C. Pomponius Rufus, consul 98. Libo
Frugi is not otherwise known.
before a judge in support of the accusers of Salvius Liberalis: for
Liberalis, see note to II 11.17. Here Norbanus appeared before a single
judge, presumably appointed by Domitian. It seems curious that such
evidence was admitted as relevant, unless it was argued that he was
guilty of calumny and that this was relevant to the charge of collusion.

10 VESTRICIUS SPURINNA: see II7.1 and note, and III 1. Cottia was
Spurinna’s wife.
an account of your son: for his death in 97, while Spurinna was
conducting business abroad, see II 7.3ff. Pliny is writing this extended
obituary some three years later.
for a second volume … in serial form: since uolumen means a roll rather
than a book, it is not clear whether he divided the work into two books,
or merely extended the earlier one.

11 JULIUS GENITOR: see note to III 3.5.

Artemidorus: nothing is known of him other than the details in this
letter.
when the philosophers were banished: in late 93 Domitian expelled the
philosophers after outspoken criticisms of his autocracy.
because I was a praetor: Pliny, like Tacitus, played safe during
Domitian’s regime, but loses no opportunity thereafter to claim that his
association with foes of the emperor made his position precarious.
Senecio, Rusticus, and Helvidius: for Senecio, see note to 15.3; for
Arulenus Rusticus, note to I 14.1. Helvidius, whose father had been
executed under Vespasian for his attacks on the regime, was charged
with composing a play implicitly critical of Domitian’s divorce. All three
were executed in 93; see Suetonius, Domitian 10.3 f.; Tacitus, Agricola 2.
Mauricus, Gratilla, Arria, and Fannia: for Junius Mauricus, see note to
15.10. Gratilla was the wife of Rusticus, Arria of Thrasea Paetus, and
Fannia of the elder Helvidius.
Gaius Musonius: the celebrated Stoic philosopher was implicated in the
conspiracy of Piso, and was banished by Nero in 65 and for a second
time by Vespasian. Pliny was about thirty years his junior.
firm control over his eyes and thoughts: condemnation of idle curiosity
is especially strong in Plutarch’s treatise, Moralia 515b—23b.

12 CATILIUS SEVERUS: see note to 122.

Socratic conversation: the phrase indicates intellectual conversation on
various topics, not merely philosophy.
your duties with early morning callers: for the early morning salutatio, at
which clients and others thronged the salons of more important citizens,
see Balsdon, Life and Leisure, 21 ff.
Not even Cato: the Younger Cato was notorious for heavy drinking. See
e.g. Plutarch, Cato the Younger 6: ‘He drank longer than anyone else, so
that he often continued over his wine till daybreak.’
Caesar’s rebuke: cited from Caesar’s lost work, the Anticato, written in
two books in 45 BC in reaction against Cicero’s laudatory Cato. See
Suetonius, Julius 56.5; Cicero, Ad Atticum 12.40.1; Plutarch, Caesar 54.

13 VOCONIUS ROMANUS: see notes to 15 and II 13.4.

the speech: this is the extant Panegyricus, which Pliny as consul delivered
to the Emperor Trajan in 100; he discusses the speech further at III 18.
The text is conveniently included (with translation) in the Loeb Pliny,
vol. ii.
the mode of expression: lying behind Pliny’s entire discussion here is the
traditional fivefold division of inuentio, dispositio, elocutio, memoria, and
actio. He claims that the uninitiated often excel at inuentio (invention of
topics and argumentation) and actio (delivery), but that arrangement of
topics and transitions (dispositio) and modes of expression (elocutio, or
style) require the training such as he enjoyed under Quintilian.
light … shadow: Pliny has probably derived this notion from Cicero, De
oratore 3.101.

14 ACILIUS: perhaps the P. Acilius of 114.6, or at any rate a friend remote

from Rome and its social problems.
Larcius Macedo: he cannot be positively identified. Other notorious
murders by slaves are recorded at VIII 14.12, and by Tacitus, Annals
14.42 ff.
Formiae: on the coast of Latium, the scene of Cicero’s death.
as murdered individuals usually are: when the city prefect Pedanius
Secundus was murdered in 61 by a slave, his entire household of 400
was executed (Tacitus, Annals 14.45; for the Senate’s draconian policy,
cf. Annals 13.32.1).
today’s holiday: Pliny writes at Rome, free from public duties.
in the public baths: following the example of Agrippa (20 BC), Nero,
Titus, and Trajan had all erected splendid thermae by Pliny’s day. In
addition there were numerous balnea, less pretentious establishments
which charged a mere quadrans for entry. See Horace, Satires 1.3.137;
Juvenal 6.447; Balsdon, Life and Leisure, 26 ff.

15 SILIUS PROCULUS: otherwise unknown.

Cicero: in making this implicit comparison between Pliny and Cicero,
Proculus finds a sure way to Pliny’s benevolence, since Pliny likes to
pose as a latter-day Cicero. For Cicero’s encouragement of the young
men around him, see e.g. J. P. V. D. Balsdon, ‘Cicero the Man’, in T. A.
Dorey (ed.), Cicero (London, 1964), 187 ff.
respect for poetry: like so many of his contemporaries, Pliny tries his
hand at verses, recorded increasingly from IV 14 onwards.

16 NEPOS: see note to II3.

Fannia: see note to III 11.3. As the second wife of Helvidius Priscus, she
was banished three times (VII 19.4), before finally returning from exile
in 97 (IX 13.5). Pliny recounts her final illness in VII 19.
the famous Arria: the wife of A. Caecina Paetus became celebrated for
her intrepid exhortation to her husband as she encouraged him to follow
her lead in committing suicide in prison in 42.
Caecina Paetus: suffect consul in 37. The date of this illness and of his
son’s death is uncertain.
That celebrated action: it is recounted also by Cassius Dio (60. 15.5 f.),
and by Martial (1. 13).
When Scribonianus raised a rebellion: L. Arruntius Camillus
Scribonianus was governor of Dalmatia in command of two legions. His
attempted coup d’ état to restore the Republic in 42 fizzled out after five
days (Suetonius, Claudius 13.2).
the wife … laying information before Claudius: Cassius Dio states that
the trial took place in the Senate, in the presence of Claudius. The wife,
Vibia, was relegated (Tacitus, Annals 12.52).
her son-in-law Thrasea: this moderate Stoic, after being consul in 56,
was executed under Nero in 66. Tacitus, Annals 16.21 f., indignantly
reviews the events leading to the execution.
17 JULIUS SERVIANUS: three times consul, and under Trajan the legate
successively of Upper Germany and Pannonia, he was one of the
influential figures under Trajan and Hadrian, until at the age of 90 he
fell under suspicion of conspiracy, and was executed.
fully stretched … not fully stretched: the phrases point to his tenure as
governor of Pannonia c.100, rather than to his campaigning
subsequently with Trajan in Dacia.
few or no opportunities to write?: presumably with reference to the
availability of couriers.
18 VIBIUS SEVERUS: a friend from Pliny’s native region (perhaps from
Mediolanum), who is the recipient also of IV 28. Both letters indicate
common literary interests.
My position as consul: it appears to have been the convention that each
incoming consul gave thanks for his appointment, and paid tributes to
the emperor. Pliny was the third or fourth incumbent of the office in
100. For the extant Panegyricus, see note to III 13.1.
in a more extended … version: it has been hazarded that the speech as
delivered was a third or a quarter the length of the written version.
these literary recitals … are being revived: see 113. Note that here the
revival is attributed to the change of regime after Domitian.
a more luxuriant style … restrained and severe presentation: Pliny
reverts to the controversy of the merits between the plain style of
Atticism and the baroque style of Asianism, which preoccupies him in
earlier letters from 12 onwards.

19 CALVISIUS RUFUS: see note to I 12.12.

A neighbouring estate: this is adjacent to Pliny’s property near Tifernum
in Etruria. This is indicated by the description of the property at V 6.
Rufus, as a native of Comum, would not have needed such detail if Pliny
had been referring to property there. The mention of travel-costs
excludes Laurentum.
woodland, which provides timber: see V 6.8 for a similar comment about
the Tifernum estate.
we shall have to equip them with slaves: the tenants will have forfeited
their slaves as well as farming-equipment through their inability to pay
the rent.
the economic slump: perhaps in part attributable to overproduction of
wine, intensified by provincial competition. Domitian forbade new
vineyards to be planted in Italy, and those in the provinces to be cut
down (Suetonius, Domitian 7.2).
money from my mother-in-law: for Pompeia Celerina, see 14, where her
generosity towards Pliny is indicated.

20 MAESIUS MAXIMUS: aside from this letter and IV25 (also on voting
procedures), he is unknown.
the lex tabellaria: four such laws regulating voting were passed between
139 and 107 BC, the first on the proposal of A. Gabinius, plebeian tribune
in 139 (see Cicero, Laws 3.35–7). When the secret ballot was introduced,
voters were issued with a small boxwood tablet on which to record their
vote. After a lapse of time, secret ballots were reintroduced by the lex
Valeria of AD 5, but it is clear from this letter that the procedure had
again lapsed, and had only recently been restored.
on the day of the elections: all magistrates (consuls, praetors, quaestors,
aediles) were elected at one meeting in January.
the procedure at elections: the emperor Tiberius in AD 14 had transferred
the elections from the popular assembly to the Senate (Tacitus, Annals
1.15.1). Pliny’s older friends will have described the procedure under
Claudius.
a rival’s origin, age, or even character: descendants of slaves required
the lapse of three generations before becoming eligible for equestrian
rank. The minimum age for a quaestor was 25. Certain mean professions,
as well as public disgrace, debarred candidates from office.
as in court cases: Pliny obliquely refers to his honourable conduct as
judge in extortion trials.
certain streams flow: in the more tolerant era of Trajan, greater respect
towards Republican offices and procedures was shown.

21 CORNELIUS PRISCUS: After becoming suffect consul in 104 (he is called

consularis at V 20.7) he became proconsul of Asia c. 120-1.
Martial: the Spanish poet (c.40-c.104) was a protégé of the Younger
Seneca and friend of most of the literary men at Rome, where he lived
from 64 to 98, keeping on the right side of emperors. Twelve books of
his Epigrams have survived.
When he was retiring from Rome: he retired to Spain, to his native
Bilbilis, in 98, and died there.
poets who had written eulogies: Pliny thinks pre-eminently of Pindar,
whose patrons included not only leading aristocrats but also the ruling
houses of Cyrene, Syracuse, and Acragas.
the verses for which I thanked him?: the ten lines quoted are lines 12-21
from Epigrams 10.20 (19), composed at Rome in autumn 94. They are
written in hendecasyllables.
on the Esquiline: Pliny’s town house lay on this eminence to the east of
the city.
the court of Centumviri… Arpinum’s pages: at this early stage of his
career (see above) Pliny’s chief occupation was with the lawsuits in the
civil court. Arpinum was the birthplace of Cicero, with whom Pliny loves
to be compared.
his writings will not be immortal: for this just appraisal, compare III 7.5
on Silius Italicus.

BOOK FOUR
1 CALPURNIUS FABATUS: this equestrian landholder at Comum and
elsewhere is the recipient of seven further letters (V 11; VI30; VII 11,
16, 23, 32; VIII 10), chiefly concerned with family affairs and
property. He was accused of being implicated in the treason charges
against L. Junius Silanus in 65, but escaped by a direct appeal to the
emperor (Tacitus, Annals 16.8.3). His death is reported in X 120.
your granddaughter: Calpurnia Fabata, Pliny’s third wife, was the
daughter of Fabatus’ deceased son. Her virtues as wife are extolled in IV
19.
a town close to our estate … Tifernum-on-Tiber: Pliny inherited the
estate from his uncle, the Elder Pliny, and presumably at the same time
the role of patron of the town; he was 17 or 18 at his uncle’s death at the
eruption of Vesuvius.
a shrine: work was to start on it in 99 (III 4.2), but delays hindered its
completion (X 8.3).
your daughter: Calpurnia Hispulla. Letters to her (IV 19; VIII11) report
on her niece’s virtues as a wife and on her miscarriage.

2 ATTIUS CLEMENS: the recipient of 110, otherwise unknown.

Regulus has lost his son: for Regulus, see note to 15.1. At II 20.5 Pliny
hints that Regulus is putting the boy’s life at risk by swearing false oaths
on his head.
released him from paternal authority: while subject to patria potestas the
boy could not inherit (Gaius 1.132, 134).
now that he has lost him: Regulus’ grief is signalled in other ways at IV
7.
with his statues: not necessarily all statues of himself; see IV 7.1 for
those of his son.

3 ARRIUS ANTONINUS: suffect consul in 69 and (probably) in 97, proconsul

of Asia probably in 78. He was the grandfather of Antoninus Pius. The
brief notes addressed to him in IV 18 and V 15 are both concerned
with his literary efforts.
Homer’s fabled ancient: Nestor, the archetypal old sage, hence a
flattering comparison with Antoninus. Homer (Iliad 1.249) writes of him:
‘The speech from his tongue flowed sweeter than honey.’
Callimachus or Herodas: Callimachus flourished in the early third
century BC. Of his massive poetic output six hymns and sixty epigrams
survive. These cover a mélange of erotic, literary, and dedicatory topics.
Herodas, flourishing about a generation later, wrote mimes in scazons
(limping iambics). Seven of them have survived with such titles as ‘The
Procuress’, ‘The Brothel-keeper’, ‘The Shoemaker’, and ‘The
Schoolmaster’.
4 SOSIUS SENECIO: see note to 113.
Varisidius Nepos: otherwise unknown.
Gaius Calvisius: see note to 112.12.
a six-months’ tribunate: there is controversy about the exact nature of
the office; the term is familiar from inscriptions. One attractive
suggestion is that it covered the period of the campaigning season. The
salary of 25,000 sesterces is half that of the pay of a full-blown military
tribune.

5 JULIUS SPARSUS: the suffect consul of 88 and friend of Martial (12.57.3)

is also the recipient of VIII 3.
The story goes: for the anecdote about Aeschines and Demosthenes (with
a slightly different slant), see II 3.10 and note.
a speech of mine: probably the Pro Basso, detailed in IV 9.
6 JULIUS NASO: a young protégé of Pliny, who reports that he is canvassing
for him to become quaestor in VI 6.
Etruria … across the Po: these generalities refer to Pliny’s estates at
Tifernum and Comum.
My Laurentine estate: see II 17.

7 CATIUS LEPIDUS: otherwise unknown.

Regulus: see note to 15.1.
to mourn his son: cf. IV 2.
‘ignorance breeds daring … hesitation’: the apt citation is from the
funeral-speech of Pericles at Thucydides 2.40.3. Pericles claims that
Athenians are superior to others in being ‘most daring in action, and in
reflection on deeds we are about to undertake. In others, ignorance
breeds boldness, and reflection breeds hesitation.’
weak lungs … memory: Regulus’ feeble oratory is earlier criticized at
120.14 f.
Herennius Senecio: see note to I 5.3.
Cato’s definition: see Quintilian 12.1.1: ‘uir bonus dicendi peritus.’
Demosthenes’ words: Pliny cites On the Crown 291

8 ARRIANUS MATURUS: see note to 12. He may have been serving in Egypt
under Vibius Maximus at this time (III2.2; IV 12.7).
the augurate: this was one of the four main colleges of priests, together
with the pontifices, the quindecimuiri sacris faciundis, and the septemuiri
epulonum. For the functions of augurs collectively and individually, see
OCD3. In Pliny’s day, appointments were in the gift of the emperor; at X
13 Pliny begs for admission to this or to the septemuiri.
other positions: not other priesthoods (all held for life), but other
positions of prestige.
Julius Frontinus: after his first consulship in 73 or 74, he governed
Britain in 74-8. After a period of obscurity under Domitian, he became
curator of aqueducts in 97, and held further consulships in 98 and 100.
His tenure as curator of aqueducts resulted in his treatise De aquis; he is
probably also the author of Strategemata.
at a much earlier age: Cicero became consul at 43, and augur at 53;
Pliny became consul at 38 or 39, and augur at about 42.

9 CORNELIUS URSUS: the recipient of three other letters (V20; VI5, 13) on
the trial of Rufus Varenus, and of a further brief letter (VIII 9) of no
consequence.
Julius Bassus: he was quaestor, then praetorian governor in Bithynia in
100-1. Of the earlier indictment under Vespasian, nothing further is
known. His friendship with Domitian, leading to a strained relationship
with Titus, and his relegation by Domitian, suggests involvement in
court intrigues.
Pomponius Rufus … Theophanes: for Rufus, see note to III 9.33.
Theophanes is not otherwise known.
his positive qualities: these ornamenta, gained in part from ‘hazardous
processes’, imply that the hostility of earlier emperors was regarded as a
positive merit.
plotting of the informers: the other main source for Bithynian affairs at
this date, Dio of Prusa, refers satirically to the profitable trade of
informers (43.6 f.).
other accusations: chiefly charges of cruelty and violence against
individuals (see Dio of Prusa 43.11).
for he had been quaestor: as the duties of a provincial quaestor were
mainly financial, he would have had opportunities for gain.
the Saturnalia: 17 December and subsequent days were the period for
exchange of gifts and merrymaking; see II 17.24.
the law: cf. II 11.14.
my physical strength: see similarly II 11.15.
Lucceius Albinus: see note to III 9.7.
Herennius Pollio: otherwise unknown.
Homullus and Fronto: M. Junius Homullus was suffect consul in 102,
and then governor of Cappadocia-Pontus. He defends Rufus Varenus at
V20.6, and is mentioned as a participant in a senatorial debate at VI
19.3. For Catius Fronto, see note to II 11.3.
Baebius Macer … Caepio Hispo: on Macer, see note to III 5. Caepio
Hispo (suffect consul c. 101) became successively governor of Baetica
and of Asia.
Valerius Paulinus: see note to II2.
the consuls did not pursue the proposal: Pliny gives the misleading
impression that Theophanes left the Senate under a cloud, and that
Bassus had been maligned. In fact, as emerges from X 56.4, all Bassus’
decisions in the province were annulled; he had got off lightly.

10 STATIUS SABINUS: almost certainly the recipient of VI 18; IX2 and 18; a
native of Firmum and a military commander. The tone of the letters
indicates that he is not an intimate of Pliny.
Sabina: clearly a relative of Pliny’s correspondent.
this seems clearly mistaken: compare II 16.2 for Pliny’s praiseworthy
espousal of the principle of equity in the face of Roman law.

11 CORNELIUS MINICIANUS: see note to III9.

Valerius Licinianus: not known outside this letter.
‘What sport… senators!’: the lament inspired Juvenal’s ‘Should Fortune
so wish, you will become a consul from being a rhetor, but should she so
wish, you will become a rhetor from being a consul’ (7.197 f.).
‘debarred from water and fire’: the traditional formula for deportatio, the
stricter form of banishment. For the toga versus the Greek pallium, see
Cicero, Pro Rabirio Postumo 25 ff.
He had wanted to bury Cornelia … alive: Pliny is guilty of special
pleading on behalf of Cornelia throughout this letter. Other
contemporary authors have little doubt about the guilt of her and of
other Vestals. See especially Suetonius, Domitian 8.3 f.: ‘The sexual
depravities of the Vestals had been ignored by Domitian’s father and
brother, but he punished them harshly in various ways.’ He states that
three were allowed to commit suicide, and when Cornelia was convicted,
her debauchers (plural) were beaten to death in public. Cornelia is
probably the Cornelia Cossa appointed as a Vestal at a youthful age in
62 (Tacitus, Annals 15.22).
not to the Regia: the official residence of the chief priest (Pontifex
Maximus) at the eastern end of the Forum. Pliny is hinting that the
meeting held elsewhere was irregular.
He condemned Cornelia: Suetonius’ account indicates that there were
two hearings. At the first, when three Vestals were found guilty and
committed suicide, Cornelia was acquitted; at the second, she was
condemned. The date of the trials is conjectural, perhaps c.90.
defiled his brother’s daughter: the account of Pliny is closely echoed by
Suetonius, Domitian 22, who states that after the deaths of her father and
her husband, Domitian ‘loved her openly and most passionately’, and
later compelled her to abort her child.
Priests were immediately dispatched: the procedure is described in
Plutarch, Numa 10, preceded by details of the privileges and the tenure
of office of the Vestals. The guilty Vestal was borne on a litter through
the Forum, and lowered by ladder to an underground chamber, where
she was left with a modicum of food and water. Pliny’s account is
dramatically elaborated.
‘she took elaborate care … due decorum’: so Euripides, Hecuba 569,
describing the death of Polyxena, the archetypal sacrificial victim whose
death was to ensure a safe crossing for the Greek ships making from
Troy.
Celer: otherwise unknown. Juvenal (4.8 ff.) names Crispinus as one of
Cornelia’s guilty partners.
he had hidden a freedwoman: thus preventing her from giving evidence,
which points to his guilt.
Herennius Senecio: see note to I 5.3. His death in 93–4 provides a
terminus ante quem for the trial.
the ‘Patroclus is dead’ technique: at Homer, Iliad 18.20, Antilochus, son
of Nestor, reports briefly the death of Patroclus to Achilles. Quintilian
(10.1.49) signals it as a classic account of brevity.
the mild form of exile: not relegation, for Licinianus forfeited his goods
and citizenship; perhaps indicating deportation to a more civilized
region.

