An Astrologer at Work in Late Medieval France

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

Time, Astronomy, and Calendars
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Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

An Astrologer at Work in
Late Medieval France
The Notebooks of S. Belle

By

Helena Avelar de Carvalho†

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

Cover illustration: Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, MS 1711, f. 17r.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Carvalho, Helena Avelar de, 1964–2021, author. | Belle, S., 15th
century. Works. Selections.
Title: An astrologer at work in late medieval France : the notebooks of S.
Belle / by Helena Avelar de Carvalho.
Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2021] | Series: Time, astronomy, and
calendars, 2211-632X ; volume 11 | Includes bibliographical references
and index. | Includes commentary in English and texts in Latin from
Belle’s two existing manuscripts: ANTT—Arquivo Nacional da Torre do
Tombo, Manuscritos da livraria, MS. 1711-“Almanac ab anno 68 usque ad
annum 80, nativitates quorundam P.” and Paris, BnF NAL 398—Paris,
Bibliothèque nationale de France, nouvelles acquisitions latines 398.
Identifiers: LCCN 2021012423 (print) | LCCN 2021012424 (ebook) |
ISBN 9789004463370 (hardback) | ISBN 9789004463387 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Astrology—History—To 1500. | Astrology—Early works to
1800. | Belle, S., 15th century. | Manuscripts, Medieval. | Arquivo
Nacional da Torre do Tombo (Portugal) | Bibliothèque nationale de
France.
Classification: LCC BF1676 .C37 2021 (print) | LCC BF1676 (ebook) |
DDC 133.5—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021012423
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021012424

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.

ISSN 2211-632X
ISBN 978-90-04-46337-0 (hardback)
ISBN 978-90-04-46338-7 (e-book)

Copyright 2021 by Helena Avelar de Carvalho. Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill
mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau Verlag and V&R Unipress.
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This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

Contents

Acknowledgements ix
List of Figures x
List of Tables xii

part 1
The Context

1 Introduction 3
1 On the Study of Astrological Documents 4
2 The Notebooks 5
3 Researching Fifteenth-Century Astrology 7
4 Belle’s Life and Work 15

2 Belle’s Workbooks 17
1 Lisbon, Torre do Tombo, MS 1711 17
2 Paris, BnF, nouvelles acquisitions latines 398 20
3 Designations and Norms 27

part 2
The Horoscopes

3 Interrogations 39
1 The Interrogations 39
2 The Technique 50

4 Revolutions of the Years of the World 51

1 Ingresses and Lunations 51
2 Lunations and Revolutions of the Year 52
3 Judging the World 87

5 Conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn 95

1 Jupiter-Saturn Conjunction of 1425 NAL 398 f. 80r: Composite Chart
Drawn by Belle 97
2 Judging the World: Conjunctions 111

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vi Contents

6 Nativities: Three Judgements 126

1 Jo. d.c.l. NAL 398 f. 93ra1 (Judgement in NAL 398 ff. 94ra–100vb):
17 December, 19:54 [16 December 1437, 09:47], France
(Possibly Paris) 128
2 Full Moon Preceding the Nativity of Jo. d.c.l. NAL 398
f. 92r–12 December 1437, 20:30 (Possibly Paris) 132
3 Hubert NAL 398 f. 79va: 08 October 1260, 14:09, Florence, Italy
(43°46′ N, 11°15′ E) [Correct Date: 09 October 1260, 03:32 AM] 134
4 Jo. Dap NAL 398 f. 85v: 04 November 1442, 1:20 PM, Paris
Reconstructed from Belle’s Judgement (ff. 85ra–89vb) 138
5 Comparative Judgement of the Houses 142
6 The Art of Judgement 176

7 The Collection of Horoscopes 183

1 The Horoscopes in MS 1711 183
2 The Nativities in NAL 398 324
3 Collection Highlights 340

part 3
The Almanac

8 The Almanac (1468–1480) 357

1 The Tables: Contents 360
2 An Astrological Diary 371

9 Beyond Astrological Techniques 379

1 Learning Astrology in an Age of Change 379
2 The Learning Curve 379
3 Continuity, Innovation or Something Else? 382

Appendix 1: Additional Notes on the Length of Life 385

1 Calculating the hyleg 385
2 Ptolemy’s Variant for Calculation the hyleg 392
3 The alcocodem 392
4 Years of the Planets 393

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Contents vii

Appendix 2: Notes on the Manuscripts 394

1 Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, MS 1711 (accessible at
https://digitarq.arquivos.pt/details?id=4248768) 394
2 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, NAL 398 (accessible at
https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b100253669/) 397
Appendix 3: Maps and Genealogy 398
Bibliography and Abbreviations 402
Index of Astrological Terms and Concepts 416
Index of Authors 420
Index of People 421
Index of Places 422
Index of Manuscripts 423

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Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7
Acknowledgements

I am deeply grateful to Professor Charles Burnett, my kind and wise PhD super-
visor, for being immensely generous with his wisdom, resources and time, in
a measure that goes far beyond his professional duties. Likewise, I am grateful
to Professor Henrique Leitão, who encouraged my projects since their incep-
tion, keeping me in focus and offering many valuable suggestions. My grat-
itude also to Dorian Gieseler Greenbaum, a pioneer in the academic study
of the history of astrology, for many delightful conversations, inspiring ideas,
and sense of humour. To Sue Ward, for encouragement, constructive criti-
cism, and many valuable insights. To Jean-Patrice Boudet and David Juste, for
generously sharing their time and expertise, offering suggestions that much
improved this work. To Shlomo Sela, José Chabás, Julio Samsó, Stephan Heilen,
Dag Nikolaus Hasse, Richard Kremer, Sophie Page, Günther Oestmann, and
Martin Gansten for, in different ways and on different occasions, supporting
my academic projects. To my friends, colleagues, and teachers at the Warburg
Institute, namely Michael Noble, Liana Saif, Juan Acevedo, Eleonora Andriani,
Adrian Pirtea, Merlin Cox and Eleonora Bacci, for many hours of compan-
ionship and enthusiastic support. Also to my friends and colleagues of
CIUHCT-Centro Interuniversitário de História das Ciências e da Tecnologia,
especially to Samuel Gessner, Luís Tirapicos and Thomas Horst, for many inter-
esting discussions, and for their sense of humour.
Most of all I am grateful to Luís Ribeiro, my life partner and my colleague in
academic endeavors, for more reasons than I can put into words.

Helena Avelar de Carvalho

Lisbon, October 2020

[Sadly, Helena Avelar died before seeing this book in print. Luís Ribeiro and
Charles Burnett have corrected and revised the proofs and drawn up the
indexes.]

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

Figures

1 Designation for horoscopes in NAL 398 31

2 NAL 398, folio 54v 49
3 NAL 398, folio 73r 55
4 NAL 398, folio 73v 67
5 NAL 398, folio 74r 71
6 NAL 398, folio 74v 75
7 NAL 398, folio 75r 78
8 NAL 398, folio 75v 81
9 NAL 398, folio 76r 85
10 NAL 398, folio 80r 98
11 Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions of 1365 (Ashenden) and 1425 (Belle) 117
12 NAL 398, folio 93r 129
13 NAL 398, folio 92r 133
14 NAL 398, folio 79v 136
15 MS 1711, folio 78r 186
16 MS 1711, folio 79r 191
17 MS 1711, folio 79v 197
18 NAL 398, folio 101r 202
19 MS 1711, folio 80r 204
20 MS 1711, folio 80v 207
21 MS 1711, folio 81r 210
22 MS 1711, folio 81v 213
23 MS 1711, folio 82r 219
24 MS 1711, folio 82v 224
25 MS 1711, folio 83r 227
26 MS 1711, folio 84r 230
27 MS 1711, folio 84v 234
28 MS 1711, folio 85r 237
29 MS 1711, folio 85v 240
30 MS 1711, folio 86r 244
31 MS 1711, folio 86v 247
32 MS 1711, folio 87r 250
33 MS 1711, folio 87v 253
34 MS 1711, folio 88r 260
35 MS 1711, folio 88v 265
36 MS 1711, folio 89r 268
37 MS 1711, folio 90r 271

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

Figures xi

38 MS 1711, folio 90v 274

39 MS 1711, folio 91r 278
40 MS 1711, folio 91v 282
41 MS 1711, folio 92v 285
42 MS 1711, folio 93r 288
43 MS 1711, folio 93v 294
44 MS 1711, folio 94r 301
45 MS 1711, folio 95r 305
46 MS 1711, folio 95v 307
47 MS 1711, folio 96r 311
48 MS 1711, folio 96v 315
49 MS 1711, folio 97r 318
50 MS 1711, folio 99v 322
51 NAL 398, folio 91v 332
52 NAL 398, folio 93rb1 334
53 NAL 398, folio 90r 335
54 NAL 398, folio 90v 336
55 NAL 398, folio 91r 337
56 NAL 398, folio 93r (complete) 338
57 NAL 398, folio 93v 339
58 Comparative table of Egyptian and Ptolemaic terms 347
59 MS 1711, folio 17r, September 1470 359
60 Comments in Belle’s almanac 366
61 Belle’s essential dignities: transcription, original (MS 1711, f. 19r) 371
62 Diurnal: general rules for finding the hyleg in a diurnal chart 386
63 Nocturnal: general rules for finding the hyleg in a nocturnal chart 387
64 Conjunctional: finding the hyleg (for new moon preceding birth) 388
65 Preventional: finding the hyleg (for full moon preceding birth) 389
66 Ptolemy’s rules for finding the hyleg in a diurnal chart 390
67 Ptolemy’s rules for finding the hyleg in a nocturnal chart 391

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Tables

1 Horoscopes in MS 1711 and correspondences in NAL 398 18

2 Incipits and explicits in NAL 398’s texts 24
3 Horoscopes in NAL 398 and correspondences in MS 1711 25
4 Examples of the numeric code in Belle’s workbooks 32
5 Astrological symbols used by Belle 33
6 Lunations preceding ingress in NAL 398 53
7 The lots in the revolutions on NAL 398 92
8 Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions transiting from the air to the water element 112
9 The Jupiter-Saturn and the Mars-Saturn conjunction 114
10 Sequence of topics in Ashenden and Belle’s text 121
11 Firdaria for nativities 122
12 Years of Mars and Saturn 123
13 The judgements of nativities on NAL 398: organization and length 126
14 NAL 398 astrological judgement of ‘Jo. d.c.l.’ 131
15 Greek writing in Belle’s and Heingarter’s texts 139
16 Judgement of the first house for Jo. d.c.l. 143
17 Rulers of the triplicity 150
18 Triplicities of the ascendant for Jo. d.c.l. 151
19 Directions for the nativity of Jo. d.c.l. 171
20 Profections for the nativity of Jo. d.c.l. 173
21 Divisor – direction of the ascendant 174
22 The lots in Philip’s nativity 188
23 Fixed stars – Philippe le Bon 188
24 The lots in Louis XI’s nativity 193
25 The lots in Jean II de Bourbon’s nativity 199
26 Nativity for Charles the bold – variants 217
27 The house cusps in Maximilian’s nativity 222
28 Egyptian and Ptolemaic terms in the sign of Leo 231
29 Egyptian and Ptolemaic terms in the sign of Sagittarius 235
30 Horoscopes for the coronation of Charles VII 245
31 Nativity of Charles VIII – variations 257
32 Nativities for Margaret of Austria 263
33 Different calculations for different nativities 341
34 The fixed stars in MS 1711 343
35 The Lots in NAL 398 and MS 1711 345
36 Typical page of the almanac – f. 14r 358
37 Proverbs for the year 1478 368
38 Years of the planets 393

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 part 1
The Context

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Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7
 chapter 1

Introduction

What better way to understand the inner workings of a discipline than through
the personal notes of its students and practitioners? The information they con-
vey goes far beyond the common theoretical knowledge of manuals, reveal-
ing the first-hand experience, the details of the individual’s immersion in
the knowledge, and most importantly, its real-life application. They offer an
opportunity for a much-needed internalist view of the practice of astrology
that serves as a counterpart to the existing research into astrology’s social and
cultural impact. Astrology was always an applied knowledge, being perceived
until the seventeenth century as the main practical use of astronomy – a
knowledge that rendered the calculations of planetary positions and geomet-
rical relationships into a forecast applicable to daily life. This could be in the
form of a weather prediction, a medical judgement, or the prognostication of
one’s success in a journey. However, despite the ubiquitous presence of these
practices throughout history, there is still much to be done regarding the his-
torical study of its development and inner workings. This requires clarifica-
tion: an internalist view of astrology and its methodologies is still understood
by most researchers as a study of the mathematical and astronomical calcula-
tion involved in many of the astrological interpretations. Although this math-
ematical facet plays a fundamental part in the understanding of the practice
of astrology, it reveals little of the doctrines of interpretation and method-
ologies upon which astrological judgements were produced. Thus, the inner
structure of the methodology of interpretation, its history and rationale, must
be engaged with by the researcher in order to fully understand this ancient
practice. Yet, although different, this approach has many similarities with the
historical study of mathematical calculations or geometrical demonstrations.
In astrology, these calculations and demonstrations have their equivalent in
the methodologies used to interpret planetary configurations, that is, in the
form by which principles such as planetary qualities, zodiacal signs, and celes-
tial houses are combined to obtain an astrological judgement. It is the study of
these astrological methodologies that is the aim in this research. This line of
research is much more akin to the analysis of a manuscript on geometry than
to a discussion of the social or political impact of a certain astrological prac-
tice. Surely, by placing matters into strict categories there is the risk of limiting
the range of information that documents can offer to the historian. Therefore,

© Helena Avelar de Carvalho, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004463387_002

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4 chapter 1

this study also takes into account the unavoidable connection between the
practice and its social-cultural context.
The aim of this research is to contribute to the study of astrological docu-
ments for their astrological content, in order to draw attention to the internal
architecture of this knowledge in the pre-modern world, its techniques, meth-
odologies, goals, transmission, and development throughout history. At its
very foundation this study attempts the hermeneutical principle of letting the
texts speak, allowing a sympathy towards it, without which any understand-
ing is seriously compromised. To accomplish this, it explores the workbooks
of S. Belle, an astrologer who lived in late fifteenth-century France, as a case
study of an astrologer at work. The detailed study of his methods, his process
of learning, and his use of the writings of previous astrologers, shows astrology
as a living body of knowledge, continuously refining its techniques and prac-
tices, as would be expected in any other science. Additionally, the identifica-
tion of his clients and of the horoscopes that he copies in his collection, also
casts light upon the position of the astrologer in his society.

1 On the Study of Astrological Documents

It was only by the middle of the twentieth century that astrological documents
began to be properly considered as valuable historical evidence. They had
been the subject of studies since the late nineteenth-century, but for a long
time, almost half a century, they had remained on the fringes of historiography.
Only gradually, and with effort, have they overcome strong initial resistance
and earned their place in historical research. They were finally acknowledged
as testimonies to a set of ideas and practices that were an integral part and a
shaping force of human culture, belief, and science from antiquity until, at
least, the early eighteenth century. The pioneer works such as those of Auguste
Bouché-Leclercq, Franz Cumont, Franz Boll, Fritz Saxl, and Lynn Thorndike
paved the way for this change. Even so, until recently, astrological practices
were perceived as yet another curious and mostly embarrassing aspect of
human culture; their content, with its own vast history and complexities,
remained for the most part unseen by mainstream historiography. Indeed,
considering that astrological knowledge was embedded in the very fabric of
society, present in all social strata, and across various periods, cultures, and
countries, this oversight represents a serious lapse in the history of knowledge,
society and culture. Having overcome the initial discomfort of studying such
subjects, historians began to focus mainly on the external aspects of astrol-
ogy. Special attention was given to its social and political impact with many

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Introduction 5

interesting results. But the great majority of studies have overlooked its meth-
odology, its technical intricacies and the important differences between theo-
retical knowledge and actual practice. Astrological materials seldom receive
the attention that is naturally, and deservedly, granted to other historical docu-
ments. The way the history of astrology has been conveyed, and the reluctance
to address it in its own terms, tells more about the mindset of historians than of
astrology itself. When discussing the history of astrology, opinions are formed,
and hypotheses advanced, often without the proper historiographical scrutiny
implicitly demanded of any other topic of study. Although the social and cul-
tural contexts are considered, the inner coherence and dynamics of astrology
itself are too often overlooked. Thus, the information these documents convey
and the lineages of knowledge from which they derive, remain largely unstud-
ied. There are a few notable exceptions, which will be mentioned further on,
but considering the amount of unstudied astrological material there is, much
more research is needed into the history of astrological thinking and interpre-
tation techniques.

2 The Notebooks

Most studies address astrology in the context of the handbooks used to con-
vey the general principles of the doctrine and the main debates surrounding
it. The few that deal with the working papers of the astrologer tend to empha-
size the social aspects of the practice, such as clientele, patronage, and status.
Even fewer explore the astrologer’s technical expertise and his knowledge of
the doctrine. Belle’s workbooks provide a rich example of the latter; their prac-
tical nature calls for an internalist study of their astrological contents.
This research proposes a detailed study of the astrologer’s learning, his
working method, his theoretical knowledge of the subject matter, and his prac-
tical application of astrology. Firstly, it deals with the questions of how astrol-
ogers relate to the traditional sources, their acceptance and criticism, and how
they deal with innovations and variations. Then, it favours the comprehensive
analysis of its astrological material, detailing the methods applied in order to
obtain an in-depth view of Belle’s practice of astrology. Finally, it focuses on
Belle’s sources, his methods of study, his collection of horoscopes, the use of
conflicting doctrines, his choices, and experimentation, all within the mul-
tiplicity of astrological practice in late fifteenth-century Europe. As a result,
the research also addresses the transmission of knowledge between different
generations of astrologers, and the circulation of astrological information at a
time when printed books were still a novelty.

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6 chapter 1

This study begins with an overview of the latest research on the practice
of astrology in late fifteenth-century France, followed by information about
Belle’s life, a general description of the notebooks, and notes about the meth-
ods applied. The core of the research, a detailed analysis of the astrological
contents of these workbooks, is organized in five sections: interrogations,
revolutions of the world (ingresses and lunations, and the Jupiter-Saturn con-
junction), judgements of three nativities, the collection of horoscopes, and the
almanac. At the end of each section there is a discussion of its most important
features. The last part is a reflection on Belle’s process of learning, his astrolog-
ical practice, and his place in the history of astrology.
Belle’s astrological practices are contained in two workbooks with notes and
horoscopes written in his hand over a period of several years:
– Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Manuscritos da Livraria,
MS 1711, intituled Almanac ab anno 68 usque ad annum 80, Nativitates
quorundam P., henceforth mentioned as MS 1711. This manuscript contains
an almanac and a collection of forty-six horoscopes, mostly of kings and
noblemen of fifteenth-century France. It has never been studied system-
atically, although it has been mentioned by some researchers.1 Its author
had remained unidentified, and it is yet to be determined how it came to
the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, the main Portuguese archival
collection.
– Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, nouvelles acquisitions latines
398, Divers traités d’astrologie, henceforth NAL 398. This autograph man-
uscript by ‘S. Belle’ contains transcriptions of astrological doctrine and
thirty-seven horoscopes. It had been mentioned by several scholars but was
never published.2 Its last owner was the French lawyer and writer Denis de
Sallo (1626–1669).3

1 Such as Luís Albuquerque, Para a história da ciência em Portugal (Lisbon, 1973): 14–15.
2 See the recent publication by Jean-Patrice Boudet, Astrologie et Politique entre en Moyen Âge
et Renaissance, Micrologus, CII, (Florence, 2020), 25 and n. 47. For earlier references see also
Léopold Delisle, Bibliothèque nationale. Manuscrits latins et français ajoutés aux fonds des
nouvelles acquisitions pendant les années 1875–1891 (Paris, 1891): I, 27–28; Emmanuel Poulle,
‘Horoscopes princiers des XIVe et XV e siècles’, in Astronomie Planétaire au Moyen Âge latin
(Aldershot, 1996): VIII, 63–77; Charles Samaran and Robert Marichal, Bibliothèque Nationale,
fonds latin (Suppléments) Nouvelles Acquisitions Latines, Petits fonds divers (Paris, 1981): IV.1,
81; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Le Recueil des plus célèbres astrologues de Simon de Phares (Paris,
1999): II, 49, 91 n. 22, 288–289 n. 204, and David Juste, Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum
Latinorum: Les manuscrits astrologiques latins conservés à la Bibliothèque nationale de France
à Paris (Paris, 2015): 254–255 (henceforth CCAL II).
3 For his life and work: http://galileo.rice.edu/Catalog/NewFiles/sallo.html (last consulted:
December 2020).

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Introduction 7

These manuscripts remained unrelated until 2014 when, on the suggestion

of David Juste and Charles Burnett, they were compared, revealing striking
similarities in the handwriting: the letters, the numerals, and the astrologi-
cal symbols are virtually indistinguishable. Additionally, several horoscopes
are repeated in all details, including occasional errors, and there are many
cross-references between the manuscripts. These parallels led to the conclu-
sion that the author of NAL 398, already identified as S. Belle, was also the
author of MS 1711.4
These notebooks stand as important testimonies for the study of the his-
tory of astrological practice for several reasons. Firstly, their personal nature:
they provide an unadulterated view of Belle’s astrological learning, his doubts,
errors, and corrections; thus they offer an important contribution to the knowl-
edge of astrological practice, otherwise mainly known indirectly through the
theoretical treatises published at the time. Secondly, the diversity of their con-
tents: they cover most of the main genres of astrology, namely nativities, that
is, the birth-charts of individuals; revolutions, the study of events affecting the
whole community; and interrogations, through which one can obtain answers
by studying the moment the question was asked. Thirdly, their exclusive focus
on astrology: they address only the judgement of celestial configurations,
never mentioning any divinatory or magical practices. Fourthly, the period
when they were written, a transitional moment when the practice of astrology
and the attitudes towards science were undergoing significant changes. Lastly,
the quality of their contents: learned, consistent, and thorough but not neces-
sarily ground-breaking.
As a whole, these documents illustrate the actual learning and practice of
astrology in late medieval France in all its complexity, apparent contradictions,
and diversity in a way that is not transmitted by the printed sources. It is rare to
find documents conveying all the aforementioned components. Belle’s work-
books are among the few that can contribute to a deeper understanding of the
inner workings of astrological practice in late medieval France and Europe.

3 Researching Fifteenth-Century Astrology

The practice of astrology in late fifteenth-century France has been the subject
of several dedicated studies. Maxime Préaud has produced a survey of astro-
logical practices, instruments, and practitioners in the service of King Louis XI

4 NAL 398 includes two signatures of Belle, in f. 30r and f. 84v, respectively.

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8 chapter 1

of France (1423–1483).5 Emmanuel Poulle complemented these studies with

a comprehensive assessment of the collections of horoscopes of French and
English provenance from the late medieval to the early modern period.6
Jean-Patrice Boudet has also addressed the political and cultural impact of
astrology in numerous books and articles.7 More recently, David Juste has
added crucial contributions to this research with a comprehensive catalogue
of the astrological documents extant in the national libraries of Munich
and Paris.8
Some studies have focused on renowned practitioners, such as Simon de
Boesmare (1380–1438), Roland of Lisbon (Roland l’Écrivain, c.1400–c.1469),
and Conrad Heingarter (c.1440–c.1504). Their work was studied by Jean-Patrice
Boudet, Emmanuel Poulle, Thérèse Charmasson, Ernest Wickersheimer,
Maxime Préaud, and Lynn Thorndike, to mention only a few. Even though
Simon and Roland probably never met Belle due to the differences of age,
they moved in the same intellectual circles, and Belle appears to have been
acquainted with their work.9 The study of Belle’s practice reveals how their
work was received, developed, and, to a certain degree, changed by the next
generation of astrologers.
Belle’s work stands in a transitional period and in many aspects reflects
that transition. During his lifetime, astrological practice underwent several
significant changes, both in social function and in content. Several factors,
including wars and political disputes, increased the demand for astrology
and its subsequent dissemination. This development becomes evident in the
research made into the political and social contexts of astrology and the role
of astrologers in the royal courts. Darin Hayton studied the astrological prac-
tices in the court of Emperor Maximilian I whose nativity is included in Belle’s
collection.10 This work reveals how Maximilian ‘enlisted astrology as a body

5 Maxime Préaud, ‘Les méthodes de travail d’un astrologue du xve siècle, Conrad
Heingarter’, (PhD diss., École nationale des Chartes, 1969), and Préaud, Les astrologues à
la fin du moyen âge (Paris, 1984): 71–73.
6 Poulle, ‘Horoscopes princiers’, 64–77; Jean-Patrice Boudet, ‘Les astrologues et le pouvoir
sous le règne de Louis XI’, in Observer, lire, écrire le ciel au Moyen Âge. Actes du colloque
d’Orléans (22–23 avril 1989), (Paris, 1991), 7–61.
7 Boudet, Le Recueil, and ‘The Archbishop and the Astrologers: Robert de Mauvoisin’s
Questio in 1316’, Wiebke Deimann and David Juste, eds, Astrologers and their Clients in
Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Vienna, 2015): 43–61.
8 Juste, CCAL I, CCAL II; the research is now expanding to other libraries.
9 There are many parallels between some sections in NAL 398 and some manuscripts attrib-
uted to these authors, namely the manuscripts Paris, BnF Latin 7395, 7416, 7432, 7439,
7443C, 7446, 7447, 7450, and 11232.
10 Darin Hayton, The Crown and the Cosmos (Pittsburgh, 2015).

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of predictive knowledge about the natural world that had clear application in
politics’, transforming it into ‘a tool that purported to use nature as evidence,
guide, and justification for political actions’.11 A comparable phenomenon
can be observed in the practice of French and English astrologers during the
Hundred Years’ War (1337–1453), as studied by Hilary Carey, who states that
the demands of war caused astrology to transform from ‘an honest member
of the quadrivium, and chiefly of interest to scholars’ to ‘a fully-developed
social movement, exercising a profound “influence” over all aspects of life in
the sixteenth century’.12 The consequences of this transformation are also ana-
lysed by Monica Azzolini who addresses the practice of astrology in Milan in
the courts of the dukes Galeazzo Maria Sforza (r. 1466–1476), Gian Galeazzo
Sforza (r. 1476–1494), and Ludovico Sforza (r. 1480–1494).13 In the court of the
Sforzas – as in the court of the Bourbons, where Belle lived – ‘astrology was
never too far from the sites of power’, and was often subject ‘to various exter-
nal forces and to the vagaries of time’.14 These changes were also explored by
Michael Shank in the context of fifteenth-century Vienna, by Joan Cadden for
the court of Charles V (1364–1380), by Michael Ryan for the Aragonese court,
and by Laura Smoller for the case of Pierre d’Ailly (1350–1420).15
As astrology’s influence grew, so did the voices against it, but these protests
had little effect on its practice. Astrological texts continued to be studied and
were among the most frequently printed.16 The increasing demand for astro-
logical services led to significant alterations in its status as one of the liberal
arts. Azzolini states that in this period astrology ‘was neither considered a
purely academic subject, nor believed to be irrelevant to everyday life’, as it

11 Hayton, The Crown and the Cosmos, 199, 201.

12 Hilary Carey, Courting Disaster. Astrology at the English Court and University in the Later
Middle Ages (London, 1992): 16.
13 Monica Azzolini, The Duke and the Stars. Astrology and Politics in Renaissance Milan
(London, 2013): 103–114, 186–187.
14 Azzolini, The Duke and the Stars, 212.
15 Michael Shank, ‘Academic Consulting in Fifteenth-Century Vienna: the Case of Astrol-
ogy’, in Edith Sylla and Michael R. McVaugh, eds, Texts and Contexts in Ancient and Medi-
eval Science. Studies on the Occasion of John E. Murdoch’s Seventieth Birthday (Leiden-New
York-Cologne, 1997): 245–270; Joan Cadden, ‘Charles V, Nicole Oresme, and Christine
de Pizan: Unities and Uses of Knowledge in Fourteenth-Century France’, Sylla and
McVaugh, eds, Texts and Contexts, 208–244; Michael A. Ryan, A Kingdom of Stargazers
(Ithaca-London, 2011); Laura Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars. The Christian Astrol-
ogy of Pierre d’Ailly, 1350–1420 (Princeton, 1994).
16 See for instance William Eamon, ‘Astrology and Society’, in Brendan Dooley, ed., A Com-
panion to Astrology in the Renaissance (Leiden, 2014): 141–192, at 147; Jan R. Veenstra,
Magic and Divination at the Courts of Burgundy and France: Text and Context of Lauren
Pignon’s ‘Contre les divineurs (1411)’ (Leiden-New York-Cologne, 1998): 97–136.

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became an important tool of the elites for social and political planning.17 In
this regard, Belle’s workbooks offer an important contribution by showing the
practical applications of astrology in several fields. These changing conditions
also produced a transformation in individual practice: the growing demand
led to a greater number of practitioners, as the practice gradually became
more accessible to clients outside the court, such as the lesser nobility, rich
merchants, and, ultimately, anyone who could afford it. An example of this sit-
uation can be found in Sophie Page’s article on the uses of astrology by Richard
Trewythian, whose practice includes clients from several social groups.18 This
comprehensive review of fifteenth-century astrological practices, clients, and
sources addresses the astrological judgement written by Trewythian for an
anonymous native born in 1431 and describes a work environment similar to
that revealed by Belle’s workbooks.
Medicine was commonly associated with astrological practice, as appears
to be the case with Belle; the connection between these two disciplines has
been extensively studied by historians.19 The practice of physicians and the
teaching of medicine at the University of Paris, which Belle may have attended,
is explored by Danielle Jacquart, revealing the intricacies of the application of
astrology to medical practice and the discussions among scholars regarding

17 Azzolini, The Duke and the Stars, 212.

18 Sophie Page, ‘Richard Trewythian and the Uses of Astrology in Late Medieval England’,
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 64 (2001): 193–228.
19 Such as Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York,
1923–1958), particularly IV (henceforth HMES); Ernest W. Talbert, ‘The Notebook of a
Fifteenth-Century Practicing Physician’, The University of Texas: Studies in English, 22 (1942):
5–30; Charles H. Talbot, ‘A Mediaeval Physician’s vade mecum’, Journal of the History of
Medicine, 16 (1961): 213–233, and Medicine in Medieval England (London, 1967); Lynn White
Jr., ‘Medical Astrologers and Late Medieval Technology’, Viator: Medieval and Renaissance
Studies, 6 (1975): 295–312; Préaud, Les astrologues; Luis García-Ballester, Roger French,
Jon Arrizabalaga and Andrew Cunningham, eds, Practical Medicine from Salerno to the
Black Death (Cambridge, 1994); Laurence Moulinier-Brogi and Marilyn Nicoud, ‘Éthique
et pratiques médicales aux derniers siècles du moyen âge’, Médiévales, 46 (2004): 5–10;
Margaret Schleissner, ed., Manuscript Sources of Medieval Medicine (New York, London,
1995); Anna Akasoy, Charles Burnett and Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim, eds, Astro-medicine, Astrology
and Medicine, East and West (Florence, 2008); Hilary Carey, ‘Medieval Latin Astrology and
the Cycles of Life: William English and English Medicine in Cambridge, Trinity College
MS O.5.26’, in Astro-medicine, 33–55; Concetta Pennuto, ‘The Debate on Critical Days in
Renaissance Italy’, in Astro-medicine, 75–98; Anna Akasoy, ‘Arabic Physiognomy as a Link
between Astrology and Medicine’, in Astro-medicine, 119–141; Charles Burnett, ‘Doctors
versus Astrologers: Medical and Astrological Prognosis Compared’, in Alexander Fidora,
ed., Die Mantischen Kunste und die Epistemologie prognostischer Wissenschaften in
Mittelalter (Vienna, 2013): 101–111.

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the validity and extent of its use in the treatment of patients.20 An example
of these debates is the well-known discussion between Roland of Lisbon and
Laurent Muste. It concerned whether the favourable days for medical treat-
ments should be assessed using the aspects of the Moon and its position by
sign, or only the latter, as was more commonly practiced.21 Roland supported
the first option (which was more complex and therefore would raise the cost of
almanac production), while Muste defended the second, simpler option. The
detail found in Belle’s workbooks suggests that he favoured Roland’s position,
giving a clear demonstration of how these theoretical debates were reflected
in practice.22
The practices of other astrologers, such as the physician Girolamo Cardano,
who lived a few decades after Belle, offer a useful point of comparison to that
of Belle. Cardano’s work was ‘most eagerly emulated among writers on med-
ical astrology’, and it has been studied extensively by historians.23 Especially
important to the present study is the comparison between his use of nativities
to exemplify certain medical conditions or personality traits. Also, the stud-
ies of other practitioners who came after Belle, such as Kepler, Galileo Galilei,
and Francis Bacon, offer a view of the continuities and changes in astrological
methods and practices.24 Another crucial reference in the field of medicine is

20 See Danielle Jacquart, ‘La prudence dans l’énoncé du prognostic médical’, in Fidora, ed.,
Die Mantischen Kunste, 113–129; Jacquart, La Médecine médiévale dans le cadre parisien
(Paris, 1998); Jacquart, ‘Everyday Practice and Three Fifteenth-Century Physicians’, Osiris,
6 (1990): 140–1; Jacquart, ‘De crasis à complexio: Note sur le vocabulaire du tempérament
en latin médiéval’, in La science médicale occidentale entre deux renaissances (XIIes–XVes)
(Aldershot, 1997).
21 Thérèse Charmasson, ‘L’Établissement d’un almanach médical pour l’année 1437’, Congrès
national des Sociétés Savantes, 99 (Besançon, 1974), 217–234.
22 Regarding this debate, see Veenstra, Magic and Divination, 120–130; Jean-Patrice Boudet
and Thérèse Charmasson ‘Une consultation astrologique princière en 1427’, in Compren­
dre et maîtriser la nature au Moyen Âge (Genève, 1984), 255–278; and Boudet, Entre science
et nigromance: Astrologie, divination et magie dans l’Occident médiéval (XIIe–XVe siècle)
(Paris, 2006): 294.
23 Steven Vanden Broecke, The Limits of Influence. Pico, Louvain, and the Crisis of Renaissance
Astrology (Leiden-New York-Cologne, 2003): 232. See also Anthony Grafton, ‘Girolamo
Cardano and the Tradition of Classical Astrology, the Rothschild Lecture’, Proceedings
of the American Philosophical Society, 142, 3 (1998): 323–354, and Anthony Grafton,
Cardano’s Cosmos: The Worlds and Works of a Renaissance Astrologer (Cambridge MA,
1999); Günther Oestmann, H. Darrel Rutkin and Kocku von Stuckrad, eds, Horoscopes and
Public Spheres, Essays on the History of Astrology (Berlin, 2005); particularly von Stuckrad,
‘The Function of Horoscopes in Biographical Narrative, Cardano and After’, 225–240, and
Vanden Broecke, ‘Evidence and Conjecture in Cardano’s Horoscope Collections’, 207–224.
24 H. Darrel Rutkin, ‘Various Uses of Horoscopes. Astrological Practices in Early Modern
Europe’, in Horoscopes and Public Spheres, 167–182.

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the extensive research undertaken by Lauren Kassell in The Casebook Project,

a comprehensive collection of medical records written by two sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century astrologers and physicians: Simon Forman (1552–1611)
and his pupil Richard Napier (1559–1634). Their records of medical encounters,
written more than a century after Belle, offer a comprehensive understanding
of the continuing traditions in medical practice.25
In Belle’s period astrology underwent structural changes in techniques and
methods, a topic that still requires further research. Some studies already offer
a comprehensive view of astrology’s theoretical bases, practice, and social
impact in the late medieval and early modern periods.26 Several early mod-
ern astrologers attempted to use their collections of horoscopes to support
statistical and empirical research.27 As a result, the compilations of famous
nativities and astrological doctrine began gradually to give way to a mixture of
personal horoscopes and autobiographical astrological writings. Belle’s work-
books reveal an early attempt to use these methods. This new format eventu-
ally came to establish a distinct literary genre, as noted by Kocku von Stuckrad
and Steven Vanden Broecke in their discussion of the use of horoscopes.28 The
latter points out that some collections of horoscopes were set up for private
use, though many were assembled with the intent of supporting the study of
medicine. This is the case of Cardano’s collection, no doubt due to his own
medical training. Vanden Broecke emphasizes the utility of this new genre for
‘both astrological clients and practitioners’, as it provides biographical infor-
mation on the period’s ‘celebrities’ and also valuable data for any student of
astrology.29 Indeed, besides their medical and political applications, the col-
lections of horoscopes also offered a productive field for scientific exploration.
As Brendan Dooley points out,

Long before Paul Choisnard, the early twentieth-century soi-disant inven-

tor of the statistical method applied to horoscopes, quantitative and

25 See for instance Lauren Kassell, Medicine and Magic in Elizabethan England: Simon
Forman, Astrologer, Alchemist and Physician (Oxford, 2005), and Kassell, ‘The Astrologer’s
Tables’, History Today, 61.9 (2011): 1–7, online publication https://www.people.hps
.cam.ac.uk/index/teaching-officers/kassell/simon-forman-astrologers-tables (accessed
in 18.5.2020).
26 Such as John North, Horoscopes and History (London, 1986): 71–229; Oestmann, Rutkin
and von Stuckrad, eds, Horoscopes and Public Spheres, 167–224; Dooley, A Companion
to Astrology, 17–59, 87–267; and Patrick Curry, ed., Astrology, Science and Society
(Woodbridge, 1987): 5–18, 57–74, to quote only a few.
27 Dooley, ‘Astrology and Science’, A Companion to Astrology, 264–265.
28 Von Stuckrad, Horoscopes and Public Spheres, 225–240, Vanden Broecke, ibidem, 207–224.
29 Vanden Broecke, The Limits of Influence, 232.

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observational scientific methods were used for proving the validity of

astrological technique. Luca Gaurico (1475–1558) and Girolamo Cardano,
who both tried to prove the validity of their different forms of astrology
by a selection of some hundred nativities a piece, with the pertinent
explanations for how they illustrated the lives in question, were followed
by Johannes Garcaeus (1530–1574), in the last third of the sixteenth cen-
tury, who included no less than four hundred nativities.30

Only recently have historians begun to address the astrological techniques used
in the judgement of nativities as an independent field of study within medi-
eval and early modern astrology. Earlier examples of these studies are Walter
Curry’s article ‘O Mars o atacir’, about two astrological judgements in two tales
by Geoffrey Chaucer (Legend of Hypermnestra and Man of Law’s Tale), Felix
Schmeidler’s edition of the astrological judgement written by Regiomontanus
in 1451 to Empress Eleanor of Portugal (wife of Emperor Frederick III and
mother of Maximilian I), and Lawrence Elwell-Sutton’s analysis of the nativity
of Asadullah Mirza, born in 1830.31 Recent examples are Dorian Greenbaum’s
study of the letter written by Kepler to his teacher, Michael Maestlin, regard-
ing the horoscopes of their children, and David Juste’s meticulous analysis of
the horoscope cast by Master William Misocacus of Brussels for John Siliers
of Mechelen.32 Juste states that the judgements of nativities are ‘arguably the
astrologer’s most complex work’, and remarks that despite their importance
‘they still belong to the terra incognita of the history of astrology’.33 Belle’s
examples of judgements contribute to this under-explored field through the
application of astrological doctrine to horoscopes.
Another interesting facet of astrological judgements is their political
impact, a topic addressed by Wiebke Deimann, who analyses the judgement
of the astrologer Johannes Lichtenberger for the nativity of Duke Louis IX

30 Dooley, ‘Astrology and Science’, A Companion to Astrology, 264–265.

31 Respectively: Walter Curry, ‘O Mars, o atacir’, The Journal of English and Germanic Philology,
22.3 (1923): 347–368; for Empress Eleanor: F. Schmeidler, ed., Johannis Regiomontani Opera
Collectanea (Osnabrück, 1972), 2–33; for Asadullah Mirza: Lawrence P. Elwell-Sutton, tr.,
The Horoscope of Asadullah Mirza. A Specimen of Nineteenth-Century Persian Astrology
(Leiden, 1977). For the study of Chaucer’s work, see also John North, Chaucer’s Universe
(Oxford, 1988).
32 Respectively, Dorian Gieseler Greenbaum, ‘Kepler’s Personal Astrology: Two Letters to
Michael Maestlin’, in Charles Burnett and Dorian Greenbaum, eds, From Māshāʾallāh to
Kepler: Theory and Practice in Medieval and Renaissance Astrology (Ceredigion, 2015): 177–
200 and Juste, ‘A Sixteenth-Century Astrological Consultation’, in Astrologers and their
Clients, 151–204.
33 Juste, ‘A Sixteenth-Century Astrological Consultation’, 151–204.

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of Bavaria-Landshut, and by Darrel Rutkin, who addresses Guiliano Ristori’s

judgement of Cosimo I’s nativity.34 This impact is also evident in Belle’s work
as it gathers the nativities of several important political figures, some of which
he chooses to present with an encoded name, thus hinting at the political intri-
cacies of this time.
The resurgence of Classical culture at the end of the fifteenth century polar-
ized astrologers into Ptolemaic and non-Ptolemaic partisans. The first group
was in search of a supposedly pristine Greek astrology, untainted by what
was perceived as the nonsense of the Arabic and Jewish authors. Thus, they
initiated a revision of the astrological system that would culminate in the
mid-sixteenth century. Interestingly, this division was for the most part fal-
lacious, since many of the so-called ‘Arabic additions’ were originally Greek,
which was unknown at the time. The topic was explored by scholars such as
Darrel Rutkin, Ornella Faracovi, and Dag Nikolaus Hasse, whose work offers
provides a better understanding of Belle’s position in this debate.35 His work
offers an earlier testimony of the changing astrological practices in the transi-
tion between the medieval and early modern periods.36
Also contemporary to Belle is the Neoplatonic movement which influ-
enced astrology through works such as those of Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499).37
Although not evident in Belle’s writings, this line of thought emphasized a
complementary view to the mainstream astrological practice, which was more

34 Respectively, Wiebke Deimann, ‘Astrology in an Age of Transition. Johannes Lichtenberger

and His Clients’, in Astrologers and their Clients, 83–104, and H. Darrel Rutkin, ‘Astrology,
Politics and Power in 16th-Century Florence: Giuliano Ristori’s Extensive Judgement on
Cosimo I’s Nativity (1537)’, in Astrologers and their Clients, 139–151.
35 Respectively: H Darrel Rutkin, ‘The Use and Abuse of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos in
Renaissance and Early Modern Europe: Two Case Studies (Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola
and Filippo Fantoni)’, in Alexander Jones, ed., Ptolemy in Perspective. Use and Criticism
of His Work from Antiquity to the Nineteenth Century (Dordrecht, 2010): 135–149. Ornella
Faracovi, ‘The Return to Ptolemy’, in A Companion to Astrology, 87–98. Dag Hasse,
Success and Suppression. Arabic Sciences and Philosophy in the Renaissance (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, London, 2016): 248–293.
36 See C. Burnett and D. G. Greenbaum, eds, From Māshāʾallāh to Kepler, particularly
G. Bezza’s ‘Saturn-Jupiter Conjunctions and General Astrology’, 5–48 and Vanden Broeke’s
‘Self-Governance and the Body Politic in Annual Prognostications’, 491–512.
37 See for instance Angela Voss, Marsilio Ficino (Berkeley, 2006). For an overview of Ficino’s
impact see also John North, ‘Types of Inconsistency in the Astrology of Ficino and
Others’, in Alasdair A. MacDonald, Zweder R. W. M. von Martels, and Jan R. Veenstra,
eds, Christian Humanism. Essays in Honour of Arjo Vanderjagt (Turnhout, 2009): 281–302;
Thomas Moore, The Planets Within: Marsilio Ficino’s Astrological Psychology (London,
1982); Melissa M. Bullard, ‘The Inward Zodiac: a Development in Ficino’s Thought on
Astrology’, Renaissance Quarterly, 43, 4 (1990): 687–708.

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Introduction 15

centered on Aristotelian natural causes, by endorsing a Humanist perception

of celestial influence in terms of its spiritual and symbolic nature.
So far research has focused mainly on the socio-political context of astrol-
ogy, that is, where and when it was practiced, and who its practitioners were.
The present research intends to explore rather how and why it was practiced.
Its main goal is to offer an insider’s perspective of the astrologer: a study of
the inner processes of understanding and practical application of astrological
knowledge and techniques. It intends to expand the historian’s external view
of the practice by piercing the veil over how astrology was seen and applied by
the astrologers themselves.

4 Belle’s Life and Work

Little is known about S. Belle, the author of NAL 398 and MS 1711. Until recently
only one of Belle’s workbooks, NAL 398, was known to scholars.38 Its historical
interest was the subject of some discussion, in the main due to its large collec-
tion of horoscopes. Some scholars, such as Jean-Patrice Boudet and Emmanuel
Poulle, saw it as a precursor to ‘the collections that would have great success in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’.39
MS 1711 provided more details about Belle’s personal life and shed new light
on the value of his work. It includes five nativities of children with the family
name Belle: Antoine, who is called firstborn (primogenitus), born in 1483 possi-
bly in Châlus; Conrad, born in 1484 possibly in Moulins; Nicholas, in 1485 also in
Moulins; and Martha, born in 1487 possibly in Paris. Although only the latter is

38 Mentioned in Poulle, Astronomie planétaire au Moyen-Âge latin, Aldershot, 1996, VIII,

75–76; Boudet, Le Recueil, II, 49, 91 n. 22, 288–289 n. 204; Les astrologues et le pouvoir, 7–61
(58–59: horoscopes of Louis XI and Charles the Bold); and Lire dans le ciel. La bibliothèque
de Simon de Phares, astrologue du XVe siècle (Bruxelles, 1994); Carey, Courting Disaster,
128; Al-Qabīṣī (Alcabitius): The Introduction to Astrology, Charles Burnett, Keiji Yamamoto,
Michio Yano, eds (London, 2004): 180 (henceforth Alcabitius, Introduction); and Juste,
CCAL II (Paris, 2015): 254. Other individuals with the same name: Jean Belle, ‘valet of the
countess’s hackney horses’ (valet de haquenées de la comtesse) from 1447–54, in Monique
Sommé, Isabelle de Portugal, duchesse de Bourgogne. Une femme au pouvoir au XVe siècle
(Arras, 1998): 497; Jean Belle, a Flemish bailiff who served Jean sans Peur from 1412 to 1416,
in R. Vaughan, John the Fearless: The Growth of Burgundian Power (Woodbridge, 2002): 133.
39 ‘Le recueil de Simon Belle me paraît correspondre à une conception fort différente de
celle de ses précédents. (…) La vingtaine de carrés réunis par Simon Belle annonce les
collections dont le succès sera grand au XVIe e et au XVIIe siècle’, Poulle, Astronomie
planétaire, VIII, 76.

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explicitly identified as Belle’s child ( filia mea Martha), the boys are most likely
to be his sons, and they are referred to as such in this study. It also includes the
nativity for a girl born in 1496 in Amboise, whom Belle identifies as his cousin
(daughter of my paternal uncle – filia avunculi mei). His children’s birthdates
help to determine Belle’s adult years: if he had had children between 1483 and
1487, he is likely to have been born sometime between 1450 and 1460. This is cor-
roborated by the planetary tables in his almanac, which run from 1468 to 1480,
most likely the years corresponding to people of his own age group, or slightly
younger, and to the astrological configurations happening in his youth. MS 1711
also revealed Belle’s connections to the dukes of Bourbon, Jean II (r. 1456–1488)
and Pierre II (1488–1503), whom he may have served in the capacity of astrol-
oger and physician. The almanac includes some comments suggesting that
Belle was acquainted with the Swiss astrologer-physician Conrad Heingarter
(c.1440–c.1504) and may have been his student.40 Conrad lived in the capital of
Bourbon, Moulins, between 1463 and 1488, and Belle also lived there for at least
part of that period, as shown by his comments on the almanac for the year
1480.41 Belle is not mentioned in Le Recueil, a collection of famous astrologers,
written by his contemporary Simon de Phares between 1494 and 1498, a period
when Belle was active.42 However, he omitted many astrologers of his genera-
tion, having credited only a few for their medical almanacs and ignoring those
who only wrote predictions. Boudet attributes this omission, at least in part,
to ‘the specific evolution of astrology in the kingdom of France in the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries’.43 Wickersheimer mentions a certain ‘Simon
Belle, physician’ who ‘examined an individual suspect of leprosy’, but there is
no direct evidence that this physician was the author of the manuscripts.44
40 For Conrad Heingarter see Thorndike, HMES, IV, 357–385. Préaud, ‘Les méthodes de tra-
vail d’un astrologue du xve siècle’, Préaud, Les astrologues à la fin du moyen âge (Paris,
1984): 71–74; and Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 310.
41 MS 1711 f. 72v.
42 See Boudet, Le Recueil, I, 564 n. 59a and II, 50–55; and Boudet, ‘Simon de Phares et les
rapports entre astrologie et prophétie à la fin du Moyen Age’, in Les textes prophétiques et
la prophétie en Occident (XII–XVI siècle) (Rome, 1990): 617–648.
43 Le Recueil, II, 240.
44 Simon Belle – Médecin; éprouve un individu suspect de ladrerie, Avallon, 1477–78 (Archives
d’Avallon), CC. 123, Ernest Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire bibliographique des Médecins en
France au Moyen Age (Genève, 1979): I, 737.

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 chapter 2

Belle’s Workbooks

The two manuscripts written by Belle include a collection of astrological texts,

an almanac and sixty-six horoscopes, comprising three main applications of
astrology: interrogations, revolutions, and nativities (the fourth application,
elections, is not explicitly mentioned).

1 Lisbon, Torre do Tombo, MS 1711

ANTT-Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, Manuscritos da Livraria, Ms. 1711 –

‘Almanac ab anno 68 usque ad annum 80, Nativitates quorundam P.’. This is a
collection of 154 tables with the planetary positions between January 1468 and
December 1480, two tables of planetary dignities and forty-six horoscopes,
plus ten blank pages. The manuscript is composed of 103 folia of thick brown
paper (14.5 cms × 21.6 cms) written in black and red ink. The regularity of the
handwriting and the uniformity of the pages suggest that they were all writ-
ten by the same person. The covers are made of cardboard with the interior
face reinforced with parchment upon which is written some text in French.1
This parchment, upside-down in relation to the manuscript, is part of an older
document re-used for binding. The title, which may have been added later,
translates as ‘an almanac from the year [14]68 to the year [14]80 a collection of
nativities of some people’.
The manuscript is organized into four parts:
– Folia 1r to 18v and 20r to 77v: Almanac with 154 tables of planetary posi-
tions and the aspects of the Moon for every day from January 1468 to
December 1480;
– Folio 19r: Tables of planetary dignities, zodiacal degrees, and exaltations;
– Folio 19v: Aphorisms attributed to Seneca (not related to astrology);
– Folia 78r to 103v: forty-six horoscopes
– Five events (four coronations and one royal entry);
– Thirty-one nativities;
– Ten blank charts.

1 For details, see Appendix II at the end.

© Helena Avelar de Carvalho, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004463387_003

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table 1 Horoscopes in MS 1711 and correspondences in NAL 398

Folia Chart title Notes Dates Correspondence

in Paris, NAL 398

f. 78r Philippe le Bon, duke of Burgundy none 31.7.1396 † 1467 f. 90ra1

f. 78v Charles VII, king of France blank 1403 † 1461
f. 79r Louis XI, king of France brief 3.7.1423 † 1461 f. 90rb1
f. 79v Jean II, duke of Bourbon none 30.8.1426 † 1488 f. 93vb1; f. 101
f. 80r Encoded name none 22.11.1465 † 1487
f. 80v Henry VI, king of England none 6. 12. 1421 † 1471 f. 90va2
f. 81r Charles, duke of Berry and none 28.12.1446 † 1472 f. 90ra2
Aquitaine
f. 81v Charles le Téméraire, duke of none 10.11.1433 † 1477 f. 90rb2
Burgundy
f. 82r Maximilian I, emperor of Austria none 22.3.1459 f. 93ra2
f. 82v Louis de Culant none 11.11.1453
f.83r Lord of Craon brief 22.10.1436
f. 83v Charles le Téméraire, duke of brief 10.11.1433 f. 90rb2
Burgundy
f. 84r Marie d’Albret, countess of Nevers none 13.3.1435 † 1486 f. 91rb2
f. 84v Charles de Bourgogne, count of none 25.6.1414 † 1464 f. 91ra1
Nevers
f. 85r Jean de Bourgogne (Jean de none 17.10.1415 † 1491 f. 91ra2
Clamecy)
f. 85v Charles II d’Albret brief 23.4.1428 † 1473 f. 91rb1
f. 86r Coronation of Charles VII, king of none 16.7.1429 f. 90vb2
France
f. 86v Coronation of Louis XI, king of none 14.8.1461 f. 90vb1
France
f. 87r Coronation of Charles VIII, king none 30.5.1484
of France
f. 87v Charles VIII, king of France brief 29.6.1470 † 1498 f. 90va; 93rb2;
93va
f. 88r Margaret of Austria brief 10.1.1480 † 1530 f. 93vb2
f. 88v Philippe le Beau, of Austria none 22.6.1478 † 1506 f. 93va2

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table 1 Horoscopes in MS 1711 and correspondences in NAL 398 (cont.)

Folia Chart title Notes Dates Correspondence

in Paris, NAL 398

f. 89r Entry of Charles VIII into Paris none 5.6.1484

f. 89v Charles, cardinal of Bourbon blank 24.9.1435 † 1488
f. 90r Louis XII, king of France none 27.6.1462 † 1498
f. 90v Anne de Beaujeu, duchess of long 19.4.1461 † 1521
Bourbon
f. 91r Pierre II, duke of Bourbon long 10.12.1439 † 1503
f. 91v Coronation of Maximilian I none 9.4.1486
f. 92v D. d’Albret none 9.6.1449
f. 93r Antoine Belle long 4.3.1483 † 1483
f. 93v Conrad Belle long 31.5.1484
f. 94r Susanne de Bourbon long 10.5.1491 † 1421
f. 94v Charles Orland, dauphin de blank 10.10.1492 † 1495
France
f. 95r ‘Daughter of G. Gon’ none 10.1.1496
f. 95v Nicolas Gon long 18.6.1491 † 1491
f. 96r Nicolas Belle long 16.9.1485 † 1486
f. 96v Marta Belle long 21.8.1487
f. 97r Renaud Petitdé long 25.6.1489 † 1489
f. 97v Charles Orlando, dauphin de blank 10.10.1492 † 1495
France
f. 98v Jacques de Lévis, lord of blank 5.11.1447
Châteaumorand
f. 99r Jean de Châtaeumorand, son of blank 22.8.1492
Jacques
f. 99v ‘Daughter of my uncle from none 4.10.1496 f. 101r
Amboise’ (upside-down)
f. 103v Lord of Bressolles blank 22.3.1454
Louis de Fossegarin blank 6.11.1489
Jean de Fossegarin blank 30.7.1491
Francissa de Fossegarin blank 9.10.1492

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2 Paris, BnF, nouvelles acquisitions latines 398

Paris, BnF NAL 398 – Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, nouvelles acqui-
sitions latines 398. This manuscript is composed of 102 folia (13.6 cm × 20 cm)
written in two columns, in Latin and in French, in black, red, and blue ink. It
is bound in a more recent cover with no title. The first part of the manuscript
comprises astrological doctrine organized in five texts (incipits in the table
below) in the hand of Belle, who was probably responsible for the introduction
to, and the organization of the material.
The first text, spanning ff. 1ra–10vb, concerns astrometeorology; the intro-
duction emphasizes the practical work and the author’s own experience.

This is a collection of the words of the Ancient wise men concerning

rain and moisture and changes (of air) with the addition of certain rules
which I have acquired by means of experiment.2

The conclusion ends with the statement that ‘in this treatise only pure and
simple practical things are included’.3 The first reference is to Robert of York
(d. 1348), here referred to as ‘the English Perscrutator’ who is presented as ‘com-
pletely secure in what he said, albeit obscurely, and of a profound intellect’.4
This reference, together with the statement that these rules are particularly apt
for the seventh climate (which encompasses England), suggest that the author
of the source text lived in England.5 A possible author is John of Ashenden,

2 Hec est collectio dictorum sapientum antiquorum in pluviis et humiditatibus atque muta-
tionibus cum additione quarumdam regularum quas mediante experimento acquisivi,
NAL 398, f. 1ra.
3 In hoc tractatu non continentur nisi pura et nuda pratica, f. 1ra.
4 … totus certus in hoc quod dixit, tamen obscure, et profundi fuit intellectus, f. 1ra.
5 The seventh climate corresponds to the northern part of Europe, usually beginning above
latitude 45° N and extending to 50° N, thus including the most part of England. See Edmond
Buron, ed., Ymago Mundi de Pierre d’Ailly, cardinal de Cambrai et chancelier de l’Université
de Paris (1350–1420) (Paris, 1930): 49, 226–227; Joshua T. Olsson, ‘The World in Arab Eyes:
a Reassessment of the Climes in Medieval Islamic Scholarship’, Bulletin of the School of
Oriental and African Studies, 77 (2014): 487–508, and Al-Bīrūnī, The Book of Instruction on
the Elements of the Art of Astrology (Tafhim), R. Ramsay Wright, tr. (London, 1934): 23, 138
(henceforth, Albiruni, Instruction). See also David King, ‘Astronomical Instruments between
East and West’, Medium aevum quotidianum, 27 (1992): 125–130, and ‘Bringing Astronomical
Instruments Back to Earth – The Geographical Data on Medieval Astrolabes (to ca. 1100)’, in
Lodi Nauta and Arjo Vanderjagt, eds, Between Demonstration and Imagination. Essays in the
History of Science and Philosophy presented to John D. North (Leiden-Boston-Cologne, 1999):
3–20.

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Belle ’ s Workbooks 21

a near contemporary of the Perscrutator; although not directly mentioned in

this part of the manuscript, he is named in other sections.6
The text comprises a collection of excerpts and aphorisms on astrome-
teorology taken from authors such as Ptolemy, Abumashar, Haly Abenragel,
Alkindi, John of Seville, and Leopold of Austria. It addresses the effects on
the weather of Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions, the revolutions of the year, and
eclipses.7 Running throughout the text are several personal remarks such as
‘and I confirm this’ (et ego confirmo istud) or ‘and I say that this is true’ (et ego
dico quod hoc verum est), added by the author of the compilation who could be
either Belle or an earlier practitioner from whom he copied.
The second text, encompassing ff. 11ra–31vb, is also a collection of ‘rules,
methods and aphorisms’ (regulis, rationibus et aphorismis) concerning the
judgement of nativities. It begins by defining their subject of study: ‘the nativ-
ity is the coming out of the new-born from the womb of his mother’.8 It offers a
description of the significances of the twelve houses of the horoscope, in great
part taken from John of Saxony’s Commentary on Alcabitius,9 again mention-
ing as sources several renowned authors such as Ptolemy, Abumashar, Leopold
of Austria, Guido Bonatti, and Haly Abenragel. After the eleventh house the
text is interrupted and Belle adds his autograph and a date, 1 February 1473.10
The text for the twelfth and last house is added on ff. 30va–31ra. Folia 31rb and
31v are blank.
The third text, covering 32ra–36rb, includes excerpts concerning the judge-
ment of the planets and luminaries in the houses, taken from authors such as
Abohali, Gergis, and Leopold of Austria.
The fourth text, spanning ff. 36va–38va is a copy of De Mercibus by
Messahallah, a treatise about the prices of food and other commodities.11
The fifth and last text, covering 39ra–72vb, includes a copy of John of
Saxony’s Commentary on Alcabitius.12 It begins with the well-known sentence

6 John of Ashenden (d. c. 1368), fellow of the Merton College in Oxford and author of
Summa astrologiae iudicialis de accidentibus mundi (Summa Anglicana).
7 These terms are explained further on.
8 Nativitas est exitus nati de utero matris sue, f. 11ra.
9 The initial sentences of the text for each house are similar to the equivalent sections in
John of Saxony’s Commentary. See Alcabitius cum commento noviter impresso: Libellus
isagogicus Abdilazi (Venice, 1512): 48, and Alcabitii ad magisterium iudiciorum astrorum
isagoge: commentario Ioannis Saxonii declarata (Paris, 1521).
10 See table below. The topic of authorship is addressed further on.
11 See incipit in table below. See also the reference to this text in Thorndike, ‘The Latin
Translations of Astrological Works by Messahalla’, Osiris (1956): 49–72 (68–69).
12 The Commentary includes many passages of Alcabitius, possibly because it was intended
to be read instead of the original. For the text, see Alcabitius, Introduction. NAL 398 is
mentioned on 180.

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22 chapter 2

‘the wise man will dominate the stars’ (vir sapiens dominabitur astris), often
attributed to Ptolemy. It also includes the discussion of several technical
terms such as hyleg (on ff. 63ra–64ra), alcocodem (f. 64ra–65rb), and almutem
(f. 65rb–65vb).13 On f. 54va–54vb there are two examples of interrogations
dating from March and October 1330, respectively. The first can be found in
many editions of John of Saxony’s Commentary on Alcabitius;14 the second was
found in only one manuscript, Paris, BnF Lat. 7322, f. 21r, which includes the
judgement of both interrogations but omitted the horoscopes themselves (this
is discussed further on).
The rest of NAL 398 is of a more practical nature. It begins with a collection of
seven lunations (that is, the New Moon or the Full Moon) preceding ingresses
of the Sun. It spans 73ra–76va and includes the lunation before the Sun’s
ingress in March 1293, March 1294, June 1294, September 1294, December 1294,
March 1295, and May 1295. Some of these horoscopes are exact copies of those
in Almanac Planetarum, written by thirteenth-century author William of
Saint-Cloud, although the corresponding judgements seem to be taken from
another source.15 These are followed by two judgements of nativities. The first
is that of a certain Hubert, born in Florence in the year 1259, obviously copied
from an earlier source; the judgement spans 76vb–80ra and the horoscope can
be found in 79v. The second is that of a person named Jo. Dap born in 1442,
possibly in France, occupying ff. 85ra–89vb; it includes a complete set of calcu-
lations, but the horoscope itself is omitted. Between these two nativities there
is a judgement for the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1425, partially written by
Belle, partially adapted from John of Ashenden’s judgement of an earlier con-
junction; it covers ff. 80rb–84va and the corresponding horoscope is in f. 80rb.
His investment in this text is revealed by his autograph, which reads ‘End of the
judgement of the Great Conjunction, written by me, S. Belle, in Châlus, year of

13 These terms are explained further on.

14 Such as those mentioned before Alcabitius cum commento noviter impresso, 48 and
Alcabitii ad magisterium iudiciorum astrorum isagoge, 63–64. See also the reference in
Margaret Gaida, ‘Encounters with Alcabitius: Reading Arabic Astrology in Pre-Modern
Europe’ (PhD diss., University of Oklahoma), 2017, 184–185.
15 This topic is discussed further on. I want to express my gratitude to David Juste for calling
my attention to the connection between these horoscopes and William of Saint-Cloud’s
writings, and generously sharing information about the almanac. For details, see The
Astrological Autobiography of a Medieval Philosopher. Henry Bate’s Nativitas (1280–81).
Edited and introduced by Carlos Steel, Steven Vanden Broecke and David Juste, with the col-
laboration of Shlomo Sela (Leuven, 2018): 8–11.

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Belle ’ s Workbooks 23

the Lord 1473 incomplete, sixth day of February’.16 Folia 90r–91v and 93r–93v
are occupied by a collection of nativities and events, organized four per page (a
total of twelve in the first group and eight in the second). Folia 92ra–92vb and
94ra–100vb encompass the judgement of a nativity, probably written by Belle
himself, of a certain Jo. d.c.l. born in 1437. The first set of pages is occupied by
the calculations for the nativity, which is part of the collection (f. 93ra1), and
the second comprises the judgement, written in French; this is the only text in
French of the entire collection. On f. 101r there are two references, probably not
related, and apparently written in a hurry. The first is a reference to the birth
of a cousin of Belle whom he simply calls ‘daughter of my uncle’ ( filia avun-
culi mei), born in 1496; he does not calculate the nativity in this manuscript
but includes it in MS 1711 f. 99v. The second, written upside down, is an inter-
rogation about the general condition of life and calculated for August 1477;
it is accompanied by the birth data of Duke Jean II de Bourbon (1426–1488),
suggesting that he could be the one asking the question.17 The final folia of the
manuscript include a few drawings and pen trials.
In most cases it is difficult to determine how much of the material was cop-
ied and how much was authored by Belle. His autograph appears in two of
the texts, revealing his investment on this matter, but the words ‘written by
me’ (scriptum per me), while definitely meaning that he wrote the texts him-
self, do not necessarily guarantee that he authored them; they could simply
mean that he copied them from another source. Notwithstanding, the texts
include some material that could be found in earlier authorities and thus may
have been added by Belle, as a result from his own experience. The first three
texts – astrometeorology, the twelve houses, and planets in the houses – are
well structured and written in a way that facilitates the consultation, suggest-
ing a pedagogical intent.

16 See table at the end of this section.

17 Interrogations: one of the four main applications of astrology (the others being nativities,
revolutions of the world, and elections). It offers direct answers to questions by interpret-
ing the planetary configurations for the moment the question was asked of the astrologer.
It was used to answer very specific questions (not included in the natal horoscope, since
this would offer more general assumptions). It could also replace the natal horoscope, if
this was not known.

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table 2 Incipits and explicits in NAL 398’s texts

Text 1 (ff. 1ra–10vb)

‘Hec est collectio dictorum sapientum antiquorum in pluviis et humiditatibus atque

mutationibus cum additione quarumdam regularum quas mediante experimento
acquisivi’ (f. 1)
…
‘Aspice significatorem pluvie et si eum inveneris intrantem aliquem angulorum …
significat tonitrua, coruscationes, terre motus et similia’ (f. 6r) (6v, 7r, 7v, 8r, 8v, 9r, 9v,
10r, 10v are blank)

Text 2 (ff. 11ra–31ra)

‘Nativitas est exitus nati de utero matris sue. Prepositis ergo regulis, rationibus et
aphorismis que in hac ratione excusari non possunt ut pretacta fuerint, accedamus
breviter ad diffinitionem significatorum 12 domorum’ (f. 11ra)
…
‘Expliciunt flores sapientum astronomorum per modum regularum sive
amphorismorum de iudiciis astrorum super 12. domibus que considerande sunt in
nativitatibus, revolutionibus, questionibus, electionibus etc. scripta fuerunt hec per
me S. Belle anno domini 1473 incompleto prima februarii.’ (f. 30rb)

Text 3 (ff. 32ra–36rb)

‘Iudicia que resultant ex 12. domibus celi et eorum signis per existentiam
.7. planetarum in ipsis. Hec ex dictis Aboali, Gergis, Leopoldi etc. Antiqui et
modernum sapientes …’ (f. 31va)
…
‘Finis tractatus de sinificatione [sic] planetarum in 12. domibus celi.’ (f. 36rb)

Text 4 (ff. 36va–38va)

‘Hunc libellum scripsit Mesahala ad favorem unius amicorum suorum qui erat
mercator mediante quo ambo lucrati sunt in parvo tempore magnam pecuniam’
(36va)
…
‘et si fuerit in ultima quadra erit hoc utile venditori. Explicit Messahallah de
mercibus.’ (38va)

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table 2 Incipits and explicits in NAL 398’s texts (cont.)

Text 5 (ff. 39ra–72vb)

‘Vir sapiens dominabitur astris. Ptholomeus in sapientiis Alma(gest)i. Et potest sic

declarari. Ille dominatur astris que effectus ex ipsis pervenientes potest impedire
vel prohibere. Sed hoc potest facere vir sapiens quare etiam maior est manifesta. Ille
dominatur alteri qui potest sibi dicere: Fac hoc et facit, et dimitte hoc et dimittit.’
(f. 39ra)
…
‘non erit multum carum donec exierit casum suum etcetera.’ (f. 72vb)

table 3 Horoscopes in NAL 398 and correspondences in MS 1711

Folia Chart title and comments Data on Calculated for

manuscript Paris and LAT

f. 54va Interrogation: Is this person alive? 18.5.1330, 10:10 18.5.1330,

10:10 AM
f. 54vb Interrogation: Will the messenger 2.10.1330, 12:10 2.10.1330,
return? Will he bring money? 2:01 PM
f. 73r New Moon preceding Aries ingress – 9.3.1293, 4:28 9.3.1293,
see ff. 73ra–73vb 4:28 PM
f. 73v Full Moon following Aries ingress – 12.3.1294, 21:14 13.3.1294,
see ff. 73vb–74rb 9:14 AM
f. 74r Lunar eclipse preceding Cancer 9.6.1294, 9.6.1294,
ingress – see ff. 74rb–74vb 00:30 PM 12:30 PM
f. 74v Full Moon preceding Libra ingress – 9.9.1294, 17:44 6.9.1294,
see ff. 74vb–75ra 5:44 AM
f. 75r Lunar eclipse preceding Capricorn 3.12.1294, 23:40 4.12.1294,
ingress – see ff. 75ra–75vb 11:40 AM
f. 75v Full Moon preceding Aries ingress – 1.3.1295, 14:12 3.3.1295,
see ff. 75vb–76ra 2:05 AM
f. 76r Lunar eclipse preceding Cancer 30.5.1295, 01:18 30.5.1295,
ingress – see ff. 76ra–76va 00:35 AM
f. 79v Hubert – Judgement on ff. 76v–80r 8.10.1259, 14:09 9.10.1260,
3:32 AM
f. 80r Jupiter-Saturn conjunction 1425 – Blank data, 1425 28.9.1425,
Judgement on ff. 80r–84r 5:35 AM

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table 3 Horoscopes in NAL 398 and correspondences in MS 1711 (cont.)

Folia Chart title and comments Data on Calculated for

manuscript Paris and LAT

f. 85v Jo Dap. – Blank horoscope – Blank chart, 3.11.1442, 1:20

Judgement on ff. 85ra–89vb 3.11.1442
f. 90ra1 Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy 30.7.1396, Like MS 1711
22:00 PM f. 78r
f. 90ra2 Charles, duke of Berry 28.12.1446, 09:10 Like MS 1711
f. 81r
f. 90rb1 Louis XI, king of France 3.7.1423, Like MS 1711
05:45 PM f. 79r
f. 90rb2 Charles le Téméraire, duke of 10.11.1433, Like MS 1711
Burgundy 13:10 PM ff. 81v, 83v
f. 90va1 Charles VIII (Ascendant Cancer 2°) 29.7.1470, 14:54 Like MS 1711
f. 87v
f. 90va2 Henry VI, king of England 6.12.1421, Like Like MS
03:36 PM 1711 f. 80v
f. 90vb1 Coronation of Louis XI 14.8.1461, Like MS 1711
22:00:44 PM f. 86v
f. 90vb2 Coronation of Charles VII 16.7.1429, Like MS 1711
23:12 PM f. 87r
f. 91ra1 Charles of Burgundy, count of 26.6.1414, Like MS 1711
Nevers 06:11 PM f. 84v
f. 91ra2 Jean de Bourgogne (Jean de 17.10.1415, Like MS 1711
Clamecy) 03:31 PM f. 85r
f. 91rb1 Charles d’Albret, lord of 23.4.1428, Like MS 1711
Saint-Bazeille 06:07 PM f. 85v
f. 91rb2 Marie d’Albret 13.3.1435, Like MS 1711
02:08 PM f. 84r
f. 91va1 C. d CHAS – unknown native 24.8.1440, 24.8.1440,
08:46 AM 08:46 AM
f. 91va2 Louis, ‘brother of the former’ 03.10.1442, 3.10.1442,
07:55 PM 07:55 PM
f. 91vb1 ‘Domicelle viz Agnetis de Oas’ 13.9.1441, 13.9.1441,
04:50 PM 04:50 PM
f. 91vb2 ‘Sister’ 20.9.1448, 21.9.1448,
01:18 PM 01:18 AM

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table 3 Horoscopes in NAL 398 and correspondences in MS 1711 (cont.)

Folia Chart title and comments Data on Calculated for

manuscript Paris and LAT

f. 92r Lunation for the nativity Jo d.c.l. – ‘ut supra’ 12.12.1437,

Judgement on ff. 92ra–92vb 08:30 PM
f. 93ra1 Jo d.c.l. – see f. 92r and ff. 16.12.1437, 16.12.1437,
94ra–100vb 09:45 AM 09:47 AM
f. 93ra2 Maximilian of Austria 22.3.1459, Like MS 1711
04:40 PM f. 82r
f. 93rb1 Unknown woman 7.10.1445, 7.10.1445,
02:30 PM 02:30 PM
f. 93rb2 Charles VIII (Ascendant Gemini 29.6.1470, Like MS 1711
8°47) 13:21 PM f. 87v
f. 93va1 Charles VIIIa (Ascendant 29 June 1470, Like MS 1711
Gemini 1°) 13:10 PM f. 87v
f. 93va2 Philippe le Beau of Austria 22 June 1478, Like MS 1711
2:00–3:00 PM f. 88v
f. 93vb1 Jean II, duke of Bourbon; repeated 30 August 1426, Like MS 1711
on f. 101r 04:22 PM f. 79v
f. 93vb2 Margaret of Austria 11 January 1479, Like MS 1711
11:00/12:00 AM f. 88r
f. 101r ‘daughter of my uncle’ October 1496 Like MS 1711
(title, blank chart) f. 99v
f. 101r Interrogation – Universalis questio 13 August 1477, 13 August 1477,
(to Jean II de Bourbon) 17:17, Paris 17:17, Paris

a Belle states that this is the horoscope of French king Charles VII’s, although this birthdate is of Charles VIII
of France.

3 Designations and Norms

This section explains the main astrological designations used in this book, and
the criteria applied to translations and organization of images.
The author of the workbooks, S. Belle, is designated as ‘Belle’ since there
is no direct account of his first name. Most scholars took the initial ‘S.’ as the
abbreviation of ‘Simon’, because of Wickersheimer’s reference to a physician
called Simon Belle, living in this area in the same period, as explained before.

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28 chapter 2

The astrological vocabulary used by Belle has been adopted as much as

possible, except in the cases where it may induce ambiguity.18 Most technical
terms are succinctly explained in this section or in the footnotes.

3.1 Astrological Designations19

The terms ‘figure’, ‘chart’, and ‘horoscope’ are used interchangeably in this book.
The horoscopes of individuals are also be called ‘nativities’, and the individu-
als for whom they were made are designated ‘natives’ (from the Latin natus,
the one who was born). When there is doubt about the exact birthtime of a
nativity, it is necessary to ‘rectify’ it, by means of ‘rectification’ methods; the
most commonly used are the animodar, the trutina hermetis, and directions.20
The study of the nativities is complemented by several forecasting techniques,
namely the revolution of the year of the native, the ages of men, the firdaria,
the profections, the lord of the orb, and the directions.21
The charts calculated with the intent to answer questions are called ‘inter-
rogations’ and those for the beginning of an event ‘elections’. The horoscopes
for predicting collective events, generically called ‘revolutions of the years
of the world’, include the annual ingresses of the Sun in Aries, which are the
revolutions proper, the conjunction of Saturn, Jupiter and/or Mars, called
‘conjunctions’, the lunations preceding these events, and occasionally other
phenomena, such as eclipses and comets.
The interpretation of a horoscope is called ‘judgement’; the term applies
both to the chart as a whole, and to any of its parts, such as a house, an aspect,
or a planet.
The ‘ascendant sign’ is the sign that was ascending at the Eastern horizon
at the time of the event represented in the chart, and the ‘ascendant degree’
is the precise degree ascending at that moment; the ‘midheaven’ is the degree

18 The importance of appropriate terminology for the study of astrological texts is discussed
in H. Darrel Rutkin, ‘Understanding the History of Astrology (and Magic) Accurately:
Methodological Reflections on Terminology and Anachronism’, Medieval and Renaissance
Astrology, Philosophical Readings, 7.1 (2015): 42–54. See also Josefina Rodriguez Arribas,
‘The Terminology of Historical Astrology According to Abraham Bar Ḥiyya and Abraham
Ibn Ezra’, Aleph, 11 (2011): 11–54.
19 The term horoscope originally signified only the degree of the zodiac that was rising at a
given moment, that is the ascendant, not the entire chart, as it does presently.
20 For these techniques, see for instance Abraham ibn Ezra on Nativities and Continuous
Horoscopy, S. Sela, ed. (Leiden, 2014): 41–45, 89–97 (henceforth Avenezra, Nativities);
Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, Frank Egleston Robbins, ed. and tr. (Cambridge MA, 1940): III.2,
229–235, and North, Horoscopes and History, 1–71.
21 These terms are explained in the section on interpretation of nativities.