12 ARRIANUS MATURUS: see note to 12.

Egnatius Marcellinus: he becomes suffect consul in 116, but at this time,
as a mere quaestor, he does not get further mention in the letters.
he consulted Caesar: Trajan duly passed him on to the Senate, since this
was the concern of the aerarium Saturni rather than the fiscus.
Caecilius Strabo … Baebius Macer: these are senior senators who make
their proposals at the close of the speeches. Strabo is consul-designate
for 105, September to December; he is mentioned again at IV 17.1. For
Macer, see note to III 5.
as they journey abroad: Arrianus is in Egypt at this time, serving on the
staff of Vibius Maximus; see III 2.

13 CORNELIUS TACITUS: see note to 16. Reference to his safe return implies
that he has been on short-term duty abroad.
on this Tusculan estate: Pliny gives no indication elsewhere of owning a
residence at Tusculum; this is doubtless a friend’s estate.
I was in my native region: the visit was reported in IV 1.
‘Are you a student?’: the boy is studying at a school of rhetoric in
Mediolanum. He is about 14 years old. Compare II 18.1 and note.
Where could their morals be better safeguarded … their parents’ eyes?:
for the moral dangers at schools of rhetoric, see III 3.3 f.
I do not as yet have any children: his (third) marriage was recent; see IV
1.
by canvassing … teachers hired at public expense: Pliny fears that
inferior appointments may be made through influential connections.
Public subsidies for such appointments had been in operation since
Vespasian’s time (Suetonius, Vespasian 18.1).
the horde of students who surround you: not that Tacitus offers formal
instruction; eager students attend him as he performs in the Centumviral
court.

14 PATERNUS: almost certainly Plinius Paternus, a distant relative from

Comum; see note to I 21.
my hendecasyllables: this is the first mention of Pliny’s verse-
composition, which becomes a prominent feature throughout Books IV–
IX. Pliny responds to criticism of this initial collection in V 3.
In these … more elevated style: the range of topics parallels the
collection and influence of Martial.
which Catullus formulated: see Catullus 16.5–8; in this poem in
hendecasyllables, Catullus obscenely but jovially attacks his friends
Aurelius and Furius for attacks on his virility.
You can call them epigrams … short poems: traditional titles for short
poems inherited by Latin versifiers from Hellenistic poets.

15 MINICIUS FUNDANUS: see note to 19.

Asinius Rufus: this praetorian senator is mentioned in the letters only
here.
many regard even one child as a burden: cf. I 8.10 ff.
Saturius Firmus: not otherwise known.
you will become consul next year: in fact, Minicius became consul in
107, a year later than Pliny had anticipated.
Asinius Bassus, becomes quaestor: of the twenty quaestors appointed
annually, four were chosen as assistants to the consuls. Pliny is
promoting Bassus for one of these posts.
after the fashion of our ancestors: see e.g. Cicero, Ad familiares 13.10.1.

16 VALERIUS PAULINUS: see note to II2.

a full seven hours … the length of my speech: though Pliny speaks at
great length in extortion cases in the Senate (cf. II 11.14; IV 9.9 ff.),
speeches in the Centumviral court were usually confined to an hour or
less (cf. VI 2.5 ff.). This exceptional case may be the speech referred to at
IV 24.1, an address to all four panels of the court.
some read: that is, they read their speeches (or their verses) at a recitatio.
17 CLUSINIUS GALLUS: see note to II 17.
Corellia: for Corellia Hispulla, see III 3.
Gaius Caecilius: this is Caecilius Strabo, on whom see note to IV 12.4.
Corellius?: see I 12.1 ff. and notes.
the distinguished office: he is to become suffect consul in September
105, five years after Pliny.
Secundus and Cornutus: Pliny was closely associated with his older
friend Cornutus Tertullus. They were colleagues as prefects of the
treasury of Saturn, and later as consuls (see V 14.5).

18 ARRIUS ANTONINUS: see note to IV 3.

as Lucretius puts it: see Lucretius 1. 832, where he complains of the
absence of a Latin expression to render Anaxagoras’ homoeomeria (‘the
likeness of parts to the whole, and to one another’). He repeats the
complaint at 3.260. The view is challenged by Cicero, De finibus 1.10: ‘I
believe … that Latin, so far from being impoverished, is actually richer
than Greek.’

19 CALPURNIA HISPULLA: see note to IV 1.7.

the father she has lost: this son of Calpurnius Fabatus, otherwise
unknown, had died shortly before this third marriage of Pliny, first
reported in IV 1.
not my time of life or my body which she loves: Pliny is well into his
forties, while the girl is nearly thirty years younger.
my mother: Plinia, sister of the Elder Pliny. The detail in this letter, and
her absence from other letters, suggests that she had died many years
earlier.
20 NOVIUS MAXIMUS: see note to II 14 for possible identification with the
addressee there.
each of your volumes: Novius has sent individual sections of a work for
scrutiny to Pliny, who now offers a general (and generous) judgement.
The work is probably the attack on Planta mentioned as still unpublished
at IX 1. Pompeius Planta, governor of Egypt in 98–100, wrote an account
of the civil conflicts of AD 69 which presumably included criticism of
allies of Novius.
your resentment: Novius’ work is obviously a bitter polemic, which lends
substance to the suggestion in the previous note.
21 VELIUS CERIALIS: otherwise unknown.
the Helvidian sisters!: the daughters of the younger Helvidius Priscus, on
whom see note to III 11. 3. They were only recently married; their
husbands are unknown.
since his death: that is, since 93, when he was executed on the orders of
Domitian.
my speech and my books: the speech was the condemnation of Publicius
Certus, who had prosecuted Helvidius Priscus in 93. The books were
written versions of his speeches in vindication of Priscus. See IX 13.

22 SEMPRONIUS RUFUS: suffect consul in 113, and recipient of V 9.

Gymnastic games … at Vienna: Vienna (modern Vienne), in Narbonese
Gaul, became a Roman colony under Gaius. The Greek athletic and
musical contests were frowned on by Roman conservatives especially for
their homosexual inclinations.
Trebonius Rufinus … a city-magistrate: after obtaining the status of
Roman colony, Vienna boasted duumvirs elected annually, of whom
Rufinus was one.
Junius Mauricus: see notes to I 5.10, II 18. Nerva had brought him back
from exile in 97.
Veiento: after a chequered career under Nero, Fabricius Veiento was
influential under the Flavians, becoming consul three times. Despite
having been influential with Domitian, he survived and indeed
prospered subsequently. Pliny’s contempt for him is attributable to his
association with discredited figures like Publicius Certus (see IX 13. 13
ff.).
Catullus Messalinus: he held the consulship twice with Domitian in 73
and 85. The pointed remark of Mauricus here is doubtless directed
against Veiento’s successful survival.

23 POMPONIUS BASSUS: after serving on the staff of the governor of Asia in

79–80, Bassus became consul in 94, governor of Cappadocia 95–100,
and curator alimentorum in 101.
the ideal old age: compare Pliny’s eulogy of Spurinna at III 1.
this is what the laws prescribe: from the time of Augustus onwards,
senators were excused from attendance at the age of 70, and this was
later reduced to 60 (Dio 55.31—3).

24 FABIUS VALENS: an officer with that name served with Vitellius in the
civil wars of 69, but the identification is uncertain. See Tacitus,
Histories 1.7.
the four panels: the 180 judges of the Centumviral court normally sat in
four panels to expedite cases, but for major or more complex ones they
sat in judgement together.
friendship with the emperor: the emperor had an advisory group, the
consilium principis. For its activities under Nerva and Trajan, see John
Crook, Consilium Principis (Cambridge, 1955), 53 ff.
My speech-making: translating studia, which here connotes speeches
both delivered and later edited for publication. Pliny makes much of the
‘danger’ he faced under Domitian, in his support of the Stoic opposition:
he undoubtedly protests too much.

25 MAESIUS MAXIMUS: see note to III 20. This letter resumes the theme of
that letter.
the recent elections: held in January 105.
the names of the campaigners: the implication being that the views of
the candidates can be elicited by the identity of the sponsors.
‘But he who is over us … of that’: from Plato, Phaedo 95b. Socrates there
refers to God, but Pliny directs the quotation to the emperor, lamenting
that the Senate takes its responsibilities so lightly that Trajan is left with
more to do.

26 MAECILIUS NEPOS: see note to II3.

about to be governor of a massive province: the province is uncertain;
Pannonia and Asia have both been suggested.

27 POMPEIUS FALCO: see note to 123.

Sentius Augurinus: Pliny’s youthful admirer, who receives a note of
thanks for compliments received at IX 8, became proconsul of
Macedonia under Hadrian.
his short poems: Latin poematia, one of the terms which Pliny envisages
for his epigrams at IV 14.9.
if I can recall the second line: the first two lines of this supremely
forgettable epigram are omitted.
seeking a love-affair… is loved: referring to the fictions of love-
encounters in the epigrams of Pliny and contemporary versifiers.
with Spurinna and with Antoninus: see III i, IV 3, and notes, for these
worthies. It is uncertain which of the two is his kinsman.
that famous saw: the citation is from Euripides, Phoenix, fr. 809 Nauck.

28 VIBIUS SEVERUS: see note to III 18.

Herennius Severus: this friend, who perhaps comes from Mediolanum,
may be the Severus who is the recipient of IX 22, but is otherwise
unknown.
Cornelius Nepos and Titus Catius: Nepos (c.110—24 BC), biographer and
friend of Catullus and Cicero, and Catius, ‘an Insubrian Epicurean’
(Cicero, Ad Familiares 15.16.1, reporting his recent death), both hailed
from Mediolanum or a neighbouring township.

29 ROMATIUS FIRMUS: see note to 119. The judges in the Centumviral

court, of which he is one, were drawn from the five divisions of
equestrians (decuriae) nominated by the emperor. Presumably each
decuria was responsible for nominating its judges.
Licinius Nepos!: as a praetor for this year (105), this petty official has
been appointed to draw up the list of judges from one of the decuriae.
We see him busy at work again in V 4 and VI 5.
30 LICINIUS SURA: this Spaniard was a major political figure at the court of
Trajan, who awarded him his second and third consulships in 102 and
107. He was also a considerable intellectual, as the epigrams of his
fellow countryman Martial indicate (see e.g. 1.49; 7.47). In a further
letter addressed to him (VII 27), Pliny consults him on the authenticity
or otherwise of ghosts.
a spring: this is still visible today in the Villa Pliniana near Torno on the
eastern side of Lake Como. The phenomenon described by Pliny here
(and by his uncle, at Natural History 2.232) still occurs about every six
hours, which is close to Pliny’s ‘three times each day’. Both Pliny and
Seneca (Natural Questions 6.16 f.) argue on Stoic lines for air-pressure as
the cause. The regularity is presumably attributable to the subterranean
reservoir flooding when it reaches a certain level.

BOOK FIVE
1 ANNIUS SEVERUS: see note to II 16.
Pomponia Galla … Asudius Curianus … Sertorius Severus: all are
otherwise unknown.
‘I am asking you to investigate’: the inquiry was into the reasons for his
being disinherited. This was a preliminary inquiry (praeiudicium) before
Curianus brought his claim to court.
Corellius and Frontinus: for these distinguished men, see notes to I 12.1
and IV 8.3.
the fear induced by the times: Pliny exploits the receipt of the legacy in
104–5 to recount his leading role in the settlement a decade or so
earlier, when Domitian was emperor.
friendships with Gratilla and Rusticus: for Arulenus Rusticus, executed
by Domitian in 93, and his wife Gratilla, see note to I 14.1, and III 11.3.
the temple of Concord: rebuilt by Augustus in 7 BC, it lay at the north–
west corner of the Forum.
two years have now elapsed: a single year was enough in Roman law to
establish ownership by possession.
the same amount: Pliny offers a quarter of his legacy, like the other
heirs.

2 CALPURNIUS FLACCUS: otherwise unknown.

Diomedes’ crafty exchange: see Homer, Iliad 6.234 ff., where Diomedes
craftily suggests to Glaucus that they seal their friendship with exchange
of armour, Glaucus’ golden for Diomedes’ brazen, ‘a hundred oxen’s
worth for nine’. Pliny suggests that he is not similarly offering in
exchange even an inferior gift.

3 TITIUS ARISTO: see note to I 22.1.

I also listen … I appreciate Sotadics: this sardonic outburst reveals that
Pliny is nettled by the criticism. His reference to listening to comedies
points to the entertainments at dinner. The mime was the most popular
form of public drama in Pliny’s day. Sotadics, so called after their
Hellenistic originator Sotades, were obscene lampoons; see Quintilian
1.8.6.
Marcus Tullius Cicero … Verginius Rufus: this extensive list consists
solely of senators; hence the omission of Catullus. Pliny thus justifies his
own descent into light-hearted obscenities. The licentious verses of many
of these worthies are attested also in other sources; Verginius Rufus is
added pietatis causa as Pliny’s former guardian (see notes to II 1.1 and II
1.8).
Virgil … Accius and Ennius: Pliny broadens the canvas from licentious
epigrams to amatory poetry such as Virgil’s Eclogues and dramatic
episodes from the earlier playwrights. Nothing is known of the poetry of
Nepos.

4 JULIUS VALERIANUS: see note to II15.

Sollers: L. Bellicius Sollers had fought as an equestrian officer under
Domitian in Germany, had reached the Senate, and attained the
consulship.
Vicetia: modern Vicenza, close to Verona. The ambassadors objected to
the market on a neighbouring estate because of its effect on the
prosperity of their own. Such applications were rigorously controlled by
the Senate, and later by the emperor, in the interests of public order.
Tuscilius Nominatus: he appears only here and in the subsequent
developments at V 13.
Nepos the praetor: see IV 29.2 and note for this zealous official.
6,000 sesterces … 1,000 denarii: a senatus consultum dating to the reign
of Claudius permitted a fee of 10,000 sesterces (one denarius = four
sesterces) for such advocacy (by comparison, the annual pay of a
legionary was 1,200 sesterces).
What follows!: see V 13 for the later development of the episode.

5 NOVIUS MAXIMUS: See note to II14.

Gaius Fannius: his animosity towards Nero and the name Fannius may
indicate kinship with Fannius Thrasea Paetus, the moderate Stoic
executed under Nero (cf. III 16. 7 ff.).
he dreamt: for Pliny’s preoccupation with dreams, see I 18 and especially
VII 27.
6 DOMITIUS APOLLINARIS: see note to II9.
my Tuscan estate: Pliny’s residence at Tifernum-on-Tiber (modern Città
di Castello) has received passing mention at IV i, and at X 8 we learn
that it was about 150 miles from Rome; hence the desirability of an
extended stay. The description of the property is less precise than that of
his Laurentine villa (II17), and accordingly reconstruction is more
difficult. See H. H. Tanzer, The Villas of Pliny the Younger (New York,
1924). The site of the villa, a few miles north of Città di Castello, has
been identified.
the region is unhealthy: as Pliny indicates, Apollinaris refers to the
marshes along the coast, which made malaria a hazard. The translator
vividly recalls the massed croaking of frogs in the Ravenna area.
varied hunting: for Pliny’s enthusiasm for the chase, see section 46
below, and I 6.
when turned over nine times: Pliny recalls the phrase of his uncle
(Natural History 18.181), who probably owned the property previously.
a terrace … hedge of box: for the gardens, see P. Grimal, Les Jardins
romains2 (Paris, 1969) and E. MacDougall (ed.), Ancient Roman Villa
Gardens (London, 1987).
in the courtyard: not the small yard mentioned in section 20.
Beyond the disrobing-room: the Latin superpositum probably means
‘higher up the hill’ rather than ‘on top of’.
a covered gallery: not that mentioned in sections 27–8, but a second one
alongside it.
the riding-ground: from here to section 40 the riding-ground
(hippodromus) is described, a misleading name since it appears to have
been used not for exercising horses but for walks (section 40) and for
dining outdoors (section 37).
Miniature obelisks: it is not clear if they are of stone or of boxwood.
Homer… Virgil: Homer’s description (Iliad 18.478–613) covers 136 lines
and Virgil’s (Aeneid 8.620–728) 109.
Aratus: this Hellenistic poet (born c.315 BC) wrote a work called
Phaenomena, which embraces two themes, the constellations (19–732)
and weathersigns (733–1154).
to any in Tusculum or Tibur or Praeneste: the allusions are pointed,
since Apollinaris owned houses in these fashionable places in Latium
(see Martial 10.30). Pliny had estates only at Laurentum, Tifernum, and
Comum (see IV 13.1).
I have never lost a single one: neither by death nor by desertion.

7 CALVISIUS RUFUS: see note to I 12.12.

Saturninus: this former resident of Comum, not to be confused with
Pompeius Saturninus (see note to I 8), is otherwise unknown. His legacy
to the township of Comum was illegal, because Roman law as
formulated by Gaius (2.217ff.) specified that municipalities could not be
designated as heirs.
In my eyes … to be prefered to the law: here, as on earlier occasions (II
16.2; IV 10.2), Pliny suggests that the law is an ass.
slightly more than the one-third: if the 400,000 sesterces to be allocated
to the municipality represented a quarter of Saturninus’ estate, and Pliny
and Rufus as heirs inherited the other three-quarters, Pliny’s share ought
to have been three-eighths, not one-third; but perhaps Rufus had been
named as first heir, and was to receive more than Pliny.
8 TITINIUS CAPITO: see note to I 17.1.
no awareness of personal guilt: as often (cf. III 11.3), Pliny (perhaps too
vehemently) asserts that his behaviour under Domitian was above
reproach.
‘any path … to flit victorious on the lips of men’: Pliny cites Virgil,
Georgics 3.8 f., where Virgil aspires to literary fame, evoking the epitaph
of Ennius (Varia 18).
‘Yet oh …’: so Virgil, Aeneid 5.195. Mnestheus claims not to seek victory
for his ship in the boat-race, but hopes that Neptune will intervene in his
interest. Similarly, Pliny dismisses his chances of immortality, but none
the less hopes for it.
My uncle … wrote works of history: see III 5 and notes.
in my nineteenth year: that is, in AD 80. His first important case, the
defence of Junius Pastor (I 18.3), came probably a few years later.
oratory and history: Pliny retails the views of his former teacher
Quintilian, who (10.1.31) states that history is akin to poetry and is
written ‘not for immediate effect and immediate strife’, but ‘as a reward
for posterity’.
in Thucydides’ words: see Thucydides 1.22, where the historian defines
history as ‘a possession for ever’ rather than an agonisma for the present.
Pliny interprets the Greek word as ‘contest’ or ‘conflict’, an appropriate
sense for oratory.
the research is available: this passage is often cited as illustrating the
tendency of Roman historians to reproduce the accounts of earlier
writers without undertaking original research.
a recent period not yet covered?: at the date of this letter, Tacitus was
probably gathering material for his Histories, which covered the period
69–96, and his Annals came later.

9 SEMPRONIUS RUFUS: see note to IV 22.

the Basilica Iulia: this building on the south side of the Forum was the
regular home of the Centumviral court.
the praetor Nepos: see IV 29.2; V 4.2. His reforming policies were
probably addressed to criminal cases initially, but are now affecting civil
suits as well.
the senatorial decree: this is probably the decree mentioned by Tacitus
at Annals 11.7.4, in which Claudius specified a limit of 10,000 sesterces
for such legal advice.

10 SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS: see note to 118.

your writings: perhaps the De uiris illustribus, or a section of it, rather
than De uita Caesarum, which Suetonius published later.

11 CALPURNIUS FABATUS: see note to IV 1.

your son: he had died (IV 19.1), probably recently in view of this
memorial to him.
our native region wins renown: the colonnade was erected at Comum,
the home of Fabatus and the native region of Pliny.

12 TERENTIUS SCAURUS: this is his sole appearance in the letters, and

nothing certain is known of him from other sources.
the subject matter: Pliny suggests that Scaurus will identify the nature
and occasion of the speech from the title and the content. At V 8.6 Pliny
states that he is revising speeches which he has made ‘in important and
serious lawsuits’, and this is doubtless one.