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culminating at that moment. Each horoscope encompasses twelve houses,

counting from the ascendant in counter-clock direction (in the order of their
ascension); the beginning of each house is called ‘cusp’.
The Sun and the Moon are often referred to as ‘planets’ following the ety-
mological sense of the word, planetai, that is, wandering stars (as opposed
to the fixed stars, which maintain their position relative to each other). They
are also described as ‘the luminary of the day’ and ‘the luminary of the night’,
respectively; as a pair, they are called ‘the luminaries’. The words ‘benefic’ and
‘malefic’ describe the constructive or destructive qualities of certain planets:
Jupiter and Venus are generally considered to be benefic, while Saturn and
Mars are seen as malefic; Mercury is neutral, meaning that it can be either,
depending on the context, and the Luminaries, although mostly benefic, may
under certain circumstances become malefic. The term ‘significator’ describes
a planet that represents (signifies) a certain topic in a specific chart, due to its
position or rulership over certain houses; this ‘specific signification’ is com-
bined to the ‘natural signification’ of the planet in the interpretation of the
horoscope.
The planets in a given horoscope can be in direct or retrograde motion.
Retrograde is an apparent motion of the planet, which appears to move back-
wards, against the order of the signs; this is usually considered a weakening
condition.22
The planets can also be oriental or occidental, to the Sun. A planet is orien-
tal to the Sun when it rises before sunrise, being visible at dawn; it is occidental
to the Sun when it sets after sunset, being visible at dusk.23 They can also be
oriental or occidental in mundo, that is, placed in a Eastern or Western quad-
rant of the chart. A planet is oriental in mundo when it is visible at the east, or
occidental in mundo when visible at the west.24
The planets form ‘aspects’, that is, angular relations between each other.
These can be considered easy or difficult, depending on two factors: the angle

22 Due to the Earth’s movement and position in the solar system, occasionally the planets
appear to move backwards when observed from Earth; this causes the apparent retro-
grade movement. A planet about to change from direct to retrograde movement is said
to be in its first station; when it is changing from retrograde to direct, it is said to be in its
second station.
23 Orientality is more favourable to masculine planets, Saturn, Jupiter and Mars; occidental-
ity favours feminine planets, Venus and the Moon, and also neutral Mercury, because its
orb is inferior to the Sun.
24 These systems do not necessarily coincide. A planet can rise before the Sun, thus being
oriental to it, and can be in the western side of the horoscope, being therefore occidental
in mundo; the opposite can also happen. The interpretation of these conditions differs
according to the nature of each planet.

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formed and the natural compatibility between the ‘aspecting’ planets.25 The
aspects of sextile and trine, corresponding to angular relations of 60° and 120°,
respectively, are considered easy; the aspects of square and opposition, corre-
sponding to 90° and 180°, are considered difficult. The conjunction, of 0°, can
be either easy or difficult, depending on the compatibility between the planets
and the general context of the horoscope. The aspects do not need to be exact
to be taken into account; they all have a certain margin, called ‘orb’, which is
different for each planet.26
The Latin word dominus is used both as a nobility title and an astrological
term. In the latter case, it is translated as ‘lord’ or ‘ruler’ to designate the planet
that has power over certain parts of the chart, namely: the ascendant, the hor-
oscope of a whole, the year, the quarter of the year, an astrological house, the
day, the night, and the hour. Similarly, domina, sometimes used when the fem-
inine planets, Venus or the Moon, are the rulers, is translated as ‘lady’. Belle
occasionally uses the term dominus to designate the almutem, that is, the
planet that accumulates most dignities at a given point of the horoscope; in
these instances, the term used is almutem, to avoid confusion.27

3.2 Latin and French Texts: Transcription and Translation

The translations are as close to the original as possible, thus following the Latin
or French spelling of the time and including archaisms, ambiguities and occa-
sional mistakes. The lengthier passages presented as quotations and accom-
panied by the Latin or French original in a footnote; shorter sentences are
included in the main text, followed by the Latin original in parentheses.
In the Latin transcriptions all abbreviations were expanded, except when an
astrological symbol replaces the names of planets, signs, such as ☿ for Mercury,
♌︎ for Leo or Δ for trine. The punctuation was kept as it was in the Latin tran-
scription in the footnotes, but in the English translation quoted in the text
there are occasional additions of commas and full stops, for clarity.

25 There are other factors to take into account, such as the natural compatibility, or incom-
patibility, between the planets involved, and the general context of the horoscope.
26 The size of the orb depends on the planet: the Sun has an orb or 15° to each side; the
Moon 12°, Saturn and Jupiter 9°, Mars 8°, Venus and Mercury 7°. The sizes may vary
slightly, according to different sources.
27 The almutem, from the Arabic al-muʿtazz, meaning the victor or the winner, is usually the
planet that has rulership or exaltation at a given point, hence the occasional confusion
between the terms almutem and ruler. The astrologers could calculate the almutem for a
specific topic or for the entire horoscope (the almutem figure). See for instance Alcabitius,
Introduction, 59–61, 117, and Avenezra, Nativities, 101.

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3.3 Organization of Images

Each horoscope is accompanied by its title in Latin and in English, a table
explaining the symbols and, if needed, additional tables with calculations. In
the case of nativities, a short biographical note is included, mentioning the
native’s social position and possible connections to other charts in the collec-
tion. When the horoscopes are mentioned for the first time, they include a
complete reference designating their location in the workbooks; further refer-
ences are shortened or omitted for brevity.
As the collections of horoscopes in MS 1711 and in NAL 398 have several
charts in common, some steps were taken to avoid repetition. Thus, the section
on horoscopes in this book follows the sequence in MS 1711, which comprises
more details; each chart in the sequence includes the corresponding reference
on NAL 398. The horoscopes in NAL 398 that are not repeated in MS 1711 are
listed apart, at the end of the section.
The organization of the collections is different in each manuscript. In
MS 1711 the charts are depicted in a larger format, one per folio, some accom-
panied by calculations. In NAL 398 they are in a smaller format and assembled
in groups of four per folio. To differentiate one horoscope from the other in the
same folio, the labelling is organised from top to bottom and from left to right.
A horoscope placed at the top of the page and to the left is referred to as a1; that
at bottom left as a2, at top right as b1, and at the bottom right as b2 (see image
below). For instance, in folio 93r the horoscopes are referred to as f. 93ra1 (top
left), f. 93ra2 (bottom left), f. 93rb1 (top right), and f. 93rb2 (bottom right).
Most references to the text in NAL 398 include only the folio number but
not the shelf mark. Thus, all short references, such as ‘f. 32va’ or ‘ff. 94vb–95ra’,

a1 b1

a2 b2

figure 1
Designation for horoscopes in NAL 398

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correspond to texts in NAL 398; the extended form is used only when further
clarification is needed.

3.4 Encoded Names

In several nativities the names are written in a numeric code, which has been
mentioned by Emmanuel Poulle.28 The code is easily deciphered by replacing
the numbers, which only go up to five, by the respective vowels: 1 = A; 2 = E;
3 = I; 4 = O; 5 = U. Using this simple key, it becomes possible to read all the
encoded names:

table 4 Examples of the numeric code in Belle’s workbooks

NAL 398 f. 90ra2 NAL 398 f. 90rb2

Code d4m3n3 K1r4l3 1q53t1n32 K1r4l3 d5c3s b5r.

Transcription Domini Karoli Aquitanie Karoli Ducis Bur[gundiae]
Name Lord Charles of Aquitaine Charles Duke of Burgundy

3.5 Astrological Symbols

Some astrological symbols used by Belle are different from those used today,
yet remarkably similar to those in other astrological manuscripts of the same
period. Such is the case with the symbols for Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and the
Moon (represented as a waning Moon not as a crescent as later became stand-
ard), for the signs of Taurus, Scorpio, Sagittarius, and Capricorn and for the
sextile aspect. The symbols for the North and South Nodes are similar to those
in current use except that they are inverted, as it was usual in that period:

28 Poulle, Astronomie Planétaire, 76, relates the codes in NAL 389 and those in another man-
uscript of a medical nature written by J. de Borlees in 1463 and mentioned by J. Camus
in ‘Un manuscrit namurois du XV e siècle’, Revue des langues romanes, 38 (1895): 26–43.
There are similar notations in BnF, Lat. 7281, especially f. 96v, a fifteenth-century copy
with annotations by a certain Jo. B. See Boudet, Lire dans le Ciel, 179–180: calendar and
prologue to the almanac in Lat. 7281, ff. 141r–148v. See also José Chabas and Bernard
Goldstein, The Alfonsine Tables of Toledo (Dordrecht and Boston, 2003): 245, which men-
tions another section of this manuscript, ff. 141–148, as authored by a “otherwise unknown
‘Jo. B’”. About Jo. B, see Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, 178–182, and the calendar and prologue to
the almanac in BnF MS Lat. 7281, ff. 141r–148v, a fifteenth-century copy with annotations
by Jo. B, presumably the same person.

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table 5 Astrological symbols used by Belle

Belle’s symbol for the North Node is the one used today for the South Node,
and vice versa.29
The symbol for the syzygy, that is, the lunation preceding birth, is usually
accompanied by the reference gradus coniunctionis or gradus oppositionis: the
former is the degree of the conjunction, that is, the New Moon, when the Sun
and the Moon are conjunct, and the latter, of the opposition, that is, the Full
Moon, when they are in opposition.
Whenever possible, the astrological symbols are maintained in the tran-
scription to keep the spirit of the original text. When they appear for the first
time, or whenever a clarification is required, these symbols are accompanied
by the name in square brackets. (Note that the symbol for the sextile aspect in
Belle’s text is #, not the contemporary ⚹).

3.6 Calculations
The horoscopes where not recalculated using contemporary tables, but when-
ever clarification was needed, they were confirmed using a computer pro-
gramme. Any significant differences between Belle’s calculations and those
produced by the computer are mentioned in the text.30

29 The astrological charts are oriented towards South, and some geographic maps of this
period, especially those of Arabic influence, also faced South, hence the inversion of the
symbols.
30 For the importance of calculations, see Poulle, Astronomie planétaire, VII ‘Astrologie et
tables astronomiques’, n. 1, 801; VIII, ‘Horoscopes princiers’, 67–68; and IX ‘L’astronomie
et la datation des manuscrits du Moyen Âge’, 232. Préaud, Les astrologues, 145–146.

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Belle calculates the house cusps with the so-called Standard Method, also
known as Alcabitius System, the most commonly used by astrologers during
this period.31

3.7 The Five-Degree Rule

This rule states that when a planet is placed at less than five degrees from the
cusp of the next house it is judged as if it were in the next house; this applies
only to planets in the end of a house, not to those in the end of a sign.For
instance, if the third house of a given horoscope begins at fifteen degrees of
Sagittarius and there is a planet at twelve degrees of that sign, this planet,
although in the second house, is judged as if it were placed in the third because
it is less than five degrees away from the beginning, the cusp, of the third house.
Belle follows this rule in his judgements and in some charts he actually draws
the planet in the following house whilst indicating the correct degree for both
the house and the cusp.
For instance, if the third house of a given horoscope begins at fifteen degrees
of Sagittarius and there is a planet at twelve degrees of that sign, this planet,
although in the second house, is judged as if it were placed in the third because
it is less than five degrees away from the beginning, the cusp, of the third house.
Belle follows this rule in his judgements and in some charts he actually draws
the planet in the following house whilst indicating the correct degree for both
the house and the cusp.
These representations appear in several horoscopes, some of which may
have been copied from other manuscripts, suggesting that this was a relatively
common depiction in the medieval period.

Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, 122, n. 85. C.R. Cherey and M. Jones, ed., A Handbook of Dates:
for Students of British History (Cambridge, 2000): 1–17. Nothaft, Medieval Latin Christian
Texts on the Jewish Calendar (Leiden, 2014): 5, 39. Hugh Chisholm, ed., ‘Calendar s.v.
Ecclesiastical Calendar’, Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th ed. vol. IV (Cambridge, 1911):
992. Neugebauer, Astronomy and History. Selected Essays (New-York, 1983), Appendix C,
‘Astronomical and Calendrical Data in the Très Riches Heures. Note by Neugebauer’, 507–
520, and by the same author’s A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy (New York,
1975): 1063.
31 For medieval house systems see North, Horoscopes and History, 1–69; Hand, ‘Signs
as Houses (Places) in Ancient Astrology’, Culture and Cosmos, 11.1–2 (2007): 135–162;
Giuseppe Bezza, ‘Representation of the Skies and the Astrological Chart’, in B. Dooley,
ed., A Companion to Astrology in the Renaissance (Leiden, 2014): 59–86; Joseph Casulleras,
‘Methods for Determining the Houses of the Horoscopes in Medieval Arabic Astrology’,
Al-Qantara, 30, 1 (2009): 41–67; Edward S. Kennedy, Astronomy and Astrology in the
Medieval Islamic World (Aldershot, 1998).

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3.8 Fixed Stars

The zodiacal position of the fixed stars in Belle’s horoscopes is consistent with
late fifteenth century tables. In MS 1711, several horoscopes include fixed stars,
while in NAL 398 this happens in only one case, f. 90vb2.

3.9 The Lots32

Belle calculates most of the lots according to the formulas presented in
Alcabitius’s Introduction translated by John of Seville and adopted by most
medieval astrologers.33 Alternative formulas and occasional mistakes are sig-
nalled in the text.

3.10 Time Notation: Years, Days and Hours

Most horoscopes include a reference to the year, day, month, hour and minute
ante or post meridiem (before or after midday), the planetary rulers, and, in
some cases, the dominical letter and the golden number, usually in this order.34
Belle seems to favour the post-meridiem notation. Of the thirty-seven complete
charts in MS 1711, twenty-two have the post meridiem notation; the remaining
fifteen have alternative notations such as midnight (i.e. post mediam noctem)
or sunrise (i.e. hora ante diem). In the thirty-seven horoscopes in NAL 398, Belle
uses the post meridiem notation in eighteen, ante meridiem in only one, and no
specific notation in the remaining eighteen. In some cases he uses the notation
dies equalis or dies inequalis, referring respectively to the mean solar day and
the true solar day.

32 The lots (sometimes called parts) are abstract points generated by the distance in degrees
and minutes of arc between two planets, or between a planet and a house cusp. This dis-
tance is then projected from a third point, usually the ascendant, but sometimes a house
cusp or a planet. Most lots (although not all) have a formula for diurnal horoscopes and
an ‘inverse’ formula for nocturnal horoscopes. For instance, if the diurnal formula takes
the distance from planet A to planet B, following the order of the signs, and projects it
from the ascendant, the nocturnal version takes the distance from planet B to planet A,
again in the order of the signs, and projects it from the ascendant.
33 See Alcabitius, Introduction, V.1–20, 141–155, and Abumashar, Abbreviation, 41–49.
34 Dominical Letter: the letter attributed to the Sundays on each year. The A is always given
to the first day of the year, the letter B to the second, and so on for a week, until G, after
which the cycle repeats. As each year begins on a different day of the week, every year the
Sundays have a different letter. Golden Number: a notation system to determine the date
for the moveable feast of Easter each year. It refers to the nineteen-year cycle by which the
phases of the Moon recur on the same date (Metonic cycle). In the first year of the cycle
the New Moon occurs on 1 January and its Golden Number is one. The numbers follow in
order up to nineteen and in the twentieth year the cycle resumes with another New Moon
on 1 January.

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When copying examples from other authors Belle adopts their style, which
sometimes results in alternative time notations. For clarity, some horoscopes
include not only the date given by Belle, but also the date in present-day nota-
tion in parentheses.

3.11 Birthplace
Not all nativities mention the birthplace, although in the charts of recognized
figures it can be easily inferred. In the case of unidentified people the birth-
place can be deduced by calculating the horoscope for several plausible loca-
tions and comparing the house cusps in each case to those of the horoscope
in the manuscript. The corrected location should present a similar configura-
tion of the house cusps and, specifically, the same angular distance between
the ascendant and the midheaven. However, there are significant differences
between medieval tables and computer programs, making this calculation
somewhat imprecise; as these calculations cannot offer decisive confirmation,
the birthplaces deduced by this method are presented as possibilities.

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The Horoscopes

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Interrogations

The following study comprises a systematic analysis of all the charts in the
workbooks from the perspective of their astrological techniques. Each judge-
ment includes a facsimile of the chart, a description of its contents, an expla-
nation of the relevant comments and, in some cases, a comparison with other
versions of the same chart. The analysis is organized into five sections, each
corresponding to a different application of astrology; they all include explana-
tions of the astrological techniques applied, a comparison to source material
and to other examples of astrological practice of the same period.
This application of astrology provided direct answers to all sorts of ques-
tions. These could range from high politics, such as ‘Is it advantageous to forge
an alliance with the neighbouring king?’ to everyday life, as ‘Will I recover my
stolen horse?’

1 The Interrogations

Belle included two interrogations in NAL 398, one calculated for 18 May 1330
and the other for 2 October 1330, and for the coordinates of Paris. Both were
copied from John of Saxony’s Commentary on the Introduction of Astrology by
Alcabitius.1 In Belle’s manuscript they are inserted between his transcription
of the first and second chapters of the Commentary. The first judgement, that
of May 1330, is similar to that in the edition of the Commentary produced in
1521.2 The second is not included in this edition and is also missing in most
of the manuscripts consulted.3 The exception is Lat. 7322, a fifteenth-century
manuscript which includes the judgement for the two interrogations and
blank spaces at the end of each text, where the respective chart should have
been drawn.4

1 Both dates fall within the period when John of Saxony taught at the University of Paris (from
1327 to 1355). See Thomas F. Glick, Steven John Livesey and Faith Wallis, eds, Medieval Science,
Technology and Medicine: An Encyclopaedia (Abingdon-on-Thames, 2005): 292.
2 Alcabitius cum commento noviter impresso, 48. Mentioned by Boudet in Entre science et nigro-
mance, 293.
3 Such as Paris, BnF Lat. 7306, ff. 64v–87r, and Lat. 7324, ff. 59r–68v.
4 Lat. 7322; John of Saxony’s Commentary is on ff. 1ra-39vb; the blank spaces are on ff. 20v–21r.

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This section exemplifies Belle’s learning interests in the topic of interroga-

tions. As John of Saxony’s Commentary is one of the most important sources for
astrological learning in this period, it is important to understand the methodol-
ogy applied, since it became the standard for the judgement of interrogations.
The horoscopes have the title ‘Explanation of some questions by way of
examples for touching upon the judgements of the stars’.5 They are drawn on
the lower section of the page and some traces of ink below them suggest that
something had been written there but the words were cut out, possibly in the
binding process. Belle keeps the explanation in the first person, thus offering a
vivid description of this practice.

1.1 Interrogation ‘Is This Person Alive?’

NAL 398 f. 54va: 18 May 1330, 10:10 AM (LAT), Paris

5 Expositio quarundem questionum per modum exempli ad iudicia stellarum pertingenda,

NAL 398 f. 54va.

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House I – 20° Leo House VII – 20° Aquarius

House II – 18° Virgo House VIII – 18° Pisces

House III – 11° Libra House IX – 11° Aries

Jupiter 03°31′ Scorpio Mars 20°54′ Aries
House IV – 8° Scorpio House X – 8° Taurus
Venus 18° Taurus
Moon 03° Gemini
Sun 04° Gemini
House V – 13° Sagittarius House XI – 13° Gemini
Mercury 2°11′ Gemini
House VI – 16° Capricorn House XII – 16° Cancer
South Node 25°52′ Capricorn North Node 25°52′ Cancer
Saturn 18°37′ Leo
Pars Fortune Leo

The first question is about an absent person:

Somebody asked concerning a certain absent [person] whether he was

alive or dead. The ascendant of the question was 20° Leo.6

The judgement follows the traditional process of judging interrogations: iden-

tification of the significators (that is, the planets that signify the matter under
scrutiny in that specific chart), evaluation of their condition, and then the
answer itself. The first step determines which planets represent the person
about whom the question was asked, in other words, which planets are the
significators of the querent:

I looked into this question and I gave the ascendant and its lord and the
Moon to the absent person, since the question was made for him.7

This was the standard procedure for questions about absent people: even
though the absent is not the one who has asked the question, the ascendant is

6 Quidam quesivit de quodam absente utrum esset vivus vel mortuus. Et fuit ascendens ques-
tionis 20 gradus Leonis, NAL f. 54va.
7 Aspexi in hac questione et dedi ascendens et eius dominum et Lunam absenti quoniam
questio pro eo facta fuit, NAL f. 54va.

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attributed to him. Usually, the ascendant is given to the person who asks the
question, but here the question was asked by a concerned party on behalf of
the absent. As to the Moon, it is always taken as a co-significator of the situa-
tion under scrutiny. At first glance the chart seems to offer a positive answer:

I found the lord of the ascendant in the midheaven, and because of this it
seems, at first sight, that he was alive and prospering.8

The lord of the ascendant in this chart is the Sun, which is placed at 4° Gemini
in the tenth house. Being angular and in a masculine sign, the Sun is suffi-
ciently strong to signify life and prosperity for the person in question. But the
judgement does not stop at first impressions, it must consider all the relevant
factors. In this case the other factors are strong enough to modify the prelimi-
nary judgement:

But because I discovered Saturn in the ascendant, close to the angle, two
degrees below, I doubted about his life, especially because in that place it
has damaged the lot of fortune.9

Saturn is a malefic, and its placement in the ascendant – the most important
angle in the chart – is strong enough to counteract the good testimony sug-
gested by the lord of the ascendant. Furthermore, Saturn is also conjunct to
the lot of fortune, damaging it and thus depleting it of all its usual qualities of
wealth and good luck. The reference to Saturn ‘close to the angle two degrees
below it’, is an allusion to the five-degree rule, already explained. In this case
Saturn is placed at 18°37′ Leo, less than five degrees from the ascendant, which
is at 20° of the same sign; this rule determines that Saturn is sufficiently close
to the ascendant to affect it. The astrologer then seeks the ruler of the eighth
house, the house of death, to determine if it is harming any of the significators
of the person in question:

I discovered Venus stronger in the house of death, because of having

many testimonies.10

8 Et inveni dominum ascendentis in Medio Celi propter quod videtur prima facie quod
viveret et esset in prosperitate, NAL 398 f. 54va.
9 Sed quia inveni Saturnum in angulo ascendentis prope angulum infra duos gradus dubi­tavi
de vita illius specialiter quia ibidem infortunavit partem fortune, NAL 398 f. 54va.
10 Deinde aspexi ad dominum domus mortis et inveni Venerem fortiorem in domo mortis
propter plura testimonia, f. 54va.

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In this chart, the eighth house begins at 18° Pisces; the ruler of Pisces is
Jupiter – and yet it is Venus, not Jupiter, that is chosen as significator of death.
This is probably because Venus is the almutem at 18° Pisces. It has ‘many tes-
timonies’ because it rules Pisces both by exaltation and triplicity, thus it is
stronger than Jupiter, the sign’s ruler.11 Additionally, Venus closely aspects the
ascendant by a square, and Jupiter has no aspect to it. In this case Belle is tak-
ing the specific significance of the planet over its natural meaning of love and
beauty. If judged by this natural significance, Venus would be a beneficial fac-
tor, but in this configuration it acquires a negative meaning due to its rulership
over the house of death. This idea is reinforced by three other signs of death:

I looked at its place in the figure and how it was positioned in respect
to the ascendant and to the lord of the ascendant and to the Moon, and
I discovered it aspecting the ascendant by a square aspect, and Saturn
was there, separating from the same aspect, because of which I more
greatly doubted of life. Afterwards I looked at the Moon, and I discovered
it aspecting the ascendant by a square, and because it was opposite the
Sun’s rays, that was one sign of death. I also discovered the Moon sepa-
rated from Venus and moving towards conjunction with the lord of the
ascendant, transferring the nature of the ruler of the house of death to
the lord of the ascendant; this was the third sign of death.12

The Moon, acting as a carrier, transfers the light from Venus (the ruler of the
eighth house of death) to the Sun (the lord of the ascendant – the absent),
thus carrying death to the absent.13 Presented with these configurations, the
astrologer’s judgement is clearly negative:

And from these I have deduced that the man for whom the question has
been made was dead.14

11 The only part of Pisces where Jupiter is stronger than Venus is from 13° to 17° where it has
rulership, term and face. See Belle’s tables of planetary dignities and degrees below.
12 Et aspexi ad locum eius in figura et qualiter se haberet ad ascendens et ad dominum
ascendentis et ad Lunam, et inveni eam aspicientem ascendens aspectu 4° et Saturnum
ibidem exeuntem eodem aspectu propter quod magis dubitavi de vita. Deinde aspexi ad
Lunam et inveni eam aspicientem ascendens aspectu 4° et quia erat opposita subradiis
Solis hoc fuit unum signum mortis. Inveni etiam Lunam separatam a Venere et euntem
ad coniunctionem domini ascendentis transferendo naturam domini domus mortis ad
dominum ascendentis, hoc fuit tertium signum mortis, ff. 54va–54vb.
13 This configuration, called ‘transference of light’, occurs when a fast planet (usually the
Moon or Mercury) moves away from an aspect with one planet and towards an aspect
with another.
14 Et ex hiis collegi quod homo ille pro quo facta fuit questio erat mortuus, f. 54vb.

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This, however, is not the end of the judgement. When everything seemed
resolved, an unexpected revelation arises:

And because Saturn, placed in the ascendant, was the ruler of the sev-
enth house, significator of the wife of him for whom the question was
made, and Venus, significator of death, aspected it [the ascendant] by
a square, a bad aspect, it signified that perhaps a killer who committed
fornication with the wife of him for whom the question was made, etc.15

Thus, the aspect between Saturn and Venus raises suspicions of an illicit rela-
tionship between the absent man’s wife and his alleged killer. This deduction,
based solely on one aspect, seems somewhat imprudent, as adultery was a very
serious accusation.

1.2 Interrogation: ‘Will the Messenger Be Back? Will He Bring the Money?’
NAL 398 f. 54vb: 02 October 1330, 12:10 AM (LAT), Paris

15 Et quia Saturnus existens in ascendente fuit dominus 7e domus significator uxoris illius
pro quo facta fuerat questio, et Venus significatrix mortis aspexit eum 4° et maligno
aspectu significabat forte interfectorem qui considerat fornicationem cum uxore illius
pro quo facta fuit questio. Etc., f. 54vb.

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House I – 20° Sagittarius House VII – 20° Gemini

South Node 19° Capricorn Mars 17° Cancer
North Node 19° Cancer
House II – 27° Capricorn House VIII – 27° Cancer
Pars Fortune? 09° Aquarius Missing: Lot of Fortune in Leo
Saturn 04° Virgo
House III – 17° Pisces House IX – 17° Virgo
Sun 17° Libra
Mercury 17° Libra
House IV – 20° Aries House X – 20° Libra
Venus 07° Scorpio
House V – 10° Taurus House XI – 10° Scorpio
Jupiter 14° Scorpio
House VI – 30° Taurus House XII – 30° Scorpio
Moon 06° Gemini

The second interrogation is dated 2 October 1330, less than five months after
the first and, again, calculated for the latitude of Paris, suggesting that it is also
taken from John of Saxony in his Commentary, as mentioned before.
The judgement, written in the first person, is about the return of a messenger:

Someone else asked whether the messenger he had sent had returned
or not. And he added, on the presumption that he was coming back,
whether he was bringing the money for which he had been sent or not.
The ascendant of this question was 20° Sagittarius.16

There are two parts to this question: the return of the messenger and the deliv-
ery of the money. The judgement begins, as before, by the identification of the
significators:

And I looked at this question and gave the ascendant and its lord to the
querent, the fifth house and its ruler to the messenger, and I made the
Moon a participant with the significator of the messenger.17

16 Quidam alter quesivit utrum nuntius quem miserat esset redditus vel non. Et addidit sup-
posito quod esset in redditu utrum apportaret peccuniam pro qua fuit missus vel non.
Ascendens huius questionis fuit 20 Sagittarii’, NAL 398 f. 54vb.
17 Aspexi in hac questione et dedi ascendens et dominum eius querenti, quintam domum et
eius domini nuntio. Et feci Lunam participem cum significatore nuntii, NAL 398 f. 54vb.

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This time the ascendant is attributed to the querent, who asks the ques-
tion on his own behalf; the messenger is defined by the fifth house, that of
messengers.18 In this case, the ascendant is Sagittarius, its lord is Jupiter, and
the fifth house begins in the sign of Taurus, ruled by Venus. The Moon, in
Gemini, is taken as a co-significator, as is typical in interrogations.

I discovered Jupiter to be stronger in the ascendant – it was therefore the

significator of the querent – and Venus stronger in the fifth house – it
was therefore the significator of the messenger – and I made the Moon
participant with it because it had some dignity in the fifth house.19

The statement that Jupiter is ‘very strong in the ascendant’ refers to the planet’s
power over the ascendant not to its placement there. Jupiter is actually in the
eleventh house at 14° Scorpio, but it rules the ascending sign, Sagittarius, both
by domicile and triplicity; it is therefore ‘strong in the ascendant’. Likewise,
Venus is ‘strong in the fifth house’ because it rules over Taurus, the sign on
the fifth cusp, although it is placed in the tenth house in Scorpio. The Moon
is relevant in this chart because it is a natural co-significator in any interroga-
tion horoscope and also signifies movement and travel due to its fast motion.20
After determining which planets played a role in this question, he looked for
the relationships between them:

Afterwards I looked at how it [the Moon] and the significator of the mes-
senger applied to the significator of the querent [Jupiter]. I discovered
Venus, significator of the messenger, approaching the conjunction of
the lord of the ascendant [Jupiter], and there were between them seven
degrees and four minutes. This meant that the messenger was very near

18 All sources quoted by Belle agree on this. For instance, Haly Abenragel states that the
fifth house speaks ‘of gifts and pleasures and messengers’ (de los presentes e los gozos e los
mensageros), Haly Abenragel, El Libro Conplido Libro en los Iudizios de las Estrelas, Gerold
Hilty, ed. (Madrid, 1954): I, 40, 42.
19 inveni Jovem fortiorem in ascendente – fuit ergo significator querentis – et Venerem for-
tiorem in 5 domo – fuit ergo significatrix nuntii – et feci ei participem Lunam quia habuit
in 5 domo partem dignitatis, NAL 398 f. 54vb.
20 The Moon has dignity in the fifth house by exaltation and face because the cusp of the
fifth house is at 10° Taurus; the Moon is exalted in Taurus and has face between 10° and 20°
of Taurus. Thus, due to the accumulation of rulership and face, the Moon is co-almutem
with Venus at 10° Taurus.

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and because Venus was direct and increasing in motion, she signified a
quick approach.21

The return of the messenger is deduced from the movement of the significa-
tors: Venus, ruler of the fifth house and therefore significator of the messen-
ger, is moving toward an aspect of Jupiter, significator of the querent. Venus is
moving swiftly and so, therefore, is the messenger. In the matter of timing, the
Moon is not taken into account, because it does not aspect either of the signifi-
cators, Venus or Jupiter.22 The time of his arrival, counting from the moment
the question was asked of the astrologer, can also be deduced from the number
of degrees between the significators:

The conjunction of seven degrees and four minutes between the signifi-
cators of the messenger and the querent signified that the time of his
arrival would be seven hours from the time of the question, with a few
parts of the hour, and if he did not come back then, it would be in seven
days, with some hours.23

The distance between Venus (the messenger) and Jupiter (the querent) is
seven degrees and four minutes of arc and signifies the time that will elapse
until they meet. While this method allows the astrologer to determine a precise
number, it is less clear about the unit of time. In this case, seven degrees and
four minutes may signify either seven hours and some minutes or seven days
and some hours. Usually, two or three possibilities are presented to the querent
within the context of the question. Having given this answer, the judgement
then moves on to the second part of the question:

And because it was added in the question whether he was bringing back
the money for which he had been sent, I looked at whether the signifi-
cator of the messenger had any application to the ruler of the house of

21 Deinde aspexi qualiter applicavit hec et significator nuntii ad significatorem querentis.

Inveni Venerem significatricem nuntii euntem ad coniunctionem domini ascendentis et
fuerunt inter eos 7 gradus et 4 minuta. Significabat hoc quod nuntius esset bene prope et
quia Venus fuit directa et aucta motu significabat adventum velocem, NAL 398 f. 54vb.
22 In medieval astrology, only the conjunction and four aspects (sextile, square, trine and
opposition) were taken into account. See for instance Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I.13. 73–75 or
Albiruni, Instruction: 373–376.
23 Et 7 gradus et 4 minutorum existentia inter significatores nuntii et querentis significabant
quod tempus sui adventus ab hora questionis essent 7 hore cum aliquibus fractionibus et
si tunc non rediret essent 7 dies cum aliquibus horis, NAL 398 f. 54vb.

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wealth, and I discovered Venus, significator of the messenger, separating

from the sextile of Saturn, ruler of the house of wealth, signifying that
he had received the money from that one to whom he had been sent.24

Another significator is brought into consideration: Saturn, ruler of the sec-

ond house, that of substance, representing the querent’s money. Again, the
movement of the planets is the answer: Venus (the messenger) separates from
the sextile of Saturn, suggesting that the messenger had received the money.
However Venus is debilitated, being both debilitated in Scorpio (‘in opposition
to her house’) and too close to the Sun (‘exiting from under the rays’), thus sug-
gesting a negative outcome.25

But because Venus was unfortunate, that is, in opposition to her house
and exiting from under the rays of the Sun, this meant the loss of his
wealth or money.26

The judgement ends with a laconic comment ‘The messenger came’ (Nuntius
iste venit) but does not mention the money. As this is the very last line of the
folio, it seems that Belle abbreviated the text to fit the page, although traces
of ink below the charts indicate that something was written at the bottom of
the page and was cut off in the binding process. This might well be the missing
final lines of the judgement, because in Lat. 7322, which also includes the two
judgements (with no charts), there is a more complete conclusion:

24 Et quia additum fuit in questione utrum apportaret peccuniam pro qua missus erat ad
hoc aspexi utrum significator nuntii haberet aliquam applicationem ad dominum domus
substantie et inveni Venerem significatricem nuntii separantem a sextili aspectu Saturni
domini domus substantie significans hoc quod nuntius receperat peccuniam ab illo ad
quem missus erat, NAL 398 f. 54vb.
25 There are twenty degrees between Venus and the Sun, which hardly qualifies as ‘under the
rays’. It is one of the four possible positions of a planet in relation to the Sun. 1) Free from
then Sun’s rays: when a planet is more than sixteen degrees away from the Sun, it is said
to be dignified, strong, because it is not overwhelmed by the Sun’s brightness. 2) Under
the Sun’s rays: when less than sixteen degrees from the Sun, it is partially obscured by
its brightness, thus slightly weak. 3) Combust: less than eight degrees from the Sun, it
is ‘burned’ or overcome by its brightness, and thus strongly debilitated and unable to
express its nature. 4) Cazimi: when a planet is exactly conjunct the Sun (or within sev-
enteen minutes of arc of the exact aspect), it is said to be ‘in the heart of the Sun’, per-
fectly aligned with it; some authors consider it to be strongly dignified. See for instance
Albiruni, Instruction, 53, 64 for combust; 481, 295 for cazimi.
26 Sed quia Venus infortunata fuit scilicet in opposito domus sue et exeundo de subradiis
Solis significabat hoc amissionem substantie sive peccunie, NAL 398 f. 54vb.

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figure 2 NAL 398, folio 54v

Interrogation: ‘Is this person alive?’ Interrogation: ‘Will the messenger be back?’

The messenger came seven hours after the time when the question was
asked and had received the money and did not bring it [because] it
was seized while at sea by order of the king who was the enemy of the
querent.27

Taking into account the time and location of this chart, it may be assumed
that the king mentioned in the final part of the judgement could be Philip VI

27 Nuntius iste venit post 7 horas ab hora facte questionis et receperat et pecuniam et eam
non apportavit, arrestata [enim] erat in mari ex parte regis inimici querentis, Paris, BnF
Lat. 7322, ff. 20v–21r.

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(r. 1328–1350), who faced several rebellions in the first years of his reign, and
the querent could be one of the noblemen opposing him.

2 The Technique

These judgements reveal the standard method for the judgement of interroga-
tions, consisting of three main steps. The first is the identification of the signifi-
cators and their evaluation, which allows the astrologer to draw preliminary
assumptions, much like a baseline for a final answer. These are then expanded
in the second step, by adding other contributing factors, which either rein-
force or counter the first assumptions. The third and final step is the answer to
the question, which is deduced by considering all the aforementioned factors
according to the rules of astrology. Both judgements in this section explain
the whole process in detail, thereby emphasising the knowledge involved in
astrological judgements. This three-step process also applies to revolutions
and nativities since they are equally based upon questions, much as in inter-
rogations, but in these cases the question is implicit rather than explicit. For
instance, in a revolution an inherent question would be ‘will the crops be good
this year?’, while a nativity will naturally generate questions such as ‘what is
this native’s character?’ or ‘what is the most suitable vocation for this person?’
(this will be explained further on).
The presence of the second interrogation in Belle’s notes, and its omission
in the printed editions of the Commentary, published some decades later, illus-
trates the differences between manuscript and printed material: the former
generated divergent copies, while the latter crystallized the doctrine into a
single version, often abridged and simplified. This was caused by certain typo-
graphical limitations in the printing process and by the intention to reach a
wider, probably less educated, section of the public. It also generated a sig-
nificant difference between the astrologers who learned from manuscripts
and those who learned exclusively from printed books: the first had access
to much richer sources, often enlivened with additional commentaries, side
notes and examples, most of which were lost in the printed editions. These
factors combined may have contributed to the promotion of a simplified form
of astrology.28
28 As stated by Boudet in Entre science et nigromance, 325–333. For a discussion on the role of
printed books in the popularization of astrological texts and almanacs, see Justin Rivest,
‘Printing and Astrology in Early Modern France: Vernacular Almanac-Prognostications,
1497–1555,’ (Master’s thesis., Carleton, 2004), 86–88, 181–186. For context, see also Bernard
Capp, Astrology and the Popular Press. English Almanacs 1500–1800 (London, 1979):
180–214.

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Revolutions of the Years of the World

The term ‘revolutions of the year of the world’ refers to the study of the con-
ditions of a kingdom or territory for a given period, generally one year. It is so
called as it studies the yearly return of the Sun to its ‘starting position’ in the
spring equinox, that is, a complete revolution of the Sun through the twelve
signs of the zodiac. This study addresses the weather and its effects on the
crops and economy, and the consequences on the political, social, and cul-
tural fields. The prognostication of collective events required a considerable
number of techniques. Apart from the revolutions of the year, that is, the
ingress of the Sun in Aries in the spring equinox, it also included the Sun’s
ingresses in the signs corresponding to the other seasons (Cancer, Libra and
Capricorn), the lunations (New or Full Moon) preceding these ingresses, the
eclipses occurring in that period, the conjunctions of the superior planets,
Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn for that time, as well as the judgement of comets and
other non-periodic phenomena. As each nation and kingdom was associated
with a certain zodiacal sign or planet, analogies were established between the
celestial configurations occurring in certain signs and changes in politics and
society in the corresponding regions.
This section of NAL 398 includes two parts: the revolutions for the years
1293–1295, and the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1425. As in the previous sec-
tion, Belle chose to study examples from renowned authors, as they repre-
sented the standard source for this type of judgement in this period.

1 Ingresses and Lunations

The charts of the Sun’s entry into Aries are analysed to access the conditions of
a given country or region for a natural year, that is, from spring to spring.1 This
chart, called the Aries ingress (introitus), determines the quality of the year,
namely the weather, the economy, and the politics.2 Some astrologers prefer
to calculate the lunation, that is either the New Moon (coniunctio) or the Full

1 See for instance Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, II.1–3, 117–161.

2 For a study on this topic see Alexandre Tur, ‘Hora introitus solis in Arietem: Les prédic-
tions astrologiques annuelles latines dans l’Europe du XV e siècle (1405–1484)’ (PhD diss.,
Université d’Orléans, 2018).

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Moon (oppositio) that precedes the ingress, considering it a more effective pre-
dictive tool.
This section includes seven judgements; the corresponding charts were cop-
ied from William of Saint-Cloud’s Almanac Planetarum.3 The first, related to
the spring equinox of 1293, is presented in greater detail; the other six, corre-
sponding to the four seasons for the year 1294 and the spring and summer of
1295, are presented in a more concise form. The judgements in NAL 398 match-
ing these horoscopes may have been copied from another thirteenth-century
document, possibly by William.4
The horoscopes in Belle’s notebook encompass a period of two-and-a-half
years, from spring 1293 to autumn 1295, during the reigns of Philip IV of France
(1268–1314) and Edward I of England (1239–1307).5 They also encompass the
papal Interregnum (4 April 1292 to 5 July 1294) and the beginning of the papacy
of Boniface VIII (1230–1303), who had intense conflicts with Philip IV of France.

2 Lunations and Revolutions of the Year

These are the horoscopes of the lunations preceding the ingresses, not the
ingresses themselves. The table below summarizes the lunations in NAL 398.6

3 The Almanac includes instructions for the use of the tables, not chart judgements. Those can
be found in Paris BnF Lat. 16210 and Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Lat. 4572.
Other horoscopes cast by, or with the help of, William of Saint-Cloud, in Paris, BnF Lat. 15171
and Paris BnF Lat. 15179.
4 In my doctoral thesis I suggested Belle as the possible author of these judgements, having
written them as retrospective analyses of past events, to test his predictive techniques.
However, after discussing with David Juste and Jean-Patrice Boudet I came to realize that this
was highly unlikely. On the one hand, Belle had no way to confirm his ‘predictions’, especially
regarding meteorology, since the events had happened almost who centuries before; on the
other, he could have chosen other examples, closer in time, to exercise and confirm his pre-
dictive skills.
5 Regarding the role of astrology in politics, see for instance Vanden Broecke, ‘Astrology and
Politics’, in A Companion to Astrology, 193–232, and ‘Self-governance and the body politic in
annual prognostications’, in Charles Burnett and Dorian Greenbaum, eds, From Māshāʾallāh
to Kepler, 491–512; see also Azzolini, The Duke and the Stars; Ryan, A Kingdom of Stargazers.
6 In MS 1711 Belle includes the lunations before and after the ingresses and the ingresses them-
selves for the beginning of each season, as is discussed further on.

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table 6 Lunations preceding ingress in NAL 398

Folia Horoscope Date

f. 73ra–73vb New Moon before Aries ingress 09 March 1293

f. 73vb–74rb Full Moon after Aries ingress 12 March 1294
f. 74rb–74vb Full Moon (lunar eclipse) before Cancer ingress 09 June 1294
f. 74vb–75ra Full Moon before Libra ingress 06 September 1294
f. 75ra–75vb Full Moon (lunar eclipse) before Capricorn 03 December 1294
ingress
f. 75vb–76ra New Moon before Aries ingress 03 March 1295
f. 76ra–76va Full Moon (lunar eclipse) before Cancer ingress 30 May 1295

2.1 Lunation Preceding the Aries Ingress (Spring Equinox) 1293

NAL 398 f. 73ra

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House I – 10° Virgo House VII – 10° Pisces

Pars Fortune [no degrees] Sun 26° Pisces
Jupiter 24° retrograde Moon 26° Pisces
Mercury 03° Aries
House II – 10° Libra House VIII – 10° Aries

House III – 07° Scorpio House IX – 07° Taurus

Saturn 21° [should be at 05° Taurus]
Mars 15° Taurus
House IV – 06° Sagittarius House X – 06° Gemini
Lot of Wine [no degree]
House V – 05° Capricorn House XI – 05° Cancer
South Node 28° Capricorn Lot of Water 24° Cancer
North Node 28° Cancer
House VI – 06° Aquarius House XII – 06° Leo
Venus 10° Aquarius

This is a detailed judgement for the year 1293 beginning with the spring equi-
nox, the ‘natural’ beginning of the year and comprising the four seasons.7

Time of the true conjunction preceding the Sun’s ingress into Aries, year
of the Lord 1293, 9 days, 4 hours, 28 minutes of the month of March.8

It seems to be calculated for the latitude of Paris (48°51′ N, 02°21′ E) and the
judgement begins with the identification of the lord of the year, that is, the
strongest planet in the chart:

Having considered all the planets, I find Mercury to have more virtues
than the other planets because it is the lord of the house and of the exal-
tation degree. Therefore, it is the ruler of the year.9

7 A similar horoscope can be found in Paris, BnF, Lat. 16210 f. 2vg, a copy of William of
Saint-Cloud’s Almanac Planetarum. It includes references to the Cancer and Capricorn intro-
itus for 1293 (f. 6v and 11v) but does not include the respective horoscopes nor any of the
judgements.
8 Tempus vere coniunctionis precedentis introitum Solis in Arietem anno domini 1293, 9 dies
4 hore, 28 minuta, mensis Martis, f. 73ra.
9 Planetis omnibus consideratis invenio Mercurium plures habere virtutes quam alius planeta
quia est dominus domus et exaltationis. Ergo est dominus anni, f. 73ra.

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figure 3 NAL 398, folio 73r

Lunation preceding the Aries ingress (Spring equinox)
1293

Mercury rules the ascendant both by domicile and by exaltation and thus
accumulates more dignities than any other planet.

And because it is in the seventh exiting from under the rays [of the Sun],
strong, direct and in fast movement, I say that the year will be good and
there will be much cereal and it will be sold at moderate prices, because
it is in the seventh [house].10

10 Et quia est in septima exiens de subradiis fortis directus et velox cursu dico quod annus
erit bonus et erit copia bladi et vendetur mediocriter quia est in 7a, f. 73ra.

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The potentially negative condition of Mercury ‘under the rays’ is hardly

mentioned because the planet is seven degrees distant from the Sun and mov-
ing away it. This differs from the criterion used in the second interrogation
(f. 54vb), copied from John of Saxony’s Commentary, where Venus was twenty
degrees from the Sun but still considered ‘under the rays’. This difference may
derive from the different natures of the planets: Mercury has a changeable
nature being therefore adaptable, while Venus is a moist, nocturnal planet,
thus more damaged by its proximity to the Sun; also, it is exiled in Scorpio, thus
further weakening its condition.11 This also illustrates the differences between
authors.
As Mercury is considered strong, it is assumed that the year will be good and
that there will be plenty of food. The judgement mentions different types of
nourishment – cereal, meat, milk, fish, and vegetables – all of which require a
planetary significator; some of the correlations derive from the planet’s nature,
others from the house or the sign where it is placed. As cereals played a crucial
role in medieval nourishment they are addressed first. Mercury is chosen as
their significator for being the lord of the year and ruler of the ascendant, and
Jupiter is added for being conjunct to the ascendant.

Jupiter in the ascendant signifies the health of the people for the most
part or much cereal. But because it is retrograde in the domicile opposing
its own, peregrine in its place, it [the cereal] will not be expensive.12

Jupiter, the greater benefic, is angular, thus bringing health and abundance,
but these beneficial effects are diminished by several debilitating conditions:
retrogradation, exile (‘in the domicile opposing its own’, that is, in Virgo), and
peregrine, that is, with no essential dignities in that place.13 This leads to the
conclusion that, though abundant, the cereal is ‘corrupted’, that is, improper
for consumption.

Because Jupiter is retrograde, the substance of cereal will be corrupted.

You should also make the figures of the conjunction and of the opposition,

11 For these concepts see for instance Albiruni, Instruction: for combustion, 153; for domicile
and exile of the planets: 440, 442; for the nature of the planets, 381–382.
12 Jupiter in ascendente significat sanitatem populi ut plurimum vel multitudinem bladi.
Sed quia est retrogradus in opposito domus sue peregrinus in loco suo non erit carum,
f. 73ra.
13 See Belle’s Tables of planetary dignities and degrees below.

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whichever will agree, and you should say whether Jupiter or Mercury, or
both, are strong in these figures, and if the Moon is aspecting them.14

The passages ‘you should also make the figures’ and ‘you should say’ seem to be
a generic use of the second person, like those in rules and prescriptions. This
could be simply a common use, or it could suggest a teacher-student context.
The poor quality of the cereal urges the astrologer to analyse the subsequent
lunations in search of ameliorating factors, such as Jupiter and Mercury. After
the cereals, the judgement turns to another kind of food, meat:

Mars in the ninth shows meat of good market, as that of cows, sheep
and pigs. Saturn in the ninth signifies the same, when it is ruler of the
sixth and it is peregrine and these animals are sold better when Saturn
and Jupiter are oriental and strong in the figures of the conjunction and
opposition.15

Mars and Saturn are both taken as significators of meat in this horoscope,
though for different reasons. For Mars, the correlation derives from the plan-
et’s nature: a hot and dry planet signifying strife and blood, connected to the
colour red and, therefore, to meat.16 For Saturn, from the planet’s rulership
over the sixth house in this chart, which signifies, among other things, farm
animals.17 The judgement then proceeds to other topics relating to milk, wool,
fabrics, and medicines.

Venus in the sixth in its own term: the animals producing milk are good
and useful, and wool and fabrics, and medicines will not be expensive.18

Venus signifies milk and wool in this chart both because of its position and
its nature. It is in the sixth house of animals and is thus chosen as their

14 Quia Jupiter est retrogradus substantia bladi corrumpetur. Debes etiam facere figuras
coniunctionis et oppositionis utrum concordabunt et hoc tibi dicendum utrum Jupiter
aut Mercurius aut ambo sunt fortes in illis figuris et si Luna est in aspectu eorum, f. 73rb.
15 Mars in 9a ostendit carnes ad bonum forum scilicet bonum pecudum et porcorum. Idem
significat Saturnus in 9a quando est dominus 6 et est peregrinus et hec animalia melius
vendentur quando Saturnus et Jupiter erunt orientales et fortes in figuris coniunctionis
vel oppositionis, f. 73rb.
16 For the attributes of Mars see for instance Alcabitius, Introduction, II.13–17, 69–71.
17 Saturn is associated with husbandry, and specifically with cattle. See for instance Albiruni,
Instruction, 418, which associates Saturn with ‘oxen, goats, horses, sheep’.
18 Venus in 6 in terminis propriis animalia lac facientia erunt bona et utilia et lana et panni
et apothecaria non erunt cara, f. 73rb.

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significator. It is also a moderate and feminine planet, which further reinforces

its connection to these products, which are obtained from domestic animals
without killing them. As to the fabrics, possibly made of wool, the signification
derives again from the nature of Venus, the planet of beauty and pleasures.19
In the case of medicines, the connection comes again from both the planet’s
nature and its position: being a benefic, it signifies cures and health and being
in the sixth house of illnesses it suggests healing. In any of these cases, the
good condition of Venus indicates the good quality of these commodities.20
After addressing these issues, his judgement turns to another important source
of nourishment and trade, that of fish.

The Moon with the Sun in an aquatic sign means that the sea will be good
and fish will be sold at a moderate price. Similarly, it signifies an abun-
dance of rain whenever it is strong in the figures of the conjunction and
of the opposition and aspecting the ascendant and to Venus.21

As both luminaries are ‘in an aquatic sign’, Pisces, they are taken as significators
of the abundance of fish. Here, the attribution derives from the importance of
the luminaries in a horoscope: the presence of the Sun and the Moon in any
given sign enhances whatever that sign signifies. Additionally, the conjunction
of the luminaries in Pisces suggests the abundance of rain. The judgement
then returns to the lord of the year, Mercury, which is strong enough to guaran-
tee the quality of the cattle and the cereal:

But Mercury, lord of the year in the seventh, means good sheep and that
they are sold at a moderate price and the new cereal will be healthy.22

The judgement then returns to Venus to discuss its other significations:

Because Venus is in the sixth house and the [Dragon’s] Tail in the fifth,
there will not be in this year many celebrations or feasts in comparison
to other years. Yet, the servants and maids will be good, and the illnesses

19 For the attributes of Venus see Alcabitius, Introduction, II.25–30, 75–77.

20 Venus at 10° Aquarius is ‘in its own term’ in the Egyptian table of terms, the one more
often used in this period, as stated by Boudet in Le Recueil, II, 31. Belle’s tables of planetary
dignities and degrees below.
21 Luna cum Sole in signo aquatico significat quod mare erit bonum et Pisces vendentur
mediocriter. Similiter significat habundantiam pluviarum quotiens scilicet fuerit fortis in
figuris coniunctionum vel oppositionum et in aspectu ascendentis et Veneris, 73rb.
22 Mercurius vero dominus anni in 7a significat oves bonas et quod vendentur mediocriter.
Et bladum novum sanum erit, f. 73rb.

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will for the most part be from too much eating and drinking, and filling
of the stomach continuously and from abundancy of humours, because
Venus is in an aerial and fixed sign.23

The assembling of feasts, servants and illnesses in the same paragraph might
seem strange but is consistent with astrological rules. Venus, the natural sig-
nificator of pleasurable activities in the sixth house of illnesses, associates the
celebrations with their unpleasant consequences. This is further reinforced by
the presence of the Dragon’s Tail in the fifth house of pleasures, which has a
diminishing effect in these matters.24 In this case, the judgement was obtained
by the combination of significators of different types – a planet and a house –
which reinforce each other due to their concomitant significations: Venus, the
planet of pleasures placed in an unfavourable house, and the fifth house of
pleasures containing a restrictive factor (the Dragon’s Tail). As to servants and
infirmities, both subjects of the sixth house, they are in good condition in this
year because of the presence of Venus in that house; even if infirmities are pro-
longed by an excess of pleasant activities: ‘too much eating and drinking, and
filling of the stomach continuously’.

But the infirmities for the most part will be healed because Mars is in the
ninth [house] cadent and moves towards the opposition of Jupiter.25

The promise of a cure is deduced from the condition of Mars, but the refer-
ence to its opposition to Jupiter is probably a slip of the pen, since Mars moves
towards a trine not an opposition, of Jupiter, thus moderating its negative
effects. Still within the subjects pertaining to the ninth house the judgement
moves on to travel.

23 Quia Venus est in 6 et cauda in 5 non sunt in hoc anno multa festa nec convivia per
comparacionem ad alios annos. Tamen servi et ancille erunt boni et infirmitates erunt
ut plurimum longe ex nimia comestione et potu et repletione stomachi continue et ex
habundantia humorum quia Venus est in signo aereo firmo, f. 73rb.
24 The Lunar Nodes (Head and Tail of the Dragon) are abstract points generated by the inter-
section of the orbit of the Moon and the path of the Sun throughout the zodiac (the eclip-
tic). The point where the Moon crosses the ecliptic moving towards north is the North
Node or Head of the Dragon (Caput Draconis); a planet close to this point is said to be
reinforced. The opposite point, where the Moon crosses the ecliptic towards south is the
South Node or Tail of the Dragon (Cauda Draconis); it has a weakening effect on nearby
planets. When there is a lunation (whether New or Full Moon) close to these points, an
eclipse occurs.
25 Sed infirmitates ut plurimum erunt sanate quia Mars est in 9a cadens et vadit ad opposi-
tionem Jovis, f. 73rb.

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[If] Venus aspects Mars, and Mars is in the ninth and Saturn similarly, it
will be dangerous to travel by sea and by land, because the ships will be
broken up and looted, and the pirates will reign.26

The Latin term meaning ‘to be looted’, derobabuntur, can be found in Haly
Abenragel’s Libro Conplido in a similar context.27
The problems with travel derive from the natures of the malefics placed in
the ninth house: Saturn is related to shipwrecks and Mars to violence such as
piracy; the square aspect of Venus, ruler of the ninth, further aggravates this.28
Although Venus is in essence a beneficial planet, its aspects being therefore
positive, its position in the sixth house together with the difficult nature of the
square aspect gives it an adverse significance. In this case, the negative result is
taken not from any particular factor but from the whole configuration.

And similarly, soldiers and noblemen will travel because of Mars in the
ninth, and [Mars] itself is lord of the third and aspects the ascendant. And
there will be a discussion over the king of the Jews and over their faith.29

Mars, a natural significator of the military, rules the third house of short jour-
neys and it is placed in the ninth house of long journeys, thus reinforcing the
signification of travel that these houses have in common.30 The ‘discussion
about the king of the Jews’ may result from the presence of Saturn, the planet
traditionally related to the Jews, in the ninth house of religion.31 In the period

26 Venus Martem respicit et Mars est in 9a et Saturnus similiter periculosum erit ire per mare
et per terram quoniam naves frangentur et derobabuntur et predones regnabunt, 73rb.
27 Haly Abenragel, Preclarissimus in Judiciis Astrorum Albohazen Haly filius Abrenragel
Noviter Impressum et fideliter emendatum, etc. (Venice, 1503), I, 50v, 54. See also Charles
Burnett, ‘Cleaning up the Latin Language in Mid-Sixteenth-Century Basel: Antonius
Stuppa’s purgation of Albohazen’s De iudiciis astrorum’ in ‘Centri et periferie nella storia
del pensiero filosofico’, N. Bray et al., eds (Turnhout, 2020): 69–82.
28 For Saturn and shipwreck see for instance S. Sela, ed., Abraham ibn Ezra, The Book of the
World. A Parallel Hebrew-English Critical Edition of the Two Versions of the Text (Leiden,
2010): 81 (henceforth Avenezra, World): ‘Saturn portends diseases, baseless hatred, dis-
putes, the destruction of places, and the sinking of ships’. For Mars and piracy, see S. Sela,
Abraham ib Ezra on Interrogations and Medical Astrology (Leiden-New York-Cologne,
2011): 64: ‘Mars indicates pirates and highwaymen’.
29 Et similiter viabunt milites et nobiles propter Martem in 9a et ipse est dominus 3a et
aspicit ascendens. Et fiet sermo super regem iudeorum et super fidem eorum, f. 73rb.
30 For the meanings of the houses see Alcabitius, Introduction, 49–55.
31 For the association between Jews and Saturn see Abraham ibn Ezra, The Beginning of
Wisdom (Baltimore, 1939): 194; S. Sela, Abraham ibn Ezra and the Rise of Medieval Hebrew
Science (Leiden, 2013): 151–158; and S. Sela, Abraham ibn Ezra on Nativities (Leiden,

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encompassed by this judgement, the long-standing tension between Christians

and Jews was going through a temporary truce: King Philip IV had decreed that
the Jews were not to be imprisoned by order of the inquisitors if there were no
accusation against them.32 The said discussion may be related to these orders,
or to those who disagreed with them. The conflicts in the field of religion were
also felt within Christianity:

Similarly, Mars and Saturn in the ninth indicate impediment and dis-
cord in the Church for the most part, and the defection of an important
prelate.33

This is probably a reference to the papal interregnum that occurred after the
death of Pope Nicholas IV on 5 April 1292, as mentioned before. In the period
encompassed by this judgement, March to June 1293, almost a year had passed,
and the college of cardinals still had not agreed on the papal nominee.34 The
‘defection of an important prelate’ may refer to the loss of Cardinal Jean Cholet,
who died during this period.35 The judgement resumes the discussion of food
and drink and introduces the lots.

And because the lot of wine is in the tenth and Mercury its ruler in the
seventh, wine will abound, and they will be good because Venus aspects
the lot and its ruler. Similarly, beans, peas and chickpeas and barley [will
be sold] at a moderate price.36

2014): 32. Haly Abenragel states that Saturn is ‘under Jewish law’ (so ley iudiega), El Libro
Conplido, I, 4, 12. See also Graziella Federici Vescovini, ‘The Theological Debate’, in
A Companion to Astrology, 108–109 and Moshe Idel, Saturn’s Jews: On the Witches’ Sabbat
and Sabbateanism (London, 2011): 7–9.
32 This put an end to the active persecution that the Jews had been suffering since 1273,
when Pope Gregory X ordained that relapsed Jews were to be treated as heretics. But this
unstable peace was short-lived: in 1299 the king cancelled this injunction, and in 1306 he
ordered their expulsion.
33 Similiter Mars et Saturnus in 9a designant impedimentum et discordiam in ecclesia et
plurima et defeccio prelati principalis, f. 73rb.
34 The election dragged on for a total of two years and three months until, until 5 July 1294.
35 See François Duchesne, Histoire de tous les cardinaux François de naissance (Paris, 1660):
291–301.
36 Et quia pars vini est in 10 et Mercurius dominus eius in angulo 7e vinum habundabit et
erunt bona quoniam Venus aspicit partem et dominus eius. Similiter fave, pisa, cicerones
et ordium mediocriter, f. 73rb–f. 73va.

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The lot of wine is angular and therefore strong in this horoscope, as is its
ruler, Mercury, and points to abundance and good quality; this is further rein-
forced by the aspect of Venus to both the part itself and to its ruler. In this case,
the placement of Venus in the sixth house does not seem to impair its benefits.
The positive judgement also applies to grains which, because of their abun-
dance, only reach a moderate price at the market. After some comments about
food, the topic of the markets is resumed:

The Head [of the Dragon] in the eleventh signifies that trade will be good
but merchants will not make the profit they expected because Venus
lady of the second is in the sixth, and because of this, most profit will be
from animals.37

The eleventh house of hopes benefits from the Head of the Dragon placed
therein, but its beneficence is somewhat diminished by the weak position of
Venus in the sixth. Venus is included in this consideration because it is the
ruler of the second house of wealth, although it is not directly related to the
eleventh house, nor to the Tail of the Dragon. As the ruler of the second is
placed in the sixth, the profits come from animals, which pertain to the sixth
house. This shows how several parts of the horoscope can be brought together
to answer an implicit question – in this case ‘how will the finances be?’ The
recurrent allusions to Venus in various contexts illustrate how a planet can be
taken as significator of different things: some by the planet’s nature, others by
its placement, yet others by its rulership over certain houses. The judgement
then turns to the political sphere, namely the kingdom of France.

Mercury, lord of the ascendant and tenth being in the seventh and in a
mobile and fiery sign signifies that the lord of the region, that is France,
should go a long distance towards the borders of his kingdom, or that
another great person sent by him should go, and at least there will be dis-
cussion about this, since Mercury goes toward the aspect of Venus which
is the lady of the ninth. It seems also that he should be sick, since Venus
is in the sixth.38

37 Caput in 11 significat quod mercancia erunt bona tamen mercatores non tantum lucrabun-
tur [quantum] oppinabuntur quia Venus domina 2e est in 6 et propter hoc maius lucrum
erit animalibus, f. 73va.
38 Mercurius dominus ascendentis et 10 existens in 7 et in signo mobili et igneo significat
quod dominus regionais, hoc est Francie debeat ire longe versus extremitatem sui regni
vel alius magnus missus ab eo et saltem fiet sermo de hoc quoniam Mercurius vadit ad
aspectum Veneris que est domina 9e. Videtur etiam quod debeat esse infirmus cum Venus
sit in sexta, f. 73va.

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Mercury is the ruler of both the ascendant (Virgo) and the midheaven
(Gemini), thus representing respectively both the general condition of the
year and the condition of the king. As it is in sextile to Venus, the ruler of the
ninth house of journeys, it is concluded that the king (or someone in his name)
will make a journey ‘to the borders of his kingdom’. This long sentence brings
together several concepts: the placement of Mercury in Aries, a mobile and
fiery sign and associated with royalty suggesting movement of a noble or royal
person, and its position in the ninth house indicates a journey.39 Therefore, the
king or ‘another great person sent by him’ would travel or there would be some
‘discussion about this’. The latter is taken primarily from the natural mean-
ing of Mercury: messengers and messages. France was by then on the verge of
war with England, after the failure of peace negotiations. The sextile between
Mercury and Venus suggests both journeys and illnesses because Venus is
placed in the ninth house of journeys and rules the sixth house of illnesses.

It might be because of soldiers, and Saturn shows the same, [because it

is] ruler of the sixth, in aspect to the ascendant in a fixed sign, [it means]
that the infirmities will be long and caused by cold humours.40

The presence of the malefics in the ninth house suggests unpleasant effects
according to the distempered nature of each planet: hot Mars signifies war and
bloodshed, while cold Saturn brings illness caused by ‘cold humours’. The lat-
ter is more damaging in this case due to its rulership over the sixth house of
illness. The other aggravating factors, ‘in aspect to the ascendant in a fixed sign’,
apply to both planets.

Mars in a fixed sign signifies this, i.e., length of the infirmities, and
because they are occidental, their signification will occur after the third
quarter of the year, or close to it.41

This introduces two ways of timing an occurrence: fixity, related to long-

lasting events, and occidentality, linked to events that occur later within a
pre-calculated time frame.42

39 See for instance Albiruni, Instruction, 360, mentioning Leo and Sagittarius as signs of
‘kingly manners’.
40 Sit occasione militum et similiter ostendit Saturnus dominus sexte in aspectu ascenden-
tis in signo firmo quod infirmitates erunt longe et ex frigidis humoribus, f. 73va.
41 Et hoc significat Mars in signo firmo scilicet longitudinem infirmitatum et quia sunt occi-
dentales eorum significatio erit post tertiam quartam anni vel circiter, f. 73va.
42 The fixed mode suggests permanence and long-lasting events; moveable means swift-
ness and short-duration events; mutable or double means intermediate time or repeated

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You should know that this judgement falls properly over the land whose
latitude is forty-eight degrees and fifty minutes, especially over those
whose nativities are naturally prone to these accidents.43

These predictions are particularly significant for the latitude of Paris (48°51′ N)
for which the horoscope is calculated. The effects will be felt by all the inhab-
itants of the said latitude, but especially by those whose nativities hint at a
predisposition to these kinds of events. The judgement then turns to the tim-
ing of events and suggests the calculation of horoscopes for each season to
determine greater accuracy.

To know in which time these things will happen, make horoscopes of the
other quarters [of the year] and the horoscopes of the [respective] con-
junctions and oppositions, and see how the significators of those things
that I have said will be in the horoscopes.44

Some authors are not as thorough, taking into account only the spring ingress,
and ignoring the ingresses for the other three seasons (this is discussed further
on).45 The judgement ends with general considerations about the weather.

Mars in aspect to the ascendant and Venus signifies much thunder and
lightning, however they will not have any strength in the air because
[Mars] is in a cold and dry sign and the ascendant is similar. Accordingly,
there will be few scintillations nor assuhub [shooting stars] due to the
same cause.46

occurrences. An oriental planet means an event that happens earlier; within a given
timeframe, while an occidental planet means events that happen later. See Albiruni,
Instruction, 481, 295–296 or Bonatti, The Book of Astronomy, B. N. Dykes, tr. (Golden Valley,
2007): 207–209 (henceforth, Bonatti, Book of Astronomy).
43 Et scias quod istud iudicium cadit proprie supra terram cuius latitudo est 48 gradus 50
minuta generaliter et specialiter super illos quorum nativitates sunt ad hec accidentia
naturaliter disposite, f. 73va.
44 Et ad sciendum tempus in quo huiusmodi res evenient facies figuras aliarum quartarum
et figuras coniunctionis et oppositionis et videas quomodo significatores rerum que dixi
erunt in figuris., f. 73va.
45 See for instance B. Dykes, ed and tr., Works of Sahl and Māshāʾallāh (Golden Valley,
Minnesota, 2008): 328.
46 Mars in aspectu ascendentis et Venus significat tonitrua multa et coruscationes tamen
non valebit eis per aera quia est in signo frigido et sicco et ascendens similiter. Conformiter
pauce erunt sintilationes nec assuhub propter eadem causam, f. 73vb.

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Mars is associated with lightning and bad weather because of its hot and
dry nature, but its placement in an earthy (cold and dry) sign, Taurus, moder-
ates these unpleasant effects and reduces the occurrence of ‘scintillations’ and
assuhub (shooting stars), also associated with heat, since they were thought to
originate in the sphere of fire surrounding the Earth.47

2.2 Lunation Following the Aries Ingress (Spring Equinox) 1294

NAL 398 f. 73vb

47 See Abū Maʿshar, On Historical Astrology: The Book of Religions and Dynasties (On the
Great Conjunctions), Charles Burnett, Keiji Yamamoto, eds (Leiden, 2000): II, 296 and
n. 32 (henceforth Abumashar, Conjunctions); David Lindberg, Roger Bacon and the
Origins of Perspective in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1996): 201; Roger Bacon, Opus Majus, I,
Robert B. Burke, tr. (Philadelphia,1928): 520, and references to assub in Joëlle Ducos, ‘La
météorologie en français au Moyen-Âge (XIIIe–XIVe siècles)’, (Paris, 1998): 244; Le temps
qu’il fait au Moyen Âge: phénomènes atmosphériques dans la littérature, la pensée scienti-
fique et religieuse, Joëlle Ducos and Claude Thomasset, eds (Paris, 1998): 432.

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House I – Gemini 18° House VII – Sagittarius 18°

Lot of Cotton and Wool 04° Cancer
House II – 7° Cancer House VIII – 07° Capricorn
Lot of Water 24° Cancer Lot of Barley 14° Capricorn
Lot of Peas and Revolutions 24° Cancer Mars 19° Capricorn
House III – 27° Cancer House IX – 27° Capricorn

House IV – 16° Leo House X – 16° Aquarius

Lot of Fava Beans 16° Aquarius
House V – 27° Virgo House XI – 27° Pisces
Moon 01° Libra Sun 01° Aries Lot of Wheat 21° Aries
Jupiter Libra Lot of War 10° Aries Mercury 20° Aries
Lot of Vetch 10° Libra
House VI – 08° Scorpio House XII – 08° Taurus
Venus 07° Taurus Lot of Olives 27°
[5° rule] Taurus
Saturn 20° Taurus Lot of Wine 05°
Gemini

This judgement and the three that follow it, one for each season, offer an over-
view of the year 1294.48 The present horoscope is the lunation preceding the
Sun’s ingress into Aries; it sets the conditions for the entire year, while the
others offer more detail for each season. As the ascendant is in the double
sign of Gemini the rules state that it would be necessary to calculate only two
horoscopes: this and the one for the lunation preceding the ingress in Libra.
However, the astrologer decided to calculate all four horoscopes, possibly in
the hope of obtaining more detail. The title states:

The time of the true opposition of the Sun and the Moon [after] the Sun’s
ingress in Aries, 12 days of March, twenty-one hours, fourteen minutes, in
the year of the Lord 1294.49

48 The Head and Tail of the Dragon are missing; there is a similar horoscope in Paris, BnF,
Lat. 16210 f. 14v.
49 Tempus vere oppositionis Solis et Lune [ante? sic for ‘after’] introitum Solis in Arietem 12
die Marcii 21 hora 14 minuto anno domini 1294, f. 73vb.

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figure 4 NAL 398, folio 73v

Lunation following the Aries ingress (Spring equinox) 1294

Interestingly, this is not the lunation that preceded the ingress, but the one
that followed it and the reasons for this unusual choice are explained in detail:

Although the Sun in opposition [to the Moon] is in the beginning of

Aries, we should nevertheless accept this horoscope as the ascendant
of the year, and judge from the testimony of the year, because the Sun
had not completed one degree, for if it had moved one degree of Aries
or more, I would have made [the judgement] by this horoscope, and by
the one of the preceding conjunction, and I would have mixed the two

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horoscopes together, that is, of this figure and of the preceding conjunc-
tion, and I will do the same.50

This lunation was chosen because it occurred immediately after the ingress by
less than a day, whereas the previous lunation had occurred two weeks before
the ingress on 26 February. However, the previous lunation is not discarded
altogether, instead both horoscopes are taken into consideration, again sug-
gesting that the astrologer may occasionally adapt the rules to suit particular
situations.51 The judgement follows the usual sequence of topics: identification
of the lord of the year, followed by information about the weather, the health
of the people, the quality of food, beverages, and textiles. It also includes the
lot of war (pars guerre), thus hinting at the underlying concerns of the astrolo-
ger, which are revealed by the opening comments:

Because Mercury, lord of the ascendant, is in aspect to Mars and in the

eighth, it means that the people will be in great thought about wars and
combats and death, because Mercury is separated from Mars.52

Mercury as ruler of the ascendant signifies the people and it is the natural sig-
nificator of thought. It separates from Mars, the significator of war, suggesting
that war will be on the minds of the people, and also death because Mars is
placed in the eighth house of death. The year 1294 was marked by the begin-
ning of open hostilities between England and France.

Saturn, ruler of the tenth, in the twelfth signifies that the king or he who
arrogates the rule to himself will be hated by the people.53

50 Licet Sol in oppositione sit in principio Arietis tamen per illam figuram debet accipi
ascensus anni et a testimonio anni judicare quia Sol non ivit complete unum gradum.
Nam si ivisset unum gradum Arietis vel plus fecissem per hanc figuram et per figuram
coniunctionis precedentis et fecissem mixtionem duarum figurarum in simul scilicet
istius et coniunctionis precedentis, et similiter faciam, f. 73vb.
51 This is also the case of the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1425, discussed in the next
section.
52 Sed quia Mercurius dominus ascendentis est in aspectu Martis et in 8 significat quod pop-
ulus erit in magnis cogitationibus propter guerras et bellum et mortem quia Mercurius
separatus est a Marte, f. 74ra.
53 Saturnus dominus 10 in 12a significat quod rex vel ille qui se nominat de regno erit populo
odiosus, f. 74rb.

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The presence of Saturn (lord of the tenth house of kings) in the twelfth sug-
gests treason and hidden actions.54 The reference to ‘those who pretend to be
kings’ may be directed to Edward I who was both king of England and duke of
Aquitaine. For King Philip IV of France, it would be more convenient to ignore
the first title and acknowledge only the second, thus reducing Edward to the
status of a vassal. On the other hand, this may also be an allusion to the Count of
Flanders, Guy Dampierre (c. 1226–1305), who in 1294 unsuccessfully attempted
to arrange a marriage between his daughter, Phillipa, and King Edward’s son.
Whatever the case, the situation is averse to those who hold power.

2.3 Lunation Preceding the Cancer Ingress (Summer Solstice) 1294,

Lunar Eclipse
NAL 398 f. 74rb

54 See Alcabitius, Introduction, I.68, 55: ‘the twelfth is the place of enemies, misfortune, sad-
ness, grief, envy, slander, cunning, stratagem’.

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House I – 02° Libra House VII – 02° Aries

House II – 04° Scorpio House VIII – 04° Taurus

Lot of Clothes and Wool 07° Scorpio Lot of Revolution and Water 12° Taurus
House III – 05° Sagittarius House IX – 05° Gemini
Lot of War 05° Lot of Vetch 13° Sun 25°16′ Gemini Saturn 01° Cancer
Sagittarius Sagittarius Lot of Wheat [no
Jupiter [no degree] Moon 25°16′ degree]
Sagittarius
House IV – 02° Capricorn House X – 02° Cancer
Mercury 02° Cancer
Lot of Fava Beans 19° Cancer
House V – 01° Aquarius House XI – 01° Leo
Lot of Peas 15° Leo
Venus 17° Leo
House VI – 01° Pisces House XII – 01° Virgo
Lot of Oil 14° Pisces
Mars 19° Pisces

This judgement is valid solely for the summer and its effects are subordinate to
the conditions established by the previous ingress.

The time of the true opposition before the ingress of the Sun into Cancer,
on the ninth day of June, zero hours, thirty minutes post meridiem. And
there will be an eclipse of the Moon [occurring] under the Earth, in the
previous year 1294.55

Benefic Venus is the lady of this quarter of the year, and since it is in good con-
dition, the general prognosis is therefore optimistic:

Venus, lady of the ascendant is the lady of this quarter, because she aspects
the ascendant and is in the eleventh, in good aspect to the ascendant, and
Jupiter in aspect moves towards the direction [of Venus], and both are

55 Tempus vere oppositionis precedentis introitum Solis in Cancrum 9° die Junii 0 hora 30
minutis post meridiem et erit eclipsis Lune sub terram anno precedente 1294, f. 74rb.

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figure 5 NAL 398, folio 74r

Lunation preceding the Cancer ingress (summer solstice)
1294, lunar eclipse

free from aspects of malefics. This signifies that the people in this quarter
will be happy, in good peace, righteousness and healthy in their bodies.56

56 Venus domina ascendentis est domina istius quarte, quia aspicit ascendens et est in 11a
in bono aspectu ascendentis et Jupiter in aspectu venient ad directionem et sunt isti duo
extra aspectum infortunarum. Significat hoc quod populus in ista 4a erit jocundus in bona
pace rectitudine et sani in corporibus, f. 74va. In this case the comment refers to occi-
dentality in mundo (that is, in relation to the horizon, in a quadrant that is descending
towards the angle).

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The beneficial effects promised by Venus prevail even though this horo-
scope is of a lunar eclipse, which is often connected to negative predictions.
However, the eclipse occurred while the Moon was ‘under the Earth’, that is,
below the horizon, and therefore was not visible in the place where the chart
was calculated, so its negative effects are diminished, and the overall judge-
ment remains positive. The optimistic judgement focuses especially on reli-
gious topics:

Sun in the ninth [house] and the Moon in the third [house], in their
[respective] joys, occidental, attest that the Church will be in good state
and the Pope will be there – i.e. he will be agreeable, namely doing good
work and good ordination.57

The Sun placed in the ninth house of its joy brings its power to the subjects
of religion and, by extension, clergymen.58 After some comments about other
subjects, the author returns to the topic of the papal election:

Mercury, ruler of the ninth, is in strong the tenth. Because of this it seems
that there will be agreement for making a pope, neither will there be any
discord there, because Jupiter aspects the ninth and the tenth house.59

Mercury, ruler of the ninth house of religion, thus representing the clergy, is
placed in the tenth house of honours suggesting that the clergy will be suc-
cessful, specifically here in electing a pope. The tenth house is also the house
of authority, therefore a fitting significator for the papal throne. Celestinus V
was elected on 5 July, a choice that pleased the king of France and promised a
period of harmony:

57 Sol in 9 et Luna in 3a in suis gaudiis occidentalibus deiurant quod ecclesia erit in bono
statu at ibi erit papa scilicet concordabitur faciens scilicet quod si ipse fuerit faciet bonum
regimen et bonam ordinationem, f. 74vb.
58 A planet is in its joy when placed in a house that is particularly compatible with its nature.
Mercury has its joy in the first house, symbolizing the head; the Moon in the third house
of short trips, and communications; Venus in the fifth, of pleasures, art, children, and
enjoyment; Mars in the sixth, of illnesses and servitude; the Sun in the ninth, of faith,
religion, and foresight; Jupiter in the eleventh, of allies, friends and hopes; Saturn in the
twelfth, of tribulations, slavery, and prisons.
59 Mercurius dominus 9e est in 10 fortis. Propter hoc videtur quod concordatur ad facien-
dum papam nec ibi erit discordia quia Jupiter aspicit ad 9am et ad 10am, f. 74vb.

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Because Jupiter, which is the ruler of the lot of war aspects it by a sextile
aspect, it reveals peace.60

The peace achieved by this election would last only until winter and was
brought to an abrupt end with the resignation of Pope Celestine V in December.

2.4 Lunation Preceding the Libra Ingress (Autumn Equinox) 1294

NAL 398 f. 74vb

60 Et quia Jupiter qui est dominus partis guerre aspicit ipsam sexto aspectu ostendit pacem,
f. 74vb.

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House I – 20° Virgo House VII – 20° Pisces

Sun 21° Virgo [different symbol] Moon 21° Pisces Lot of Grain 12° Aries
Lot of War Libra [no degree] [26° Pisces] Mars 12° Aries
Lot of Oil 12° Aries
House II – 22° Libra House VIII – 22° Aries
Jupiter 30° Libra [in fact 0° Scorpio]
Lot of Peas 01° Scorpio
House III – 23° Scorpio House IX – 23° Taurus
Lot of Wine 21° Scorpio Saturn 05° Gemini
House IV – 21° Sagittarius House X – 21° Gemini
South Node 26° Sagittarius North Node 26° Gemini
House V – 18° Capricorn House XI – 18° Cancer
Lot of Revolution and Water 09° Lot of Fava Beans 21° Cancer
Capricorn [missing: Venus 11° Leo]
House VI – 18° Aquarius House XII – 18° Leo
Lot of Sweet Things 19° Leo
Mercury 01° Virgo [it should be
17° Virgo]

This is the horoscope for autumn 1294, the third quarter of the year, that is from
the autumn equinox to the winter solstice.

The time of the true opposition preceding the entry of the Sun in Libra
that was on the 9 September, 17 hours, 44 minutes.61

Mercury is again the lord of the quarter and the outlook is not positive:

And because Mercury is in the twelfth, debilitated but in its own domi-
cile and exaltation, so it signifies that the state of the cereal is moderate.
Thus, if it is in the ascendant, it signifies great scarcity [of food].62

61 Tempus vere oppositionis precedentis introitum Solis in Libram qui fuit 9 die
Septembri 17 hora 44 minuto, f. 74vb. The planetary positions correspond roughly to those
of 6 September, the actual date of the lunation; this is probably a copying mistake.
62 Et quia Mercurius est in 12a debilitatus sed in domo sua et exaltatione ideo significat
statum bladi mediocrem. Nam si est in ascendente significat magnam caristiam, f. 75ra.

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figure 6 NAL 398, folio 74v

Lunation preceding the Libra ingress (autumn equinox)
1294

But not everything in the horoscope is negative and some other planets can
ameliorate the difficulties promised by the weak Mercury:

The Sun in the ascendant shows the good state of the people, and there
will be health in the community of the people.63

63 Sol in ascendente ostendit bonum statum populi et erit sanitas in communitate populi,
f. 75ra.

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The presence of the Sun in the ascendant seems to be sufficient to compen-

sate for the problems signified by Mercury. All things considered, the author
concludes that despite the scarcity of food suggested by Mercury, the general
condition of the people is good. This is a good example of how a natural sig-
nificator may affect the condition of a principal significator, as with the ruler
of the ascendant. In this case the Sun’s position in the angle of the ascendant,
being a luminary and a natural significator of life, counteracts the weakness of
Mercury, ruler of the ascendant and the main significator for the conditions
of the year.

2.5 Lunation Preceding the Capricorn Ingress (Winter Solstice) 1294,

Lunar Eclipse
NAL 398 f. 75ra

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House I – 26° Aquarius House VII – 26° Leo

Lot of Oil 13° Virgo
House II – 04° Aries House VIII – 04° Libra
[Omitted: Mars 12° Aries]
Lot of Vetch and Fava Beans 17° Aries
House III – 12° Taurus House IX – 12° Scorpio
Saturn 03° Gemini retrograde Venus 10° Scorpio Lot of War 17° Scorpio
[5° rule]
Jupiter 01° [should Mercury [omitted:
be at 18°] Scorpio 29° Scorpio]
House IV – 16° Gemini House X – 16° Sagittarius
Lot of Wheat 16° Gemini Sun 20° Sagittarius
Moon 20° Gemini North Node 22° Sagittarius
South Node 22° Gemini
House V – 07° Cancer House XI – 07° Capricorn
Lot of Revolution and Water 01° Leo Lot of Sweet Things 15° Capricorn
Lot of Fava Beans
House VI – 01° Leo House XII – 01° Aquarius
Lot of Wool and Cotton 03° Aquarius

The judgement for the winter of 1294, from the winter solstice to the spring
equinox.

The horoscope of the true opposition preceding the entry of the Sun into
Capricorn, which was 3 December, 23 hours, 40 minutes, and there was
an eclipse of the Moon under the Earth.64

The ascendant is Aquarius, and the sign of Pisces is enclosed within the first
house. Thus, there are two lords of this quarter: Saturn, ruler of Aquarius, and
Jupiter, ruler of Pisces.65

64 Figura vere oppositionis precedentis introitum Solis in Capricornum que fuit 3 die
Decembris 23 hora 40 minuto et erit eclipsis Lune sub terram, f. 75ra.
65 The contemporary term for a sign totally contained in a house it is ‘intercepted’.

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figure 7 NAL 398, folio 75r

Lunation preceding the Capricorn ingress (winter
solstice) 1294, lunar eclipse

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Saturn is the lord of the ascendant, and Jupiter also, because their domi-
ciles are in the ascendant and they aspect the ascendant.66

The judgement then focuses on the lunar eclipse. Again, the eclipsed Moon
is below the horizon, but in this case the lack of visibility does not seem to
obstruct its effects:

The Moon eclipsed under the Earth in the sign of Gemini, with the Head
of the Dragon, means hindrances from wars, mortalities and hindrances
over all that lives, and hindrances in the lands of a great prelate from the
east or the north.67

The negative emphasis may derive from the angularity of the eclipse, which
occurs in the fourth and tenth houses (the previous eclipses fell in cadent
houses).68 The reference to east and north derives from the Moon’s position
in Gemini.69 This may relate to Philip IV’s attempted negotiations with the
Mongols and Byzantium, and the tension between France and Flanders, which
lead to his defeat at the Battle of the Golden Spurs in 1302.
Pope Celestine V resigned on 13 December 1294. Boniface VIII replaced him
on Christmas eve, and was consecrated on 23 January 1295 in the presence of
King Charles II of Naples and his son Charles Martel. The new pope displeased
Philip IV and the situation soon turned into a bitter feud between the king and
the pope.

66 Saturnus est dominus ascendentis et Jupiter similiter quia eorum domus sunt in ascend-
ente et respiciunt ascendens, f. 75rb.
67 Luna eclipsata sub terra in signo Geminorum cum capite draconis significat impedi-
menta bellorum mortalitates et impedimenta super omnia viventia et impedimenta in
terris alicuius prelati magni ex parte orientis vel septentrionalis, f. 75rb.
68 The angular houses, I, X, VII, and IV, corresponding to the ascendant, midheaven,
descendant and lower angle, respectively, were considered the most important of the
horoscope.
69 The directions are related to the cardinal (moveable) signs: Aries, Cancer, Libra and
Capricorn. Gemini, a sign of air, is related to the East, because Libra, the cardinal sign of
air, represents the occident; in the zodiac, Gemini is adjacent to Cancer, a cardinal sign
of the element water, related to the North. See Alcabitius, Introduction, I.16, 25–27, for the
elements, Albiruni, Instruction, 357, 215 for the correlation of the directions to the signs,
and Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, II.8, 129–133 for the planets, signs and elements.

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2.6 Lunation Preceding the Aries Ingress (Spring Equinox) 1295

NAL 398 f. 75va

House I – 23° Sagittarius House VII – 23° Gemini

Lot of Lentils and Vetch 09° Capricorn
House II – 01° Aquarius House VIII – 01° Leo
Venus 29° Aquarius Lot of Barley 03° Pisces
Lot of Wheat
30° Aquarius
House III – 10° Pisces House IX – 10° Virgo
Sun 19° Pisces Moon 19° Virgo Lot of War
Mercury 08° Aries Lot of Wine 19° Virgo 30° Virgo
House IV – 24° Aries House X – 24° Libra

House V – 13° Taurus House XI – 13° Scorpio

Mars 27° Taurus Jupiter 30° Scorpio
House VI – 04° Gemini House XII – 04° Sagittarius
Saturn 02° Gemini Lot of Oil 03° Gemini South Node 17° Sagittarius
Lot of Water 02° Gemini North Node 17° Gemini Lot of Peas

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figure 8 NAL 398, folio 75v

Lunation preceding the Aries ingress (spring equinox) 1295

The judgement for 1295 applies to the entire year and it begins with a detailed
title.

The horoscope of the true prevention [Full Moon] preceding the entry
of the Sun into Aries, year of the Lord 1295, day 1, hour 14, minute 12, the
month of March.70

70 Figura vere preventionis precedentis introitum Solis in Arietem anno domini 1295, die
1 hora 14 minuto 12 mensis Martii, f. 75va.

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Jupiter, lord of the ascendant is chosen as the lord of the year because of its
beneficial nature even though it does not aspect the ascendant, a condition
usually deemed necessary. Its strong position in the eleventh house, where it
has its joy, reinforces this choice.

As I have done in all my judgements, Jupiter is lord of the year. Although

in this position it does not aspect [the ascendant] neither by degrees nor
by house, I take it as lord of the year, and because it is the star of peace,
and friendship and justice, the community this year will be at peace.71

Here the author writes in the first person, possibly to add more weight to his
choice of Jupiter as lord of the year, despite its lack of aspects to the ascend-
ant. The expression ‘neither by degrees nor by house’ reveals the concomitant
use of two different systems of aspects: one considering the angular distance
between the planets and the other considering either their relationship by sign
or by house position (the latter is sometimes called aspect in mundo).
The desire of peace expressed in this passage turned out to be overly opti-
mistic, since the period covered by this judgement falls in the middle of the
dispute over territories between France and England, namely the region of
Gascony in the south-west of France. There were military campaigns in 1294–
98 and again in 1300–03.

The presence of Venus in the second house signifies that the king wants
to have some of the wealth of his people, and he will give it to the soldiers
and to the common people for arms, and this signifies the separation of
Venus from Mars, which [Mars] is the ruler [significator] of the king.72

Venus, the ruler of the tenth house, is placed in the second house of wealth,
suggesting that the king’s attention was centred on the wealth of the nation.
Venus separates from Mars, which in this horoscope rules the fourth house sig-
nifying the land, and the eleventh, which is the second derived from the tenth

71 Sicut feci in omnibus meis judiciis Jupiter est dominus anni licet ibi non aspiciat per gra-
dus neque per domos accipio ipsum pro domino anni et quia est stella pacis et amicitie
atque iustitie comunitas isto anno erit in pace, f. 75va.
72 Existentia Veneris in 2a significat quod rex vult habere de substantia populi et dabit arma-
tis et communi populo propter arma et hoc significat separationem Veneris a Marte, qui
est dominus regis, f. 75vb.

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of the king and, therefore, signifies that king’s wealth. Therefore, the author
concludes that the king will give away the property as a reward to the soldiers
and common people, both naturally signified by Mars. The king mentioned in
this passage is probably Philip IV. The judgement skilfully combines astrolog-
ical interpretation and political propaganda, while strictly following astrolog-
ical rules.
Relations with the Church were equally tense: in February 1296, still within
the twelve-month period encompassed by this judgement, Pope Boniface VIII
issued the bull Clericis Laicos forbidding the transference of church property,
further aggravating the tension between Church and Crown.

And because the Moon is in the ninth, movement and travel, which shall
be the arrival of the pope at the consistory, and this Mars signifies in the
fifth house, in opposition to the eleventh of which it is the ruler and in
opposition to Jupiter.73

This may refer to the relocation of the papacy from Naples to Rome, one of
the first measures taken by Boniface VIII in an attempt to escape the control of
the Neapolitan court. In this judgement the pope’s journey is deduced from the
combination of the Moon’s natural signification of movement to the meaning
of the ninth house of travel and religion. He then supports this conclusion by
the opposition, thus conflict, between Mars in the fifth house of embassies and
Jupiter in the eleventh house of allies. With this he reinforces the primary level
of signification (Moon in the ninth house) with an independent set of signifi-
cators (Mars–Jupiter), mutually reinforcing each other within the context of
the horoscope. This is an example of how an astrologer combines the specific
significators of a given subject (planets in houses, or ruling houses) with other
configurations (planets in angles, oppositions of relevant significators) of the
chart to ascertain possible outcomes.

73 Et quia Luna est in 9a motus et viagia qui erunt erunt [sic] ex incessu pape in consisto-
rium, et ita significat Mars in 5a in opposito 11a de qua est dominus et in opposito Jovis,
f. 76ra.

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2.7 Lunation Preceding the Cancer Ingress (Summer Solstice) 1295,

Lunar Eclipse
NAL 398 f. 76ra

House I – 14° Pisces House VII – 14° Virgo

Lot of Peas 16° Pisces Lot of War 28° Virgo
Lot of Grain 18° Pisces
House II – 20° Aries House VIII – 20° Libra
Lot of Fava Beans 21° Aries
House III – 24° Taurus House IX – 24° Scorpio
Sun 15° Gemini Jupiter 23° Scorpio retrograde [5° rule]
Venus 17° Gemini Moon 15° Sagittarius
Saturn 21° Gemini [should be 10°] South Node 22° Sagittarius [should be 12°]
House IV – 24° Gemini House X – 24° Sagittarius
Mercury 28° Gemini [should be
01° Cancer]
House V – 19° Cancer House XI – 19° Capricorn
Mars 28° Cancer [should be 21°] Lot of Lentils and Vetch 24° Capricorn
House VI – 16° Leo House XII – 16° Aquarius
Lot of Oil 07° Virgo Lot of Wool and Cotton 19° Aquarius

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figure 9 NAL 398, folio 76r

Lunation preceding the Cancer ingress (summer
solstice) 1295, lunar eclipse

The judgement for the summer of 1295, applicable until the autumn equinox.

The horoscope of the lunar eclipse in the year of the Lord 1295 before the
entry of the Sun into Cancer, which will be on the 29th days of May,
in the following night, and it began after midnight, by one hour and
eighteen minutes.74

74 Figura eclipsis Lune in anno domini 1295 precedens introitum Solis in Cancrum qui erit
per 29 diem Maii, nocte sequente et incipiet [post] mediam noctem per unam horam, 18
minutis, f. 76ra.

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It is not clear why this horoscope, a Full Moon at 15° Gemini still very dis-
tant from the Cancer ingress, was chosen instead of the following New Moon,
at 29° Gemini, which occurred only one day before the ingress. In f. 28v of
Lat. 16210, corresponding to the table for May 1295, there is a comment that
may explain this choice:

at 12 hours and 39 minutes in the afternoon of the 29th day of this month
[of May] there was a total eclipse of the Moon.75

The date corresponds to 30 May at thirty-nine minutes after midnight, which is

very close to the chart in Belle’s manuscript.76 This and other similarities between
Belle’s horoscope and the tables confirms that he had consulted William of
Saint-Cloud’s almanac, possibly the copy in Lat. 16210. It is possible that Belle
preferred this lunation despite its considerable distance from the Cancer ingress
simply for being an eclipse. The New Moon at 14 June (at 29° Gemini) would
have been the logical choice because it was much closer to the Cancer ingress.77
As eclipses are often associated with negative events the overall judgement of
this horoscope is not good. There are fears of the death of a king or ruler.

In this year an important man will die, a man of our faith, and the imped-
iment of death or of a serious illness will fall upon an important man, like
the pope or a king or such a man, because the kingdom will be harmed
due to Saturn in the third and Jupiter in the ninth.78

This negative prognosis derivers from the combination of two factors: the
eclipse, always a sign of disturbances, and the opposition of the two slower
planets, Jupiter and Saturn. Jupiter, although a benefic, is weak because it
is peregrine and retrograde, and is afflicted by the opposition of Saturn; as
Jupiter rules the two main angles of the horoscope – the ascendant and the

75 12 horis et 39 minutis post meridiem, 29e diei huius mensis erit eclysis lune totalis, Paris,
BnF Lat. 16210, f. 28v.
76 The time mentioned in the title, midnight and eighteen minutes, is for the beginning of
the eclipse, but the horoscope is calculated for its culmination, around thirty-five or forty
minutes after midnight. There are similarities between the tables on Lat. 16210 and Belle’s
horoscope that confirm that the latter has consulted this almanac: for instance, there are
considerable deviations in the planetary positions, namely Mercury at 28° Gemini when
it should be at 1°12 Cancer, and Mars is at 28° Cancer, when it should be at 21° Cancer.
77 Lat. 16210, f. 29v.
78 In hoc anno morietur vir magnus vir nostre legis vel cadet impedimentum mortis vel
gravis infirmitatis supra magnum hominem sicut papa rex vel talis qua propter regnum
erit impeditum pro Saturno in 3a et Jove in 9a. Et proper hoc veniet aliquod novum, et
impedimentum populo et fidei et regimini et regno, f. 76rb.

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tenth house – its weak condition suggests death, or at least the grave illness of
‘an important man’, either a king or the pope. It is not clear to whom the author
is referring. This could be related to the death of Charles Martel of Anjou, one
of the supporters of Boniface VIII; he died on 12 August 1295, within the period
encompassed by this judgement. In any case, the consequences of this death
are deemed to be harmful:

Because of this there will come something new, and an impediment to

the people, to the faith, and to the rulership and to the kingdom.79

These dire consequences may be extended to all living things because of the
power of the eclipse. The judgement also includes the timing of the effects:

The impediment will fall upon the men by waters and deaths and
illnesses, and over all things which have life. And it will last for three
months because the eclipse will last for three hours. And it will begin six
or seven weeks after the end of May and then it will be noticed.80

As this lunar eclipse lasted for three hours its effects extend for three months.81
And as the Moon was eclipsed in the ninth house (between the midheaven and
the descendant in the second part of the day), the stronger effects should be
expected right after the second half of this period. The reference to ‘six to seven
weeks’, that is, the second half of the total period of three months, locates the
stronger effects at the end of July 1295. This is the only eclipse judgement that
specifies timing perhaps because it is the only one visible at Paris, the place
where the horoscope was calculated.

3 Judging the World

Belle copied the judgement of thirteenth-century horoscopes instead of using

his own almanac, which span from 1468 to 1480, well within his lifetime. As

79 Et propter hoc veniet aliquod novum et impedimentum populo et fidei et regimini et

regno, f. 76rb.
80 Et cadet impedimentum super homines per aquas et mortalitates et per infirmitates et
super omnia que vitam habent. Et durabit illud per 3 menses quia eclipsis durabit per 3
horas. Et incipiet per 6 septimanas vel septem post finem maii et tunc percipietur, f. 76va.
81 In the case of solar eclipses, each hour of obscuration represents one year of its effects,
while in lunar eclipses each hour is equivalent to one month during which the effects will
take place. As the eclipses seldom last for exact hours, adjustments are often required; in
the case of solar eclipses, the adjustment is in months, for lunar eclipses it is in weeks.

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seen before, an important part of his learning process is the study of previous
authors, in order to understand the practical aspects of judgement.82

3.1 Ingresses and Conjunctions versus Lunations

Throughout the late medieval period there was a debate about which horo-
scope would be the best to judge for the revolution of the years of the world.
Some astrologers preferred to judge the event itself (whether the Sun’s entry
into a sign, usually Aries, or the conjunction of the superior planets), while
others preferred the lunation that preceded the event, that is, the New or Full
Moon that occurred immediately before it. The validity of each of these meth-
ods was intensely debated by uncompromising advocates on both sides. For
instance, in his judgement for the year 1476, Conrad Heingarter made his posi-
tion very clear:

Many among the astrologers base their principles on the ingress of the
Sun into Aries, or into another sign, which is found to be absurd and
devoid of reason, and against the doctrine of Ptolemy. Others [base
them] on the conjunctions and oppositions of the luminaries preceding
the entry of the Sun into Aries, or another sign and rightly so. Others
on the conjunctions and oppositions and squares of the superior planets
and these are divided into two [groups]. For one part of them makes their
foundation on these conjunctions, oppositions and squares at the very
time which they obtain the calculations from the tables; and to these,
Abraham ibn Ezra replies that they are braggarts, with no experience of
the science. The other part relies on the conjunctions and oppositions
of the luminaries before that time. And of this opinion is Ptolemy and
his followers, and his path is correct, and not erroneous. For his rules are

82 There are other earlier sources that students could use for practical learning. See instance
the works of English astrologer William Merle (d. c.1347), who addressed astrometeorology
in a treatise and in a weather diary concerning the years 1337 to 1344. Respectively: De prog-
nosticatione aeris (Oxford, 1340); Oxford, Digby MS. 147, ff. 125–37; Temperies aeris Oxoniæ
pro septennio scilicet a Januario mcccxxxvii ad Januar. mcccxliv in Oxford, Digby MS 176,
ff. 4–8. More systematic developments of this kind of study were later proposed by Francis
Bacon (1561–1626), who suggested that practitioners of astrology should ‘draw from real
history all greater accidents, such as inundations, plagues, wars, seditions, deaths of kings’
to generate ‘a probable rule of prediction’, Francis Bacon, The Advancement of Learning,
Joseph Devey, ed. (New York, 1901): III.4. A practical attempt at systematization of astro-
meteorology, is proposed by John Goad (1616–1689); see John Goad, Astro-Meteorologia:
or Aphorisms and Discourses of the Bodies Cœlestial, their Natures and Influences (London,
1686); see also Dooley, ‘Astrology and Science’, in A Companion to Astrology, 240 and
Rutkin, ‘Various Uses of Horoscopes. Astrological Practices in Early Modern Europe’, in
Horoscopes and Public Spheres, 167–182.

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based on reason and experience, and he who follows them does not fall
into error.83

Regarding the ingresses, he divides the astrologers in two groups: those who
base their judgements on the moment of the ingress and those who prefer the
preceding lunation. He makes a similar distinction regarding the conjunctions,
squares or oppositions of the superior planets (Saturn, Jupiter and Mars): some
astrologers prefer the moment of the event, other the preceding lunation. In
both cases, his approves only those who choose the lunations, since they are
following “the doctrine of Ptolemy”, which is based on “reason and experience”.
Conrad supports his argument by quoting Haly ibn Ridwan, who presents four
reasons for this choice:
– the combination of the Sun with the Moon (that is, the lunation) is more
powerful than the combination of the Sun with any point in the horoscope;
– the circumference (of the zodiac) does not have a starting point (therefore,
the point chosen for the beginning of the year is arbitrary);
– it is impossible to know the exact moment of the entry of the Sun into the
beginning of Aries due to the discrepancy of the tables (while the lunations
can be calculated with precision);
– the signs are mere dwellings, while the stars hold the ‘operating power’;
thus, the beginning of Aries (or of other sign), cannot influence the
whole year.84
These reasons combine two main types of arguments: symbolic, as stated in
points one and four, and astronomical, stated in points two and three. The for-
mer argues that some astrological factors convey more power than others; spe-
cifically, the lunation his stronger than the ingress and the planets more than

83 Multi ex astrologis super introitum solis in Arietem sua principia fundant vel aliud celi
signum, quod absurdum sine ratione, et contra Ptholomei doctrinam reperitur. Alii super
coniunctionem et preventionem luminarium precedentem introitum solis in Arietem,
vel aliud signum et probe. Alii super conjunctiones et oppositiones atque quadraturas
superiorum planetarum et illi bipartiti sunt. Nam una pars eorum fundat se super ipsas
coniunctiones, oppositiones, seu quadraturas in tempore ipso quod per tabulas extra-
hunt, et illis respondet Abraham Filius Noesre quod sunt iactatores sciencie expertes.
Pars altera se fundat super luminarium coniunctiones et oppositiones ante hec tempora.
Et de hac oppinione est Ptholomeus et sui sequaces et sua via est vera non erronea. Nam
regule eius ratione et experientia fulcite quas qui sequitur in errorem non cadet. Paris,
BnF Lat. 7450, f. 5r. See also Préaud, Les astrologues, 142–143, and Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos,
II.10, 195–201.
84 Summarized from Lat. 7432, f. 58v. Complete translation in Bezza, ‘Saturn-Jupiter conjunc-
tions: Ptolemy, Abū Maʿšar and their Commentators’ in C. Burnett and D. G. Greenbaum,
eds, From Masha‌ʾallah to Kepler: Theory and Practice in Medieval and Renaissance
Astrology (Ceredigion, 2015): 5–48 (39–40).

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the signs. The latter raises the argument of precision, stating that lunations can
be calculated with more accuracy than ingresses.
Regardless of these arguments, not all astrologers adopted Conrad’s prefer-
ences; some preferred to judge the ingress. Simon de Phares, who was Conrad’s
pupil from 1469 to 1471, was one of those cases.85 On the other hand, Belle (pos-
sibly also Conrad’s pupil), seems to prefer the lunations before the ingresses in
his judgement the ingresses in 1293–1295. However, this may be only because
he was following the choice of the original author, William of Saint-Cloud.
When writing his own almanac Belle calculates both the ingress and the New
and Full Moon for each month.86
The astrological rules are the same for ingresses and lunations. Both follow
the typical sequence explained in the section on interrogations and valid for
all applications of astrology: identification of significators, assessment of their
condition, inclusion of additional factors, and conclusion. As with interroga-
tions, these judgements are organized around implicit questions, such as ‘how
will this year be?’, ‘will there be plenty of food?’ or ‘will there be a rise in the
price of bread?’

3.2 Aspects by Degree and by House

The judgements include two types of aspect: ‘by degree’, which takes into
account only the aspects that fall within the spheres of influence, or orbs, of
the planets, and ‘by house’ (in the context, the term house means sign), which
includes all aspects, regardless of their orb (sphere of influence), if placed in
signs that aspect each other.87 In this section Belle seems to have taken into
account mainly the aspects by degree, perhaps because they are more precise,
but in some cases he also included the wider aspects by sign, incorporating in
his judgement as many aspects as possible. Again, he may have been simply
copying the original text.

3.3 The Lots

The lots have a crucial role in the judgements of revolutions. They comple-
ment the judgement acting as extra significators whenever necessary and, in
some cases, they are as prominent as the planets. For example, in the judge-
ment on foods where a variety of vegetables and grains are mentioned, the lots

85 See Préaud, Les astrologues, 142–143. Also Abumashar, Conjunctions, I, 19, and Tur, ‘Hora
introitus solis in Arietem’, 33–36.
86 This is discussed in corresponding section of the almanac.
87 The planetary aspects allow a certain margin before and after exactitude, referred to as the
orb of the planet. This orb, which extends for both sides of the planet, varies according to
the power (the light) of each planet. The sizes of the orbs are, with minor variants, 15° for the
Sun, 12° for the Moon, 9° for Saturn and Jupiter, 8° for Mars, and 7° for Venus and Mercury.

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differentiate each food group, providing a more detailed account. Their presence
in a horoscope reveals the prevailing concerns for the corresponding period. The
lots mentioned in each chart in NAL 398 (following the order of the houses) are:
– Spring 1293 (f. 73r): lot of fortune (pars fortune), lot of wine (vini), lot of
water (aque);
– Spring 1294 (f. 73v): lot of cotton and wool (pars bombati et lane), peas and
revolution (pisorum et revolutionis), vetch (orobi), barley (ordei), fava beans
( fabarum), war (guerre), wheat (tritici), olives (olivarum), vini (wine);
– Summer 1294 (f. 74r): lot of cloths and wool (pars pannorum et lane), war,
vetch, oil (Olei), revolutions and water (revolutionum et aque), wheat, fava
beans, peas;
– Autumn 1294 (f. 74v): lot of war, peas, wine, revolution and water, oil, grain
(bladi), fava beans, sweet things (rerum dulcium);
– Winter 1294 (f. 75r): lot of vetch and fava beans, wheat, revolutions and
water, oil, war, sweet things, wool and cotton;
– Spring 1295 (f. 75v): lot of lentils and vetch (pars lentis et orobi), wheat, bar-
ley, water, oil, wine, war and peas;
– Summer 1295 (f. 76r): lot of peas, grain, fava beans, oil, war, lentils and vetch,
barley, wool and cotton.
The predominance of lots related to food clearly reveals the concern surround-
ing this topic; furthermore, the judgements about nourishment always appear
in the beginning of the text, even before the political considerations, hinting
at its importance. The first foods mentioned are typically cereals and beans;
they are usually followed by references to meat, milk, fish, oil, ‘sweet things’,
and wine, not necessarily in this order. There are no direct references to fruits,
except for olives, which were mainly used for lamp oil, not for food. Also under
this topic are the lots of medicines, of cotton, and of wool. The judgements
address not only the quality and quantity of different kinds of food, but also
the variations in their prices, as explained by Alcabitius’s Introduction, com-
mentated by John of Saxony:

Likewise, there are other lots, which are employed at [the time of] the
revolution of the years of the world by which what will become expen-
sive in price and will become cheap are known.88

The foods signified by stronger planets or lots are expected to achieve high
prices in the market. This judgement illustrates the perspective of the

88 Alcabitius, Introduction, V.19, 153; Latin version in 361: Item sunt hic alie partes quibus
utimur in revolutione annorum mundi, sciturque per eas quid gravetur de rebus in foro
vel quid erit leve in pretio, quidque pretiosum vel vile, multum seu parvum.

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merchant: strong planets signify rare and therefore expensive commodities.89

For the buyer, strong planets were undesirable in this context because they
signify higher prices.
It is difficult to discern precise patterns in the choice of the lots. There is
no apparent correlation between them and the correspondent season. For
instance, the lot of wine would be expected to appear mainly in the autumn
ingresses, since it was produced and sold during that season, and the lot of
wool would appear mainly in the winter charts, since wool would be in greater
demand in the cold months. Yet, these lots, as well as all the others, appear
quite randomly. The table below summarises the use of lots in the seven

table 7 The lots in the revolutions on NAL 398

Lots Formula Seasons

Distance Spring Spring Summer Autumn Winter Spring Summer

projected from 1293 1294 1294 1294 1294 1295 1295
the Asc.

Pars aque Moon Venus X X***a X X X X

(water)
Pars bladi Sun Mars X X***
(grain)
Pars bombati Mercury Venus X X X
(cotton)b
Pars fabarum Saturn Mars X X X Xc X
(fava beans)
Pars fortuned Sun Moon X
Pars lane Mercury Venus X X X X
(wool)

a Mistaken position (the same for all the lots marked with ‘X***’).
b Belle uses the term bombati in some horoscopes and bombatis in others.
c Belle applied the formula for vetch to fava beans, but corrected the mistake, as explained in the text.
d This is the diurnal formula; the nocturnal formula is Moon to Sun from ascendant.

89 See Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, 8.18, 1092–1093: ‘Because however much better he [the
significator] were disposed, grain will be much more expensive, and however much he
were more badly disposed, by that much more will it be cheap and worth less.’ And also
‘Because those which were well disposed will make for the increase of price and the scar-
city of thing; and those which were badly disposed will make for the cheapness of the
price and for its own abundance’.

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table 7 The lots in the revolutions on NAL 398 (cont.)

Lots Formula Seasons

Distance Spring Spring Summer Autumn Winter Spring Summer

projected from 1293 1294 1294 1294 1294 1295 1295
the Asc.

Pars lentis Mars Saturn X X

(lentils)
Pars olivarum Mercury Moon Xe X X X X X
(olives) and
pars olei (oil)
Pars ordei Moon Jupiter X*** X X
(barley)
Pars orobi Mars Saturn X X X X
(vetch)
Pars Mercury Venus X
pannorum
(cloths)
Pars pisorum Venus Sun X X X X*** X
(peas)
Pars rerum Sun Venus X X
dulcium
(sweet
things)
Pars tritici Sun Mars X X X X
(wheat)f
Pars vini Saturn Venus X X X X
(wine)
‘Lots which occur in particular matters’g
Pars guerre Unknownh X X X X X X
Pars Moon Venus X X X
revolutionis

e Belle seems to have merged the two lots, as explained in the text.
f Albiruni, Instruction, 479, 292: lot of wheat: Sun to Jupiter from ascendant.
g Alcabitius, Introduction, V.16, 151.
h This formula is not in any of the sources consulted, which are: Alcabitius, Introduction, 151:
Saturn to the Moon from the ascendant; Albiruni, Instruction, 479, 290: Mars to the Moon,
from the lot of victory (lot of victory: Sun to ruler of the seventh house, from the ascendant);
Abumashar, Conjunctions, I. 596: Mars to Moon, projected from the Sun.

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revolutions in Belle’s manuscript. Most of them can be found in Alcabitius, but

he also mentions other sources, such as Haly Abenragel or Abumashar.
The lot of fortune appears only in the first horoscope, 7that for Spring 1293.
This lot is calculated by taking the distance from the Sun to the Moon and pro-
jecting it from the ascendant if the horoscope is diurnal, or the distance from
the Moon to the Sun projected from the ascendant if nocturnal. As these charts
are either a New Moon or a Full Moon, the lot would always be conjunct to
the ascendant or opposed to it, respectively. Since this lot’s calculation is very
simple, Belle may have deliberately omitted it.
The lot of oil (pars olei) and the lot of olives (pars olivarum) seem to be one
and the same. Belle used the term olive only once, in the horoscope for the
Spring 1294, where the lot does not correspond to any known formula; it may
have been taken from an unknown source or simply be an error. In the other
six horoscopes, the lot of oil (pars olei), which according to Al-Bīrūnī should be
the distance from Mars to the Moon projected from the ascendant, is instead
obtained using the formula given by Alcabitius to the lot of olives (pars oli-
varum), the distance of Mercury to the Moon, projected from the ascendant.90
In the horoscope for the Winter of 1294 Belle (or the author from whom he
copied) applied the formula for the lot of vetch (oribus) – the distance from
Mars to Saturn projected from the ascendant – to calculate both the lot of
vetch and the lot of fava beans ( fabe) and placed them at 17° Aries. Afterwards,
he seems to have realized his mistake, so he calculated the formula for the lat-
ter with its correct formula – Saturn to Mars from the ascendant – and placed
it at 15° Capricorn.
The lots faded out of astrological practice in the sixteenth century, creating
much speculation by current researchers about how exactly and how exten-
sively they were applied in chart judgements.91 Regarding the medieval period,
there are few examples beyond the theoretical explanation provided by the
doctrine. The prominent use of the lots in Belle’s horoscopes only a few dec-
ades before their disappearance from the mainstream, offers an important con-
tribution to the understanding of their practical application in judgements. As
these lots are not included in William of Saint-Cloud’s tables from which Belle
copied the horoscopes, they are probably an addition of his own, making them
an even more valuable example of the practical application of the doctrine.
They show the extent and context of their application in revolutions, as well as
in nativities (as it is addressed further on).
90 Albiruni, Instruction, 479, 293; and 155, respectively.
91 For a discussion on this topic, see for example Hasse, Success and Suppression, 265–267.

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Conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn

The conjunctions of the two outermost and slowest of the visible planets,
Jupiter and Saturn, heralded major political and religious changes. As part of
the revolutions of the world, together with the lunations and the ingresses,
they offered a method of prediction for the unfolding world history. These con-
junctions occur sequentially every twenty years in signs of the same element
for a period of about 240 years. They move throughout the elements in succes-
sion (about 240 years conjoining in the signs of fire, about the same period in
the signs of earth, then in the signs of air, and then in the signs of water), com-
pleting the cycle in 794 years.1 This long-duration cycle established the main
trends of collective predictions on a larger scale, either by decades or by centu-
ries, while the ingresses, lunations and eclipses addressed the shorter periods.2
Belle is writing in 1473 about a conjunction that occurred forty-eight years
before, in 1425, long before his active years.3 It is significant that he chose this
particular conjunction, instead of the two others that occurred closer to his
time: one in July 1444 in the sign of Cancer, and the other in March 1464, in
Pisces.4 Both conjunctions were judged by several authors, so Belle could have
copied from their texts, and yet he preferred to copy the earlier conjunction
of 1425. The reason for this choice can be found in the title: it states that the
conjunction of 1425 occurs ‘in the new triplicity’ (in nova triplicitate), being

1 More details on the Jupiter-Saturn cycle and the transition from one element to the other are
presented further on. For the exact length of this cycle, see Hasse, Success and Suppression,
248–292, at 282.
2 Studies on other conjunctions can be found in John North, ‘Astrology and the Fortunes
of Churches’, Centaurus, 24 (1980): 181–211; Garin, Astrology in the Renaissance, XIII, 1–28;
Bezza, ‘Saturn–Jupiter Conjunctions’, 5–48 (39–40); Hasse, Success and Suppression, 272–
289; W. Hübner, ‘The Culture of Astrology, from Ancient to Renaissance’, A Companion to
Astrology, 17–58 (29–31); Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars, 20–22, 70–74; and Avenezra,
World.
3 Belle was probably born in the fourth or fifth decade of the 15th century, as discussed before.
4 For the conjunction of 1444 see for instance the horoscope in Paris, BnF, Nouvelles
Acquisitions Latines 208, f. 18r. The conjunction of 1464 was taken by some astrologers, such
as Jean de Bruges, as a sign of the coming of the Antichrist; see Laura Smoller, ‘Apocalyptic
Calculators of the Later Middle Ages,’ in Knowing the Time, Knowing of a Time. 3rd Annual
Conference of the Center for Millennial Studies, Boston, December 6–8, 1998. Conference
Proceedings (Boston: Center for Millennial Studies, 1998), 1–7. http://www.mille.org/publica
tions/Confpro98/SMOLLER.PDF.

© Helena Avelar de Carvalho, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004463387_006

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96 chapter 5

therefore the first of the cycle of the water element.5 Because this is the first
conjunction in a new element, its judgement is of the utmost importance: not
only it reveals the conditions for the twenty years of the cycle (that is, from
1425 to 1444, the date of the next conjunction), but also hints at the general
circumstances of the whole cycle of conjunctions in that element, which spans
about 240 years (twelve conjunctions, one every twenty years).
The two decades encompassed by the effects of the 1425 conjunction fall
within the period of the Hundred Years’ War (1337–1453) and are better under-
stood in this context.6 In the year of the conjunction the throne of France was
being disputed by the Dauphin Charles (the future Charles VII), and the infant
King Henry VI of England. However, the judgement focuses more in the reli-
gious events, possibly because this conjunction happened in the aftermath
of the Papal Schism.7 There are indirect references to the crusade against the
Ottoman Empire, prompted by Pope Martin V, the first pope after the schism.8
The rapid spread of the bubonic plague was also cause for concern in this
period and many fourteenth- and fifteenth-century astrologers connected the
Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1345 to the plague that ravaged Europe between
1347 and 1350. The last waves of the plague were still active in 1425, but this
judgement does not establish any direct connection between them and the
conjunction.9

5 NAL 398, f. 80rb. The conjunction occurs in Scorpio, a sign of water, after a long period of
conjunctions in the signs of air.
6 The topic has been addressed by Boudet and Charmasson, ‘Une consultation’, 255–278;
J.-P. Boudet, ‘Prévision de l’avenir et connaissance du passé: les relations entre astrolo-
gie et histoire à la fin du Moyen Age’, in Pratiques de la culture écrite en France au XVe
siècle, M. Ornato, N. Pons, eds (Louvain-la-Neuve), 1995, 299–312. For context, see also
E. Wickersheimer, ‘Un jugement astrologique de la Paix d’Arras et le médecin Thomas Broun’,
in Association Bourguignonne des Sociétés Savantes, Douzième Congrès (1937): 202–204. See
also Robert Hand, ‘The Use of Military Astrology in Late Medieval Italy: the Textual Evidence,’
(PhD Diss., The Catholic University of America, 2014).
7 The Papal Schism (1378–1417) was seen by some as the first sign of the Apocalypse, as debated
in Smoller, ‘Apocalyptic Calculators’, 1–7.
8 The impending menace of destruction of Christianity by the Ottomans was also considered a
sign of the Apocalypse. See Scott Hendrix, ‘Astrological Forecasting and the Turkish Menace
in the Renaissance Balkans’, Antropologija, 13, 2 (2013): 57–72, and Hendrix, ‘From the Margins
to the Image of “The Most Christian Science”’: Astrology and Theology from Albert the Great
to Marsilio Ficino’, Culture and Cosmos, 20.1–2 (2016): 129–146; see also Stephen Blake, Time in
Early Modern Islam: Calendar, Ceremony and Chronology in the Safavid, Mughal and Ottoman
Empires (New York, 2013): 143–144.
9 See Rebecca Johnson, ‘From Sin to Science: Astrological Explanations for the Black Death,
1345–1350’, Ex Post Facto, Journal of the History Students at San Francisco State University,
XVIII (2009): 1–16 and Nicolas Weill-Parot, ‘La rationalité médical à l’épreuve de la peste:
médecine, astrologie et magie (1348–1500)’, Médiévales, 46 (2004): 1–14.

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1 Jupiter-Saturn Conjunction of 1425

NAL 398 f. 80r: Composite Chart Drawn by Belle

House I – 06° Libra House VII – 06° Aries

Mars Libra direct Moon Aries
Sun Libra
Mercury Libra
House II – 08° Scorpio House VIII – 08° Taurus
Saturn 13° Scorpio
Jupiter 13° Scorpio
House III – 09° Sagittarius House IX – 09° Gemini
South Node North Node
House IV – 08° Capricorn House X – 08° Cancer

House V – 05° Aquarius House XI – 05° Leo

House VI – 04° Pisces House XII – 04° Virgo

Venus 19° Virgo

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98 chapter 5

figure 10 NAL 398, folio 80r

Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1425

As this was a triple conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn, the author had to choose
between three possible horoscopes, one for each stage of the event: the first
encounter of the planets occurred in February, the second in March, and
the third in August.10 He also had to choose between the horoscope of the

10 A triple conjunction of planets occurs when the meeting of the planets occurs close
to a phase of retrogradation, producing a first conjunction with both planets in direct
motion, an intermediate one with both retrograde, and a final conjunction again with
both direct. The dates given by Belle in f. 82vb are the end of February for the first, the end

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Conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn 99

conjunction or that of the lunation preceding it. Finally, he had to determine

whether this was indeed the first conjunction of the cycle in the triplicity of
water: some astrologers argued that the first conjunction of the water cycle
had been that of 1364, while others preferred that of 1425.11
The result is the horoscope portrayed above, which roughly corresponds to
the Full Moon that followed the third conjunction, in 28 September 1425.12 This
horoscope focuses almost solely on the position of the Jupiter-Saturn conjunc-
tion, omitting all other features of the chart except the position of Venus and
the degree of the ascendant.13 The precise date and time are not mentioned:

Judgement of the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in the new triplicity,

which was in the year of the Lord 1425 incomplete, month [blank] day
[blank] of this month.14

The text begins with the customary defence of the value and accuracy of astrol-
ogy and harsh critiques directed to bad practitioners:

Ptolemy says in the first book of Tetrabiblos in chapter two, some people
have dared to call those asserting the truth of this art – i.e. astrology –
liars and masters of falsity, belonging to another race. This is not, how-
ever, because of an error in the art, but rather because of the imperfect
practice and the temerity of those who should fear to ascribe the ministry
of astrology to themselves.15

of August for the last; he omits the middle conjunction, possibly because he deemed it
as less important. The calendar in Lat. 7443, f. 126r. mentions only 30 August 1425, the last
conjunction. The dates calculated by computer are 14 February, with the planets conjunct
at 17°18′ Scorpio; 18 March at 16°33′ Scorpio, both retrograde; 26 August at 12°40′ Scorpio.
11 This discrepancy, resulting from natural irregularities in the cycle when shifting elements,
is discussed in more detail at the end of this section. See for instance Hasse, Success and
Suppression, 272–289.
12 The exact lunation occurred in 27 September 1425, at 7:32 PM (6° Gemini rising in Paris);
the difference is probably originated by the planetary tables used by Belle. By then, the
last conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn had already happened – in 24 August 1425, 7:26 AM
(3° Libra rising in Paris).
13 The reason for this emphasis on Venus will be made clear in the judgement.
14 Judicium super conniunctione Saturni et Jovis in nova triplicitate qui erat anno domini
1425 imperfecto mense [blank] die [blank] huius mensis, f. 80rb.
15 Sicut dicit Ptolemeus in primo Quadripartiti capitulo 2°, huius artis scilicet astrologie
veritatem asserentes mendaces et falsitatis magistros de alio grege quidem ausi sunt
appellare. Non tamen hoc ex artis errore sed potius ex imperfecta eorum exercitatione et
eorum temeritate qui huius sibi ministerium timeret ascribere, f. 80rb. Belle is paraphras-
ing Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I.2, 12–13.

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The apologetic tone continues, as the author admits his own fallibility and
inexperience while insisting on the validity of astrology:

Wishing therefore to write certain predictions about the conjunction of

Jupiter and Saturn in the new triplicity, which will happen in the year
1425, I fear that I might fall into error because of the subtlety and excel-
lence of the astrological art and because of my imperfect preparation and
inexperience, and certain people who will look into this work will not fear
to ascribe – to me, rightly, and to the art, wrongly – stupidity and error.16

The judgement is preceded by an overview of the planetary configurations fol-

lowing the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction.

About 13 October they [Jupiter and Saturn] will be conjunct with Mars,
the Sun and Mercury and immediately after, namely in October there will
be an eclipse of the Sun in the same sign, and in the same month there
will be an eclipse of the Moon in Gemini; it follows that this conjunction
signifies great changes in the world.17

The conjunction of the Sun with the aforementioned planets occurred in

October, but the solar eclipse occurred on 10 November, at 26° Scorpio, and the
lunar eclipse on 25 November, at 12° Gemini. They are presented in sequence,
as a chain of related events.
From this point on, this judgement of the 1425 conjunction is an almost lit-
eral copy from the judgement for the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1365 written
by John of Ashenden.18 There are several surviving copies of this judgement,

16 Volens igitur quasdem pronosticationes scribere super coniunctionem magnam Saturni

et Jovis in nova triplicitate que erit anno domini 1425 timeo ne propter artis astrologie
subtilitatem et excellentiam et mei ruditatem et inexperientiam incidam in errorum et
sic michi digne et arti indigne fatuitatem et errorem qui hoc opus aspecturi ascribere non
timebunt, f. 80rb.
17 Circa 13 Octobris erunt coniuncti cum eis Mars Sol et Mercurius et statim scilicet in
Octobrem erit eclipsis Solis in eodem signo et in eodem mense erit eclipsis Lune in
Geminis sequintur iterum quod ista coniunctio significat magnas mutationes in mundo,
f. 80va.
18 This is the aforementioned John of Ashenden (d. c. 1368), fellow of Merton College in
Oxford and author of Summa Anglicana. See Thorndike, HMES (New York 1933): III,
325–346 and Appendix 20, 720–721, John North, Stars, Mind and Fate. Essays on Ancient
and Medieval Cosmology (London and Ronceverte, 1989): 70–75; North, ‘Astrology and the
Fortunes of Curches’, 10–11; Carey, Courting Disaster, 75, 188–191; Boudet, Le Recueil, I, 497,

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Conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn 101

most of them in English libraries, and one of the most complete, Lat. 7443, in
a French library, which comprises not only the judgement for the 1365 con-
junction, but also several nativities also included in Belle’s collection.19 In
this analysis Belle’s text was compared not only to Lat. 7443, but also to three
texts in English libraries: Sloane 1713, Harley 637, Royal 12.F.XVII.20 There are
many parallels between these texts and Belle’s copy, but only the most relevant
are addressed.21
Both the conjunction of 1365 and that of 1425 occurred in the sign of Scorpio
and in the second house. Because of these similarities, Belle was able to copy
the passages of the judgement that apply to both cases. Parallelly, he made
a few adaptations of his own, while maintaining the overall structure of the
judgement. The resulting text is a skilful combination of copying, editing
and original writing. These adaptations were not uncommon: for instance, in
MS Prague 1544 there is a prediction for the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1226,
which is adapted, almost literally, from a prediction for the Jupiter-Saturn con-
junction of 1186 also in Libra.22
The judgement begins with the four considerations deemed essential to
attain an accurate result: the location of the events, their timing, their mag-
nitude, and their nature, whether good or bad.23 It then lists the regions and
kingdoms where the effects of the conjunction should take place: as both

n. 68, and II, 149; Thorndike, HMES, III, 340–341; Linne R. Mooney, The Kalendarium of
John Somer (Athens, Georgia, 1998), and Juste, CCAL II, 129, 167, 269–270.
19 Paris, BnF Lat. 7443, ff. 221r–227v. Boudet considers Ashenden’s text the most complete
astrological prediction on planetary conjunctions of the 14th century, in Lire dans le ciel,
147–150.
20 Respectively London, British Library, Sloane 1713, ff. 1r–14v; London, British Library,
Harley 637, ff. 129av–143v (with horoscopes); London, British Library, Royal 12 F. XVII,
ff. 172r–180v. There are 4v–14v Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ashmole 345; Ashmole 393,
ff. 81v–86r; Ashmole 192, I, 1, 1–10 (a copy of the former); Ashmole 1471; Digby 176, ff. 42r–
49v; Digby 57.
21 There are other judgements on the conjunction of 1425, with different content, such as
the text by Thomas Broun, in Oxford, Bodleian Library, Digby 194, ff. 96v–98r. I am grateful
to Professor Jean-Patrice Boudet, who called my attention to this manuscript and facili-
tated my access to it.
22 See Godefroid de Callataÿ, ‘La grande conjonction de 1186 dans les sources occidentales et
orientales’, in Occident et Proche-Orient: contacts scientifiques au temps des Croisades, ed.
Isabelle Draelants et al. (Turnhout, 2000): 369–384, Boudet, Entre science et nigromance,
74–82, and Glick, Livesey and Wallis, eds, Medieval Science, Technology and Medicine, 480,
judgements for revolutions of the world.
23 The list in NAL 389 f. 80va (which is similar to Lat. 7443 f. 221v) is the standard judgement
for revolutions of the world. See for instance the judgement of an eclipse by Heingarter,
in Préaud, Les astrologues, 143–155.

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conjunctions occur in Scorpio, ruled by Mars, both texts present virtually the
same list of lands and climates and quote the same authorities, in the same
order.24 The sequence is as follows: Mars rules the end of the third climate,
specifically the land of Egypt, and Scorpio rules Germany and Arabia accord-
ing to Ptolemy, Abumashar, and Haly Abenragel. Haly also connects Mars to
Turkey and the Promised Land, while the ‘Indi’ (Indian astrologers) link it
to Alexandria and the Promised Land. Ptolemy correlates Scorpio and Mars
to ‘the Land of Black People and the Mauri, Syria, Getulia, Commagene, and
Capadocia’.25 Both texts mention Scotland because of its association to Scorpio
and include a derogatory comment about its inhabitants:26

And Abraismus in the Book of the Revolutions of the Years says that
Scorpio rules the Land of Scotland and the men in that land obey Scorpio
in character. For they are cruel and carried away by the force of sexual-
ity, dedicated to bestiality, false, deceitful in faith and trustworthiness,
unyielding.27

In John of Ashenden’s time this comment was probably seen as natural given
the difficult relations between England and Scotland in the context of the
Hundred Years War. Some paragraphs below Belle omits a comment about
France being one of the lands possibly affected by the conjunction, replacing
it with another reference, also astrologically correct, but related to the Scots,
who seem to be safer targets for negative predictions:

the effects of this conjunction will appear mainly in the region of

Scotland, because of the aforementioned causes.28

24 NAL 398 ff. 80vb–81ra and Lat. 7443 ff. 221v–222v.

25 ‘The Land of the Black People’ is possibly Nubia, present-day Sudan; the Mauri,
Mauretania, now part of Morocco; Getulia, a region inhabited by the ancient Berber tribe
of the Gaetuli near the Atlas Mountains; Commagene is an ancient Armenian kingdom,
now part of Turkey, and Capadocia is a region in central Anatolia, also in Turkey.
26 ‘Abraismus’ is usually the name given to a book of instructions for the use of astrological
tables written by Abraham ibn Ezra, but in this context it seems to refer to the book On
Eclipses of the Moon and the Sun, the Conjunctions of the Planets and the Revolutions of the
Year, written by Māshāʾallāh and possibly translated by Avenezra. See Avenezra, World,
241–259.
27 Et Abraismus liber de Annorum Revolutionibus dicit quod Scorpio preest terre Scotie et
quod homines illius terre audiunt Scorpium in moribus. Sunt enim crudeles et vi elati
luxurie et bestialitati dediti falsi subdoli fide et fidelitate intransigentes, NAL 938, f. 80vb.
28 Apparebunt effectus istius coniunctionis maxime in regione Scotie propter causas pre-
dictas, f. 81ra. Asheden’s comment is on Lat. 7443, f. 222r.

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At the end of the list, there is a reference to ‘a certain person called Henry
de Seuly’ who states that the Moon rules the English and Saturn the Scots.29
This author is also mentioned by John of Ashenden in the judgement for
the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1365 as ‘Henricus de Seubi’ and in Summa
Anglicana as ‘Henricus Silen’.30 The term ‘Silen’ may be an abbreviation for
‘Silvanectum’, the Latin name of Senlis. The similarities between ‘Seuly’ and
‘Seubi’ suggest that this passage was copied not from John of Ashenden’s
Summa, but from his judgement on the 1365 conjunction.31 This attribution is
probably related to the climates since the Moon rules of the seventh climate,
between 45° and 50° approximately, thus including England situated between
49° N and 55° N approximately. The seventh climate is the last region men-
tioned in the classical sources and there are no attributions for the regions
situated further north, such as Scotland (54° N to 58° N), so the sequence was
resumed and Saturn, the first planet, was attributed to them.
The judgement then moves on to the sensitive topic of religion, but not
before presenting a caveat, again taken from John of Ashenden’s text: it assures
the reader that there is no intention ‘to say something that might be opposed
to the catholic faith and to offend the ears of the pious.’32 Only after this remark
is the conclusion presented:

That conjunction will signify mutation or destruction of an old sect or

the beginning of a new one, or the rise of a new prophet in the world,
or both.33

In the centuries that preceded the Protestant Reformation there was a pervasive
sense of religious dissatisfaction expressed by reformers such as the German
theologian Peter Waldo (c. 1140–c. 1205), the English philosopher and Oxford

29 Et quidam qui vocatur Henricus de Seuly dicit quod Luna dominatur super Anglos et
Saturnus super Scotos, NAL 398 f. 81ra.
30 Et dicit quidam valens astronomus anglicus qui vocabatur magister Henricus de Seubi
quod Luna dominatur super Anglos at Saturnus super Scotos, in Lat. 7443, f. 222v, Royal
MS 12 F. XVII, f. 178r and Harley 637, f. 140r, f. 10v (using the variant ‘Feuby’). Et dicit
quidam valens astrologus magister Henricus Silen quod Luna dominatur super Anglicos
et Saturnus super Scotos, in Summa Astrologiae Iudicialis de Accidentibus Mundi (Summa
Anglicana) (Venice, 1489): 8.IV, 46.
31 The printed edition, mentioned in the preceding footnote, dates from 1489, sixteen years
after Belle’s text, but he could have consulted an earlier manuscript version.
32 aliquid asserere quod poterit fidei catholice obviare seu pias aures offendere, f. 82vb.
33 Nam quia ista conjunctio significabit mutationem seu destructionem alicuius secte
antique vel aliquam novam incipere, seu aliquam novam prophetam insurgere in mundo
vel utrumque illorum, f. 82vb.

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professor John Wycliffe (c. 1320–1384), the Czech priest Jan Hus (c. 1372–1415),
and, closer to Belle’s time, the Italian friar Girolamo Savonarola (1452–1498).
The idea of a ‘little prophet’, that is, a reformer of the established religion,34 had
been present in Christian culture since the translation of Abumashar’s books
into Latin in the twelfth century.35 The ‘little prophet’ was greatly anticipated
and several possible birth dates were advanced. One of the strongest possibil-
ities was the year 1484 when yet another Jupiter-Saturn conjunction occurred
in Scorpio; the possibility was advanced by many astrologers, among them the
Dutch cleric and professor Paul of Middleburg (1446–1534) and the German
astrologer Johannes Lichtenberger (1440–1503).36 They are both contemporary
to Belle, who was likely to have been aware of their predictions when he wrote
his judgement in 1473.
The ‘destruction of the sect of the Saracens’ (that is, the Muslims, encom-
passing Arabs and Turks), is deduced from the weak position of Venus, the
planet traditionally associated with the Islam.37 This connection may explain
the attention given to Venus, since it is the only planet, apart from Jupiter
and Saturn, which displays their exact position in the zodiac. In Belle’s copy
Venus is at 14 degrees of Virgo, the sign of its fall.38 It is also in the twelfth
house of enemies and treason. Pondering these and other difficult conditions,
Belle concludes:

34 This concept was complemented by that of the ‘great prophet’, who would create a new
religion.
35 Particularly De Magnis Coniunctionibus. See Abumashar, Conjunctions, I, 37–43.
36 Respectively: Paul of Middelburg, Prognostica ad viginti annos duratura (Cologne, 1484)
and Johannes Lichtenberger, Prognosticatio in Latino (Heidelberg, 1488). See also Heilen,
‘Paul of Middelburg’s Prognosticum for the years 1484 to 1504’, From Māshāʾallāh to Kepler,
231–278. In the context of these predictions, Martin Luther, who was born with the Sun
in Scorpio, and in Germany, a country attributed to Scorpio, was considered by some
as the manifestation of the new and long-awaited prophet. For prophecies regarding
Luther, see Aby Warburg, The Renewal of Pagan Antiquity: Contributions to the Cultural
History of the European Renaissance, D. Britt, tr. (Los Angeles, 1999): 597–667 (at 617–
632); Jürgen Hoppmann, ‘The Lichtenberger Prophecy and Melancthon’s Horoscope for
Luther’, Culture and Cosmos, 12 (1997): 49–59; Jonathan Green, Printing and Prophecy:
Prognostication and Media Change 1450–1550 (Ann Arbor, 2012): 39–61, and Gustav-Adolf
Schoener, ‘The Coming of a “Little Prophet”: Astrological Pamphlets and the Reformation,’
Esoterica, accessed July 5, 2020, http://www.esoteric.msu.edu/VolumeVI/Schoener.htm.
37 destructionem secte Sarracenorum, f. 82vb. Lat. 7443, f. 225v, and Secundum Albumazar
prima De Coniunctionibus differentia 8 [sic for differentia 4] Venus super sectam
Sarracenorum demonstrat, f. 83ra. For the correlation between Venus and the Saracens
see Abumashar, Conjunctions, 28.
38 Venus in ista coniunctione magna erit in 14 gradu Virginis in suo casu, f. 83ra. For other
predictions associated with the 1365 conjunction, and the two others that preceded it, see
Boudet Entre science et nigromance, 316–321.

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This conjunction [of 1425] will signify mutation and destruction for the
sect of Venus, which is the sect of the Saracens, and this by their enemies.
And their enemies, as was previously deduced, are Mercury and Mars;
and Mercury, according to the above [book of] Albumasar, means the
sect of the Christians.39

John of Ashenden makes a similar prediction about the Saracens in his judge-
ment for 1365, and also mentions the weak condition of Venus to support his
claim. In this horoscope Venus is in the third house, also a cadent house, and
in Scorpio, a sign where it has its detriment, among other unfavourable con-
ditions. In both horoscopes Venus is weak, so both astrologers draw similar
conclusions, although taking into account the differences in the respective
horoscopes. Still adapting from John of Ashenden’s text, Belle quotes Avenezra
to further explain the reasons for this defeat:

In this conjunction Saturn is elevated over Jupiter and it will be stronger

than it, which means that an ancient people living in the place thus will
not be defeated but become stronger. Since the sect of the Christians,
therefore, is older than the sect of the Saracens, the Christians will
overcome.40

The term ‘elevated over’ refers to the latitude of the planet, that is, its dis-
tance north or south of the ecliptic. The planet with the most northern lat-
itude is the one ‘elevated’ over the other. Saturn is elevated over Jupiter in
both conjunctions.41 As both are correct, the conclusions reached by John of
Ashenden could also be applied, with minor adjustments, to Belle’s text. As
Saturn is a significator of old things and old people, they take it as the sig-
nificator of the older sect, in this case, the Christians, which will destroy the
younger one, the Saracens. The form of that destruction is signified by Mars

39 Ista coniunctio significabit mutationem et destructionem secte Veneris que est secta
Sarracenorum et hoc per suos inimicos. Et sui inimici ut prius deductum est sunt
Mercurius et Mars. Et Mercurius secundum Albumasar ubi supra significat sectam
Christianorum, f. 83ra.
40 In ista coniunctione Saturnus elevatur super Jovem et erit fortior eo. Significat quod
gens antiqua locum inhabitans itaquem demota non erit sed superavit. Cum ergo secta
Cristianorum antiquior sit secta Sarracenorum ipsi Cristiani devinent, f. 83ra.
41 In the conjunction of 1425, Saturn, with a latitude of 02°05′ north of the ecliptic, is ‘ele-
vated’ (thus more visible and therefore stronger) over Jupiter, which is only at 00°50′
north. See for instance Bonatti, De Astronomia tractatus X uniuersum quod ad iudiciar-
iam rationem natiuitatum aeris, tempestatum attinet, comprehendentes (Basel, 1550): IV,
490–491.

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(the almutem of the degree of this conjunction): war and conflicts, destruction
and depopulation of the lands by the sword.42 This destruction will take place
in all the aforementioned lands, particularly in the land of the Saracens and
the land of the Scots due to their connections to Mars and Scorpio (and in the
case of Scotland also to Saturn).43 This is not the only disaster that may afflict
the lands ruled by Scorpio and Saturn. Both John of Ashenden and Belle men-
tion the possibility of a deluge:

This conjunction therefore should mark some deluge clearly in any of the
aforesaid lands, which are of the signification of Scorpio and Saturn.44

This is a bold, although not unprecedented, judgement as predictions of calam-

ities were common in this period.45 This claim is substantiated by a quotation
from Albertus Magnus, who described the four hypothetical conditions that
would lead to a universal deluge:46

First, I believe it is a seven-fold conjunction of the planets in aquatic

signs; second is that they are all in the lower part of their circles, oth-
erwise epicycles; third, is that it will be that this conjunction begins in

42 Et Mars significat bella et guerras, destructiones et depopulationes terrarum per gla-

dium, f. 83ra. For John of Ashenden’s prediction, see Thorndike, HMES, III, Appendix 20,
720–721.
43 destructiones vel depopulationes regni Scotie depopulaciones in eisdem terris,
f. 83ra–f. 83rb.
44 Ista etiam coniunctio rationabiliter signare debet aliquod diluvium preclare in aliqua
predictarum terrarum que sunt de significatione Scorpionis et Saturni, f. 83rb. Again, the
similarities with Lat. 7443 are evident: Isti etiam coniunctione potuit rationabiliter signifi-
care aliquod diluvium particulare in aliqua predictas terrarum que sunt de significatione
Scorpionis et Saturni, Lat. 7443, f. 226r.
45 The most famous was the prediction for 1524 when all the planets conjoined in Aquarius
and Pisces. In the planetary ephemeris for 1499–1535, Jacob Pflaum and Johannes Stöffler
mentioned some ‘changes’ as possible effects of this conjunction. Their prediction was
repeated many times, and amplified at each repetition, soon escalating into catastrophic
forecasts of a new universal deluge which spread panic throughout Europe. Its failure
ignited fierce criticism against astrology. See for instance Eamon, ‘Astrology and Society’,
in A Companion to Astrology, 142–151; Green, Printing and Prophecy, 139–150; Rivest,
‘Printing and Astrology in Early Modern France’, 65–73; Paola Zambelli, Astrology and
Magic from the Medieval Islamic World to Renaissance Europe: Theories and Approaches
(Aldershot, 2012): IV 25, VI 1–28, VII 239–263.
46 Albertus libro 2° De Proprietatibus Elementorum, capitulo 9° ex causa diluvii universalis,
f. 83rb. I. M. Resnick, On the Causes of the Properties of the Elements (Milwaukee, 2010)
(Liber de causis proprietatum elementorum). See also Paola Zambelli, The Speculum
Astronomiae and its Enigma. Astrology, Theology, and Science in Albertus Magnus and His
Contemporaries (Dordrecht, 1992): 98.

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the sign of Aquarius and transits into the sign of Pisces, namely at the
four stars that are called ‘hydria’ of Aquarius, or the Pourer of the water
of Aquarius, which transited, as was said, into the sign of Pisces; fourth,
that the Moon was strengthened in power [dignified] at the hour of the
conjunction.47

Both horoscopes fail to meet all these conditions because in both cases the
planets ‘will not all be [conjunct] in Aquarius nor in Pisces’, but they will nev-
ertheless be ‘in a sign of water’.48 At this point, Belle’s judgement mentions
several planetary configurations that happened only in 1425:

Mars, the Sun and Mercury on the 23th day of October [of 1425] in the
sign of Scorpio, the Moon in direct course in Pisces, and Venus in Virgo.
And later, on 10 November, there will be an eclipse of the Sun – the Sun
and the Moon will conjoin the Tail of the Dragon; likewise, Saturn and
Jupiter [will be] with them.49

These configurations reinforce the similarities between the 1425 conjunction

and Albertus Magnus’s description of a hypothetical horoscope with all the
planets gathered in a sign of water. Venus in Virgo, the sign of its fall, can be
seen as a symbol of the weak position of the Muslims. But before delivering a
conclusion Belle’s judgement quotes John of Ashenden:

Abraismus in the Book of the Revolutions of Years, in the chapter on the

State of the Church, says: from the concord of the two swords, the secu-
lar and the spiritual – that is, from the concord of the emperor and the
pope – Christianity profits, from their discord it is hindered.50

47 Prima est septenaria planetarum coniunctio credo in aquaticis. 2a est quod sunt omnes
in inferiori parte suorum circulorum aliter epyciclorum. 3 est quod fuerit talis coniunctio
quod inceperit in signo Aquarii et transiverit in signum Piscium videlicet iuxta 4 stellas
que dicuntur Ydria Aquarii seu Effusor aque Aquarii que transierit ut dictum est in sig-
num Piscium. 4a quod Luna fuerit confortata viribus hora coniunctionis, f. 83va. See also
HMES, III, 341.
48 non erit omnis planetarum in Aquario neque in Piscibus erit cum coniunctio cuiusquam
planetarum este in signo aqueo, f. 83va. Similar to Lat. 7443, f. 226v, which adds: Saturn,
Jupiter, the Sun, Venus and Mars in the sign of Scorpio (Saturni, Jovis, Solis, Veneris et
Martis in signo Scorpionis scilicet in signo aqueo), for that was the configuration in 1365.
49 Martis Solis et Mercurii 23 die Octobri in signo Scorpionis Luna proeunte existente in
Piscibus et Venus in Virgine. Et postea 10 die Novembris erit eclipsis Solis et Sol et Luna
coniungentur cum Cauda Draconis similiter Saturnus et Jupiter cum eis, f. 83va.
50 Dicit Abraismus liber De Annorum Revolutionibus, Capitulo de Statu Ecclesie, quod ex
concordia duorum gladiorum et secularis et spiritualis videlicet ex concordia imperatoris

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Yet, there seems to be little hope for concord, as is revealed by this pessimis-
tic, though astrologically accurate, judgement:

Also Jupiter, which is the significator of the pope, in the second house [of
the horoscope] will be conjunct with Saturn, which is elevated over it in
this conjunction. And because, according to this [Ezra’s] opinion, by this
conjunction is to be feared a great oppression of the pope and prelates of
the Church by the kings and princes of the land.51

Belle echoes John of Ashenden’s cautionary remark, ‘this I say under the afore-
mentioned claim’ and seems to share his hesitations on this topic:52

It could also be said that this conjunction signifies that some new sect
and some new prophet may arise anew, but this I do not affirm as in this
conjunction none of the three superior planets will be in either the ninth
house or in the third, which is required for this conjunction to signify the
nativity of prophets.53

None of the superior planets is placed in the houses of religion, the third and
the ninth, thus there are no certainties.54 The new sect, if it arises, will be full
of ‘cruelty and depravity, falsity and deception’.55 Both judgements keep hint-
ing at this appearance, although never declaring it openly. John of Ashenden
concludes his judgement at this point, but Belle’s text carries on, addressing
the sensitive matter of determinism:

et pape proficit cristianitas et ex eorum discordia impeditur, f. 83vb. This passage is not
directly identifiable in Avenezra.
51 Jupiter etiam qui est significator pape in 2° loco erit junctus Saturno. Qui Saturnus eleva-
bitur super eum in ista coniunctione. Et quia coniunctione iuxta istam sententiam quod
timendum est de magna oppressione pape et prelatorum ecclesie a regibus et principibus
terre, f. 84ra.
52 NAL 398 f. 84ra. Similar to Lat. 7443, f. 227v: Ista dico sub protestatione premissa.
53 Posset etiam dici quod ista coniunctio aliquam novam sectam et aliquem novum
prophetam de novo significat insurgere, sed hoc non assero eo quod per istam coniunc-
tionem nec aliquis trium superiorum erit in 9 domo nec in 3a quod requiritur ad hoc quod
talis conjunctio significat nativitatem prophetarum, f. 84ra.
54 See Abumashar, Conjunctions, II, 23.
55 totius crudelitatem et nequitiam, totius falsitatem et fallaciam, f. 84ra. Similar to Lat. 7443,
f. 227v.

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it is not my intention to assert that the aforesaid effects signified by the

great conjunction will inevitably or necessarily happen from the afore-
said conjunction.56

He establishes a distinction between the prediction of all possible effects and

the identification of those which will actually come to pass, this way circum-
venting any accusation of interfering in free will.

it should not be thought that significators proceed inevitably over what

they signify or towards those things that occur by divine disposition and
cannot be avoided, and it is no less true that they happen out of necessity.
This [says] Ptolemy.57

Even after these cautionary remarks, he hesitates in giving a direct opinion:

do not wish to say that the aforementioned effects will necessarily hap-
pen, nor do I want to affirm with all certainty that they come about from
the aforesaid conjunction, but I do want to state that this conjunction
and other subsequent conjunctions with eclipses will be certain signs
which signify that the aforementioned effects that will happen or come
about in the future, according to the judgements of astrologers.58

The comment about the nature of the celestial configurations seems to be

taken from Roger Bacon’s discussion regarding astrology and the influence
of the stars in Opus Maius.59 Bacon states that the planets are ‘signs hinting
to us those things which God has disposed from eternity’ (planetas esse signa

56 Non est mee intentionis asserere quod effectus predicti significati per coniunctionem
magnam evenient inevitabiliter vel necessarie ex coniunctione predicta, f. 84ra.
57 non estimandum quod superiores [sic, for ‘significatores’] super sua significata procedant
inevitabiliter vel ad illa que divina dispositione contingunt que nullatenus sunt vitanda,
nec non et veraciter que ex necessitate contingunt. Hec Ptholomeus. ff. 84ra–84rb. This
passage can be found in Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I.3, 23–25, and also in Thomas Aquinas,
Summa Contra Gentiles, III. 86, 14 ‘Quod corporales effectus in istis inferioribus non
sequuntur ex necessitate a corporibus caelestibus’.
58 Nolo ergo dicere quod predicti effectus contingent necessario nec volo certitudinaliter
asserere quod contingent ex predicta coniunctione, sed volo asserere quod ista coniunc-
tio et alie coniunctiones sequentes cum eclipsibus erunt signa quedam significantia pre-
dictos effectus contingere seu futuros esse iuxta sententias astrologorum, ff. 84rb–84va.
59 Roger Bacon, Opus Maius, John Bridges, ed. (Oxford, 1900): 266 (and others).

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innuentia nobis ea que Deus disposit ab eterno).60 Belle also quotes an exten-
sive passage of Bacon’s introduction to the Secretum Secretorum ascribing it
to Aristotle.61 This text disputes those who say that astrology is too complex
to allow prevision, contesting that ‘to the power of the intellect nothing is
difficult, and all is knowable by reason’ (ad potentiam intellectus nihil est dif-
ficile et cuncta sunt scibilia in via rationis).62 To those who consider that all is
pre-ordained and one cannot avoid future events, the text responds:

Although some things will necessarily happen, however, if they are fore-
known, [they] will be better tolerated and prudently deflected and thus
somehow avoided. Because it is plausible that if you should know when
it happens, consequently you take it to discreetly pass without trouble or
major harm.63

Belle endorses these arguments, in this way shielding his text against criti-
cism. Still quoting the Secretum, he emphasizes the utility of astrology, one of
Bacon’s main arguments in defence of its practice.64

It is thus very useful to have foreknowledge of the future, because it is

better to decline according to the men when they foreknow what is to
come and when by their prudence, they avoid future evil.65

60 Bacon, Opus Maius, I, 266. However, Bacon does not endorse this idea in all instances, as
noted by Teri Gee, ‘Strategies of Defending Astrology: a Continuing Tradition,’ (PhD diss.,
Toronto, 2012), 230–231.
61 Bacon, Opera Hactenus Inedita Rogeri Baconi, V. Secretum Secretorum cum Glossis et
Notulis. Tractatus Brevis et Utilis ad Declarandum quaedam Obscure Dicta, Robert Steele,
ed., (Oxford, 1920), Capitulum 22 de regimine vite per astronomiam, 60–62.
62 NAL 398, f. 84vb.
63 licet quedam sunt necessario ventura tamen si presciantur levius tolerantur et prudentius
declinantur et sic quodammodo evitantur. Quia verisimile est si sciveris futura quando
accidunt proinde recipiunt etiam discrete transeunt sine molestia et magna lesione,
f. 84vb.
64 For Bacon’s defence of astrology, see Gee, Strategies of Defending Astrology, 218–238,
251–259. For the arguments used by later authors who rejected some aspects of astrology,
namely prognostications for nativities, see for instance Pearl Kibre, ‘Giovanni Garzoni of
Bologna (1419–1505). Professor of Medicine and Defender of Astrology’, Isis, 58, 4 (1967):
504–514, and John Livingston, ‘Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah: a Fourteenth Century Defence
against Astrological Divination and Alchemical Transmutation’, Journal of the American
Society, 91, 1 (1971): 96–103.
65 Confert ergo multum futura prescire quia melius declinare prout homines quando ven-
tura precognoscunt et quandoque per prudentiam futura mala evadunt, NAL 398, 84rb.