13 JULIUS VALERIANUS: see note to II 15. This letter to him is a

continuation of V 4. The roles of Nepos and Nominatus are outlined
there.
would incur greater odium: clearly Pliny has not reported the events
fully in V 4; Nominatus, not a senator, had been given a rough time by
supporters of Bellicius Sollers, the senator who had applied to conduct a
market on his estate.
Afranius Dexter: having been appointed suffect consul for May–July 105,
he died in dubious circumstances in June of that year; see VIII 14.12 ff.
Fabius Aper … citing the law: the proposal by Aper (the gentile name is
uncertain; it should perhaps be Flavius) of disbarment from advocacy for
a fixed period was the regular penalty for this offence. The law cited
here was the lex Iulia de senatu habendo of 9 BC, which regulated all
aspects of senatorial procedure.
Nigrinus … an … important document: C. Avidius Nigrinus rose to the
suffect consulship in 110 and subsequently to the governorship of Dacia
or Moesia, but was executed for treason under Hadrian. The problem of
fees for advocacy had been a running sore under previous emperors; see
e.g. Tacitus, Annals 11.6 f. (on AD 47).
the public records: the urbis acta, published from 59 BC (Suetonius, Julius
20.1), at this date included details of senatorial proceedings; see VII
33.3. For their wide circulation, see Tacitus, Annals 16.22.3 (on AD 66).
keep labelling me a prophet: Pliny claims that his own clean record has
been a forerunner of the stricter regulations introduced.
14 PONTIUS ALLIFANUS: this Campanian friend is the recipient also of VI 28
and VII 4, the second indicating a shared interest with Pliny in literary
matters.
Cornutus Tertullus: see II 11.19 and IV 17.9 and notes. He later
succeeded Pliny as governor of Bithynia-Pontus, and c. 117 became
proconsul of either Asia or Africa.
curator of the Aemilian Way: this was the 176-mile highway between
Ariminum and Placentia. Often conjoined with such supervision was the
administration of the scheme of alimenta, grants to poor parents for the
upkeep of their children. The emperor delegated such posts to chosen
senators.
as my mentor … as a father: Cornutus was nearly twenty years older
than Pliny.
not, as earlier, encountering hazards: see Panegyricus 90.5 for Pliny’s
claim that both Cornutus and himself were endangered under Domitian.
with my grandfather-in-law: this visit to Calpurnius Fabatus at Comum is
probably later than that described at IV 1.
15 ARRIUS ANTONINUS: see note to IV 3. At IV 18 Pliny reports that he is
translating Arrius’ Greek epigrams, and presumably he is still labouring
at them.

16 AEFULANUS MARCELLINUS: he is the recipient of VIII23, another death-

notice, but is otherwise unknown.
the daughter of our friend Fundanus: for Minicius Fundanus, see note to
19. The girl’s commemorative urn and epitaph have been found on a site
near Rome (ILS 1030), recording her age as 12 years, 11 months, and 7
days. Either Pliny’s figure is corrupt, or he was misinformed.
her attendants, and her teachers: some girls from the upper and middle
classes attended the school of the grammaticus (hence her attendants);
others were educated privately at home.
the wedding day: the minimum age for the marriage of girls was 12, and
13 or 14 was normal.
a learned man, and a philosopher: Fundanus was a friend of Plutarch,
who reports (Moralia 420–53) that he was inclined to Platonism, though
he studied under the Stoic Musonius Rufus in his youth.
a consolation … expressed with kindness: Pliny’s humane attitude
contrasts strongly with the Stoic tradition, as represented, for example,
by Servius Sulpicius’ letter to Cicero on the death of his daughter (Ad
Familiares 4.6), and Seneca’s similar admonition to a friend on the death
of his daughter (Letters 99).

17 VESTRICIUS SPURINNA: see II 7.1; III 1 and notes.

Calpurnius Piso: there is a C. Calpurnius Piso who became consul in III,
but the Piso praised here seems too youthful to be identified with him.
Calpurnii Pisones had held consulships as early as 148 and 133 BC; when
Pliny laments the eclipse of such noble families, he thinks of these and of
the Piso who conspired against Nero in AD 65.
Translations to the Stars: this work doubtless recounted the myths which
described the metamorphoses of humans into stars. The Greek title
(Katasterismoi) was earlier the title of a work by Eratosthenes (c.285–194
BC). Doubtless Piso drew heavily on such works as this and the
mythological sections of Aratus’ poem Phaenomena.

18 CALPURNIUS MACER: he was suffect consul in 103, and later became

governor of Lower Moesia (c.109–12) while Pliny was in Bithynia (X
 42, 61, 62, 77). He is probably the Macer who is the recipient of VI24;
if so, he hails from Comum or somewhere close.
a man … most blessed: presumably a pun on an eminent Felix who
cannot be certainly identified.

19 VALERIUS PAULINUS: see note to II2.

Homer’s phrase: at Odyssey 2.47, Telemachus so describes his father
Odysseus, who he believes is dead.
more than a reciter of comedies need be: normally such dependants
specialized in particular forms of entertainment; see e.g. I 15.2.
Forum Iulii: in Narbonese Gaul (modern Fréjus in Provence).

20 CORNELIUS URSUS: see note to IV 9.

the case of Julius Bassus: for his trial, see IV 9.
Varenus Rufus: his tenure as proconsul of Bithynia is mentioned also by
Dio Chrysostom, Letters 48.1. The proceedings of this indictment are
continued in VI 5 and 13; VII 6 and 10.
Varenus asked… in his defence: the request was illegal; see section 7
below, and Quintilian 5.7.9, who states that witnesses can be
subpoenaed only by the prosecution.
Fonteius Magnus: not otherwise known. Pliny’s criticism may be
explicable in part by his arrogating the role of a Roman advocate.
Julius Candidus: this senior figure was consul for the second time in 105.
if we believe Marcus Antonius: with Licinius Crassus, he was the
outstanding orator in Cicero’s boyhood, and is praised by him
extravagantly in Brutus and De oratore.
Homullus … Nigrinus’: for the first, see note to IV9.15.; for the second,
note to V 13.6.
Acilius Rufus: the suffect consul for 107 adheres to his proposal later (VI
13.5).
Cornelius Priscus: see note to III 21.
what Homer says: at Odyssey 1. 351 f., Telemachus rebukes his mother
Penelope for requesting the minstrel to sing a song other than that
depicting the pitiful return of the Achaeans from Troy.

21 POMPEIUS SATURNINUS: see note to 18.

Julius Valens … Julius Avitus: both are otherwise unknown.

BOOK SIX
1 TIRO: for Calestrius Tiro, see note to I 12.
in Picenum: in central Italy, east of the Apennines, around Ancona.

2 ARRIANUS: for Arrianus Maturus, see note to I 2.

Marcus Regulus: see note to I 5.1. Though earlier, in several letters,
Pliny has criticized him, now that he has recently died he nostalgically
praises him for his traditionalism in legal conventions.
paint round … his eyes … sport a white patch: for Pliny, these
idiosyncrasies are superstitions, but Martial twice mentions such patches
(2.29.9 f., 8.33.22) in non-judicial contexts.
he would always consult a soothsayer: Pliny mentions this earlier, at II
20.
he would ask for unlimited time: in civil cases, the length of speeches
was agreed between the two sides in discussion with the judges.
without being a public menace: Regulus’ role as informer was confined
to Nero’s reign, though he took pleasure in the condemnation of Stoic
rebels under Domitian.
two water-clocks or one: see II 11. 14 for the normal running-time of a
clock as a quarter of an hour.
so many hours: cf. II 11.14; IV 9.9; but these refer to criminal cases.

3 VERUS: otherwise unknown. The tone of the letter suggests that he is a

tenant of Pliny’s, doubtless on the estate at Comum, where Pliny
would have had a nurse in his childhood.

4 CALPURNIA: for Pliny’s wife, see the Introduction, p. xx, and note to IV
1.1.
my routine tasks: chiefly his involvement in the numerous court cases
described in letters later in this book.
for your convalescence in Campania: Calpurnia will have retired to her
grandfather’s residence (see VI 30.2).

5 URSUS: for Cornelius Ursus, see note to IV9.

I reported earlier: see V 20 and notes
Licinius Nepos: for this praetor’s previous attempts to regularize court
procedures, see IV 29.2; V 4.2, 9.3, 13.1.
the same power … of investigation: that is, at a sitting prior to the trial
proper. See V 20.1.
Juventius Celsus: he later became consul twice under Hadrian, and as an
eminent jurist became head of the Proculian school of law, which laid
emphasis on principle and consistency in application of the laws.
that the emperor would look kindly … on both: these senators assumed
that the final decision on Nepos’ proposal rested with the emperor.
Trajan appears not to have been present.

6 FUNDANUS: for Minicius Fundanus, see note to I 9.

Julius Naso: see note to IV 6. He may be a candidate for the
vigintivirate, the first step on the revised ladder of offices (see note to I
14.7), or for the quaestorship, which would admit him to the Senate.
his father: though a senator, he had not risen to prominence.
to listen to … Quintilian and Nicetes Sacerdos: for the various reasons
why mature citizens attended the lectures in the schools of rhetoric, see
note to II 18.2. For Quintilian as Pliny’s teacher, see II 14.9 and note.
Nicetes Sacerdos, the teacher of Greek rhetoric, is not rated highly in
Tacitus, Dialogus 15.3.
my humble writings: presumably referring to his hendecasyllabics, initial
recitations of which Naso will have attended.

7 CALPURNIA: for Calpurnia’s absence, see VI 4.

8 PRISCUS: his identity is uncertain, since Pliny has many friends with
that name. He may be Cornelius Priscus (see note to III 21) or Neratius
Priscus (note to II 13).
Atilius Crescens: see note to I 9.8. His native town was probably
Mediolanum, 30 miles away.
‘Personne ne fera … je vivrai’: Pliny cites the Greek of Homer, Iliad 1.
88, where Achilles reassures the augur Calchas against the anger of
Agamemnon.
Valerius Varus … Maximus: Varus is unknown. Of the several Maximi of
Pliny’s acquaintance, this may be Novius (see note to II 14).
no profits … his modest income: Crescens has no landed property
providing a financial return. He may be a teacher of rhetoric.

9 TACITUS: see note to 16.

Julius Naso: Pliny has already reported in VI 6 that he has been
canvassing on his behalf.

10 ALBINUS: probably Lucceius Albinus, for whom see III 9.7.

my mother-in-law at Alsium: for Pompeia Celerina, mother of Pliny’s
second wife, see I 4. Alsium (modern Palo), on the west coast about 30
miles north of Rome, was a convenient stopping-place for Pliny on his
way to Centum Cellae; see VI 31.
Verginius Rufus: see note to II 1.1.
nearly ten years after his death: for his death in 97, see II 1.

11 MAXIMUS: there are nine acquaintances of Pliny recorded with this

name, and no detail here identifies the recipient.
the city prefect called me in as assessor: it appears that the emperor
delegated the city prefect to adjudicate on criminal cases involving the
lowest classes of society. This passage suggests that advocates from
aristocratic families were now taking on such cases.
Fuscus Salinator and Ummidius Quadratus: these young men of promise
both rose to the consulship in 118. Salinator marries Hadrian’s niece
(VI26). He is the addressee of VII 9; IX 36 and 40. Quadratus is the
recipient of VI 29 and IX 13. Thus both retain their close relationship
with Pliny. Subsequently they both lost favour with Hadrian, and
Salinator was executed in 136.
the whitest of pebbles!: the Romans inherited from the Thracians (so
Pliny, Natural History 7.131) the practice of marking up good days with
white pebbles, and bad days with black (cf. Martial 12.34.5 ff.). Hence
Pliny regards this as the equivalent of a red-letter day.

12 FABATUS: for Calpurnius Fabatus, see IV 1 and note.

Bittius Priscus: otherwise unknown. (The MSS have Bettius, and there is
a strong case for emending to Vettius.)

13 URSUS: for Cornelius Ursus, see note to IV 9. This is a continuation of

the preliminaries of the trial of Varenus described in VI 5.
the emperor in his absence: Trajan may have been still in Dacia in the
aftermath of the second Dacian war of 105–6.
Claudius Capito: otherwise unknown.
Catius Fronto: see note to II 11.3.
Acilius Rufus: see note to V 20.6.

14 MAURICUS: for Junius Mauricus, see I 5.10, I 14, and notes.

Formtae: see note to III 14.2.

15 ROMANUS: for Voconius Romanus, see note to I 5.

Paulus: C. Passennus Paulus was a native of Asisium (modern Assisi), the
birthplace of Propertius (c.57 BC–AD 2), whose celebrated love-poems
were all composed in elegiac couplets. Paulus imitated this forebear; at
IX 22 Pliny states that his poems, also in elegiacs, resemble those of
Propertius closely.
Javolenus Priscus: this distinguished jurist (he was head of the Sabinian
school, founded by Masurius Sabinus) held the consulship in 86, and
subsequently governed successively Upper Germany, Syria, and Africa.
Hence Pliny’s account of his foibles may be exaggerated.
16 TACITUS: see note to 16.
a more truthful account: at this date Tacitus was gathering material for
his Htstortes, which covered the period from 69 to 96. But only four and
a quarter of the 14 books have survived, covering only the years 69–70.
We are thus deprived of his account of the eruption in 79.
he wrote numerous works: detailed in III 5.
deeds worth chronicling or … accounts which deserve to be read:
echoing Sallust, Catiline 3.1.
At Misenum … command of the fleet: Misenum lies at the northern tip of
the Bay of Naples. It was the headquarters of the western fleet,
command of which was largely a bureaucratic post. It was held by
freedmen until the reign of Vespasian, who appointed the Elder Pliny a
year or two before his death.
The pine tree: the stone-pine or umbrella-pine, common in
Mediterranean countries.
I preferred to work at my books: see VI 20.5 for this 17-year-old’s
preferring to read Livy rather than to take part in this adventure.
from Rectina, wtfe of Tasctus: if, as seems probable, Tascius is identical
with the Pomponianus at section 11, the villa was at Stabiae (modern
Castel-lamare), south of Vesuvius. It would be natural for Pliny to head
there, since he had set out with this purpose. Since they have to cross
the middle of the bay to reach the villa, the ships must have been near
Naples and Herculaneum. (Casci should perhaps be read for Tasci.)
at once collapsed: Suetonius’ brief life of the Elder Pliny states: ‘He was
overcome by the force of dust and ashes, or he was killed by a slave of
his, whom he had begged to hasten his death when he was overcome by
the heat.’
Meanwhile … at Misenum: Pliny continues the story, at Tacitus’ request,
at VI 20.
17 RESTITUTUS: he may be the Claudius Restitutus who spoke on the other
side from Pliny in the case of Caecilius Classicus; see III 9.16.

18 SABINUS: for Statius Sabinus, see note to IV 10.

Firmum: in the mid-Adriatic region, south of Ancona. It became a
Roman colony in 264 BC to control the Piceni who had revolted five
years earlier, and a municipium of Roman citizens in 90 BC.

19 NEPOS: see note to II 3 for Maecilius Nepos, though identification with

him is not wholly certain.
deposit money: that is, on loan.
Homullus: see note to IV 9.15.
the time for… buying in the provinces: if the addressee is Maecilius
Nepos, and he is governor of a province at this time, he was debarred
from purchasing land in his own province.

20 TACITUS: see note to I 6.

‘though aghast… I shall begin’: so Virgil, Aeneid 2.12 f., where Aeneas at
Dido’s request reluctantly agrees to recount the fall of Troy.
they were frequent in Campania: in AD 62 Pompeii had been severely
damaged by an earthquake (Tacitus, Annals 1.22.3; Seneca, Natural
Questions 6.1.1 ff.). For these earlier tremors in 79, see Dio 66.22.
from Spain: the Elder Pliny had served there as procurator (III 5.17).
your brother … your uncle …: addressing first Pliny’s mother, and then
Pliny himself.
21 CANINIUS: for Caninius Rufus, see note to 13.
Nature is not so weary: a recurrent issue posed in Pliny’s day was
whether the Roman literary genius had by a natural process faded after
the Augustan age. Tacitus’ Dialogus focuses on this ‘ancients versus
moderns’ issue; Quintilian 1.1.2 rebuts the notion that the young are
deficient in intelligence. Sallust had earlier (Catiline 53.5) posed the
question in more general terms: ‘As mothers’ powers become exhausted
with child-bearing, so for a long time at Rome no one was great in
excellence’ (uirtute magnus).
Vergilius Romanus: not otherwise known. For ‘iambic mimes’ (that is,
mimes written in scazons or limping iambics), see note to IV 3.4.

22 TIRO: for Calestrius Tiro, see note to I 12. He had just been designated
as proconsul of Baetica in Spain. Later letters refer to his appointment,
journey, and tenure (VII 16, 23, 32; IX 5).
Bruttianus … Atticinus: both are unknown. The advice to Tiro suggests
that Bruttianus was proconsul of his province, and Atticinus a comes
invited to accompany him.
I was an assessor: not at a senatorial hearing, but at the emperor’s court,
as at IV 22.
foul crimes: it appears that Atticinus was tampering with documents to
accuse the proconsul of extortion, of which he himself was guilty
(section 4).
indicted: the Latin word means ‘requested’ (the votes of the assessors).
banished to an island: this was not exile (which involved loss of
citizenship and property), but the most severe form of relegation.
23 TRIARIUS: otherwise unknown.
not for nothing: fees were legally permitted (see notes to V 4.2 and V
9.4), but Pliny followed the Republican custom of waiving them.
Cremutius Ruso: as one of Pliny’s bright young men, he is a
correspondent of his; see IX 19.

24 MACER: probably Calpurnius Macer; see note to V 18.

his wife demanded to take a look: this facet of the anecdote casts a
revealing light on the puritanical propriety of married couples in sexual
matters.
that most celebrated deed of Arria: see note to III 16.2.

25 HISPANUS: probably Baebius Hispanus, the addressee of I 24. Since he

is investigating a missing notable, he may have become the praefectus
uigilum at Rome.
Robustus… Atilius Scaurus: neither is otherwise known. With Pliny’s
help, Scaurus is being summoned to Rome, presumably from
Transpadane Gaul. Ocriculum, the stopping-place where he parted from
Robustus, is in southern Umbria, north of Falerii, a mere day’s journey
from Rome.
Metilius Crispus: otherwise unknown, but probably a member of his
town-council (? at Comum), since centurions who had not risen through
the ranks were recommended for appointment from such decuriones by
influential individuals to the emperor.

26 SERVIANUS: for Julius Servianus, see note to III 17.

Fuscus Salinator: see note to VI 11. 1.

27 SEVERUS: Vettenius Severus was to become suffect consul for May–

 August 107.
what proposal … to honour the emperor: following the consular
elections, the consuls-designate were expected to propose in the Senate
some honorific award. The speeches are not those (like Pliny’s
Panegyricus) made on assuming office, but those at an earlier meeting. So
when Pliny made his modest proposal, one of his fellow designates
moved that Trajan be awarded a fourth consulship (see Panegyricus 79).
forced to make … the unworthiest recipients: Pliny contrasts his own
situation under Trajan with ‘the necessity of former times’ (Panegyricus
55.2) under Nero and Domitian, when obsequious proposals were
inevitable.
the recent achievements: Trajan had in 106 rounded off his conquest of
Dacia.

28 PONTIUS: for Pontius Allifanus, see note to V 14.

to Campania: in VI 4 and 7, we read that Pliny’s wife Calpurnia has
retired to convalesce in Campania, presumably at her grandfather’s villa
(see VI 30.2). This brief visit to Pontius’ country residence will have
taken place when he was joining her.
29 QUADRATUS: for Ummidius Quadratus, see note to VI 11.1.
Avidius Quietus: this man, now dead, had been governor of Achaea,
suffect consul in 93, and governor of Britain in 98.
Thrasea: see III 16.10, He was executed in 66, so that his contemporary
Quietus was much older than Pliny.
Pollio’s: Asinius Pollio (76 BC–AD 4) had in retirement become the most
celebrated orator and writer of the Augustan age.
Isocrates: this Athenian (436–338) gained fame as orator largely through
his written speeches and his role as teacher.
necessity … partakes of reason: for Stoics especially, the acceptance of
necessity was a fundamental feature of rational thought.
I represented the Baeticans … the request was granted: Pliny reviews his
most important cases, claiming that his interventions have resulted in
greater equity in the conduct of extortion trials. For that of Baebius
Massa in 93, see VII33; against Caecilius Classicus in 101, III 4; against
Marius Priscus in 100, II 11–12; for Julius Bassus in 102–3, IV 9; for
Varenus in 106–7, V 20, VI 5.

30 FABATUS: for Calpurnius Fabatus, see note to IV 1.

Rufus: perhaps Sempronius Rufus, on whom see IV 22, V 9.

31 CORNELIANUS: since no such person is known, the name may be a

corruption of Cornelius Minicianus (see note to III 9)
at Centum Cellae: modern Civitàvecchia. It lies south of Tarquinii on the
Etruscan coast. Trajan held his court there because he was developing
the harbour as an additional port to Ostia. The emperor employed a
panel of advisers distinct from those appointed in the Senate and in the
Centumviri court; see also IV 22; VI 22; VII 10.
Claudius Aristion: he is known from inscriptions to have been not only
the chief magistrate of Ephesus, but also the president of the provincial
council of Asia.
a charge of adultery: the lex Iulia passed by Augustus made extramarital
sexual intercourse a serious crime, punishable by relegation, as here,
This case was referred to the emperor’s court because of the social status
of the married couple.
the will of Julius Tiro: this indictment for forgery, punishable by Sulla’s
Lex Cornelia de falsis, was heard in the emperor’s court because one of
the defendants was his freedman. None of the parties mentioned is
otherwise known.
‘That freedman is not Polyclitus, and I am not Nero’: for Polyclitus’
enormous power and influence, see Tacitus, Annals 14.39, a sardonic
description of his costly journey to Britain to heal the rupture between
the procurator Classicianus and the governor Suetonius Paulinus.
Comprenez bien: Trajan uses a Greek word.
The very handsome house … a harbour: the site of the villa has been
identified inland from the harbour, which is also described by the fifth-
century poet Rutilius Namatianus, who recounted his journey from
Rome to Gaul in 417 in elegiacs. The poem (conventionally called De
reditu suo) devotes 1. 239–45 to the harbour.
the name of its founder: hence, Portus Traiani.