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After affirming God’s prevalence over this matter, ‘for one should not be
predestined in such a way that they can take away some of one’s power’ (non
enim ita predistinatur quod in aliquo sue potentie derogare possint), Belle con-
cludes: ‘Here ends the judgement of the great conjunction, written by me,
S. Belle, in Châlus in the year of the Lord 1473 incomplete, day 6 of February.’66

2 Judging the World: Conjunctions

This section explores the techniques used for judging the Jupiter-Saturn con-
junction and the way an astrologer would deal with different, and often contra-
dictory, opinions, techniques and data. It also exemplifies the learning process
of a medieval astrologer, and the complexities of copying, editing and writing
an original text.
As this was the first conjunction of the cycle in the element water, it deter-
mined the general conditions of the following two centuries, thus still affecting
Belle’s life. For him, these predictions would still be in effect, and he would be
interested in ameliorating, or even preventing, any undesirable outcomes. This
prophylactic attitude, identified by Boudet as ‘a mixture of both the determin-
ist and totally non-fatalist nature of the influences of the heavens’, is evident
in Belle’s judgements not only in this instance but also, perhaps even more
noticeably, in the nativities.67

2.1 The First Conjunction of the Water Cycle

The divergence of opinions as to the first conjunction of the signs of the water
triplicity, with some astrologers choosing the conjunction of 1365 and others
that of 1425, is explained by some irregularities in the cycle. The usual sequence
of Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions is as follows: after ten or twelve conjunctions in
signs of element A (occurring one every twenty years), there is one first con-
junction in a sign of element B then, twenty years later, one last in a sign of
element A, and then, again twenty years later, ten or twelve more in the signs
of element B. In this case, the conjunction of 1365 in Scorpio was supposed to
be the first in a sign of the water element, since it had followed a full sequence
of conjunctions in signs of the air element; theoretically, it would have been

66 Explicit iudicium coniunctionis magne scriptum per me S. Belle in Castro Lucio anno
domini 1473 imperfecto die 6 Februarii, f. 84va.
67 ‘la nature à la fois déterministe et totalement anti-fataliste de l’influence du ciel, selon
l’opinion de nombreux astrologues de la fin du Moyen Âge’, Boudet, Entre science et nigro-
mance, 319.

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followed by one last conjunction in a sign of air (in this case in Gemini) in 1385,
and then a full set of conjunctions in signs of water. However, it was followed
by yet two more conjunctions in signs of air, in 1385 and 1405 (Gemini and
Aquarius, respectively). This irregularity brought doubts as to the exact end of
the cycle. The table below shows the transition:

table 8 Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions transiting from the air to the water element

1365 07°00′ Scorpio – Water

1385 25°53′ Gemini – Air
1405 23°46′ Aquarius – Air
1425 17°18′ Scorpio, 16°33′ Scorpio, 12°40′ Scorpio (triple) – Water

John of Ashenden was one of the proponents of the 1365 conjunction as being
the first in the water sequence, as mentioned before. In his judgement for the
conjunction of 1365, reproduced in Lat. 7443, he states his position clearly:

The beginning of the treatise of John Ashenden, former fellow of Merton

College in Oxford, about the signification of the great conjunction of
Saturn and Jupiter, which will be in the year of Christ 1365 complete, in
the month of October, 24th day, 14 hours and 29 minutes, in the sign of
Scorpio and in the new triplicity, which will signify many great changes
in the world and grave and terrible events, according to all astronomers
who talk about this matter.68

While Belle accepts and praises John of Ashenden’s judgement, he rejects

the idea that 1365 conjunction is the first of the sequence, proposing that of
1425 instead:

In the year of Christ of 1357 [John of Ashenden] wrote very well of the
Jupiter-Saturn conjunction in Scorpio, that was in the future year of 1365,
30 days of October, believing that this conjunction changed from the
aerial triplicity to the watery triplicity, [but] in fact in the year of Christ

68 Incipit tractatus Johannis Veschinden (sic), cond. [quondam] socii aule de Merton in
Oxonia, de significatione coniunctionis magne Saturni et Jovis que erit anno Christi 1365
completo mense Octobris 29 diebus 14 horis et 29 minutis in signo Scorpionis et in nova
triplicitate que significabit valde magnas mutationes in mundo et accidentia grandia et
terribilia secundum omnes astronomos loquentes de hac materia, Paris, BnF, Latin 7443,
f. 221r.

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1385 their conjunction returned to the aerial triplicity, and they were con-
joined in the sign of Gemini, and later in the year of Christ 1405 they were
conjoined in the sign of Aquarius, and in the year of Christ 1425 their con-
junction will return finally to the triplicity of water and in that triplicity
it will stand for 240 years.69

Belle is not the only one to offer alternative interpretations: in Lat. 7443, below
a horoscope for the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1365 there is a comment
stating ‘In this conjunction the triplicity changed’, followed by a note written
in another hand, adding ‘according to some’.70 Notwithstanding, Belle did not
dismiss the prediction itself, instead, he incorporated it into the judgement.
As both conjunctions occur in Scorpio, he used parts of the text for 1365 and
adapted them to the judgement for 1425. This is supported by quotes from
Ptolemy and Haly:

Ptolemy says in Centiloquium in the first proposition, ‘the knowledge of

the stars is from you and from them [the stars]’; Haly says ‘he who desires
to write of future events should choose one of two ways; one is to look at
the movements of the stars as the Ancients wrote about in the books, and
he should add to this whatever he can prove in his own time’. Therefore,
I am intending to act by doctrine and experience, not for the vainglory
of men, but for public benefit. Therefore, this conjunction, according
to the astrologers, ought to be of great significance because it is in a
new triplicity.71

69 In anno Christi 1357 optime scripsit de coniunctione Saturni et Jovis in Scorpione ut

futura in anno Christi 1365 30a die Octobris credens ipsam coniunctionem plene tunc
mutasse de triplicitate aerea in triplicitatem aqueam cum de facto anno Christi 1385 red-
ibit coniunctio eorum ad triplicitatem aeream et iungebantur in signo Geminorum, et
postea anno Christi 1405 iungebantur in signo Aquario, et modo anno Christi 1425 redibit
coniunctio eorum perfecte ad triplicitatem aqueam et in illa triplicitate stabit 240a annis,
ff. 82va, 82vb.
70 In ista coniunctionem fuit mutatio triplicitatis / secundum aliquos, Lat. 7443 f. 125rb2. The
other horoscope for the 1365 conjunction is on f. 221r, as part of Ashenden’s judgement.
For details, see Juste, CCAL II, 162–167.
71 Dicit Ptholomeus in Centiloquio in propositione prima ‘scientia astrorum ex te et ex illis
est’ super quo inquit Haly. Qui res futuras scire desiderat duabus viis opportet incedere,
una aspiciat motus stellarum in libris quos scripserunt antiqui de significatione motuum
ipsarum et adiungat hiis quecumque probabit suo tempore hoc ille. Igitur per doctrinam
et experientiam, non propter laudem hominum et vanam gloriam sed pro bono publico,
intendo in hoc opere procedere. Cum igitur ista coniunctione secundum astrologos debet
esse magne significationis quod est in nova triplicitate, f. 80rb.

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This does not imply any criticism of John of Ashenden, who is described as
a ‘reverend master of good fame’ (reverendus magister et bone memorie) and
abundantly praised:

This [the conjunction of 1425] is therefore the great conjunction men-

tioned by the great master [John of Ashenden] whom I follow in many
things, first because he says many things which will happen later, almost
like a prophet, just as is clear to anyone who wants to look at his writings.72

The quasi-prophetic capability attributed to John of Ashenden in the text con-

fers him an unimpeachable quality, thus his predictions on the 1365 conjunc-
tion are not contested per se, they are simply adapted to another conjunction,
that of 1425.

table 9 The Jupiter-Saturn and the Mars-Saturn conjunction

References to the Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions in Lat. 7443a

ff. 33r–34r Mars-Saturn (1357), Jupiter-Saturn (1365); by Jean des Murs
ff. 70r–70v List of fifteen Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions, from 1166 to 1444 (Medie
# 7 et 6 pro annis inferius annotatis), by Simon de Boesmareb
f. 73r Horoscope for the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1425 (Anno Christi
1425, die 2m Septembris, 15 horis, 50 minutis), at 12°02′ Scorpio,
Ascendant 28°24′ Leo, Sun 17°54′ Virgo, Moon 17°41′ Taurus, by
Boesmare
f. 125ra Horoscope for the lunation preceding the ingress (Figura celi per
coniunctionem Solis et Lune die 18 Februarii 4 hora 2 minutis anno Christi
currenti 1425), Ascendant 25° Leo, New Moon 9°16′ Pisces, Jupiter 16°
Scorpio, Saturn 17° Scorpio; possibly by Roland of Lisbon

a For Lat. 7443, see Juste, CCAL II, pp. 164–165. See also P. Duhem, Le Système du monde. Histoire
des doctrines cosmologiques de Platon à Copernic (Paris, 1916), IV, pp. 35–37; L. Thorndike,
HMES, New York, 1923–1958, III, pp. 319–321; L. Thorndike and P. Kirbe, A Catalogue of Incipits
of Medieval Scientific Writings in Latins (Cambridge, 1963 2nd edition), col. 1372; Boudet,
‘Simon de Phares et les rapports’, pp. 617–648, at p. 635 n. 65; ‘La papauté d’Avignon et astrol-
ogie’, pp. 281–284; Le Recueil, I, p. 510 n. 87.
b See Poulle, ‘Horoscopes princiers’, p. 72 n. 2; Boudet, ‘Les astrologues et le pouvoir’, p. 12 n. 2
and Le Recueil, II, p. 272 n. 149.

72 Ista enim est magna coniunctio de qua loquebatur ille reverendus magister quem multis
sequor per primum eo quod tempore pro tunc multa prius dicit quasi ore prophetico que
postea contingebunt sicut plane patet cuilibet volenti inspicere sua scripta, f. 82vb.

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table 9 The Jupiter-Saturn and the Mars-Saturn conjunction (cont.)

f. 125rb Horoscope for the solar ingress in Aries in 1425, (Figura celi per
introitum Solis in Arietem [page cut] in Ariete 1 hora, 33 minutis, 59
secundis, anno Christi 1425), Ascendant 12° Leo, Sun 00°00′ Aries,
Moon 20°33′ Sagittarius; possibly by Roland of Lisbon
f. 126r Calendar for the 1425 conjunction (Calendarium per coniunctionem
Saturni et Jovis anno domini currenti 1425), possibly by Roland of Lisbon
(also notes for the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1464)

Related Latin manuscripts in Bibliothèque nationale de France:

Paris, BnF Lat. 2599, ff. 267v–270r Judgement of the conjunction of 1365 by John
of Legnanoc
Paris, BnF Lat. 7329, f. 39 Horoscope for 22 October 1365; Ascendant at
29° Virgo; correlations between signs and cities;
89ra–91rb.d

Related manuscripts in the British Library:

London, BL, Sloane 1713, ff. 1r–14v Conjunctions of Mars-Saturn in Cancer of 1357
and Jupiter-Saturn of 1365 (John of Ashenden)
London, BL, Arundel MS 88, ff. ff. 3v–7v, a list of Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions
1r–14v from 1306–1468; mentions the conjunctions of
1365 and 1425 on ff. 4v and 6ra, respectively

c Mentioned by Boudet, ‘Simon de Phares et les rapports’, pp. 617–648 (pp. 636–637); Boudet,
Entre science et nigromance, p. 319 n. 113; L. Smoller, ‘Astrology and the Sibyls: John of
Legnano’s De Adventu Christi and the Natural Theology of the Later Middle Ages’, Science
in Context, 20, 2007, pp. 423–450 (ed. Boudet 2004, pp. 359–365). See also Juste, CCAL II,
pp. 52–53.
d Details in Juste, CCAL II, pp. 109–110. The manuscript includes fragments of the text
De Moribus, attributed to Seneca, a book partially reproduced by Belle in MS 1711, f. 19r (see
Appendix II).

2.2 Lunations versus Conjunctions

Belle’s attitude in the face of divergent data is illustrated by his choice between
two methods of prediction: one using the horoscope of the lunation before
the conjunction, and the other the horoscope of the conjunction itself. This
refers back to the previous discussion regarding the use of lunations for the
prediction of collective events. Both the revolutions of the years and the
Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions shared the same technical difficulty: the deter-
mination of the exact moment of the event. Thus, it was common to use the
horoscope of the lunation preceding the event to make the judgement, a

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technique well-grounded in Ptolemaic tradition. As Belle had already adopted

Conrad Heingarter’s views favouring the use of lunations in his judgement
for the revolutions of the year, he could be expected to also follow his lead on
the judgement of the conjunction.73 However, in this case Belle chose neither
the lunation preceding the conjunction nor the conjunction itself. Instead, he
selected what it seems to be the Full Moon of 27 September 1425, that is, the
lunation that followed the last conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn (which had
occurred in 24 August 1425).74 It is difficult to ascertain the exact time of the
horoscope because the zodiacal degree of most planets is omitted, but there
is a clear Sun-Moon opposition, and the position of the planets roughly corre-
sponds to said lunation.

2.3 Copying, Editing, and Authorship

Belle adds his name and a date, 6 February 1473, at the end of his judgement
for the conjunction, but he is not attempting to obliterate the contribution of
other authors. In fact, he mentions them clearly and repeatedly, indicating the
book, chapter and page number whence he took his inspiration. Thus, his sig-
nature is claiming authorship, not of the texts, but of the research and assem-
bling of the sources.75
The text draws extensively from John of Ashenden’s judgement with contri-
butions from almost all of the standard medieval sources; the final paragraphs
are almost entirely copied from Roger Bacon’s introduction to the Secretum
Secretorum, with a few additions from Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos.
The image below shows the similarities between the two horoscopes: on the
left, John of Ashenden’s conjunction for 1365, as depicted in Lat. 7443, ff. 125rb2,
221v, Sloane 1713, f. 9v (incomplete) and Harley MS 637, f. 139r;76 on the right,
Belle’s horoscope for the conjunction depicted in NAL 398, f. 80r.

73 As seen before, Belle copied William of Saint-Cloud’s calculations based upon the luna-
tion preceding the Sun’s ingress into the sign (as Heingarter had advocated), and not
upon the ingress itself.
74 This is not the only unusual choice made by Belle in the judgement for collective events.
In the judgement of the Aries ingress of 1492 he chose the lunation that followed the
ingress instead of that which preceded it. And he advances the possibility of a combined
horoscope, by adding that if the Sun ‘had moved one degree of Aries or more’ (si ivisset
unum gradum Arietis vel plus) he would have ‘mixed the two horoscopes together’ (mix-
tionem duarum figurarum in simul), NAL 398, f. 73vb.
75 The only other text signed by Belle is Flores Sapientum Astronomorum, another compila-
tion of texts, dated from 1 February 1473, NAL 398, f. 30ra.
76 The Sloane 1713 horoscope is reproduced by Boudet in ‘La papauté d’Avignon et astrolo-
gie’, in Fin du Monde et signes du temps. Visionnaires et prophètes en France méridionale
( fin XIIIe–début XV e siècle) (1992): 273.

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figure 11 Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions of 1365 (Ashenden) and 1425 (Belle)

In both cases the conjunction occurred in Scorpio and in the second house and
in both Saturn was elevated above Jupiter. Another resemblance is the weak
position of Venus, which in the first horoscope is in fall in Virgo in the cadent
twelfth house, and in the second is detrimented in Scorpio in the cadent third
house. Also relevant is the phase of the Moon, which is full or close to it, in
both cases. All these similarities allowed Belle to transcribe some passages of
John of Ashenden’s text almost to the letter.
However, Belle was not simply copying the texts he was adapting it to his
own purposes and making the necessary adjustments in the parts that dif-
fered. An example of these edits is the comment about the extra-zodiacal
constellations.77 As the two horoscopes have different ascending signs – Virgo
in John of Ashenden’s judgement, Libra in Belle’s – they also have different
neighboring constellations, but as Virgo and Libra are adjacent signs in the
zodiac, they also have some constellations in common. Furthermore, both are
signs of human form, which further reinforces their similarities in matters of
symbolism.78 Therefore, the text was adapted accordingly.

77 This passage illustrates the importance of constellations in the judgement of collective

events. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, II.6–7, 171–175, exemplifies the application of this technique
to eclipses.
78 For signs of human form, see for instance Albiruni, Instruction, 347–356, 212–214.

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Ashenden on the conjunction of 1365 Belle on the conjunction of 1425

Lat. 7443, f. 223v NAL 398, f. 81vb

And for this it is known that the ascendant From this it should be known that
of this conjunction should be twenty-one the ascendant of this conjunction
degrees of Virgo, because as is said in book is six degrees Libra, and because
2 of Ptolemy’s Quadripartitum ‘Virgo is a according to Haly, [commenting] on
sign of human form’, the events resulting the thirteenth chapter of Ptolemy’s
from this conjunction will appear in human Quadripartitum, and also the same
kind. And because Virgo is a winged figure, Haly, first part, of the first chapter,b
the effects of the conjunction will be Libra is a sign of human form, [thus]
especially in winged animals, in those that the effects of this conjunction
are eaten by mankind. Also because Virgo is will appear in human beings, and
a common sign, [the effects] will appear in principally in males.c
men and in kings.a

a Pro quo est sciendum quod ascendens istius coniunctionis erit 21 gradus Virginis, quia igi-
tur juxta sententiam Ptholomei 2° Quadripartiti: ‘Virgo est de forma humana’. Eventus istius
coniunctionis in humano genere apparebit. Et quia Virgo est figura habens alas, apparebit
eventus coniunctionis in volatilibus et maxime in volatilitus que ab hominibus comeduntur.
Item quia Virgo est signum commune apparebit eventus coniunctionis in hominibus et regi-
bus, Lat. 7443, f. 223v. This quote can be found in Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, II.7, 173.
b The first ‘Haly’ is ‘Ali ibn Ridhwan’ the commentator on the Quadripartitum, the second, Haly
Abenragel.
c Unde sciendum est quod ascendens istius coniunctionis est 6° gradus Libre, quia ergo secun-
dum Haly, super capitulo 13° Quadripartiti Ptolomei, et idem Haly parte prima capitulo
primo, Libra est sigum de forma humana, effectus istius coniunctionis apparebunt in homi-
nibus et potissime masculis, f. 81vb.

The thirteenth chapter of Tetrabiblos referred to by Belle is likely to be the one

in the Latin version with Haly ben Ridwan’s commentary.79 The second refer-
ence to ‘Haly’ is to Haly Abenragel’s Preclarissimus in Iudiciis Astrorum, first
chapter, where Libra is mentioned as a masculine sign and of ‘human form’
( forma humana).80
Similarly, while John of Ashenden related the ascendant of his horoscope at
21° Virgo to the constellations of Libra, Virgo, Bootes (Arcturus), part of Draco
towards the north, and Crater, Hydra, and part of Argos to the south; Belle
related his ascendant at 6° Libra to the same constellations, but omitted Draco
as being out of range.

79 Ptolemy, Liber Quadripartiti Ptholomei idem Quatuor Tractatuum (Venice, 1484): I.13.
80 Haly Abenragel, Preclarissimus in Judiciis Astrorum, I.1.

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Ashenden on the conjunction of 1365 Belle on the conjunction of 1425

Lat. 7443, f. 224r NAL 398, f. 81vb

In direct [movement] the ascendant of Again the ascendant of this conjunction

this conjunction that will be in twenty- will be the sixth degree of Libra, in
one degrees of Virgo in the ninth sphere, whose direction was the seventeenth
are now these images of fixed stars in the degree of Virgo in the time of Ptolemy,
eighth sphere, namely towards the north but in the direction of the sixth degree
the image of Libra, the image of Virgo, of Libra in the ninth sphere are now
the hand of Lanceatoris, that is called towards the north the last part of Virgo,
Bootes or Arcturus, and part of Draco and Bootes (or Vociferens).b
towards the [north] pole, and towards
the south they are Crater and Hydra and
part of the vessel called Argos.a

a In directo ascendentis coniunctionis quod erit 21 gradus Virginis in sphera nona sunt modo
iste ymagines stellarum fixarum in sphera 8, videlicet versus septentrionem ymago Libre,
ymago Virginis, manus Lanceatoris qui dicitur Bootes sive Arcturus, et pars Drachonis circa
polum, et versus meridiem sunt Crather et ydra et pars navis qui dicitur Argos, Lat. 7443,
f. 224r.
b Ascendens istius coniunctionis erit 6us gradus Libre in directo cuius fuit 17° gradus Virginis
in tempore Ptholomei sed in directo 6ti gradus Libre in sphera 9a sunt modo versus sep-
temtrionem ultima pars Virginis et Bootes aut Vociferens, f. 81vb.

These edits could also have political purposes. For instance Belle omitted most
of the references to France in his adaptation possibly as a matter of precaution:
it would not be wise to include them, given the perpetually tense political cli-
mate. Thus, when John of Ashenden mentioned France as one of the kingdoms
under the rulership of Mars and therefore subject to the negative effects of the
conjunction, Belle either excluded it or replaced it with another mention of
Scotland, which was also affected by the conjunction because of its connection
to Scorpio (a sign ruled by Mars). In other instances, he omitted some passages
for technical reasons: John of Ashenden connected France and Burgundy to
Mercury, ruler of Virgo, which is the ascendant in the 1365 horoscope; Belle left
this passage out because in the chart for 1425, which has Libra rising, there is
no such connection.81

81 Possibly because Paris is traditionally attributed to Virgo being therefore ruled by Mercury.

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Both texts take into consideration the difference between the eighth and
the ninth spheres, caused by the precession of equinoxes, and incorporate
those differences into the astrological judgement.82
These considerations are followed by a reference to Simon Bredon, a fellow
of Merton College, which can be found in several other manuscripts, such as
Sloane 1713, f. 4r and Digby 176, f. 45r, but not in Lat. 7443:83

Because the 8th sphere, from the time of Ptolemy up to this year has
passed through 19 degrees, these things are clear according to master
Simon Bredon, who around the year 1340 equated the motion of the said
sphere in Oxford with great diligence.84

Belle may have had access to several manuscripts with concomitant data. This
premise is supported by his collection of nativities, discussed in the next sec-
tion, where he mentions several, and sometimes conflicting, sources for the
same horoscope.
The table below illustrates the segments of the 1425 judgement written by
Belle (or copied from an anonymous author) and, in grey, the parts copied or
adapted from John of Ashenden’s text for the 1365 conjunction. The sequence,
similar in both judgements, is typical of judgements of these kind.

82 The precession of the equinoxes is an astronomical term that defines the dislocation of
the vernal point, that is, the point where the Sun is placed on the beginning of spring
(spring equinox), in relation to the fixed stars. It is caused by the cyclical wobble of the
Earth’s axis. It is called “precession” because each year the exact position of the Sun at the
beginning of spring occurs slightly before (precedes) that of the previous year. The pre-
cession takes almost 26.000 years to complete the full circle around the zodiac, moving
from Aries to Pisces, then to Aquarius, and so on. This continuous shift causes a growing
discrepancy between the ninth spere, that is, the signs of the zodiac, defined by the equi-
noxes and solstices (tropical zodiac), and the eighth sphere, the Firmament, the sphere
of the fixed stars and the constellations (sidereal zodiac). Hence the difference between
signs and constellations.
83 For Bredon see Charles H. Talbot, ‘Simon Bredon (c. 1300–1372): Physician, Mathematician
and Astronomer’, The British Journal for the History of Science, 1 (1962): 19–30; Keith
Snedegar, ‘Simon Bredon, a Fourteenth-Century Astronomer and Physician’, in Lodi
Nauta and Arjo Vanderjagt, eds, Between Demonstration and Imagination (Leiden, 1999):
285–309.
84 Nam 8a sphera a tempore Ptholomei usque in hunc annum per transit 19 gradus Ista pat-
ent secundum magistrum Simonem de Bredion qui circa annum Christi 1340a equavit
motum dicte sphere in Oxonia cum magna diligentia, f. 81vb.

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table 10 Sequence of topics in Ashenden and Belle’s text

Lat. 7443 NAL 398

Introduction for the 1365 conjunction Introduction for the 1425 conjunction
Importance of this event Importance of this event
Configurations surrounding the Configurations surrounding the
conjunction at 30 October 1365 conjunction at 13 October 1425
Description of the method Description of the method
Conjunction in Scorpio – lands and Conjunction in Scorpio – lands and
regions regions
Ascendant at 21° Virgo – lands and Ascendant at 6° Libra – lands and regions
regions
Time calculation – 3 years Time calculation – 2 years, 4 months
Fixed stars; weather; spheres Fixed stars; weather; spheres
*** Reference to Simon Bredon
Dominant planet – method Dominant planet – method
Saturn, Mars, Mercury – effects Saturn, Mars – effects
*** Reference to John of Ashenden’s
judgement
Configurations surrounding the Configurations surrounding the
conjunction conjunction
*** Comments about prediction (from
Roger Bacon’s introduction to Secretum
Secretorum)
*** Explicit

2.4 Timing the Events: firdarie, Years of the Planets and Ascension Time
Belle considers that the total duration of the effects of the conjunction will be
‘according to the greater years of the firdaria’.85 These are periods of rulership
attributed to the planets and the luminaries, according to certain astronom-
ical cycles. The periods follow a different sequence for diurnal or nocturnal
horoscopes (that is, those with the Sun above the horizon, and those with
the Sun below the horizon, respectively). They are usually divided into seven
sub-periods, also ruled by the planets, beginning with the ruler of the period
and following the sequence. The years attributed to each planet determined
the duration of the event and the condition of the planet in the horoscope

85 secundum annos maiores firdarie, f. 81va. Similar to Lat. 7443, f. 223v.

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defined the good or bad quality of the corresponding period. There are firdaria
for nativities and for collective events, such as Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions,
lunations, or solar ingresses.86 The table below shows the firdaria for nativities.
In the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1245 the planets Mars and Saturn were
considered dominant in the horoscope, as mentioned before; Belle states that
their greater years are sixty-six for Mars and fifty-seven for Saturn.87 These
numbers differ from the common firdaria that attribute seven years to Mars
and eleven to Saturn. The term seems to be used in its broader, etymological
sense of ‘period’ as firdaria derives from the Persian firdariyyah, which in turn
is a transliteration of the Greek word periodos.88 Belle is therefore using the
term firdaria to refer to another predictive technique based on periods of time,
the ‘years of the planets’. This technique associates each planet with a certain
number of years: greater, median, or lesser, as explained in the table below. The
fourth category, called maxima, is used only in revolutions of the year, to calcu-
late the duration of collective entities, such as cities, kingdoms, and empires.89

table 11 Firdaria for nativities

Sequence for diurnal horoscopes Sequence for nocturnal horoscopes

Period Age Sub-periods Period Age Sub-periods

Sun 10 years 0–10 ☉♀︎☿☽♄♃♂︎ Moon 9 years 0–9 ☽♄♃♂︎☉♀︎☿

Venus 8 years 10–18 ♀︎☿☽♄♃♂︎☉ Saturn 11 years 9–20 ♄♃♂︎☉♀︎☿☽
Mercury 13 years 18–31 ☿☽♄♃♂︎☉♀︎ Jupiter 12 years 20–32 ♃♂︎☉♀︎☿☽♄
Moon 9 years 31–40 ☽♄♃♂︎☉♀︎☿ Mars 7 years 32–39 ♂︎☉♀︎☿☽♄♃
Saturn 11 years 40–51 ♄♃♂︎☉♀︎☿☽ Sun 10 years 39–49 ☉♀︎☿☽♄♃♂︎
Jupiter 12 years 51–63 ♃♂︎☉♀︎☿☽♄ Venus 8 years 49–57 ♀︎☿☽♄♃♂︎☉
Mars 7 years 63–70 ♂︎☉♀︎☿☽♄♃ Mercury 13 years 57–70 ☿☽♄♃♂︎☉♀︎
N Node 3 years 70–73 none N Node 3 years 70–73 none
S Node 2 years 73–75 none S Node 2 years 73–75 none

86 For details see Avenezra, Nativities, 190–195, Sela, ed., Avenezra, World, 21–22, 30 and
67–69, Alcabitius, Introduction, IV.20, 133–135, and Abumashar, Abbreviation, 50. See also
Abumashar, Conjunctions, 592–592.
87 anni firdarie maiores istorum sunt videlicet Saturni 57 et Martis 66, f. 81va.
88 See also Abumashar, Abbreviation, 50, Avenezra, World, 21–22, 67–69; Benjamin Dykes, tr.,
Persian Nativities III: On Solar Revolutions (Minneapolis MN, 2010): 37–41.
89 For details, see Appendix I.

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The table below shows the greater years of Mars and Saturn, which are sixty-six
years and fifty-seven, respectively.
This is an odd choice, since the greater years of the planets are normally
used in nativities, as they fit better with the natural duration of human life, not
in collective horoscopes such as the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction. For these, the
usual choice was the maxima years of the planets, which in this case would be
284 years for Mars and 256 for Saturn. This apparent discrepancy is explained
by John of Ashenden, and thoroughly copied by Belle: the maxima years
should be chosen if the conjunction had occurred in Aries and in an angular
house, but as it occurred in Scorpio and in a succedent house (the second), he
concludes that the firdarie should take into account only the greater years.90
He also adapted the text to the 1425 horoscope by including only Saturn and
Mars in his calculations leaving aside John of Ashenden’s account for Mercury
as being irrelevant to his case:

The dominant planets in this conjunction will be Saturn and Mars,

and their years of the greater firdarie are namely 57 for Saturn and 66
for Mars.91

table 12 Years of Mars and Saturn

Years Saturn Mars

Lesser 30 15
Median 43.5 40.5
Greater 57 66
Maxima 256 284

90 The complete explanation, which is similar to Lat. 7443, f. 223v, can be found in NAL 81va:
Nam si ista coniunctione effecti in capite Arietem, et in angulo, duratio effectuum istius
foret per annos firdarie maximos planetarum dominantium. Planete vero dominatores in
ista conniunctione erunt Saturnus et Mars. Et anni firdarie maiores istorum sunt videlicet
Saturni 57 et Martis 66. Tamen quia Mars est dominus loci conniunctionis precedentis
est secundum sententiam Ptholomei 2° Quadripartiti, capitulis 5° et 8°, ubi Ptolomeus
attribuit dominium in eclipsi planete dominanti in loco videlicet eclipsis. Et quia anni
firdarie Martis maiores sunt 66 tot annis vel circiter durabunt effectus istius coniunc-
tionis. Et satis rationabiliter videlicet cum ista coniunctio non est in capite Arietis et in
angulo, sed in succedenti angulum, tamen quia est in nova triplicitate et in signo fixo, dev-
irant fixonum rei et suorum effectum magnum quod per annos firdarie magnos secun-
dum magnum et maius.
91 Dominatores in ista erunt Saturnus et Mars, et anni firdarie maiores istorum sunt videli-
cet Saturni 57 et Martis 66, f. 81v. Similar to Lat. 7443, f. 223v.

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The text does not explain how these numbers should reflect of the 1425 con-
junction. John of Ashenden explains the process and concludes that the effects
of the 1365 conjunction should extend for approximately 70 years, that is, until
1435.92 Belle also calculated the time of their culmination by measuring the
conjunction’s ascension time, that is, how many unequal hours the conjunc-
tion takes to reach the ascendant point.93 The method is concisely explained
by John of Ashenden:

This is known by the inequal hours coming between the ascendant and
the place of the conjunction.94

In the horoscope for 1365 the conjunction took three unequal hours to reach
the ascending point, so he concluded that the effects should culminate within
three years. Belle applied the same method to the 1425 conjunction, which,
according to him, took two unequal hours and a third to reach the ascendant
point; he, therefore, concludes that the effects would take two years and four
months to reach their peak.95 This would place the culmination at late 1427 or
the beginning of 1428. The calculation includes other factors such as the mode
of the sign (moveable, fixed, or common) and house placement (angular,

92 Ashenden’s calculation: Cum istorum anni firdarie Martis qui principaliter dominabitur
in ista coniunctione erunt 66, addo etiam 4uor annos ad supplendum 70a annos propter
dominium Mercurii et Saturni. Dico igitur quod eventus istius coniunctionis durabunt
per 70a annos a tempore coniunctionis secundum magnum et minus, Lat. 7443, f. 223v.
93 In the astrological system, every day (that is, the period from sunrise to sunset) is divided
into twelve equal parts; the same goes for every night (the period from sunset to sunrise).
These parts are the astrological hours. As the duration of these ‘hours’ varies with the
seasons, they are called ‘unequal hours’, while the hours measured by the clock are the
‘equal hours’. To each astrological unequal hour is attributed a planetary ruler: the first
hour of each day is ruled by the planet that rules that day. For instance: the first ‘hour’
on a Sunday, day of the Sun, is ruled by the Sun, the second by Venus, que next planet in
the scheme of the spheres, the third by Mercury, the fourth by the Moon; after the Moon
the sequence returns to the beginning so the fifth hour is ruled by Saturn, the sixth by
Jupiter, the seventh by Mars, and the eight ‘hour’ again by the Sun. The sequence con-
tinues throughout the day and the nigh, until the final ‘hour’ of Sunday, ruled by Saturn;
the next ‘hour’, ruled by the Moon, marks the beginning of a new day, Monday, day of the
Moon. This sequence continues throughout the week, in an uninterrupted cycle, until the
first hour of the following week, Sunday, again ruled by the Sun.
94 hoc autem scientur ex horis inequalibus interceptis inter ascendans et locum coniunc-
tionis, Lat. 7443, f. 223r.
95 et quia erunt due hores inequalis et una tertia hore, significat hoc duos annos et 4 menses
ante quos appareant effectus, f. 81rb.

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succedent, or cadent) to determine the time frame.96 Again, Belle transcribed

the judgement, adapted some passages regarding the practical application of
the technique to the features his horoscope, and added his own judgement
whenever the horoscopes differed.

2.5 Prediction and Determinism

The topic of prediction is addressed with caution, avoiding determinism and
recognizing the primacy of free will, a position shared by many astrologers
of his time.97 He enumerates all the possible effects of the 1425 conjunction
but refrains from identifying which of these are avoidable and which are not.
This way, he avoids possible accusations of determinism, while still asserting
the validity of his predictions. These comments support the idea that Belle is
copying from an anonymous author, contemporary to the conjunction; if they
were written by Belle almost half a century after the fact, they would seem
excessively cautious.
Belle’s concept of determinism seems to differ according to the context,
possibly because the different texts were taken from different authors: while
there is a considerable degree of freedom in the case of the Jupiter-Saturn con-
junction (and, by extension, in any astrological event related to the collective),
in the case of nativities, this freedom extends even more, as will be detailed
further on.
96 As also happens with interrogations, this calculation gives a number, but not a time unit.
This is deduced by considering the sign and house position of the significator: if placed in
moveable signs and/or angular houses, it means brevity, therefore minutes, hour or days;
fixed signs and/or cadent houses mean delay, so months, years or even decades; double
signs and/or succedent houses mean an intermediate period, so weeks or months, always
depending on the overall context of the judgement. There may be necessary to combine
ditfferent timings, resulting in intermediate measures of time.
97 Astrologer Joannes Laet, for instance, a contemporary of Belle, adopted the term ‘possible
future’ ( futura contingentia) in the letter of dedication of his prognostications for 1479.
See Vanden Broecke, The Limits of Influence, 49–53. Since Belle adopted much of Bacon’s
views on this matter, see also Jeremiah Hackett, ‘Roger Bacon on Astronomy-Astrology:
the Sources of the “Scientia Experimentalis”’, in Roger Bacon and the Sciences, J. Hackett,
ed. (Leiden, 1997): 175–199.

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 chapter 6

Nativities: Three Judgements

This section addresses three nativities in NAL 398: Hubert, born in 1260 (f. 79v),
Jo. Dap. born in 1442 (f. 85ra) and Jo. d.c.l. born in 1437 (93r1). These three judge-
ments address the same topics, but their organization and length differ consid-
erably. The table below compares the length and organization of these three
judgements.

table 13 The judgements of nativities on NAL 398: organization and length

Jo d.c.l. Hubert Jo Dap. [reconstructed]

Date: 16 December 1437 Date: 08 October 1260 Date: 03 November 1442

Time: 09:47 Time: 03:18 AM Time: 1:220 AM
Birthplace unknown Florence, Italy Birthplace unknown
Horoscope: f. 93ra Horoscope: f. 79va Horoscope: f. 85ra (blank
Judgement: ff. Judgement: ff. 76vb–80ra; space)
94ra–100vb; French Latin Judgement: ff. 85ra–89vb;
Latin

Description Description Description

f. 94ra: introduction, 76vb: animodar, trutina 85ra: introduction
description of contents, length of life, judgement description of the
length of life: hyleg, 77ra: judgement houses contents
alcocodem I, II, III
f. 94rb: hyleg, alcocodem, 77rb: judgement houses 85rb: houses; ages of men;
directions III, IV directions
f. 94va: directions; 77va: judgement houses 85va: table triplicities, list
complexion IV, V, VI of parts, title
f. 94vb: complexion, 77vb: judgement houses 85vb: length of life,
triplicities of. Asc. VI, VII physical description
f. 95ra: triplicities of Asc., 78ra: judgement houses 86ra: physical description;
house II VII, VIII, IX soul/intellect
f. 95rb: house II 78rb: judgement houses 86rb: soul/intellect;
f. 95va: II, III, IV IX, X, XI houses II, III

© Helena Avelar de Carvalho, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004463387_007

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table 13 The judgements of nativities on NAL 398: organization and length (cont.)

Jo d.c.l. Hubert Jo Dap. [reconstructed]

f. 95vb: IV 78va: judgement houses 86va: houses III, IV, V

f. 96ra: IV, V XI, XII 86vb: houses V, VI
f. 96rb: V, VI 78vb: directions 87ra: houses VI, VII
f. 96va: VI (mentions VII) 79ra: directions 87rb: houses VII, VIII, IX
f. 96vb: VI 79rb: directions 87va: houses IX, XI, XII
f. 97ra: VI, VII 79va: directions; 87vb: houses XI, XII, X;
f. 97rb: VII, VIII horoscope, mora directions
f. 97va: VIII, IX 79vb: trutina, directions 88ra: directions
f. 97vb: IX 80ra: directions 88rb: directions; divisor
f. 98ra: IX, X 88va: table directions of
f. 98rb: X the Ascendant
f. 98va: X, XI 88vb: tables directions of
f. 98vb: XI, XII, directions Moon and Sun
f. 99ra: directions 89ra: table directions
f. 99rb: directions Midheaven
f. 99va: directions 89rb: table profections
f. 99vb: profections 89va: comments
f. 100ra profections 89va: tables revolutions
f. 100rb profections
f. 100va profections
ff. 99rb–100vb:
profections, divisor

The judgement of Jo. d.c.l. is the only text of both manuscripts that is written in
French and the most extensive of the three: it includes a lengthy description of
the nativity and detailed section on prediction. It is thus examined in greater
detail than the other two.

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1 Jo. d.c.l.
NAL 398 f. 93ra1 (Judgement in NAL 398 ff. 94ra–100vb): 17
December, 19:54 [16 December 1437, 09:47], France (Possibly Paris)

House I – 7° Aquarius House VII – 7° Leo

Lot of Marriage according to Hermes 04° Moon 13°47′ Leo
Pisces Lot of Servants 08° Virgo
House II – 17° Pisces House VIII – 17° Virgo
Lot of the Hyleg 19° South Node 15°05′ Lot of Fortune 17° Virgo
Pisces Aries North Node 15°05′ Libra
Saturn 02°28′ Aries
House III – 28° Aries House IX – 28° Libra
Mars 07°01′ Taurus Lot of Enemies 22° Scorpio

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House IV – 05° Gemini House X – 05° Sagittarius

Lot of Marriage according to Vettius
Valens
Jupiter 08°29′ Sagittarius
House V – 27° Gemini House XI – 27° Sagittarius
Degree of the conjunction [sic for Sun 03°53′ Capricorn
opposition] 01° Cancer Mercury 13°33′ Capricorn [08°]
House VI – 17° Cancer House XII – 17° Capricorn
Venus 01°31′ Aquarius

figure 12 NAL 398, folio 93r

Jo. d.c.l.

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Judgement of Jo. d.c.l., born on 16 December 1437, at 09:47 AM.1 The nativ-
ity is on f. 93r; it omits the date and time of birth, but these can be deduced
straightforwardly from the configurations of the nativity. The judgement is
organized in three sections explained in f. 94ra:
– The calculation of ‘the native’s quantity of life’;2
– The condition of his life ‘according to the order of the twelve houses of
heaven and the accidents’ of the nativity;3
– The techniques for determining ‘the years in which the native will be more
prone to retain the good or evil promised to him by the places of his nativ-
ity, so that he can prepare to flee and escape the evil and retain the good’.4
This part divided into three sub-sections each corresponding to a predictive
technique:
– Directions (also called tasyīr)5 of the hyleg, the ‘giver of life’: a predic-
tive technique based on the ascensional movement of one or more of
the five hylegical points, that is, the five ‘vital points’ in the nativity: the
ascendant degree, the Sun, the Moon, the lot of fortune, and the degree
of the midheaven (in some cases replaced by the degree of the lunation
previous to birth).6 The nature of the planet touched (by conjunction or
aspect) by the hylegical point defines the general nature of that period.
– Profections, a technique based on the circular movement of all the con-
stituents of the horoscope by thirty degrees (that is, a complete sign)
each year, whilst keeping their relative positions. The chart takes twelve
years to return to its original position. The interaction of these move-
ments (particularly of the five hylegical points mentioned above) with

1 This may be one of the illegitimate sons of Jean of Burgundy (Jean de Clamecy), whose hor-
oscope is included in MS 1711 f. 85r and in NAL 398 f. 91ra2.
2 la quantité de la vie du ney, f. 94ra.
3 scelon l’ordre des 12 maisons du ciel et des accidens, f. 94ra.
4 les annees esquelles le ney sera plus convenable a retenir le bien ou le mal a luy promis des
lieux de sa nativité affin quil se puisse preparer a fuyr et eschiver le mal et retenir le bien,
f. 94ra.
5 The term tasyīr means direction (in the general sense of movement); it can be used to define
any point moving in the horoscope throughout time, whether it be directions, divisor, or
profections. As the different parts of the horoscope advance, they interact with the original
positions, generating new configurations (this is different from the transits and should not
be confused with them). See for instance Alcabitius, Introduction, IV.11–14, 121–129; see also
Julio Samsó, Hamid Berrani, ‘The Epistle on Tasyīr and the Projection of Rays by Abu Marwan
al-Istiji’, Suhayl, 5 (2005), 162–242.
6 The complex process for calculating the hyleg, with all its variants, is out of the scope of this
book. An abridged explanation is provided in this section, and extra explanations can be
found in Appendix I.

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the original positions of the planets in the nativity allowed the astrologer
to make predictions.
– Directions (tasyīr) of the ascendant by term, a technique based on the
movement of the ascendant through the terms of the signs (called divi-
sor or algebutar). The good or bad condition of the period is determined
mainly by the nature of the ruler.7
The table below summarizes the several sections of the judgement, which
begins with the horoscope of the lunation, in f. 92r (see below). The chart itself
is on f. 93ra1 as part of the collection of horoscopes.
This judgement entails several features that set it apart from the other two
and from the entire collection of horoscopes:
– of the three judgements it is the only one that is written in French;
– this is the only of the three nativities that are accompanied by a judgement
that is part of Belle’s collection; conversely, it is also the only one in the col-
lection that has a complete judgement;
– it is the only one that includes the horoscope of the lunation prior to birth;
– it is the only one that omits the rectification (that is, the adjustment of the
time of birth) suggesting that Belle knew the native’s exact time of birth.

table 14 NAL 398 astrological judgement of ‘Jo. d.c.l.’

Section Topic Details

f. 92rb Lunation pior to birth No judgment

ff. 94ra–94va Length of life Hyleg
Alcocodem
The native’s life span
ff. 94va–99rb Judgement The astrological houses
ff. 99rb–100vb Prediction Directions of the hyleg
Profections
Divisor (directions of the Ascendant by terms)

7 The divisor or algebutar is the planetary ruler of the term of the degree of the ascendant,
when this is moving by direction (tasyīr) throughout the signs. Alcabitius, Introduction, IV.14,
129 calls garbuhtar to ‘the tasyīr [direction] of the degree of the Ascendant’; see also Boudet,
Lire dans le ciel, 123, n. 87.

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The horoscope’s description includes only the name, without the birthdate
or any other reference, implying that Belle knew the native and considered it
unnecessary to go into greater detail:

Figure of the heaven’s description on the nativity of ‘Jo. d.c.l.’, which was
in the year and time as below and whose judgement will follow.8

All this suggests that the judgement was written by Belle himself.

2 Full Moon Preceding the Nativity of Jo. d.c.l.

NAL 398 f. 92r–12 December 1437, 20:30 (Possibly Paris)

8 Figura descriptionis celi in nativitate Jo. d.c.l. que fuit anno 3 et tempore ut infra et cuius
judicium sequetur, NAL 398 f. 93ra1.

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House I – 21° Leo House VII – 21° Aquarius

House II – 17° Virgo House VIII – 17° Pisces

Saturn 03° Aries
House III – 13° Libra House IX – 13° Aries
North Node 15° Libra South Node 15°13′ Aries
Mars 04° Taurus
House IV – 10° Scorpio House X – 10° Taurus
Jupiter 07° Sagittarius
House V – 13° Sagittarius House XI – 13° Gemini
Mercury 14° Sagittarius Moon 01° Cancer
Sun 01° Capricorn
House VI – 17° Capricorn House XII – 17° Cancer
Venus 27° Capricorn

figure 13
NAL 398, folio 92r
Full moon preceding the
nativity of Jo. d.c.l.

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This is the lunation preceding the nativity of Jo. d.c.l., born on 16 December
1437; the corresponding nativity is on f. 93r1.

Figure of the opposition of the Sun and the Moon preceding the afore-
said nativity of the year, month, day and hour as above.9

Belle may have calculated this lunation to determine the syzygy previous to
birth and use it to rectify the nativity. However, Belle makes no mention to it
in the judgement.
The calculations are slightly incorrect by contemporary standards, but they
are probably accurate according to the tables used by Belle.

3 Hubert
NAL 398 f. 79va: 08 October 1260, 14:09, Florence, Italy (43°46′ N,
11°15′ E) [Correct Date: 09 October 1260, 03:32 AM]

9 Figura oppositionis Solis et Lune precedens nativitatem predictam anni mensis diei et hore
ut supra, NAL 398 f. 92r. Compare to the lunation preceding the birth of Henry VI, in Lat. 7443,
80v.

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House I – 18°15′ Virgo House VII – 18°15′ Pisces

Lot of the Mother 29° Lot of the Father 16° Aries
Saturn 25°33′ Aries
House II – 19°20′ Libra House VIII – 19°20′ Aries
Mercury 19°05′ Mercury Lot of the Future 23° Libra North Node 22°19′
[5° rule]
Sun 23°30′ Libra Lot of the Hyleg 25° Libra
South Node [22°] Lot of Lesions 04° Scorpio
19′ Libra
House III – 19°58′ Scorpio House IX – 19°58′ Taurus
Moon 28°24′ Scorpio Lot of Children 09° Gemini
Venus 09°30′ Sagittarius Lot of Marriage 01° Gemini
House IV – 16°10′ Sagittarius House X – 16°10′ Gemini
Jupiter 16°10′ Sagittarius
Lot of Brothers 28°
House V – 15°09′ Capricorn House XI – 27°09′ Cancer
[should be 15°]
Lot of the Death of the Native
21° Cancer
Lot of Enemies 15°
House VI – 15°15′ Aquarius House XII – 15°15′ Leo
Mars Aquarius 11°00′ [5° rule] [should be 29°
Capricorn]

Nativity of Hubert, born in the city of Florence in the mid-thirteenth century.

This judgement was obviously copied from an earlier astrologer, probably
Italian.

In the name of the Lord, amen. Here begins the judgement of the nativ-
ity of a certain person whose ascendant I have made to agree with the
instruction of Ptolemy, and I found that Jupiter is the animodar.10

The nativity is depicted on f. 79va, accompanied by the respective data:

It follows the places of the planets and the figure of the nativity of
Hubert, born in the city of Florence in the fifth climate, year of the Lord

10 In nomine domini amen. Incipit judicium cuiusdam nativitatis cuius ascendens concor-
davi per instructionem Ptholomei et inveni quod Jupiter est animodar, f. 76vb.

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136 chapter 6

figure 14 NAL 398, folio 79v

Hubert

1259 complete, from seven months from March, to eight days of October,
fourteen hours, nine minutes of the day, and this was a nocturnal nativ-
ity, the night before Saturday. This is the horoscope of the nativity of the
abovementioned explanation.11

11 Sequuntur loca planetarum et figura nativitatis Huberti nati in civitate Florencie in 5a

climate anno domini 1259 perfecto cum 7 mensibus a Martio et 8 diebus Octobris 14 horis
9 minutis diei et fuit nativitas nocturna ante diem sabbati. Est figura nativitatis exposi-
tionis supradicte, NAL 398 f. 79va.

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The notation is different from Belle’s usual system: ‘year of the Lord 1259 per-
fecto’, means the year was completed, and ‘seven months from March’ points to
October.12 The planetary positions correspond to 9 October 1260, a Friday (‘the
night before Saturday’).
The judgement includes two methods of rectification.13
1) The animodar, which established a correlation between the degree of the
ascendant and the degree of one of the planetary rulers of the lunation
(New or Full Moon) prior to the nativity. It assumed that this planetary
ruler – regardless of its position by sign – should have a close number
of degrees to that of the ascendant or of the midheaven, depending on
which is closer to this value.14
2) The trutina hermetis (the scale of Hermes), which correlated the nativity
with the chart of the alleged moment of conception. It presumes a corre-
spondence between the position of the Ascendant at birth and the posi-
tion of the Moon at the moment of conception, and vice-versa. In other
words, the Moon’s position at the moment of conception should be close
to the Ascendant in the natal chart. Similarly, the position of the Moon at
birth should be close to the Ascendant at the moment of conception.15
An interesting detail in this judgement’s figure is the pictorial representation
of the five-degree rule in the chart:
– Mercury at 19°05′ Libra should be in the first house, but it is placed in the
second, although this house only begins at 19°20′ Libra;
– Mars at 11° Aquarius should be in the fifth house, but it is placed in the sixth,
which begins at 15°15′ of Aquarius.

12 The counting began in March because spring marked the beginning of the agricultural
year.
13 For details on rectification methods see for instance Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III.2, 229–
235, Ezra Nativities, 41–45, 89–97, North, Horoscopes and History, 51–52, 142–145, North,
Chaucer’s Universe, 1–71, 213–214, Poulle, ‘Horoscopes princiers’, 69, and Shlomo Sela,
‘Calculating Birth: Abraham ibn Ezra’s Role in the Creation and Diffusion of the Trutina
Hermetis’, in Pregnancy and Childbirth in the Premodern World: European and Middle
Eastern Cultures, from Late Antiqity to the Renaissance, Constanza G. Dopfel, Alessandra
Foscati, Charles Burnett (eds), (Turnhout, 2019): 79–106.
14 For instance, if the ruler of the degree of the lunation prior to birth was at 8° Cancer, the
ascendant at 4° Aquarius the midheaven at 25° Scorpio, it was assumed that the rectified
position of the ascendant would be 8° Cancer, since this is closer in degrees to the posi-
tion of the ruler.
15 For instance if in a nativity the ascendant is in Leo and the Moon is Libra, it is presumed
that in the moment of conception the ascendant was in Libra and the Moon in Leo.

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The planets are accounted as if they were in the next house, and they are
actually depicted there, thus illustrating the importance of this widely known
but seldom mentioned rule.

4 Jo. Dap
NAL 398 f. 85v: 04 November 1442, 1:20 PM, Paris
Reconstructed from Belle’s Judgement (ff. 85ra–89vb)

House I – 05° Aquarius House VII – 05° Leo

Pars Fortune 22° Aquarius Moon
House II – 24° Pisces House VIII – 24° Virgo

House III – 03° Taurus House IX – 03° Scorpio

Jupiter 09° Taurus Mercury 10° Scorpio
Sun 20° Scorpio
Moon 27° Scorpio

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House IV – 09° Gemini House X – 09° Sagittarius

Saturn 16° Gemini retrograde Mars 10° Sagittarius
Venus 25° Sagittarius
House V – 01° Cancer House XI – 01° Capricorn
North Node 11° Cancer South Node 11° Capricorn
House VI – 23° Cancer House XII – 04° Capricorn

Although this native is contemporary to Belle, the judgement may have been
copied from another astrologer. It is delivered in erudite Latin, more consistent
with Conrad Heingarter’s education than with Belle’s direct style.16 The preface
is followed by a detailed table of contents, which is also typical of Conrad’s
work.17 Furthermore, the initial paragraphs of this judgement include the sen-
tence ‘γνῶθι σεαυτόν’ (know thyself) in Greek characters, which is also found in
De Vita Ptholomei (Latin 7432), a work attributed to Conrad.18 The table below
compares the two sentences: on the right, the one written by Belle, on the left
the one by Conrad Heingarter.
The text is organized in fourteen chapters. The first four comprise the mat-
ters of the first house: the length of life, complexion, state of the body and state
of the soul. The other chapters follow the usual order of the houses: wealth,
brothers, parents, children, infirmities, marriage, death, journeys, friends, and

table 15 Greek writing in Belle’s and Heingarter’s texts

Paris, BnF, NAL 398, f. 85r Paris, BnF, lat. 7432, f. 1r

16 For comparison, see Heingarter’s judgement for the horoscope of Jean II de Bourbon,
Lat. 11232, ff. 1v, and for Jean de la Goutte, Lat. 7446, ff. 2r–3r.
17 See Lynn Thorndike, ‘Conrad Heingarter in Zurich Manuscripts, Especially his Medical
Advice to the Duchess of Bourbon’, The Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine,
4, 2 (1936): 82: ‘a table of contents follows the preface, as indeed was the rule in all
Heingarter’s works’.
18 De Vita Ptholomei, Paris, BnF, 7432, f. 1r.

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enemies, except for the tenth house, which is presented after the eleventh
and the twelfth houses.19 The judgement is completed by seven chapters ded-
icated to prediction: the ages of the planets (ages of men), the directions of the
ascendant to the terms (divisor), the directions of the Sun, the Moon, the lot
of fortune and the midheaven, and a final chapter encompassing profections
and firdarie.20 Only after this lengthy introduction does the author present
the data:

Jo. Dap was born in the current year 1442, the third of November com-
pleted, plus one hour and twenty minutes, and this was verified by ani-
modar. And this nativity was conjunctional, diurnal, on Sunday, at the
eighth hour of the artificial day, which is ruled by the Sun, dominical let-
ter [G], golden number [18].21

Belle drew a grid for the houses in f. 85va but omitted the degrees on the cusps
and the positions of the planets. These can be deduced from the birth data and
from some passages in the judgement, for instance a reference to Aquarius as
the sign of the ascendant, Sagittarius at the midheaven, and position of the lot
of fortune at 22° Aquarius.
This is the only horoscope that gives the date in ordinal numbers, again
suggesting a copy. The date is 3 November completed, plus one hour and
twenty minutes. As the days where measured from noon to noon, this means
that Saturday 3 November was over, and it was Sunday 4 November. This is

19 The complete description: Primum dispositionem celi tempore quo natus est cum aliis
annexiis indicat; 2m peryodum seu mensuram sue vite indagat; 3m statum et complex-
ionem sui corporis demonstrat; 4m sue anime statum perquirit; 5m de suis divitiis loque-
tur; 6m suorum fratrum statum manifestat; 7m parentum statum edocet; 8m pueros suos
querit; 9m de suis infirmitatibus eum ammonet; 10m sui coniugii qualitatem non neg-
liget; 11m qualitatem sue mortis inducit; 12m sua itinera diriget; 13m et amicos et inimicos
manifestos et occultos docet; 14m suos honores suasque dignitates atque officia [struck
through: sua] et magisteria sua eloquitur, NAL 398 f. 85rb.
20 Description of the chapters concerning prediction: Primum in generali septem eius
etates septem attributas planetis ostendit; 2m directiones gradus ascendentis ad termi-
nos bonorum et malorum dirigit ad sciendum quibus temporibus bonum vel malum sibi
in suo corpore accidat; 3m directiones gradus solis explicat; 4m gradum lune dirigit; 5m
gradum partis fortune calculat; 6m gradum medii celi applicat; 7m et ultimum annorum
profectiones atque firdarias inducit, NAL 398 f. 85rb.
21 Natus fuit Jo. Dap. anno millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo secundo currente,
3° Novembris completo cum hora una et 20 minutis et hoc verificatione facta per ani-
modar. Erat autem hec nativitas coniunctionalis diurna in die domenica hora autem diei
artificialis octava, quam Sol regit. G littera dominicalis, aureus autem numerus 18, f. 85rb.

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confirmed by the dominical letter, G, and the golden number, 18. The hour is
1:20 PM, which places the ascendant at 15° Aquarius.
The house cusps can be deduced by a table included in the judgement, men-
tioning the triplicity rulers of the sign on each house cusp. For the first and
fourth houses the triplicity rulers are Saturn, Mercury, and Jupiter, which rule
the triplicity of air; the second, fifth, sixth, and ninth, the rulers are Venus, Mars,
and the Moon, ruling water; for the seventh, and tenth, the rulers Sun, Jupiter,
and Saturn, fire; for the third, eighth, eleventh and twelfth, Venus, Moon, and
Mars, earth. The chart calculated for the 13:20 in Paris generates an ascendant
at 15° Aquarius and generates the configuration of house cusps corresponding
to that in the table.22
There is, however, a doubt related to date in this nativity. Belle states in the
judgement that the Moon is ‘in a fixed sign’ and ‘in the domicile of Mars’, which
means that it was in the sign of Scorpio, the only fixed sign ruled by Mars.23
The problem is that in 4 November 1442 the Moon was not in Scorpio, but had
already moved to the next sign, Sagittarius. The text states that the lot of for-
tune was at 22° Aquarius, which confirms the position of the Moon in Scorpio,
more precisely at 27° of the sign.24 The position of the lot of fortune for the
date stated by Belle, 4 November at 1:20 PM, is 9° Pisces – a mutable sign ruled
by Jupiter, thus not corresponding to the description given in the text. The only
way for the horoscope for 4 November to have the lot of fortune at 22° Aquarius
is if the time of birth is 12:45, that is, 35 minus earlier than the time indicated.
This seems to be too much of a difference to be accepted.
The causes of this irregularity are clear. The author may have calculated
all the positions correctly for Sunday 4 November, but calculated the position
of the Moon for Saturday 3 November; consequently, the position of the lot of
fortune was also miscalculated. He may also have calculated all the positions,
including the Moon and the lot of fortune for 3 November, which is unlikely,
since the date of 4 November is clearly stated in the text.
As this judgement is accompanied by an empty chart, with no planets and no
house cusps, there is no extra information to support any of these conclusions.

22 For finding the horoscope’s location by the house cusps, see North, Horoscopes and
History, 17–20.
23 The fixed signs are, in zodiacal order: Taurus, ruled by Venus; Leo, ruled by the Sun;
Scorpio, ruled by Mars; Aquarius, ruled by Saturn.
24 The position of the lot of fortune derives from the distance between the Sun and the
Moon, projected from the ascendant. In other words, the distance between the luminar-
ies in a given chart is the same as the distance between the ascendant and the lot of
fortune. Thus, by reversing the process, the position of the Moon can be deduced by the
distance between the ascendant and the lot of fortune.

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5 Comparative Judgement of the Houses

In this section the horoscope of Jo. d.c.l is presented as an example of Belle’s

practice. It is analysed section by section and compared to similar segments
of the other two horoscopes in order to map the differences and similarities
of the astrological practice of these three authors. This judgement includes
lengthy sections of the original text with the French original in footnotes. The
other two include only shorter quotations followed by the original Latin in
parentheses in the main text. All three are abridged versions, addressing only
the main points in each judgement.
The astrological houses offer a complete description of the native’s life and
circumstances. The first house, the most important, describes the native’s
physical appearance, temperament and manners. The other houses, from the
second to the twelfth, relate respectively to wealth, siblings, parents, pleasures
and children, illnesses, marriage, death and inheritance, travel and religion,
honours, friends and hopes, and enemies.
Each house encompasses several topics, not necessarily interrelated. For the
ninth house, for example, the main topics are religion, knowledge (both aca-
demic and prophetic) and long journeys, while for the tenth they are vocation,
honour and the conditions of the mother. Each house also responds to several
implicit questions. For instance, the second house offers answers to questions
such as ‘what is the condition of the native’s finances?’ or ‘will this person be
able to accumulate wealth?’, while the eleventh replies to questions like ‘will
the native have many allies?’ or ‘are the allies trustworthy?’
As usual, the judgement of each topic begins with the identification of the
significators, proceeds to the assessment of their state and of any modifying
factors and ends with the judgement of that particular topic.

5.1 Judgement of the First House

This is the most important part of the judgement of any nativity. Broadly, the
first house describes the native’s conduct, motivations, strengths, and weak-
nesses. It entails some of the most complex calculations of the entire judgement:
the length of life, physical and psychological characteristics, and tendencies
to illness (that is, the complexion); rational and emotional traits, demeanour,
ethics and manners, and general predictions for the entire lifetime.25 The other
eleven houses represent the native’s surrounding circumstances: finances,

25 The general forecasts are addressed in this section; specific predictions are addressed
after the judgement.

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children, marriage, friends, and so on, and operate within the context of the
characteristics revealed by the judgement of the first house.
Belle writes a thorough judgement for the first house of Jo. d.c.l.’s nativity
(ff. 94va–94vb). It is organized under three major topics: length of life, com-
plexion, and predictions using the triplicities. The following table summarizes
the structure of his judgement and its main conclusions.26

table 16 Judgement of the first house for Jo. d.c.l.

Contents

Length of life Hyleg: the Sun

Alcocoden: Saturn (contributions from Jupiter and Venus): 63 and a
half years
Directions: Sun to the place of Mars at 78 years
Complexion Mixed temperament
Melancholic with choleric contributions
Prediction 1st third of life: Saturn – ‘weak complexion’
(triplicities) 2nd third of life: Mercury – ‘melancholies, unrest of the mind’
3rd third of life: Jupiter – benign, sweet and loveable, honourable

5.1.1 The Length of Life

The life span of an individual could be calculated, in broad terms, by the com-
bination of several techniques.27 The result of this calculation was not a fixed
number of years, but a baseline that could be modified by external factors. The
most important of these was the native’s capacity to make choices that could,
within reasonable limits, extend his life by a significant number of years. This
was achieved by a pious and temperate lifestyle; conversely, a distempered,
undisciplined, behaviour caused health problems that could ultimately lead
to a premature death. External events, such wars, plagues, or natural disasters,
could affect the collective, thus interfering and at times overcoming the natu-
ral course of individual lives. The foreknowledge of the approximate length of
life was, in most cases, considered a positive factor, since it offered the natives

26 Compare to the comprehensive account of a nativity in Juste, ‘A Sixteenth-Century

Astrological Consultation’, 151–204. Although written almost a century later, the judge-
ment has similarities to that of Jo. d.c.l. in the order of the topics addressed and in the
techniques applied.
27 This is an abridged version of the techniques used by most authors in the medieval
period. For more details, see Appendix I.

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the possibility to have their affairs, both mundane and spiritual, in order and
prepare for a good death.
The calculation of the length of life is arguably the most demanding part of
the judgement, entailing the best of the astrologer’s skills. It requires the ability
to evaluate a considerable number of conditions of the planets, such as dignity,
house position, or relation to the Sun, all belonging to different categories. A
seasoned astrologer could ponder all these conditions and determine, accord-
ing to the rules, which ones to prioritize in a given judgement.
The estimation of the native’s life span centres mainly on the identifica-
tion of two crucial factors: the hyleg, the giver of life, and the alcocodem, the
planet that determines life span. The hyleg is selected by a method of exclu-
sion, between one of five possible points of the horoscope: The Sun, the Moon,
the ascending degree, the lot of fortune and the degree of the syzygy (lunation)
immediately preceding birth.
Once the hyleg is identified, the astrologer had to find a second point, the
alcocodem, the planet that measures the length of life. It is usually a planet
that has some dignity (domicile, exaltation, triplicity, term or face) in the
degree of the hyleg. The alcocodem gives a certain number of years, according
to its nature and its condition in the chart: if in good condition, it gives its
greater years; in average condition, its median years; in bad condition, its lesser
years.28 This baseline can be further adjusted by other calculations, namely the
aspects to the alcocodem, the condition of the three rulers of the ascendant’s
triplicity (the rulers of the element of the ascending sign). Most importantly,
the native’s temperament and life choices could extend life by a significant
number of years.
In the judgement for Jo. d.c.l. (ff. 94ra–94va), Belle determines that the
Sun is the hyleg because it is a diurnal chart, and he considers it to be in good
condition. Saturn is taken as alcocodem because it aspects the Sun and rules
Capricorn, the sign in which the Sun is placed.29 As Saturn is not strong in this
nativity it can give only its median years: forty-three and a half. This calcula-
tion is refined by the contributions from the planets aspecting the alcocodem.
In this case, the two benefics, Venus and Jupiter, aspect it favourably, therefore
adding their lesser years – eight and twelve years, respectively. Adding these
years to the initial calculation, Belle concludes that the native’s life could be
prolonged up to sixty-three years and a half. Again, this is not the final number;
it must be confirmed by the more precise predictive method of the directions.

28 A table with the years given by each planet can be found in Appendix I.
29 Saturn is the ruler of Aquarius, where the Sun is positioned, being therefore the Sun’s
dispositor.

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As there are no life-threatening directions around the native’s sixty-third or

sixty-fourth year, Belle conjectures that life can be further extended. The only
difficult direction occurs at the age of seventy-eight, so Belle concludes that
the native,

may well arrive, by good regime and a good government, if he can guard
himself against melancholy and deep cogitations, until seventy-eight
years or close to that.30

In conclusion, he can live at least for sixty-three and a half years according
to the alcocodem, and at most for seventy-eight years according to the direc-
tion. The exact duration of his life lays within these limits and varies according
to the native’s capacity to maintain physical and spiritual health by deliber-
ately avoiding excesses. He is urged to be especially wary of melancholy, the
most difficult of the four humours.31 While death is seen as an unescapable
part of life, there are also many possibilities for prolonging life.
In the judgement of Hubert’s nativity (ff. 76vb–77ra) the first choice for
hyleg is the Moon, and Saturn is the alcocodem because it rules the Moon’s
term and aspects it by trine. But this choice is brought into question by the
weak condition of Saturn:

But because Saturn is weak and the alcocodem is retrograde, peregrine,

I looked at the Sun in the second [house] in a masculine sign, and Jupiter,
ruler of the triplicity, aspects it, and it [Jupiter] is in an angle in its house
and triplicity and in a masculine sign, therefore I say that the Sun is the
hyleg and Jupiter is the alcocodem.32

30 le dit ney porrat bien parvenir par bon regime et bon governement se il se peut garder
de melancolie et de profondes cogitations jusques a l’an 78 ou environ ce temps,
f. 94 b–f. 94v a.
31 For the melancholic humour, see Raymond Klibansky, Erwin Panofsky and Fritz Saxl,
Saturn and Melancholy, Studies in the History of Natural Philosophy, Religion and Art
(London, 1964); Angela Voss, ‘The Power of a Melancholy Humour. Divination and Divine
Tears’, Seeing with Different Eyes, Patrick Curry and Angela Voss, eds (Cambridge, 2007):
150–169; Iona McCleery, ‘Both “illness and temptation of the enemy”: melancholy, the
medieval patient and the writings of King Duarte of Portugal (r. 1433–1438)’, Journal of
Medieval Iberian Studies, 1.2 (2009): 163–178; Alina Feld, Melancholy and the Otherness of
God (Lanham, 2011).
32 Sed quia Saturnus est debilis et alcocodem retrogradus peregrinus, respexi ad Solem in 2a
in signo masculino et Jupiter dominus triplicitatis, respicit ipsum et est in angulo in domo
sua et triplicitate et in signo masculino, ideo dico quod Sol est hyleg et Jupiter alcocodem,
f. 76vb.

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As Saturn is considered unsuitable as alcocodem, the Moon is also rejected

as hyleg and the Sun is taken instead. Interestingly, the hyleg was rejected due
to the weak condition of the alcocodem, not because of its own deficiencies.
The new hyleg requires a new alcocodem: Jupiter.33 Jupiter is in good condi-
tion in Sagittarius and in an angular house, therefore able to bestow its greater
years, which are 79. Further adjustments are made from the aspects of Mars, a
malefic, and ruler of the eighth house of death, which deducts fifteen months,
and of Mercury, which deducts twenty months because of its combustion. After
further adjustments, it is concluded that the native will live at least 73 years.
Again, his life may extend significantly coming only to its end when the hyleg,
moving in direction comes to ‘dangerous places’ (ad loca periculosa).
In the case of Jo. Dap (f. 85vb) the calculation of the length of life follows a
different method. It begins straightforwardly with the directions of the hyleg,
therefore assuming that the hyleg had already been determined. The author fol-
lows Ptolemy’s doctrine of prorogations to make his evaluation.34 After further
calculations involving the Sun, Mars, and the occidental degree, he concludes,
perhaps too optimistically, that the native will live a total of ninety-eight years,
ten months, and eighteen days, an exceptionally long life, which would place
his death at 21 September 1541.35
Regarding the topic of the length of life, there are no significant differ-
ences in the technique applied by the first two authors; both use the stand-
ard methodology of the hyleg and alcocodem. The only noteworthy aspect is
the replacement of the initial hyleg in Hubert’s judgement because it led to
a weak alcocodem and therefore a shorter lifespan. Although this substitu-
tion is unusual, it remains within the accepted methodology and examples of
similar alternative calculations are present in the writings of Haly Abenragel

33 There was another possible alcocodem for the Moon – Mars, the ruler of Scorpio, at
11° Aquarius, squaring the Moon – but it was ignored, possibly because of the distance
of 17° between the planets. However, in other horoscopes some aspects were taken into
account regardless of their distance. This may be the criterion of the author from whom
Belle copied, not of Belle himself.
34 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III.10, 271–307.
35 The complete calculation: Sol cum Marte ad gradum occidentis interfectorem ut
Ptholomeo placet a Sole namque usque ad interfectorem sunt 89 gradus cum uno minuto.
Sed a Marte usque ad interfectorem sunt 188 cum 47 minutis. Subtraham ergo gradus solis
a gradibus Martis et remanebunt 19 gradus cum 48 minutis Medietatem autem illorum
graduum substraham eosque gradibus solis addam et excrescent mihi gradus 98 cum 54
minutis. Qui gradus huic nato pro spatio sue vite significabit annos 98 cum 10 mensibus
et 18 diebus. Hec enim erit mensura sue vite ad quam naturaliter pervenire potuit scilicet
si ab accidentibus extrinsecis advenientibus custodiverit et hec de quantitate vite huius
nati sufficiant, f. 85vb.

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and Guido Bonatti.36 The third judgement uses a less common approach to
the matter of length of life by using Ptolemy’s prorogations. Nonetheless, the
directions of the hyleg used by Belle and referred to in Hubert’s judgement are
a variation or development of the Ptolemaic concept because they also rely on
the movement of the significator of life towards a ‘threatening’ configuration
in the nativity to determine a possible moment of death.

5.1.2 The Native’s Complexion

Complexion is part of the calculation for the length of life since much of the
native’s health, and therefore his longevity, depended on innate tendencies to
moderation or to excess. A good, balanced complexion promised good health,
while an unbalanced one, with extremes of cold or heat, could cause many
ailments and, therefore, a short life. To calculate the native’s complexion,
Belle accounts,

the ascendant of the nativity and its lord, the seventh and sixth houses,
their rulers and the planets therein according to their powers, the
houses that aspect them, and the place of the Moon.37

The inclusion of the seventh house among the more conventional factors (the
ascendant, its ruler, the Moon, and obviously the sixth house, that of illnesses)
seems to be inspired by Ptolemy, in his chapter about bodily injuries and
diseases:

it is necessary to look at the two angles of the horizon, that is, the ori-
ent and the occident, and especially to the occident itself and the sign
preceding it, which is disjunct from the oriental angle. We must also
observe what aspect the maleficent planets bear to them.38

Belle may have learned this method from Conrad Heingarter who also uses
this it in his judgement of 1469 for Jean de la Goutte.39 The seventh house is
considered because it signifies, among other things, what may oppose and hurt

36 For instance, Haly Abenragel, El Libro Conplido, IV 3–6, 164–173; Bonatti, Book of
Astronomy, 9.II.2, 1133–1140.
37 L’ascendant de la nativité et le seigneur d’iceluy par la 7 et 6 maison et leurs seigneurs et
par les planetes estans en icelles scelon leurs forces et iselles maisons regardans et par le
lieu de la Lune, f. 94va.
38 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III. 12, 317.
39 Lat. 7446, ff. 15r–33v. See Préaud, Les astrologues, 180.

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the native.40 After pondering all factors, Belle concludes that the native’s com-
plexion will be mixed, because:

all the planets give testimony in the complexion and always it will be
naturally tempered by the four humours.41

But beyond this apparent balance of humours Belle identifies underlying mel-
ancholy, possibly because of the ruler of the ascendant, Saturn, which is cold
and dry and, therefore, melancholic. This causes the native to be ‘often heavy,
slow in words, seldom joyous or prone to laughter, and often sad’.42 Moon is in
Leo, a fiery, thus choleric, sign allowing him to ‘deceive the melancholy with the
participation of choler’.43 The aspect of Mars aggravates the choleric tendency
making the native ‘very wrathful, with little mercy and without patience’.44
But all is redeemed by the conjunction of Venus to the ascendant which could
‘moderate much of the bad complexion given to him by Saturn and Mars’.45
The other two judgements are not as detailed. The judgement of Hubert
(f. 77ra) is less focused on the native’s health and more on his appearance,
something that is not taken into consideration in Belle’s judgement. It empha-
sizes the prevalence of ‘human signs in this nativity – Virgo in the ascendant,
and both Mercury, and Jupiter, the almutem of the nativity, in Libra – stating
that they confer beauty (signa humana donant pulchritudinem).46 The tem-
perament is ‘sanguine, tending towards moist’ (sanguinea declinans ad humid-
itatem), associated with the air element, which is hot and moist. The moist
quality is increased by the occidental position of Jupiter, emphasizing the fem-
inine and, thus, moisture, the position of the Moon in Scorpio, a watery sign,
and the opposition of Saturn in Pisces, also a watery sign, to the ascendant.
Although it is not stated in the text, the author is considering the positions of
the main significators of complexion referred to above but excludes the sixth
and the seventh house. This author also adds a brief comment on the native’s
abilities, which begins with a less pleasant note: Mercury, lord of the ascendant

40 For instance Alcabitius, Introduction, I.63, 53, mentions: ‘controversies, disputants, part-
ners and opponents’.
41 les planetes portent tesmoignage en la complexion d’icelluy touttesfois elle sera naturel-
lement asses attempree de 4 humeurs, f. 94va.
42 souvent pesant, tardif en parolle, peu joieux et riant, et souvent triste, ff. 94v–94vb.
43 elle dechivera a mellancolie avec participacion de collere, f. 94va.
44 fort ireux et de petite misericorde et sans pacience, f. 94vb.
45 luy attempra fort malle complexion a luy donnee par Saturne et Mars, f. 94vb.
46 The signs associated with beauty are the ‘human’ signs: Gemini, Virgo, Libra, the first
half of Sagittarius and Aquarius. For the attributes of the signs see for example Albiruni,
Instruction, 347–356, 212–214.

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and natural significator of speech, is combust, thus suggesting some impedi-

ment in communication.47 However, the sextiles of the Moon to the ascendant
and of Mars to Jupiter indicate, respectively, good memory (bonam memoriam)
and audacity (audaciam).
Similarly, Jo. Dap’s judgement (ff. 85vb–86rb) begins with the physical
description of the native with no detailed calculation of temperament: he
is ‘red mixed with the colour of honey, his body [will be] thick and not thin,
his hair black and moderately thick’ (colori mellis mixta rubedine corpus eius
spissum et non rarum nigri erunt eius capilli in capite mediocriter spissi); he has
beautiful eyes (oculi eius pulchri), large shoulders (spatula ipsum ampla), and
‘a good body of a moderate composition’, bestowed by the human sign of the
ascendant (corpus bonum et temperate composicionis hoc probat ascendens
signum humanum).48 Additionally, the native’s mind is fixed and firm ( fixa et
firma) because both significators, Mercury and the Moon, are in the fixed sign
of Scorpio, and he has ‘a strong mind, subtle and sharp’ (consilio forti subtili
et acuto). Mars, which is angular in the tenth house in Sagittarius, describes
his manners: ‘a diligent winner in wars, exposing himself to death and danger
spontaneously and willingly, disobedient, bold, manly, scornful, arrogant’ (dil-
igens victor in bellis ad mortis pericula se exponent sponte et voluntarie, inobedi-
ens, audax, virilis, dedignosus, superbus).
As to the native’s complexion, the main difference between the three judge-
ments is Belle’s focus on medical aspects, while the other two emphasize
appearance and behaviour. Yet, in broader terms, they all use the same signifi-
cators to calculate complexion.

5.1.3 The Triplicities

The triplicities are planetary rulers assigned to the signs according to their
element. There are three signs for each element, and each element has three
rulers: one diurnal, one nocturnal, and a third called participant or common.
In a diurnal chart (that is, a chart with the Sun above the horizon) the diurnal
ruler is attributed to the first third of life, the nocturnal to the second and the
participant the third; in a nocturnal chart, the nocturnal ruler is attributed to
the first third, the diurnal to the second and the participant to the third. The
quality of each period is determined by the condition of the respective ruler

47 A planet is combust when it is less than eight degrees from the Sun when it is not visible
because of the Sun’s brightness and it is considered ineffective. See for instance Albiruni,
Instruction, 153, 64, 486, 298–299.
48 The human signs are those represented by human figures.