32 QUINTILIAN: clearly not the celebrated Quintilian, the teacher of Pliny,

who if still alive would have been over 70 by this date.
Tutilius: a rhetorician of this name is cited (and praised) with Pliny by
the great Quintilian (3.1.21), and mentioned by Martial (5.56.6).
Nonius Celer: otherwise unknown.

33 ROMANUS: for Voconius Romanus, see note to I 5.

‘Put all away … begun’: Pliny aptly cites Virgil, Aeneid 8.439, where
Vulcan bids his assistants in the forge to lay aside the work in hand, to
fashion the arms of Aeneas.
Attia Viriola: ‘a woman of distinguished birth’, a close relative of
Trajan’s praetorian prefect, Attius Suburanus, consul in 101 and 104.
the assembly of four panels: each panel usually conducted cases
separately; they combined only for important hearings.
The outcome was divided … the stepmother … lost her case. So did
Suburanus: each panel passed judgement on one of the four claims. Pliny
reports only the two on which he was successful. The precise identity of
this Suburanus, and his connection with Attia Viriola, will have been
clarified in the speech. These details do not emerge here.
my On the Crown: the most celebrated speech of Demosthenes, with
whom Pliny modestly compares himself.

34 MAXIMUS: of the many associates of Pliny bearing this name (see note
to VI ii), the identity of this Maximus cannot be established.
Verona: the birthplace of Catullus had become a Roman colony by AD 69
(Tacitus, Histories 3.8).
a gladiatorial show … most fittingly as a funeral tribute: such shows
(munera) were Etruscan and religious in origin, mounted at funerals of
leading men. But later they passed ‘from honours to the dead to honours
for the living’ (Tertullian, De spectaculis 12), and were mounted by
ambitious politicians.
African beasts: lions and especially panthers; see Livy 39.22.2, etc.
 BOOK SEVEN
1 GEMINUS: Rosianus Geminus appears for the first time here in the
letters, though he had been Pliny’s consular quaestor in 100. Later he
became proconsul of Achaea, suffect consul in 125, and proconsul of
Africa in 142. Five further letters are addressed to him (VII24; VIII 5,
22; IX 11, 30).
once I had a high temperature: Pliny had a serious illness in 96–7 (see X
5.1, 8.3).

2 JUSTUS: probably Fabius Justus (see notes to 15.8 and I 11).

unremitting duties: the duties as described in this letter suggest that
Justus is on military service, when winter evenings would be
unoccupied.

3 PRAESENS: Bruttius Praesens has not appeared earlier in the letters. But
later he emerged from the idyllic existence described here to
participate as legionary legate in Trajan’s Dacian campaigns, and later
to hold two consulships, in 119 and 139.

4 PONTIUS: for Pontius Allifanus, see note to V 14.

my hendecasyllables: see note to IV 14.2.
returning … on the island of Icaria: Pliny served as a young man in Syria
(I 10.2). Icaria lies in the eastern Aegean, between Samos and Delos.
Asinius Gallus: he married Vipsania Agrippina after Tiberius was forced
to divorce her. In AD 30 he was imprisoned on a charge of treason, and
starved himself to death (Tacitus Annals 6.23).
his father: Asinius Pollio, the celebrated orator and historian of the
Augustan age (see note to VI 29.5).
Tiro: Cicero’s confidential secretary was probably 50 years old when
manumitted in 53. He is no youthful cup-bearer.
the most eminent orators had practised this genre of writing: see V 3.5
and note.
When I was reading … fire me more?: surprisingly, Pliny is inspired to
compose in heroic hexameters rather than in hendecasyllabics. My
iambic hexameters duly reflect the mediocrity of the Latin.
when travelling: like his uncle (see III5.15), Pliny wastes no time in his
carriage; see IX 10.2.
the harp and … lyre: the first (cithara) is appropriate for public
performances, the second (lyra) for private entertainments, but it is
doubtful if Pliny is making this distinction here.

5 CALPURNIA: this is the third in the series of letters sent by Pliny to his
wife when she was convalescing in Campania; see VI 4, 7.
like a locked-out lover: the exclusus amator theme, imported from Greece
and much favoured by the Augustan love-elegists (see Propertius 1. 16;
Tibullus 1.2, 1.5; Horace, Odes 3.10, Epode 11; Ovid, Amores 1.6), is
treated by F. C. Copley, Exclusus Amator (Baltimore, 1956).

6 MACRINUS: for Caecilius Macrinus, see note to II7.

the case of Varenus: for the earlier episodes of this case, see V 20; VI 5
and 13. The provincial council of Bithynia was obviously split between
two factions. After Fonteius Magnus had departed to indict Varenus (V
20.4), Polyaenus’ faction had the indictment rescinded.
the excellent man Nigrinus: see V 13.6, 20.6; the complimentary phrase
indicates that opposing advocates were often on cordial terms.
before the emperor held a hearing: his role here was not to rule on the
main issue of extortion, but to decide whether the indictment could or
should be withdrawn on Polyaenus’ request.
charges of forgery and poisoning: both were capital charges, for which
Sulla had established separate quaestiones. Such double indictments were
at this date exceptionally heard together in the Senate (Quintilian 3.
10.1).
Julius Servianus: see note to III 17. He and Attius Suburanus (section 10)
were close advisers of Trajan. Suburanus had been praetorian prefect,
and consul twice, in 101 and 104.
grandson of the celebrated orator: the grandson is otherwise unknown.
The grandfather was regarded by Quintilian as one of the two most
outstanding orators he had ever heard (10.1.118), though given to
pedantry, long-winded sentences, and extravagant metaphors. Passienus
Crispus, a wealthy orator of earlier days, was the stepfather of the
Emperor Nero.

7 SATURNINUS: for Pompeius Saturninus, see note to 18.

Priscus: this Priscus, the recipient of the note that follows this, cannot be
certainly identified among the many Prisci known to Pliny.

8 PRISCUS: see previous note.

Saturninus: see note to 18.
Proceed as you have begun: an unconscious(?) echo of Cicero, In
Catilinam 1.10.

9 FUSCUS: for Fuscus Salinator, Pliny’s youthful protégé, see note to VI

 11.1.
from Greek into Latin: Pliny echoes the advice of his mentor Quintilian
(10.5.2).
Your particular interest: for Fuscus’ debut in court, see VI 11.
those which are pungent and brief: the hendecasyllables which Pliny
himself has taken up. For the content (section 13), see IV 14.3.
Wax wins … wide-ranging skills: Pliny’s verses are in elegiac couplets,
which I render with alternating iambic hexameters and pentameters.

10 MACRINUS: for Caecilius Macrinus, see note to II7.

Varenus and the Bithynians: this letter reports the outcome of the
discussions reported in VII 6.
the will of the province: not on the guilt or otherwise of Varenus, but
whether the indictment should stand. The absence of further mention of
it suggests that the case was dropped.

11 FABATUS: for Calpurnius Fabatus, see note to IV 1.

You express surprise: Pliny and his coheirs had agreed to sell the estate
as a whole at auction, after an arbitrator had divided the lands between
them. Fabatus’ surprise stems partly from Pliny’s overriding this informal
agreement, and partly from his accepting less than the market value, on
which see VII 14 and note below.
Corellia … Corellius Rufus: Corellia is to be distinguished from Corellia
Hispulla, daughter of Corellius Rufus, whose suicide in 97 is described in
I 12.
Minicius Justus: since he was a prominent supporter of Vespasian in 69
(Tacitus, Histories 3.7), he was now at an advanced age.
her son: mention of him here indicates that he had died. Pliny has not
elsewhere alluded to his games over which his friend presided. From the
time of Augustus onwards praetors organized and bore the cost of games
on major festivals (Dio 54.2.3 f.).

12 MINICIUS: probably Minicius Fundanus (see note to 19), for he is a

literary man (see V 16.8).
to improve it … or to make a mess of it: Pliny humorously alludes to
Minicius’ preference for Atticist rhetoric. Pliny uses a common Greek
expression for the Atticists, which I have rendered in French.
the passages which you will find marked: less flowery alternatives have
been offered at some points in the speech.

13 FEROX: for Julius Ferox, see note to II 11.5.

14 CORELLIA: the content of this letter is a development from that of VII

11.
a twentieth part: a levy of 5 per cent was imposed as inheritance-tax
which was taken in land, not in cash, but the collectors allowed Corellia
to buy this proportion of the land. It is notable that the tax is still
gathered by the tax-collectors (publicani).

15 SATURNINUS: for Pompeius Saturninus, see note to 18, and more

immediately VII 7 and 8.
my public service … aid to my friends: his public service is as curator of
the Tiber, a position held probably from 103/4 to 106/7. Aid to his
friends is legal advice as advocate or assessor.
those you prefer: for Saturninus’ literary interests, see I 16.
supervision … arbitration: Saturninus’ legal and oratorical expertise (see
VII 7.2) presumably extends to the welfare of his municipality.
friendship with my Priscus: see note to VII 7.1

16 FABATUS: see note to IV 1.

Calestrius Tiro: see note to 112. After service as tribune with Pliny in
Syria, he was chosen (again with Pliny) as quaestor Augusti by Domitian,
became tribune in 91 (a year early because he had fathered a child
during the previous year) and praetor in 93. He is now in April 107
taking up the governorship of Baetica in Spain.
by way of Ticinum: this town (modern Pavia) lay on the Via Aemilia in
Cisalpine Gaul. Tiro is travelling overland to Spain. Fabatus is at
Comum, a day’s journey to the north.
if you wish formally to free the slaves: the presence of a magistrate was
necessary to translate informal manumission into manumissio iusta,
which included amongst other rights the power to make a will.
17 CELER: possibly the Caecilius Celer mentioned at I 5.8.
people who reproached me for reciting my speeches: this letter is of
interest for its implication that recitation of speeches was much less
common than that of other literary genres. See Pliny’s misgivings at II
19, and his surprise at the cordial reception recorded at III 18.
speeches … often recited … by some Romans: cf. Suetonius, Augustus
89.3: the emperor listened patiently to readings ‘not only of poetry and
history, but also of speeches…’.
Pomponius Secundus: he was sufficiently eminent in his day under
Claudius to merit a two-volume biography by Pliny’s uncle (see III 5.3).
But the gloss here (‘the composer of tragedies’) suggests that he is no
longer much read.
what Cicero ascribes to the pen: cf. De oratore 1.150: ‘The pen is the best
and most outstanding creator and teacher of eloquence.’

18 CANINIUS: for Caninius Rufus, see note to 13.

to pay for the rearing offreeborn boys and girls: at 18.10 ff. Pliny records
this purpose of his benefaction, but without mentioning the amount, or
the method of disbursing it.
I was to pay 10,000 sesterces: this yearly rental amounts to 6 per cent of
the 500,000, which is more generous than the 5 per cent for which he
was liable.
I seem to have paid rather more than the sum I donated: though Pliny
has reacquired the property, the decline in its value plus the annual
rental amounts to much more than the original bequest.

19 PRISCUS: for the difficulty in identifying him, see note to VII 7.1.
Fannia’s: see notes to III 11.3, 16.2.
the Vestal Virgin Junia: she was perhaps the sister of Junius Arulenus
Rusticus and Junius Mauricus, on whom see 15.2 and 10. Vestal Virgins
were under the supervision of the pontiffs, one of the four main colleges
of priesthoods.
her husband Helvidius and her father Thrasea: she was the second wife
of the elder Helvidius Priscus, exiled by Nero in 66, and again exiled in
74–5 under Vespasian, and later executed. Her father, Thrasea Paetus,
was executed in 66 (Tacitus, Annals 16.21 ff.).
banished a third time: the third banishment, under Domitian, lasted
from 93 to 97 (see III 11. 3).
Senecio: Herennius Senecio was indicted by Mettius Carus and executed
in 93 (15.3; M 11.3).
her mother: this was the younger Arria, relegated with Fannia in spite of
her alleged ignorance (see IX 13.5).
Her very house … shaking and shattered: Pliny refers to the death of two
daughters of the younger Helvidius Priscus, stepson of Fannia (IV 21).
‘She has descendants’ refers to the surviving member of the family,
reported in the same letter.
when they were banished … on their return: in 93 and 97 respectively
(III 11.3; IX 13.5).

20 TACITUS: see note to 16.

I have read your book: there has been animated discussion whether this
work was the Dialogus or a part of the Histories. Stylistic arguments
(possible influence of the Dialogus on the Panegyricus) put the
publication of the Dialogus as early as 101. The Histories (or a part of it)
is therefore more probable, especially as Pliny provides material for
them at VI 16 and 20, and at VII 33.
my own book: there is no indication of its nature.
identical in age and distinction; Tacitus was about six years senior; both
had held the consulship, Tacitus in 97 and Pliny in 100.
‘closest, but by a long distance’: see Virgil, Aeneid 5.320, the foot-race in
Sicily, in which Salius lies second behind Nisus.

21 CORNUTUS: for Cornutus Tertullus, see notes to II 11.19, V 14.1.

dearest colleague: he was a colleague in the strict sense as prefect of the
treasury of Saturn in 98–100, and as consul in 100 (V 14.5), but it is
improbable that this letter is to be dated so early; they are ‘colleagues’ in
the more general sense in their tenure of the posts of curator of the Tiber
(curator Tiberis) and curator of the Aemilian Way (curator uiae Aemiliae)
respectively, positions of equal distinction.
Here: Pliny is presumably at his Laurentine villa, since the problem with
his eyes will have precluded a longer journey to Tifernum or Comum.

22 FALCO: for Pompeius Falco, see note to 123. As the governor-designate

of Judaea, he has promised to offer an appointment to Pliny’s friend.
Cornelius Minicianus: see note to II 19.

23 FABATUS: for Cornelius Fabatus, see note to IV 1. He has now replied

to VII16, and this letter is a response to that reply.
to meet Tiro at Mediolanum: for Tiro, see note to VII 16.1. It would have
taken the old man a day’s journey to meet Tiro at Milan.

24 GEMINUS: for Rosianus Geminus, see note to VII 1.

Quadratilla: she was the daughter of Ummidius Quadratus, suffect consul
in 40 and later governor of Syria.
her grandson: this is Pliny’s protégé Ummidius Quadratus; see note to VI
11.1.
indulged them more extravagantly than was fitting: at Panegyricus 46.4,
Pliny calls pantomime-dancing a ‘perverted art’, unworthy of the age.
sacerdotal games: so called because they were held predominantly at
sacred festivals.
Gaius Cassius… the Cassian school: Cassius Longinus, suffect consul in
30 and governor of Syria 49–51, was exiled by Nero but returned to
Rome in 69. As a redoubtable jurist, he established the ‘Cassian’ or
‘Sabinian’ school of jurisprudence, headed at this time by Javolenus
Priscus (see VI 15. 2–3). The other main school was the ‘Proculian’,
represented by Titius Aristo (see note to I 22.1).

25 RUFUS: probably Caninius Rufus, a frequent addressee (see note to

13), but perhaps Octavius Rufus (see note to 17).
Terentius Junior: this recent acquaintance receives letters at VIII 15 and
IX 12.
Narbonensis: this province of southern Gaul had its capital at Narbo
(Narbonne). Founded in 118 BC, it was administered by the Senate.

26 MAXIMUS: See note to VI 11.

a certain friend: probably Rosianus Geminus; see note to VII 1.

27 SURA: for Licinius Sura, see note to IV 30.

whether you believe ghosts exist: both Epicureans (see e.g. Lucretius
4.45 ff.) and Stoics (as in Cicero, De diuinatione, I) had theories to justify
the existence of simulacra and epiphanies. But Cicero, Pliny’s mentor, as
an Academic poured scorn on them (see De diuinatione 2.119 ff.). Hence
Pliny’s divided mind.
what I am told happened to Curtius Rufus: having risen from obscurity
to the praetorship with the backing of Tiberius, Rufus became suffect
consul in 43, legate in Upper Germany in 47–8, and thereafter proconsul
of Africa, where he died in 53. This anecdote of the apparition is
recorded also by Tacitus, Annals II. 21, who sets the scene in a colonnade
in Hadrumetum. Rufus is almost certainly the author of ten books of a
History of Alexander, of which Books 3–10 survive.
At Athens: suspiciously, the Philopseudes of Lucian contains a similar
story of a haunted house in Corinth, visited by a Pythagorean
philosopher called Arignotus.
Athenodorus: probably the Stoic philosopher from Tarsus and friend of
Cicero; if so, the story is old hat.
if Domitian … had lived longer: Pliny as elsewhere unconvincingly
claims to have narrowly escaped indictment under Domitian. Mettius
Carus was a notorious informer of that era (see note to I 5.3).

28 SEPTICIUS: for Septicius Clarus, see note to 11.

29 MONTANUS: this unidentified correspondent is the recipient of a longer

letter on the same subject as this, at VIII 6.
Pallas: he was Claudius’ favourite freedman, whom the emperor
appointed as his secretary of finance, but who fell out of favour under
Nero and was executed (Suetonius, Claudius 28; Tacitus, Annals 13.14;
14.65). His wealth (Dio 62.14.3 claims that he had 40 million sesterces
at his death) and arrogance made him deservedly notorious.
the Senate decreed: this award in 52 is recorded by Tacitus, Annals
12.53.2; see also at VIII 6.13 below.
30 GENITOR: for Julius Genitor, see note to III 3.5.
complaints … suitable tenants: the identical laments appear at IV 37. 1
ff.; Pliny is probably at Tifernum.
comparing my speech … with Demosthenes’ oration: for the speech
against Publicius Certus vindicating the younger Helvidius Priscus, see
IV 21.3. Demosthenes’ speech against Meidias arose out of the conflict
with Eubulus, the dominant statesman at Athens, in their differing
policies towards Philip of Macedon. Meidias, a close ally of Eubulus, had
slapped Demosthenes’ face at the Dionysia of 348. But the case was
settled out of court; the speech (ed. D. M. MacDowell, Oxford, 1990) was
never delivered.

31 CORNUTUS: for Cornutus Tertullus, see note to II 11.19.

Claudius Pollio: this minor personage does not appear elsewhere in the
letters.
When we served in the army together: for Pliny’s service as military
tribune in Syria, see I 10.2; III 11.5; VIII 14.7.
advanced to most distinguished offices: he became governor of the
Graian Alps, and later controller of the inheritance-tax office.
our friend Corellius: see note to I 12.1 for this friend of Pliny and
Cornutus (see IV 17.9 and note).
purchase and allocation of lands: Nerva established a commission with a
fund of 60 million sesterces to allocate lands to very poor citizens (Dio
68.2.1).
attestations at death … Annius Bassus: the attestations took the form of
bequests. Annius Bassus was a supporter of Vespasian, who rewarded
him with the consulship, probably in 71. See Tacitus, Histories 3.50.

32 FABATUS: for Cornelius Fabatus, see notes at IV 1 and VII 23.

my friend Tiro: cf. VII 16.1, VII 23.
to grant freedom: see VII 16.4 and note.
as Xenophon remarks: in his Memorabilia 2.1.3, Xenophon makes
Prodicus recount to Hercules the altercation between Virtue and Vice.
Virtue tells Vice that, though she is one of the immortals, she is an
outcast from the company of the deities, and she never hears praise of
herself, the sweetest of all sounds.
33 TACITUS: See note to 16.
your histories: Tacitus had been gathering material for the 12 (or 14)
books of the Histories, of which only the first four and a half have
survived. The work covered the years 69–96, so that this trial of 93 fell
within its scope, See III 4.4, VI 29.8.
the public records: for the urbis acta, see note to V 13.8.
not to allow the dispersal: following condemnation on the charge of
extortion, Massa was sentenced to relegation, and his possessions were
seized until the claims of plaintiffs were met. Massa was himself
attempting to have some of his property released.
your relationship with the province: see note to 17.2.
that Senecio be indicted: though Senecio was indicted and executed later
in 93, it was not on this charge. See note to I 5.3.
the deified Nerva: before becoming emperor he was one of Domitian’s
trusted lieutenants.
you will make it better known: it seems doubtful if Tacitus accorded
Pliny’s intervention more than a passing mention.

BOOK EIGHT
1 SEPTICIUS: for Septicius Clarus, see note to 11.
the journey: to his villa at Tifernum, from where he visits the Clitumnus
and lake Vadimon (VIII 8 and 20).
Encolpius: not mentioned elsewhere. For Pliny’s concern for the welfare
of his servants, cf. V 19.
To whom will my ears be pinned: as Pliny’s lector, Encolpius reads out
both serious works and (especially over dinner) works for relaxation.
2 CALVISIUS: for Calvisius Rufus, see note to I 12.12.
I had sold my vine-crop: that at Tifernum, the visit to which is described
in VIII 1.
‘none should leave without a prize’: so Virgil, Aeneid 5.305, where
Aeneas at the Sicilian funeral-games offers prizes to all who participate
in the foot-race.
‘wicked and honourable men are equally respected’: Homer, Iliad 9.319,
where Achilles angrily explains to Odysseus his reason for refusing to go
into battle.

3 SPARSUS: for Julius Sparsus, see note to IV 5.

a certain very learned person: at VII 20.2, Pliny awaits the comments of
Tacitus on his recent work; perhaps the reference is to him.
but perhaps I flatter myself!: reading etsi tamen for et quia tamen in the
Oxford text.

4 CANINIUS: for Caninius Rufus, see note to 13.

to write on the Dacian war: Rufus proposes to glorify Trajan’s campaigns
in an epic poem in Greek. Details of the two wars are known to us only
from Dio (68.6–14) and from the scenes on the spiral frieze of Trajan’s
column. In the first war (AD 101–2), King Decebalus was compelled to
accept peace and to become a Roman vassal. In the second war (105–6),
claiming that the king had broken the treaty, Trajan stormed the capital
Sarmizegethusa, and the king committed suicide. The two triumphs of
Trajan mentioned in section 2 below were held in 102/3 and 106/7.
new rivers … over rivers: Decebalus diverted the Sargetia (Dio 68.14.4);
the Romans constructed a stone bridge over the Danube, visible on
Trajan’s column (cf. Dio 68.13).
a king, refusing to despair: Decebalus had intrepidly united the Dacians
against Roman forces since the days of Domitian, who by the peace of 89
recognized him as king.
a talent like yours: at IX 33.1 Pliny again offers homage to Rufus’ poetic
talent.
if Homer is allowed … his verse: for linguistic variations in Homer, see
G. S. Kirk, The Songs of Homer (Cambridge, 1962), esp. 142 ff.
among the gods: such deification of living emperors was a poetic
convention, beginning with Virgil (Georgics 1.24 ff.) and Horace (Odes
3.5.2), and continuing with Lucan (1.33ff.) and Statius (Siluae 1, in
praise of Domitian).

5 GEMINUS: for Rosianus Geminus, see note to VII 1.

Macrinus: almost certainly Caecilius Macrinus (see note to II 7), for as
the recipient of several letters, he is clearly a close friend.

6 MONTANUS: see VII 29 and note. This letter is a continuation of the

same topic, lambasting the honours paid to Claudius’ freedman, who
was the emperor’s financial secretary.
Africanus, Achaicus, and Numantinus: these were three great heroes of
the Republic. Scipio Africanus was the victor over Hannibal, Mummius
Achaicus sacked Corinth in 146, and Scipio Aemilianus, destroyed
Carthage in 146 and stormed Numantia in Spain in 133.
as men of wit: Pliny ironically half-suggests that the honours paid to
Pallas were ironical.
a slave: Pallas was in fact a freedman, as Pliny knows well.
to wear a gold ring: this privilege was restricted to those of equestrian or
higher status.
guardian of the resources of the princeps: Pallas was head of the
imperial treasury, which was directly controlled by the emperor.
affixed to the mailed statue of the deified Julius: this statue, elsewhere
unattested, presumably stood in front of the temple of the deified Julius,
This temple in the Forum, together with the adjoining temple of Castor,
housed the offices and the vault of the imperial treasury,
no experience of those times: both meetings of the Senate took place in
January 52, a decade before Pliny’s birth.

7 TACITUS: see note to 16.

your book: probably the second instalment of the Histories, following
that mentioned in VII 20; see the note there.
hyperbaton: the figure which Pliny’s mentor Quintilian defines as
‘transposition of a word to some distance for ornamental effect’ (8.6.65).
Here it refers to the delayed appearance of ‘that you have sent me’,
following the lengthy parenthesis.

8 ROMANUS: for Voconius Romanus, see note to I 5.

the Clitumnus?: this stream in Umbria, which flows into the Tinia, a
tributary of the Tiber, was famed in ancient lore because cattle drinking
from it were thought to turn white. See Virgil, Georgics 1.146; Propertius
2.19.25; Statius, Siluae 1.4.128f., etc.
Clitumnus himself … oracular responses: the statue of the god, clad in
the toga of a priest or magistrate, stood in the temple together with a
chest containing the wooden tablets, which when shaken together
offered a message to the enquirer. See Cicero, De Diuinatione 2.86 for a
similar scene at Praeneste.
Hispellum: modern Spello.
a few will make you laugh: illiterate graffiti rather than votive tablets.

9 URSUS: for Cornelius Ursus, see note to IV 9.

the many concerns of my friends: chiefly referring to his roles as
advocate and as judge in the Centumviral court.
the obligations of friendship, which those very books counsel us: Pliny
thinks especially of Cicero’s De amicitia and De officiis 3.43.

10 FABATUS: for Calpurnius Fabatus, see note to IV 1.

a miscarriage: one wonders if pregnancy had been the reason for
Calpurnia’s indisposition reported in VI 4 and 7; VII 5. The unhappy
event is again the subject of the letter that follows.

11 HISPULLA: for Calpurnia Hispulla, see note to IV 1.7.

12 MINICIANUS: for Cornelius Minicianus, see note to III 9.

I plead exemption: that is, from his business duties.
Titinius Capito: see note to I 17.1.
letters, which were now declining: Pliny believes that the Domitianic era
witnessed such a decline, from which signs of recovery are evident; see I
10, 13, 16.
books on the deaths of famous men: earlier (see I 17.3) Capito had
written verse-biographies of Republican heroes; here he is depicted as
the author of panegyrics of those who had died during the persecutions
under Domitian.
13 GENIALIS: he is one of the circle of young men who look to Pliny for
oratorical guidance and advancement. Neither he nor his father is
otherwise known.

14 ARISTO: for the eminent lawyer Titius Aristo, see note to I 22.1.
ignorance over senatorial procedures: Pliny repeatedly draws attention
to this, for example at VI 5.1–2. The attribution of the ignorance to
Domitian’s tyranny is in keeping with Pliny’s lament for the loss of the
good old days.
they would stand at the doors of the Senate House: this venerable
Republican practice (Valerius Maximus 2.1.9) was revived by the
emperor Augustus (Suetonius, Augustus 38.2).
the consul Afranius Dexter: the Fasti (calendar of consuls) date his death
to 24 June 105. Traditionally, when a master was killed in his own
home, the slaves of the household were executed if they had failed to go
to his aid. Freedmen were exempted, but this exemption was withdrawn
by a decree of AD 57 (Tacitus, Annals 13.32.1). When in 61 the city
prefect Pedanius was murdered, and all 400 slaves of his household were
executed, a proposal to banish the freedmen was vetoed by the emperor
Nero (Tacitus, Annals 14.45.2). Thus the proposals for execution and for
relegation were both in order, but Pliny’s support for acquittal probably
had the tacit agreement of Trajan, if the participation of freedmen in the
murder was in considerable doubt.
the law: this is the lex Iulia de senatu habendo of 9 BC.
the result I demanded: namely, to have the proposals separated.
which of them would prevail over it: the proposer of execution chose to
support the motion for relegation. Pliny does not indicate here whether
his motion for acquittal prevailed.

15 JUNIOR: for his career and retirement, see VII 25.2 ff. and note.
my own poor estate: since there were meagre grape-harvests at both
estates, Pliny probably refers to his lands at Tifernum, and Terentius
Junior’s at Perugia (see ILS 6120).
I shall have to erase whatever I have written: this mock-affectation of
poverty indicates that Pliny will have to revert to his wax tablets, as at I
6.

16 PATERNUS: for Plinius Paternus, see note to I 21.

deaths among my servants: perhaps including Encolpius; see VIII 1.2.
Pliny again laments these deaths at VIII 19.1.
the household … a sort of republic: for this commonplace, see also
Seneca, Letters 47.14.

17 MACRINUS: for Caecilius Macrinus, see note to II 7.

its channel: Flooding was a perennial problem at Rome; hence Augustus’
appointment of curatores riparum et aluei Tiberis (see Suetonius, Augustus
17). Both Claudius and Trajan had canals dug to carry offflood water.
the Anio: the river rises in Sabine territory, and joins with the Tiber just
north of Rome. The damage reported by Pliny is in the area around
Tibur.

18 RUFINUS: this is the sole letter addressed to him. He may be L. Fadius

Rufinus, suffect consul in 113, a fellow guest of Pliny’s at IX 23.4.
Domitius Tullus: he and his younger brother Lucanus (see section 4),
already prominent under Vespasian, had both attained the consulship
under Domitian.
made himself available to legacy-hunters: for this ghoulish practice of
attending the dying for financial profit, see note to II 20.1. Tullus’
vociferous critics in section 3 below are the disappointed ones criticized
by Pliny for their ‘shameless expectations’.
his heiress the daughter: she is Domitia Lucilla, grandmother of the
future emperor Marcus Aurelius.
Curtilius Mancia: this father-in-law of Lucanus was consul in 55, and
governor of Upper Germany thereafter (Tacitus, Annals 13.56).
Domitius Afer: see note to II 14.10. He died in 59, and therefore adopted
the boys in 41–2. His prosecution of their father, which led to his
banishment, is not elsewhere attested.
this inheritance: that is, After’s bequests to his adopted sons.
that excellent woman: otherwise unknown.

19 MAXIMUS: not certainly identifiable; see note to II 14.

my wife’s sickness … the life-threatening maladies of my servants: see
VIII 10.1, 16.1 and notes.

20 GALLUS: cf. note to II 17.

Ameria … Vadimon: modern Amelia and Laghetto di Bassano in south
Umbria, some 42 miles from Rome. Vadimon was celebrated as the site
of a battle against the Etruscans and their Gallic allies in 283–282 BC
(Polybius 2.20; Livy 9.39).
floating islands: they are mentioned earlier by the Elder Pliny (Natural
History 2.209), a passage surprisingly unknown to his nephew, and by
Seneca, Natural Questions 3.25.8.

21 ARRIANUS: for Arrianus Maturus, see note to 12.

to mingle the serious with the genial: in this letter Pliny resumes the
apologia for his verse-compositions earlier voiced in IV 14, V 3, VII 9.
in various metres: perhaps indicating a development in his efforts at
versification, from the hendecasyllabics earlier mentioned.
rather than help to create it: by offering positive criticisms at the close of
the recitation.

22 GEMINUS: for Rosianus Geminus, see note to VII 1.

Thrasea: for Thrasea Paetus, see note to III 16.10.

23 MARCELLINUS: Aefulanus Marcellinus is known only as the recipient of

this letter and of V 16, another death-notice.
Junius Avitus: as this letter indicates, the young man was at the
beginning of a senatorial career, as reception of the broad stripe (section
2) indicates. After serving as military tribune, he had attained the
quaestorship and then the aedileship.
Servianus: this notable, Ursus Servianus, after holding the consulship,
was legate of Upper Germany in 98, and was in Pannonia (? with Trajan)
in 99.
quaestor: four of the twenty quaestors were chosen as assistants to
consuls. Avitus will have served both the ordinary and the suffect
consuls during his year of office.
those fruitless pleadings: that is, his attempts to gain support when
canvassing for office.
24 MAXIMUS: the hortatory tone to a younger friend suggests that this is
the Maximus addressed in VI 34 and VII 26; nothing is known of him
beyond the details found in these three letters.
the province of Achaia: having been established as a separate province
by Augustus in 27 BC, it was declared free by Nero in 66, but re-
established as a province by Vespasian. Pliny’s advice to his young friend
to show respect to the country to which he has been sent as imperial
commissioner appears to be based on Cicero’s letter to his brother on his
appointment as proconsul of Asia (Ad Quantumfratrem 1.1).
bestowed laws on us: Pliny echoes the tradition that in 454 BC an
embassy was sent from Rome to Athens to obtain a copy of the laws of
Solon, and to investigate the customs and rights of other states (Livy
3.31.8), as a result of which the decemvirs established the Twelve
Tables.
the outstanding reputation …from Bithynia: at Panegyricus 70.1, Pliny
refers to a quaestor who on Trajan’s initiative ‘settled the finances of an
important city’. This official has been plausibly identified with our
Maximus.

BOOK NINE
1 MAXIMUS: the identity of this older Maximus is uncertain. For the
likelier candidates, see note to II 14.
against Planta: this is probably Pompeius Planta, governor of Egypt 98–
100. He is known to have composed a history of the civil conflicts of 69,
and it is feasible that the dispute with Maximus centred on differing
loyalties in their accounts of that period.
‘it is unholy to boast over the slain’: Homer, Odyssey 22.412, where
Odysseus bids his old nurse Eurycleia not to exult over the bodies of the
suitors.
2 SABINUS: probably Statius Sabinus; see note to IV 10. Letter IX 18 below
is also addressed to him. From section 4 we infer that he is on active
service in a hot climate such as that of Syria.

3 PAULINUS: for Valerius Paulinus, see note to II 2.

as I see many doing: the implied contrast is between those who seek
immortality through public service or through literature, and those who
opt for a strenuous commercial career.

4 MACRINUS: for Caecilius Macrinus, see note to II 7.

the speech which you will receive: Pliny regularly sends Macrinus details
of criminal cases, and the description of the speech here fits closely with
the aftermath of the indictment of Caecilius Classicus by the Baeticans
(see III 9.12 ff.).

5 TIRO: for Caelestrius Tiro, see notes to I 12, VII 16.1. He has now been
appointed proconsul of Baetica. The proprietorial tone of the letter
reminds us that Pliny is patron of the province (III 4.5 f.).
preserving distinctions: Pliny characteristically warns Tiro to give to
dignitaries of the province their proper due. There may also be a hint
that he should keep an appropriate distance from the lesser orders.

6 CALVISIUS: for Calvisius Rufus, see note to I 12.12.

The races were on: from the era of Augustus, 17 of the 77 days of public
games were devoted to chariot-racing in the Circus Maximus or the
Circus Flaminius. The four factions were the Greens, Blues, Reds, and
Whites. These were briefly augmented under Domitian by the Purples
and the Golds. Racing between four-horse chariots was the norm, but
lesser and greater teams were more occasionally on view. For further
detail of the races, see Balsdon, Life and Leisure, 248, 314-24.
not the slightest interest: Pliny’s snobbisme reflects Cicero’s disdain for
public games as at Ad Familiares 1.1.2; cf. Seneca, Letters, 7.4.

7 ROMANUS: for Voconius Romanus, see note to I 5.

you are engaged in building: Pliny offers no indication of where
Voconius is building, unless the references to Baiae offer a clue. Baiae
was the popular watering place for Roman city-dwellers on the Bay of
Naples. It was famous for its hot springs.
casting your line … even from your bed: Martial, 10.30.17 ff., similarly
mentions fishing from bedroom and bed at Formiae on the coast of
Latium.

8 AUGURINUS: for Sentius Augurinus, see note to IV 27.1.

9 COLONUS: neither this addressee nor the Pompeius Quintianus

mentioned in section 1 are otherwise known.

10 TACITUS: see note to 16.

to cope with both Minerva and Diana: these references to the goddesses
of the arts (including literature) and of hunting are anticipated in an
earlier letter to Tacitus (16.3). Pliny is writing from his estate at
Tifernum, where the availability of good hunting is noted earlier, at V
18.2.
no charm or attractiveness: for revision of speeches on holiday envisaged
as a chore, compare IX 15.2.

11 GEMINUS: for Rosianus Geminus, see note to VII 1.

in a collection of my works: this is the more probable meaning of the
Latin than ‘of your works’, since Geminus requests a letter or speech of
Pliny of which he has seen an earlier draft. Such a contribution would fit
oddly into a collection of Geminus’ works.
booksellers at Lugdunum: Geminus has recently returned from a visit to
Lugdunum (Lyons). Founded in 43 BC, the city had become the capital of
the three Gauls, and an important commercial centre. It is hardly
surprising that Pliny was ignorant of the book trade there, since this is
the first attested reference to any bookseller outside Rome.

12 JUNIOR: for Terentius Junior, see VII 25.2 f. and note. During the visit
described in that letter, Pliny will have met Junior’s son, and perhaps
noted the strict supervision of his father.
13 QUADRATUS: for Ummidius Quadratus, see note to VI 11.1.
the vindication of Helvidius: Helvidius Priscus, together with Herennius
Senecio and Arulenus Rusticus, was indicted for treason in 93 and
executed (see note to III 11.3).
Following the murder of Domitian: the emperor was murdered by his
entourage on 18 September 96; Pliny delivered and published his speech
in the following year.
committed violence: the precise circumstances are unknown. Certus may
have ‘committed violence’ against Helvidius by proposing his
condemnation and having him hauled off to prison.
Arria and Fannia: the Younger Arria, wife of Thrasea Paetus, and Fannia,
wife of the elder Helvidius Priscus, had both suffered exile following the
condemnation of the Younger Helvidius in 98; see III 11.3.
when freedom was restored: that is, with the accession of Nerva.
the recent loss of my wife: his second wife, daughter of Pompeia
Celerina, the addressee of I 4. Pliny followed the custom of not
appearing in public during the period of mourning (nine days).
Corellius: see I 12.1 ff. and notes.
the culprit: Publicius Certus, as prefect of the treasury of Saturn, and
anticipating the consulship, could expect the support of many senators.
in your due turn: Pliny had been given leave to speak informally (section
7), but following objections, the consul indicated that he must await his
due turn before making a formal proposal.
he named a man … in command of the most massive army: such a man
with the backing of a powerful force might have designs on the
principate. Perhaps the reference is to the legate of Syria, Javolenus
Priscus.
Domitius Apollinaris… Ammius Flaccus: these supporters of Certus had
all prospered under Domitian. Apollinaris was consul-designate for 97
(and therefore first speaker). Veiento had been awarded a third
consulship under Domitian. Postuminus was suffect consul in 96. Bittius
Proculus, now married to Pompeia Celerina (see note to section 4) was a
prefect of the treasury, soon to become consul in 98. Flaccus is cited
separately as a figure of lesser account.
Avidius Quietus and Cornutus Tertullus: see VI 29.1, IV 17.9, V 14.5 and
notes.
the equivalent of the censor’s stigma: no censors were appointed after 22
BC. Their role as guardians of morals was taken over by the emperors or
their nominees. The aggrieved women were demanding the expulsion of
Certus from the Senate.
Satrius Rufus: see note to I 5.11.
Veiento: a bête noire of Pliny (see IV 22.4 and note). Tacitus, Annals 14,
50, recounts earlier misdemeanours of his under Nero.
‘Aged sire … distressing you’: Homer, Iliad 8.102, where Diomedes
addresses the aged Nestor, and takes him into his chariot to protect him
from Trojan attacks.
the consulship … to the colleague of Certus, and his office … to a
successor: Bittius Proculus, his fellow prefect at the treasury, became
consul in 98 in place of Certus. Proculus and Certus were replaced at the
treasury in 98 by Pliny and Tertullus.

14 TACITUS: see note to 16. This short note is probably a reply to Tacitus’
acknowledgement of VII 20; it resumes the theme in that letter of the
future fame of the two friends.

15 FALCO: for Pompeius Falco, see note to I 23. He had recently returned
from governing Judaea to be awarded the consulship.
among the Etruscans: he is on holiday at his estate at Tifernum.

16 MAMILIANUS: this is his first appearance. At IX 25 he is in command of

an army as consular legate, and accordingly he can be reasonably
identified as Pomponius Mamilianus, suffect consul in 100, the year of
Pliny’s consulship.
the harvest is so meagre: this disappointing harvest at Tifernum is
further mentioned at IX 20, IX 28.2.
as soon as they stop fermenting: Pliny’s two activities on his estate at
Tifernum are likewise connected by jocose metaphor at VIII 21.6.

17 GENITOR: for Julius Genitor, see note to III 3.5.

a reader or lyre-player or comic actor: Pliny thus carefully distinguishes
between his own entertainments and the more vulgar amusements at the
house of Genitor’s host. For entertainments at dinner parties in general,
see Balsdon, Life and Leisure, 44 ff.

18 SABINUS: for Statius Sabinus, see note to IV 10. At IX 2 he is on service

in an eastern province, and Pliny promises to send him some of his
works to relieve the tedium.

19 RUSO: for Cremutius Ruso, see note to VI 23.2.

in a letter of mine: the letter with the verse epitaph has survived (VI 10).
Verginius Rufus: his death in 97, together with a fulsome tribute, is
recorded in II 1. See the notes to that letter.
Frontinus: for the career of Julius Frontinus, see note to IV 8.3.
Cluvius: Cluvius Rufus was an important source for Tacitus for the reign
of Nero (Annals 13.20.2; 14.2.1) and for the Year of the Four Emperors
(Histories 4.43.1). It is probable that he criticized Verginius’ role in the
massacre of the army of Vindex in 69.

20 VENATOR: otherwise unknown.

gathering in the grape-harvest: at Tifernum.

21 SABINIANUS: the recipient of this letter, and of IX 24, is otherwise

unknown.
Your freedman … has approached me: St Paul offers a striking parallel in
his letter to Philemon, where he pleads on behalf of Philemon’s slave
Ones-imus, with whom Paul had struck up an acquaintance while in
prison.