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in the nativity. The table below shows the triplicities usually attributed to each
sign in the medieval period.49
In the very last segment of the judgement of the first house for Jo. d.c.l.,
Belle includes a wide-ranging overview of the native’s life, which does not
appear in any of the others. He divides the native’s life into three segments
and establishes the general condition of his health throughout his life. For this
particular calculation he quotes Dorotheus, an author that he had not men-
tioned before:50

according to Dorotheus Book 3, [the] lords of the triplicity of the ascend-

ant mean the complexion of the native according to his life divided
in three.51

To estimate how long each third will last, it is necessary, of course, to know
the total length of life. Belle had previously calculated the native’s life span
between a minimum of sixty-three and a half and a maximum of seventy-eight

table 17 Rulers of the triplicity

Element Diurnal Nocturnal Participant

Fire Aries Sun Jupiter Saturn

Leo
Sagittarius
Earth Taurus Venus Moon Mars
Virgo
Capricorn
Air Gemini Saturn Mercury Jupiter
Libra
Aquarius
Water Cancer Venus Mars Moon
Scorpio
Pisces

49 During the Renaissance, these triplicities were gradually replaced by versions based upon
Ptolemy’s work. See Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I.18, 83–87.
50 Dorotheus of Sidon ( fl. 75), author of Carmen Astrologicum. See Dorotheus of Sidon,
Carmen Astrologicum, D. Pingree, tr. (London, 1993).
51 les 3 seigneurs de la triplicité de l’ascendant sinifient la complexion du ney selon sa vie
partie en troix, f. 94vb.

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table 18 Triplicities of the ascendant for Jo. d.c.l.

Diurnal triplicity ruler Saturn First third of life

Nocturnal triplicity ruler Mercury Second third of life
Participant ruler Jupiter Third third of life

years thus corresponding to three periods between twenty-two and twenty-six

years each (an intermediate value of twenty-four years is used in this text). As
the ascendant is in Aquarius, a sign of the air triplicity, and the nativity is diur-
nal, the triplicity rulers are Saturn, Mercury and Jupiter, respectively.
The quality of each third is determined by the condition of the respective
ruler in this chart. The first period, from birth to twenty-four years of age, is
ruled by Saturn, ruler of the diurnal triplicity: ‘the first part of his life will be of
a very weak complexion and principally in the beginning’.52 Saturn, the harbin-
ger of melancholy, is in Aries, the sign of its fall suggesting difficulties. Things
do not improve in the second period, between twenty-four and forty-eight
years of age, under the rulership of Mercury:

the native will be drawn to deep cogitations and melancholies, which he

cannot properly know, and to great solicitude and unrest of the mind,
from which he will need to flee and be protected, if he wants to maintain
and protect his complexion in prosperity.53

In this case, the difficulties originate not so much from the nature of the planet,
which is neutral, but mainly from its situation: ‘retrograde and under the Sun’s
rays and in the square aspect with Saturn’.54 Life improves significantly in
its last third, from approximately the forty-eighth year for the end of his life,
because the ruler, Jupiter, is a benefic planet, and it is well placed: angular in
the tenth house and dignified in Sagittarius by rulership, triplicity and term,
oriental to the Sun, and in hayz’.55

52 la premiere partie de sa vie il sera de moult debille complexion et principalement au

commencement, f. 94vb.
53 sera ce ney mené a profondes cogitations et melancolies es lesquelles il ne poura pas bien
cognoistre et a solicitude grande et inquietations d’entendement lesquelles il fauddra
qu’il fuye et sen garder s’il veult tennir et garder sa complexion en prosperité, f. 94vb.
54 retrograde et soubs les rayx du Soleil et au quart regard de Saturne, f. 94vb.
55 The planet’s ‘natural position’ or ‘preferential position’. A planet is in hayz when placed in
a sign of its own gender and in the appropriate hemisphere (diurnal hemisphere if it is a

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[The native] will be well-tempered and noble and he will be free from
worries, tribulation and melancholy, and he will be more benign, sweet
and loveable, honourable and of honest prudence and good conversa-
tion, and his body will be, according to the complexion and his age, in
better disposition than in the two other parts of his life.56

These beneficial effects will reflect on all three periods because Jupiter is the
participant, and because it aspects the ascendant by trine. The beneficial
effects of Jupiter are felt not only in the last third, which it rules, but during the
entire life because Jupiter, ruler of the third triplicity of the ascendant, is also
the participant triplicity, that is, the co-ruler of the three parts. All things con-
sidered, the outcome is positive and although there are many negative factors
in the nativity, they might be overcome.
This three-fold prediction offers a broad outline of the native’s life. After the
complete description of the astrological houses, there is another section on
prognostications, this one more detailed and on other predictive techniques.

5.2 Second House: Wealth, Moveable Property

In the nativity of Jo. d.c.l. (ff. 95ra–95va) Belle identifies the significators of
wealth: Pisces, the sign on the cusp of the second house; Jupiter, the ruler of
Pisces; and Saturn, the planet in the second house. Additionally, the lot of for-
tune, which is in Leo, is also taken into consideration. After pondering their
conditions, he concludes that the native,

will notably acquire substance and he will be rich and he will be provided
[with a] good and large fortune. And there will come to him profit from
the side of strong princes and grand lords and also from people from the
churches, noblemen such as bishops, cardinals and other fathers of the
holy church, and on occasion by aid from his mother.57

diurnal, nocturnal if nocturnal). When hemisphere and gender combine, the planet is in
hayz, a strong condition.
56 sera bien attemperee et noble et qu’il será hors de solicitude de tribulacion et de melan-
colie et sera plus begnin doulx et aimable honourable et d’onneste prudence et bonne
conversacion et sera son corps selon sa complexion et son eage en milleur disposicion
que es deux aultres parties de sa vie, f. 95ra.
57 ce ney acquerira notablement substance et sera riche et parviendra bonne fortune et
grande et luy viendra bien proffit et honneur de la partie des fors princes et grans sei-
gneurs et aussy des gens d’Esglise nobles comme evesques cardinauls et autres peres de
sancte Esglise et a l’occasion et pour suitte de sa mere, f. 95rb.

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Jupiter the greater benefic, is strongly placed in the angular tenth house
and in Sagittarius, one of its domiciles. Jupiter represents lords and clergymen,
especially when placed in the tenth house, a place of achievement and power.
The tenth house also signifies the mother, hence the reference to the native’s
mother as a possible source of wealth. The placement of Saturn, lord of the
ascendant, in the second house denotes the native’s interest in the acquisition
of wealth, but it also suggests difficulties:

because the lord of the ascendant is in the second house it means that
the native will acquire his said substance properly and that in acquiring
it he will have tribulations, sadness and melancholies.58

These problems are related to the maleficent nature of the planet, aggravated
in this case by its placement in Aries, the sign of its fall. Although Saturn has
a triplicity in the signs of fire, being in its fall in Aries suggests impatience and
instability leading to unwise decisions. For this reason, Belle recommends
caution:

it will be convenient that he uses not only his own sense, because he
will deceive himself, but also the counsel of noble people and of a noble
situation.59

This judicious advice is possibly inspired by the trine between Jupiter in the
tenth house of honours and Saturn in the second house of wealth. It offers
the native the opportunity to overcome the difficulties signified by a malefic
planet by means of wisdom represented by the strong position of Jupiter in the
tenth house.
The other two judgements use the same general significators, although with
a different emphasis. In Hubert’s nativity (ff. 77ra–77rb) the judgement begins
by noticing that Mercury, lord of the ascendant, is placed in the second house
revealing the native’s interest in the acquisition of wealth. This goal is hin-
dered by Mercury’s combustion by the Sun and to the South Node, which has
a diminishing effect. The sextile of Jupiter ameliorates these difficulties and
brings prosperity, although only in the later period of his life because Jupiter

58 pour ce que le seingeur de lascendant est en la 2e maison il sinifie que le ney acquiera sa
dite substance proprement et que en l’acquerant il aura tribulations, tristesses et melan-
cholies, f. 95rb.
59 et conviendra qu’il ne use pas seulement de son scens car luy mesme se devevroit maix
use par le conseil de gens nobles et de noble lieu, f. 95rb.

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is occidental of the Sun. Venus, ruler of the second house, is in Sagittarius in

the third, aspecting Mars in Aquarius in the sixth. The aspect is a sextile, but
the author considers it harmful because ‘according to the computations of the
houses’ (secundum equationes domorum) the aspect is a square, as the third and
sixth houses form a natural square.60 It may therefore signify ‘harm by some
of his partners in the second half of his life’ (dampnum aliquorum sociorum
suorum post medietatem vite). In this instance, the aspect by house overlaps the
signification of the aspect by zodiacal degree. Success is still possible because
the aspect of the Sun to Jupiter promises ‘great abundance of honours in the
second half of his life’ (magnam habundantiam honorum post medietatem vite
eius). The reference to mid-life is due to Jupiter’s occidentality of the Sun.
In Jo. Dap’s nativity (f. 86rb), the emphasis is placed on the lot of fortune:
Saturn, the dispositor of the lot of fortune, is in the fourth house of the father
suggesting that part of his wealth comes from his family. However, Saturn is
retrograde, thus reducing the benefits. Another possible source of wealth is the
trade of marine products (per mercancias maris) implied by Pisces on the cusp
of the second house.

5.3 Third House: Short Journeys, Siblings

All three judgements only address the topic of siblings, ignoring the other
significations of this house. And surprisingly, in Jo. d.c.l.’s judgement (f. 95va)
regarding brothers the third house is not even taken into account; the significa-
tors are the rulers of the tenth and eleventh houses and the benefic planets.61
Belle’s judgement is concise and optimistic:

this native [may] have several brothers and sisters and that they will be
very fortunate and noble of courage and of good mind, and that they will
love this native.62

Belle’s method is apparently based on a common interpretation of a passage

of Tetrabiblos.63 Although the original text is unclear, authors such as Bonatti
believed that in the matter of brothers Ptolemy considered the placement of

60 Each house is a 30° section of the heavens (measured in the Celestial Equator or Prime
Vertical, or another great circle depending on the house system used), thus the third
house is always 90° from the sixth house regardless of the house system used, and its
projection on the zodiac.
61 la x et la xi et les plusieurs fortunes, f. 95va.
62 [par quoy il est sinifié] ce ney avoir plusieurs freres et seurs et qu’il seront bien fortunés et
nobles de corage et d’entendement et qu’il aimeront le ney, f. 95va.
63 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III.5, 251–255.

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benefic or malefic planets in the tenth and eleventh houses.64 Following this
methodology, Belle judges favourably, as benefic Jupiter is strongly placed in
the tenth house and also rules the eleventh. Most astrologers of this period
would typically use the third house as a primary signification, in which case
the presence of a debilitated Mars in the third would strongly suggest difficulty
with the siblings.
In the judgement for Hubert (f. 77rb), the emphasis is also on the number
of brothers and sisters of the native, which is calculated by the position of the
significators in fertile or barren signs, a feature that Belle omits.65 The cusp
of the third house is in Scorpio, a fertile sign, and the Moon is placed therein,
which should point to many siblings. Regardless, the configuration is deemed
unfavourable because Mars, ruler of the third house, and Jupiter, the greater
benefic, are in Aquarius and Sagittarius, respectively, both are signs of few
children, thus suggesting few brothers.66 Mars also rules the eighth house of
death indicating that the native ‘will see the death of many of his brothers
and some of his sisters’ (videbit mortem plurium fratrum suorum et quarundam
eius sororum).
In Jo. Dap’s judgement (ff. 86rb–86va) the selected significators are Jupiter,
placed in the third house, and Venus, the house’s ruler. The opposition between
Venus and Saturn suggests harm to the native’s older brothers (malum noce-
bit fratribus maioribus). Nevertheless, Jupiter aspects the cusp of the eleventh
house by favourable aspects (a sextile and a trine, respectively), attesting to the
virtues of his brothers.

5.4 Fourth House: Father, Parents, Ancestry, Immoveable Property

In Jo. d.c.l.’s judgement (ff. 95va–96ra), Belle gives precedence to the Sun, the
natural significator of the father in a diurnal chart, instead of the ruler of the
fourth house, Mercury.

because the Sun is in the eleventh house and it is close to Jupiter [which
is] oriental and in the tenth, it signifies that the father of the native is
noble and amiable and of good complexion and he [the father] will have
long life.67

64 Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, 1238–1239.

65 This method is also applied to the fifth house to ascertain the native’s fertility and to the
second to calculate wealth.
66 Mars dominus 3 domus in Aquario signum paucorum filiorum et Jupiter similiter in signo
paucorum filiorum, f. 77rb.
67 Et pour ce que le Soleil est en la 11 et est environné de Jupiter oriental en la 10 il sinifie que
le pere du ney est noble et aimable et de bonne complexion et qu’il sera de longue vie,
f. 95ra.

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This is the standard methodology for the fourth house.68 Although the Sun
is in a relatively good condition there is some exaggeration in this statement,
and the contribution of the ruler of the tenth, Mercury, curbs this optimism:

his father will be of profound cogitation and will want to have his [own]
opinions and on that occasion some tribulations or losses will come to
him, and he will be slow and of few words and of a complexion tending
to the melancholic, and in this the father will participate with the son.69

Belle includes in this judgement a brief reference to the native’s mother, prob-
ably to complete the description of the family, despite the fact that this topic
pertains to the tenth house. Belle attributes to her ‘a good sanguine complex-
ion and tempered’ (bonne complexion sanguine et attemperee), deduced from
the position of Jupiter, a sanguine and temperate planet, strongly dignified in
the tenth house. She is also

of noble conversation and of high courage, and full of humility, loving

God with fear.70

The nativity of Hubert (ff. 77rb–77va) concisely describes the meanings of

the fourth house as ‘heritages and the end of things’ (herditates, finis rerum).
Differently from Belle’s, it focuses only on the father’s patrimony not on his
complexion. Jupiter, the ruler, is in Sagittarius and in sextile with Mars, ruler of
the eighth, thus promising inheritance (hereditas) to the native. As this is a noc-
turnal chart, Saturn takes precedence over the Sun as significator of the father.
Saturn is retrograde and peregrine, thus diminishing the inheritance and its
placement in the seventh house suggests difficulties in business partnerships.
This section also includes a less common reference to the length of life of the
native’s father using a method similar to the calculation of the native’s length
of life, as seen in the first house. The natural significator is taken as the father’s
hyleg and an alcocodem is selected accordingly. Being a nocturnal chart, Saturn
is taken as hyleg and the Moon as alcocodem because it has triplicity in the sign

68 See for example Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III. 4, 240, or Haly Abenragel, El Libro Conplido, IV, 14,
206. For the longevity of the native’s parents see Rhetorius the Egyptian, James H. Holden,
tr. (Tempe, 2009): 100, 149.
69 icelluy pere sera de parfonde cogitation et vouldra tenir ses oppinions et a l’occasion de
ce aucunes triblations ou perdes lui en viendront et sera tardif et peu parlant et de com-
pletion tirant au melancolique et en ce la participera le pere avec le fils, f. 95vb.
70 de noble conversacion et de hault corage et plaine d’umilité, amant Dieu avec crainte,
f. 95vb.

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where Saturn is placed and aspects it by trine. Saturn’s poor condition foretells
a short life to the father (significat parvam vitam patris); the Moon, though in
its joy, is in Scorpio the sign of its fall, so ‘it cannot give more than twenty-five
years or twenty-five months or less’ (non potest dare ultra 25 annos vel 25 men-
ses vel infra).
Jo. Dap’s judgement (f. 86va) follows the usual rules. Being a diurnal nativity,
the Sun takes precedence for the father and Venus for the mother.71 The Sun
is in its joy in the ninth house suggesting nobility of soul and acuity of senses
(nobilitatem animi acuitatem sensus), but Saturn retrograde in the fourth
house threatens great destruction of his honours (patri magnam honorum
destructionem). Mercury, ruler of the fourth, is under the Sun’s rays, therefore
unable to assist. Again, the astrologer ponders the testimonies and decides for
the strongest, in this case, the planet placed in the house.

5.5 Fifth House: Children, Entertainment, Gifts, Messengers, Embassies

These three judgements are mainly focused on the number of children. In Jo.
d.c.l.’s nativity (96ra–96rb), Belle selects as significators the ascendant, the
other angular houses (tenth, seventh and fourth), the eleventh house of hopes,
and the fertile planets, Jupiter, the Moon, and Venus.72 These significators
determine ‘the children of the native, if he wants to marry’.73 Marrying and
having children are thus personal choices regardless of the indicators of fer-
tility. He does not include the fifth house or its ruler in his list of significa-
tors, although he mentions them in the judgement. Belle seems optimistic in
this judgement:

because the Moon is found in the seventh, and it is lady of the fifth which
is a sign of many children, and similarly Jupiter is strong in the tenth and
Venus very close to the ascendant, from this it is signified that he may
have several children.74

71 In a diurnal horoscope the father is signified by the Sun, and in a nocturnal, by Saturn.
The mother is signified by the Moon in a nocturnal horoscope and by Venus in a diur-
nal one.
72 Les lieux en sa nativité sinifians les enfans sont l’ascendant la 10 11 7 et la 5 et les planetes
sont Jupiter la Lune et Venus, f. 96ra.
73 des enfans du ney sil se veult marier, f. 96ra.
74 Et pour que la Lune est trouvee en la 7 et elle est dame du 5, sinifie que est signe de moult
d’enfans et samblablement Jupiter est en la 10 fort et Venus asses prés de l’ascendant pour
laquelle chose il est sinifié qu’il pourra avoir plusieurs enfants. Et pour ce que aucuns des
significateurs sont orientaux et les autres sont occidentaux il en pourra avoir en son eage
jeune moienne et vielle, f. 96ra.

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Typically, this judgement would take into account the position of the plan-
ets in fertile or barren signs, a step that Belle omits here, perhaps because none
of the significators is in a fertile sign. He considers the number of benefic plan-
ets in the angular houses enough to warrant many children regardless of the
signs therein.
In Hubert’s judgement (f. 77va) this hour is summarized as ‘children, food,
drink, and clothes’ ( filios, cibaria, potus, et vestimenta). Saturn, the ruler, is ret-
rograde and weak (debilis) in the seventh house, suggesting few children in
youth (paucos filios in juventute). Jupiter promises children later in life ( filios
post mediam etatem), because it is in the fourth house and occidental to the
Sun, but they will be few because Saturn does not aspect Mercury, ruler of the
ascendant. For the same reason, he will not be much interested in food (non erit
multum curiosus in cibariis), one of the pleasures associated with this house.
The judgement of Jo. Dap’s fifth house (ff. 86va–86vb) relies mainly on the
position and strength of the benefic planets: Venus in Sagittarius in the tenth
house and in mutual reception with Jupiter in Taurus in the third house.75 As
the cusp of the fifth house is in the feminine sign of Cancer, and its ruler, the
Moon, is in Scorpio, also feminine, it is concluded that the native will have
more daughters than sons. The number of children may be diminished by the
presence of malefic planets in the angles: Mars in the tenth and Saturn in the
fourth houses. These are not directly related to the fifth house but their angu-
larity is considered strong enough to be taken into account.

5.6 Sixth House: Servants, Small Animals, Illnesses

The sixth house receives much attention from Belle especially in the part
related to health. He begins by briefly judging the condition of Jo. d.c.l.’s serv-
ants, signified by ‘the sixth house, the part of servants and their lords, the plan-
ets aspecting them, and Mercury’ (f. 96rb). Because of the poor condition of
Mercury, which is retrograde and combust, the servants will be many but not
trustworthy, and some will secretly plot against him even though they appear
to be loyal ( ja soit ce quil semble quil soient loyaux). Commerce in animals is
also signified by the sixth house, its ruler, and Mars, which, due to its debili-
tated conditions, will not bring much profit to the native.

75 Mutual reception occurs when two planets receive each other, that is, when one of them
is in a sign where the other has some dignity, and vice-versa. In this condition the planets
support each other. For instance, Venus in Cancer and the Moon in Libra: Venus is in the
sign ruled by the Moon and the Moon in the sign ruled by Venus. This condition is consid-
ered beneficial to both planets.

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The topic of health is explored in much detail again suggesting that Belle
was a physician or a student of medicine. He begins by identifying the signifi-
cators of illnesses, quoting Ptolemy:

The places signifying the illnesses of the native are the ascendant, the
seventh and the sixth, the lot of illness, and their rulers, and the plan-
ets in those places aspecting or being [placed] there, both benefic
and malefic.76

In fact, Belle is paraphrasing rather than quoting Ptolemy who never mentions
the lot of illness (nor indeed any lot other than the lot of fortune), nor the
places signifying illness. In fact, Ptolemy makes no mention of the houses in
his book and he organizes the topics in a different order. Belle may be quot-
ing from one of Ptolemy’s many commentators or perhaps merging several
authors.77 The judgement lists the possible difficulties caused by the adverse
configurations of the chart and concludes by suggesting that relief may come
from certain planetary placements. Venus will help,

by the assistance of some good saint and prayers and orisons, which will
be made by him [the native], the said illnesses will be ameliorated by the
intercession of the blessed saints.78

The reference to the saints, though unexpected, is consistent with this con-
figuration: Venus rules the ninth house and it is close to the ascendant, thus
connecting the native signified by the ascendant with religion signified by the
ninth house. The second is Jupiter, the other benefic, although on a more mun-
dane level, assists:

by a good regime of medicine and the help of good government and prin-
cipally by the aid, effort and work of his mother, which will naturally be
the cause of his well-being, health, profit, good and honour.79

76 les lieux sinifians les maladies du ney sont l’ascendant la 7 la 6 la partie des maladies et
leurs seigneurs et les planetes iceux lieux regardans ou estans en eulx et tant bonnes que
mauvaises, f. 96va.
77 See for instance Bonatti, Book on Astronomy, 1265–1269.
78 per l’aide d’aucun bon saint et prieres et oroisons lesquelles seront faittes pour luy lesdites
maladies lui seront allegee per l’intercession des benois sains, f. 96vb.
79 par bon regime de medicine et l’ayde de bon gouvernement et principalement per layde
labour et travail de sa mere laquelle naturellement sera cause de son salut santé proffit
bien et honneur, f. 96vb.

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The mother’s assistance is deduced from the placement of Jupiter in the

tenth house, that of the mother.
The judgement indicated the native’s propensity to certain illnesses, while
the study of directions, revolutions of the year, and profections helped to
establish the periods when these illnesses were most likely to manifest. The
goal was to prevent any possible health problems, by anticipating the difficult
periods and taking certain preventative actions.
The other two judgements are less extensive. In Hubert’s case (ff. 77va–77vb)
the ruler of the sixth house, Saturn, is in Pisces, occidental of the Sun, signify-
ing illness in old age and in the feet, which are ruled by Pisces. Mercury, ruler of
the ascendant, is in Scorpio, combust and conjunct the South Node; as Scorpio
rules the reproductive organs (virgam et testiculos), the native is prone to suffer
damage in them (impedimentum in hiis partibus).
Jo. Dap’s judgement (ff. 86vb–87ra) begins on a positive note, by noticing
the absence of malefic planets in the ascendant, the sixth, and seventh houses
(non video infortunas in ascendente nec in sexta nec in septima). Even so, the
native risks harm ‘by iron or fire’ (ex ferro vel igne) possibly because Saturn,
the lord of the ascendant, receives the opposition of Mars, which is angular in
the tenth in Sagittarius, a fiery sign.

5.7 Seventh House: Marriage, Partnerships, Adversaries

In the nativity of Jo. d.c.l. (ff. 96rb–97rb), the significators chosen by Belle are
the seventh house (Leo), and its ruler, the Sun, the Moon, which is placed in
the seventh, and Venus, the natural significator of love. Belle states that:

if this native wants to marry, he will be conveniently and moderately for-

tunate in marriage because on that occasion he will have and participate
in the benefits and in the honours and also sometimes tribulations, toil
and trouble.80

Marriage is regarded as optional and described realistically, with both pleasant

and unpleasant consequences. His wife is described as ‘moderately wise and
beautiful, and often happy’ (moienement sage et belle et souvent joieuse). The
native will be ‘moderately afflicted because of lust’ (moienement enclui au fait

80 Et pour ce que les dessusdites sinificateurs sont aucuns fors moienement et les autres
debiles s’ensuit que se ce ney se veult marier il sera convenientement en marriage et
moienement fortune car a l’occasion d’icelluy il ara et participera des biens et des hon-
neurs et aussy parfois des tribulations peinne et travail, f. 97ra.

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de luxure), a worrying condition since it was considered a sin. However, salva-

tion is at hand,

by the good advice of some noblemen and people of good conversation,

he will be able to preserve himself.81

By his own volition the native may avoid, or at least diminish, even the most
pernicious traits represented in the chart.
In Hubert’s nativity (ff. 77vb–78ra), the author begins by addressing the
topic of opponents. Jupiter, the house ruler, is angular in the fourth house
and dignified in Sagittarius, indicating strong adversaries and conflicts, but
the sextile of Mars, the natural significator of battles, promises concord. The
judgement moves on to marriage; Jupiter in the fourth house suggests that the
native’s wife may be a member of his own family (de parentela sua). The wife’s
appearance is not pleasant, ‘because neither Saturn nor its sign [Pisces] shows
beauty’ (quia Saturnus nec eius signum demonstrat pulcritudinem). However,
this does not hinder the couple’s happiness: the sextile between Jupiter, ruler
of the seventh house signifying the wife, and Mercury, lord of the ascendant
signifying the native, promises love between them (amor erit inter eos).
In the case of Jo. Dap (ff. 87ra–87rb), the author describes the native’s behav-
iour regarding relationships. As this is the nativity of a man, the Moon is taken
as significator of marriage. It is oriental in mundo and occidental in the nativ-
ity (orientalis in mundo et occidentalis in nativitate), suggesting that ‘the native
will copulate in his middle-age with any female he meets, or with a girl, if he
has passed middle-age’ (natus ille in media etate copulabitur cum quacumque
sibi accidat aut copulabitur cum puella si mediam etatem transierit).82 However,
the Moon is ‘in a sign of one figure’ [a fixed sign] (Luna est in signo unius fig-
ure) and does not aspect other planets.83 The fixed quality indicates endur-
ing and, therefore, fewer relationships, and is corroborated by the absence of
aspects suggesting that the native ‘will copulate with only one woman’ (solum
uni mulieri copulabitur).84 Apparently, the native was expected to settle down

81 Maix per le bon conseil d’aucuns nobles et gens de bonne converstion il sen poura pre-
server, f. 97rb. For a discussion on medieval sexuality and its relation to astrology, see
Helen Lemay, ‘The Stars and Human Sexuality: Some Medieval Scientific Views’, Isis, 71,
I (1980): 127–137.
82 As explained before, the orientality or occidentality of a planet can be considered either
in relation to the Sun or in relation to the horizon. They do not necessarily coincide.
83 The Sun is not taken into consideration in this instance.
84 Quantity is deduced from the mode of the sign of the significator and from its aspects, as
stated in Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, 1294–1295.

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after marriage. Leo in the seventh house promises a wife of great beauty (pul-
chritudinem magnam).

5.8 Eighth House: Death, Losses, Fears, Inheritances

All of the three judgements follow a standard astrological approach to this
house by studying the cusp of the eighth house, its ruler, and any planets posi-
tioned in the house, or aspecting any of the significators.
In the judgement of Jo. d.c.l. (ff. 97rb–97va) reveals ‘the way by which he will
be in danger of ending his days and receive death.’85 Belle states that a poten-
tially fatal moment could occur at the age of sixty-one, when the Sun, hyleg
of the nativity, reaches the conjunction of Saturn by direction. But salvation
is possible:

Though it was said before that his life can be prolonged up to the year
seventy-eight, it must be understood that [by] a good regime and a good
government he can surpass the year around sixty-one in which he will be
in danger.86

As this direction precedes the age indicated by the alcocodem of the Sun, which
is sixty-three years and a half, danger can be bypassed or at least reduced to
non-fatal proportions. The native’s melancholic temperament is a potentially
fatal tendency:

by abundance of melancholy and by those cogitations and pain of mind,

and by headache and defence of the sensitive and natural spirits and of
similar things, of which he should guard throughout his life, which by the
will of God, all things considered, he will finish honestly.87

In Hubert’s case (f. 78ra), death may be caused by violent attacks such as beat-
ings (percussiones) in the context of wars and disputations (bellis et litiganti-
bus) because the ruler of the eighth house, Mars, is a malefic planet and it is in

85 la maniere per laquelle il sera en danger de finir ses jours et prendre mort, f. 97rb.
86 Combien qu’il soit dit devant que sa vie se peut eslonger jusques a l’an 78 cest a entendre
se bon regime et bon gouvernement il peut passer l’an dessudit on environ ce temps de 61
auquel il sera en danger, f. 97rb.
87 par habundance de melancolie et par grandes cogitations et paine d’entendement et
doleur de teste et deffanse d’esprits sensitifs et natureles et choses samblables, desquelles
il se devra guarder tout le temps de sa vie, laquelle au plaisir de Dieu, touttes choses con-
siderees, il finera honnestement, f. 97va.

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the human sign of Aquarius.88 Mars, a hot and dry, and malefic planet, is in the
sixth house of illnesses, so even if he escapes the attacks, he has to face several
potentially fatal illnesses such as fevers or dysentery. Even more alarming is
‘the will to kill or to hurt himself’ (voluntatem se ipsam occidendi vel malefi-
ciandi) suggested by the poor condition of the ruler of the ascendant, Mercury,
which is under the Sun’s rays, conjunct to the South Node in Libra, again a
human sign. But despite these gloomy predictions the placement of Jupiter in
the fourth house and its sextile to Mars, ruler of the eighth, suggests that death
will occur ‘in his own place and in his own bed’ (quia Jupiter ibi aspicit morietur
in suo loco et lecto).
Jo. Dap’s judgement (f. 87rb), using the same line of reasoning as the previ-
ous two, concludes that the native may die ‘of natural death, with riches and
honours outside his own land’ (morte naturali in divitiis et honore extra terram
tuam), revealed by the ruler of the eighth house, Mercury, placed in the ninth
house, that of travel. His demise will be smooth and easy (suavis et dulcis) as
suggested by the sextile between Venus and Mercury, ruler of the eighth house,
except if it occurs by accident and before its natural time, in which case it will
be bitter and sad (amara et tristis).

5.9 Ninth House: Manners (mores), Piety, Religion, Education,

Peregrinations
In the judgement for the nativity for Jo. d.c.l, Belle includes manners (mores) in
the judgement of the ninth house, an association that only becomes common
in sixteenth-century texts; the other two authors judge manners in the context
of the first house. Belle lists the significators of manners as Mercury, the Moon,
and the signs on the ninth and third houses, Libra and Aries.89 Following
Ptolemy, he judges:90

the Moon signifies the sensitive part [of the soul] and Mercury the
rational part [of the soul], and the Moon is stronger than Mercury, [thus]
it follows that the sensitive part in this native will not obey voluntarily
the rational part, but often the sensitive part will have power over it.91

88 Human signs signify events caused by individuals or groups, in this case, by violence.
89 The third house is included in the judgement of piety by some authors as it also signifies
religious practices. See Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, 1320–1330, Haly Abenragel, El Libro
Conplido, V, 8, 240–247.
90 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III.12, 333–363.
91 scelon Ptholomé la lune sinifie la partie sensitive et 3 la partie raisonnable et la lune est
plus forte que Mercure il s’ensuit que la partie sensitive en ce ney ne obeira pas volentiers

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The native’s propensity to be more emotional than rational is intensified

by the poor condition of Mercury, which is retrograde and under the Sun’s rays,
does not aspect the Moon and is disposited by Saturn. All things considered
the native,

will be of small discretion and of perverse cogitation and will want to

follow his own advice and will want to take his opinion, and he will not
want to take into account the opinion of others. And will deceive himself
in his opinions and will be several times disobedient to reason, of rude
conscience and of profound and strange thoughts.92

His reluctance to accept counsel makes him unfit for matters of the Church
and the presence of Mars in the third house (opposing the ninth) adds hostility
towards religion:

He will want to dispute the faith and to argue [against] people of the
church, and by his natural condition he will not want to be a man of the
church because Mars is in opposition to the ninth house.93

Regardless, his intellect and education are irrefutably positive:

he will practice the sciences and he will be an associate of kings, princes,

and people of the church, and he will be a governor of their things and
he will be of good conversation and honest and he will love his parents.94

The judgement is completed by a reference to the native’s travels:

Because Mars is the lord of the ninth and it is in opposition to this

[house] and weak, it signifies that this native will not have any profit in

a la partie rationelle maix souvent la partie sensitive ara domination sur elle, f. 97va. In
this context, ‘sensitive’ means ‘using the senses’.
92 Qu’il sera de petite discresion et de cogitation perverse et quil se voudra gouverner par le
conseil de luy mesme et voudra porter son oppinion et des autres oppinions ne voudra
tenir conte et se decevra lui mesme en ses opponions et sera plusieurs foix inobedient a
raison de grosse conscience et de parfondes penssés et merveilleuses, f. 97vb.
93 luy mesme voudra disputer de la foy et arguer gens d’Esglise, et de sa naturelle condition
ne voldra pas estre home desglise pour ce que Mars est en l’opposition de la 9° maison,
f. 97vb.
94 il se exercera en sciences et quil se joindra avec roys, princes et gens d’Esglise et sera gou-
verneur de leurs choses et sera de bonne conversation et honeste et aimera ses parens,
f. 97vb.–f. 98ra.

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these voyages and in several of them will have problems and hardship,
principally towards the parts of south and east. But as to those [voyages]
where he will be [heading] towards the north, he should have profit and
pleasure and do them with certainty, and likewise the voyages that he will
be towards the west.95

The poor profit derives from the placement of the lot of enemies in the ninth
house. As to the advice against traveling to south and to the east, it derives
from the presence of Mars, a malefic planet, in Taurus, a sign associated with
the south, and of Saturn, also malefic, in Aries, which is related to the east,
respectively.96
In the judgement of Hubert’s nativity (ff. 78ra–78rb), after defining this
house as ‘roads [travel], faith, religion and philosophy’ (vias fidem religionem
et sophiam), the judgement focuses on the matter of journeys. Venus, the ruler
of the ninth, is positioned in the third house allowing the native to ‘travel far
from his land’ (ire multum longe ex terra sua), while the Moon positioned in
the third, its house of joy, also promises much travel (multas vias). Regarding
religion, the presence of the fixed sign of Taurus on the ninth cusp suggests
that the native is ‘persistent in faith’ ( firmus in fidem), and Mercury, lord of the
ascendant, in the first house indicates ‘a diligent astrologer, geometrician, and
similar’ (diligens astronomus, geometra et similis).
The judgement of Jo. Dap (ff. 87rb–87va) begins by stating that the Moon in
the ninth hints at ‘many changes from one place to another’ (multas mutationes
de uno loco ad alium) because of its fast movement. It is however besieged (cir-
cumdata) by Mars, a malefic, and by the Sun, ruler of the seventh house of
opponents, thus suggesting ‘trouble and danger’ (laborem et periculum). As
Mars rules the ninth house and disposits the Moon, the profits through jour-
neys will be few and the dangers many; they may originate from natural causes,
from human actions such as ‘thieves and evil plunderers’ (per latrones et per
malos homines spoliatores), or even from the attack of wild animals (raptum

95 Mais pour ce que Mars est seigneur de la 9e et il est en l’opposition d’icelle debille ce sin-
ifie que ce ney n’ara point de proffit en ces voyages et en plusieurs d’iceux ara probleme
et travail et principalement devers la partie de midi et d’orient. Quant a ceux quil sera
devers septentrion il devra avoir proffit et plaisance et les faire seurement. Et parellement
es voyages quil sera deuns occident, f. 98ra.
96 Most authors agree that the native should not travel towards the directions related to the
signs in which the malefics (Saturn, Mars, and the South Node) are placed in the nativ-
ity. Contrarily, the signs in which the benefics (Jupiter, Venus, and the North Node) are
placed, are seem as beneficial and profitable. The connection between signs and direc-
tions was discussed in section about the ingress of Capricorn of 1294.

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malarum bestiarum). On matters of religion, Mars, ruler of the ninth, in the

tenth house of honours suggests that the native is of ‘good faith and good law’
(bone fidei bone legis).

5.10 Tenth House: Social Position, Vocation, Public Life

The tenth house is addressed in diverse ways in each of the three judgements.
Belle’s study of Jo. d.c.l.’s nativity is mainly centred on the matter of honours
and office (ff. 98ra–98va). He points to the Sun and the Moon, the midheaven,
the lot of magistery, and its ruler as significators.97 The Sun aspects Saturn,
the ruler of the ascendant, by a square, but this difficult aspect is ameliorated
by the mutual reception between the planets.98 The Moon is angular in the
seventh house aspected by a trine to Jupiter, the ruler of the tenth house. After
considering these factors, Belle concludes that the native ‘will be accompanied
by kings, dukes and counts, and from them [he] will acquire profit and hon-
our’.99 These connections will lead to promising outcomes:

he will have administration and lordship, power, and [he] will be a

man that will exert justice and will be acquainted with the science of
the laws.100

Belle suggests a religious career for this native, despite having considered him
unfit for such position in the judgement of the ninth house. This is motivated
by the addition of a new factor that comes forth in the judgement of the tenth,
but not of the ninth: a planet in the tenth house, in this case Jupiter, natu-
ral significator of religion, strong and thus capable of overcoming the native’s
issues with religion:

97 The lot of magistery is possibly the lot of rulership and authority taken in a diurnal chart
from Mars to the Moon and projected from the ascendant, which in this case would fall at
15° Taurus. It may also be the lot of honours taken in a diurnal chart from the Sun to the
degree of its exaltation (19° Aries) and projected from the ascendant, which would fall at
23° Taurus.
98 As explained before, mutual reception is considered to be beneficial to both planets
involved.
99 ce ney s’acompaignera avec roys ducs et contes et deulx acquererira proffit et honneur,
f. 98ra.
100 ara administration et seignorie et sera homme qui exercera justice et sera conoissant en
la science des loys, ff. 98ra–f. 98rb.

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[As] all his good and his honour are principally to happen because of
Jupiter, and Jupiter naturally means people of the church, it will be more
profitable to make him a man of the church.101

Apparently, the possibility of profit may overcome the trouble caused by the
native’s natural reluctance and stubbornness – in other words, the opposition
of Mars to the ninth house may be surpassed by the strong position of Jupiter.
Additionally, as Jupiter is a ‘sanguine’ planet, this career may diminish his mel-
ancholy, ‘because he will not have so many thoughts and cogitations in this
ecclesiastic state as in the secular’.102
Hubert’s judgement (f. 78rb) estimates how many years the native’s mother
will live after giving birth to him.103 The Moon is taken as the mother’s hyleg,
but Saturn, which would be the natural choice for alcocodem, is replaced by
Jupiter, which is stronger in the chart and aspects the cusp of the tenth house.
Jupiter’s good condition gives more than forty years, so ‘the mother lives for as
long as she can after this native’s birth’ (tantum potest vivere mater post nativ-
itatem huius nati).104 Mercury, ruler of the tenth house and thus also a signifi-
cator of the mother, is also taken into consideration. As there are four degrees
of separation between Mercury and the Sun (quia sunt quattuor gradus inter
Mercurium et Solem), the mother may suffer from some debility within four
years of the native’s birth (post annos quattuor a nativitate). However, this is
improved by the sextile between Mercury and Jupiter. As Mercury is also the
lord of the ascendant these considerations also apply to the native, although
in a different context, that of office and dignity: the sextile from Jupiter sug-
gests that his work will be very lucrative (multum lucrandi) and its combustion
cautions against possible damage coming from great lords (magnus dominus).
The judgement of Jo. Dap’s tenth house (ff. 87va, 87vb) focuses on honours
and reputation. After announcing that ‘great profit will come from what we
now address’ (magni profectus erit res quam nunc agimus), the judgement
advises the native to compare his own nativity to those of potential partners,
to determine ‘with whom it is convenient to associate and those to be removed
due to their enmity’ (cui homini convenit associari et qui removendus est prop-
ter eius inimicitiam). The Sun, natural significator of power, is in joy in the

101 tout son bien et son honnouer lui soit principallement a avenir a cause de Jupiter et
Jupiter naturellement sinifie gens d’Esglise il luy sera plus proffittable de se faire homme
d’Esglise, f. 98rb.
102 pour cause de ce que il nara pas tant de pensees et de cogitations en cest estat eclesias-
tique que au seculer, f. 98rb.
103 For the parent’s life span, see Avenezra, Nativities, 56–59.
104 The median years of Jupiter are forty-five and a half.

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ninth house, suggesting ‘very strong friendship’ (amicitia firma valde), while
Mars, ruler of the tenth and placed therein, promises future honours (honores
futuros), and Saturn, ruler of the ascendant, angular and dignified by triplicity
and face, supports this optimistic judgement.

5.11 Eleventh House: Friends, Allies, Hopes

Belle’s judgement of Jo. d.c.l.’s eleventh house is quite brief (ff. 98va–98vb). He
considers as significators the eleventh house and its ruler, the Sun, the Moon,
and the lot of friends. He states that the native ‘will have much damage from
those friends, as much from the church as from the secular world’.105 Moreover,
some friends ‘will be secret enemies, from whom is convenient that he guards
himself’ because the same sign, Capricorn, occupies the cusp of the eleventh
house of friends and the cusp of twelfth houses of enemies.106 He does not
offer any suggestions to moderate the difficulties.
Hubert’s judgement (ff. 78rb–78va) emphasizes business. The Moon, ruler
of the eleventh house, is strong in the third, the house of its joy, and has its
triplicity in Scorpio,107 thus promising fame and success if he travels for busi-
ness (per mercandia) towards the north, as Scorpio, a sign of water, is related
to the north.
In Jo. Dap’s nativity (ff. 87va–87vb), the focus is on allies: as the eleventh and
twelfth houses both begin in Capricorn, the author suggests that friends may
turn into enemies. The native is urged to be on guard against friends who ‘carry
honey in their speech’ (mel in ore gerunt), but may, in fact, be traitors.

5.12 Twelfth House: Enemies, Imprisonment, Treasons, Large Animals

These judgements are also very brief. In the nativity of Jo. d.c.l. (f. 98vb), the
significators selected for this topic are the sign on the cusp of the twelfth, the
lot of enemies, and their rulers, and the house describes ‘the secret enemies
and [their] jealousy of the native and their strength to damage him.’108 Belle
concludes that:

because Saturn is lord of the twelfth [and] Mars is its almutem, it follows
that the enemies of the native will be old people and black religious, and
people of vile condition, and because [of] Mars [they will be] men of

105 ara mout d’amis desqueles les amis serount nobles et riches tant d’Esglise comme de sec-
ularité, f. 98va.
106 seront ses ennemis secrés desquelles il comviendra qu’il se guarde, f. 98va.
107 The Moon has triplicity in all signs of water, even in Scorpio, the sign of its fall.
108 des enemis secres et envieux du ney et de leurs forces a lui nuire, f. 98vb.

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arms, criminals, sad people and of bad condition. But because Mars is
very weak, cadent, and in its detriment, it seems that with the aid of God
they will cause him little damage.109

Fortunately for the native the weak condition of Mars suggests that the ene-
mies are unable to cause him much damage. In this case, Belle took the signifi-
cance of the almutem over all other factors included in the judgement.
Hubert’s judgement (f. 78va) is not as fortunate: as the twelfth house is ruled
by the Sun, a natural significator of power and authority, the author mentions
‘powerful and strong enemies’ (inimicos magnos et fortes). This is aggravated
by the position of Mercury, the lord of the ascendant, under the rays of, and
therefore subdued by, the Sun. Both Mercury and the Sun are in the second
house, so there may occur damage to the native’s body and wealth (dampnum
in corpore et substantia).
In the case of Jo. Dap’s nativity (ff. 87va, 87vb), the author begins the judge-
ment by presenting three astrological rules concerning enemies. The first:
‘Those who have Aquarius in the ascendant make many enemies for them-
selves’ (quicumque habent Aquarium pro ascendente sibi ipsi faciunt multos
inimicos). Due to the natural configuration of the zodiac, when Aquarius is in
the ascendant, Capricorn is usually on the cusp of the twelfth house of hidden
enemies; as both signs have the same ruler, the native may ‘make many ene-
mies for himself’. This configuration occurs in this chart, so the author adds a
word of caution: ‘beware lest you generate them [the enemies] for yourself, as
you are inclined to do’ (caves ergo ne tibi eos generes quemadmodum inclina-
tus es). The second rule: ‘in any nativity when the rulers of the twelfth house
are strong and unafflicted nuisance and harms will come to him from hidden
enemies, and they will have victory over him’ (cuiuscumque nativitate domini
domus duodecime fuerint fortes et salvi nocumentum et danpna ei venient per
occultos inimicos et victoriam super eum habebunt). A strong ruler of the twelfth
house signifies strong enemies, so the author advises caution: ‘as this is the
case in your nativity, so they will harm you’ (sed sic est in tua nativitate ergo
tibi nocebunt). Third rule: ‘in any nativity where the lords of the seventh house
are unafflicted and strong, the native will be slandered in pleas and unfortu-
nate’ (cuiuscumque nativitate septime domus domini fuerint salvi et fortes talis

109 Et pour ce que Saturne est seigneur de la 12 Mars est almutem d’icelle, il s’ensuit que les
enemis du ney seront gens vieulx et noirs religieux et gens de ville condition et pour la
cause de Mars gensdarmes malfaitteurs gens tristes et mal conditionnés. Maix pour ce
que Mars est moult debille cadente et en son detriment il samble que a l’aide de Dieu il
luy nuiront peu, f. 98vb.

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maledictus erit in placationibus et infortunatus). The seventh house signifies

manifest enemies and disputes among other things, and a strong ruler of the
seventh may indicate strong opponents. The author considers that in this chart
the ruler of the seventh, the Sun, is strongly placed in the ninth house where it
has joy and, therefore, advises against getting involved in his own court cases
(a placationibus tuis propriis abstineas).

5.13 Prediction of Future Events

The concept of prediction is based on the assumption that if it is possible to
interpret celestial motion to describe the present, it is also possible, knowing
future celestial movements, to describe the future. The events predicted by the
astrologer are not personally directed at particular individuals, but rather the
natural result of planetary movements, and impersonal in essence. Some con-
tingencies affecting human life, such as race, gender, age, social condition, and
geographical location are also taken into account because they interact with
the factors represented in the nativity and reinforce some of its qualities while
moderating others.110
In order to study the future developments of the native’s life, the astrolo-
ger applies a set of techniques to the chart, the most common of which are
directions. Using this method, particular planets or points in the nativity are
advanced, or directed, by calculation to other natal planets or points. Another
method is the profections, which symbolically advance all points of the horo-
scope by 30° of the zodiac, that is, one sign, for each year of life. The revolu-
tions of the years of the native provide the annual return of the Sun to exactly
the same point it had at birth (for that reason, they are called by some authors
‘anniversary horoscopes’). Finally, the firdarie (already addressed) are the plan-
etary periods of each planet applied to the nativity. The resulting predictions
complement those applied at the beginning of the judgement and should be
taken in that context. Like most astrologers, Belle applies the general tech-
niques at the beginning, leaving the more precise methods to the conclusion.
In Jo. d.c.l.’s chart:

This third part I will divide into three parts. In the first I will determine
the years in which the significator of his life will come by direction to the
body of malefic planets or to their rays; in these years the native will be
in danger of great malady or of death. In the second part [I will] deter-
mine the years in which the several significators will come by profection

110 For the interaction between astrology and other factors, see for instance Avenezra,
Nativities, 29–38, and Ptolemy Tetrabiblos, I.2, 17–19.

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to the good places or bad. In the third part and last part I will determine
the rulership of the planets over the native in the course of his life by the
direction of the terms of the planets, and I will end it.111

Belle applies three main techniques: the directions of the hyleg marking the
main events of the native’s life, the profections, and the divisor, that is, the
directions of the ascendant throughout the terms of the signs.112

5.13.1 Directions of the Hylegical Points

Belle identifies eight main directions all associated with illnesses, the last of
which is the one he had already associated with the native’s death:

table 19 Directions for the nativity of Jo. d.c.l.

Year Direction Effects according to Belle

7 Moon square to Mars great danger of death by hot illnesses

30 Moon opposition to Mercury great cogitations and profound thoughts
32 Sun square of Mars pain of heart and of pain of feet
36 Sun opposition of the Moon illness caused by phlegm
37 Moon sextile of Mars illness caused by heat
41 Moon square of Saturn illness caused by cold and melancholy
61 Sun conjunction of Saturn headache, caused by great phlegm with
melancholy
78 Sun conjunction of Mars he should finish his days in the way
mentioned before

There are no forecasts regarding other relevant aspects of life such as mar-
riages or children except for a brief paragraph on the topic of substance. In it,

111 Cette tierce partie je diviseray em 3 parties. En a primiere je determineray les annees
esquelles le sinificateur de sa vie parviendra par direction aux corps des mauvaix plan-
etes ou a leus rays, esquelles annees ce ney sera en danger de maladie grande ou de mort.
En la 2e partie je termineray les annees esquelles les sinificateurs divers viendront per
profection aux lieux bons ou mauvaix. Et en la tierce et desrainne partie je determineray
le regime des planetes sur le ney selon le cors de sa vie per la direction des termes des
planetes et la feray fin, f. 94ra.
112 Again, there are many similarities between this section and Juste, ‘A Sixteeth-Century
Astrological Consultation’, 166–171. Belle’s techniques have parallels to Heingarter’s texts,
namely those in Lat. 7450, ff. 3r–21v, Lat. 7447 ff. 1r–19v, and Lat. 11232 ff. 1r–55r.

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Belle takes into consideration the directions of the lot of fortune to the rays
of malefic planets in order to determine the ‘years in which he will be in dan-
ger of having some displeasure on the occasion of his substance’.113 He does
not detail the exact directions but lists the years of the native’s life when they
occur – 16, 17, 31, 50, 53, and 59 – stating that the last is the most perilous.

5.13.2 Profections
This technique is based on the advance of all points of the chart by thirty
degrees, for each year of the native’s life. The cycle is completed every twelve
years at the ages of 12, 24, 36, 48 and so on, when the natal positions are
repeated. However, as the other techniques do not repeat, the resulting judge-
ment is never the same.
Belle uses the cyclic nature of the profections to access the overall condi-
tions of the twelve-year sequence listing the general characteristics of each
year. He calls this technique ‘the years in which the several significators will
come by profection to the good places or bad’.114 As every part of the horoscope
moves by one sign per year, he takes the conditions of each sign in the nativity
(that is, the house it falls in, any planets positioned there and their condition,
and aspects of other planets) and judges ‘the convenient and profitable or
inconvenient and damaging years’.115 Of the five hylegical points, he listed four:
the ascendant at 7° Aquarius; the Sun at 4° Capricorn; the Moon at 14° Leo; the
lot of fortune at 17° Virgo. The fifth point – the midheaven – is implied in
the judgement in the references to honours and office but is not mentioned by
name. The table below shows the general predictions for the entire twelve-year
sequence, repeating the same prognostications as the cycle unfolds.
Belle deduces his predictions from the condition of the five hylegical
points in the chart. For example, in the native’s fourth year the ascendant
moves by profection to Taurus where Mars, a hot and dry planet, is positioned,
thus foretelling fevers and impatience; the midheaven, significator of honours,
moves to Aquarius and thus to the natal ascendant bringing benefit to the
native. The other years follow the same rules.

113 autres annes esquelles il sera en danger d’avoir aucun desplaisir a l’acasion de sa sub-
stance, f. 99ra.
114 les annees esquelles les sinificateurs divers viendront par profection aux lieux bons ou
mauvaix, f. 94a. Note that Belle acounts ‘years of life’, not ‘years of age’: the sequence
begins in the first year of life, year 1, and ends in the year 12, when the native is eleven
years of age; it resumes when the native is twelve years of age, that is, when begining his
thirteenth year of life.
115 es annees esquelles les sinificateurs divers viendront par profection aux lieux bons ou
mauvaix, f. 94a.

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table 20 Profections for the nativity of Jo. d.c.l.

Year of life Prediction

01, 13, 25, 37, 49, 61, 73 Melancholy and sadness, hot maladies; two offices or
benefices
02, 14, 26, 38, 50, 62, 74 Joys, well temperate, living honestly, good health; decrease
in substance
03, 15, 27, 39, 51, 63, 75 Maladies from cold, danger to the mind; profit
04, 16, 28, 40, 52, 64, 76 Fevers, impatience; benefices and honours
05, 17, 29, 41, 53, 65, 77 Moderation, study; danger to honour
06, 18, 30, 42, 54, 66, 78 Several maladies of diverse origin; not good for honour
and substance
07, 19, 31, 43, 55, 67, 79 Variable, inclination to luxury; indifferent for honour;
acquisition of riches
08, 20, 32, 44, 56, 68 Good wealth, good for reason and understanding;
acquisition of health
09, 21, 33, 45, 57, 69 Damage to the eyes; indifferent for substance, magistery
and honour
10, 22, 34, 46, 58, 70 Good complexion and health; indifferent for substance
and honour
11, 23, 35, 47, 59, 71 Healthy, but danger to the eyes; moderate for honour and
substance
12, 24, 36, 48, 60, 72 Melancholy, prone to science, cogitations; tribulations in
honour and substance

5.13.3 Divisor
The divisor (called algebutar by some authors) is the ruler of the term that
the ascendant, moving by direction, is crossing at any given moment. The
general tone of that period is set by the divisor’s nature and conditions in the
natal chart; if the ascendant, moving by direction, happens to aspect another
planet, that planet is said to participate in the significations of the divisor. For
example, in Jo. d.c.l.’s chart, the ascendant is at 7° Aquarius and in the term
of Venus; it takes approximately four years for it to be directed to the end of
the term at 13° Aquarius, during which time Venus is the divisor.116 As Venus
is benefic, Belle forecasts an agreeable period. But while moving through the

116 As the signs rise at different velocities, this same distance of six degrees may take more
time or less time depending on the sign rising.

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term of Venus, the ascendant aspects Mars by a square aspect and the Moon
by opposition, making these two planets participants with Venus. As Mars is
malefic and both it and the Moon have difficult aspects to the ascendant, Belle
deduces that their participation may bring illnesses. Afterwards the ascendant
moves into the term of Jupiter at 13° to 20° Aquarius; Jupiter is the strongest
planet in this nativity, so a good phase is to be expected. The progression of the
divisor in this chart is as follows:

table 21 Divisor – direction of the ascendant

Horoscope of Jo d.c.l. – the Ascendant is at 7° Aquarius

birth up to 4 years Venus ‘moderately healthy’

up to 8 years Jupiter ‘his body should frequently be moderated’
up to 10 and a half Mars ‘complexion distempered in heat’; ‘danger of fever
and headache’
up to 13 and a half Saturn ‘often sad and melancholic, seldom happy and
laughing’

The Ascendant moves into Pisces

up to 19 and a half Venus ‘happy and animated’; ‘will entertain with study
and live in pleasure’
up to 22 and a half Jupiter ‘disposed to have a good office or dignity’
up to 24 Mercury ‘disposed then to acquire substance’
up to 29 Mars ‘well complexioned’ but ‘irate, conflictual, sad and
perverse’
30 and 4 months Saturn ‘plagued by many tribulations, melancholy and
other sufferings’

The Ascendant moves into Aries

up to 33 Jupiter ‘he will have little of the said tribulations’

up to 37 Venus this period will be ‘moderately convenient to him
in all his actions’
up to 40 Mercury he must ‘carefully guard his eyes and keep a good
regime’
up to 42 and 3 Mars ‘inclined to illness of headache’
months
up to 45 Saturn ‘dangerous to him from both hot and cold illnesses’

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table 21 Divisor – direction of the ascendant (cont.)

The Ascendant moves into Taurus

up to 49 Venus may have ‘debate with his brothers and sisters’

up to 53 Mercury ‘dangerous’
up to 58 Jupiter ‘beneficial and convenient to his health’
up to 60 Saturn ‘heavy and grave and full of sadness and
melancholy and painful’
up to 63 Mars ‘sickly’

The Ascendant moves into Gemini

up to 69 Mercury ‘he will think of his life and how he lives and
ordains his affairs’
up to the end of Saturn ‘he will be able to surpass [pervenir] the duration
his life of his life’

This sequence of terms corresponds to the Egyptian, not to the Ptolemaic

order, which Belle includes in his table of dignities, in MS 1711, f. 19r. The differ-
ence is detected in the sign of Aquarius: from seven degrees on the Egyptian
sequence, chosen by Belle, is Venus, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, and Saturn; the
Ptolemaic table is, again from seven degrees on, Mercury, Venus, Jupiter, and
Mars. As each term encompasses a different number of degrees, the duration
of each period necessarily varies.

5.13.4 Combining Predictive Techniques

Belle relies heavily on these three methods of directions, profections, and divi-
sor to identify the overall conditions of the native’s life, and deduces further
details by other methods, such as firdarie and revolutions of the years of the
native.117 He mentions the latter once when describing a difficult period in the
native’s life stating that it may turn out to be dangerous ‘principally if the rev-
olution of the year and of this period brings testimony’.118 As the revolutions

117 For the combination of these predictive techniques see for instance Albiruni, Instruction,
521–523, 322–327.
118 principalement si la revolution de lan et de ces temps porte tesmoignage, f. 97rb.

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of the year require complex calculations for each year of the native’s life they
were often excluded from the overall predictions.119

5.13.5 Predictions for Hubert and Jo. Dap

Hubert’s nativity includes a meticulous account of the directions of the
ascendant (ff. 78va–80ra), up to the square of Mars, a potentially lethal ‘dan-
gerous place’, at the age of seventy-one. It is followed by a meticulous account
of other directions including specific details such as a direction to the lot of the
death of women, pointing out a possible date for the death of the native’s wife.
Several directions are connected in sequence, thus establishing the flow of
events. There is no use of any other technique. By contrast, the predictive sec-
tion of Jo. Dap’s nativity (ff. 85rb, 87vb–88rb), although concise, applies a wide
variety of predictive tools and offers much detail on the techniques applied.
The author mentions the seven ages of the planets, the directions of the five
hylegical points, the profections, and the firdarie. The judgement is comple-
mented by a set of tables displaying the directions of the hylegical points, the
firdarie, and the revolutions of the year. In all three cases, the importance of
prognostication in nativities is made patent either by the use of a varied set of
techniques or by the detailed study of a single one.

6 The Art of Judgement

All three judgements share a didactic approach, explaining in some detail the
astrological doctrine applied in each segment. This offers an insight into the
practical application of astrological rules and, most importantly, an under-
standing of Belle’s thinking. Jo. d.c.l.’s judgement appears at the very end of
Belle’s notebook and is most likely his last entry in NAL 398. While following
the astrological rules thoroughly, in this judgement Belle expresses his own
style and practice. It comes after his transcriptions of extensive passages of
astrological doctrine and of the judgements of Hubert and Jo. Dap, which
present differences in method and style. Perhaps inspired by these two judge-
ments, Belle recognized the distinctiveness of Jo. d.c.l.’s chart and was able to
draw his own conclusions: a combination of astrological doctrine, the practical
examples and his own experience.

119 For the use of revolutions, see for instance the judgement in Boudet and Charmasson,
Une consultation astrologique, Appendice II, 273–278, where the astrologer (possibly
Roland of Lisbon) combines the nativity and the revolution to answer direct questions.
See also Veenstra, Magic and Divination, 2, AII, 366–371.

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6.1 Method of Interpretation

As in other applications of astrology, the judgement of nativities is organized
around questions, most of them implicit. In this case, the main implicit ques-
tion is ‘who is this person?’ The answer is taken from the combined judgements
for the native’s behaviour, mentality, manners and temperament; the astrolo-
ger evaluates all these parts in context to deduce the main traits of the native.
Many other questions can be posed to the horoscope following the traditional
organization of topics according to the houses: wealth, brothers, family, mar-
riage, children, health and so on.
The standard method of addressing each topic consists of examining the
sign on the cusp of the corresponding house, its ruler, any planets that might
be located in the house, and the planet, or planets, that naturally represent
those matters (the natural significator). In some cases priority is given to the
use of house rulers, while in others the natural significators are preferred. All
three judgements in Belle’s notebook display a standard use of significators in
the interpretation of the topics for each of the houses, but the order in which
they are considered, as well their relative importance, varies slightly with each
author. An example can be found in the judgement of brothers in Jo. d.c.l.’s
nativity: although this topic usually pertains to the third house and its ruler,
Belle chooses to use the rulers of the tenth and eleventh houses as well as
the benefic planets (f. 95va), favouring the method presented in Tetrabiblos.
Occasionally, these differences in emphasis also result from specific configu-
rations in the chart. For instance, a planet that is located in the house under
scrutiny is typically prioritized over the house ruler or a natural significator.
If, however, any of the two latter are more prominently placed, they might be
given more weight in the judgement. The ability to ponder the relative strength
and the relevance of each significator in the context of the chart is the mark
of a seasoned astrologer. These three judgements exemplify the application of
these rules in the context of three different nativities, as well as the way three
different authors use the significators in their own distinctive manner, while
following the same astrological doctrine.

6.2 Personal Agency and ‘Counselling’

The nativity of Jo. d.c.l. illustrates Belle’s proficiency and style. Although never
straying from the astrological rules, he created a narrative specifically designed
to convey his conclusions to the native, presumably a layman. While offering
insights into the prospects, fears and hopes of the client, Belle also uninten-
tionally discloses his attitude towards the judgement of nativities. His dis-
course reveals incipient traits of counselling, evident not only in the content,
intended to bring awareness and self-knowledge to the patient, but also in the

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form, which is not strictly deterministic, and it allows – and in fact encour-
ages – self-improvement. When it comes to offering counsel, Belle adopts a
non-authoritative style. And although he presents the information in a direct
and often blunt way, he leaves room for hope and redemption. His writing
is often more categorical when presenting agreeable or neutral matters, and
more tempered when talking about undesirable or frightening subjects. In this
aspect, his judgement differs from the other two, which are more concise and
less sensitive to the way the message was delivered. These considerations are
not strange to practitioners of astrology, particularly when addressing sensi-
tive topics. Bonatti for instance, when dealing with the interrogation judging if
a woman is a virgin or not, warns the practitioner to be judicious in his answer
due to the gravity of the matter. Specifically, he discusses the many malicious
reasons why the question may be asked, as well as the many circumstances
that may surround her supposed loss of virginity which do not imply her will-
ing participation.120
The delicate balance between freedom and determinism is pervasive
in the judgement of Jo. d.c.l.’s nativity, from the calculation of the native’s
length of life in the introduction, to the closing section where future events
are described. But in this case, contrary to the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction, the
topic is not addressed directly, but implicitly. It is also tempered by several
non-astrological factors, such as the condition of the native’s parents and even
divine intervention.121 Astrological prediction is seen as only a part, albeit a
crucial part, of a wider set of factors, which Belle takes into account in his
judgement much like a physician collects all symptoms to make a diagnosis.
This seems to be the common practice for the learned astrologer from antiquity
to the early modern period. And as in a medical diagnosis, the predicted events
are seen as possibilities that might be avoided, or at least significantly modi-
fied, by certain actions taken by the native. Belle’s view on prediction is more
probabilistic than deterministic. For him, foreknowledge does not seem to dis-
allow the possibility of free choice; quite on the contrary, it seems to expand
the range of choices, offering different degrees of freedom. In the events that
can be totally or partially modified, it helps to avoid the undesirable effects and

120 Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, VI.4, 440–443. For an extended discussion on astrology and
sexuality see Lemay, ‘The Stars and Human Sexuality’ (for Bonatti’s example see 130–131).
121 In this matter, he seems to be echoing Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I. 3, 23: ‘We should not believe
that separate events attend mankind as the result of the heavenly cause as if they had
been originally ordained for each person by some irrevocable divine command and
destined to take place by necessity without the possibility of any other cause whatever
interfering.’ See also the reference to the contribution of non-astrological factors, such as
country, upbringing, and customs, in I. 2, 17–19.

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to enhance the desirable ones; in those that cannot be avoided, it prepares the
spirit for things to come, thus rendering them easier to endure.
Even when addressing inescapable death, Belle allows some space for per-
sonal agency. In the nativity of Jo. d.c.l., he states that the native’s length of
life is somewhere between sixty-three and seventy-eight years of age. The first
number is given by the alcocodem, after considering all the relevant contribu-
tions; the second, by a direction of the hyleg to the conjunction of Mars, which
Belle considers to be life-threatening.122 The difference between the short-
est and the longest life span lies in the native’s life choices, specifically those
regarding his health and lifestyle, as explained before. The end of life cannot
be avoided since it will necessarily happen to all human beings, but it can be
significantly postponed by the individual’s choices.
The advantages of foreknowledge are not limited to an augmented lifespan,
they rather extend to all aspects of the native’s life. The notion of free will is also
implicit in the judgement of the different houses and topics. In this instance its
amount of freedom appears to vary according to the matters of each house. In
the houses related to matters that depend more directly on the native’s actions
there seems to be more room for choice, thus Belle offers counsel to avoid the
predicted difficulties. For instance, Belle states that Jo. d.c.l. ‘will be moder-
ately afflicted because of lust’ but that he will be able to preserve himself if he
accepts beneficial influences, such as the good advice of ‘noblemen and peo-
ple of good conversation’.123 Similarly, in the judgement for the second house
of money, le advises the native to use not only his own commonsense, but
also the counsel of noble people to avoid possible ‘tribulations, sadness and
melancholies’.124 Likewise, in the judgement of the sixth house of illness, Belle
offers the native plenty of room to improve his condition by his own choices.
Health is, in fact, one of the areas where the native has more agency. Also in
the ninth house of customs (mores), religion and travel, he offers a detailed
account of the native’s manners and piety, again signaling possible difficulties
and offering advice on dealing with them. He states that the native is unwill-
ing to accept opinions other than his own and that his ‘sensitive part’ will in
most cases ‘not obey voluntarily the rational part’; in sum, he wants to follow
his own advice and is averse to other opinions.125 This gives the native a good
understanding of his own inclinations, allowing him to curb them and to make
informed choices, thus preventing greater difficulties. In this case, Belle advises

122 NAL 398, ff. 94rb–94va.

123 NAL 398, f. 97rb.
124 NAL 398 f. 97rb.
125 NAL 398, f. 97vb.

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the native to avoid a career in the Church, for that would bring conflicts with
clergymen, and instead follow a career in sciences as it is more suitable for his
natural condition.126 Again, these are only possibilities: he may still choose to
become a clergyman in spite of his tendency to dispute other people’s opin-
ions. In the judgement of the tenth house Belle resumes the idea of a career in
the Church because it could be profitable and would cause him ‘less thoughts
and cogitations’ than in the secular world.127 Still, the native has the last word.
As to travel (peregrinationes), the other topic pertaining to the ninth house,
Belle offers advice as to the favourable directions for travelling, again leaving
the final decision to the native.
In the houses pertaining to matters where the native has no direct agency,
that is, where the outcomes depend largely on other people, there is less room
for personal choices. For instance, the judgements for the native’s father and
friends are notably concise, offering few, if any, recommendations for amelio-
rating possible difficulties. In the first case, a description of the complexion
of the parents is given, but no suggestions are offered to temper the father’s
melancholy.128 In the second, the native is warned that damage may come
from his friends, both from the ecclesiastical and the secular worlds, and that
some of his friends may be, in fact, secret enemies. Apart from the standard
advice about the convenience of guarding himself from false friends, no other
advice is offered.129 As these matters did not depend entirely on the native’s
choices, it would not make much sense to offer detailed advice.
Regardless of these two variations, the strength of determinism is also dic-
tated by each author’s personal attitude towards it. Belle’s judgement seems
to leave more room for the native’s choices than in the other two judgements,
and this is also evident in the predictive section at the end of his text. He had
already included a first set of predictions addressing the possible duration
of the native’s life and its main periods at the beginning of the judgement.
However, in the last segment Belle declares the prophylactic role of prediction
in no uncertain terms:

[I will] determine the years in which the native will be more prone to
retain the good or evil promised to him by the places of his nativity, so
that he can prepare to flee and escape the evil and retain the good.130

126 NAL 398, ff. 97vb–98ra.

127 NAL 398, f. 98rb.
128 NAL 398, ff. 95vb–96ra.
129 NAL 398, f. 98va.
130 les annees esquelles le ney sera plus convenable a retenir le bien ou le mal a luy promis
des lieux de sa nativité affin qu’il se puisse preparer a fuyr et eschiver le mal et retenir le
bien, f. 94ra.

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The capacity to ‘escape the evil and retain the good’ depends, obviously, on
the native’s awareness. In this section, Belle also emphasizes that all predic-
tions must be taken in context and that those presented at the closing of the
judgement have to be taken together with those presented at the beginning:

it is to be understood that what is said here about the good and evil in
this last part is to augment or tantalize those who are promised the things
mentioned before, and it is not desirable to contemplate one without
the other.131

This notion of context is especially evident in the considerations about health

since its conservation depended mainly on the balancing of the four humours
according to the specific configurations of a given chart. The illnesses are
presented not as inevitabilities but as possibilities, deriving mainly from the
imbalance of humours, and thus being preventable, at least in great part. The
identification of critical periods was also instrumental to prevention, since it
allowed the native to act in advance, taking adequate measures to avoid pos-
sible maladies. In the nativity of Jo. d.c.l. the topic is addressed twice: first at
beginning of the judgement as part of the general assessment of temperament,
indicating the native’s propensity for certain ailments; the second, in the judge-
ment of the sixth house, where it is resumed to add more specific information.
Belle also includes other factors, such as ‘the good regime of medicine and
the help of good government’, as essential factors to maintain good health.132
Again, it is the foreknowledge of possible events that allows the native to avoid,
or at least partially prevent, their undesirable effects.133
In these judgements, as in all applications of astrology, there is a complex
balance between determinism and personal choices. On one hand, there is
the conditioning determined by the astrological configurations, on the other,
the freedom obtained by the native’s personal choices when aware of celestial
tendencies. The task of the astrologer was to inform the native of all the con-
ditions reflected by the nativity and to advice about the adequate preventive
measures. The efficacy of this preparation, however, depended almost entirely
on the native who could follow a well-balanced and tempered life, or allow the

131 Et est a entendre que ce qui est dit des biens et des maux par ceste desrainne partie sont
pour accroistre ou appeticier ceux qui sont promis par les choses devant dittes et ne fault
point regarder les unes sans les aultres, f. 100vb.
132 NAL 398, f. 96vb.
133 Similar considerations are also evident in Heingarter’s judgements for Jean II de Bourbon
and the duke’s governor, Jean de la Goutte. See Lat. 7447, Lat. 11232 and Lat. 7446,
respectively.

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natural tendencies take command. Thus, these judgements required the native
to assume responsibility over of his or hers well-being.

6.3 Astrology and Religion

In Belle’s judgement, astrological practice and Christian faith are seamlessly
interlocked with no hint of conflict. For instance, in his comments about the
sixth house he states that ‘the assistance of some good saint, prayers and ori-
sons’ will prompt ‘the intervention of the blessed saints’ and thus improve
any health problem the native may suffer.134 Divine intervention is deduced
from the position of Venus close to the ascendant – Venus being benefic and
the ruler of the ninth house of religion in this nativity. Like many astrologers
of his period, Belle does not see any conflict between astrology and religion.
This attitude can be found in many authors and in all applications of astrology.
For example, the court astrologer Pellegrino Prisciani (1435–c.1518) advised
Isabella d’Este Gonzaga, Marchesa de Mantua (1474–1539), to begin her prayers
‘in the moment of the arrival of the beneficent configuration of the Dragon’s
Head at midheaven’ because it would increase their effectiveness.135 Priscianni
is alluding to elections, an application of astrology that selects the best astro-
logical configurations for each situation, while Belle is referring to a nativity,
but both exemplify the harmonious integration of astrology and religious prac-
tice. The very last example of the coexistence of astrology and religion is the
closing sentence in Jo. d.c.l’s judgement. When talking about death, the most
inexorable of events, Belle predicts that the native’s end will be ‘good and hon-
est, according to the will of God’ (bonne et honeste au plaisir de Dieu), thus
suggesting a reward in the afterlife.136
134 NAL 398, f. 96vb.
135 Federici Vescovini, ‘The Theological Debate’, 117. For a study on magical and astrological
practices in religious settings, see Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister. Pious Motives, Illicit
Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (Pennsylvania, 2013).
136 NAL 398, f. 100vb.

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The Collection of Horoscopes

The first part of this section addresses Belle’s collection of horoscopes (nativ-
ities and charts of events) in MS 1711, the second, the nativities in NAL 398.
Each horoscope includes a title identifying the native or event and a biograph-
ical note explaining their historical significance and possible connections to
other individuals mentioned in the manuscripts; it also includes a facsimile
of the horoscope and a table explaining the symbols. None of these charts,
except that of Jo. d.c.l., comprises a complete judgement, though some include
the calculation of the native’s length of life. Belle seldom mentions locations,
even though they are crucial to the calculation. In some cases, the approximate
location was deduced by the configuration of the house cusps.
As an overview of fifteenth-century political events was already included in
the study of the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction of 1425, the historical references in
this section are limited to brief background references to provide context for
the horoscopes and highlight the connections between them.

1 The Horoscopes in MS 1711

There are thirty-six horoscopes in this section, thirty-one of which are nativi-
ties and the remaining five are events. Eighteen of these can also be found in
NAL 398, although in this manuscript they are organized in a different order.
The horoscopes in this section are presented according to the sequence in
MS 1711, and include the corresponding reference in NAL 398. The duplicate
charts are identical in every detail, including minor errors, except for occa-
sional differences in the titles. The nativities in NAL 398 that are not part of
MS 1711’s collection are included at the end of this section.
Most of the nativities are of well-known political agents of fifteenth-century
France. Belle rectifies some of these nativities using the animodar, and in some
cases calculates their length of life or at least determines the hyleg and alcoc-
odem, although without coming to any conclusions. Some of these nativities,
particularly the ones with earlier birthdates, may have been examples for the
study of longevity, while others could have served to test other techniques,
such as the animodar or the trutina hermetis.

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1.1 Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy

MS 1711 f. 78r–NAL 398 f. 90ra1: 31 July 1396, 10:00, Dijon
(47°17′ N, 05°02′ E)

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House I – 13° Libra House VII – 13° Aries

Alhamech /Spica Lot of Enemies Nebulosa Persei 16° Aries
14° Libra 06° Scorpio Venter Ceti 13°37′ Aries
Alpheca 03° Scorpio Saturn 14°09′
Scorpio 2nd stat.
House II – 16° Scorpio House VIII – 16° Taurus
Lot of the Future Lot of Friends Caput Algol 18° Taurus
29° Scorpio 03° Sagittarius Aldebaran 01° Gemini
Cor Scorpionis 01° Cavilla 15° Sagittarius Hyrcus 14° Gemini (Capella?)
Sagittarius
House III – 17° Sagittarius House IX – 17° Gemini
North Node 05°22′ Capricorn Nebulosa 16° Mars 04°16′ Cancer
Vultur Cadens (Vega) 07° Capricorn Gemini South Node 05°22
Rigel 18° Gemini Cancer
Orion 21° Gemini Canis 06°17′ Cancer
Jupiter 27°51′ Caput Geminorum
Gemini direct Canopus 06° Cancer
Moon 29°42′
Gemini
House IV – 16° Capricorn House X – 16° Cancer
Vultur Volans (Altair) 22° Capricorn Nocea Capitum 14°17′ Cancer
Degree of the Conjunction 06° Aquarius Nebulosa 29° Cancer
House V – 14° Aquarius House XI – 14° Leo
Os Pisces (Fomalhaut) 19° Aquarius Sun 16°08′ Lot of Servants
Lot of Substance 25° Aquarius Mercury 20°35′ 23° Leo
Arios 28° Aquarius direct Lot of Fortune
Cor Leonis 21° Leo 27° Leo
House VI – 13° Pisces House XII – 14° Virgo
Alferaz 06° Aries Cauda Leonis Lot of Death
13° Virgo 01° Libra
Venus 27°49′ Lot of the Kingdom
Virgo direct 09° Libra

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figure 15 MS 1711, folio 78r

Philippe le Bon, duke of Burgundy

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Philippe le Bon, duke of Burgundy, was the son of Jean sans Peur, duke of
Burgundy, and Margaret of Bavaria. He was one of the main political agents
of the fifteenth century and perhaps for this reason his nativity is the first to
appear in both of Belle’s manuscripts. As already noted, his chart and those
of Louis XI of France and Henry VI of England often appear together in
fifteenth-century collections.1
Born in Dijon, Philip inherited the duchy of Burgundy in September 1419,
after his father’s assassination by order of the dauphin, the future Charles VII
of France.2 To avenge his father, he forged an alliance with Charles VI of France
and Henry V of England. This alliance resulted in the Treaty of Troyes of 1420,
by which Henry V was nominated regent and future ruler of France. It took
fifteen years for Philip to reconcile with the new king by signing the Treaty of
Arras. Under his rule, Burgundy expanded its territories and achieved inde-
pendence. He was married three times: in 1409 to Michelle of Valois; in 1425
to Bonne d’Artois, who died soon afterwards, leaving him with her two sons
from a previous marriage, Charles de Bourgogne and Jean de Clamecy; in 1430
to Isabelle of Portugal, mother of Charles the Bold. He died in 1467, after pro-
longed and debilitating ailments.