22 SEVERUS: there are five Severi among Pliny’s correspondents, of whom

the likeliest recipient here is either Vibius Severus, who received IV
28, or Herennius Severus, mentioned in that letter.
Passennus Paulus: see VI 15.1 and note.
the genre in which Propertius excelled: of the four books of elegies
composed by this poet of the Augustan age, the first two are devoted
largely to love-poetry, centring on his mistress Cynthia. Books 3 and 4
contain themes ranging more widely, including the aetiological poems of
Book 4, which bolster the poet’s claim to be the Roman Callimachus.
moved on to lyric poetry: his model, Horace, was an older contemporary
of Propertius. He wrote his four books of Odes after 30 BC, covering a
wide range of topics in a variety of metres.

23 MAXIMUS: for the possible identity of this elder Maximus, see note to II
14.
at the recent chariot-races: Tacitus clearly does not share the snobbisme
of Pliny towards the races (cf. IX 6), at which knights and senators were
given reserved seats (see Balsdon, Life and Leisure, 260).
‘Are you Italian or a provincial?’: Tacitus does not answer the question
directly, which makes Syme (himself a provincial) suspect that Tacitus
was not a blue-blooded Italian, but from Narbonese Gaul.
Fadius Rufinus: perhaps L. Fadius Rufinus, suffect consul in 113.
if Demosthenes was justified: Pliny recounts the story from Cicero,
Tusculans 5.103, with its mild criticism (‘petty-minded’) of the Greek
orator.

24 SABINIANUS: see note to IX 21.

25 MAMILIANUS: for Pomponius Mamilianus, see note to IX 16.

among your eagles: that is, among the legionary standards.

26 LUPERCUS: see II 5 and note. This letter embodies Pliny’s reaction to

 the criticism by his friend of the speech mentioned in that letter, or a
later one. In general, Pliny claims to take the middle ground between
the plain style of the Atticists and the exuberance of the Asianists, but
here he inclines towards the more florid style.
winning approval … from its hazards: the resemblance to the view of
‘Longinus’, On the Sublime, has been noted here, and the suggestion made
that the common source of both is Pliny’s former teacher of Greek
rhetoric Nicetes Sacerdos (see VI 6.3).
tightrope walking: Horace, Epistles 2.1.210 f., comparing the tightrope
walker to the poet, may be Pliny’s inspiration here.
‘The lofty heavens trumpeted forth … bellow so loudly’: the three
Homeric passages here are all from the Iliad (21.388; 5.356; 14.394).
The first is cited also by ‘Longinus’ more extensively as an example of
grandeur (9.6). The third extract is followed by other similes from
nature, all describing the dread war cries of Trojans and Achaeans.
those most celebrated words: the thirteen examples of vivid expressions
which follow do not come over with the same force in English. The
passages in order are from On the Crown 206, 299, 301; Philippics 1.49;
On the False Legation 259; On the Crown 136; Olynthiacs 2.9; Against
Aristogeiton 1.28, 84, 76, 7, 48, 46; Against Timarchus 176.
Aeschines: this Athenian orator and political foe of Demosthenes
criticized his style in the speech Against Ctesiphon. The phrase
‘monstrosities, not words’ is from Against Ctesiphon 167, and the fourth
of the six passages which follow is from Against Timarchus 176. The
others are all from Against Ctesiphon (16, 101, 206, 208, 253).

27 PATERNUS: for Plinius Paternus, see note to I 21.

Someone … reciting a most truthful account: the letter clearly indicates
that the work is a contemporary history, and the attractive suggestion
has been made that the work being read was the Histories of Tacitus.

28 ROMANUS: for Voconius Romanus, see note to I 5.

Plotina: the wife of Trajan; Pliny has easy access to the emperor’s
residence.
Popilius Artemisius: presumably a freedman in Romanus’ household.
a totally different part of the world: Romanus hails from Saguntum in
Spain; the phrase here suggests that he is in residence there.
my future plans: perhaps referring to his imminent appointment as
governor of Bithynia.
on behalf of Clarius: the speech is otherwise unknown. The name may be
a corruption of Ciartius.
composed with particular care: so the three letters received are brief and
businesslike. This further letter has been lost, and Pliny assumes that
Romanus has kept a copy. For Romanus’ literary abilities, see II 13.7.

29 RUSTICUS: he cannot be identified with certainty. It is bold to assume

that he is Fabius Rusticus, the celebrated historian of the reign of Nero
used as source by Tacitus (Annals 13.20.2; 14.2.2; 15.61.3).

30 GEMINUS: for Rosianus Geminus, see note to VII 1.

Nonius: his identity is uncertain. Pliny’s acerbic tone suggests that
Nonius’ generosity is confined to gifts to well-to-do friends. Pliny’s ideal
philanthropy, expressed here, reflects his own practice.

31 SARDUS: not otherwise known. It has been speculated that he is the

historian in IX 27, and that the compliments to Pliny refer to events
 after the death of Domitian in 97, but this theory cannot be
substantiated.

32 TITIANUS: for Cornelius Titianus, see note to I 17.

33 CANINIUS: for Caninius Rufus, see note to I 3.

the author … is highly reliable: Pliny may well refer to his uncle, who
recounts this anecdote at Natural History 9.26 as one of several dolphin
stories. The two accounts are strikingly similar, except that in section 9
here it is the proconsul’s legate who pours the ointment on the dolphin,
whereas in the Elder Pliny it is the proconsul himself.
Hippo in Africa: Hippo Diarrhytus (modern Bizerta) near Utica, as the
Elder Pliny makes clear, not Hippo Regius in Numidia.
A dolphin approached him: stories documenting the friendly play of
dolphins and their helpfulness to men are numerous in the ancient
world, beginning with Herodotus’ account (1.23 f.) of the rescue of
Arion. A modern counterpart of dolphins’ affection for children
recounted by the Elder Pliny is recorded by T. F. Higham, ‘Nature Note:
Dolphin Riders’, in GR 7 (1960), 82 ff., describing (with photographs)
the behaviour of dolphins off the coast of New Zealand.
Octavius Avitus: otherwise unknown. The proconsul cited by the Elder
Pliny, Tampius Flavianus, earlier governed Pannonia (see Tacitus,
Histories 2.86, etc.).
all the magistrates: they descended on Hippo from Carthage, the capital
of the province.

34 TRANQUILLUS: for the historian Suetonius Tranquillus, see note to I 18.

his role as reader: Pliny’s excellent readers Zosimus and Encolpius (V
19.3, VIII 1) were reported as ill, and may have died (VIII 19). He may
now be training a successor.

35 ATRIUS: the reading is uncertain. The addressee may be Attius

Clemens, the recipient of I 10 and IV 2, but the admonitory tone of
this letter does not suggest a close acquaintance. Emendation of the
Latin to ‘Satrio’ has been suggested (cf. IX 13.17).

36 FUSCUS: for Fuscus Salinator, see note to VI 11.1.

among the Etruscans: at his villa near Tifernum, described in V 6.
to exercise the gullet: so Celsus, writing in the reign of Tiberius, states:
‘If anyone has stomach-trouble, he should read loudly’ (De medicina 1.8).
a book is read: in more elaborate company the entertainment might be
more ambitious; cf. III 1.9.
not without my writing-tablets: cf. I 6.
Their rustic complaints: so too at VII 30.3, IX 15.1. For a general account
of the daily routine of the literary bourgeoisie when on holiday, see
Balsdon, Life and Leisure, ch. 6.

37 PAULINUS: for Valerius Paulinus, see note to II 2.

your inauguration as consul: Paulinus held the suffect consulship from
September to December 107.
the previous four-year period: though the lustrum is normally a period of
five years, the word is also used of a four-year term. Pliny appears to
refer here to the years 103–7.
38 SATURNINUS: for Pompeius Saturninus, see note to 18.
Rufus: probably Caninius Rufus (see note to 13), but possibly Octavius
Rufus (note to I 7).
39 MUSTIUS: this is the sole letter addressed to the architect (see section
6).
the shrine of Ceres: this is a temple distinct from that built by Pliny for
the inhabitants of Tifernum (IV 1). Ceres, as the goddess of growth, is an
appropriate deity to be honoured in Pliny’s rustic estate close by.
on 13 September: not the feast of the Cerialia, which coincided with the
growing season in April, but a local feast to celebrate the harvest.
at your end: whether Mustius is practising his profession in Rome is
uncertain, but Pliny’s details of the site suggest that he is not familiar
with it. Presumably a visit would be necessary before he could plan the
layout.

40 FUSCUS: for Pedanius Fuscus Salinator, see note to VI 11.1.

delighted with my letter: see IX 36.
at Laurentum: for Pliny’s Laurentine villa, see II 17.

BOOK TEN
the guidance … you had already undertaken: This was following his
adoption by Nerva in October 97. His accession to the throne followed
the death of that emperor in January 98. See Panegyricus 8–10.
the right of three children: see note to II 13.8.
Julius Servianus: see III 17 and note.
my two marriages: the death of his second wife in 97 is mentioned in IX
13.4. Marriage to his third wife Calpurnia followed after 100 (see IV 1).
the generosity of you both: Nerva and his designated successor Trajan
nominated Pliny for the prefecture in January 98.
the provincials … against Marius Priscus: see II 11.
our names to be included in the ballot: a senator was assigned by lot as
advocate for a province unless a request for an individual had been
made.
Voconius Romanus: see note to I 5. There is no evidence that Pliny’s
request was granted.
an illness: this can be dated to early 97; see X 8.3.
a physiotherapist: this physician superintended convalescence rather
than treated illnesses. In Petronius (28), the three iatroliptae are no more
than masseurs.
Antonia Maximilla: this remote kinswoman of Pliny (see X 6.1) is
otherwise unknown.
I ought first to have obtained Alexandrian citizenship for him: this
passage indicates that Egyptians not belonging to the Greek cities were
not eligible for Roman citizenship, presumably because of their
ignorance of municipal institutions; see Tacitus, Histories 1.11.
my friend Pompeius Planta: for Planta, see notes to IV 20.1 and IX 1.1.
His status as prefect was equivalent to that of an equestrian governor.
The expression ‘my friend’ does not necessarily indicate a close
relationship with Trajan, but is conventional in addresses to equestrians
in such posts.
encouraged … to acts of generosity: Pliny refers to Nerva’s
encouragement of gifts of land and alimenta to needy families. See VII
31.4; for Pliny’s participation in the scheme, VII 18.4 f.
to the township of Tifernum: see III 4.2 and IV 1.5 for earlier mention of
the temple which Pliny promised to the township.
the office: the prefecture of the treasury of Saturn, awarded to him
jointly by Nerva and Trajan.
my month’s duties: Pliny and his fellow prefect Cornutus Tertullus
exercised supervision in alternate months.
the month that follows: Pliny would normally be required to be on hand
when his colleague was in charge, but the ludi Romani alone occupied
most of the period 4–19 September, and there were minor festivals on
other days of the month.
barren harvests … reductions of rent: see IX 37 for these problems
exercising Pliny over several successive years.
Alexandrian citizenship to… Harpocras: see X 6. His provenance,
Memphis, was the centre of the administrative district of Middle and
Upper Egypt.
Pompeius Planta: see note to X 7.
to meet you: Trajan was returning from inspecting the troops in
Pannonia. Pliny proposes to meet him in northern Italy.
though preserving their rights: the Latin is ambiguous, and may refer to
the rights of the parents Chrysippus and Stratonice rather than to those
of their sons.
as patrons over their freedmen: when slaves were manumitted, they
owed obligations to their former owners, who could in addition claim
part of the freedman’s estate on his death.
in this matter as well: that is, in granting favours on behalf of friends
and dependants.
Accius Sura: this senator is otherwise unknown. The vacancy in the
ranks of the praetorship must have occurred because one of the men
designated has died or withdrawn.
the augurate or the status of septemvir: the augurs and the septemuiri
epularum were two of the four main priestly colleges, together with the
pontífices and the quindecimuiri sacris faciundis. The augurate, which
Trajan granted to Pliny’s request (see IV 8), was particularly congenial to
him since Cicero had held it.
your glorious victory: referring to either Trajan’s victory in the first
Dacian war of 102 or to that of the second Dacian war of 106. See note
to VIII 4.1.
The remaining letters in Book X were written after Pliny took up his
appointment as governor of Bithynia-Pontus. The date of arrival was
autumn in either 109 or 110. A map of Bithynia-Pontus appears on p.
287.
Cape Malea: at the south-eastern tip of the Peloponnese. Pliny took this
route rather than that through the Corinthian gulf because of favourable
winds.
partly by carriages: these had been provided by local cities since the
time of Augustus, who established them for speedier intelligence of
provincial affairs (Suetonius, Augustus 49.3).
Etesian winds: these ‘yearly’ winds, according to the Elder Pliny, blow
from the north for forty days from 26 July (Natural History 3.123 f.)
a halt at Pergamum: this was after a taxing 80-mile journey from
Ephesus northward along the coast. Pliny then prudently took the longer
sea-journey through the Propontis to Apamea, and thence overland to
Prusa.
Your birthday: 18 September. The birthdays of emperors, beginning with
Augustus, were celebrated with public games.
a quantity-surveyor: Trajan intimates in the next letter that he cannot
dispatch one. Those he employs were fully occupied with buildingworks.
Though his Baths were completed in 109, his Forum was to be dedicated
in 113, with his basilica and markets adjoining it. A new aqueduct was
being constructed for Rome, and new harbours were being built at Ostia
and at Centum Cellae (see VI 31.15–17).
public slaves … or … soldiers: public slaves were owned by the cities,
and were paid a small salary for performing such duties as this. This
province, like others long peaceful, had no standing army, but Pliny had
a few cohorts of auxiliary troops assigned to him as governor (see X
21.1; X 106).
Gavius Bassus, prefect of the Pontic shore: inscriptional evidence from
Ephesus reveals that this was Bassus’ crowning appointment. His
command was independent of Pliny, and probably covered the entire
southern shore of the Black Sea.
first-class privates: soldiers below the rank of centurion who were
selected for special missions.
my reply to him: the tone of Trajan’s letter suggests that Bassus’ request
was rejected.
to have a new building: at first sight this looks like an issue which Pliny
need hardly have referred to Rome, but the emperor seems to have
insisted that applications for new buildings should be referred to him; cf.
X 70, 90, 98. Trajan’s concern was that profligate spending should not
divert funds from essential works.
Servilius Pudens: otherwise unknown. Previous governors of the
province had been proconsuls, and their deputies were appointed by the
Senate; Pliny, as legatus Augusti pro praetore, has his deputy chosen by
the emperor.
Rosianus Geminus: see note to VII 1 for this regular correspondent. Pliny
does not specify a particular role for his friend, for fear of twisting the
emperor’s arm, but perhaps he hopes for the governorship of a province
for him.
Maximus … Gemellinus: Maximus was the assistant to Virdius
Gemellinus, the equestrian procurator independent of Pliny in the
province. His main role was to raise taxes, but, as here, was given other
commissions.
to Paphlagonia to obtain grain: Paphlagonia lay between Bithynia and
Pontus, extending southward to the border of Galatia. The corn was
collected to feed army units on the Euphrates and the lower Danube.
Sempronius Caelianus: his role, independent of Pliny, was as recruiting
officer of auxiliary troops. Slaves were not permitted to enlist. Trajan’s
reply in the next letter is characteristically incisive and clear.
punishments similar to these: such sentences included working in the
mines, fighting as gladiators or being exposed to wild beasts at the
games, and building roads. These harsh and hazardous occupations
contrasted with the roles of public slaves, on which see X 19.
the status of responsible officials: Trajan probably refers to public slaves
working as clerks in conducting the business of the province.
the Gerousia and the temple of Isis: the Gerousia was an association of
elderly citizens established in many Greek cities, providing a social
service for the bourgeoisie rather than for poor citizens. By this date the
worship of the Egyptian goddess Isis was widespread among the cities of
the empire. See, for example, Apuleius, Metamorphoses, especially Book
11.
an association of firemen: whereas in cities in the West the ever-present
hazard of fires was met with permanent units of vigiles (Rome had a
force of 7,000 by the early third century AD), no such organization was
permitted in eastern cities because of the civic disturbances which such
societies caused. The rigorous suppression of Christianity reported in X
96–7 was largely motivated by this fear.
vows for your well-being: at every new year throughout the Empire,
public vows were offered for the safety of the emperor on 3 January.
This ceremonial was distinct from the commemoration of Trajan’s
accession on 28 January (see X 1), and from the greetings to him on his
birthday on 18 September (see X 17A).
an aqueduct: though this means of providing water for cities had long
been commonplace in the West, in the East aqueducts were an
innovation, and lack of experience in building them accounts for the
failures described here. On the need to obtain the approval of the
emperor for such building-projects, see note to X 23. Note that Trajan
ignores the request for expert help from Rome, as he refuses it at X 18.
Nicaea: the city (modern Iznik, later celebrated for the Ecumenical
Council of 325 which formulated the Nicene Creed) competed with its
neighbour Nicomedia in the claim to be the most important in Bithynia.
gymnasium: in Greek cities this was a complex of exercise rooms,
training ground, and lecture-halls.
Claudiopolis: this city in the south-east, earlier Bithynium, was renamed
in honour of the emperor Claudius.
The wretched Greeks: Trajan’s patronizing Graeculi (‘Wretched Greeks’)
echoes Juvenal 3.78.
You can have no shortage of architects: Trajan again rebuts Pliny’s
request.
an extensive lake: lake Sophon (modern Sapanca Gölu) lies 18 miles east
of Nicomedia. It drains by way of a stream (the Melas) into the river
Sangarius which flows north into the Black Sea. Another river flows
westward into the Propontis (now the Sea of Marmora), and Pliny’s plan
was to cut a canal between the lake and this river, and thus to reverse
the flow and to allow access by water from the lake into the Propontis.
The scheme becomes clearer with the further discussion at X 61.
the highway: the road from Ancyra to Nicomedia.
40 cubits: about 60 feet. Today the lake lies more than 120 feet above
sea level.
by a king: either Nicomedes IV, the last of the Bithynian kings who
ceded the kingdom to Rome in 74 BC, or one of his predecessors.
Calpurnius Macer: see note to V 18.
I shall send… some expert: Trajan appears to soften his earlier refusal to
send technical help, but cf. X 62.
the state of Byzantium: though the city lay in the province of Thrace,
under the Flavians it became the responsibility of the governor of
Bithynia.
to the governor of Moesia: Moesia lay between the Danube and Thrace
to the south. In AD 74 it was divided into Superior (west) and Inferior
(east). Byzantium had strong trade links with Inferior; hence this
cultivation of cordial relations.
travel passes: Augustus had established an efficient transport system for
imperial officials (Suetonius, Augustus 49.3). Local cities provided
carriages and lodgings. The passes issued from Rome were probably
valid for a year, though these letters are the only evidence for the
expiry-dates cited here.
to investigate at Apamea: this town in the south-west of the province
had become a Roman colony under Julius Caesar or Mark Antony. It was
exempt from direct taxation, and had financial autonomy.
a shrine … dedicated to the Great Mother: the Magna Mater, Cybele, had
been admitted to the Roman pantheon following the formal reception of
her statue from Phrygia in 205/204 BC (see Livy 29.11.4 ff.). Pliny
wonders if Roman sacral law applies in Bithynia. Trajan assures him that
it does not.
my mother-in-law: Pompeia Celerina, mother of Pliny’s former wife.
Caelius Clemens: otherwise unknown. He was probably appointed as
commander of an auxiliary unit.
declaration of the oath: for this formal acknowledgement of the
emperor’s accession on 28 January, see note to X 35.
I am fearful that they lie unused: Pliny’s talent in scrutinizing city-
accounts has produced a handsome surplus. But the usual avenues of
investment were blocked; few estates were available for purchase, and
interest at 1 per cent per month was too high to attract borrowers.
Hence the need for a reduction in the interest rate.
Servilius Calvus: nothing further is known of this former governor, and
no further communication from Trajan on Calvus’ handling of the case,
beyond the holding reply of X 57, survives.
Julius Bassus: for the condemnation of this former proconsul, see IV 9,
VI 29.10.
Flavius Archippus: Vespasian had granted exemption from jury service to
physicians and teachers; Archippus presumably claimed exemption
under this latter heading.
Velius Paulus: this proconsul in the early years of Domitian’s reign had
passed sentence on Archippus for forgery, perhaps of a will, but
Domitian clearly regarded the charge as frivolous (see section 5).
Terentius Maximus … Lappius Maximus: Terentius was an equestrian
procurator rather than proconsul, as the letter of Domitian indicates.
Lappius was proconsul before 86, the year of his first consulship.
Tullius Justus: he was probably proconsul in 96–7 or 97–8.
Domitian could … have been unaware: Trajan implies that Domitian was
hoodwinked by the eminence of Archippus; the statues raised to him,
mentioned below, will have played their part. Pliny is urged to
concentrate on the factual evidence of any new charges.
sluice-gates: such gates were set in stone, and were raised and lowered
like a portcullis. X 61 and 62 resume the topic broached earlier, in X 41–
2, reflecting the keen interest which Pliny shared with his uncle in
natural philosophy and technology.
Calpurnius Macer: see X 42. Trajan tacitly withdraws his offer of an
expert from Rome.
Sauromates: he was king of Cimmerian Bosporus (east of the Black Sea),
92/3–124, and an enthusiastic dependent ally of Rome.
a travel pass: see note to X 45.
foster-children: exposure of unwanted offspring was so common in the
Graeco-Roman world that commentators show surprise at encountering
abhorrence of the practice in other societies; see e.g. Tacitus, Histories
5.5, Germania 19.5. For characteristic evidence of the practice, see
Petronius 116; Apuleius, Metamorphoses 10.23. Such exposed children
were often rescued as a means of obtaining slaves.
Avidius Nigrinus and Armenius Brocchus: these otherwise unknown
persons were proconsuls of provinces other than Bithynia.
Sauromates: see note to X 63.
to transfer the remains of their kin: Pliny’s punctilious attitude towards
matters religious elicits a brusque response from Trajan.
the baths at Prusa: see X 23–4 for earlier discussion of this project.
Presumably the temple to Claudius was never erected, so that the
religious issue did not arise. Trajan inherited the house as heir to the
possessions of a previous emperor.
restoration of their freeborn status: the issue is more general here than
that raised by Pliny in X 65, which is restricted to children exposed and
rescued.
Callidromus: this fugitive slave posing as a free man, who when
exploited by his employers claimed the emperor’s protection, had been
the slave of Laberius Maximus, governor of Lower Moesia. He alleged
that he was taken prisoner by the Dacian general Susagus during the first
Dacian war, and sent by the Dacian king Decibalus as a gift to king
Pacorus of Parthia about 104. Doubt has been cast on his story by
modern scholars, but the bizarre detail has the ring of truth.
Heraclea and Tium: both cities were in Pontus.
Calpurnius Macer: he was governor of Lower Moesia at this date. This
was the province nearest to Byzantium with legionary forces. The
dispatch of a centurion and detachment was to offer military support to
local magistrates in suppression of disturbances caused by the heavy
influx of travellers.
Juliopolis: the town lay on the south-eastern border of the province.
Travellers from Galatia would enter Bithynia there.
the Pompeian law: after the final defeat of Mithradates, Pompey in 66 BC
established the province of Bithynia-Pontus, and imposed a system of
administration based on the practice at Rome, in which thirty was the
minimum age for tenure of the lowest magistracy, the quaestorship, and
for consequential membership of the senate. Augustus lowered the age-
qualification at Rome to 25, and in Bithynia to 22. Pliny’s suggestion
that those under 30 who were magistrates could become senators (that
is, city-councillors) is accepted by Trajan.
Cocceianus Dio: also known as Dio Chrysostom, this celebrated orator,
many of whose speeches have survived, was charged with
misappropriation of public funds, and with treason for having buried his
wife and son in a building containing the emperor’s statue. The accuser
was Flavius Archippus, a noted philosopher (see X 58–9). The
accusations seemingly arose out of enmity between these two leading
citizens. In his reply, Trajan angrily rejects the charge of treason, but
insists that Pliny should investigate the financial accusation.
their entreaties: the city-council claimed for the city of Nicaea the
property of those who died intestate, invoking a concession by the
emperor Augustus. This apparently impinged on the rights of heirs, but
doubtless the council was claiming the property only of those who died
without any.
Virdius Gemellinus: Pliny’s equestrian procurator; see X 27–8.
I have found … conscientious: this letter, and the two that follow, are
conventional testimonials in support of administrators in the province.
They would be filed at Rome, and consulted when promotion to other
posts was being considered. The name of the official in 86B has fallen out
of the text.
his son Nymphidius Lupus: this testimonial for a man not serving in
Bithynia, the son of a veteran chief centurion who had served with Pliny
in Syria and now in Bithynia, is supported by references to the son’s
commanding officers. For these two ex-consuls, see II 11.5 and VI 26.1.
this birthday: this is the regular yearly acknowledgement of Trajan’s
birthday on 18 September; see X 17A.2.
Sinope … short of water: the town lay on the coast of Pontus. Letter X
23 indicates that all building projects be referred to the emperor for
approval; see also X 98.
Amisus: the remotest coastal city in Pontus was awarded its status as a
free city by Julius Caesar, a privilege confirmed by Augustus.
welfare-clubs: this Greek institution enabled members to subscribe to
provide communal meals. Trajan approves this traditional privilege, but
forbids it elsewhere, for fear it leads to factional disorder.
Suetonius Tranquillus: for Pliny’s patronizing friendship with him, see
note to I 18.
the ‘right of three children’: see note to II 13.8.
hearings concerning Christians: this celebrated letter, together with X
97, provides detailed evidence from a non-Christian source of the growth
and practice of Christianity in the Greek-speaking provinces of the East
as early as 90 (see section 6). Tacitus (Annals 15.44; cf. Suetonius, Nero
16.2) describes how Nero made Christians the scapegoats at Rome for
the great fire of 64, and executed some of them. Probably from then
onward they were proscribed as a subversive group (see section 7). But
Pliny’s ignorance of indictments at Rome on this count indicates that
such trials were infrequent.
the crimes which cling to the name: ‘homicide or sacrilege or incest or
treason’ (so Tertullian, Apology 2). These were accusations traditionally
levelled against subversive sects from the time of the Bacchanalia (186
BC: Livy 39.8–18) onwards.
their obstinacy … should … be punished: contumacia, wilful
disobedience to a judicial command, was in Roman eyes a crime; see X
57.2. But Roman citizens had the right to appeal to the emperor against
decisions of provincial governors, who tended to dispatch them to Rome
for formal trial.
accustomed to assemble at dawn: the weekly gathering was on the day
after the Jewish sabbath. The description of the liturgy suggests a much
simpler ritual than that recounted by Justin Martyr fifty years later. This
included scripture-readings, a sermon and the eucharist (First Apology
67). The reference to assembling again to take food probably refers to
the agape (see 1 Corinthians 11: 17ff.).
deaconesses: cf. Romans 16:1.
flesh of the victims … now on sale: in Roman sacrifices, the more
inedible portions were burnt, and the rest was sold.
they must be punished: this clearly answers Pliny’s initial query. It was
the name ‘Christian’ itself which was to be punished.
the city of the Amastrians: a leading city of Pontus, Amastris later
became capital of the Pontic shore.
the vows … new ones: for the customary vows taken by troops and
provincials on 3 January, see X 35–6.
We have celebrated … most blessed succession: the celebration of the
day of the emperor’s accession, probably 28 January.
Valerius Paulinus: see note to II 2.
has passed over Paulinus: probably Valerius’ son, the joint heir with
Pliny. He was ‘passed over’ only so far as the Latin freedmen were
concerned. Pliny was probably named by Paulinus because he had
greater influence.
full citizenship: Latin freedmen at death surrendered their property to
their patron, who could also nominate an outsider as his successor. Full
citizenship gave a freedman total control over disposal of his property.
Those for whom I entreat it: on being manumitted, freedmen acquired
the forename and gentile name of their former master.
the sixth mounted cohort: this unit of 600 auxiliary troops consisted of
four-fifths infantry and one-fifth cavalry. The centurions were mostly
Roman citizens. Aquila’s daughter was born of a Bithynian mother, a
non-citizen. Marriage to non-Romans was forbidden to soldiers at this
date. Trajan’s reply indicates the nature of the centurion’s request.
rents or sales or other sources: in addition to the lease or sale of land
and provision of services, collection of taxes could be included under
this heading.
the city of the Amiseni: see X 92–3. As a free city, it had self-governing
laws, and the prosecutor was attempting to nullify these with Trajan’s
regulation, but the emperor defends the status quo.
the Pompeian law: see note to X 79.1.
Anicius Maximus: ‘subsequently’ indicates that he had become proconsul
after Trajan became emperor; the precise year is unknown.
the Pompeian law: see note to X 79.1. The purpose in excluding natives
of other cities was to ensure that some areas were not deprived of
prominent citizens by their flocking to the larger towns.
one or two denarii to each: the councillors will have received the larger
sum. Pliny was doubtless correct to suspect that such handouts were a
species of bribery to gain support for political or economic measures.
There is a note of impatience in Trajan’s reply; he must have found
Pliny’s continual requests for guidance trying.
the prizes … contests: the competitors (who included musicians and
actors as well as athletes) were demanding concessions for having come
first in the respective competitions. Trajan appears to have laid down the
amount of prize money which was to be conferred by the city to which
each contestant belonged.
travel passes: see X 45–6.
her grandfather: for Fabatus, see IV 19 and note.
 INDEX I: ASPECTS OF SOCIAL LIFE

Christianity X 96; X 97
city life:
dinner-parties I 15; II 6; III 12; IX 17
races IX 6
social occasions I 9
theatre VII 24
civil law; the Centumviral court I 5.4 ff.; I 18; I 23; II 14; IV 16; IV 24; V
9; VI 29; VI 33; IX 23.1
country life in retirement: at Comum I 3; 118; V 14.8 ff.
at Laurentum II 17; IV 6; IX 40
at Tifernum V 6; IX 15; IX 36
elsewhere IV 23;
hunting I 6; V 18; IX 10; IX 16
domestic life:
Pliny and Calpurnia IV 1; VI 4; VI 7; VII 5
his second wife IV 13.4
relatives IV 19; VI 12; VI 30; VIII 10; VIII 11
education:
appropriate teachers II 18; III 3; IV 13
lectures at Rome II 3
status of teachers IV 11
literary contemporaries:
literary contemporaries:
Martial III 21.4 ff.
Pliny, Elder III 5; V 8.5
Silius Italicus III 7.5
Suetonius I 18; I 24.1; III 8; V 10; IX 34
Tacitus I 20; IV 13; VI 9; VI 16; VI 20; VII 20; VII 33; VIII 7; IX 10; IX 14
others IV 3; IV 18; IV 20; V 5; V 17; VI 15; VIII 4; IX 22
phenomena of nature IV 30; VI 16 (Vesuvius); VIII 8; VIII 20; IX 33
provincial administration X passim
publications by Pliny:
criticism of his risqué verses V 3
history as future project V 8
Pliny’s philosophy of IX 26
speeches I 2; I 8; II 5; III 13, III 18 (Panegyricus); IV 5; IV 26; VI 33; VII
12; VII 30.4 ff.; VIII 3; VIII 13; IX 4; IX 13
verses IV 14; IX 25; VII 4; VII 9; VIII 21
publications of others:
history I 16 (Pompeius Saturninus); V 5 (Fannius); V 10 (Suetonius); VII
33 (Tacitus) speeches I 16 (Pompeius Saturninus); IV 20 (Novius
Maximus); IX 1 (Novius Maximus) verses I 16 (Pompeius Saturninus); II
10 (Octavius Rufus); III 15 (Silius Proculus); IV 3, V 15 (Arrius
Antoninus); VI 15; IX 22 (Passennus Paulus); VIII 4 (Caninius Rufus)
recitations:
commemorative addresses by Pliny III 10; VIII 12; crude behaviour at I
13
justification of V 3.7ff.; VII 17
justification of V 3.7ff.; VII 17
speeches by Pliny II 19; III 18 (Panegyricus); IV 5; V 12
speeches by others IX 1
verses by Pliny IX 34;
verses by others III 15; IV 27; V 17; VI 15; VI 21
religion III 6.4 ff.; IV 1.5 ff.; IV 8; IV 11; VII 19; IX 39; X 8; X 49–50
Senate business:
extortion trials I 7; II 11; II 12; III 4; III 9; IV 9: V 26; VI 5; VII 6; VII 10;
VII 33
other cases IV 12; V 4; V 13; VI 22; IX 13
procedures III 20; IV 25; VIII 14
regulations for candidates VI 19
slaves and freedmen I 4; I 21; II 6.4 ff.; II 17.9, 24; III 14; III 19.7; IV 10;
V 19; VII 16.4; VII 27.12 ff.; VII 32; VIII 1; VIII 14.12 ff.; VIII 16; IX 21
supernatural, the: dreams I 18; V 5
ghosts VII 27
supervision of properties I 24; II 15; III 19; VI 19; VII 11
returns from estates II 4.3; IV 6; VIII 2; IX 37
treatment and gripes of tenants VII 30.3; IX 36.6

wills and legacies II 16; IV 10; V 1; V 5.2; V 7; VI 22; VI 33; VII 24.2 ff.;
VIII 15; VIII 18
legacy-hunters II 20; VIII 18
 INDEX II: PLINY’S CORRESPONDENTS

Acilius III 14
Aefulanus Marcellinus V 16; VIII 23
Albinus, see Lucceius Allifanus, see Pontius Annius Severus II 16; III 6; V
1
Antoninus, see Arrius Apollinaris, see Domitius Aristo, see Titius Arrianus
Maturus I 2; II 11; II 12; IV 8; VI 2; VIII 21
Arrius Antoninus IV 3; IV 18; V 15
(Atrius (?) IX 35)
Attius Clemens I 10; IV 2
Augurinus, see Sentius Avitus, see Junius Baebius Hispanus I 24; VI 25
Baebius Macer III 5
Bassus, see Pomponius Bruttius Praesens VII 3

Caecilius Macrinus II 7; III 4; VII 6; VII 10; VII 17; IX 4

Calestrius Tiro I 12; VI 1; VI 22; IX 5
Calpurnia VI 4; VI 7; VII 5
Calpurnia Hispulla IV 19; VIII 11
Calpurnius Fabatus IV 1; V 11; VI 12; VI 30; VII 11; VII 16; VII 23; VII
32; VIII 10
Calpurnius Flaccus V 2
Calpurnius Macer V 18
Calvina II 4
Calvina II 4
Calvisius Rufus II 20; III 1; III 19; V 7; VIII 2; IX 6
Caninius Rufus I 3; II 8; III 7; VI 21; VII 18; VIII 4; IX 33
Capito, see Titinius Catilius Severus I 22; III 12
Catius Lepidus IV 7
Celer VII 17
Cerialis, see Tuccius; Velius Clarus, see Erucius; Septicius Clemens, see
Attius Clusinius Gallus IV 17; perhaps also II 17; VIII 20
Colonus IX 9
Corellia VII 14
Corellia Hispulla III 3
Cornelianus (?) VI 31
Cornelius Minicianus III 9; IV 11; VIII 12
Cornelius Priscus III 21
Cornelius Tacitus I 6; I 20; IV 13; VI 9; VI 16; VI 29; VII 33; VIII 7; IX 10;
IX 14
Cornelius Tertullus VII 21; VII 31
Cornelius Titianus I 17; IX 32
Cornelius Ursus IV 9; V 20; VI 5; VI 13; VIII 9
Cremutius Ruso IX 19

Domitius Apollinaris II 9; V 6

Erucius Clarus I 16

Fabatus, see Calpurnius Fabius Justus I 11; VII 2

Fabius Valens IV 24
Fabius Valens IV 24
Falco, see Pompeius Ferox, see Julius Firmus, see Romatius Fundanus, see
Minicius Fuscus Salinator VII 9; IX 36; IX 40

Gallus, see Clusinius Geminus, see Rosianus Genialis VIII 13

Genitor, see Julius Hispanus, see Baebius Hispulla, see Calpurnia Julius
Ferox VII 13
Julius Genitor III 11; VII 30; IX 17
Julius Naso IV 6
Julius Servianus III 17; VI 26
Julius Sparsus IV 5; VIII 3
Julius Valerianus II 15; V 4; V 13
Junior, see Terentius Junius Avitus II 6
Junius Mauricus I 14; II 18; VI 14
Justus, see Fabius Licinius Sura IV 30; VII 27
Lucceius Albinus VI 10
Lupercus II 5; IX 26

Macer VI 24; see Baebius; Calpurnius Macrinus, see Caecilius Maecilius

Nepos II 3; III 16; IV 26; VI 19
Maesius Maximus III 20; IV 25
Mamilianus, see Pomponius Marcellinus, see Aefulanus Maturus, see
Arrianus Mauricus, see Junius Maximus II 14; VI 11; VI 34; VII 26; VIII
19; VIII 24; IX 1; IX 23; see also Maesius; Novius; Vibius Minicianus, see
Cornelius Minicius Fundanus I 9; IV 15; VI 6; VII 12
Montanus VII 29; VIII 6
Montanus VII 29; VIII 6
Mustius IX 39

Nepos, see Maecilius Novius Maximus IV 20; V 5

Octavius Rufus I 7; II 10

Paternus, see Plinius Paulinus, see Valerius Plinius Paternus I 21; IV 14;
VIII 16; IX 27
Pompeia Celerina I 4
Pompeius Falco I 23; IV 27; VII 22; IX 15
Pompeius Saturninus I 8; V 21; VII 7; VII 15; IX 28
Pomponius Bassus IV 23
Pomponius Mamilianus IX 16; IX 25
Pontius Allifanus V 14; VI 28; VII 4
Praesens, see Bruttius Priscus II 13; VI 8; VII 8; VII 19; see also Cornelius
Proculus, see Silius Quadratus, see Ummidius Quintilianus VI 32

Restitutus VI 17
Romanus, see Voconius Romatius Firmus I 19; IV 29; VIII 5; VIII 22
Rosianus Geminus VII 1; VII 24; IX 11; IX 30
Rufinus VIII 18
Rufus VII 25; see also Calvisius; Caninius; Octavius; Sempronius Ruso, see
Cremutius Rusticus IX 29

Sabinianus IX 21; IX 24
Sabinus, see Statius Sardus IX 31
Saturninus, see Pompeius Scaurus, see Terentius Sempronius Rufus IV 22;
V9
Senecio, see Sosius Sentius Augurinus IX 8
Septicius Clarus I 1; I 15; VII 12; VIII 1
Servianus, see Julius Severus IX 22; see also Annius; Catilius; Vettenius;
Vibius Silius Proculus III 15
Sosius Senecio I 13
Sparsus, see Julius Spurinna, see Vestricius Statius Sabinus IV 10; VI 18;
IX 2; IX 18
Suetonius Tranquillus I 18; III 8; V 10; IX 34
Sura, see Licinius Tacitus, see Cornelius Terentius Junior VIII 15; IX 12
Terentius Scaurus V 12
Tiro, see Calestrius Titianus, see Cornelius Titinius Capito V 8
Titius Aristo V 3; VIII 14
Triarius VI 23
Tuccius Cerialis II 19

Ummidius Quadratus VI 29; IX 13

Ursus, see Cornelius Valens, see Fabius Valerianus, see Julius Valerius
Paulinus II 2; IV 16; V 19; IX 3; IX 37
Velius Cerialis IV 21
Venator IX 20
Verus VI 3
Vestricius Spurinna III 10; V 17
Vettenius Severus VI 27
Vibius Maximus III 2
Vibius Maximus III 2
Vibius Severus III 18; IV 28
Voconius Romanus I 5; II 1; III 13; VI 15; VI 33; VIII 8; IX 7; IX 28
 INDEX III: GENERAL

See also Index II

Abascantus X 11. 2
Accius V 3.6
Accius Aquila X 106–7
Accius Sura X 12.1
Achaia VIII 24; X 65
Achilles V 6.43
Acilianus II 16.1
Acilius I 14.6
Acilius Nerva II 12.2
Acilius Rufus V 20.6; VI 13.5
Aeneas V 6.43
Afranius Dexter V 13.4 ff.; VIII 14.12 ff.
Alexandrian citizenship X 6–7; X 10
Alsium VI 10.1
Altinum III 2.2
Amastris X 98–9
Ameria VIII 20.3
Amisus X 92–3; X 110
Ammius Flaccus IX 13.13
Anicius Maximus X 112
Anio VIII 17.3
Anio VIII 17.3
Annius Bassus VII 31.5
Anteia IX 13.4
Antonia Maximilla X 5.2
Antonius, famed orator V 20.5
Apamea X 47–8
Apennines V 6.2, 14
Aper, see Fabius
Appuleius X 74
aqueduct at Nicomedia X 37–8
Aratus V 6.43
Archippus, see Flavius
Aristogeiton IX 28.9
Aristophanes I 20.19
Armenius Brocchus X 65–6
Arria, elder III 26.2 ff.; VI 24.5
Arria, younger III 11.3; IX 1 3.3 ff.
Arrianus Maturus III 2.2 ff.
Arrionilla I 5.5
Arrius Antoninus IV 27.5
Artemidorus III 11.1 ff.
Arulenus Rusticus I 5.2, 5; I 14.2; II 18.1; III 11.3; V 1.8
Asclepiades X 81
Asinius Bassus IV 15.6
Asinius Gallus VII 4.3, 6
Asinius Gallus VII 4.3, 6
Asinius Pollio V 3.5
Asinius Rufus IV 15.1 ff.
Asudius Curianus V 1.1 ff.
Athenodorus VII 27.7
Athens VII 27.5; VIII 24.4
Atilius Crescens 19.8; II 14.2; VI 8.1 ff.
Atilius Scaurus VI 25.1 ff.
Attia Viriola VI 33.2
Aufidius Bassus III 5.6
augurate IV 8.1; X 14
Augurinus, see Sentius
Augustus, emperor V 3.5; VIII 8.6; X 65; X 79–80; X 84
Aurelia II 20.10 ff.
Avidius Nigrinus X 65–6
Avidius Quietus VI 29.1; IX 13.15