Figure of the most illustrious prince, lord Philip, by the grace of God
Duke of Burgundy, which was by 12 hours after noon [in the] 30th day of
July, in the year of Christ 1396, and was in the day of the Moon [and] in
the hour of Venus.3

In NAL 398 the chart is similar, the only difference being the duke’s encoded
title: gran b5rg4nd32 d5c3s (replacing the numbers by the respective vowels:
gran Burgondie ducis – grand-duke of Burgundy).4 This is the horoscope that
includes the most fixed stars and lots in the entire collection. The correspond-
ing chart in NAL 398 assembles a total of eleven lots, eight of which are also in
MS 1711. The three extra lots in NAL 398 are alternative calculations for the lot
of the kingdom, the lot of children, and the lot of brothers.

1 See Poulle, ‘Horoscopes princiers’, 72–73, Carey, Courting Disaster, 138–153 and Carey,
‘Astrology at the English Court in the Later Middle Ages’, 41–56, (49).
2 For a discussion of Philip of Burgundy’s place of birth, see E. Picard, ‘Le lieu et la date de
naissance de Philippe le Bon’, Revue de Bourgogne 1926: 341–354.
3 Figura illustrissimi principis domini Philippi Dei gratia Burgundie ducis que fuit per 22 horas
post meridiem 30 Julii anno Christi 1396. Et fuit dies Lune hora ♀︎, MS 1711 f. 78r.
4 For a discussion on the variants of this nativity, see Boudet, Astrologie et Politique entre
Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 255, n. 26.

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The tables below depict the lots and fixed stars in this nativity, in the order
of the houses.

table 22 The lots in Philip’s nativity

In NAL 398 In MS 1711

Lot of the Enemies – Pars inimicorum: Lot of the Enemies – Pars inimicorum:
6° Scorpio 6° Scorpio
Lot of the Future – Pars futurorum: Lot of the Future – Pars futurorum:
29° Scorpio 29° Scorpio
Lot of Friends – Pars amicorum: Lot of Friends – Pars amicorum:
3° Sagittarius 3° Sagittarius
Lot of Kingdom – Pars regni: 13° Capricorn
Lot of Substance – Pars substantie: Lot of Substance – Pars substantie:
25° Aquarius 25° Aquarius
Lot of Children – Pars filiorum: 30° Aquarius
Lot of Brothers – Pars fratrum: 25° Taurus
Lot of the Servants – Pars servorum: 23° Leo Lot of the Servants – Pars servorum:
23° Leo
Lot of Fortune – Pars fortune: 27° Leo Lot of Fortune – Pars fortune: 27° Leo
Lot of Death – Pars mortis: 1° Libra Lot of Death – Pars mortis: 1° Libra
Lot of the Kingdom – Pars regni: 9° Libra Lot of Kingdom – Pars regni: 9° Libra

While there are no fixed stars in Philip’s nativity in NAL 398, the corresponding
chart in MS 1711 has twenty-three stars (of which two are nebulas).

table 23 Fixed stars – Philippe le Bon

Alhamech (Spica) 14° Libra Aldebaran 01° Gemini

Alphecca 03° Scorpio Hyrcus 06° Gemini
Cor Scorpio (Antares) 01° Sagittarius Nebulosa (possibly M42 in Orion)
Cavilla (Zeta Bootis) 15° Sagittarius 18° Gemini
Vultur Cadens (Vega) 07° Capricorn Rigil 18° Gemini
Vultur Volans (Altair) 22° Capricorn Orion (Betelgeuse) 21° Gemini
Os Piscium (Fomalhaut) 19° Pisces Canopus 06° Cancer
Arios (Biham or Sadalachbia) 28° Aquarius Caput Geminorum (Castor) 12° Cancer

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table 23 Fixed stars – Philippe le Bon (cont.)

Alferaz 06° Aries Nocea Capitum (Pollux) 15°17 Cancer

Venter Ceti (Baten Kaitos) 13° Aries Nebulosa (possibly M44) 29° Cancer
Nebulosa Persei 16° Aries Cor Leonis (Regulus) 21° Leo
Caput Algol 18° Taurus Cauda Leonis (Denebola) 13° Virgo

1.2 Charles VII, King of France

MS 1711 f. 78v–Blank Chart
Charles VII, the disowned son of Charles VI and Isabeau of Bavaria, was the
principal enemy of Philippe le Bon. His struggle to seize the throne of France
has already been mentioned. He was crowned in July 1429 and reigned until his
death in 22 July 1461.

Nativity of the most Christian King of the Franks Charles VII, which was
in the year of Christ 1403.5

Belle seems to have little interest in this nativity. He does not calculate the
king’s chart and does not even mention his day and time of birth. This data
would have been easily available to him, but he may have had doubts about
its accuracy, since there were conflicting accounts of the event.6 Nonetheless,
Belle includes the horoscope for the king’s coronation on 16 July 1429 in
both manuscripts.7

5 Nativitas christianissimi francorum Regis Karoli 7imi que fuit in anno Christi 1403, MS 1711
f. 78v.
6 For instance, in Lat. 7443: judgement of Charles VII’s nativity in ff. 73v–78v, horoscope in
f. 79r, list of planetary positions in f. 129r. Both indicate the same date, in different notations,
and 28° Sagittarius ascendant; the second refers to Charles VII as Dauphin, suggesting it was
written before his coronation in 1429. See also Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, 131–132, and ‘Une con-
sultation astrologique’, 263, n. 26.
7 Jean-Patrice Boudet and Emmanuel Poulle, ‘Les jugements astrologiques sur la naissance de
Charles VII’, in Saint-Denis et la royauté: études offertes à Bernard Guenée, Francoise Autrand,
Claude Gauvand, Jean-Marie Moeglin, eds (Paris, 1999): 169–179 (174–176).

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1.3 Louis XI, King of France

MS 1711 f. 79r–NAL 398 f. 90rb1: 3 July 1423, 17:45, Bourges
(47°05′ N, 02°23′ E)

House I – 19°10′ Sagittarius House VII – 19°10′ Gemini

Vultur Cadens 06°33′ Capric. Lot of the King and Kingdom 25°30′ Gemini
Degree of the opposition 10° Cap Mercury 09°00′ Cancer
Vultur Volans 22°10′ Cap. Sun 19°10′30′′ Cancer
South Node 24°40′ Cap. North Node 24°40′ Cancer
House II – 26°23′ Capricorn House VIII – 26°23′ Cancer
Lot of Religion 04° Aquarius Venus 02°38′ Leo Mars 24° Leo
House IIII – 04°34′ Pisces House IX – 04°34′ Virgo
Jupiter 12°42′
Lot of Death according to Hermes 29° Vir
House IV – 17°04′ Aries House X – 17°04′ Libra
Stella Lucida 20° Aries Saturn 17°04′ Libra Lot of Fortune
Spica 16° Libra 1st magnitude 23°14′ Libra
House V – 8°15′ Taurus House XI – 8°15′ Scorpio
Moon 23°14′ Taurus
House VI – 29°39′ Taurus House XII – 29°39′ Scorpio
Cor Scorpionis 02° Sagittarius
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figure 16 MS 1711, folio 79r

Louis XI, king of France

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King Louis XI of France, known as the ‘Prudent’ or the ‘Universal Spider’, the
son of Charles VII and Marie of Anjou. He had a conflictual relationship with
his father and often turned to the Duke Philip of Burgundy, his father’s great-
est enemy, for political support. In 1456 he was granted asylum in Burgundy
where he stayed for fifteen years. He returned only to be crowned at Reims,
on 15 August 1461. His attempts to limit the powers of the noblemen led to
the creation of the League of Public Weal (Ligue du Bien Public) in 1465. The
League, commanded by his brother Charles de Berry, assembled some of the
most powerful noblemen in France.8 He died in 1483.

Nativity of the most Christian King Louis, which was in the year of the
Lord 1423, at five hours and forty-five minutes after noon, the third day of
July, at the latitude of 49 degrees. And it was the day of Saturn, hour of
the Sun. Almutem Saturn.9

NAL 398 is similar with the name encoded: xrs31n3ss3m3 francorum r2g3s l4do-
v3ci (xristianissimi francorum regis Ludovici: most Christian king of the Franks,
Louis).
Boudet considers this as the first known nativity of Louis XI but remarks
that the hour of birth given by Belle, 5:45 PM, is incorrect since the official
letters written by Louis XI’s father, Charles VII, give a birth time of ‘about five
hours after noon’ (environ cinq heures après midi).10 However, the data pro-
vided by Belle was accepted by coeval astrologers, such as Jean de Vésale and
Jacques Loste.11 The time provided by the official letters, when calculated with
a table for the latitude of Bourges, places the ascendant at 24°50′ Sagittarius.
This disparity may derive from the use of different referentials.12
The chart in NAL 398 is similar to that on MS 1711, differing only in the lots.

8 Some of these noblemen are included in Belle’s collection of horoscopes: Charles the
Bold, Jean II, duke of Bourbon; Jacques d’Armagnac, duke of Nemours; Charles II count
d’Albret. See Paul Kendall, Louis XI: The Universal Spider (New York, 1971): 143.
9 Nativitas cristianissimi francorum regis Ludovici que fuit in anno Christi 1423 per 5 horas
cum 45 minutis post meridiem, diei Julii ad latitudinem 49 graduum et fuit dies Saturni
hora Solis, almutem ♄, MS 1711 f. 79r.
10 S9e Boudet, Astrologie et Politique entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 318 n. 57.
11 Boudet, Astrologie et Politique entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 320 and n. 58. See also the
judgement written by Heingarter for the year 1476 addressed to Louis XI in Lat. 7450.
12 In most cases, Belle uses the mean solar day (diebus inequatis) instead of the true solar
day (diebus equatis); he also uses the table for the seventh climate (about 48° latitude)
instead of the one for the sixth climate (44° latitude), as stated in Boudet, ‘Les astrologues
et le pouvoir’, 29, nº 1.

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table 24 The lots in Louis XI’s nativitya

In NAL 398 In MS 1711

Lot of Life and Children – Pars vitae et Lot of Religion – Pars religionis:
filiorum: 24° Sagittarius 04° Aquarius
Lot of Friends – Pars amicorum: Lot of the Kingdom or of the King –
02° Aquarius Pars regni vel regis: 25°30′ Cancer (Not
If calculated as expected, it should have the usual pars regni; there is no angular
been 05° Aquarius, not 02° Aquarius distance between the planets in this
Lot of Religion – Pars religionis: chart that corresponds to a part in this
04° Aquarius position, if the calculation is made from
Lot of the Future – Pars futurorum: the Ascendant.)
15° Aquarius Lot of Death according to Hermes – Pars
Lot of the Kingdom – Pars regis: mortis secundum hermetem: 29° Virgo
17° Piscis (not the usual calculation using the
Lot of the King – Pars regis: 07° Virgo distance from the Moon to the cusp of the
(unknown calculation) 8th house cusp, projected from Saturn)
Lot of Enemies – Pars inimicorum: Lot of Fortune – Pars fortune: 23°14′
26° Libra Libra

a For more details on the Lot of the King and Lot of the Kingdom see Boudet, Astrologie et
Politique entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 323, n. 62, n. 63.

The only lots that appear in both charts are the lot of fortune and the lot of
Religion. In MS 1711 he also includes five fixed stars: Vultur Cadens (Vega)
at 6°33′ Capricorn; Vultur Volans (Altair) at 22°10′ Capricorn; Stella Lucida
(possibly Alrisha) at 20° Aries; Spica, at 16° Libra; Cor Scorpii (Antares) at
2° Sagittarius.
Belle calculates the king’s length of life by analysing the condition of the
planets and concludes that the Moon is both hyleg and alcocodem:

The Moon is hyleg and alcocodem. Because it is in Taurus, it gives almost

[all of] its median years, which are 66. He lived over 61 years. See whether
it was not in the cusp of the succedent, and [therefore] should be less-
ened. The Sun, [Saturn] and Mars do not add or lessen [the years],
although both are aspecting.13

13 ☽ hyleg et alcocodem quia in Tauro dat annos suos fere medios qui sunt 66. Vixit ultra 61
annos vide quia non fuit in cuspide succedentis ideo minuendum Sol neque [crossed out:
Saturnus] et Mars non addunt neque minuunt quamquam aspiciant, MS 171 f. 79r.

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He indicates how many years the king lived, thus this was calculated after
1483 when he died. Although the first choice should have fallen to the Sun,
since the chart is diurnal, he chose the Moon, probably for being very pow-
erful in the chart (with exaltation and triplicity in Taurus). But the Moon is
not placed in an angular house, thus unable to grant its maximum years of
one-hundred and eight; it can give only its median years, sixty-six and a half.
Belle settles for ‘almost’ sixty-six, but even this prudent calculation turns out to
be excessively optimistic as the king died at the age of sixty. According to Belle,
the discrepancy is explained by the position of the alcocodem (the Moon)
close to the cusp of the sixth house – a cadent and, therefore, weak position.
However, the Moon should be judged as being in the fifth house, as it is more
than five degrees away from the cusp, therefore outside the five-degree rule.
The fifth is a house of median strength, so the Moon as alcocodem should have
granted its medium years: sixty-six and a half. As it gave less than expected,
Belle reconsidered the Moon’s position and, due to its proximity to the sixth
house cusp, decided to count it as already acting in the sixth, a weaker house
and adjusted his calculations accordingly.14 This new calculation dismisses the
addition of years from the sextile of the Sun at 19°10′ Cancer or the reduction
from the square from Mars at 24° Leo. These adjustments suggest that this cal-
culation was made after the king’s death, not as a forecast; it was either copied
from another source of calculated as an exercise.
Belle also determines the almutem, the planet that has most power in the
five hylegical points: ascendant, Sun, Moon, lot of fortune, and lunation previ-
ous to birth:

Planetary strengths, both essential and accidental, ♄ 26 | item ♄ 11.7

that is for, the reason of the heavenly houses in ♃ 19
the figure. ♂︎ 10
☉ 13 | item ☉ 9.6
(Fortitudines planetarum tam essenciales quam ♀︎ 23
accidentales id est ratione domorum celi in figura) ☿ 14
☽ 20
Almutem ♄

The first row of numbers is the account of essential dignities of each planet,
that is, their strength in the signs; the second, which he includes only for the Sun

14 He may also have taken into account the Moon’s orb, which is 12°, more than enough to
reach the cusp of the sixth house cusp and therefore be considered conjunct to it.

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and Saturn, are their accidental dignities, that is, their strengths in the houses
and their rulerships over the day and the hour of birth. According to this calcu-
lation, Saturn is the most dignified planet in the nativity gathering twenty-six
essential dignities, to which are added eleven for its placement in the tenth
house and seven for being the ruler of the day. It is not clear which table of
essential dignities Belle was using, nonetheless the figures are approximate.15

1.4 Jean II, Duke of Bourbon

MS 1711 f. 79v–NAL 398 f. 93vb1: 30 August 1426, 16:52, Moulins
(46°33′55″ N, 03°20′00″ E)

15 To avoid repetition, these calculations are omitted in the other horoscopes of the collec-
tion, appearing only if there is something remarkable about the method used.

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House I – 3°45′ Aquarius House VII – 3°45′ Leo

Lot of Travel by Land 21° Aquarius Moon 13°54′ Leo
Lot of Friends 24° Aquarius Mercury 03°45′ Virgo
House II – 12°04′ Pisces House VIII – 12°04′ Virgo
Lot of Charity [?] 07° Aries Sun 15°11′ Virgo Venus 03°55′ Libra
Lot of the Kingdom 12° Aries Lot of Infirmities
23° Virgo
House III – 22°33′ Aries House IX – 22°33′ Libra
North Node 23° Taurus Saturn 22°54′ Scorpio South Node 23° Scorpio
House IV – 00°21′ Gemini House X – 00°21′ Sagittarius
Aldebaran 1° Gemini Jupiter 09°55′ Sagittarius
House V – 21°26′ Gemini House XI – 21°26′ Sagittarius
Mars 11°57′ Cancer Lot of Confidence Lot of Fortune
23° Sagittarius 2°28′ Capricorn
House VI – 12°25′ Cancer House XII – 12°25′ Capricorn
Lot of Servants and Messengers 14° Capricorn
Lot of Children 17° Capricorn

Jean II, duke of Bourbon and Auvergne, the son of Charles I de Bourbon
and Agnes de Bourgogne.16 In 1447 he married Jeanne de Valois, the sister
of Louis XI, in this way positioning himself at the side of the French king.17
Nonetheless, in 1484, two years after becoming a widower and only one year
after the king’s death, he married the young Catherine d’Armagnac, whose
father had been executed for treason against Louis XI; this was part of the
duke’s plan to distance himself from the king, a process that also included his
involvement in the League of Public Weal.18 When Catherine died, in 1487, the
duke married Jeanne de Bourbon-Vendôme, his cousin to the fifth degree; their
union lasted only a few months, as he died in the following year.19 Upon his
death, the title passed to his younger brother Charles, archbishop of Lyon, and
soon after to their younger brother, Pierre. Jean II had no legitimate heirs but

16 See Henry de Surirey de Saint-Remy, Jean II de Bourbon, duc de Bourbonnais et d’Auvergne,

1426–1488 (Paris, 1944) and Olivier Mattéoni, Un prince face à Louis XI. Jean II de Bourbon,
une politique en procès (Paris, 2012).
17 Jeanne of France (4 May 1435–1482), daughter of Charles VII of France and Marie d’Anjou.
18 Catherine d’Armagnac (1465–1487), daughter of Jacques d’Armagnac and Louise d’Anjou,
whose horoscope is in MS 1711 f. 80r.
19 Jeanne de Bourbon Vendôme (1465–1511), daughter of Jean VIII de Bourbon, count of
Vendôme and of Isabelle de Beauvau.

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figure 17 MS 1711, folio 79v

Jean II, duke of Bourbon

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had many sons and daughters by several mistresses, some of whom may be
part of Belle’s collection: the unidentified native in NAL 398 f. 91vb1 may be
Louise d’Albret, his mistress, and the one on f. 93rb1 may be his illegitimate
daughter, Marguerite.20
Belle seems to have some proximity to the duke, or at least to Conrad
Heingarter, who served the duke between 1463 and 1488.21 Both Jean de
Bourbon and Conrad are mentioned in Belle’s almanac on f. 72v, correspond-
ing to February 1480.
The corresponding chart in MS 1711, f.79v states:

Nativity of the most illustrious prince, lord Jean Duke of Bourbon and
Auvergne, which was in the year of Christ 1426, 4 hours, 52 minutes after
noon, on the 30th August, and Venus was lady of the day, Jupiter ruler of
the hour.22

The title in NAL 398 f. 93vb1 omits the year of birth, but adds the latitude:

Figure of the most illustrious prince and lord Jean de Bourbon, which was
in the horizon [latitude] of 47 degrees, approximately. Afternoon of the
day of Venus, 30 August, hour 4, minutes 52, Jupiter ruler of the hour.23

The two charts are similar except for minor differences in the house cusps:
for instance, on MS 1711 the ascendant is at 3°45′, while on NAL 398 it is at
4° Aquarius; these variances my result from the rounding of numbers. The
chart in NAL 398 mentions the latitude ‘47 degrees approximately’, possi-
bly a reference to Moulins located at 46°33′ N. In MS 1711, Belle gives a more
accurate latitude for Moulins.24 The nativity in MS 1711 displays one fixed star,
Aldebaran, at 1° Gemini in the fourth house, while in NAL 398 there are none.
MS 1711 also includes nine lots:

20 Louise d’Albret, born circa 1440, daughter of Jean I d’Albret and Catherine of Rohan;
Marguerite, born in 1445. This could also be the horoscope of Marie, sister of Alain d’Albret.
21 For Heingarter’s services to the duke, see for instance Lat. 7432, Lat. 7447 and Lat. 11232. For
his medical services to the duke’s first wife, Jeanne de France, see Zurich Zentralbibliothek
C 131.
22 Nativitas illustrissimi principis domini Johannis Borbonii et Arvernie ducis que fuit in
anno Christi 1426 horis 4 minutis 52 post meridiem 30 Augusti et fuit Venus domina diei
♃ dominus hore, MS 1711 f. 79v.
23 Figura nativitatis illustrissimi principis dominus Johannes de Borbono que fuit in ori-
zonte 47 gradus fere. Post meridiem die 4 30 Augusti hora 4 minutis 52 6 dominus hore,
NAL 398 f. 93vb1.
24 On f. 93v he mentions that his son Conrad was born ‘at the horizon of Moulins, in
Bourbon, whose latitude is 46 degrees and 35 minutes’.

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table 25 The lots in Jean II de Bourbon’s nativity

Lot Fortune – calculated as expected

Lot of the journeys by land – Pars itineris per terram – 21° Aquarius
Lot of Friends – Pars amicorum – 24° Aquarius
Lot of Charity [?] – Pars caritatis [?] – 07° Aries (Pars retribuitionis)
Lot of the Kingdom – Pars regni – 12° Aries
If calculated in the usual manner, it would be at 5° Pisces; its placement at 12° Aries,
does not coincide with any known calculation for this part.
Lot of the Illnesses – Pars infirmitatum – 23° Virgo
Lot of Confidence – Pars fiducie – 23° Sagittarius
Lot of Servants of Messengers – Pars servorum et nuntiorum – 14° Capricorn
Lot of Children – Pars filiorum – 17° Capricorn

The lots chosen by Belle are fitted for a figure such as the duke representing
what would be his main concerns (allies, confidence, fertility and succession,
servants) and his ability to rule. Oddly, the lot of the kingdom in this chart
does not correspond to any known variation for its calculation; it can be a sim-
ple miscalculation or a copying error. The lot at 7° Aries in the second house,
apparently called pars caritatis (lot of charity), is not mentioned by this name
in the main sources consulted. It is 63°15′ distant from the ascendant; assum-
ing that this lot is calculated by the most common formula, that is, the distance
between two planets projected from the ascendant, the only two planets in
this nativity that fit this interval are Mars and the Sun, which are 63°14′ from
each other (Mars at 11°57′ Cancer and the Sun at 15°11′ Virgo). This distance
projected from the ascendant falls at 7° Aries. The only part that is calculated
by projecting the distance between these two planets from the ascendant is
pars retribuitionis (lot of retribution or lot of repayment).25 This lot is linked
with the ability of the native to repay those who have done good for him, sym-
bolic of a noble quality fitted for someone in the duke’s position. If indeed the
duke was Belle’s patron, this could also be a discreet allusion, appealing to the
duke’s generosity.
There is another chart possibly related to Jean II de Bourbon, an interroga-
tion. It is written on the last folio of NAL 398, upside down in the manuscript
and possibly in a hurry. It is calculated for 13 August 1477, at 5:17 PM. The lati-
tude may be Paris (48°52′ N) but Belle appears to be using tables for 50° N, as
he does for many of his horoscopes.

25 Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, 1090. This is the formula for diurnal horoscopes; for nocturnal
ones, it is the distance from the Sun to Mars.

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The comment above the chart reveals its purpose:

In the hour when 21° Capricorn ascended, on the 12th day of August, a
universal question was asked about the state of life, substance and hon-
our, etc.26

This is therefore the chart cast to answer an ‘universal question’, that is, a ques-
tion usually asked when there is no nativity available or when the querent
wants and overview of a given situation. There is no judgement for this interro-
gation, which further supports the idea that the question was posed suddenly,
the chart drawn in a hurry, and the answer perhaps delivered verbally. Below
the chart it was written the birth date of Duke Jean II de Bourbon, suggesting
that the querent was the duke himself:

On the day of Venus, 30th of August, five hours in the afternoon, was born
Jean de Bourbon, in the year of Christ 1426.27

The birth time, ‘five hours in the afternoon’, is slightly less precise than the
‘four hours and fifty-two minutes’ mentioned in the chart, again indicating that
Belle calculated it hastily, having resorted to memory for the duke’s birthdate.
This reference to the nativity suggests that Belle may have compared it with
this interrogation.
This is an important question touching some of the main aspects of life and
it would not have been asked lightly. The date of the chart provides an impor-
tant clue for the reason of this question: is was calculated on 13 August 1477,
only nine days after the execution of Jacques d’Armagnac, duke of Nemours
and former favourite of Louis XI. D’Armagnac was accused of treason for
having joined the League of Public Weal. He was imprisoned in August 1476,
interrogated under torture several times for over a year, and finally executed
in Paris on 4 August 1477.28 Duke Jean II de Bourbon, also a former member

26 Hora quando 21 Capricorni ascendebat die 12 Augusti fuit facta universalis questio de
statu vite substantie honoris etc., NAL 398 f. 101r. In the time notation used by Belle this
corresponds to August 13, as explained.
27 Die ♀︎, 30 Augusti horis 5 post meridiem natus fuit Johannes de Borboni anno Christi 1426,
NAL 398 f. 101.
28 There is a reference to this execution in BnF Lat. 7427, f. 204r; it is a comment in the mar-
gin, corresponding to 4 August 1477: ‘At the Halles of Paris, in the evening, the Duke of
Nemours was decapitated’ (Aux hales de Paris, séjour, fuit décapité le duc de Nemours).
It is mentioned in Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, 104. See also Boudet, Le Recueil, II, 99, 277,
280–281, 286–287.

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of the League, may have feared that d’Armagnac had incriminated him as
co-conspirator against Louis XI, when under torture. His fears seem to have
been unsubstantiated, as his ‘life, substance and honour’ remained intact until
the end of his natural life, in 1488.

1.5 Universal Interrogation: Status of Life, Substance, and Honour

NAL 398 f. 101r – 13 August 1477, [17:17 LAT], Paris?

House I – 21° Capricorn House VII – 21° Cancer

Mars 26° Cancer Sun 29° Leo
Saturn 26° Leo Venus 29° Leo
House II – 30° Aquarius House VIII – 30° Leo
Lot of Fortune 17° Pisces Mercury 17° Virgo retrograde
House III – 13° Aries House IX – 13° Libra
Jupiter 24° Aries retrograde Moon 26° Libra
House IV – 24° Taurus House X – 24° Scorpio

House V – 14° Gemini House XI – 14° Sagittarius

House VI – 2° Cancer House XII – 2° Capricorn

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figure 18 NAL 398, folio 101r

Universal interrogation: status of life,
substance, and honour

To facilitate reading, this astrological figure is reproduced here in the upright

position, not upside down, as it is in the manuscript.

1.6 Encoded Name

MS 1711 f. 80r: 23 November 1465, 08:04, Nemours (48°16′ N, 02°41′ E)

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House I – 13°40′ Sagittarius House VII – 13°40′ Gemini

House II – 19° Capricorn House VIII – 19° Cancer

Moon 11° Aquarius
House III – 28° Aquarius House IX 28° Leo
Saturn 13°48′ Pisces Retrograde
Mars 14°07′ Pisces
House IV – 10° 31 Aries House X – 10°31′ Libra
Jupiter 10°31′ Aries Retrograde South Node 14°44′ Libra
North Node 14°44′ Aries Venus 24°07′ Libra
House V – 02° Taurus House XI – 02° Scorpio

House VI – 23° Taurus House XII – 23° Scorpio

Degree of the Mercury 11°13′ Sagittarius
Conjunction 06°03
Sagittarius
Sun 10°19′40′′ Sagittarius

Although the subject of this nativity is not explicitly named within it, the
author has left a clue to its identity by placing a numeric code after the title:

Figure of the nativity of N., which was in the year 1465, day of
November 22nd complete, 20 hours, 4 minutes after noon, 22 (sic), Saturn
ruler of the day and hour. This nativity was rectified by animodar, by
making the degree of the 4th house like the degree of Jupiter, [which is]
almutem over the degree of the previous conjunction.29

Belle calculated the moment of birth by animodar, by adjusting the degree of

the fourth house to the position of Jupiter, which is the almutem of the con-
junction previous to birth.
After the title, on the right-hand side of the page, there is an encoded name –
k1th2r3n1 d1rm3gn1c – written with a lighter shade of ink and looking as if it was
added later. At some point, Belle may have decided to leave a clue about its
identity; or he may have copied the chart from another astrologer who only

29 Figura nativitatis N. que fuit in anno 1465 die Novembris 22a completa horis 20 minutis 4
post meridiem 22 Saturnus dominus diei et hore Nativitas ista fuit rectificata per animo-
dar faciendo gradus 4e domus ad instar gradus Jovis almutem super gradum coniunctionis
precedentis, MS 1711 f. 80r.

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figure 19 MS 1711, folio 80r

Encoded name

later revealed the native’s identity. The code is easy to decipher, by replacing
the numbers by the corresponding vowels:

Code K1th2r3n1 d1rm3gn1c

Transcription Katherina darmignac

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This is the nativity of Catherine d’Armagnac (or Armignac), the second wife
of Jean II of Bourbon, daughter of Jacques d’Armagnac and Louise d’Anjou.
Belle’s secrecy about this chart may be related to the aforementioned conflict
between Catherine’s father, Jacques d’Armagnac, and King Louis XI. However,
her marriage to Jean II de Bourbon only took place in 1484, one year after the
death of Louis XI. This nativity may have been calculated on the occasion of
her wedding to the duke, as part of Belle’s astrological services.
The duchy’s political scenery changed abruptly when Catherine and Jean II
died, in 1487 and 1488, respectively, being replaced by the new dukes, who
were not sympathetic to the d’Armagnac family. Duke Pierre II de Bourbon
(Jean II’s younger brother) was the son-in-law of Louis XI: he had married the
king’s daughter, Anne de Beaujeu, in 1473. Belle’s decision to keep this nativity
a secret may be related to these changes.

1.7 Henry VI, King of England

MS 1711 f. 80v–NAL f. 90va2: 6 December 1421, 03:46 PM, Windsor
Castle (51°29′ N, 00°36′ W)

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House I – 21° Gemini House VII – 21° Sagittarius

Sun 22°41′ Sagittarius
House II – 09° Cancer House VIII – 09° Capricorn
Venus 18° Capricorn
House III – 27° Cancer House IX – 21° Capricorn

House IV – 16° Leo House X – 16° Aquarius

Jupiter 16° Virgo North Node South Node 24° Pisces
24° Virgo
House V – 29° Virgo House XI – 29° Pisces
Saturn 11° Libra Another Lot of he Kingdom 27° Aries
House VI – 12° Scorpio House XII – 12° Taurus
Lot of Fortune Mars 26° Scorpio Moon 22°22′51′′ Taurus
21° Scorpio Mercury 14°
Lot of the Kingdom Sagittarius
26° Scorpio

Henry VI, the son of Henry V and Catherine de Valois, was born in 1421 and
succeeded to the throne when he was only a few months old. He was crowned
twice: at Westminster Abbey on 6 November 1429 as king of England, and on
26 December 1431 at the Notre Dame de Paris as king of France.30 His reign was
marked by instability due to his erratic behaviour. He died in 1471, at the age
of forty-nine.

Figura of the nativity of the powerful King of the English Henry, which
was in the year of the Lord 1421 after noon, the 6th day of December by
3 hours and 46 minutes.31

30 As a consequence of the Treaty of Troyes and a reaction to the coronation of Charles VII
in 1429 at Reims. This coronation is included in Lat. 7443 f. 86v, but only the ascendant
degree (16° Aquarius) was noted.
31 Figura nativitatis potentis Regis Henrici anglorum que fuit in anno domini 1421 post
meridiem 6 diei Decembris per 3 horas et minutis 46, MS 1711 f. 80v.

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figure 20 MS 1711, folio 80v

Henry VI, king of England

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This figure is also in NAL 398, f. 90va2 where again Belle uses the code r2g3s
h2nr3c3 Ingl32 (Regis Henrici Inglie – King Henry of England):

The order of the heaven in the nativity of r2g3s h2nr3c3 Ingl32, which was
in the year of the Lord 1421, afternoon [of the] 6th of December, at three
hours and thirty-six minutes.32

The presence of an English king in Belle’s manuscripts is no surprise as by this

time the political affairs of France and England were inextricably linked. Hilary
Carey mentions the existence of no less than ‘six conflicting and complimen-
tary horoscopes of the king’s nativity’ in English manuscripts.33 She attributes
this proliferation to the rehabilitation of astrology that occurred in the reign
of his predecessor, Henry V.34 The charts of Henry VI also represent a nota-
ble change in English horoscopy emphasizing the ‘attention to fine detail’ as
is noted by John D. North.35 Similar charts for this king can be found in other
French and English manuscripts.36
Here Belle calculates two lots of the kingdom: pars regni, at 29° Scorpio and
alia pars regni, at 27° Aries. Neither corresponds to Alcabitius’s method of cal-
culation – Mars to Moon from the ascendant – which would generate a lot at
19° Sagittarius.

32 Est ordo celi in nativitate r2g3s h2nr3c3 Ingl3r que fuit in anno domini 1421 post meridiem
6 diei Decembris per 3 horas et minutis 36′, NAL 398 90va2.
33 Carey, Courting Disaster, 138–153. See also Boudet and Charmasson, ‘Une consultation’,
262, n. 25, and North, Horoscopes and History, 141–149. See also Boudet, Astrologie et
Politique entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 255, n. 25.
34 Carey, Courting Disaster, 128.
35 North, Horoscopes and History, 141.
36 For France, see for instance Lat. 7443, f. 80r and Lire dans le ciel, 132. For England, see
Egerton Ms 889 f. 5, and Sophie Page, Astrology in Medieval Manuscripts (London, 2002): 23.

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1.8 Charles, Duke of Berry and Aquitaine

MS 1711 f. 81r–NAL f. 90ra2: 28 December 1446, 09:21 PM, Tours
(47°23′ N, 00°41′ E)

House I – 13°54′ Virgo House VII – 13°54′ Pisces

Jupiter 24°42′ Virgo, in first station
House II – 13°47′ Libra House VIII – 13°47′ Aries
South Node 20°20′ Libra [crossed out South Node 20°20′ Aries [correct position]
but correct] Lot of Fortune 02° Taurus
House III – 12°21′ Scorpio House IX – 12°21′ Taurus
South Node 21°39′ Scorpio [wrong South Node 21°39′ Taurus [wrong position]
position]
House IV – 09°07′ Sagittarius House X – 09°07′ Gemini
Venus 21°09′ Sagittarius [crossed out]
House V – 09°11′ Capricorn House XI – 09°11′ Cancer
Sun 16°21′ Capricorn Lot of Heaven
Venus 21°09′ 24° Capricorn
Capricorn
House VI – 10°07′ Aquarius House XII – 10°07′ Aquarius [sic for Leo]
Lot of the Kingdom 16° Aquarius

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figure 21 MS 1711, folio 81r

Charles, duke of Berry and Aquitaine

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Charles, duke of Berry, Normandy, and Aquitaine, was the younger brother
of King Louis XI and one of his fiercest enemies. As his brother was in perma-
nent conflict with their father, Charles VII, he secretly hoped to take advantage
of this situation and attain the throne. But his hopes were shattered in 1461
when their father died, and Louis hastily returned from exile to seize the crown.
Charles was granted the duchy of Berry as a compensation; disappointed, he
left the kingdom and created the League of Public Weal.37 He died in 1472.
The title:

Figure of the most illustrious prince lord Charles Duke of Aquitaine,

which was in the year 1446 imperfect, 9 hour and 10 minutes after noon,
28th of December, at the latitude of 47 degrees, and it was the day of
Mercury, hour of the Moon.38

It displays a correction of the position of Venus and two sets of nodes. The hor-
oscope in NAL 398 f. 90ra2 is similar, including the correction of Venus, but the
nodes are in the correct position: 20°20′ Aries and 20°20′ Libra.

Figure of the disposition of the heaven in the nativity of the most illus-
trious prince and lord, lord Charles Duke of Aquitaine, which was in the
year 1446, incomplete, 28 of December, about 9 hours, 10 minutes, and it
was the day of Mercury, the hour of the Moon.39

The name of this title is encoded: d4m3n3 K1r4li 1q53t1n32: domini Karoli
Aquitanie ducis (lord Charles duke of Aquitaine); and surprisingly, also the
word n1t353t1t2: natiuitate (nativity).

37 See Henri Stein, Charles de France, frère de Louis XI (Paris, 1921): 535 and 541–543.
38 Figura illustrissimi principis domini Karoli Aquitanie ducis que fuit in anno 1446 imper-
fecto horis 9 et minutis 10 post meridiem 28 Decembris ad latitudinem 47 graduum et fuit
dies Mercurii hora Lune, MS 1711 f. 81r.
39 Figura dispositionis celi in n1t343t1t2 illustrissimi principis at domini, d4m3n3 K1r4li
1q53t1n32 ducis qui fuit anno 1446 imperfecto 28 Decembris per 9 horas cum 10 minutis et
fuit dies ☿ hora ☽.

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1.9 Charles le Téméraire, Duke of Burgundy

MS 1711 f. 81v, 83v–NAL 398 f. 90rb2: 11 November 1433, 01:10 PM, Dijon
(47°17′ N, 05°02′ E)

House I – 15° Virgo / 17°33′ Virgo House VII – 15° Pisces / 17°33′ Pisces
Lot of Fortune Venus 11° Libra /
26° Virgo / missing 10°47′ Libra
House II – 14° Libra / 18°18′ Libra House VIII – 15° Aries / 18°18′ Aries

House III – 14° Scorpio / 17°40′ Scorpio House IX – 14° Taurus / 17°40′ Scorpio
Moon 16° Scorpio / 15°47′ Scorpio Degree of the Opposition 14°14′
Mercury 24° Scorpio / 24°55′ Scorpio Retrograde
Sun 27°41′ Scorpio / similar
House IV – 11° Sagittarius / 14°46′ House X – 11° Gemini / 16°46′ Gemini
Sagittarius (sic)
Lot of the Kingdom 17° Sagittarius / missing Lot of the Father 02°30′ Cancer
North Node 05° Capricorn / 04°19′ Capricorn South Node 05° Cancer / 04°19′ Cancer
House V – 11° Capricorn / 13°56′ Capricorn House XI – 11° Cancer / 13°56′ Cancer

House VI – 12° Aquarius / 14°21′ Aquarius House XII – 12° Leo / 14°29′ Leo (sic)
Saturn 13° Aquarius / 12°44′ Aquarius Jupiter 20°11′ Leo / similar
Mars 18° Aquarius / 17°13′ Aquarius
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figure 22 MS 1711, folio 81v

Charles le Téméraire, duke of Burgundy

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Charles the Bold, the son of Duke Philippe le Bon and Isabella of Portugal,
was the last duke of Burgundy of the House of Valois. In his younger years he
was on friendly terms with Louis (future Louis XI), who lived at the court of
Burgundy from 1456 until he ascended to the throne in 1461. But this friendly
disposition ended when Louis invaded some parts of Burgundy. Charles
reacted by joining the king’s younger brother, Charles, duke of Berry, and form-
ing the League of Public Weal. After many combats, Charles died at the bat-
tle of Nancy in January 1477, leaving the duchy to his only daughter, Marie de
Bourgogne (Mary the Rich of Burgundy).
There are three nativities for Charles the Bold in Belle’s manuscripts: two in
MS 1711 and one in NAL 398. They all display the same birth date and time but
the one on f. 83v has a slightly different configuration.
Charles the Bold – Nativity 1: MS 1711 f. 81v:

Figure of the nativity of the most illustrious prince and lord Charles
duke of the Burgundians, which was in the year of Christ 1433, 13 hours,
10 minutes after noon, on the 10th day of November, and it was the day of
[blank] hour [blank] at the latitude of 40 degrees.40

In this case Charles is referred to as ‘duke of the Burgundians’, a title that he

received only after his father’s death in 1467. The latitude given is 50°, although
Charles was born in Dijon, at 47° North.
Charles the Bold – Nativity 2: MS 1711 f. 83v:

Chart of the nativity of the lord of Charlus [Charolais], which was in the
year of Christ 1433 incomplete, the 10th day of November, 13 hours and
10 minutes after noon, in the night following the day of Mars, which is the
night of Saturn. And the Moon was the lady of the hour.41

This chart has the same birth data and adds the planetary rulers for the day
and hour, which were omitted in the previous chart. It refers to Charles as ‘lord
of Charolais’ (dominus de Charlus), a title he used only during his father’s life-
time before he inherited the title of duke. This suggests that it was calculated

40 Figura Nativitatis Illustrissimi principis et domini domini Karoli Burgundorum ducis que
fuit anno Christi 1433 horis 13 minutis 10 post meridiem 10 dies Novembris et fuit dies
[blank] hora [blank] Ad latitudinem 50 gradus, MS 1711 f. 81v.
41 Figura nati[vitatis] domini de Charlus, que fuit anno Christi 1433 imperfecto, post merid-
iem 10 dies Novembris per 13 horas cum minutis 10, in nocte sequente diem Martis, que
fuit nox ♄. Et fuit Lunam domina hore, MS 1711 f. 83v.

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before Philip’s death in 1467, although Belle may have copied it long after that
date. Under the title he adds a comment about this chart’s origin:

Thus it was written in the exemplar: figure [chart] of the nativity of

domini d5 Charl5s [domini du Charlus – lord of Charlus], etc.42

This suggests that Belle had access to some archive or the private notes of an
astrologer, perhaps one from an earlier generation, who had obtained the data
when Charles was not yet duke of Burgundy.
The planetary configurations in this chart are slightly different from the pre-
vious ones probably due to a more accurate calculation or the use of a different
table; they are also more precise noting not only the degree but also the minute
for every planet and house cusp. For instance, the ascendant is at 17°33′ instead
of 15° Virgo and the midheaven at 16°46 instead of 11° Gemini. This chart omits
the two lots calculated in the previous chart but includes the lot of the father
(pars patris) at 2°30′ Cancer in the tenth house (a significant calculation, con-
sidering his father was Philippe le Bon). In the margin Belle adds a list with the
most relevant planetary aspects:

sextile ☽ ♃ veniens
conjunction ♂︎ ♄ transiens
square ☽ ♄ transiens (?)
opposition ♂︎ ♃ veniens
square ☿ ♃ per retrogradum
opposition ♃ ♄ per retrogradum

The first aspect is incorrectly noted as a sextile and is in fact a square (Moon at
16° Scorpio, Jupiter at 20° Leo). The term veniens means that the faster planet
in the pair is moving towards (in astrological terms: applying to) the exact
degree of the other; the aspect is forming and therefore getting stronger; tran-
siens means that the faster planet is moving away (separating from) and that
the aspect is weakening. Per retrogradum means that the faster planet is apply-
ing to the other in retrograde movement.
Charles the Bold – Nativity 3: NAL 398 f. 90rb2:

Figure of the disposition of the orb at the time of birth of the most illus-
trious pr3nc3p3s et dom3n3 k1r4l3 d5c3s b5r (principis et domini Karoli
ducis Bur – prince and lord Charles Duke of Burgundy), which was in the

42 Sic erat scriptum in exemplari. Figura natitivatis domini d5 Chayl5s, etc., MS 1711 f. 83v.

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year of Christ 1433, in 10 days of November, by 13 hours and 10 minutes

afternoon. Day of [blank], hour [blank].43

This nativity is identical in every aspect to the one in MS 1711 f. 81v; the one in
MS 1711 f. 83v seems to have been calculated with tables of planetary positions.
In all three cases, the planetary configurations correspond to 11 November
1433, not the day before as Belle states in the three nativities. This apparent
discrepancy is explained by the use the different systems for time notation:
Charles was born at 1:13 AM, that is, in the first hours of 11 November, but for
Belle, who was using a system based on the planetary hours, that would still
be the night of 10 November; the next day, 11 November, would only begin at
sunrise. This notation is explained in more detail in the duplicate of Charles’s
nativity in f. 83v where Belle states that the birth took place ‘after midday of
10 days of November by 13 hours and 10 minutes, in the night following the day
of Mars, which is the night of Saturn’.44
In Lat. 7427, f. 134v, there is another chart for Charles the Bold with
24°42′ Virgo rising;45 Jean Vesale also calculated yet another one, with Libra
rising.46
In most cases the differences are related to the rounding of the planetary
positions (for example Saturn at 12°44′ Aquarius in one case and at 13° Aquarius
in the other); the differences in house cusps are the consequence of slightly
different birth times.

43 Figura dispositionis orbis tempore ortus illustrissimi pr3nc3p3s et dom3n3 k1r4l3 d5c3s b5r
que fuit in anno Christi 1433 in 10 die Novembris per 13 horas et 10 minutis post meridiem
dia [blank] hora [blank], NAL 398 f. 90rb2.
44 Post meridiem, 10 diei Novembris, per 13 horas cum minutis 10, in nocte sequente diem
Martis, que fuit nox ♄, MS 1711 f. 83v.
45 Paris, BnF Lat. 7427, f. 134v; the folio also includes the horoscope of Charles’s daughter,
Mary of Burgundy, which is not part of Belle’s collection.
46 Boudet, Astrologie et Politique entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 320.

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table 26 Nativity for Charles the bold – variants

MS 1711 f. 81v and NAL 398 f. 90rb2 MS 1711 f. 83v

House I Venus 11° Libra House I Venus 10°47′ Libra

15° Virgo 17°33′ Virgo
House II Pars Fortune House II Pars Fortune 17°40′
14° Libra 26° Virgo 18°18′ Libra Scorpio
House III Moon 16° Scorpio House III Moon 15°47′ Scorpio
14° Scorpio Mercury 24° Scorpio 17°40′ Scorpio Mercury 24°55 Scorpio R.
Sun 27°41′ / 27°41′ Sun 27°41′ Scorpio
Scorpio
House IV North Node House IV North Node 04°14
11° Sagittarius 05° Capricorn 14°46′ Capricorn
Pars Regni Sagittarius
17° Capricorn
House V House V Saturn 12°44′ Aquarius
11° Capricorn 13°56′
Capricorn
House VI Saturn 13° House VI Mars 17°13 Aquarius
12° Aquarius Mars 18° Aquarius 14°21′
Aquarius
House VII House VII
15° Pisces 17°33′ Pisces
House VIII House VIII
14° Aries 18°18′ Aries
House IX House IX
14° Taurus 17°40′ Taurus
House X South Node House X Pars Patris 02:30 Cancer
11° Gemini 05° Cancer 14°46′ Cancer South Node 04°19′
Cancer
House XI House XI
11° Cancer 13°56′ Cancer
House XII Jupiter 20°11′ Leo House XII Jupiter 20°11′ Leo
12° Leo 14°21′ Leo

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1.10 Maximilian I, Emperor of Austria

MS 1711 f. 82r–NAL 398 f. 93ra2: 22 March 1459, 16:40, Wiener, Neustadt,
Austria (47°49′ N, 16°15′ E)

House I – 18°18′ Virgo House VII – 18°18′ Pisces

Jupiter 22°11′ Virgo retrograde Lot of the Faher 06° Aries Mercury 22°51′ retrograde
Sun 10°37′27′′ Aries
House II – 24° Libra House VIII – 24° Aries
Moon 17° Scorpio Lot of Fortune 25° Aries
Venus 28° Aries retrograde
House III – 23° Scorpio House IX – 23° Taurus
Another Lot of the Father 17° Gemini
House IV – 20° Sagittarius House X – 20° Gemini
Saturn 08°10′ Capricorn Mars 11°24′ Cancer
House V – 19° Capricorn House XI – 19° Cancer

House VI – 20° Aquarius House XII – 20° Leo

South Node 23° Aquarius North Node 23° Leo

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figure 23 MS 1711, folio 82r

Maximilian I, emperor of Austria

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Maximilian was the son of Emperor Frederick III and Eleanor of Portugal.
In 1477 he married Mary of Burgundy (1457–1482), the daughter of Charles the
Bold and Isabella of Bourbon. They had two sons: Philip the Handsome and
Margaret of Austria. Mary died in 1482 leaving Maximilian her vast estate. In
1483, he betrothed his daughter Margaret to the future Charles VIII of France,
as part of the Treaty of Arras. Maximilian was elected king of the Romans in
February 1486 and crowned on 9 April of that same year in Aachen. In 1490 he
married by proxy Anne of Brittany, but the marriage, which was never consum-
mated, was eventually dissolved by the Pope. In 1493 he became Holy Roman
Emperor and died in 1519.
The nativity in MS 1711 f. 82r states in its title:

Figure of the most illustrious Duke Maximilian, son of the Emperor

Frederick III, which was at the current year 1459, 22nd complete day of
March, 4 hours, 40 minutes after noon. And it was the day of Jupiter, the
hour of the Sun, at the latitude of [blank]. Seek his coronation ten pages
after [this].47

In NAL 398 f.93ra2, the nativity presents the same data and adds a reference to
the lunation before birth, which in this case occurred at 7° Aries:

Nativity of the most illustrious lord Maximilian, son of the Emperor

Frederick III. Current year 1459, 22nd day of March, hours 4, minutes 40,
day of Jupiter, hour of the Sun, degree of the opposition [of the luminar-
ies] 7 Aries.48

Both charts have two different lots of the father: one at 6° Aries designated
pars patris, and the other at 17° Gemini designated alia pars patris. The first, in
Aries, was calculated by projecting the distance between Jupiter and the Sun
from the ascendant. This is an alternative formula for charts where Saturn (one
of the planets involved in the calculation of the lot) happens to be combust.49
This is not the case with Maximilian’s nativity. The second lot, in Gemini, was

47 Figura Illustrissimi ducis Maximiliani filii imperatoris Frederici 3 que fuit anno currente
1459 die 22 Martii completa horis 4 minutis 40 post meridiem Et fuit dies Jovis hora Solis
ad latitudinem [blank space]. Quere intronizationem eius 10 folia post, MS 1711 f. 82r.
48 Nativitas illustrissimi domini Maximiliani filii imperatoris F. 3. Anno currente 1459, die
22 Martii hora 4 minutis 40, die ♃, hora ☉, gradus ☌ 7 Arietis, NAL 398 f. 93ra2.
49 See for instance Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, 8.2.7, 1058.

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calculated by the usual method explained by Alcabitius: the distance from the
Sun to Saturn projected from the ascendant.50 As no other lot is represented in
the chart (except for the lot of fortune), the emphasis given to the father must
be intentional as Maximilian was the son and heir of Emperor Frederic III.
Belle seems to be experimenting with which lot calculation better represents
the native’s circumstances. The second lot, at 17° Gemini, is placed on the cusp
of the tenth house, a much more prominent position and better suited to rep-
resent the emperor than the first, which is in the seventh and combust of the
Sun. In NAL 398, Belle again represents the five-degree rule pictorially by plac-
ing the second lot of the father in the tenth house, although the house cusp is
at 20° Gemini and the lot is at 17° of the same sign; in MS 1711 the lot is depicted
in the ninth house.
A different version of this nativity was calculated by the court astrologer
Regiomontanus (1436–1476) at the request of Maximilian’s mother, Empress
Eleanor.51 This chart has different house cusps because it is calculated for 5 PM
instead of 4:40 PM.52 Although Maximilian’s birthtime had been recorded with
reasonable precision, Regiomontanus decided to rectify the chart, a common
practice at that time. It is possible that young Regiomontanus, who by then
was only twenty-two years old, used this complex calculation to display his
astrological proficiency. However, his reputation had already been established
by the almanacs for the years 1448 and 1451.53 The table below shows the differ-
ences in these charts.
There are also some divergences in some planetary positions, namely
Mercury and Mars. This version of Maximilian’s nativity is repeated twice in
Clm 10667 with the same birthtime, 5 PM, the same ascendant, 4° Virgo, and

50 Alcabitius, Introduction, V, 7, 143.

51 Osterreichische Nationalbiblioteck, Vienna, cod. Lat. 5179, 2v. A facsimile is included in
Darin Hayton, The Crown and the Cosmos, 15. See also Darin Hayton, ‘Astrology as Political
Propaganda: Humanist Responses to the Turkish Threat in Early-Sixteenth-Century
Vienna’, Austrian History Yearbook, 38 (2007): 61–91, and Ernst Zinner, Regiomontanus:
His Life and Work (Amsterdam, 1990), 32–34. Some scholars consider Georg von Peurbach,
Regiomontanus’ teacher, as the possible author of this horoscope, but Zinner staes that
the in the original manuscript (Vienna, 176 n° 3307) the handwriting of Regiomontanus
“is unmistakable”, Zinner, Regiomontanus, 32. As to the horoscope of Empress Eleanor,
a complete transcript of the judgement can be found in Joannis Regiomontani Opera
Collectanea, Felix Schmeidler, ed. (Osnabrück, 1972): 1–33.
52 Regiomontanus calculates Maximilian’s horoscope using the Alcabitius house system,
not the ‘rational system’ which he later promoted. The tables for this system were pub-
lished only in 1490 long after his death.
53 As noted in Zinner, Regiomontanus, 32.

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table 27 The house cusps in Maximilian’s nativity

Belle – birthtime 16:40 Regiomontanus – birthtime 17:00

House I 18°18′ Virgo 18°18′ Pisces House VII 26°12′ Virgo 26°12′ Pisces
House II 24° Libra 24° Aries House VIII 27°56′ Libra 27°56′ Aries
House III 23° Scorpio 23° Taurus House IX 27°35′ Scorpio 27°35′ Taurus
House IV 20° Sagittarius 20° Gemini House X 25°10′ Sagittarius 25°10′ Gemini
House V 19° Capricon 19° Cancer House XI 23°30′ Capricorn 23°30′ Cancer
House VI 20° Aquarius 20° Leo House XII 23°36′ Aquarius 23°36′ Leo

MC, 25° Gemini, but with differences in the intermediate house cusps; the
planetary positions are similar.54
A third version of this nativity with 4° Virgo on the ascendant correspond-
ing to a birthtime at 3 PM, can be found in two other manuscripts in BnF,
lat. 7443C written by Nicolaus Gugler, and Lat. 7395 by Luca Gaurico.55 The
charts are almost identical with some minor differences: the Moon is absent in
Lat. 7443C and at 18° Scorpio in Lat. 7395, and Mars is at 23° Leo in the former
and at 13° Leo in the latter.
Yet another version was calculated by Jos Grübeck shortly before the emper-
or’s death; the birthtime given is ‘two hours before sunset’.56

54 Munich, BsB, Clm 10667, f. 19 and f. 28. The horoscopes of Empress Eleanor can be found
in Munich, Bsb, Clm 453, ff. 78r–85v and Clm 960 ff. 11r–20v, and in the aforementioned
Schmeidler, ed., Joannis Regiomontani Opera Collectanea, 2–33.
55 Respectively, Paris, BnF, Lat. 7443C, f. 333v and Paris, BnF, Lat. 7395, f. 328r. Details in Juste,
CCAL II, 168–169 and 136–139, respectively.
56 Zinner, Regiomontanus, 34–35.

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1.11 Louis de Culant

MS 1711 f. 82v: 12 November 1453, 06:0, Château de Culant, Cher
(46°32′ N, 02°21′ E)

House I – 12°51′ Scorpio House VII – 12°51′ Taurus

Mars 12°51′32′′ Scorpio Sun 29°04′04′′ Scorpio South Node 07°24′ Gemini
Mercury 17°06′ Scorpio Lot of Fortune 00°16′
retrograde Sagittarius
Degree of the Conjunction of North Node 07°24′
the Luminaries 18° Scorpio Sagittarius
House II – 16° Sagittarius House VIII – 16° Gemini
Venus 17°51′ Sagittarius
House III – 20° Capricorn House IX – 20° Cancer

House IV – 25° Aquarius House X – 25° Leo

House V – 21° Pisces House XI – 21° Virgo

Jupiter 05°05′ Moon 11°49′10′′
House VI – 17° Aries House XII – 17° Libra
Saturn 06°05′ Scorpio

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figure 24 MS 1711, folio 82v

Louis de Culant

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Louis, Baron de Culant, bailiff of the Duchy of Berry during the reign of
Louis XI.57 He is the son of Charles de Culant, Grand Maître d’Hôtel of France
and of Belleasse de Sully. On 20 June 1468 he married Michelle de Chauvigny
de Blot.

Nativity of the lord Louis de Culant, rectified by animodar, making the

degree of the ascendant like the degree of Mars, almutem over the con-
junction of the luminaries previous to this nativity. And it was 18 hours,
two minutes after noon, of the 11th day of November, year 1453 current,
the Moon being lady of the following day, Mercury ruler of the hour, at
47 degrees approximately.58

Belle places what appears to be the lot of fortune at 00°16′ Sagittarius, but
if it is indeed the lot of fortune, he made a mistake, as the lot should be at
24° Capricorn. Perhaps he was calculating the lot of boldness (pars fortitudi-
nis),59 which would fall at 29° Scorpio, close enough to Belle’s lot.

57 He was related to the Admiral Louis de Culant (1360–1444), one of the noblemen who
carried the Holy Ampulla from the basilica of Saint-Remi to the cathedral of Reims in 1429
for the coronation of Charles VII. See Jean-Joseph Expilly, Dictionnaire Géographique, his-
torique et politique des Gaules et de la France, 2 (Paris and Amsterdam, 1764): 558, and
Louis Moreri, Le Grand Dictionnaire Historique du Moreri, 4 (Paris, 1859): 313.
58 Nativitas domini Ludovici de Culant rectificata per animodar faciendo gradus ascenden-
tis ad instar gradus Martis almutem super ☌ [coniunctionem] luminarium precedentem
hanc nativitatem. Et fuit horis 18 minutis duobus post meridiem 11 diei Novembris anno
1453 currentis ☽ domina diei sequentis ☿ dominus hore ad 47 gradus fere, MS 1711 f. 82v.
59 The distance between Mars and the Sun projected from the ascendant.

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1.12 Lord of Craon

MS 1711 f. 83r: 22 October 1436, 08:00 (Château de Sully-sur-Loire:
47°46′ N, 02°22′ E?)

House I – 19° Scorpio House VII – 19° Taurus

Venus 07° Sagittarius
House II – 25° Sagittarius House VIII – 25° Gemini

House III – 30° Capricorn House IX – 30° Cancer

House IV – 07° Pisces House X – 07° Virgo

Saturn 19° Pisces
House V – 03° Aries House XI – 03° Libra
Moon 07° Aries Mars 20°
Lot of Fortune 18° Aries Mercury 24°
House VI – 26° Aries House XII – 26° Libra
South Node 07°19′ Taurus Degree of the Conjunction Sun 07°59′14′′
[missing] 26° Libra North Node 07°19 Scorpio
Jupiter 02°24
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figure 25 MS 1711, folio 83r

Lord of Craon

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This is possibly a member of the old Craon family, which died out in 1415
and was assimilated into the Beauvau family in 1421.60

Nativity of the lord of Craon, which was in the year of Christ current 1436,
day of the Moon 22nd of October, around the 8th hour before noon. And
the ascendant [degree] was verified by almutem over the degree of the
conjunction preceding [birth] and by the place of the Moon in the nativ-
ity and in the conception.61

By relating the title ‘lord of Craon’ to the year 1436 one possibility arises:
Georges II de la Trémoille, called lord of Craon (sire de Craon), born in
Sully-sur-Loire.62 The title of lord of Craon was inherited from his older
brother, Louis I de la Trémoille, at the request of their mother, Catherine de
l’Isle-Bouchard.63 He was instrumental in the reconciliation between Philippe
le Bon of Burgundy, and King Charles VII of France. After the death of Charles
the Bold in 1477, he was nominated governor of Burgundy by Louis XI – a posi-
tion strongly contested by Charles’s daughter, Marie, who gathered an army to
expel him. Once defeated, La Trémoille retreated to his lands.
The concealment of this native’s name seems unnecessary since the refer-
ence to his title made him easy to identify, but Belle might have wanted to omit
La Trémoille’s name due to his military setback at the service of Louis XI.
Belle seeks to determine his exact moment of birth, by animodar and by
trutina hermetis. He also decides that Mars is the almutem of the nativity, that
is, the planet assembling most dignities in the five hylegical places, as already
explained.
MS 1711 f. 83v–Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy – discussed on f. 83v.

60 Jeanne de Craon, wife of Pierre de Beauvau, demanded that her son, Jean IV de Beauvau
(1421–1503) take the arms of the Craon family. See Gérard Galand, Les seigneurs de
Châteauneuf-sur-Sarthe en Anjou: de Robert le Fort à la Revolution (vers 852–1791)
(Turquant, 2005): 115, and also Saint-Simon, Mémoires completes et authentiques du duc de
Saint-Simon, XIX (Paris, 1843).
61 Nati[vitas] domini de Craon que fuit anno Christi currente 1436 die Lune 22 Octobris circa
octava hora ante meridiem et fuit verificatum ascendens per almutem super gradum ☌
[coniunctionis] precedentis et per locum Lune in nativitate et in conceptione, MS 1711
f. 83r.
62 His birthdate is mentioned as 1437 or 1430 depending on the source. The house cusps
in this horoscope coincide, in general terms, with the horoscope recalculated for
Sully-sur-Loire according to the Alcabitius method, which supports the hypothesis of this
being La Trémoille’s nativity.
63 For Georges II de la Trémoille, see Contamine, ‘Un serviteur de Louis XI dans sa lutte
contre Charles le Téméraire: Georges de la Trémoïlle, sire de Craon (vers 1437–1481)’,
Annuaire-Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de France (1976–1977): 63–80.

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1.13 Marie d’Albret, Countess of Nevers

MS 1711 f. 84r–NAL f. 91rb2: 13 March 1435, 14:08, Cuffy, Cher 46°57′ N;
03°03′ E

House I – 17°21′ Leo House VII – 17°21′ Aquarius

Mercury 05°13′ Pisces
Saturn 06°13′ Pisces
House II – 12°29′ Virgo House VIII – 12°49′ Pisces
Jupiter 13°49′ Virgo retrograde Sun 01°39′ Aries
Moon 17°55′ Virgo
House III – 03°39′ Libra House IX – 03°39′ Aries

House IV – 05°39′ Scorpio House X – 05°39′ Taurus

North Node 08°30′ Sagittarius Venus 05°39′ Taurus
South Node 08°30′ Gemini
House V – 10°26′ Sagittarius House XI – 10°26′ Gemini
Mars 10°19′ Capricorn
House VI – 13°10′ Capricorn House XII – 13°10′ Cancer
Lot of Fortune 03°42′ Aquarius
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figure 26 MS 1711, folio 84r

Marie d’Albret, countess of Nevers

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Daughter of Charles II d’Albret and Anne d’Armagnac, she married Charles

de Bourgogne, count of Nevers (below) in 1456, and became a widow in 1464.
The chart in MS 1711 states:

Nativity of the most noble lady, Lady of Albreth, called Maria, Countess
of Nevers, which was in the year of Christ 1435 after noon of the 13th day
of March around two hours with 8 minutes, and it was the day of the Sun,
hour of Venus; Venus was the ‘lady of the orb’ and Venus was the divisor.64

In NAL 398:

Nativity of the most noble lady, Lady M1r3e d1lbr2th (Marie d’Albret),
Countess of Nevers, that was in the year 1435, afternoon of the 13th day of
March, by 2 hours and 8 minutes. It was the day of the Sun, hour of Venus.
Venus ‘lady of the orb’ and Venus divisor.65

In this chart Belle mentions for the first time two new techniques of predic-
tion: the ‘lord of the orb’ that is, the ruler of the planetary hour at the moment
of birth, and the divisor, that is, the planetary ruler of the term in which the
ascendant is travelling by means of direction. Belle chooses Venus as the divi-
sor, revealing that he is not using the Egyptian sequence of terms but the
Ptolemaic sequence, which he draws in MS 1711 f. 19r.66 The two variants for the
sign of Leo are depicted in the table below:

table 28 Egyptian and Ptolemaic terms in the sign of Leo

64 Nativitas nobilissime domine domine de Albreth Marie vocate comitisse nivernensis que
fuit anno Christi 1435 post meridiem 13 diei Martii per duas horas cum 8 minutis. Et fuit
dies Solis hora Veneris Venus domina orbis et Venus divisor, MS 1711 f. 84r.
65 Nativitas nobilissime domine domine M1r3e d1lbr2th comitesse niverniensis que fuit anno
1435 post meridiem 13 diei Martii per 2 horas cum 8 minutis. Fuit dies ☉ hora ♀︎. Venus
domina orbis et Venus divisor, NAL 398 f. 91rb2.
66 The Ptolemaic terms can be found, with minor mistakes, in works such as Alcabitius,
Introduction, I.19, 29, Albiruni, Instruction, 453, 265, and ‘Tabulas astronómicas e alma-
naque perdurável’, Biblioteca Nacional de España, Mss/3349, f. 10v (also known as
‘Almanaques de Madrid’).

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Venus is at 17°21′ Leo, which corresponds to the eighteenth degree of the sign.
According to the Ptolemaic sequence, it is in the term of Venus in Leo (from 18°
to 24°) and so it is the divisor. In the Egyptian sequence that same section of
the sign would be ruled by Mercury, which would have been the divisor.

1.14 Charles de Bourgogne, Count of Nevers and Rethel

MS 1711 f. 84v–NAL 398 f. 91ra1: 25 June 1414, 18:11, Clamecy, Nièvre
(47°27′ N, 03°31′ E)

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House I – 16°21′ Sagittarius House VII – 16°21′ Gemini

North Node 19°09′ Capricorn South Node 19°09′ Degree of the Conjunction
Cancer 03°04′ Cancer
Venus [no data] Saturn 00°43 Cancer [it is
Sun 11°45′ Cancer 29°22 Gemini]
House II – 23°19′ Capricorn House VIII – 23°19′ Cancer

House III – 03°15′ Pisces House IX – 03°15′ Virgo

Lot of Fortune 21°09′ Pisces Mars 10°44′
House IV – 16°33′ Aries House X – 16°33′ Libra
Moon 16°33′ Libra
House V – 07°36′ Taurus House XI – 07°36′ Scorpio

House VI – 27°30′ Taurus House XII – 27°30′ Scorpio

Jupiter 04°26′ Sagittarius

Charles I count of Nevers and Rethel (1414–1464), son of Philip II of Nevers

and Bonne of Artois. His father died in 1415 at the Battle of Agincourt, and
nine years later, in 1424, his mother married Philipe le Bon, duke of Burgundy.
She died the following year, leaving Charles and his younger brother, Jean de
Clamecy, to live with their stepfather. Their situation was relatively stable, but
it changed for the worse in 1430, when Philip married Isabella of Portugal. It
was further aggravated in 1433 by the birth of the couple’s son, Charles the Bold.
In 1456, Charles de Bourgogne married Marie d’Albret, reinforcing his connec-
tions to Burgundy and his opposition to Louis XI, but not even this alliance
could eliminate the growing tension between him and his stepfather. In 1460,
Duke Philip accused his stepsons of practicing witchcraft against him and his
son.67 To avoid further problems, Charles de Bourgogne escaped to France,
where he died a some years later. The title passed to his younger brother, Jean
de Clamecy.
In MS 1711 f. 84v:

Figure of the nativity of the lord Charles de Bourgogne, Count of Nevers,

which was in the year of Christ 1414 imperfect, after noon of the 25th day

67 See Klaus Oschema, ‘Entre superstition et expertise scientifique: l’astrologie et la

prise de décision des ducs de Bourgogne’, Publications du Centre Européen d’Etudes
Bourguignonnes, 57 (Neuchâtel, 2017): 89–103 (at 93).

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figure 27 MS 1711, folio 84v

Charles de Bourgogne, count of Nevers and Rethel

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of June by 6 hours and 11 minutes. And it was the day of the Moon, hour
of Mars, ‘lord of the orb’ Mars, divisor Venus.68

In NAL 398 f. 91ra1:

Figure of the nativity of lord K1rol3 c4m3tis nivern2nsis (Karoli comitis

nivernensis – Charles, count of Nevers) which was in the year 1414 incom-
plete, afternoon, 25 of June, by six hours and 11 minutes. Day of the Moon,
hour of Mars, ‘lord of the orb’ Mars, divisor Venus.69

The charts are similar, including the omission of the degree of Venus. In this
case, Belle used the Egyptian sequence of terms to determine the divisor and
not, as in the previous case, the Ptolemaic one. He displays similar variations
in the calculation of certain lots. This apparent inconsistency may derive from
Belle’s own doubts in the face of diverse traditions; he may also have copied his
charts from different authors, who in turn followed divergent methods.
In the Egyptian sequence, the term of Venus ranges from 13° to 17° degrees
of Sagittarius; as the ascendant is at 16°21′ it falls under this term. Venus is
therefore the divisor. In the Ptolemaic sequence, the degree of the divisor
would fall on the terms of Mercury (from 14° to 19° Sagittarius).

table 29 Egyptian and Ptolemaic terms in the sign of Sagittarius

68 Figura Nativitatis domini Karoli de Burgondia comitis Nivernensis que fuit anno Christi
1414 imperfecto post meridiem 25 diei Junii horis 6 minutis 11. Et fuit dies Lune hora
Martis dominus orbis Mars divisor Venus, MS 1711 f. 84v.
69 Figura nativitatis domini K1rol3 c4m3tis nivern2nsis que fuit anno 1414 imperfecto post
meridiem 25 diei Junii per 6 horas cum 11 minutis. Die Lune hora Martis, dominus orbis ♂︎
divisor ♀︎, NAL 398 f. 91ra1.

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1.15 Jean de Bourgogne ( Jean de Clamecy), Count of Nevers

MS 1711 f. 85r–NAL 398 f. 91ra2: 17 October 1415, 15:31, Clamecy, Nièvre
(47°27′ N, 03°31′ E)

House I – 15°00′ Pisces House VII – 15°00′ Virgo

Degree of the Conjunction 17°35′
House II – 21° Aries House VIII – 21° Libra
Moon 21°44′ Aries Mercury 22°21′ Libra
Sun 02°31′ Scorpio
House III – 24° Taurus House IX – 24° Scorpio
Venus 16°21′ Sagittarius
House IV – 23°35′ Gemini House X – 23°35′ Sagittarius
North Node 23°47′ Gemini South Node 23°47′ Sagittarius
Jupiter 11°19′ Capricorn
House V – 20° Cancer House XI – 20° Capricorn
Saturn 13°35′ Cancer
House VI – 17° Leo House XII – 17° Aquarius
Lot of Fortune 04° Virgo
Mars 11°59′ Virgo

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figure 28 MS 1711, folio 85r

Jean de Bourgogne (Jean de Clamecy), count of Nevers

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Known as Jean de Clamecy, he was the posthumous son of Philippe II of

Nevers and Bonne of Artois. He was initially in good terms with his stepfather,
Philippe le Bon, having even fought by his side in several battles. Later, how-
ever, when his stepbrother Charles the Bold reached adulthood, the conflicts
began and soon the situation became unbearable. Jean deserted to France and
joined the army of Louis XI.
Jean inherited the title of count of Nevers and Rethel in 1464, upon the
death of his older brother, Charles.
In MS 1711 f. 85r:

Image of the sphere in the nativity of lord Jean de Bourgogne, count of

Nevers, which was in the year of Christ 1415, 3 hours, 31 minutes after
noon of the 17th day of October. And it was the day of Jupiter and Venus
was the lady of the hour.70

In NAL 398 f. 91ra2 the title is similar, with minor differences:

Image of the orb in the nativity of the lord Johannes de B5rg5nd31

(Johannes de Burgundia – Jean de Bourgogne), now count of Nevers,
which was in the year of the Lord 1415 incomplete, afternoon of the
17th day of October, 3 hours 31 minutes, day of Jupiter, hour of Venus.71

The comment ‘now count of Nevers’ reveals that his older brother, Charles of
Burgundy, was already deceased. The nativity was therefore calculated, or cop-
ied, sometime after 1464. In MS 1711, the native is simply called ‘count of Nevers’,
without any reference to the title’s newness, again suggesting this workbook
was written sometime after NAL 398.

70 Figuratio orbis in nativititate domini Johannis de Burgundia comitis nivernensis que fuit
anno Christi 1415 post meridiem 17 diei Octobris horis 3 minutis 31 Et fuit dies ♃ Venus
domina hore, MS 1711 f. 85r.
71 Figuratio orbis in nativitate domini Johannes de de B5rg5nd31 (Johannes de Burgundia)
nunc comitis nivernensis que fuit anno domini 1415 imperfecto post meridiem 17 diei
Octobris horis 3 minutis 31, die ♃ hora ♀︎, NAL 398 f. 91ra2.

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1.16 Charles d’Albret

MS 1711 f. 85v–NAL 398 f. 91rb1: 23 April 1428, 18:25, Labrit 44°07′ N;
00°33′ W

House I – 05° Scorpio House VII – 05° Taurus

Lot of Beatitude 05° Scorpio Sun 12° Taurus
Mercury [no degree – 14° Taurus]
Venus [no degree – 03° Gemini]
House II – 09° Sagittarius House VIII – 09° Gemini
Saturn 20° Sagittarius
House III – 10° Capricorn House IX – 10° Cancer

House IV – 12° Aquarius House X – 12° Leo

Lot of Fortune 15° Aquarius Moon 22° Leo
Jupiter 25° Aquarius
House V – 06° Pisces House XI – 06° Virgo

House VI – 06° Aries House XII – 06° Libra

[North Node – 21° Aries] [South Node – 21° Libra]
Mars 29° Aries
Degree of the Conjunction 03°52′ Taurus
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figure 29 MS 1711, folio 85v

Charles d’Albret

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Charles d’Albret, lord of Sainte-Bazeille, the fourth son of Charles II d’Al-

bret and Anne d’Armagnac, brother of Marie d’Albreth. He was possibly born
in the family castle at Labrit.72 In 1465 he joined the League of Public Weal
against Louis XI of France. Accused of treason, Charles was imprisoned on
5 March 1473, and executed in Poitiers, on 7 April of the same year.73 The lord-
ship of Sainte-Bazeille passed to the control of his nephew, Alain d’Albret
(1440–1522).74
In MS 1711 f. 85v:

Nativity of the lord Charles d’Albreth which was in the afternoon of the
23rd of April, around 6 hours, 25 minutes, of the year of Christ 1428, and
it was the day of Venus and the hour of Jupiter.75

In NAL 398 f. 91rb1, with the same chart, and two small variants in the title: the
encoded name and a difference in the minutes – seven instead of twenty-five:

Nativity of the lord K1l4l3 d1lbr2th (Karoli d’Albreth – Charles d’Albret)

which was in the afternoon 23 days of April, at 6 hours, 7 minutes, year of
the Lord 1428, day of Venus, hour of Jupiter.76

This is the only nativity where Belle calculates the lot of beatitude (pars beati-
tudinis), but it is not clear to which lot Belle is referring. According to Bonatti,
the lot of beatitude is calculated by taking the distance of Saturn to Jupiter
and projecting it from the ascendant (the reverse in a nocturnal chart).77 In
this chart the lot would fall at 10° Capricorn and not at 5° Scorpio; for this to
occur, Jupiter and Saturn two had to be in a very close conjunction, which is
not the case.
In the margin of the MS 1711 chart, Belle mentions a date, which is set ten
months before Charles d’Albret’s birthday:

72 The coordinates for Labrit (44°07′ N; 00°33′ W) are those that better fit this horoscope.
73 This case is related to the execution of Jean V d’Armagnac (1420–1473), the son of Jean IV
d’Armagnac and Isabella of Navarre. Upon his death, the title passed on to his younger
brother Charles (1425–1497) and later to his cousin Jean (1467–1500) of the cadet branch
of Armagnac-Nemours.
74 Alain d’Albret may be the horoscope in NAL 398 f. 91va1.
75 Nativitas domini Karoli d’Albreth que fuit post meridiem 23 diei Aprilis per 6 horas minu-
tis 25 anno Christi 1428 et fuit dies Veneris hora Jovis, MS 1711 f. 85v.
76 Nativitas domini K1l4l3 d1lbr2th que fuit post meridiem 23 diei Aprilis per 6 horas minutis
7 anno domini 1428 die Venus hora Jovis, NAL 398 f. 90rb1.
77 Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, 8.2.5, 1056.

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The true motion at the 28th of June complete, three hours after midday
of the same day, the year of Christ 1427 current.78

This could be the horoscope of the native’s conception in which case the
gestation would have lasted for ten months; it is uncommon, but possible.
Nonetheless, according to the trutina hermetis, the chart of conception must
have the Moon in the same sign as the ascendant in the nativity. Following
this rule, the Moon should be in Scorpio, the same sign of the ascendant in the
nativity, but it is Virgo; also, the ascendant should be in the same sign as the
nativity’s Moon, that is Leo, but it is in Scorpio.
Whatever the case may be, this date must have been meaningful for Belle
as he added a list with a detailed notation of the planet’s position on that date
including the direction of their movement (directus or retrogradus), their north
or south latitude (septentrionalis or meridionalis), and their increase or decrease
of latitude (which he notes with an A, ascendens, or a D, descendens, respectively).

1.17 Coronation of Charles VII

MS 1711 f. 86r–NAL 90vb2: 17 July 1429, 11:12, Reims (49°15′ N, 04°02′ E)

78 Veri motus ad 28 Junii completum cum horis tribus post meridiem eiusdem diei anni
Christi 1427 currentis, MS 1711 f. 85.

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House I – 16° Libra House VII – 16° Aries

Mars 16° Libra Lot of Fortune 08° Aries
Spica [no degree]
House II – 20° Scorpio House VIII – 20° Taurus

House III – 21° Sagittarius House IX – 21° Gemini

Missing: Saturn 27° Sagittarius
House IV – 20° Capricorn House X – 20° Cancer
Moon 23° Capricorn [should be Aquarius, Venus 22° Cancer Sun 01°45′ Leo
fifth house] Mercury 26° Cancer
House V – 17° Aquarius House XI – 17° Leo

House VI – 17° Pisces House XII – 17° Virgo

North Node 28° Pisces South Node 28° Virgo
Jupiter 04°29′ Aries retrograde

At the time of this event Paris was under Anglo-Burgundian rule and the French
court had moved to Bourges. The French troops, commanded by Jeanne d’Arc,
succeeded in reconquering several strategic cities, dispersing the English troops.
When the news of these victories reached Reims, the citizens opened their gates
enabling the coronation to take place at the city’s cathedral on 17 July 1429.

Figure of the coronation of Charles VII King of the Franks, which was in
the year of Christ current 1429 after noon of the 16th of July, by 23 hours
and 12 minutes.79

In NAL 398 f. 90vb2 the title is similar, except for the encoded name k1r4l3 sep-
timi (Karoli septimi – Charles VII), and the reference to ‘equal days’ (diebus equa-
tis) after the date. The chart itself is identical including the mistaken position of
the Moon and the absence of the degree of Spica. The only relevant difference is
the depiction of Saturn, at 25° Sagittarius, which is missing in MS 1711. Belle’s hor-
oscopes resemble those in Lat. 7443 f. 86v, attributed to Simon de Boesmare.80
However, an attentive comparison reveals some differences.81 Additionally,

79 Figura Intronizationis Karoli francorum Regis septimi Que fuit Anno Christi currente
1429 Post meridiem 16 Julii horis 23 minutis 12, MS 1711 f. 86r.
80 Lat. 7443 f. 86v. This was noted by Boudet in Lire dans le ciel, 133. See also Boudet and
Charmasson, ‘Une consultation’, 258, and Juste, CCAL II, 162–167.
81 Also mentioned by Boudet in Lire dans le ciel, 133.

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figure 30 MS 1711, folio 86r

Coronation of Charles VII

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table 30 Horoscopes for the coronation of Charles VII

MS Lat. 7443 NAL 398 MS 1711

Spica include degree: Spica in Libra without Spica in Libra without

16° Libra degree degree
Saturn’s position omitted Saturn at 25° Sagittarius Saturn’s position omitted
Moon: 23° Aquarius Moon: 23° Capricorn Moon: 23° Capricorn
fifth house fourth house fourth house
No Lot of Fortune Lot of Fortune: 8° Taurus Lot of Fortune: 8° Taurus

there seems to be some confusion about the positions of the Moon and of the
lot of fortune.
This horoscope may have been calculated by Roland of Lisbon (Roland
l’Ecrivain), later copied by Simon de Boesmare.82 Decades later, Belle could
have accessed the copy and used it as a case study. They seem to be horoscopes
of events, not of elections, although the latter were also extensively used at
this time.83

82 As stated in Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, 134. For elections, see for example Bonatti, Book of
Astronomy, VII.1, 786–788 and Boudet, Le Recueil, II, 70–73, 77–78.
83 See for instance Lat. 7427, f. 151r, the election of a journey (pro itinere), calculated for
12 April 1470, in Paris.

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1.18 Coronation of Louis XI

MS 1711 f. 86v–NAL 398 f. 90vb1: 15 August 1461, 22: 00: 44 Reims
(49°15′ N, 04°02′ E)

House I – 24°04′ Libra House VII – 24°04′ Aries

Mars 08°46′ Scorpio
Jupiter 21°52′ Scorpio
House II – 28°08′ Scorpio House VIII – 28°08′ Taurus
Moon 28°40′ Sagittarius
House III – 29°31′ Sagittarius House IX – 29°31′ Gemini
South Node 07°43′ Cancer [sic for Capricorn] North Node 07°43′ Cancer
Lot of Fortune 22° Capricorn
Saturn 27°49′ Capricorn retrograde
House IV – [00°49′ Capricorn] House X – 00°49′ Cancer
Degree of the Conjunction 21°59′ Leo
House V – 27°13′ Aquarius House XI – 27°13′ Leo
Venus 29° Leo Mercury 05°58′
Sun 00°49′ Virgo Virgo
House VI – 24°27′ Pisces House XII – 24°27′ Virgo

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figure 31 MS 1711, folio 86v

Coronation of Louis XI

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Louis, dauphin de France, was exiled to Burgundy when he learned of his

father’s death on 22 July 1461. Fearing that his younger brother, Charles
de Berry, might seize the throne, he hastily returned to France. The coronation
took place 24 days later on 15 August 1461 in the cathedral of Reims.

Coronation of King Louis [XI], which was in the year 1461 imperfect, after
noon, the 14th of August, around 22 hours, 0 minutes and 44 seconds.
And it was the day of Saturn, hour of Venus, lord of the year Saturn.84

NAL 398 f. 90vb1 has the same title and chart, the only difference being the
encryption of the king’s name: reg3s L5d4vici.
The final sentence in the title, ‘lord of the year Saturn’, is not related to the
coronation’s horoscope, but to the king’s nativity: it refers to the planet that
rules the thirty-eighth year of his life, that of his coronation. This is evidence of
the use of profections, a technique of prediction already explained. The ruler
of the sign where the ascendant falls each year is called the lord of the year. The
ascendant of his nativity was Sagittarius, and every twelve years the ascendant
returned to Sagittarius by profection. Louis XI was thirty-eight years old when
he was crowned – that is, two years past his third return of the ascendant to its
original position – therefore, the profected ascendant at the time of his coro-
nation was Aquarius, which is two signs away from Sagittarius, in the order of
the signs, and its ruler, Saturn, was lord of the year. The state of Saturn in the
natal chart, combined with the technique of revolutions defines the general
conditions of that period.

84 Intronizatio Regis Ludovici que fuit anno 1461 imperfecto post meridiem 14 Augusti per 22
horas minutis 0 et 44 secundis et fuit dies ♄ hora Veneris dominus anni ♄, MS 1711 f. 86v.

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1.19 Coronation of Charles VIII

MS 1711 f. 87r: 30 May 1484, 09:34, Reims (49°15′ N, 04°02′ E)

House I – 24° Leo House VII – 24° Aquarius

House II – 20° Virgo House VIII – 20° Pisces

South Node 16°36′ Libra Mars 26°46′ Pisces
North Node 16°36′ Aries
House III – 17° Libra House IX – 17° Aries
Jupiter 27°56′ Libra
Lot of Fortune 30° Libra
House IV – 12° Scorpio House X – 12° Taurus
Mercury 04°02′ Gemini
House V – 16° Sagittarius House XI – 16° Gemini
Sun 17°40′ Gemini
House VI – 19° Capricorn House XII – 19° Cancer
Venus 21°50′ Cancer
Moon 23°40′ Leo

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figure 32 MS 1711, folio 87r

Coronation of Charles VIII

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Charles VIII of France, the son of Louis XI and Charlotte of Savoy, was
one-month short of his fourteenth birthday when he was crowned king of
France in the cathedral of Reims. The kingdom remained under the regency of
his older sister, Anne, until 1491.

Figure of the coronation of Charles VIII, king of the Franks, which was in
Reims, in the year 1484, of the 13th day of May, 9th hour, minutes 34 before
midday, and the Sun was the ruler of the day, Saturn ruler of the hour.85

Belle seems to take much interest in this coronation, possibly because

Charles VIII was the reigning monarch by the time his manuscripts were com-
pleted. Below the title he adds two comments connecting this event to other
horoscopes in the manuscript:86
– The king’s nativity on f. 87v: ‘Seek for his nativity in this same little folio’.
(Quere nativitatem eius in eodem foliolo.)
– His entry into Paris on folio 89r: ‘Seek for his entry into Paris two folia after’.
(Quere introitus eius in Parisius duo folia post.)
On the top of the folio, on the right-hand side, he writes ‘Pay attention’ (Nota).
In the margin below he adds a table with the planetary aspects within the chart.

85 Figura intronizationis Karoli octavi francorum regis que fuit Remis in anno Christi 1484
die 30 Maii hora 9 minutis 34 ante meridiem. Et erat Sol dominus diei et Saturnus domi-
nus hore, MS 1711 f. 87r. Over the sentence ‘hora 9a’ there is a superscript stating ‘21a’ which
was crossed out; in the right margin the number 9 confirms the hour.
86 In NAL 398 he calculates three different nativities for this king: f. 90va1, f. 93rb2 and
f. 93va1, which will be addressed later.

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1.20 Charles VIII, King of France

MS 1711 f. 87v–NAL 398 f. 90va1; 93rb2; 93va1: 30 June 1470, 01:10,
Amboise (47°24′ N, 00°59′ E)

House I – 00°50′ Gemini House VII – 00°50′ Sagittarius

Aldebaran
Venus 17°52 Gemini in the first station
Rigel 19° Gemini
House II – 21°21′ Gemini House VIII – 21°21′ Sagittarius
Orion 21° Gemini
House III – 11° Cancer House IX – 11° Capricorn
South Node 15° Cancer Sun 16°19′ Cancer North Node 15°
Degree of the Mercury 17°02′ direct
Conjunction 15°
Algomeisa 16° Cancer
House IV – 00°40′ Leo House X – 00°40′ Aquarius
Moon 00°48′ Leo Cor Leonis 22° Leo
Mars 20°32′ Leo Jupiter 01°42′ Virgo direct
House V – 10° Virgo House XI – 10° Pisces

House VI – 22° Libra House XII – 22° Aries

Lot of Fortune 16°21′ Taurus
Saturn 25°40′ Taurus direct
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figure 33 MS 1711, folio 87v

Charles VIII, king of France

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King Charles VIII of France, known as ‘the Affable’, whose coronation

horoscope is depicted in the preceding folio. In 1483 Charles, aged thirteen,
was betrothed to the two-year-old Margaret of Austria, daughter of Emperor
Maximilian, as a condition of the Treaty of Arras. But in 1491 he repudiated
Margaret and forced Anne, duchess of Brittany, to dissolve her marriage to
Maximilian and marry him.87 He died at the age of 29 as a result of an accident.
Belle has four different nativities for this king. The first is in MS 1711, f. 87v:

Figure of the nativity of the most Christian King of the Franks Charles VIII,
which was in Amboise in the year of Christ 1470, 13 hours, 10 minutes
afternoon of the 29th day of June, and the preceding day was of Venus,
Mars [being] the ruler of the night and of the hour.88

He adds a note mentioning the variants of this nativity in NAL 398:

Note the [other] figures of the native, that in place of ‘one’ [Gemini] give
8° of Gemini and in another it has 2° of Cancer. And it was verified by
animodar and in this one it is placed the first of Gemini.89

Belle adds several additional calculations in MS 1711, such as the aspects of

the planets, the almutem and the length of life. He determines that Jupiter is
the alcocodem, but he does not advance the possible number of years of the
native’s life.
In NAL 398, Belle presents three different possible times of birth for this
king, each with a different ascendant degree.
1 – Charles VIII – NAL 398 f. 90va1, 2° Cancer rising:90

87 As mentioned in the section for Emperor Maximilian I.

88 Figura Nativitatis Christianissimi Francorum regis Karoli octavi que fuit in Ambasia anno
Christi 1470 horis 13 minutis 10 post meridiem 29 diei Junii et precesserat dies Veneris,
Mars dominus noctis et hore, MS 1711 f. 87v.
89 Nota figuras Nati in qua pro una ponitur 8 Geminorum. Item in alia que habet 2 Cancri et
est verificata per animodar et in ista ponitur primus Geminorum, MS 1711 f. 87v.
90 Boudet mentions a horoscope for Charles VIII in NAL 398 f. 90v (with 2° Cancer rising),
but not the variations on f. 93 and f. 93v: ‘On ne connaît qu’un seul horoscope de naissance
de Charles VIII, celui qu’a établi Simon Belle, vers 1483–1491, BnF, Nouvelles Acquisitions
Latines 398, fol. 90va. Mais cet horoscope, dont la première mouture dut être réalisée par les
astrologues de Louis XI, était certainement connu des praticiens du royaume et d’ailleurs’,
Boudet, Le Recueil, II, 91, n. 22.

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Figure of the most Christian prince and lord Charles, firstborn son of
King Louis, dauphin of the Viennese,91 which was on the 29th day of
June, 14 hours, 54 minutes, year 1470, and it was the night of Mars, 9 hour,
[hour] of the Moon. Verified by mora it is 7° Cancer.92

This nativity was rectified by the trutina hermetis changing from 2° to 7° Cancer.
It includes four lots: pars regni at 20° Cancer in the second house; pars fortune
at 16° Gemini in the twelfth house; pars regni at 23° Leo in the third house; pars
coniugii at 24° Cancer in the second house. The term mora, meaning ‘gestation’
(the time the baby remained in the womb) is a reference to a rectification tech-
nique similar to the trutina hermetis.
2 – Charles VIII – NAL 398 f. 93rb2, 8°47 Gemini rising:

Figure of the description of the heavens and the planets in the nativity
of the lord near Tours, 29th of June, 13 hours, 21 minutes after noon of the
same day, year of Christ 1470. And it was the day of Venus, night of Mars,
but the hour of the Moon.93

In the margin, the abbreviated words P. Cho9, possibly a reference to Pierre

Choinet (or Choisnet, c.1411–c.1484), physician and astrologer of Louis XI. This
supports a hypothesis advanced by Boudet that Belle had copied the nativity
of Charles VIII from an official source that of either Jacques Loste or Pierre
Choinet.94 It mentions a different birthplace: Tours (45°04′ N, 04°50′ E) and
denotes Belle’s indecision:

Others put in this the nativity of the first [degree] of Gemini [in the
ascendant] and it is verified by animodar and they have said that it was
in the day 29 of June, 13 hours, 9 minutes, year 1470 incomplete, and it was

91 The heir of the throne of France was called ‘Dauphin de France’ or ‘dauphin des Viennois’.
92 Figura christianissimi principis et domini k4rol3 regis ludovici fic4rum (sic) primogeniti
delphini viennensis que fuit 29 die Junii hora 14 minutis 54 anni 1470 et fuit nox Martis 9
hora vero Luni. Verificata per mora est 7 Cancri, NAL 398 f. 90va1.
93 Figura descriptionis celi et planetarum anni nativitatis Domini prope Touronem 29 Junii
hora 13 minutis 21 post meridiem eiusdem diei anni Christii 1470 et fuit dies ♀︎ nox ♂︎, hora
vero ☽, NAL 398, 93rb2.
94 Boudet, Astrologie et Politique entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 320–321, n. 60. The topic is
also mentioned in Boudet, ‘Les astrologues et le pouvoir’, 29, n. 2; Entre science et nigro-
mance, 310; and Le Recueil, II, 276–277. See also Charles Samaran, ‘Pierre Choisnet, “Le
Rosier des Guerres et Le Livre des Trois Ages”’, (PhD diss., École nationale des Chartes,
1926), 87, 372–380.

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the night of Mars, but the hour of the Moon. See the folio and you will
see the descriptions.95

This comment ends with the encrypted word C4r1rdus, meaning ‘Conrad’, pos-
sibly a reference to Conrad Heingarter, whom he also mentions in MS 1711 f. 72r
as Conrardus. Belle may have copied this nativity from Conrad who probably
had accurate data since he served both Louis XI and Charles VIII as physician,
as stated before. The ‘folio’ he mentions was most likely written by Conrad,
but it is unclear why he encoded his name. By the time these charts were cal-
culated, during the last years of the fifteenth century, there was no longer any
active hostility between the houses of France, where Charles VIII was born,
and Bourbon, where Belle was presumably living. This concealment may not
be related to politics, but to professional courtesy: as Belle collected the opin-
ions of several astrologers – some of them possibly rivals – he may have opted
to keep their identities veiled, to avoid offending any of them. He could also
be concealing the source’s identity, because accurate data of the king’s chart
could be taken as sensitive information.
3 – Charles VIII – NAL 398f. 93va1, 1° Gemini rising (similar to MS 1711):

Description of the nativity of Charles King of the Franks the seventh,96

according to some experts, that was in Amboise, on the 29th day of June,
current year 1470, by 13 hours, 10 minutes after noon and preceded the
day of Venus in the night of Mars and the hour of Mars at the latitude of
50 degrees.97

This last version corresponds to the comment on the previous nativity (NAL 398
f. 93rb2) and is the one that most resembles the nativity in MS 1711 (which has
0°50′ Gemini ascending). The three charts in NAL 398 indicate some indeci-
sion as to the ‘exact birth time of this king’, while the one on MS 1711 suggests
that a choice has been made. This again supports the idea that MS 1711 was

95 Alii ponunt in ista nativitatem 1imi cum ♊︎ et verificarunt esse per animodar et dixerint
que fuit die 29 Junii hora 13 minutis 9 anno 1470 imperfecto et erat nox ♂︎ hora vero ☽.
Videte folium et videbis descriptiones, NAL 498 f. 93rb2.
96 Belle states that this is the horoscope of Charles VII, although he writes the birthdate of
Charles VIII.
97 Descriptiones nativitatis Karoli regis francorum 7mi secundum quosdam expertos que
fuit in Ambasia die 29 Iunii anno 1470 currente hora 13 minutis 10 post meridiem et
presseserat (sic for precesserat) dies ♀︎ in nocte ♂︎ et hora ♂︎ ad latitudinem 50 graduum,
NAL 398 f. 93va1.

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written after NAL 398. The following table presents the different nativities,
house cusps, lots and respective sources:

table 31 Nativity of Charles VIII – variations

NAL 398 f. 90va1 NAL 398 f. 93rb2 NAL 398 f. 93va1 MS 1711 f. 87v

Time of 30 June, 30 June, 30 June, 30 June,

birth 02:54 AM 01:21 AM 01:10 AM 01:10 AM

House I / 02° Can / 02° Cap 08°47 Gem / 01° Gem / 0°50 Gem /
House VII 08°47 Sag 01° Sag 0°50 Sag
House II / 20° Can / 20° Cap 28° Gem / 21° Gem / 21° Gem /
House VIII 28° Sag 21° Sag 21° Sag
House III / 08° Leo / 08° Aqu 16° Can / 11° Can / 11° Can /
House IX 16° Cap 11° Cap 11° Cap
House IV / 29° Leo / 29° Aqu 08°48 Leo / 01° Leo / 00°48 Leo /
House X 08°48 Aqu 01° Aqu 00°48 Aqu
House V / 12° Lib / 24° Ari 18° Vir / 18° Pis 10° Vir / 10° Pis 10° Vir / 10° Pis
House XI
House VI / 24° Scor / 24 Tau 01° Sco / 01° Tau 22° Lib / 22° Ari 22° Lib / 22° Ari
House XII
Source ‘Verificata per Animodar ‘quosdam unspecified
animodar: and ‘P. Choi9’ expertos’
7° Cancri’ [Pierre Choinet] ‘Conrad’
[Heingarter?]
mentioned in
f. 93rb2
Lots Regni: 20° Can Fortune: – no lots – Fortune:
Fortune: 16° Gem 24°2′ Tau 16°21′ Tau
Regni: 23° Leo
Coniugii: 24° Can

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1.21 Margaret of Austria

MS 1711 f. 88r–NAL 398 f. 93vb2: 10 January 1480, 10:36, Brussels
(50°51′ N, 04°21′ E)

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This nativity includes two sets of planets, corresponding to different dates; for clarity,
one of the sets is in parenthesis
House I – 21° Aries House VII – 21° Libra (18° Scorpio)
(18° Taurus)
(Jupiter 21°57′ Aries direct) Mars 08°44′ Scorpio direct
House II – 18° Taurus House VIII – 18° Scorpio (10° Sagittarius)
(10° Gemini)

House III – 14° Gemini House IX – 14° Sagittarius (01° Capricorn)

(01° Cancer)
Jupiter 27°20′ Gemini Moon 09°50′ Capricorn (Venus 11°26′ Capricorn)
retrograde [should be in House X] (Mercury 15°46′ Capricorn)
House IV– 09° Cancer House X – 09° Capricorn (22° Capricorn)
(22° Cancer)
Degree of the Opposition Mercury 28°40′ (Degree of the opposition
17° Leo Capricorn 27° Capric.)
Sun 29°18′ Capricorn (Sun 00°35′ Aquarius)
Venus 02°53′ Aquarius (South Node 00°42′
retrograde Aquarius)
House V – 10° Leo (29° Leo) House XI – 10° Aquarius (29° Aquarius)
(Moon – 12°56 Virgo) (Mars 10°36′ Pisces)
(Saturn – 18°28 Virgo)
House VI – 14° Virgo House XII – 14° Pisces (09° Aries)
(09° Libra)
Saturn 01°25 Libra

Margaret of Austria, duchess of Savoy, daughter of Maximilian and his first wife,
Marie of Burgundy. At the age of two, Margaret was betrothed to Charles VIII
and sent to be raised at the French royal court under the supervision of the
regent, Anne. But in 1491 Charles repudiated her and married Anne of Brittany,
who was Margaret’s stepmother.98 Margaret remained in France until 1493
when, as a consequence of the Treaty of Senlis, she was finally returned to her
father. In 1497, she married Prince Juan de Asturias who died soon afterwards.
She married again in 1501 to Duke Philibert II of Savoy, who died three years
later. Margaret lived until 1530.

98 Anne was by then married to Maximilian I, but for political reasons was forced to marry
Charles VIII.

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figure 34 MS 1711, folio 88r

Margaret of Austria

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The chart in MS 1711 displays superimposed planetary positions for two dif-
ferent dates. Apparently, Belle’s first calculation for her chart was the one in
NAL 398, f. 93vb2, for 11 January 1479 between 11 and 12 hours before noon with
18° Taurus ascendant:

Day of the Moon, 11 January of the year 1479, between 11 and 12 [hours]
before noon, Margaret was born, daughter of the Duke of Austria, Queen
of France.99

When he copied this nativity to MS 1711 he changed the hour from ‘between
11 and 12’ to a more precise birth time: 11:36 – which corresponds exactly to
18° Taurus rising.

Nativity of Margaret, daughter of the Duke Maximilian [wife of the

Queen of the Franks (sic)] which was at the day of the Moon, 11 of January,
10 hours and 36 minutes before noon, year [1479].100

He seems uncertain about the day of birth: he adds a note in the margin –
which he later crossed out – about the accuracy of the data.

To remember: It was true or closer to the truth. I had in my notebook

[that] this nativity was on the day of the Moon, 10th of January, between
11 and 12 before midday, but this could not have been, therefore one
should seek [to confirm this]. I knew afterwards that this nativity was on
the day 11 of January and it was the day of the Moon.101

In fact, 10 January 1479 was not a Monday, the day of the Moon, but a Sunday,
day of the Sun; hence his first conclusion being that the birth took place on
11 January, a Monday. Later, he seems to have found more accurate informa-
tion and thus he crossed out this note and again corrected the data. In fact,
Margaret was born in 10 January, but in the year 1480 not 1479 as Belle first
noted. Indeed, 10 January 1480 was a Monday, the day of the Moon. Belle had
noted this from the beginning, but he had been working with the wrong year.

99 Die ☽, 11 Januarii anni 1479 inter 11 et 12 ante meridiem nata est Margareta filia ducis
Austrie regina Francie, NAL 398, f. 93vb2.
100 Nativitas Margarete ducis Maximilianii filie [crossed out: uxor regine Francorum (sic)]
que fuit die Lune 11 Januarii hora 11 et minutis 36 ante meridiem anno 1479, MS 1711 f. 88r.
101 [Crossed out:] [Memorale: fuit verum vel propius vero. Habui in memoriali Nati hanc die
Lune 10 Ianuarii inter 11 et 12 ante meridiem sed non posset fieri. Ideo queratur. Scivi post
quod ista nativitas fuit die 11 Januarii et fuit dies Lune], MS 1711 f. 88r.

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He also acquired more precise information about her birthtime and changed it
from 11:36 to 10:36. He then changed the title:

Nativity of Margaret, daughter of the Duke Maximilian [wife Queen of

the Franks] which was at the day of the Moon 10 of January, 10 hours and
36 minutes before noon, year [1479 struck throughout] 1480, according
to computations of the Roman church. Verifying this hour by animodar,
such a figure results [he nativity is displayed below].102

The two final sentences were probably added at the time of these changes to
reinforce the validity of his new conclusions. As these changes – especially the
year – rendered the older chart obsolete, Belle decided to write a new one on
the same folio. He tried to erase the previous cusps and planetary computa-
tions (which were the same as NAL 398), but as he could not do so, he wrote
the new positions and cusps over the previous ones, using a darker shade of
ink (in the facsimile version presented above the older computations are in
grey). One of the most obvious changes was the ascendant, that changed from
18° Taurus to 21° Aries. The table summarizes the two different positions (older
positions in brackets). All these changes support the argument that NAL 398
precedes MS 1711. Furthermore, in NAL 398 he gives Margaret the title of queen
of France (regina Francie), thus suggesting that he did not return to NAL 398
to correct it after 1491 when her engagement to Charles VIII was broken; in
MS 1711, the designation of ‘queen of France’ is struck through, revealing that
the manuscript was still in use then.

102 Nativitas Margarete ducis Maximiliani filie [crossed out: uxor regine francorum] que fuit
die Lune 10 Januarii hora 10 et minutis 36 ante meridiem anno [1479] 1480 secundum
computationem Ro[mane] ecclesie verificando hanc horam per animodar incidit figura
talis, MS 1711 f. 88r.

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table 32 Nativities for Margaret of Austria

NAL 398 F. 93vb2 MS 1711 F. 88r

11 January 1479, 11/12 noon 10 January 1480, 10:36

House I Jupiter 21°57′ Leo House I (erased: 19°)

18° Taurus 18°21′ Aries Jupiter 21°47′ direct
House II House II (erased: Gemini)
10° Gemini 18° Taurus
House III House III (erased: Cancer)
01° Cancer 14° Gemini Jupiter 27°20′ (direct)
retrograde
House IV [North Node 0°42′] House IV Gradus oppositionis 17°
22° Cancer 22°09′ Cancer
House V Moon 12°56′ Virgo House V Moon 12°46′ Virgo
29° Leo Saturn 18°28′ Virgo 29°/10° Leo Saturn 18°18′ Virgo
House VI House VI Saturn 01°24′ Libra
09° Libra 19° Virgo/ Libra
House VII House VII Mars 08°44′ direct
18° Scorpio 18°21′ Libra
House VIII House VIII
10° Sagittarius 18° Taurus/Sag.
House IX Venus 11°24′ Capricorn House IX Moon 09°40′
01° Capricorn Mercury 15°46′ 14° Sag./Capric. Venus 11°25′
Capricorn Mercury 15°46′
House X Gradus oppositionis 27° House X Gradus oppositionis
22° Capricorn Sun 0°35′ Aquarius 22°09′ Capricorn 07° Cap.
South Node 0°42′ Sun 29°18′ Capricorn
Aquarius Mercury 28°40′
Sun 0°35′ Aquarius
Venus 02°53′
South Node 0°42′
Aquarius
House XI Mars 10°36′ House XI Mars 10°36′ Pisces
29° Aquarius 29/10° Aquarius
House XII House XII
09° Aries 19° Pisces/Aries

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1.22 Philippe le Beau of Austria

MS 1711 f. 88v–NAL 398 f. 93va2: 22 June 1478, 14:30 Bruges
(51°13′ N, 03°14′ E)

House I – 27° Libra House VII – 27° Aries

Jupiter 22°41′ Taurus direct
House II – 1° Sagittarius House VIII – 01° Gemini
Venus 16°23′ Gemini retrograde
Degree of the opposition 02° Cancer
House III – 2° Capricorn House IX – 4° Cancer
Sun 09°09′ Cancer
Mercury 24°52′ direct
House IV – 06° Aquarius House X – 06° Leo
South Node 11°27′ Aquarius North Node 11°27′ Leo
House V – 03° Pisces House XI – 03° Virgo
Moon 27° Pisces Saturn 01°56′ Virgo direct [5° rule]
House VI – 30° Pisces House XII – 30° Virgo
Mars 20°38′ Libra

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figure 35 MS 1711, folio 88v

Philippe le Beau of Austria

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Philippe le Beau, the son of Maximilian and Marie de Bourgogne, brother

of Margaret of Austria, and father of the emperor Charles V. He married Joana,
the daughter of the Catholic king, Ferdinand and Isabella 1496; he died in 1506
in ambiguous circumstances.

Nativity of the most illustrious prince and lord, lord Philip of Burgundy,
firstborn of the Duke of Austria, etc. which was in the day of the Moon 22
of June, second hour and 30 minutes about after noon of the same day,
year 1478 at the latitude of 51 degrees.103

There is another chart in NAL 398 f. 93va2, with similar but slightly less precise
data:

On the day of the Moon 22 of June of the year 1478, between the second
and the third [hours] of that same day, was born Philip son of the lord of
Austria.104

As in the previous nativity, Belle perfects the data as he changes from NAL 398
to MS 1711. Again, he follows the five-degree rule in the position of Saturn by
placing it in the eleventh house even though it is as 1°56′ Virgo, the house cusp
being placed at 3° of the same sign. The same occurs in NAL f. 93va2, even
though the house cusps are slightly different.

103 Nativitas Illustrissimi principis et domini domini Philippi de Burgondia primogeniti

ducis Austrie etc que fuit die Lune 22 Junii hora 2a et minuta 30 vel circa post meridiem
eiusdem diei anno 1478, ad latitudinem 51 graduum, MS 1711 f. 88v.
104 Die ☽ 22 Junii anni 1478 inter 2a et 3a post meridiem ipsius diei natus est Philipus filius
dominus Austriae, NAL 398 f. 93va2.

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1.23 Entry of Charles VIII into Paris

MS 1711 f. 89r: 5 July 1484, 16:00, Paris (48°51′ N, 02°21′ E)

House I – 01° Sagittarius House VII – 01° Gemini

Moon 15°01′ Sagittarius
House II – 06° Capricorn House VIII – 06° Cancer
Sun 22° Cancer
Mercury 11°00′ Leo
House III – 13° Aquarius House IX – 13° Leo
Venus 03°30′ Virgo
House IV – 23° Pisces House X – 23° Virgo
North Node 14°42′ South Node 14°42′
House V – 16° Aries House XI – 16° Libra
Mars 18°24′ Aries Jupiter 28°10′ Libra direct
Lot of Fortune 23°53′
House VI – 09° Taurus House XII – 09° Scorpio
Saturn 11°45′ Scorpio in second station

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figure 36 MS 1711, folio 89r

Entry of Charles VIII into Paris

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This event, which happened six days after the coronation of Charles VIII in
Reims (MS 1711 f. 87r), symbolized the return of the French king to his capital,
after a long period under English domination.105 It was therefore a crucial step
in securing the French king’s power in the face of the strong English forces.

Figura of the entry of Charles VIII most Christian King of the Franks in
his capital city, which was on the 5th day of July, 4 hours after noon of the
same day, year 1484. And it was the day of the Moon.106

The horoscopes for the entrance into a city were given much attention in
astrological practice. As in the coronations, Belle added a table with the plan-
etary aspects.

1.24 Charles, Cardinal of Bourbon

MS 1711 f. 98v
Charles (1434–1488), born in Moulins, the brother of Jean II and Pierre de
Bourbon. Belle does not calculate this chart, but gives it a title:

Nativity of the lord Charles of Bourbon cardinal primate of the people

of Lyons which was in the year of Christ current 1435, Saturday, 24 of
September, dominical letter B.107

In the margin he writes the remaining data, the time of birth, possibly acquired
at a later time: Between eleven and twelve before noon (Inter 11 et 12 ante
meridiem).
Charles de Bourbon was appointed archbishop of Lyon in 1444, at the age
of eleven. In 1465, he served King Louis XI of France as a diplomat in the
conflict surrounding the League of Public Weal. He was created cardinal by
Pope Sixtus IV on 18 December 1476, probably at a time when Belle was living in
Bourbon. After the death of his older brother Jean, in 1488, Charles succeeded
him as duke of Bourbon, but after only two weeks he was forced to renounce
the title by their younger brother, Pierre, who became the new duke. This may
be the reason why Belle does not calculate the nativity even though he had all
the necessary data. He also includes a reference to the dominical letter.

105 Between 1420 and 1436 Paris was under Anglo-Burgundian rule.
106 Figura introitus Karoli octavi christianissimi Francorum regis in urbe sua capitali que fuit
die 5 Julii horis 4 post meridiem eiusdem diei anni 1484 et erat dies Lune, MS 1711 f. 89r.
107 Nativitas domini Karoli de Borbonio cardinalis et primas Lugdunensium que fuit anno
Christi currente 1435 die sabati 24 Septembris, littera dominicalis B, MS 1711 f. 89v.

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1.25 Louis XII, King of France

MS 1711 f. 90r: 27 June 1462, 05:03, Blois (47°35′ N, 01°19′ E)

House I – 04° Leo House VII – 04° Aquarius

Saturn 12° Aquarius retrograde
House II – 24° Leo House VIII – 24° Aquarius

House III – 17° Virgo House IX – 17° Pisces

House IV – 11° Libra House X – 11° Aries

House V – 21° Scorpio House XI – 21° Taurus

Jupiter 25° Scorpio retrograde North Node 20° Gemini Mercury 24° Gemini
South Node 20° Sagittarius Venus 21° Gemini retrograde
House VI – 27° Sagittarius House XII – 27° Gemini
Mars 00° Cancer Sun 13°31′ Cancer
Moon 09° Cancer

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figure 37 MS 1711, folio 90r

Louis XII, king of France

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King Louis XII, the son of Charles, duke d’Orléans, and Marie de Clèves. He
succeeded his cousin Charles VIII and reigned from 1498 to his death in 1515.

Nativity of the lord Louis of Valois, most illustrious Duke of the people
of Orléans, year 1462, around the 5th hour after [crossed out – midday]
midnight, of the 27th day of June.108

Belle is not sure about this nativity as is revealed by his comment:

Some take the 25th [degree] of Cancer for this nativity, and in the 10th
House the 1st [degree] of Aries. Therefore, it must be verified.109

The time provided by Belle, 5 AM, corresponds to the chart with 25° Cancer
rising, thus agreeing with this comment. However, the chart in this folio has
4° Leo rising, being therefore calculated for a time around 6 AM.

1.26 Anne de Beaujeu, Duchess of Bourbon

MS 1711 f. 90v: 19 April 1461, 04:48, Nivelles (50°35′ N, 04°19′ E)

108 Natale domini Ludivici de Valesio illustrissimi ducis Aurelianensium anno 1462 circa
horam 5 post [crossed out: meridiem] mediam noctem diei 27 Junii, MS 1711 f. 90r.
109 Quidam capiunt pro hac nativitate 25 Cancri et in 10 domo primum Arietis. Verificetur
ergo, MS 1711 f. 90r.

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House I – 08° Taurus House VII – 08° Scorpio

Sun 07°55′ Taurus [5° rule] 73 85 Jupiter 26°52′ Scorpio retrograde
Caput Algol 19° Taurus
House II – 02° Gemini House VIII – 02° Sagittarius
Aldebaran 02°
House III – 22° Gemini House IX – 22° Sagittarius

House IV – 17° Cancer House X – 17° Capricorn

North Node 13° 39′ Leo South Node 13°39′ Aquarius [should be Cap. IX]
[should be Cancer in House III] Vultur Volans (Altair) 22° Capricorn
Saturn 01°43′ Aquarius in slow movement
House V – 21° Leo House XI – 21° Aquarius
Moon 25°51′ Leo Lot of Children 03°09′ Pisces
Lot of Fortune 25°56′ Leo
Mars 16°02′ Virgo in second station
House VI – 30° Virgo House XII – 30° Pisces
Venus 06°16′ Aries Mercury 05°59′ Taurus
Degree of the [Erased: Sun 07°55′
Conjunction 29° Aries Taurus]

Anne de Beaujeu, called Madame la Grande, daughter of Louis XI and Charlotte

of Savoy. Her father called her ‘the least foolish woman in France’ because of her
political skills. She married Pierre de Bourbon in 1473: he was thirty-three years
old, she was only twelve. After her father’s death in 1483 she assumed the regency
of the French kingdom on behalf of her younger brother, Charles VIII, who was
then still a minor. In 1491 she gave birth to her only surviving child, Susanne:

Nativity of the illustrious lady Anne, firstborn of the most Christian King
of the Franks, Louis XII [sic for Louis XI], year of the grace 1461, day of
the Sun 19th of April, 4th hour, 48 minutes before noon. This is precise in
the rising of the Sun and it was in the city of Nivelle,110 in Brabant, whose
latitude is about 50 degrees. Dominical letter D, golden number 18. Easter
[at] the 5th of April.111

110 It is commonly accepted by historians that Anne was born in the castle of Genappe
(50°36′ N), about ten kilometers east of Nivelle (50°35′ N), the place mentioned by Belle.
In the calculation of the horoscope, the difference is negligible.
111 Natalis inclite domine Anne primogenite christianissimi Francorum regis Ludovici duo-
decimi anno gracie 1461 die Solis 19 Aprilis hora quarta minutis 48 ante meridiem hoc

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figure 38 MS 1711, folio 90v

Anne de Beaujeu, duchess of Bourbon

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Following the death of Duke Jean II in 1488, Anne and her husband, Pierre,
succeeded to the duchy of Bourbon. They may have been Belle’s patrons during
one or more of the periods that he lived there. This might explain the detailed
attention that he pays to this nativity, in which he includes the dominical let-
ter, the golden number, a reference stating that it was Easter Sunday, and a con-
siderable number of fixed stars and lots. Following the five-degree rule, Belle
places the Sun in the first house; oddly, he does not apply the rule to Mercury,
which is even closer, at 7°59′. In the left margin he comments about Anne’s
length of life:

The Sun is hyleg and Mars, ruler of the triplicity, aspects the Sun by a
trine, [therefore] it must be the alcocodem. The greater years of Mars are
57, intermediate 40 and according to Ptolemy [the lesser years are] 15.
Years of the firdarie 7.112

Belle seems undecided about Anne’s life span. He identifies the hyleg and from
it he deduces the alcocodem, Mars, but he does not decide the years given by
the alcocodem according to its condition; he simply enumerates the lesser,
median and greater years of the planet. Adding to the confusion, he mistak-
enly states that the greater years of Mars are fifty-seven, which are in fact the
greater years of Saturn; the greater years of Mars being sixty-six. Anne lived for
sixty-one years, having died in 1522. By the time Belle calculated her longevity,
the final years of the fifteenth century, she was very much alive, and this is
probably the reason why he preferred not to offer a more precise prediction.
In the left margin of the page there is the calculation of the almutem, with
the essential and accidental dignities of each planet. Notably, Mercury is given
twelve accidental dignities, corresponding to a placement in the first house.
In practice, Belle is applying the five-degree rule to the planet, even though he
had forgotten to pull it from the twelfth house to the first, as he has done with
to the Sun.
At the bottom right of the page there is a comment stating: ‘the lot of chil-
dren is taken by day from the distance from Jupiter to Saturn (by night it is the
same) and starting from the ascendant’ (pars filiorum accipitur de die a Jove in
Saturnus noctis equalibus et proicitur ab Ascendente). This should put the lot
at 11° Cancer, but surprisingly, it is at 3° Pisces, a position that corresponds to

est precise in ortu Solis et fuit in oppido Nivelle in Brabantia cuius latitudo est circa 50
gradus, littera dominicalis D numerus aureus 18 Pascha 5 Aprilis, MS 1711 f. 90v.
112 Sol est hyleg et ♂︎ dominus triplicitates aspiciens Solem de △ [trine] debet esse alcoco-
dem. Anni ♂︎ 57 medii 40 et secundum Ptolomeum 15. Anni firdarie 7, MS 1711, 90v.

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the inversion of the formula in nocturnal charts: the distance from Saturn to
Jupiter taken from the ascendant. This calculation, differentiating diurnal and
nocturnal charts, was commonly used by authors of the Arabic tradition such
as Alcabitius.113 However, some authors used only the diurnal formula. As this
chart has the Sun conjunct to the ascendant, it is difficult to ascertain whether
it is diurnal or nocturnal; in doubt, Belle may have calculated the two lots. He
repeats this process in the nativity of Anne’s husband, Pierre de Bourbon. The
lot of children seldom appears in other charts of his collection; children were
probably a concern for the duke and duchess who married in 1473 and only had
two children: Charles, count de Clermont, born in 1476 (probably stillborn);
and fourteen years later, in 1491, Susanne.114

1.27 Pierre II, Duke of Bourbon

MS 1711 f. 91r: 11 December 1439, 05:30, Moulins (46°33′ N, 03°20′ E)

113 See Alcabitius, Introduction, V.8, 145.

114 Some genealogical studies state that Charles was a stillborn, others that he died in
1498, aged 22. If the latter was true, his horoscope should have been included in Belle’s
collection.

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House I – 29° Scorpio House VII – 29° Taurus

Cor Scorpionis 01° Sagittarius Sun 28°04′29′′ Sagittarius Aldebaran 01° Sagittarius
Mercury 04°22′ Sagittarius Lot of Fortune according Mars 24°34′ Gemini
direct to Ptolemy 30° Sagittarius retrograde
Degree of the Conjunction
23° Sagittarius
House II – 05° Capricorn House VIII – 05° Cancer
Vultur Cadens 07° Capricorn Jupiter 29°50′ Capricorn
Vultur Volans 22° Capricorn direct
House III – 11° Aquarius House IX – 11° Leo
Venus 11°48′ near first station Moon 00°46′ Pisces Cor Leonis (Regulus) 21° Leo
Lot of Children according to South Node 06°44′ Pisces [North Node 06°44′ Virgo]
Ptolemy 29° Aquarius Lot of Children 00°11′ Virgo
House IV – 22° Pisces House X – 22° Virgo
Saturn 29° Pisces
House V – 15° Aries House XI – 15° Libra
Spica 15° Libra
Lot of Fortune 28° Libra
House VI – 08° Taurus House XII – 08° Scorpio

The younger brother of Jean II de Bourbon and of Charles, archbishop of Lyon.

He was initially a member of the League of Public Weal, but later he decided
to change sides and in 1473 married Anne de Beaujeu, daughter of Louis XI.
In 1488, when his older brother Jean II, died without legitimate heirs, Pierre
used his considerable political influence to overcome the claims of his other
brother, Charles, and seized the title.
Belle seems to have had much interest in the exact birthtime of the duke:

Figure of the estimated nativity of the most illustrious prince lord Pierre
de Bourbon, Duke of Auvergne and Bourbon, which was in the year cur-
rent of 1439, day 10th of December complete, hour 17, minutes 30 after
noon, and the Moon was the lady of the night, and Mars ruler of the
hour, and the following day of Venus and the dominical letter D, golden
number 15.115

115 Figura existimationis nati[vitatis] illustris principis domini Petri de Bor[bono]

Arviernorum et Borbonensium ducis, que fuit anno gracie currente 1439 diei 10 Decembris

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figure 39 MS 1711, folio 91r

Pierre II, duke of Bourbon

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As the birthdate is ‘estimated’, he tries to confirm it by animodar:

The present figure was verified by animodar, by making the ascendant

degree [move] to the degree of Jupiter, which was closest to the angle
of the ascendant and was almutem over the conjunction of the Moon
preceding [the birth].116

In the top right margin he presents slightly different data:

Day of Venus 11 December 1439, about 2 hours before day, Pierre

de Bourbon was born [Crossed out: and it was about 4 hours, and ascend-
ant Scorpio 19°. Dominical letter D].117

The reference ‘11 December, two hours before day’ is in fact an alternative nota-
tion for ‘10 December complete, 17 hours and 30 minutes after noon’. The dif-
ference lies solely in the birthtime, which is now 4 AM, that is, one and a half
hours earlier. This corresponds to an ascendant at 19° Scorpio, but the chart
has the rectified ascendant at 29° Scorpio.
As in the chart of Anne, Pierre’s wife, Belle calculates two versions of the
lot of children: one according to the nocturnal formula, at 0°11′ Virgo, and the
other for diurnal charts, at 29° Aquarius, which he notes as being “according
to Ptolemy”. Likewise, he calculates both the diurnal and nocturnal versions
for the lot of fortune, again noting the diurnal version as being “according to
Ptolemy”. This suggests that he is taking the Arabic formula as the standard,
and experimenting with the Ptolemaic concept of not inverting the lot of for-
tune in nocturnal charts.118 He seems to extend this idea to the lot of children,
although Ptolemy never mentions any lot other than the lot of fortune.
The nativity includes several fixed stars, the almutem of the chart, and the
hyleg:

completa horis 17 minutis 30 post meridiem et fuit Luna domina nocti et Mars domini
hore et sequebatur dies 4 et littera dominicalis D aureus numerus 15, MS 1711, 91r.
116 Verificata est presens figura per animodar faciendum gradus ascendentis ad instar gra-
dus Jovis que fuit propior angulo ascendentis et fuit almutem super coniunctionem lumi-
narum precedentem, MS 1711 f. 91r.
117 Die Veneris 11 Decembris 1439 per duas horas ante diem natus fuit Petrus de Borbono
[Crossed out: et fuit circa horas 4 et ascendens Scorpius 19° littera dominicalis D], MS 1711
f. 91r.
118 Belle errs in both calculations by thirty degrees. His diurnal formula puts the lot at
30° Sagittarius but should be in the beginning of Aquarius; the nocturnal formula is at
28° Libra but should be at 27° Virgo.

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The Moon in this nativity is the hyleg and Jupiter, the ruler of the place of
the Moon, aspecting it by a sextile, was the alcocodem. The major years
of Jupiter are 79, the intermediate years 45 and a half, and the lesser years
12. Jupiter, which is the alcocodem, aspected by Mercury by a sextile and
in an angle, must add its lesser years [crossed out: 20], which are 20.119

Belle crossed out this comment, probably because the Moon is not in sextile to
Jupiter; he ignored the trine between the Moon and Mars, possibly because it is
a dissociate aspect (that is, formed outside the expected signs), and concluded
that the Moon was not aspected by any of her rulers and therefore unsuitable
to be the hyleg. But in a comment below he returns to the Moon as hyleg, this
time taking into account the Moon and Mars trine in spite of its being dissoci-
ate and separative.120

The Moon in this nativity is the hyleg, and Mars, aspecting the Moon by
a sextile [sic for a trine], is the alcocodem, because it is in the triplicity of
the Moon and the nativity is nocturnal, and it gives the years between
intermediate and major, because it is retrograde and between an angular
and a succedent house. Dominical letter D.121

According to Belle, Mars as alcocodem should give more than its minor years,
forty years and a half, and less than its major years, sixty-six. Again, he avoids
giving a precise number, probably because Pierre was his patron at the time
this text was written. Pierre died on 10 October 1503, two months before his
sixty-fourth birthday.

119 Luna in hac nativitate est hyleg et ♃ dominus domus ☽ aspiciens eam de # [sextile] erit
alcocodem. Anni Jovis magni sunt 79 medii 45 et dimidiam parvi 12. Jupiter qui est alcoc-
odem aspicitur a Mercurio de # et est in angulo. ♃ qui est alcocodem aspicitur a ☿ de # et
est in angulo debet addere annos suos minores [20 erased] qui sunt 20, MS 1711 f. 91r.
120 The Moon is at 0° Pisces and Mars at 24° Gemini; by their disposition in the zodiac, these
signs form a square, not a trine. However, the Moon is at the beginning of the Pisces and
its orb extends back to Aquarius, which trines Gemini; Mars is at the end of Gemini, and
its orb extends forward to Cancer, which trines Pisces. Therefore, they form a dissociated
trine. As the Moon is faster than Mars, and already surpassed the exact point of the trine
to Mars (which is 24° Aquarius), it is said to be separative.
121 Luna in hac nativitate est hyleg et Mars aspiciens Lunam de △ [trine] erit alcocodem quia
est in triplicitate Lune et nativitas nocturna Et dabit annos inter medios et maiores, quia
est retrogradus et inter angulum et succedentem 19 litera dominicalis D, MS 1711 f. 91r.

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1.28 Coronation of Maximilian as King of the Romans

MS 1711 f. 91v: 09 April 1486, Aachen (50°46′ N, 06°05′ E)

House I – 14° Cancer House VII – 14° Capricorn

House II – 03° Leo House VIII – 03° Aquarius

House III – 23° Leo House IX – 23° Aquarius

Mars 07°08′ Pisces
House IV – 15° Virgo House X – 15° Pisces
Mercury 03°12′ Aries
Lot of Fortune 15° Aries
House V – 28° Libra House XI – 28° Aries
Sun 28°23′ Aries
House VI – 07° Sagittarius House XII – 07° Gemini
Jupiter 11°32′ Capricorn Venus 13° Gemini direct
Moon 04° Cancer

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figure 40 MS 1711, folio 91v

Coronation of Maximilian as king of the Romans

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Maximilian was elected king of the Romans on 16 February 1486 in Frankfurt-

am-Main and crowned on 9 April 1486 in Aachen. He was acclaimed as Holy
Roman Emperor seven years later, in 1493, upon the death of his father.

Coronation of the most illustrious prince and lord, lord Maximilian, King
of the Romans, which was made in Frankfurt on the 9th day of April,
9 hours and about 30 minutes before noon of the same day, in the current
year of Christ 1486, and it was the day of the Sun, and the Moon [was] the
lady of the hour.122

This chart has several unusual features: the signs are represented by their Latin
names, not by symbols, and Saturn, which should be at 11° Sagittarius, is not
represented in the chart. Also, the lot of fortune is at 15° Aries, its the correct
position if the horoscope were nocturnal, but being diurnal, it should be at
19° Virgo.
In the left margin, a comment reads: Year of Christ 87, ascendant of the
revolution 17° Aries (Anno Christi 87 Ascendens Revolutionis Aries 17), followed
by the number eighty-eight and eighty-nine two lines below. Apparently,
Belle intended to calculate Maximilian’s revolutions of the year for 1487, 1488,
and 1489.

Blank page (MS 1711 f. 92r)

122 Intronizatio illustrissimi principis et domini domini Maximilliani regis Romanorum que
fuit facta in Francfordia die 9 Aprilis hora 9 et minutis fere 30 ante meridiem ipsius diei
anno Christi currente 1486 et fuit dies Solis et Luna domina hora, MS 1711 f. 91v.

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1.29 D. d’Albret
MS 1711 f. 92v: 19 June 1450, 13:17, Unknown City in Brittany, France

House I – 15°17′ Libra House VII – 15°17′ Aries

Moon 03°12′40′′ Scorpio
House II – 18° Scorpio House VIII – 18° Taurus
Jupiter 12°27′ Sagittarius retrograde Mercury 12°00′ Gemini direct
House III – 20° Sagittarius House IX – 20° Gemini
Degree of the Conjunction 25°21′ Gemini
Sun 05°19′ Cancer
Venus 07°24′ Cancer direct
House IV – 20° Capricorn House X – 20° Cancer
Lot of the Kingdom 27° Capricorn
Lot of Fortune 12° Aquarius
House V – 16° Aquarius House XI – 16° Leo
[Missing: North Node 17° Aquarius] South Node 17° Leo
House VI – 14° Pisces House XII – 14 Virgo
Saturn 18°24′ Virgo in first station

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figure 41 MS 1711, folio 92v

D. d’Albret

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The identity of this native is not clearly revealed and the planetary positions
do not correspond to the date mentioned in the title, 19 June 1449, but to the
following year, 1450. This could be a simple error in the notation of the year:
Belle may have written 1449 currente indicating that the year was still incom-
plete, when he intended to write 1449 perfecto stating that it was complete.
Also, the exact place of birth is omitted. As with the previous chart, the signs
are represented by their Latin names, not by glyphs; this suggests that both
were copied from the same source.

Figure of the nativity of the most illustrious prince and lord, D [Domini?]
d’Albret, which was in the year of the Lord 1449 current, 19th day of the
month of June, first hour with 17 minutes, after noon of the same day in
Britannia Minor, at the polar latitude of 50 degrees, and it was the day of
Jupiter and hour of Jupiter, dominical letter E, golden number 6.123

Belle includes the lot of the kingdom (pars regni) in this chart suggesting that
this individual had some power. Oddly, he computes the lot according to the
usual formula (Mars to the Moon, from the ascendant) but he uses the inverse
nocturnal computation despite this being a diurnal chart.

123 Figura nativitatis Illustrissimi principis et domini, domini D. d’Albret que fuit anno
domini 1449 currente die 19a mensis Junii hora prima cum minutis 17 post meridiem eius-
dem diei in Britania Minori ad latitudinem pole 50 graduum et fuit dies Jovis et hora Jovis,
littera dominicalis E, numerus aureus 6, MS 1711, f. 92v.

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1.30 Antoine Belle

MS 1711 f. 93r: 5 March 1483, 01:30, Latitude 45°30′ Châlus (45°39′ N,
00°58′ E)

House I – 08°58′ Sagittarius House VII – 08°58 Gemini

Lot of Fortune 00°25′ Capricorn
House II – 14° Capricorn House VIII – 14° Cancer
Moon 01°03′ Aquarius
House III – 21° Aquarius House IX – 21° Leo
Mercury 14°20′ Pisces
Sun 23°28′
House IV – 03°59′ Aries House X – 03°59′ Virgo
Venus 23°06′ Aries in first station Jupiter 03°59′ Libra retrograde
House V – 26° Aries House XI – 26° Libra
North Node 10°34′ Taurus Saturn 06°40′ Scorpio retrograde
South Node 10°34′ Scorpio
House VI – 17° Taurus House XII – 17° Scorpio
Mars 20° Taurus

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figure 42 MS 1711, folio 93r

Antoine Belle

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This is the nativity of Antoine, who is most likely Belle’s firstborn son. He cov-
ered the margins with calculations, thus revealing much interest in this native:

On the day of Mars [Tuesday], 4th day of March, year 1483, 13 hours,
30 minutes, was born Antoine Belle, firstborn, in the end of the sixth
climate, whose latitude is 45 degrees and a half, and it was the night of
Saturn, Moon lady of the hour or the ‘lady of the orb’. And this is an esti-
mate chart, according to the astrolabe and estimation close to the truth.124

This birthplace is not identified, but Belle mentions ‘the end of the sixth cli-
mate’ and the latitude of ‘45° and a half’, which may correspond to the city of
Châlus (45°39′ N, 00°58′ E), where he possibly lived at the time.125 The birth-
time was calculated with an astrolabe perhaps by Belle himself.126 Although
Belle considers it ‘close to the truth’, he still attempts to rectify the nativity
since rectifications were customary, almost mandatory, even when the birth
time was well-known:127

The animodar agrees [with] the 11th hour, 30 minutes after noon, and the
ascendant was Scorpio 26 [degrees] and the degree of the almutem was
Mercury in 14 of Pisces in the angle of the 4th house.128

The lunation previous to birth was a Full Moon at 13° Virgo, so Mercury is its
almutem. As Mercury is at 14°20′ Pisces, he conjectures that the lower angle,
which is the closest angle to Mercury, would be either at 14° Pisces or 14° Aries,
and thus recalculates the chart obtaining 26° Scorpio ascendant for the first
possibility and 17° Sagittarius ascendant for the second. He seems to favour the
latter, stating that,

124 Diei Martis quatuor Marcii anni 1483 hora 13 minutis 30 natus fuit Anthonius Belle pri-
mogenitus in fine 6 climatis cuius latitudo est 45 gradus et semis et fuit nox Saturni Luna
domina hore sive domina orbis et est ista figura extimativa secundum horologia et existi-
mationem propinquam veritati, MS 1711 f. 93r.
125 In MS 1711 f. 72v, on the folio of the almanac for the month of February 1480, Belle writes a
brief note on the margin mentioning this city.
126 For the use of an astrolabe, see North, Stars, Mind and Fate, 221–222; North, Horoscopes
and History, 1–69 (at 56–60, 67–69), and Préaud, Les astrologues, 146. The ascendant at
8°58′ Scorpio corresponds to 12:30, not 13:30, probably an error of notation.
127 As mentioned before, Regiomontanus also rectifies the nativity of Maximilian even
though he had a direct account of the birthtime.
128 Concordat animodar hora 11 minutis 30 post meridiem et fuit ascendentis ♏︎ 26 et fuit
gradus almutem ☿ in 14 Piscium in angulo 4 domus. [blank space], MS 1711 f. 93r.

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It agrees therefore by animodar, first hour, 18 minutes by midnight, and it

ascended the 17th degree of Sagittarius.129

Yet, he seems to change his mind, and tries to confirm his previous result with
other rectification techniques:

This figure agrees neither with the mora [time of gestation] nor the ani-
modar, nor with the preceding lunation, but it does agree by the square
of the Sun and the Moon previous to birth.130

This supposed disagreement may result from the fact that the chart was cor-
rect in the first place making unnecessary any correction. As the standard ref-
erentials of the New and Full Moon seem to fail, Belle resorts to the waning
quarter of the Moon to calculate the animodar. It is an uncommon choice, and
it seems somewhat forced, yet, according to Belle, it is the only one that agrees
with the nativity. The waning square occurred at 20° Sagittarius; therefore,
Jupiter is the almutem. The midheaven, which in this chart is the angle closest
to the degree of Jupiter, is thus relocated to the same degree as the planet at
3°59′ within the sign of Libra, thus placing the ascendant at 8°58′ Sagittarius.
These are the positions in this nativity.
In the middle of this text Belle interpolates, possibly sometime later, a brief
and sad comment: ‘It does not display life’ (Non ostendit vitam). He may have
meant this literally, meaning that the child had no vital signs, or figuratively,
meaning that the nativity did not promise much vitality. He lists additional
data, including items he had never mentioned in the previous cases:
– Algebutar, Jupiter131 (Algebutar id est dominus termini ascendentis ♃).
– Lord in the ascendant, Jupiter (Dominus in ascendente ♃).
– Almutem, Jupiter (Almutem ♃).
– Ruler of the adoragen, Jupiter (Dominus adoragen ♃).
– Ruler of the firdarie, the Moon (Dominus firdarie ☽).
– Lady of the orb, the Moon (Domina orbis ☽).
This is the only horoscope of the collection where Belle mentions the adora-
gen, the Indian system of decanates (also called decans), an alternative to the

129 Concordat etiam per animodar hora prima minuta 18 post mediam noctem et ascendit 17
gradus Sagittarii, MS 1711 f. 93r.
130 Non concordat [crossed word: omnes] ista figura cum mora neque cum animodar ☍
[opposition] Lune procedentis sed bene concordat per □ [square] Solis et Lune ante
nativitatem, MS 1711 f. 93r.
131 As explained before, the algebutar, also called divisor, is the ruler of the term of the degree
of the ascendant; it is often used in predictive techniques. Belle is using Egyptian terms.

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Western system of faces.132 The table below shows the differences between the
sequence of rulers in the system of faces and in the adoragen (decanates) in
the sign of Sagittarius.

Sagittarius
Faces
☿ ☽ ♄
Adoragen
♃ ♂ ☉

The ascendant in this nativity is at 8°58′ Sagittarius; it falls therefore within the
first ten degrees of the sign, which are ruled by Mercury in the system of faces,
and by Jupiter in the system of adoragen. Oddly, Belle chooses the latter, even
though he had never used, or even mentioned it in any of his previous calcu-
lations. This choice may have strong personal reasons: if he had adopted the
more traditional system of faces, the ruler would have been Mercury, which
is cadent and in Pisces, therefore debilitated; in the less common alternative
of the adoragen the ruler is Jupiter, a much stronger planet in this chart. The
apparent inconsistency of this decision, and the unorthodox options regard-
ing the rectification, suggest that his personal feelings may have overcome his
impartiality as an astrologer in this particular case.133 Furthermore, the power
of the face/adoragen in relation to other dignities is relatively negligible in the
nativity. Thus, the effort made by Belle to change this small detail, going as far
as resorting to unorthodox techniques, hints at his desperation: he wanted to
give this nativity as much strength as possible, even through the tiniest details,

132 In the adoragen (or decan) system the signs are divided in three sections of ten degrees
each, like the faces, but following a different sequence of planetary rulers, based on the
triplicites (elements). To the first ten degrees of each sign is given the ruler of that sign,
to the second the ruler of the subsequent sign of the same element, and to the third the
ruler of the remaining sign of the same element. For instance, in Capricorn, a sign of the
element earth, the first ten degrees are ruled by Saturn, its ruler, the second by Venus,
the ruler of Taurus, the next earth sign in que sequence of the Zodiac, and the third
by Mercury, the ruler of Virgo, the remaining sign of the element earth. Both faces and
adoragen are mentioned in several Arabic sources. See for instance Albiruni, Instruction,
449–451, 262–264.
133 Another example of personal feelings obliterating astrological impartiality can be found
in Greenbaum, ‘Kepler’s Personal Astrology’, 177–200: Kepler is lucid, almost ruthless,
when describing the personality of his son Heinrich, born in 1598, but he does not predict,
nor can he accept, the child’s early death. His professional objectivity ‘gives way to pure
emotion of loss’ (194).

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thus increasing the child’s chance of survival. Below this list, he calculates the
child’s length of life, in a rather convoluted way:

Moon was hyleg and Saturn alcocodem, and although Jupiter had then
dominium over the place of the Moon and aspected it by trine and was
closer than Saturn, nevertheless Saturn was stronger and more dignified
over the place of the hyleg than the ruler of the place of the hyleg. For
that reason, it had to be placed as alcocodem. I believe, nevertheless, that
it was cadent, and the end of Scorpio ascended, and so it agreed with the
animodar.134

He begins by explaining why he chose Saturn over Jupiter as alcocodem. Both

planets have power over the place of the hyleg, which is the Moon at 1° Aquarius,
and both aspect it, being therefore good candidates to be alcocodem. Saturn is
‘stronger and more dignified in the place of the hyleg than the ruler of the place
of the hyleg’ because it has rulership and also triplicity over Aquarius. Jupiter,
on the other hand, has only triplicity. This makes Belle decide for Saturn, even
though he still ponders that Jupiter ‘is closer than Saturn’, meaning that the
aspect formed by the Moon is closer in degrees, and forms a more favourable
aspect with it.135 But these considerations about the aspects were not strong
enough to overcame the advantages of rulership and triplicity combined, and
so Saturn was chosen. The final sentence, however, includes a reference to
Saturn ‘cadent’ and the ascendent ‘at the end of Scorpio’, which seems absurd,
and could only make sense if he had chosen the chart with the ascendant at
26° Scorpio, that he calculated in the first place.
Notwithstanding all his effort, Belle could not save his child. At the bottom
left of the page he wrote ‘The native, although being beautiful and strong, lived
for only 112 days and did not surpass this’ (Vixit iste natus, quamvis formosus
et fortis esset, solum per 112 dies nec ultra transiet). The comment ‘beautiful
and strong’ reiterates the emotional connection between him and this child.
According to this account, Antoine Belle died on 25 June 1483.

134 Luna fuit hyleg et Saturnus alcocodem et quamvis Jupiter habeat tunc dominium in loco
Lune et aspeciebat eam de trigono et proprius quam Saturnus verum tamen erat ♄ fortior
et dignior supra locum hyleg quam dominus domus loci hyleg. Ideo debuit poni pro alcoc-
odem. Credo tamen quod fuit cum hoc cadens et ascendebat finis Scorpii et sic concord-
abat cum animodar, MS 1711 f. 93r.
135 Jupiter is at 3° Libra and Saturn at 6° Scorpio; the former makes a closer trine to the
Moon, a favourable aspect, while the latter forms a more extended square to it, a difficult
aspect.

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1.31 Conrad Belle

MS 1711 f. 93v: 1 June 1484, 03:12, Moulins (46°33′ N, 03°20′ E)

House I – 07° Gemini House VII – 07° Sagittarius

Mercury 07°06′ Gemini
Degree of the Conjunction 12° Gemini
Sun 19°18′ Gemini
House II – 24° Gemini House VIII – 24° Sagittarius
Lot of Children 24°
House III – 14° Cancer House IX – 14° Capricorn
Venus 24° Cancer
House IV – 04° Leo House X – 04° Aquarius
Lot of Fortune 11°22′ Pisces
House V – 14° Virgo House XI – 14° Pisces
Moon 14°46′ Virgo Mars 26° Pisces
South Node 16°29′ Libra North Node 16°29′ Aries
House VI – 26° Aries House XII – 26° Libra
Jupiter 27°50′ Libra retrograde in first station
Saturn 12°49′ Scorpio retrograde

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figure 43 MS 1711, folio 93v

Conrad Belle

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This nativity, the most annotated of all the collection, may be of Belle’s sec-
ond son, Conrad, possibly named after Conrad Heingarter.

Nativity of Conrad Belle, which was in the afternoon of the last day of
May, 15 hours, 12 minutes, year 1484. And it was the night of Venus and
the hour of Jupiter. This figure was made at the horizon of Moulins, in
Bourbon, which latitude is 46 degrees and [crossed out: 29] 35 minutes.
The lord of the orb was Jupiter.136

He was born fourteen months after Antoine Belle, a short yet viable interval
between the births of brothers. The place of birth is Moulins, the capital of
Bourbon, by then ruled by Duke Jean II. In smaller characters there is a com-
ment suggesting the use of the trutina hermetis:

His conception must have been between the 24th and the 25th August, in
the year 1483, around midnight, 24 of the same August, which was Sunday,
and the length of the pregnancy was of [crossed out – 279] 281 days and
4 hours.137

The presumed moment of conception occurs roughly nine months and a week
before the date of birth, 31 May, hence his calculation: 273 days for the nine
months plus seven days for the extra week, adding up to a total of 281 days; the
extra four hours account for the difference between the moment of concep-
tion, midnight, and the moment of birth, 3:12 AM (he seems to have rounded
up for four hours).138 In the chart calculated for the moment of conception the
Moon is at 8° Gemini, very close to the ascendant of the nativity, at 7° Gemini.
However, the ascendant of the conception is at 9° Cancer, which does not cor-
respond to the position of the Moon in the nativity, at 14°56′ Virgo. This appar-
ent discrepancy prompted Belle to confirm his results with further calculations:

136 Nativitas Conrardi Belle que fuit post meridiem diei ultimi Maii hora 15 minutis 12 anni
1484 et fuit nox Veneris hora Jovis. Hec figura facta est ad orizontem Molinis in Borbonio
cuius latitudo est 46 gradus Et [crossed out: 29] 35 minuta dominus orbis Jupiter, MS 1711
f. 93v.
137 Conceptio huius deberet fuisse inter 24 et 25 Augusti anni 1483 circa mediam noctem 24
eiusdem Augusti que erat dies Dominica et esset mora [crossed out – 279] 281 diem et 4
horis, MS 1711 f. 93v.
138 According to the contemporary notation of time, the child was born in 1 June 1484 at
3:12 AM. Belle states that the baby was born in “the last day of May” and 15 hours and
12 minutes after midday, which corresponds to the same date and time, only expressed
differently.

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The length of this [pregnancy] was precisely 273 days, which is the termi-
nus of the complete nine months, although the place of the Moon in the
nativity does not agree with the days predicted, because it transited by
seven days and more, but in the place of the median delay, it agrees with
the animodar according to the hermetic art.139

Following this method, he begins by the assumption that the gestation lasted
exactly nine months and takes the distance between the Moon and the ascend-
ant in the nativity as an indication of the number of days to add. According to
the trutina hermetis, if the Moon is below the horizon and very close to the
ascendant in the nativity, it corresponds to a gestation of exactly nine months
(273 days). A nativity where the Moon is positioned further away from the
ascendant, but still below the horizon, suggests a longer gestation. To calculate
the exact number of days to add, the half-circle below the horizon is divided
into groups of 13 degrees (approximately the distance covered by the Moon in
one day), each group corresponding to one day added to the pregnancy. The
maximum number of days that can be added keeping the Moon below the
horizon is fourteen, half a lunar month.140 Thus, when the Moon is conjunct
to the descendant, that is, at its greater distance from the ascendant but still
below the horizon, a total of 14 days is added to the pregnancy, corresponding
to nine and a half months.141 In this child’s nativity the Moon is below the
horizon, so it is supposed to add days to the pregnancy. The ascendant is at
7° Gemini, and the Moon at 15° Virgo, so there is a total of 98 degrees between
them; divided by 13 this results in 7 days and a half, that is, a little more than
a week. In sum, Belle’s previous assessment is confirmed by this second cal-
culation. This is also in line with the animodar method, since the ruler of the
lunation previous to birth is Mercury, which is at 7° Gemini, thus falling in the
ascendant degree, hence his conclusion that “it agrees with the animodar”.
Below, he adds the aspects of the planets and the calculation for the
almutem:

139 Mora istius fuit precise 273 dierum qui est termini 9 mensium completorum tamen locus
Lune nativitatis non concordat cum diebus predictis quia transivit secundum locum
Lune moram mediam per 7 dies et amplius bene concordat cum animodar secundum
artem Hermetis, MS 1711 f. 93v.
140 The half-circle has 180° which divided by 13 result in 13.84, that is, almost 14 days – half a
lunar month.
141 In horoscopes where the Moon is above the horizon a similar calculation can be made,
but in this case the movements of the Moon subtract days to the nine months of preg-
nancy. Thus, to each thirteen degrees away from the ascendant one day is subtracted; if
the Moon, still above the horizon, conjoins the Descendant, a total of fourteen days are
subtracted, pointing out to a pregnancy of eight months and a half.

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Almutem Mercury, it has 53 dignities.142 The Moon is the hyleg, because

in the nativity it is nocturnal and in a feminine sign, succedent, and it
aspects the ascendant. Mercury was the alcocodem, because it is the ruler
of the hour and [also the ruler] of the exaltation of the place of the Moon,
and it aspects it by square, although with separation under its orb, and
their years are 75.143

Having determined that Mercury is the alcocodem, Belle estimates that the
child will live for seventy-five years. His optimistic calculation is somewhat
diminished by further considerations about the condition of Mercury, although
not to the point of making him fear for the child’s life:

But because it moves towards the Sun and to combustion, it is feared that
this causes the complete damage of its major years. Because in its house,
triplicity and in its accidental joy, and also in an angle, and because the
same Mercury is the most fortunate in that position (although Haly
says that Mercury gives its complete years, as long as it is direct and not
approaching the Sun by less than seven degrees and himself is elongated
from the Sun 12 degrees), therefore, he should live.144

Belle’s main concern is that Mercury, which is moving towards the Sun, may
already be combust. Though combustion only starts at 7° from the Sun (as
Belle states) and Mercury is at 12°12′ from the Sun, he is already taking this
into account:

This is doubtful because the Sun’s rays do not damage Mercury beyond
seven degrees [when] separating from the Sun or approaching it. Also,
the aspects of Mercury to the Moon, almost seven degrees elongated and

142 In the table of essential dignities Mercury scores forty-one points, but the comment men-
tions fifty-three points; the extra 12 points probably come from Mercury’s placement in
the first house, which usually adds twelve points to the score. This method is stated in
Avenezra, Nativities, 102.
143 Almutem ☿ habens fortitudines 53. Luna est yleg quia nativitas est nocturna et in signo
feminino in succedenti et aspicit ascendens. ☿ erit alcocodem quia est dominus domus et
exaltationis loci Lune et aspicit eam de □ [square] quamvis cum separacione tunc est sub
orbe eius et sunt anni eius 75 [according to most authors, 76], MS 1711 f. 93v.
144 Tamen quia vadit ad Solem et ad combustionem timendum est de damno completo
annorum suorum maiorum, quia in domo sua, triplicitate, et in gaudio suo accidentali, et
in angulo et quod idem ☿ fortunatus magis quam possit esse quamquam Haly dicat quod
☿ dat suos annos completos dummodo fuerit directus et non fuit apropinquandus a Sole
minus ♄ gradibus et ipse est elongatus a Sole 12 gradibus quare debet vivere, MS 1711 f. 93v.

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separated from the Moon, do not have strength to [be] alcocodem. Since
this is the case, that the rays of the Moon are more or less [the same]
as the rays of the Sun, and in this case it would be convenient to seek
for another hyleg, since those (planets) having dominium in the place
of the Moon, do not aspect it, except perhaps Venus. But let there be
nine degrees between then. Mercury prevails, which is very strong and
between them [there is] a marvelous reception.145

He considers the possibility of recalculating the hyleg, but returns to Mercury

and to its initial estimation:146

Afterwards, going in order, the Sun must be the hyleg because it is in

an angle and in a masculine sign, and by the reasons [above] written,
although Mercury is the ruler of the place of the Sun, it goes towards the
conjunction with the Sun [so] it cannot be a good enough alcocodem,
neither Saturn nor Jupiter, although they have power over the triplicity,
but they are retrograde and cadent, neither their triplicity there, [which]
does little. And the opposition to Venus, lady of the term of the Sun’s
place, which is cadent or to Mars, ruler of the face, and according to this
alcocodem the native [has] a short life, that is, between the minor years
of Venus and the intermediate years of Mars [which are eight and forty
and a half, respectively]. Likewise, because the nativity is conjunctional,
the degree of the ascendant can be the hyleg after some [authorities], and
Mercury, ruler of that place, be the alcocodem, and give its major years
[which are 75].147

145 Sed dubitandum est ex quo radii Solis non dampnunt ☿ ultra ♄ gradus separando se a Sole
aut appropinquando. Etiam aspectus ipsus Mercurii ad Lunam aut qui est ♄ fere gradus
elongatus et separatus a Luna non haberet vigorem per alcocodem. Cum sic ita quod radii
Lune sint secundum plures minores radiis Solis et in hoc casu opporteret querere aliud
hyleg quoniam habentes dominium in loco Lune non aspiciunt nisi forte ♀︎ cadens sed
sint 9 gradus inter eos nec prevaleret ☿ qui est fortissimus et inter eos receptio mirabilis,
MS 1711 f. 93v.
146 For brevity, these calculations, and those in the following horoscopes, are not analysed in
detail. An abridged explanation of the method can be found in Appendix I.
147 Postmodum eundo per ordinem Sol deberet esse hyleg quia in angulo et signo mascu-
lino et propter rationes scriptas quamvis ☿ dominus loci Solis vadit ad ☌ [coniunctionem]
ipsius Solis, non potest esse alcocodem sufficiens nec Saturnus neque Jupiter, quamvis
habeant dominium in triplicitate sed retrogradi et cadentes. Nec triplicitate eorum ibi
parum facit. Et oppositione recurrente ad ♀︎ dominam termini loci Solis que est cadens vel
ad Martem dominum faciei et secundum hunc alcocodem esset natus parve vite scilicet
inter minores [♀︎ crossed out] annos ♀︎ et mediocres annos Martis. Item quia nativitas est
coniunctionalis gradus ascendentis potest esse hyleg post alios et ☿ dominus illius locis
esset alcocodem et daret annos suos maiores, MS 1711 f. 93v.

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‘By going in order’ means that he is following the traditional sequence

for finding the planets fit to be the alcocodem;148 the calculation follows the
method generally accepted in the medieval period.
After all these considerations Belle adds a reference to the lot of substance,
a calculation that would make sense only if the child survived up to adulthood.

The lot of substance was taken by day or by night to the ruler of the house
of substance [the second house] and cast from the ascendant.149

Belle makes no mention of death in these notes as he did with Antoine, so it

can be assumed that Conrad Belle survived.

1.32 Susanne de Bourbon

MS 1711 f. 94r: 10 March 1491, 15:40, Moulins (46°33′ N, 03°20′ E)

148 The method is explained in Appendix I.

149 pars substantie accipitur die et nocte a domino domus substantie et proicitur ab ascend-
ente, MS 1711 f. 93v. ‘By day or by night’ means that, regardless of the charts being diurnal
or nocturnal, the lot of substance was calculated by the same method.