Bacchus III 21.5

Baebius Macer IV 9.16 ff.; IV 12.4
Baebius Massa III 4.4; VI 29.8; VII 33.4
Baebius Probus III 9.12 ff.
Baetica III 4.2 ff.; III 9.1 ff.; VI 29.8; VII 16.3; VII 33.4
Baiae IX 7.3
Basilica Julia V 9.1
Bassus, see Gavius; Julius Bithynia IV 9.2; V 20.1 ff.; VI 13.1 ff.; VII 6;
VII 10; VIII 24.8; X passim
Bittius Priscus VI 12.2
Bittius Proculus IX 13.13
Bosporus, Cimmerian X 63
Brixia I 14. 4
Bructeri II 7.2
Brutus V 3.5
Byzantium X 43–4; X 77–8

Caecilius Celer I 5.8

Caecilius Classicus III 4.2; III 9.2 ff.; VI 29.8
Caecilius Macrinus VIII 5.1
Caecilius Strabo IV 12.4; IV 17.1
Caecina Paetus III 16.3 ff.
Caelianus, see Sempronius Caelius I 20.5
Caelius Clemens X 51
Caepio Hispo IV 9.16 ff.
Caesar, C. Julius I 20.5; III 12.2; V 3.5; VIII 6.13
Caesennius Silvanus III 8.1, 4
Calestrius Tiro VII 16.1 ff.; VII 23.1; VII 32.1 ff.
Callidromus X 74
Callimachus IV 3.4
Calpurnia IV 1.1 ff.; IV 19.1 ff.; VI 7; VIII 10; VIII 11; X 120–1
Calpurnia Hispulla IV 16; VIII 11; X 120–1
Calpurnius Fabatus IV 1; V 14.8; VI 30.1; VIII 20.3
Calpurnius Fabatus IV 1; V 14.8; VI 30.1; VIII 20.3
Calpurnius Macer X 42; X 61–2; X 77
Calpurnius Piso, C. V 17.1 ff.
Calpurnius Piso, L. (father and son) III 7.12
Calvisius Rufus I 12.12; IV 4.1
Calvus (poet and orator) I 2.2; I 16.5; IV 27.4; V 3.5
Camerinus, see Sulpicius Campania VI 4.1; VI 30.2; VII 3.1
Candidus, see Julius
Capito, see Titinius
Capri VI 20.11
Carthage VII 27.3
Cassius I 17.3
Cassius Longinus VII 24.8
Casta III 9.29, 34
Catius IV 28.1
Catius Fronto II 11.3, 18; IV 9.15; VI 13.3
Cato, Elder I 20.4; III 21.5; IV 7.5; IV 27.4
Cato, Younger I 17.3; III 12.2 f.
Catullus I 14.5; IV 14.5; IV 27.4
Catullus Messalinus IV 22.5 f.
Catulus V 3.5
Celer IV 11.10
Centum Cellae VI 31.1
Ceres IX 39.1
Chrysippus X 11. 2
Cicero I 2.4; I 5.11 f.; I 20.5 ff.; III 15.1; IV 8.4; V 2.5; VII 4.3, 6; VII
17.13; IX 2.2; IX 26.8
Classicus, see Caecilius Claudiopolis X 39–40
Claudius, emperor I 13.3; III 16.7; VIII 6.5; X 70–1
Claudius Aristion VI 31.3
Claudius Capito VI 13.2
Claudius Eumolpus X 81
Claudius Fuscus III 9.18
Claudius Marcellinus II 11.15
Claudius Pollio VII 31.1
Claudius Polyaenus X 70.2
Claudius Restitutus III 9.16
Clitumnus VIII 8.1 ff.
Cluentius I 20.8
Cluvius Rufus IX 19.5
Cocceianus Dio, see Dio Cocceianus Comum I 3.1; VI 24.2
Concord, temple of V 1.9
Corellia VII 11.1 ff.
Corellia Hispulla IV 17.1 ff.
Corellius Rufus I 12; IV 17.1; V 1.5; VII 11.3; VII 31.4; IX 13.6
Corinthian statuary III 6.1 ff.
Cornelia IV 11.5 ff.
Cornelius I 20.8
Cornelius Minicianus VII 22.2 ff.
Cornelius Nepos IV 28.1; V 3.6
Cornelius Nepos IV 28.1; V 3.6
Cornelius Priscus V 20.7
Cornelius Scipio Africanus VIII 6.2
Cornelius Scipio Numantinus VIII 6.2
Cornelius Tacitus II 1.6; II 11.2; IV 15.1; IX 23.2
Cornutus Tertullus II 11.19 ff.; II 12.2 f.; IV 17.19; V 14.1 ff.; IX 13.15
Cottius Vesticius II 7.3 ff.
Crassus, M. Licinius, I 5.3
Cremutius Ruso VI 23.2
Curtilius Mancia VIII 18.4
Curtius Rufus VII 27.2 ff.

Dacia VI 31.8; VIII 4.1

Decibalus X 74
Demosthenes I 5.1, 5, 14; I 12.6 ff.; I 3.10; IV 5.1; IV 7.6; VII 30.4; IX
23.5; IX 26.8 ff.
On the Crown VI 33.11
Dexter, see Afranius
Diana I 6.3; IX 10.1
Dio Cocceianus X 81–2
Diomedes V 2.2
Domitian, emperor I 5.1, 5, 14; I 12.6 ff.; III 9.31; IV 9.2; IV 11.5; IV
22.5; VII 27.14; IX 13.2; X 58.3 ff X 65–6; X 72
Domitius Afer II 14.10 ff.; VIII 18.5
Domitius Apollinaris IX 13.13
Domitius Lucanus VIII 18.4
Domitius Lucanus VIII 18.4
Domitius Tullus VIII 18.1 ff.

Egnatius Marcellinus IV 12.1 ff.

Encolpius VIII 1.1
Ephesus X 15.1; X 17A; X 18
Epigonus X 11.2
Epimachus X 84
Erucius Clarus, Sex. II 9.1 ff.
Esquiline III 21. 5
Eumolpus X 81
Eupolis I 20.17
Euphrates I 10.2 ff.
Eurhythmus VI 31.8 ff.

Fabius Aper V 13.5

Fabius Hispanus III 9.12 ff.
Fabius Justus I 5.8
Fabius Postuminus IX 13.13
Fabricius Veiento IV 23.4; IX 13.13 ff.
Fadius Rufinus IX 23.4
Fannia III 11.3; III 16.2; VII 19.1 ff.; IX 13.3 ff.
Fannius V 5.1 ff.
fire brigades X 33–4
Firminus, see Hostilius Firmum VI 18.1
Flavius Archippus X 58–60; X 81
Flavius Archippus X 58–60; X 81
Flavius Marcianus II 11.8, 19, 23
Fonteius Magnus V 20.4; VII 6.2; VII 10.1
Formiae III 14.2; VI 14.1
Forum Iulii V 19, 7
foster children X 65–6
Frontinus, see Julius
Fronto, see Catius
Fundanus, see Minicius
Furia Prima X 60.2
Fuscus Salinator VI 11.1; VI 26.1 ff.; X 87

Gades II 3.8
Gaetulicus V 3.5
Gallitta VI 31.4
Gallus I 7.4
Gavius Bassus X 21.1; X 22.1; X 86A Gemellinus, see Virdius Geminius I
13.9
Germans, Germany III 5.4; VIII 23.5
Gerousia X 33
Gracchi I 20.4
Gratilla III 11.3
Great Mother X 49

Harmeris, Media and Antonia X 5.2

Harpocras X 5. 2
Harpocras X 5. 2
Helvidiae IV 21.1 ff.
Helvidius Priscus, elder VII 19.3 ff.
Helvidius Priscus, younger III 11.3; IX 13.1 ff.
Heraclea X 75
Herennius Pollio IV 9.14
Herennius Senecio I 5.3; III 11.3; IV 7.5; IV 11.12; VII 19.5; VII 33.4 ff.
Herennius Severus IV 28.1
Hermes VII 11.1.6
Herodas IV 3.5
Hippo IX 33.2
Hispellum VII 8.6
Hispulla I 12.9
Homer I 7.1, 4; I 20.22; II 14.2; III 9.28; IV 3.3; V 6.43; V 19.2; V 28;
VIII 4.4; IX 13.20; IX 26.6
Homullus, see Junius
Horace IX 22.2
Hortensius V 3.5
Hostilius Firminus II 11.23; II 12.2 ff.
Hyperides I 20. 4

Icaria VII 4.3

Illyricum III 16.7
Isaeus II 3.1 ff.
Isis, temple of X 23
Javolenus Priscus VI 15.2
Juliopolis X 77–8
Julius Africanus VII 6.11
Julius Atticus I 12.10
Julius Avitus V 21.3 ff.
Julius Bassus IV 9; V 20.1; VI 29.10; X 50–1
Julius Candidus V 20.5
Julius Ferox II 11.5; X 87
Julius Frontinus IV 8.3; V 1.5; IX 19.1 ff.
Julius Genitor III 3.5 ff.
Julius Largus V 75–6
Julius Naso VI 6.1 ff.; VI 9.1 ff.
Julius Piso X 110
Julius Servianus VII 6.9; X 2.1
Julius Tiro VI 31.7
Julius Valens V 21.2
Junia VII 19.1
Junius Avitus VIII 23.1 ff.
Junius Homullus IV 9.15; V 20.6; VI 19.3
Junius Mauricus I 5.10; III 11.3; IV 22.3 ff.
Junius Silanus Torquatus I 17.1
Jupiter I 7.1; III 6.4
Juventius Celsus VI 5.4 f.

Laberius Maximus X 74
Laberius Maximus X 74
Lappius Maximus X 58.6
Larcius Licinus II 14.9 ff.; III 5.17
Larcius Macedo III 14.1 ff.
Laurentum I 9.4; I 22.11; II 17; IV 6; VII 2.1; VII 4.3; IX 40
lex tabellaria III 20.1
Libo Frugi III 9.33
Licinianus, see Valerius Licinius Nepos IV 29.1 ff.; V 4.2; V 9.3 ff.; V 13.1
ff.; V 15.1 ff.
Livia, colonnade of I 5.9
Livy II 3.8; VI 20.5
Lucania VII 3.1
Lucceius Albinus III 9.7; IV 9.13
Lucretius IV 18.1
Lustricius Bruttianus VI 22.2 ff.
Lycormas X 63; X 67
Lysias I 20.4

Magnus, see Fonteius

Malea, Cape X 15.1
Marcellinus, see Egnatius Marius VIII 6.2
Marius Priscus II 11.2 ff.; II 12.1 ff.; III 9.2 ff.; VI 29.9; X 3A.2
Massa, see Baebius
Maturus, see Arrianus
Mauricus, see Junius
Maximus, freedman X 27.1; X 28; X 85
Maximus, freedman X 27.1; X 28; X 85
Maximus (?Novius) VI 8.4
Mediolanum IV 13.3; VII 23
Memmius V 3.5
Memphis X 10.2
Menander VI 21.4
Messala V 3.5
Messalinus, see Catullus Metilius Crispus VI 25.2 f.
Mettius Carus I 5.3; VII 19.5; VII 27.14
Mettius Modestus I 5.5, 13 ff.
Minerva I 6.3; IX 10.1
Minicius Acilianus I 14.3 ff.
Minicius Fundanus V 16.1
Minicius Justus VII 11.4
Minicius Macrinus I 14.5, 7
Minicius Rufus X 72
Misenum VI 16.4, 21; VI 20.1 ff.
Mithradates (father and son) X 11.2
Modestus IV 10.1 ff.
Moesia X 43–4; X 74
Montaius Atticinus VI 22.2 ff.
Mummius Achaicus VIII 6.2
Murena IX 13.19
Musonius III 11.5
Naples III 8.1, 8
Narbonensis VII 25.2
Narnia I 4.1
Nepos, see Licinius
Neratius Marcellus III 8.1
Nero, emperor I 5.1; III 7.9 ff.; V 3.6; V 5.2, 5; VI 31.9
Nero Drusus III 5.4
Nerva, emperor IV 9.2; IV 11.14; IV 17.8; IV 22.4; VII 31.4; VII 32.9; X
58.7, 10
Nicaea X 39–40; X 67; X 81; X 83–4
Nicetes Sacerdos VI 6.3
Nicomedia X 25.1; X 31.2; X 33–4; X 37–8; X 41; X 49; X 74
Nigrinus V 13.6; V 20.6; VII 6.2 ff.
Nominatus, see Tuscilius Nonianus, see Servilius Nonius IX 30.1
Norbanus Licinianus III 9.29 ff.
Nymphidius Lupus X 87

Ocriculum I 4.1; VI 25.1

Octavius Avitus IX 33.9
Olympus X 81
Ostia II 17.2, 26

Pacorus X 74
Paetus, see Caecina; Thrasea Pallas VII 29.2 ff.; VIII 6.1 ff.
Pancharia Soteris X 11.2
Pannonia VIII 23.5
Pannonia VIII 23.5
Parthia X 74
Passennus Paulus VI 15.1; IX 22.1 ff.
Patavium I 14.6
Patroclus IV 11.12
Paulus, see Velius
Pergamum X 17A
Pericles I 20.17 f.
Perusia I 4.1
Phosphorus X 11.2
Picenum VI 1.1
Piso, see Calpurnius; Julius Planta, see Pompeius Plautus VI 21. 4
Pliny, Elder III 5; V 8.5; VI 16.1 ff.
Pollio I 20. 5
Polyaenus VII 6.6; VII 10.1
Polyclitus I 20.10; VI 31. 9
Pompeia Celerina III 19.8; VI 10.1; IX 13.13
Pompeius Collega II 11.20
Pompeius Julianus I 10.8
Pompeius Planta IX 1.1; X 7; X 10.2
Pompeius Quintianus IX 9.1 ff.
Pompey the Great VIII 6.2
Pomponia Galla V 1.1
Pomponianus VI 16.11 ff.
Pomponius Rufus III 9.33; IV 9.3
Pomponius Rufus III 9.33; IV 9.3
Pomponius Secundus III 5.3; VII 17.11
Popilius Artemisius IX 28.2
Postumius Marinus X 11.1
Praeneste V 6.45
Priscus, see Bittius; Cornelius; Javolenus; Marius; Stilonius Propertius VI
15.I; IX 22.1
Prusa X 17A; X 17B; X 23.1; X 24; X 58.3 ff.; X 70–1
Publicius Certus IX 13.13 ff.

quinqueviri II 1. 9
Quintilian II 14.9; VI 6.3

Rectina VI 16.8
Regulus I 5; I 20.14 ff.; II 11.22; II 20.2 ff.; IV 2.1 ff.; IV 7; VI 2.1 ff.
Rhodians IV 5.1 ff.
Robustus V 25.1 ff.
Rosianus Geminus IX 11; X 26
Rufus, see Minicius; Varenus Rusticus, see Arulenus

Sabina IV 10.1 ff.

Salvius Liberalis II 11.17; III 9.33, 36
Satrius Rufus I 5.11; III 9.32, 36; IX 13.17
Saturius Firmus IV 15.3
Saturnalia II 17.24; IV 9.7; VIII 7.1
Saturninus V 7.1
Saturninus V 7.1
Sauromates X 63–4; X 67
Scaevola V 3.5
Scribonianus III 16.7
Sempronius Caelianus X 29–30
Sempronius Rufus VI 20.5
Sempronius Senecio VI 31.8
Seneca, Younger V 3.5
Senecio, see Herennius; Sempronius Sentius Augurinus IV 27.1 ff.
Septicius II 9.4
Serrana Procula I 14.6
Sertorius III 9.11
Sertorius Severus V 1.1 f.
Servilius Calvus X 56–7
Servilius Nonianus I 13.3
Servilius Pudens X 25
Severus, see Herennius; Sertorius Silanus, see Junius
Silius Italicus III 7.1 ff.
Sinope X 90–1
Sollers V 4.1 ff.
Sparta VIII 24.4; X 65
Spurinna, see Vestricius Stabiae VI 16.12
Stilonius Priscus III 9.18
Stratonice X 11.2
Suburanus VI 33.6; VII 6.10 f.
Suetonius Tranquillus X 94–5
Sulla, dictator V 3.5; VIII 6.2
Sulpicius Camerinus I 5.3
Sulpicius Servius V 3.5
Sura, see Accius
Susagus X 74
Syria III 11.5

Tascius VI 16.8
Terence VI 21.4
Terentius Junior VII 25.2 ff.
Terentius Maximus X 58.5
Theophanes IV 9.3 fr., 14
Thermuthis X 5.2
Thrasea Paetus VI 29.1 ff.; VII 19.3; VIII 22.3
three children, right of II 13.8; X 2.1; X 94–5
Thucydides V 8.I
Tiber VIII 17.I
Tiberius, emperor V 3.5
Tibur V 6.45; VII 29.2
Ticinum VII 16.3
Tifernum III 21.4; X 8.1
Timon I 5.5
Tium X 75
Tiro VII 4.3, 6; see also Calestrius Titinius Capito VIII 12.1
Titius Aristo I 22.1 ff.
Titus, emperor IV 9.2; X 65
Torquati V 3.5
travel passes X 45–6; X 120–1.
treasury of Saturn X 3A.1
Trebonius Rufinus IV 22.1
Tuccius Cerealis II 11.9
Tuscilius Nominatus V 4.1 ff.; V. 13.1 ff.
Tusculum V 6.45
Tutilius VI 32.1

Ummidia Quadratilla VII 24.1 ff Ummidius Quadratus VI 11.1

Ursus Servianus VIII 23.5

Vadimon VIII 20.3 ff

Valerius Asper X 104
Valerius Astraeus X 104
Valerius Dionysus X 104
Valerius Festus III 7.12
Valerius Licinianus IV 11.1 ff
Valerius Paulinus IV 9.20 ff; X 104–5
Valerius Varus VI 8.4
Varenus Rufus V 20.1; VI 5.1 ff; VI 13.1 ff; VI 29.11; VII 6; VII 10
Varisidius Nepos IV 4.1 ff
Varro V 3.5
Veiento, see Fabricius
Velius Paulus X 58.3
Velleius Blaesus II 20.7 ff.
Verania II 20.2 ff.
Vergilius Romanus VI 21.2
Verginius Rufus II 1.1 ff.; V 3.5; VI 10.1; IX 19.1 ff.
Verona VI 34.1
Verres I 20.10
Vespasian, emperor I 14.5; III 5.9; IV 9.1; X 65
Vesta IV 11.7
Vestal virgins IV 11.6 ff.; VII 19.1
Vestricius Spurinna I 5.8; II 7.1 ff.; III 1.1 ff.; IV 27.5
Vesuvius VI 16.5 ff.; VI 20
Vicetia V 4.1 ff.; V 10.1
Vienna IV 22.1 ff.
Vindex VI 10.4; IX 19.1
Virdius Gemellinus X 27–8; X 84
Virgil III 8.8; V 3.6; V 6.43
Vitellius, emperor I 5.2; III 7.3
Vitellius Honoratus II 11.8 f.
Voconius Romanus II 13.4 ff.; X 4.1
Vulcanalia III 5.8

Xenophon VII 32.2

Xenophon VII 32.2
Xerxes III 7.13

Zosimus V 19.2
1 Evidence for the career of Pliny derives from two sources: from these
letters on the one hand, and from inscriptions on the other. Especially
valuable is the inscription on stone from Comum (ILS 20927), as well as
the inscription from the neighbouring village of Fecchio (CIL v. 5667).
For this and other inscriptional evidence, see A. N. Sherwin-White, The
Letters of Pliny (Oxford, 1966), 732 f. The chief inscriptions are
conveniently presented with translations by Betty Radice in the Loeb
Pliny (Letters and Panegyricus, 1969), vol. ii, appendix A.
2 See the headings in Index I below.
3 For more detailed discussion of these celebrated letters, see Sherwin-
White, Letters of Pliny, 691–712 and 772–87, and W. Williams,
Correspondence with Trajan from Bithynia (Warminster, 1990), 138–44.
4 See Williams, Correspondence, 5 ff.; A. H. M. Jones, Cities of the Eastern
Roman Provinces (Oxford, 1971), 148 ff.; B. J. Harris, ‘Bithynia’, ANRW
7.2 (1980), 883 ff.
5 See now M. Trapp (ed.), Greek and Latin Letters: An Anthology with
Introduction (Cambridge 2003), and Catharine Edwards, ‘Epistolography’,
in S. Harrison (ed.), A Companion to Latin Literature (Oxford 2005), ch.
19.
6 This discussion of how the letters were published is inevitably
speculative; see Sherwin-White, Letters of Pliny, 20–41.
1 Hereafter the salutations have been abbreviated. See Explanatory Notes
for short descriptions of Pliny’s correspondents, and Index II: Pliny’s
Correspondents, for all letters to the same recipient.