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House I – 16° Libra House VII – 16° Aries

Lot of Fortune 08°45′ Scorpio Mercury 06°00′ Taurus
House II – 19° Scorpio House VIII – 19° Taurus
North Node 02°19′ Sagittarius Degree of the South Node 02°19′
conjunction 25°19′ Gemini
Taurus Jupiter 13°41′
Sun 28°15′ Taurus Gemini direct
House III – 20° Sagittarius House IX – 20° Gemini
Moon 21° Gemini
House IV – 19° Capricorn House X – 19° Cancer
Saturn 08°40′ Aquarius in the first
station
House V – 16° Aquarius House XI – 16° Leo
Mars 00°38′ Virgo direct
House VI – 16° Pisces House XII – 16° Virgo
Venus 15° 46′ direct and slow in motion

Susanne de Bourbon, daughter of Anne de France and Pierre II de Bourbon.

She married her cousin Charles, Count of Montpensier (1499–1527); they had
no children:

Estimated figure of the dispositions of the orb the nativity of Susanne,

firstborn daughter of the most illustrious duke of the people of Auvergne
and Bourbon, which was in the year of grace 1491, the day of Mars, the
tenth of the month of May, complete, three hours, 40 minutes after noon
of the same day, in the city of Moulins, whose latitude is about 46 degrees
and 35 minutes. And the ruler of the day was Mars and the ruler of the
hour was the Sun.150

In the margin, are some considerations about length of life of this native, again
following the generally accepted method:

150 Figura estimativa dispositionis orbis in nativitate Susanne illustrissimi ducis Arvenorum
et Borbonensium filie primogenite que fuit anno gracie 1491 die Martis 10 mensis Maii
completa horis tribus minutis 40 post meridiem ipsius diei in Molinensi oppido cuius
latitudo est circa 46 gradus et minuta 35 et fuit dominus diei Mars, dominus hore Sol,
MS 1711 f. 94r.

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figure 44 MS 1711, folio 94r

Susanne de Bourbon

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The Sun, although the lord of the nativity, is not hyleg, because it is in a
feminine sign and in a feminine quadrant, nor the Moon, because it is in
a masculine sign and in a cadent [house]. The degree of the ascendant is
suited to [be] hyleg because the nativity is conjunctional and has Venus
as lady of the house, aspecting the ascendant with an opposition. Also
Saturn, the ruler by exaltation, aspects [it] with a trine. The degree of
Venus is alcocodem because it is closer to the aspect, and because it is in
an angle in the opposing house, and direct, exiting from a retrogradation,
[so] it can give intermediate and major years.151

Belle concludes that Venus is the alcocodem and by taking into account its con-
ditions in the chart he deduces that it may give its intermediate or major years:
45 and 82 years, respectively. His calculations, however, turned out to be far too
optimistic, as Susanne lived only 29 years.

1.33 Charles Orland, Dauphin de France

Charles Orland, the son of Charles VIII and Anne of Brittany, who died in 1495.
There are two entries for this nativity, but no chart was calculated.
MS 1711 94v:

Nativity of the dauphin of Viennese firstborn son of Charles VIII, the

most Christian King of the Franks, which was in Amboise on the 10th day
of October, year 1492, fifth hour of the morning.152

MS 1711 97v:

Figure of the estimated nativity of the Viennese dauphin, son of Charles

King of France and Anne, duchess of the British, Queen of France, which
was in the 10th of October 1492, around the 4th hour of the dawn, a little
before.153

151 Sol quamquam nativitas domina fuit non est yleg quia in signo et quarta femina neque
Luna quia in signo masculino et in cadenti. Gradus ascendentis bene convenit ad yleg
quia nativitas fuit coniunctionalis et habet ♀︎ dominam domus aspicientem de ☍ ascend-
enti etiam ♄ dominum exaltationis aspicientem de △ [trine] ♀︎ gradus erit alcocodem quia
propius aspici et quia est in angulo in oppositione domus et directa exiens a retrograda-
tione potest dare annos intermedios et maiores, MS 1711 f. 94r.
152 Nativitas delphini vienensis primogeniti Francorum regis christianissimi filii Karoli octavi
que fuit in Ambasia die decima Octobris anni 1492 hora fere quinta de mane, MS 1711 f. 94v.
153 Figura existimationis nativitatis delphini Viennensis filii Kaboli [sic for Karoli] regis
Francie et Anne ducisse Britannorum regine Francie que fuit 10a Octobris 1492 circa quar-
tam horam de mane parum ante, MS 1711, 97v.

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In the margin, he mentions the source of the information:

By Master Jean de Barra, treasurer of the people of Anjou. Tenth of

October 1492 at dawn, around the 5th hour, a little before, Charles was
born.154

Apparently, Belle decided that Jean de Barra could offer a more precise birth-
time for the Dauphin than the other sources.155

1.34 ‘Daughter of Gon’

MS 1711 f. 95r: 10 January 1496, 21:20, Unknown Location

154 A magistro Jo de Barra tesaurario Andeganenis. 10a Octobris 1492 in mane circa quintam
horam nascitur Karolus parum ante, MS 1711 f. 97v.
155 This could be Jean de Barra, prior of Saint Nicholas de la Chesnaye in 1497 (Saint Nicholas
de la Grave). See Michel Béziers, Mémoires pour servir à l’état historique et géographique
du diocèse de Bayeux, III (Paris, 1894): 512.

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House I – 24° Virgo House VII – 24° Pisces

House II – 27° Libra House VIII – 27° Aries

Jupiter 09°38′ Scorpio
Lot of Fortune 15°31′ Scorpio
House III – 28° Scorpio House IX – 28° Taurus
Moon 08°18′ Sagittarius
House IV – 27° Sagittarius House X – 27° Gemini

House V – 24° Capricorn House XI – 24° Cancer

Venus 25°40′ Capricorn retrograde
Sun 29°49′ Capricorn
Mercury 02°50′ Aquarius
House VI – 23° Aquarius House XII – 23° Leo
South Node 01°57′ Pisces North Node 01°57′ Virgo
Mars 20°40′ Pisces
Saturn 23°51′ Pisces

This may be a daughter or granddaughter of Jean de Gon, who was a counsellor

in the Chambre des Comptes in Moulins between 1459 and 1478.

Nativity of the daughter of g. Gon [blank space] which was in the year
of Christ current 1496, day 10 of January complete, 9 hours, 20 minutes
after noon, of that day, Jupiter was the ruler of the night, Venus lady of
the hour.156

The position of Mercury is noticeably miscalculated, it should be at

21°54′ Capricorn, not 2°50′ Aquarius; this is possibly caused by an error in the
tables he consulted.

156 Nativitas filie G[?] Gon [blank space, possibly for the first name] que fuit anno Christi
currente 1496 die 10 Januarii completa horis 9 minutis 20 post meridiem ipsius diei,
Jupiter fuit dominus noctis Venus domina hore, MS 1711 f. 95r.

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figure 45 MS 1711, folio 95r

‘Daughter of Gon’

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1.35 Nicolas Gon

MS 1711 f. 95v: 18 June 1491, 08:36, ‘in the End of the Sixth Climate’
(Possibly Paris)

House I – 26° Leo House VII – 26° Aquarius

Mars 19°47′ Virgo direct
House II – 23° Virgo House VIII – 23° Pisces

House III – 21° Libra House IX – 21° Aries

House IV – 16° Scorpio House X – 16° Taurus

Moon 16°00′ Scorpio Venus 21°00′ Taurus
North Node 00°12′ Sagittarius South Node 00°12′
House V – 20° Sagittarius House XI – 20° Gemini
Lot of Fortune 13°12′ Capricorn Jupiter 22°36′ direct Sun 05°07′ Cancer
Degree of the Mercury 14°30′ Cancer
Conjunction 24° Gemini direct
House VI – 22° Capricorn House XII – 22° Cancer
Saturn 07°23′ Aquarius retrograde

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figure 46 MS 1711, folio 95v

Nicolas Gon

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Another child of the Gon family, possibly a brother of the former since their
age difference is only five years.

Figure of the estimated nativity of Nicolai Gon, born near the end of the
6th climate. And it was 8 hours and 36 minutes before noon, 18 June [and
it was the day of Saturn], year 1491 of the nativity of Christ, and it was the
day of Saturn and the hour of the Sun.157

In the margin, the calculation of length of life:

The Sun must be the hyleg but an alcocodem is not found, because the
Moon, lady of the place of the Sun, is distant by eleven degrees from the
trine aspect, but if it returns it, the aspect is seen, therefore the Sun will
be hyleg and the Moon alcocodem. And because it [the Moon] is in an
angle, it gives its major years, but because it is opposing its exaltation,
although outside the terms of its fall, it strongly diminishes the distri-
bution of the years. The major years of the Moon are 107.158 If the Sun is
not the hyleg, the Moon can be, because it is in the 4th angle [4th house]
and in a feminine sign, and has as alcocodem: Mars, ruler of the house of
the Moon159 and aspecting it by a sextile; also Venus aspects it by opposi-
tion and receives it. If it were the alcocodem it gives its intermediate and
major years. Its major years are 57,160 intermediate 40 years and a half.161

157 Figura estimationis nativitatis Nicolai Gon nati circa finem 6 climatis. Et fuit hora 8 minu-
tis 36 ante meridiem 18 Junii [et erat dies Saturni] anni 1491 a nativitate Christi. Et erat
dies Saturni hora Solis, MS 1711 f. 95v.
158 The duration for the major years of the Moon is 108. See for instance Alcabitius,
Introduction, II.38, 83.
159 Mars is the ruler of Scorpio, where the Moon is placed. In this context ‘house’ means sign.
160 The generally accepted major years of Mars are 66. The duration of 57 corresponds to
the major years of Saturn. See Alcabitius, Introduction, II. 2–5, 65 (for Saturn) and II.15,
71 (Mars).
161 Solis deberet esse hyleg sed non reperitur et alcocodem quia Luna domina loci Solis est
elongata ab eo 11 gradibus de aspectu trino quod si reveniat videtur aspectus. Erit ergo
Sol hyleg Luna alcocodem et quia in angulo dat annos suos maiores. Sed quia in oppos-
ito [domus] exaltationis eius tamen extra terminos casus diminuit forte. Ergo partim
annorum anni maiores Lune sunt 107. Si Sol non fuerit hyleg Luna poterit esse quia in 4o
angulo et in signo feminino et habet pro alcocodem Martem dominum domus ☽ aspic-
ientem ea # [sextile] etiam ♀︎ aspicientem de ☍ [opposition] ad receptionem. Quare erit
alcocodem dans annos intermedios et maiores eius anni maiores sunt 57 medii 40 et
dimidium, MS 1711 f. 95v.

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The comment ‘if it returns it’ possibly means that the Moon, being ruler
of the sign where the Sun is positioned, Cancer, becomes its dispositor, thus
receiving the Sun.162 The expression ‘outside the terms of its fall’ may signify
that the Moon is sufficiently separated from the third degree of Scorpio, the
exact degree of the Moon’s fall.163 Both comments seem to intend to improve
the Moon’s debilitated state. Again, Belle’s calculations proved to be far too
optimistic. At the bottom of the page, he commented: Did not live 40 days and
died of epilepsy (Non vixit 40 diebus et obiit epilenticus).

1.36 Nicolas Belle

MS 1711 f. 96r: 16 September 1485, 08:00, Probably Moulins
(46°33′ N 3°20′ E)

162 See Bonatti, Book of Astronomy, III.14, 227.

163 The Moon is exalted in Taurus, particularly in the third degree of the sign, thus the oppo-
site degree, the third of Scorpio, is the degree of its fall. See the tables of planetary digni-
ties and degrees below.

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House I – 24° Libra House VII – 24° Aries

Saturn 25°54′ Scorpio
House II – 28° Scorpio House VIII – 28° Taurus
Jupiter 04°12′ Sagittarius
Moon 21°42′
House III – 29° Sagittarius House IX – 20° Gemini
Lot of Fortune 13°43′ Capricorn
House IV – 30° Capricorn House X – 30° Cancer

House V – 27° Aquarius House XI – 27° Leo

[Missing: North Node 21°31′ Pisces] [Missing: South Node 21°31′ Virgo]
Degree of the Conjunction 25° Virgo
House VI – 25° Pisces House XII – 29° (sic for 25°) Virgo
Mercury 29°50′ Virgo Mars 06°52′ Libra
Sun 02°10′ Libra Venus 11°20′ Libra

This is likely to have been the younger brother of the other two Belle children.
He was born fifteen months after Conrad Belle, which is again a viable interval
for two brothers.

Nativity of Nicolas Belle, which was in the year of Christ 1485, day of
Venus 16th of September, around 8 before noon of the same day, Moon
was the lady of the hour.164

The notes include a list of aspects, but not the calculation of the almutem,
which he declares to be Saturn. As with the previous case, Belle adds several
considerations regarding the length of life. In his search for the alcocodem he
compares the teachings of Ptolemy with those of other authors:

The Moon in a feminine quarter is the hyleg, Jupiter [is] alcocodem

according to Ptolemy, but according to others, no alcocodem is found to
give the years. According to Ptolemy, one should not take the ruler of the
house of the place of the hyleg for the alcocodem, neither should one care
if it aspects the hyleg or not. Many are unhappy with this.165

164 Nativitas Nicolai Belle que fuit in anno Christi 1485 die Veneris 16 Septembris circa 8 ante
meridiem eiusdem diei Luna domina hore, MS 1711 f. 96r.
165 Luna est hyleg in 4a femina 6 alcocodem secundum Ptolomeum sed secundum alios non
reperitur alcocodem dans annos. Dictum Ptolomei est quod accipiet dominum domus

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figure 47 MS 1711, folio 96r

Nicolas Belle

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This comment reveals the main issue with the determination of the length
of life: the diverging opinions on how to identify the alcocodem. As the Moon
is in Sagittarius, Jupiter, ruler of the sign, would be the natural choice for alcoc-
odem, but according to some there must be an aspect between Jupiter and
the Moon, which is not the case. Ptolemy, on the other hand, does not require
this aspect to consider Jupiter as the alcocodem, but since he does not favour
choosing the sign ruler for this function, Jupiter is again excluded. Belle notes
that many authors disagree with this opinion and continues to express diffi-
culty in determining the hyleg and alcocodem in this nativity:

Neither the Sun, nor the degree of the ascendant, nor the lot of fortune,
nor the degree of the precedent conjunction can be hyleg, because they
are cadent and do not aspect the rulers of their dignities. It is therefore
convenient to seek the hyleg from the Moon which is a succedent in a
feminine quarter, and it is even more convenient because the nativity
is nocturnal, but the alcocodem is not found apart from the Sun, having
dominion of the triplicity of the hyleg, but it is conjunct to Mars, cadent
and in opposition to [its] exaltation.166

The only suitable alcocodem found by Belle is the Sun (which has triplicity in
the sign of Sagittarius, where the Moon is placed), but it is in a very weakened
state, in the sign of its fall, cadent in the twelfth house, and afflicted by the con-
junction of Mars. The difficulty of finding a suitable hyleg and alcocodem sug-
gests complications and a short life as Belle admits: Nor could this native live
long. He lived only for 22 months (Nec iste natus potuit diu vivere. Vixit solem
per menses 22).167
According to Belle’s account Nicolas Belle died in July 1487. The convoluted
way he goes about this calculation suggests that, once again, his personal con-
nection to this child hindered his objectivity.
In a wider sense, it can be argued that all judgements are to some extent con-
ditioned by the astrologer’s context, which comprises personal, educational,

loci hyleg pro alcocodem nec curat si aspicit hyleg vel non. Quod multis non placent,
MS 1711 f. 96r.
166 Sol neque gradus ascendentis nec pars fortune neque gradus ☍ [opposition] precedentis
potest esse hyleg quia cadentes nec aspiciantur a dominis suarum dignitatum. Convenit
ergo hyleg querere a ☽, que est in 4a [quadrant] femina succedente et bene convenit quia
nativitas est nocturna sed non reperitur alcocodem preter Solem habentem dominium
triplicitatis loci hyleg sed est junctus ♂︎ cadens et in ☍ [opposition] exaltacionis, MS 1711
f. 96r.
167 Ms 1711 f. 96r.

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religious and socio-political factors. This is especially evident in nativities,

mainly in those where the astrologer has personal interest (such as the nativ-
ities of his children), but also happens in other types of judgements, as seen
above in the lunations and the Jupiter-Saturn conjunction. In truth, this
applies not only to astrology, but to all considerations pertaining to human
affairs; the astrological framework is sufficiently flexible to allow some meas-
ure of variation without breaking the rules. In the case of Belle, these rules
are never broken, not even when he adopts less conventional approaches. His
willingness to try unorthodox methods seems to be directly related to his prox-
imity to his subject of study. In political and mundane affairs, as well as his
judgement of Jo. d.c.l.’s nativity he maintains his conclusions well within the
expected corpus of rules; it is only with his own children that he extends the
flexibility of the astrological framework as much as possible, resorting to less
common astrological parameters.

1.37 Martha Belle

MS 1711 f. 96v: 21 August 1487, 00:24, Probably Paris (48°51′ N, 02°21′ E)

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House I – 13° Cancer House VII – 13° Capricorn

House II – 02° Leo House VIII – 02° Aquarius

South Node 14°11′ North Node 14°11′
Jupiter 08°54′ Aquarius retrograde
House III – 22° Leo House IX – 22° Aquarius
Degree of the Conjunction 4° Virgo
Sun 06°56′ Virgo
House IV – 13° Virgo House X – 13° Pisces
Mercury 13°34′ Virgo Venus 1434′ Libra
Mars 02°21′ Libra Moon 17°50′ Libra
House V – 26° Libra House XI – 26° Aries
Pars Fortune 02° Gemini
House VI – 06° Sagittarius House XII – 06° Gemini
Saturn 15°48′ Sagittarius direct

Martha is the youngest of Belle’s children and the only one whom he explicitly
designates as his child. She was probably born in Paris and may have lived into
adulthood since there is no reference to an early death.168

[At] 12 hours, 24 minutes after noon, day of Mars 21 of August, year of

Christ 1487, my daughter Martha was born. Saturn was the ruler of the
night and the Moon the lady of the hour.169

After determining that ‘the ascendant degree is the hyleg, and the Moon, which
aspects it, is the alcocodem’ (gradus ascendentis est hyleg, Luna aspiciens eum,
alcocodem), Belle adds a table with the aspects and includes a calculation for
the almutem, which he concludes to be Mercury.170 He makes a curious choice
when attributing the accidental score of the planets: Mercury, Mars, Venus,
and the Moon are all in the fourth house, so they should all have nine dignities.
However, Belle gives nine to Mercury, eight to both Mars and Venus, and seven
to the Moon. This is probably because he is taking into account the differences

168 The house grid in the chart calculated for Paris seems to be closer to those calculated by
Belle.
169 Hora 12 m 24 post meridiem diei Martis 21 Augusti anni Christi 1487 nata est filia mea
Martha Saturnus dominus noctis et Luna domina hore, MS 1711 f. 96v.
170 MS 1711 f. 96v.

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figure 48 MS 1711, folio 96v

Martha Belle

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of strength of these planets in this house. Mercury receives the full score, nine,
because it is in the same sign as the house cusp, Virgo. Mars, and Venus receive
a little less because they are in the next sign of Libra. The Moon receives even a
little less, seven, because it is also in the next sign and its orb touches the cusp
of the next house, the fifth; coincidentally, seven is the number of the dignities
attributed to a planet in the fifth house. However, Belle does not apply a simi-
lar system in the comparable case of the third house, which begins in Leo and
contains the Sun in Virgo close to the cusp of the fourth. In this example, Belle
is following the generally accepted rules, but instead of making a strict math-
ematical accounting of the dignities, he adapts the method to accommodate
the specific features of the chart.

1.38 Renaud Petitdé

MS 1711 f. 97r: 25 June 1489, 12.45, Moulins (46°33′ N 3°20′ E)

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House I – 18° Libra House VII – 18° Aries

Jupiter 27°30′ Aries direct
House II – 21° Scorpio House VIII – 21° Taurus
Moon 03°10′
House III – 22° Sagittarius House IX – 22° Gemini
North Node 08°31′ Capricorn Mercury 28°52′ Gemini South Node 08°31′ Cancer
Saturn 11°50′ Capricorn direct Sun 12°21′ Cancer
Degree of the Opposition
29° Gemini
House IV – 22° Capricorn House X – 22° Cancer

House V – 19° Aquarius House XI – 19° Leo

Venus 24°33′ Leo direct Mars 09°07′ Virgo direct
Lot of Fortune 08°49′ Virgo
House VI – 18° Pisces House XII – 18° Virgo

Another nativity of a child who died at the very young age of two and a half
years. He is probably related to Jean Petitdé, bishop of Mende (from 1474 to
1478) and Nicolas Petitdé, main finance governor for Jean II de Bourbon
(ca. 1485).

Nativity of a certain child [superscript: Reginaldi Petitdé]. Born in the

6th climate, which was at 0 hours, 45 minutes after noon, 25 June, year
of Christ 1489 in the city of Moulins. And this nativity was verified by
precise duration period which was 263 days and [7] 14 hours, which delay
was subtracted from the hour of the nativity, befalls the conception on
the 4th day of October, around the first hour after midnight. In this nativ-
ity it was the day of Jupiter, and Saturn was ruler of the hour.171

171 Nativitas cuiusdem Nati / Reginaldi Petitde / in 6 climate que fuit hora 0 minutis 45 post
meridiem 25 Junii anni Christi 1489 in oppido Molinis. Et fuit hec nativitas verificata per
moram precise et fuit ipsa mora 263 [dierum – superscript] et [♄ – corrected] 14 horarum
que mora substracta ab hora nativitatis cadit conceptio eius in noctem diei ♀︎ Octobris
circa hora prima post medium noctis. In hac nativitate fuit dies Jovis, Saturnus dominus
hore, MS 1711 f. 97r.

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figure 49 MS 1711, folio 97r

Renaud Petitdé

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On the top right, the symbol of the Sun (1), possibly the result of Belle’s con-
siderations for the hyleg. In the margin below, this first assumption is disputed,
following Belle’s detailed account of the condition of the planets:

Neither the Sun nor the Moon in this nativity can be hyleg, because the
Sun is not apt and the Moon does not have alcocodem. Therefore, the
power to be hyleg remains for the lot of fortune, because it is succedent
and it is conjunct to Mars, ruler of the triplicity, which will be alcoco-
dem. However, it is doubtful, because its fortitudes are suspect, due to
the triplicity. The degree of the opposition cannot be hyleg because it is
cadent. The degree of the ascendant can be a strong hyleg and has many
[planets] having rulership of the place and aspecting it: Saturn, which is
the ruler of the exaltation and triplicity and face, which it aspects it with
a square aspect; also Venus, lady of the house, aspects it with a sextile
aspect and is accidentally strong; also Jupiter aspecting [the ascendant]
by opposition, nevertheless sufficiently distant, is ruler of the triplicity
and term.172

At the bottom of the page he adds: ‘He lived only for two years and a half,
approximately’ (Vixit solum per duos annos cum dimidio fere). Belle adds the
aspects and the calculation of the almutem; in the latter, and contrarily to what
he had done in the previous nativity, he makes no differentiation between
planets in different signs but in the same house, attributing them the same
score.

1.39 Charles Orland, Dauphin de France – MS 1711 f. 97v–Blank Chart

Another attempt to calculate the dauphin’s nativity; similar to MS 1711 f. 94v.

Blank page – MS 1711 f. 98r

172 Sol neque Luna in hac nativitate non possit esse hyleg quia Sol non est aptus et Luna
non habet alcocodem. Relinquitur ergo parti fortune potestas hyleg quia in succedenti et
est juncta Marti domino triplicitatis qui erit alcocodem. Tamen dubium quia fortitudines
eius sunt suspecte propter triplicitatem. Gradus ☍ [opposition] non potest esse hyleg
quia cadens. Gradus ascendentis potest esse hyleg firmus et habet plures [potestates],
habentes dominium in loco eius aspicientes eum, ut ♄ qui est dominus exaltationis et
triplicitatis et faciei qui aspicit □ [square] aspectu. Item ♀︎ domina domus aspiciens
# [sextile] aspectu et est potens accidentaliter. Item Jupiter aspiciens satis tamen longe ☍
aspectu dominus triplicitatis et termini, MS 1711 f. 97r.

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1.40 Jacques de Châteaumorand – MS 1711 f. 98v

Jacques de Lévis, lord of Châteaumorand (1447–1521), the son of Bermond de
Lévis, lord of la Voute and Agnès de Châteaumorand, lady of Châlus.173

Nativity of the most noble man, lord Jacques of Châteaumorand, which

was in the year of grace 1447, fifth day of the month of November,
about 6 hours in the morning and it was the day of the Sun.174

Jacques married Louise de Tournon in 14 August 1485. He is related to Gilles

d’Albret (c. 1424–1479) the fifth son of Charles II d’Albret and Anne d’Arma-
gnac, brother of Charles d’Albret and Marie d’Albret. Belle does not calculate
this chart.

1.41 Jean de Châteaumorand – MS 1711 f. 99r

The son of Jacques de Lévis; born in 1492, who married Gilberte d’Estampes.

In the year of the Lord 1492, day 22nd of August current, almost 6 hours
after noon, Jean de Châteaumorand was born, son of the lord Jacques
de Châteaumorand, and it was the day of Venus. So it was written in the
breviculum [the notebook] but it was not the day of Venus, rather the
22nd August was the day of Mercury. Therefore, beware.175

Belle doubts the accuracy of the date in the breviculum, the book whence he
obtained these dates. The day in question, 22 August, was not Friday (day of
Venus), but Wednesday (day of Mercury). This is probably the reason why he
did not calculate these charts.

173 See Pierre-Louis-Joseph de Betencourt, Noms féodaux, ou noms de ceux qui ont tenu fiefs
en France, depuis le XIIe sciècle jusque vers le milieu du XVIII, extraits des archives du
royaume, I (Paris, 1826): 259 for Chastel Morand, 265 for Château Morand.
174 Nativitas prenobilis viri domini Jacobi de Castromorandi que fuit anno gracie 1447 die
quinta mensis Novembris hora 6 de mane vel circa et erat dies Solis, MS 1711 f. 98v.
175 Anno domini 1492° die 22 Augusti currente hora quasi 6a post meridiem natus fuit
Johannes de Castromorandis filius domini Jacobi Castromorandis et erat dies Veneris. Sic
erat scriptum in breviculo sed non erat dies Veneris immo 22 Augusti fuit dies Mercurii.
Adverte ergo, MS 1711 f. 99r.

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1.42 ‘Daughter of my Uncle from Amboise’

MS 1711 f. 99v–NAL 398 f. 101: 14 October 1496, 12:24, Amboise
(47°24′ N; 00°58′ E)

House I – 06° Capricorn House VII – 06° Cancer

Moon 02°06′ Aquarius
House II – 13° Aquarius House VIII – 13° Leo

House III – 23° Pisces House IX – 23° Virgo

Saturn 06°02′ Aries retrograde Mars 25°34′ Virgo Venus 28°50′ Libra
Mercury 20°26′ Libra Sun 00°33′ Scorpio
House IV – 05° Taurus House X – 05° Scorpio
Jupiter 17°54′ Scorpio
House V – 26° Taurus House XI – 26° Scorpio

House VI – 16° Gemini House XII – 16° Sagittarius

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figure 50 MS 1711, folio 99v

‘Daughter of my uncle from Amboise’

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Another member of the author’s family, a cousin.

Nativity of the daughter of my uncle from Amboise, who was born on

the day of Venus, fourteenth day of October, 0 hours, 24 minutes of the
same day, year 1496, and Mercury was the ruler of the hour. Verified by
animodar.176

A reference to this chart also appears in NAL 398 f. 101, the last folio of the
volume. Belle mentions a different day – October 12, Wednesday (day of
Mercury) – which raises doubts about the accuracy of the data, and he does
not calculate the nativity in NAL 398. In MS 1711 he neglects to place the Lunar
Nodes and the lot of fortune in the chart; the nodes should be at 17° Leo and
17° Aquarius, and the lot in Aries.

Blank pages (MS 1711 f. 100r–f. 103)

1.43 Lord of Bressolles, Louis, Johannes, and Francissa de Fossegarin

This is the last folio of MS 1711. It is prepared to convey four charts, in a fashion
similar to that in NAL 398, but none of them was calculated, only the titles were
written:

1: Nativity of the lord of Bressole, day 22 of Mars, by one or two hours

before day, year 1454, and it was the day of Venus.177

2: [In the] year 1486, day 6 of November, Louis of Fossegarin was born, at
the 9th hour of the morning of the same day.178

3: [In the] year 1491, day 30 of July, Jean de Fossegarin was born, between
4 and 5 of the evening.179

176 Nativitas filie avunculi mei Ambosii que nata fuit die Veneris 14 die Octobris hora 0 minu-
tis 24 post meridiem eiusdem diei [erased: 3] anni 1496 et fuit dominus hore Mercurius.
Verificata per animodar, MS 1711 f. 99v.
177 Nativitatis domini de Bressolles die 22 Marcii per unam vel duas horarum ante diem anni
1454 et fuit dies 4, MS 1711 f. 103.
178 Anno 1489 die 6 Novembris natus est Ludovicus de Fosse Garin hora 9 de mane eiusdem
diei, MS 1711 f. 103. For Fossegarin see Betencourt, Noms feodaux, 425.
179 Anno 1491 die 30 Julii natus est Iohannes de Fossegarin inter 4 et 5 de sero, MS 1711 f. 103.

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4: [In the] year 1492 Francissa was born, their sister, 19th day of October,
around the 6th hour of the morning.180

The ‘lord of Bressolles’, born in 1454, is old enough to be the father of the
other three. The location mentioned is probably the village of Bressolles
(46°31′ N; 3°19′ E), not far from Moulins.181 It belonged to the barons of Bréchard
(Breschard), but after the marriage of Catherine de Bressolles and Goussant de
Thoury in the fourteenth century it became part of the house of Thoury.182

2 The Nativities in NAL 398

As stated before, many of the charts discussed above appear also in NAL 398.
These are reproduced at the end of this section to allow comparison.
The following five nativities have no correspondence in MS 1711 and their
identities are yet to be determined. In some cases, the name of the native was
deliberately omitted, while in others it was hinted at with some initials, an
honorary title, or other references. Some possible identifications were pre-
sented for such cases based on the premise that these are noblemen and noble-
woman of well-known families. The nativities whose names are omitted may
be Belle’s personal friends or clients, or in some cases political figures opposing
his patrons. Nevertheless, a clear identification is yet to be established.
As these nativities are organized in groups of four, their respective photos
are presented at the end of each group.

180 Anno 1492 nata fuit Francissa eorum soror die 19 Octobris circa 6 de mane, MS 1711 f. 103.
181 There is another village named Bressoles in the department of Ain, southeast France
(45°52′ N; 05°06′ E), but it is less likely to be the one mentioned by Belle.
182 See Noms feodaux, I, 32, 54, 101, 199 for Bressole; 78, 89, 155, 177, 274, 518, 528 for Bressolles.

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2.1 C. dCHAS (Unidentified)

NAL 398 f. 91va1: 24 August 1440, 08:46 AM, Unknown Location

House I – 15° Libra House VII – 15° Aries

House II – 18° Scorpio House VIII – 18° Taurus

Lot of the Future 20° Saturn 21° Taurus
House III – 20° Sagittarius House IX – 20° Gemini
Lot of Marriage 14° Capricorn
House IV – 21° Capricorn House X – 21° Cancer
Moon 04°19′ Leo
House V – 16° Aquarius House XI – 16° Leo
South Node 23° Aquarius Venus 20° Leo Sun 09°36′ Virgo
Jupiter 26°17′ Aquarius retrograde North Node 23° Leo Lot of Fortune 10° Virgo
Degree of the Opposition 28° Mercury 04° Virgo
House VI – 15° Pisces House XII – 15° Virgo
Mars 06° Libra

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Nativity of an unidentified individual; the letters at the end can be a name

or a title.

Arrangement of the skies and the stars on the nativity of a certain native
in the year of the Lord 1440 incomplete, and it was the 23rd day of August,
20 hours and 46 minutes, almutem Mercury [superscript: 24] and Saturn
with it. [Intercalated: 22]. CdCHAS.183

This may be Alain the Great d’Albret, born in 1440, the son of Catherine de
Rohan and Jean I d’Albret.184 Alain was born in 1440, as indicated in this chart,
and in Saint-Brieuc in Brittany (48°30′ N, 02°45′ W); the house cusps used by
Belle are close enough to suggest this location. He became the head of the
house of Albret in 1471 when his grandfather died (his father had died in 1468).
If this is Alan’s chart, the other three nativities on the same folio may all
be of Alan’s younger brothers and sisters: the native called Ludo on f. 91va2
may be Louis d’Albret; the domicella on f. 91vb1 may be Marie d’Albret, and
soror on 91vb2, the younger sister, Louise d’Albret.185 More details about these
natives are given on their respective pages. The interval between the first three
births is of approximately thirteen months making it possible to all be broth-
ers born in rapid sequence: ‘CdCHAS’ was born in August 1440, ‘domicella’ in
September 1441, Louis in October 1442; the last nativity, ‘sister’, born in 1448,
could be a younger sister. Furthermore, these four charts are preceded by those
of two other members of the same family: their father, Charles d’Albret, lord of
Saint-Bazeille, and their aunt, Marie d’Albret. (91rb1 and 91rb2, respectively),
supporting this possibility.
Alternatively, there is the possibility that the nativities of this page pertain
to some of the illegitimate sons of Jean II de Bourbon.

183 Ordinatio celi et stellarum hora nativitatis cuiusdam nati in anno domini 1440 imperfecto
et fuit die 23 Augustii horis 20 minutis 46 almutem Mercurius et 7 cum eo 22. C d C H A S,
NAL 398 f. 91va1. The reference to 24 and 22 may be the sum of all the planetary dignities
for Mercury and Saturn, respectively.
184 The firstborn son of Charles II d’Albret and Anne d’Armagnac.
185 For the d’Albret family, see François-Alexandre Aubert de La Chesnaye des Bois,
Dictionnaire de la noblesse, I, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1771).

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2.2 Louis, ‘Brother of the Former’

NAL 398 f. 91va2: 3 October 1442, 7:55 PM, Unknown Location

House I – 18° Gemini House VII – 18° Sagittarius

Saturn 19°33′
House II – 06° Cancer House VIII – 05° Capricorn
North Node 12°18′ Cancer South Node 12°18′ Capricorn
House III – 24° Cancer House IX – 24° Capricorn

House IV – 14° Leo House X – 14° Aquarius

House V – 26° Virgo House XI – 26° Pisces

Mercury 14° Libra Degree of the Opposition 4° Aries
Moon 18° Libra
Sun 18° Libra
House VI – 90° Scorpio House XII – 09° Taurus
Mars 16°50′ Scorpio Jupiter 14°37′ retrograde
Venus 17° Scorpio

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Nativity of Louis ‘her brother’ (eius frater), referring to the previous native.

Another description of a nativity which was in the year of the Lord 1442
incomplete, 3rd day of October, by 7 hours and 55 minutes afternoon of
the same day, day of [blank] hour of [blank]. Ludo, her brother.186

If the previous nativity is that of Alain d’Albret, this could be his younger
brother, Cardinal Louis d’Albret. On the other hand, this could also be one of
the illegitimate sons of Jean II de Bourbon.

2.3 ‘Domicella’
NAL 398 f. 91vb1: 13 September 1441, 4:50 PM, Unknown Location

186 Alia descriptio nativitatis que fuit in anno domini 1442° imperfecto die 3tia Octobre per 7
horas et 55 minuta post meridiem eiusdem diei die [blank] hora [blank]. Lud4 eius frater,
NAL 398 f. 91va2.

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House I – 20° House VII – 20° Leo

Aquarius
Moon 07°23′ Virgo Degree of the Opposition
[should be 09°] 18° Virgo
Venus 10°06′ Virgo
[should be 04°]
House II – 28° Pisces House VIII – 28° Virgo
Jupiter 08° Aries retrograde Sun 29°06′ Virgo Mercury 20°10′ Virgo
[should be 04°] Lot of Marriage 10° Libra
House III – 08° Taurus House IX – 08° Scorpio
Saturn 06° Gemini (03°)
House IV – 13° Gemini House X – 13° Sagittarius

House V – 03° Cancer House XI – 03° Capricorn

Mars 12° Cancer (14°)
House VI – 28° Cancer House XII – 28° Capricorn
North Node 02°57′ Leo Lot of Fortune 29° Capricorn
South Node 02°57′ Aquarius

In this chart Belle encoded the name of the native, damsel (domicella)187
Agnetis de Oas and describes her as famous ( famosa). This is the only time he
uses this epithet instead of more customary designations, such as nobilissima
or illustrissima. The term ‘Vi’ may be a name, such as Victoire or Violette, or a
noble title, such as vicomtesse (although the standard abbreviation is Vtesse).

Another nativity of a certain famous maiden, namely, ‘Agnetis de Oas’,

which was on the 13th of September around 4:50 after noon, year 1441,
and it was the day of Mercury, hour of Jupiter, almutem Mercury.188

This may be the nativity of Marie d’Albret, who married Bonfile del Giudice,
count of Castres in 1480.189 In this nativity the lot of marriage (pars coniugii)
is calculated according to the formula for women: the distance from Venus

187 Domicella: damsel (demoiselle), the young head of the house.

188 Alia nativitas cuiusdam famose d4m3r2lle videlicet Agn2t3s de Oas que fuit decima ter-
tia Septembris per 4 horam et 50 minuta post meridiem anni 1441 et fuit dies 3 hora 6
almutem 3, NAL 398 f. 91vb1.
189 Obviously, this is not the Marie d’Albret born in 1435, mentioned in Ms 1711 f. 84r and NAL
f. 91rb2.

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to Saturn, in the order of the signs, projected from the ascendant, also in the
order of the signs, thus confirming that this is a woman’s nativity; the equiv-
alent formula for men (the distance from Saturn to Venus projected from the
ascendant) would place the lot at 27° Taurus.190 The presence of this lot also
suggests that marriage was one of the main concerns for this nativity.

2.4 ‘Sister of the Former’

NAL 398 f. 91vb2: 20 September 1448, 13:18 PM, Unknown Location

190 On f. 93rb1, also a nativity of a woman, he uses a different formula (explained in the cor-
responding page).

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House I – 14° Leo House VII – 14° Aquarius

Saturn 06°20′ Virgo
House II – 07° Virgo House VIII – 07° Pisces
South Node 16°52′ Virgo Degree of the Opposition 29° Pisces
Venus 24° Virgo North Node 16°52′ Pisces
House III – 02° Libra House IX – 02° Aries
Mercury 04° Libra Lot of Brothers
[00° Scorpio] 06° Libra
Sun 06° Libra
House IV – 28° Libra House X – 28° Aries
Jupiter 28°33′ Libra
Lot of Fortune 29°
House V – 04° Sagittarius House XI – 04° Gemini
Mars 01°41′ Capricorn
House VI – 09° Capricorn House XII – 09° Cancer
Moon 18° Cancer

Nativity of the sister of the former native, born in 1448. The date corresponds
to 21 September, 1:18 AM.

Nativity of the sister of the one above; verified by animodar, which was in
the year of Christ 1448, 20th day of September, 13 hours, 18 minutes after
noon of the same day, day of the Moon, hour [blank], almutem Saturn 21,
Jupiter 20, Venus 20.191

This may be Jeanne Louise d’Albret, younger sister of Alain, Louis and Marie;
she married Jacques, lord of d’Estouteville and Vallemont in 1480, and died in
8 September 1494.192 It may also be the chart of another illegitimate daugh-
ter of Jean II de Bourbon, Marie, who married Jacques de Sainte-Colombe in
February 1450 and died in 22 July 1482. However, the absence of the lot of mar-
riage (pars coniugii) in this nativity, compared to its presence in almost other

191 Nativitas s4r4r3s illius suprascripte verificata per animodar que fuit anno Christi 1448 die
20 Septembris hora 13 minutis 18 post meridiem eiusdem diei dies Lune hora [blank]
almutem ♄ 21 ♃ 20 ♀︎ 20, NAL 398 f. 91vb2.
192 Some genealogies date her birth to 1440, which is the year of birth of her older brother,
Alain.

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charts of women, suggests that this was not a main concern of this native (or
of Belle), thus casting some doubts on these hypotheses.

2.5 Nativity of Jo. d.c.l.

This nativity is part of Belle’s collection, in NAL 398, f. 93ra1. The corresponding
judgement was addressed in the section of the three nativities.

figure 51 NAL 398, folio 91v

C. dCHAS (91va1 – top left) Domicella’ (91vb1 – top right)
‘Louis, ‘brother of the former’ ‘Sister of the former’ (91vb2 –
(91va2 – bottom left) bottom right)

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2.6 Unidentified Woman

NAL 398 f. 93rb1: [7 October 1445, 14:30, Unknown Location]

House I – 1° Aquarius House VII – 1° Leo

Saturn 01° Leo Jupiter 21° Leo
(29° Cancer) Mars 28° Leo
Lot of Substance 20° Leo
House II – 10° Pisces House VIII – 10° Virgo
Lot of Marriage 10° Virgo
Degree of the Conjunction 17° Virgo
House III – 22° Aries House IX – 22° Libra
Lot of Fortune 26° Aries North Node Sun 23° Libra Venus 05° Scorpio
Lot of the Hyleg 03° Taurus 15° Taurus Mercury 01° Scorpio South Node
15° Scorpio
House IV – 1° Gemini House X – 1° Sagittarius

House V – 21° Gemini House XI – 21° Sagittarius

House VI – 11° Cancer House XII – 11° Capricorn

Moon 19° Capricorn

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figure 52
NAL 398, folio 93rb1
Unidentified woman

Corresponds to 7 October 1445 at 14:05 and it is the nativity of a woman.

Description of another N[ative] that was born in the year [year not
given].193

Considering the birthdate and the context, there are two possible identities for
this native:
– Marguerite, illegitimate daughter of Jean II de Bourbon, born in 1445 and
legitimized in 1464; she married Jean de Ferrières in Moulins in 1462 and
died in 1482;
– one of the sisters of Alain d’Albret, in which case the identity the nativ-
ities on f. 91vb1 (Marie d’Albret) and f. 91vb2 (Louise d’Albret) have to be
reconsidered.
In any case the lot of marriage (pars coniugii) is calculated according to the for-
mula for women, but in this case Belle applies a different formula: he takes the
distance from the Moon to Mars and projects it from the ascendant. This places
the lot at 10° Virgo,194 thus confirming that this is the nativity of a woman (the
equivalent formula for men – the distance from the Sun to Venus projected
from the ascendant – would put the lot at 13° Aquarius). This apparent discrep-
ancy may result from Belle’s experiences with the lots.195

193 Descriptio alterius N. que fuit nata in anno, NAL 398 f. 93rb1.
194 If the lot were taken from Venus to Saturn, as in 91vb1, it would be in the beginning of
Scorpio.
195 Al-Bīrūnī states that according to Hermes this lot is taken from Saturn to Venus and
projected from the ascendant, and that according to the Hellenistic astrologer Vettius
Valens (120–175) it is taken from the Sun to Venus projected from the ascendant. Albiruni,

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figure 53 NAL 398, folio 90r

Philip of Burgundy (90ra1 – top left) Louis XI (90rb1 – top right)
Charles de Berry (90ra2 – bottom left) Charles the Bold (90rb2 – bottom right)

Instruction, 476, 285 (n. 34–35 in the table); Haly Abenragel switches the authors, by stat-
ing that the lot of marriage for man according to Hermes is taken from the Sun to Venus,
and according to Valens, from Saturn to Venus; see Haly Abenragel, El Libro Conplido,
V, 6, 232.

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figure 54 NAL 398, folio 90v

Charles VIII, Asc. 2° Can. (90va1 – top Coronation of Louis XI (90vb1 – top
left) right)
Henry VI (90va2 – bottom left) Coronation of Charles VII (90vb2 – bot-
tom right)

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figure 55 NAL 398, folio 91r

Charles of Burgundy (91ra1 – top left) Charles d’Albret (91rb1 – top right)
Jean of Burgundy/Clamecy (91ra2 – Marie d’Albret (91rb2 – bottom right)
bottom left)

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figure 56 NAL 398, folio 93r (complete)

J. d.c.l. (93ra1 – top left) Unidentified woman (93rb1 – top right)
Maximilian I (93ra2 – bottom left) Charles VIII, Asc. 8° Gem. (93rb2 –
bottom right)

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figure 57 NAL 398, folio 93v

Charles VIII, Asc. 1° Gem. (93va1 – top Jean de Bourbon (93vb1 – top right)
left) Margaret of Austria (93vb2 – bottom
Philippe le Beau (93va2 – bottom left) right)

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3 Collection Highlights

As stated before, Belle’s collection of horoscopes is remarkably diverse both

in number and in scope and may well be the earliest significant collection
of this kind. Other fifteenth-century collections, such as those of Paris, BnF,
Latin 7443, were put together for the purpose of analyzing specific political
events and are not as comprehensive or as wide-ranging. In this regard, Belle’s
manuscripts resemble more the diversity and number of the sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century collections.196 They attest to the circulation of notable
nativities between astrologers in the late medieval period, a glimpse of the
‘astrological communications network’.197
Although Belle’s collection reveals a clear political focus, it is not limited
to the ‘notable nativities’ nor is it organized around a single political event, as
is the case of other, smaller, collections.198 Belle includes not only the nativi-
ties of the main political agents of his time in his collection, but also several
charts connected to his private life, namely children, and possibly friends or
clients. This kind of assemblage precedes by several decades a tendency that
would become common in the Renaissance, when the compilations of famous
nativities and astrological doctrine began to give way to a mixture of personal
horoscopes and autobiographical astrological studies. Such is the case with
later authors who present large collections of charts of notable people, medi-
cal cases, ‘monsters’ and other assorted examples.199

3.1 Calculations
Belle does not address all nativities of his collection in the same detail:
some are intensely scrutinized, others only briefly analysed. The table below

196 See for instance Lat. 7395 and Lat. 7448, for the sixteenth and the seventieth centuries,
respectively.
197 Grafton, Cardano’s Cosmos, 71.
198 Such as Lat. 7443, which assembles a small collection of nativities, revolutions of the year,
and events regarding the main political protagonists of early fifteenth-century France. It
is addressed in several works for instance Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, 113–151.
199 See for example the works of Luca Gaurico (1475–1558), Georg Hartmann (1489–1564),
Girolamo Cardano (1501–1576), Georg Joachim Rheticus (1514–1574), Simon Titius (1521–
1576), Johannes Garcaeus (1530–1574), or Johannes Kepler (1571–1630). On horoscope
collections see also Lauren Kassell, Medicine and Magic in Elizabethan England; and the
aforementioned von Stuckrad ‘The Function of Horoscopes in Biographical Narrative:
Cardano and after’, Vanden Broecke, ‘Evidence and Conjecture in Cardano’s Horoscope
Collections’, and Rutkin, ‘Various Uses of Horoscopes: Astrological Practices in Early
Modern Europe’, all in Horoscopes and Public Spheres.

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table 33 Different calculations for different nativities

Nativity Almutem Length of life Aspects

Louis XI (f. 79r) X X

Charles the Bold (f. 81v, f. 83v) X
Lord of Craon (f. 83r) X
Coronation of Louis XI (f. 86v) X?
Coronation of Charles VIII (f. 87r) X
Charles VIII (f. 87v) X X X
Charles VIII’s entry into Paris (89r) X
Anne de Beaujeu (f. 90v) X X X
Pierre II de Bourbon (f. 91r) X X
Antoine Belle (f. 93r) X X X
Conrad Belle (f. 93v) X X X
Susanne de Bourbon (f. 94r) X X
Nicolas Gon (f. 95v) X X
Nicolas Belle (f. 96r) X X X
Martha Belle (f.96v) X X
Renaud Petitdé (f. 97r) X X X

summarizes the calculations of the almutem, the length of life, and the aspects
in the charts in MS 1711.
Belle pays much attention to the charts related to the dukes of Bourbon,
Pierre II and Anne of France, who may have been his patrons, as well as to
Anne’s father, King Louis XI, to her daughter, Susanne de Bourbon, and her
son-in-law, Charles VIII. This interest is matched only by the attention he gives
to the nativities of his own children: Antoine, Conrad and Nicolas Belle, and
two other young boys, Nicolas Gon and Renaud Petitdé, possibly the sons of
clients or of friends.

3.1.1 Almutem
The calculation of the almutem is also present in most of the nativities of these
two groups. Belle uses what seems to be the standard calculation in the medie-
val period, that is, the strongest planet in the five hylegical places, as explained
before.200 There are several minor inconsistencies in his account of essential

200 Throughout the sixteenth century the concept of ‘almutem of the nativity’ changed; for
most authors, it ceased to be the most powerful planet in the five hylegical places and

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dignities, namely errors in the sums or inconsistencies caused by the use of

different tables; regardless of that, while the scoring of accidental dignities
remains largely consistent throughout the collection, he reveals some experi-
mentation regarding the use of either the Egyptian or Ptolemaic table of terms
(as is addressed further in this section).

3.1.2 Length of Life

The focus on Anne’s family is again evident in the calculation of the length of
life. It is included in the nativities that directly relate to her, namely those of
her husband, daughter, father, and son-in-law. The calculation for the length
of life appears only in five other nativities, all of them pertaining to children.

3.1.3 Planetary Aspects

Belle’s manuscripts offer several practical examples of the computation of the
aspects, particularly his use of the orbs, that is, the sphere of influence of each
planet. These topics are often unclear in astrological texts since most authors
present the theoretical rules without much explanation or practical examples.
The possible differences in practice, according to authors and periods, are yet
to be identified, as this topic remains largely unexplored. This has generated
debate among historians of astrology as to how the aspects are measured: by
sign, by the planets’s spheres of influence (orbs), or by an overall orb of about
five degrees. Belle’s texts bring some interesting contributions to this discus-
sion. All of the aspects listed in his collection fall within the range of the planet
with the largest orb, suggesting that he based his measurements on the orbs.201
The aspects with the most degrees of separation include either the Moon or
the Sun, the largest aspect having almost twelve degrees of separation, which
is well within the Moon’s orb. Belle also considers dissociate aspects (outside
the expected signs but still within the range of the planet’s orb), thus confirm-
ing that for him the aspect is not bound by the signs but by the angular relation
between the planets.202

3.1.4 Fixed Stars

Belle included fixed stars only in some of the horoscopes of his collection.
Typically, the fixed stars are taken into consideration in a judgement when
they are conjunct to a planet or an angle (that is, the first, fourth, seventh

became the most powerful planet in the whole chart. There is no evidence of this change
in Belle’s work.
201 The spheres or orbs of the planets are: Sun 15°, Moon 12°, Saturn and Jupiter 9°, Mars 8°,
Venus and Mercury 7°. See for instance Alcabitius, Introduction, 61–83.
202 An example can be found in MS 1711 f. 91r.

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or tenth houses), but Belle does not always follow this general rule, in some
cases including stars that are not conjunct to any planet or angle. In NAL 398
there is only one reference to a fixed star in the whole collection: that of Spica
which is in the horoscope of the coronation of Charles VII (f. 90vb2). In MS 1711
there are six charts with fixed stars referenced, all in their correct placement
for the fifteenth century (apart from minor discrepancies). This selective use
of the fixed stars is revealing of Belle’s interest that certain figures generated.
The nativity of Philippe le Bon of Burgundy is the one with most stars, a total
of twenty-three, suggesting that much attention was given to it. It is unlikely
that Belle ever met the duke, given their temporal and geographic distance, so
it was presumably copied from an earlier source, now lost. The manuscripts
Lat. 7443 and Lat. 7439, which Belle had probably consulted in other instances,
could not be the sources, since neither of them include fixed stars in their
horoscopes. It is, however, possible that he copied some charts from one of
these manuscripts, and added the stars at a later time, learning their position
from a table or an astrolabe. The other nativities with fixed stars are those of
Louis XI with five stars, Jean II de Bourbon, with one, Charles VIII, five, Anne
de Beaujeu, three, and Pierre II de Bourbon, six. The table below shows all the
stars included in the nativities.

table 34 The fixed stars in MS 1711

Name Star name (current designation)

Philippe le Bon Spica Alferaz Betelgeuse

Alphecca Baten Kaitos Canopus
Antares Nebulosa Persei Castor
Cavilla (Zeta bootis) Algol Pollux
Vega Aldebaran Nebulosa (M 44?)
Altair Hyrcus Regulus
Fomalhaut Nebulosa (M 42?) Denebola
Scheat (?) Rigel
Louis XI Antares Altair Spica
Vega Stella Lucida (?)
Jean II de Bourbon Aldebaran
Charles VIII Aldebaran Orion (?) Regulus
Rigel Procyon
Anne de Beaujeu Algol Aldebaran Altair
Pierre II de Bourbon Antares Altair Regulus
Vega Aldebaran Spica

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3.1.5 The Lots

The presence of lots also differs significantly from one manuscript to the other.
They appear in sixteen charts in NAL 398 and in eleven in MS 1711. Belle calcu-
lated the lot of fortune in almost every horoscope, which is no surprise, since
this is one of the five hylegical points, being therefore indispensable for many
calculations. As to the other lots, Belle again decided to include them only in
certain cases and selected different lots for different horoscopes.
The reasons for these choices were most likely determined by the native’s
circumstances. For instance, the lot of the kingdom (pars regni) was only cal-
culated in the nativities of those whose status would allow them to ascend to a
position of power, such as kings and dukes. The nativity of Philippe le Bon again
receives more attention than the others, assembling a higher number of lots in
both manuscripts: ten in NAL 398 and seven in MS 1711. This chart and that for
Louis XI are the only that include the lot of death, possibly because when Belle
made his calculations, they were already dead. The only other nativity that
rivals these in this matter is that for Jean de Bourbon, in MS 1711, with nine lots,
again suggesting that the duke might have been Belle’s patron at some point.
In the charts of the dukes of Bourbon, Anne and Pierre, the only lot calculated,
apart from the commonly used lot of fortune, is the lot of children (pars fil-
iorum), possibly because of the couple’s well-known problem of barrenness.
In Pierre’s nativity the lot of fortune is even calculated twice: by the ‘Arabic’
computation, which inverts the lot’s formula in nocturnal horoscopes, and by
the method given by Ptolemy, which uses the diurnal formula on both diurnal
and nocturnal charts.203 This was possibly an attempt to ascertain which for-
mula better described the conditions of the native with regard to fertility. In
this nativity the lot of fortune was also calculated twice, again by the ‘Arabic’
and Ptolemaic formulas. In most instances he applies the traditional inverted
formula for nocturnal horoscopes, thus showing preference for the traditional
‘Arabic’ computation for all the lots. He also tries different formulas in other
charts, such as the nativity of Henry VI, where he calculates the lot of the king-
dom twice, using different formulas, and in the nativity of Jo. d.c.l., where the
lot of marriage is calculated both according to Hermes and Vettius Valens. The
lot of marriage offers valuable insights into the native’s social status. It appears
in four charts: two of unidentified women (NAL 398, f. 91vb1 and f. 93vb1),
and two men, one designated as C d. CHAS (NAL 398, f. 91va1), and Charles de
Berry (NAL 398, f. 90ra2). In the latter, the inclusion of the lot could be related
either to his plan to marry Mary of Burgundy (daughter of Charles, the Bold,
his brother’s main opponent), or to the fact that he never married. This lot also

203 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III. 10, 275–277.

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table 35 The Lots in NAL 398 and MS 1711

Name Lots in NAL 398 Lots in MS 1711

Philip of Burgundy Enemies Substance Enemies Substance

Future Children Future Servants
Friends Brothers Friends Death
Kingdom Servants Kingdom
Kingdom (other) Death
Louis XI Life and Children Kingdom Religion
Friends King Kingdom and King
Religion Enemies Death (Hermes)
Future
Jean II de Bourbon no lots Infirmities
Travels by land
calculated Friends Faith
Charitya Servants and
Kingdom messengers
Children
Henry VI Kingdom Kingdom Kingdom (other)
Charles de Berry Kingdom Marriage Future or Heavenb Regni
Charles the Bold Kingdom Regni
Maximilian I Father Father (other) Father Father (other)
Charles d’Albret Happinessc Happiness
Anne de Beaujeu not included Children
Pierre II de Bourbon not included Children Children (other)
D. d’Albret not included Kingdom
Conrad Belle not included Children
C d. CHAS Future Marriage
‘Domicella’ Marriage
‘Sister of the former’ Brothers
Unidentified woman Hyleg Marriage
Substance

a pars caritatis.
b pars celati, also called the Lot of the Daimon or Lot of the Absent / Lot of the Hidden. I am grateful to
Dorian G. Greenbaum for clarifying the significance and implications of this topic. For a survey on the
astrological lots, see Dorian G. Greenbaum, The Daimon in Hellenistic Astrology: Origins and Influence
(Leiden, 2015), 313.
c pars beatitudinis.

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confirms the gender of the native in the unidentified charts since the calcula-
tions differ whether the native is a man or a woman. The table below summa-
rizes the lots represented in both manuscripts; the lot of fortune was omitted,
since it is included in almost all horoscopes of the collection.
The use of the calculations of the fixed stars and the lots hint at the social
importance of each individual included in the collection. Belle uses them
copiously in the nativities of kings and noblemen, and scarcely, if at all, in
those of less prominent people; they are not even included in the charts of his
own children.

3.1.6 Questioning Essential Dignities

Belle’s notes and judgements present some variety regarding the use of some
essential dignities, namely the terms, and to a lesser extent, the faces, and the
triplicities.
The discussion about the terms, which begins long before Belle’s time, is
addressed by Ptolemy in Tetrabiblos:204 He states that the Egyptian system ‘does
not at all preserve the consistency either of the order or of the individual quan-
tity’; he then turns to the Chaldean sequence, which he considers simple and
plausible, ‘though not so self-sufficient with respect to the government of the
triangles and the disposition of quantity’.205 Finally, he offers a sequence found
‘in an ancient manuscript’, containing ‘a natural and consistent explanation
of their order and number’; this is the sequence that came to be known as
‘Ptolemaic terms’.206 As few authors shared Ptolemy’s preference, its reception
turned out to be mainly theoretical; in practice, the Egyptian terms were
widely adopted until the Renaissance.207 The table below shows the differences
between the Egyptian and Ptolemaic sequences; they are most evident in the
signs of Leo, Capricorn and Aquarius.208

204 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I, 20–21, 91–107.

205 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I. 21, 91–97, 99, respectively.
206 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I. 21, 103–107.
207 As demonstrated in Stephan Heilen, ‘Ptolemy’s Doctrine of the Terms and Its Reception’,
in Ptolemy in Perspective (Dordrecht, 2010): 45–93. See also Deborah Houlding, ‘The
Transmission of Ptolemy’s Terms: An Historical Overview, Comparison and Interpretation’,
Culture and Cosmos, 11, 1–2 (2007): 261–307, and S. J. Tester, A History of Western Astrology
(Woodbridge, 1996): 74–79.
208 The Ptolemaic table of terms has several variants, transmitted throughout late
Antiquity and the Middle Ages. The version here presented is that of Robbins edition
of the Tetrabiblos. On the variants, see Heilen ‘Ptolemy’s Doctrine of the Terms and its
Reception’. These differences may seem negligible in the table, but in practice the favour-
ing of one over the other sequences alters, sometimes significantly, the results of certain

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figure 58 Comparative table of Egyptian and Ptolemaic terms

The zodiac is divided into two rows (top: Aries to Virgo; bottom: Libra to
Pisces); each has two sequences of terms, the Egyptian on top and the
Ptolemaic on the bottom.

Belle experiments with the terms: he applies both the Ptolemaic and the
Egyptian sequences in his judgements; also, he favours the Ptolemaic terms
in the planetary table of MS 1711, f. 19r, but he opts for the Egyptian sequence
to calculate the almutem of each sign degree. Belle seems to consider the
Ptolemaic system worthy of consideration, but in practice he still favours the
Egyptian method. Historical evidence shows this also to be the preference
of most medieval authors, who frequently present this system in their books
without mentioning, much less discussing, any alternative.209 However, the
practical use of the Ptolemaic system gradually increased throughout the six-
teenth century, eventually leading to doubts by some early modern authors
about the efficacy of the Egyptian terms. In time, this discussion extended to
other planetary dignities, mainly triplicities and faces (rulerships and exalta-
tions were questioned only rarely, if at all); some authors, such as Morin de
Villefranche (1591–1659), went as far as rejecting the terms entirely.210 Belle is

calculations, such as the weighing of essential dignities when assessing the almutem of
the horoscope, or the sequence of the divisor in directions.
209 See for instance Alcabitius, Introduction, I. 19, 27–29. For a comprehensive discussion of
the matter see Heilen, ‘Ptolemy’s Doctrine of the Terms’.
210 Jean-Baptiste Morin de Villefranche, The Morinus System of Horoscope Interpretation,
Robert Baldwin, tr. (Washington, 2003), ‘Preface’.

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still far from these extremes but his experimentation with the Egyptian and
the Ptolemaic terms suggests the incipient signs of this change.
When it comes to the use of faces, he hints at similar doubts, experimenting
both with the standard arrangement and the Hindu system of decanates (ador-
agen). As this happens only once, in MS 1711 f. 93r, as an attempt to improve
the calculation for his firstborn’s life span, it can be considered to be more an
exception than an example. Nonetheless, it reveals Belle’s awareness of alter-
native systems and, more importantly, his consideration of them.
When it comes to triplicities, Belle follows the traditional setting originated
in the Greek practice and accepted almost unanimously by later authors,
Ptolemy being one of the few divergent voices.211 For example, in Jo. d.c.l.’s
judgement he offers an overview of the native’s life using the sequence of tri-
plicities of the ascending sign, as mentioned in Dorotheus, whom he quotes.
As the ascendant is in Aquarius, an airy sign, he attributes Saturn, the diurnal
ruler of the airy triplicity, to the first third of life, Mercury, the nocturnal ruler,
to the second, and Jupiter, the participant, to the last third. Also, in the nativity
of Jo. Dap the same sequence is presented in the table for the triplicities of
each house cusp.212 These agree with the tables of dignities in MS 1711, f. 19r.213
However, a short note below these tables, written in a different ink, thus possi-
bly later, presents a different sequence for these rulers (discussed below).
Generally speaking, Belle’s use of essential dignities seems to be solidly
rooted in the medieval Arabic tradition, yet occasionally shifting experimen-
tally towards the rising Ptolemaic doctrine. Most historians acknowledge this
uncertainty regarding the use of some essential dignities in the sixteenth
century, but Belle’s manuscripts reveal earlier signs of this development in
astrological practice, confirming that it had begun sometime in mid-fifteenth
century, as suggested by some scholars.214 His notes draw attention to the
earlier impact of this debate in the learning and practice of fifteenth-century
astrologers and points out to the need for further research on this matter.

3.2 Theoretical Problems, Practical Solutions

All these practical examples in Belle’s notes reveal an important aspect of
astrology: the distinction between the practical application of the doctrine
and its theoretical foundation. In other words, the practice required the astrol-
oger to handle a much larger number of astrological configurations than any

211 See Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, I.18, 83–87.

212 NAL 398, f. 85va.
213 See the tables of planetary dignities and degrees.
214 See for instance Faracovi, ‘The Return to Ptolemy’, in A Companion to Astrology, 87–98.

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handbook could discuss or exemplify. Thus, the astrologer had to be able to

extrapolate the meanings by applying the general principles of the doctrine to
a specific context, in much the same manner as a mathematician would do for
different equations, or a physician for a diagnosis. Most of the books contain-
ing the fundamentals of astrological doctrine (in particular the mainstream
sources pre-dating the sixteenth century) are lacking in practical examples
and demonstrations capable of filling the gaps that naturally occur between
theoretical explanation and practical application. It can be assumed that these
would have been filled by the oral tradition, tuition from a master, and a range
of manuscript notes and examples, such as Belle’s, most of which are now lost.
Thus testimonies, such as the present notebooks and other examples of judge-
ments, personal notations, and collections, are vital for a truly comprehensive
perception of the application of astrology. In other words, they complement
the commonly available tradition of astrological doctrine and provide its more
creative and human expression conveyed by its practitioners. These private
sources reveal how they dealt with the individual challenges posed by their cli-
ents’s questions and needs, and with the interpretation of the infinite number
of celestial configurations sometimes only very subtly different. It is in these
notes that the doubts, hesitations, technical preferences, and interpretative
decisions of the astrologer come to light; they uncover the experimental facet
of astrology.215
In Belle’s notes, testing and experimentation are intended to enhance the
practical application of the astrological rules in order to improve results.
They do not question, and even less dismiss, the doctrine itself. His attitude
towards the sources is respectful but, again, experimental. He seems interested
in learning learns and applying their doctrines, but he does not follow any of
them uncritically, rather taking their knowledge as a starting point for his own
research. The interpretative nature of astrology, though founded on established
rules, always allows some latitude for its practitioners. For example, in regard
to Conrad Heingarter and Jean of Ashenden, though clearly respectful of their
teachings, Belle does not follow them blindly, sometimes adopting divergent
views. In fact, Conrad himself has a comparable attitude towards his own
sources, for instance when discussing whether or not to prefer the lunations
in the judgement for Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions.216 Thus, by questioning his
teachers and sources, Belle is, in a way, following their tradition of questioning
earlier authors, reserving to himself the right to arrive at different conclusions.
Another example is his calculation for the nativity of Maximilian I, which

215 See Hackett, ‘Roger Bacon on Astronomy-Astrology’, 175–199.

216 For instance, in Paris, BnF Lat. 7450, f. 5r.

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differs from the ‘official’ version given by his contemporary Regiomontanus

(1436–1476). As discussed before, Regiomontanus rectified Maximilian’s nativ-
ity, even though he had a first-hand account of his precise time of birth; Belle
favoured a different birth time, obtained from another source, thus disregard-
ing this rectification and implicitly questioning its author.217
Attitudes of this kind are often interpreted by historians as early signs of
sceptical distancing from the tradition and the opening to new, more ‘scien-
tific’ approaches. However, the shift between tradition and innovation is sel-
dom clear and may not even have been perceived as such by Belle and his
contemporaries. For them, it could be only a matter of practical choices with
no deeper implications.

3.3 A Web of Allegiances

Another important facet revealed by these notes is the astrologer’s character,
his social context, and his allegiances. As previously mentioned, much of Belle’s
attention is focused on the family of the dukes of Bourbon, especially Pierre II
and Anne, who may have been his patrons. But Belle’s collection also extended
to their political adversaries. It included, for instance, some members of the
d’Albret family, as well as Duke Philip of Burgundy, his son, Charles the Bold,
and Philip’s stepsons, Charles and Jean de Clamecy; all of them, except the
latter, were sworn enemies of Louis XI.
This heterogeneous assemblage may have resulted from simple curiosity
and opportunity, since Belle seems to have contacted astrologers from several
political quarters, but it could also have been a deliberate political purpose.
In the ever-changing web of political allegiances of this period, the study of
the nativities of the main political figures could represent a form of tactical
protection, since knowledge of one’s traits and tendencies, as well as their
possible outcome, could bring some advantages. While serving Duke Jean II
de Bourbon, a well-known opponent of the king, Belle may have used these
charts to provide the duke with astrological information about enemies and
allies alike. For the former, he could have calculated the longevity and possible
periods of weakness, and for the latter, their interest in forming alliances and
their intention to honour them. After the death of Louis XI in 1483, Belle may
have studied the nativities of the regent, Anne, and the new king, Charles VIII,
for the same purpose of providing information to Jean II. It is significant that
he calculates the longevity for Louis XI and Anne but not for the duke him-
self. And while it can be argued that the king’s longevity may have been cal-
culated post factum, the same cannot be said in Anne’s case, since she lived

217 This is addressed in the collection of horoscopes.

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until 1522. Although there is not direct proof of Belle using the nativities for
these purposes, astrological services of this kind were common within royal
courts and noble houses as part of the period’s intelligence services.218 The
information provided by a nativity could be used against the person, not only
by their enemies but also by some ally trying to gain the upper hand; thus, an
astrologer who served powerful men could be in possession of very sensitive
information. Conrad Heingarter, for example, worked for both Louis XI and
Jean II de Bourbon, in a period when the duke was married to the king’s sister,
Jeanne de France; he provided medical reports for both, thus having knowl-
edge of their temperaments, their weaknesses, and of the periods of increased
tendency to illness.219 This information could be used by one against the other,
when their alliance became unstable.
The possession of certain nativities could pose serious problems for the
astrologer in the event of a political setback. Belle may have found himself
in a delicate situation in 1488 upon the death of Jean II and the rise to power
of the new duke, Pierre II, who was married to Anne, the king’s daughter. In
other words, the rulership of Jean II, the ally-turned-enemy to the crown, was
replaced by the governance of Pierre II, the king’s son-in-law, at the time regent
of France. In this new political context Belle’s circumstances changed drasti-
cally: the enemies of the former duke had become allies, and the possession of
their nativities would have become somewhat problematic.

3.3.1 Encoded Names

This complex web of political powers, and the problems it implies, may be one
of the reasons why Belle decided to conceal certain names in some parts of the
manuscripts. The code is easy to decipher, hardly fulfilling any real function
of concealment, and Belle does not seem to be overly worried about secrecy.
His decision to use a code could have been dictated by tradition, or at least by
habit. The encryption of certain names in astrological documents was a com-
mon practice and can be found in the writings of astrologers such as Joannes
Laet (d. 1487), Regiomontanus (1436–1476), and later Kepler (1571–1630). Belle’s

218 Many examples of the use of horoscopes as a political tool were referenced in this book.
For instance, Deimann, ‘Astrology in an Age of Transition. Johannes Lichtenberger and
His Clients’, in Astrologers and their Clients, 83–104, and Rutkin, ‘Astrology, Politics and
Power in 16th-Century Florence: Giuliano Ristori’s Extensive Judgement on Cosimo I’s
Nativity (1537)’, in Astrologers and their Clients, 139–151. See also North, Horoscopes and
History; Oestmann, Rutkin and von Stuckrad, eds, Horoscopes and Public Spheres; Dooley,
A Companion to Astrology; and Curry, ed., Astrology, Science and Society, to mention only
a few.
219 For Heingarter’s professional assignments see Préaud, Les astrologues, 71–75.

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encryptions follow an irregular pattern, changing significantly from NAL 398

to MS 1711, possibly revealing the aforementioned changes of allegiance. In
NAL 398 there are eighteen nativities with concealed identities. Six of them
have an abbreviated name, an acronym or an adjective: C. dCHAS (in 91va1);
Louis (f. 91va2); ‘domicella’ (91vb1), ‘sister’ (91vb2); Jo. d.c.l (93ra1), and ‘N’
(93rb1). The other twelve have their names or titles encoded: ‘grand duke of
Burgundy’, that is, Philippe le Bon (90ra1); Charles de Berry, duke of Aquitaine
(90ra2); Louis XI of France (90rb1); Charles the Bold (90rb2); Charles VIII
(90va1); Henry VI of England (90va2); coronation of Louis XI (90vb1); coro-
nation of Charles VII (90vb2); Charles of Burgundy, count of Nevers (91ra1);
Jean of Burgundy (Jean de Clamecy) count of Nevers (91ra2); Charles d’Albret,
lord de Saint-Brazeille (91rb1); and Marie d’Albret (91rb2). In MS 1711 the iden-
tity of these twelve individuals is fully disclosed. The only encryption in this
manuscript occurs in the nativity of Catherine d’Armagnac (f. 80r), who is not
mentioned in NAL 398. In MS 1711 Belle used acronyms or abbreviations in the
nativities of ‘lord of Craon’ (f. 83r); ‘D. d’Albret’ (92v); ‘daughter of G. Gon’ (95r);
and ‘lord of Bressolles’ (99v). These differences suggest that Belle wrote the
manuscripts in distinct circumstances: either in a different place, or at a differ-
ent time. When NAL 398 was written, he preferred to keep the identity of some
individuals a secret, while in MS 1711 this caution seems to have disappeared,
perhaps because those whose names are encrypted in NAL 398 were deceased
by the time the collection was completed. These variations hint at the insecure
position of an astrologer (or of any counsellor) in the face of the ever-changing
political powers. In this volatile environment, the astrologer’s duty of deliv-
ering accurate judgements had to be tempered by several non-astrological
considerations, namely keeping the patron’s trust, and avoiding to directly
antagonizing other powerful people, including the patron’s opponents.

3.3.2 Teachers, Colleagues, and Sources

Belle is likely to have obtained his horoscopes from many different sources,
some of which are hinted at in references and comments. The interrogations
and the nativity of Hubert were obviously copied from earlier sources, while
others were collected directly from coeval practitioners. This explains why some
charts have several versions, most of them consisting in slight variations in the
native’s birth time. Such is the case of Charles VIII, for whom Belle presents
four charts with different ascendants (three in Gemini, in different degrees,
and one in the beginning of Cancer), and mentions two sources, ‘C4r1rdus’ (sic
for Conrad), probably Conrad Heingarter, and also ‘P. Cho9’, possibly Pierre
Choinet; both were for a time physicians and astrologers to Louis XI. A similar
case is the nativity of the dauphin, Charles Orland, for whom Belle gives two

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different birth times: one for the fourth hour of the night, the other for the fifth.
He then adds a third, more precise, version, obtained from a certain ‘master
Jean de Barra, treasurer of the people of Anjou’ (magistro Jo. de Barra tesau-
rario Andeganenis): ‘in the morning, around the 5th hour, was born Charles, a
little before’ (in mane circa quintam horam nascitur Karolus parum ante). Belle
seems to find this intermediate birth time more reliable than the others, but
still he does not calculate the dauphin’s nativity.
This variety of sources reveals a complex web of professional connections
accessible to Belle: other students with whom he exchanges notes, reputed
astrologers such as Conrad Heingarter, and several individuals not directly
related to astrology, possibly courtiers, such as Jean de Barra, whose political
connections allowed them access to first-hand information about noble nativ-
ities. Belle is cautious not to reveal too much about his contacts, possibly to
avoid being associated with one specific teacher or group. He again resorts to
encryption to conceal his sources: in NAL 389, f. 93r he encodes the name of
Conrad and abbreviates Choinet’s name, as mentioned before, while in MS 1711,
f. 72r, in the almanac, he again uses the code to conceal his brief mentions to
Conrad and Jean II de Bourbon, as explained further on.
Belle’s collection reveals an astrologer’s wide and ever-changing network of
social connections, particularly when it comes to obtaining the birth data of
kings. It also hints at the extensive use of astrology among noblemen and rich
merchants, and the discreet yet powerful role of the court astrologers.

3.3.3 Manuscript Network

As seen before, there are several correspondences between Belle’s manuscripts
and other fourteenth- and fifteenth-century astrological codices. Some of the
charts in his collection can also be found in several other manuscripts, par-
ticularly those in Bibliothèque Nationale de France.220 Such is the case of
Lat. 7443, a collection of astrological texts and nativities owned by Simon de
Phares.221 There are also many parallels between Lat. 7314, 7432, 7446, 7447,
7450 and 11232, all written by, or on the order of, Conrad Heingarter, as seen
before. Equally relevant, although less evident, are the correspondences to

220 All these manuscripts are thoroughly described in Juste, CCAL II, 57 for Lat. 3520;
76–77, Lat. 7272; 101–102, Lat. 7321A; 111, Lat. 7331; 119, Lat. 7342; 136–139, Lat. 7395; 145–146,
Lat. 7416; 151–152, Lat. 7427; 152–153, Lat. 7432; 158–159, Lat. 7439; 162–167, Lat. 7443; 168–169,
Lat. 7443C; 170–171, Lat. 7446; 171, Lat. 7447; 172, Lat. 7450; 178, Lat. 7482; 197–198, Lat. 11232.
221 For Lat. 7443 see Boudet and Charmasson, ‘Une consultation’, 262, n. 26 and Thorndike,
HMES, III–IV, 99–140. For a comparison between Lat. 7443 and NAL 398, see Boudet, Lire
dans le ciel, 140–141 and ‘Simon de Phares et les rapports’, 617–648, and Donatella Nebbiai,
‘Les livres de Jean Durand (t. 1416), physicien et astrologue’, Médiévales, 68 (2015): 93–118.

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several manuscripts in British collections, such as Cambridge, Emmanuel

College 70; London, British Library Harley 637, Royal 12 F. XVII; Sloane 1713;
Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ashmole 345, Ashmole 393, Ashmole 192, I, Ashmole
1471; and Digby 176 and Digby 57. These parallels are not limited to the charts,
but also extend to other content, such as extracts from texts and tables. Belle
does not copy the contents integrally, rather he adapts them, either copying
only parts or interpolating with his own comments. All these connections
emphasize the wide circulation of astrological data, both texts and nativities,
among practitioners and students in Europe. Belle was an active participant in
this network, benefiting from it in his learning process and in his practice. He
acted also as a contributor, if not in his lifetime, at least later, as attested to by
the circulation of his own notes that ended up in the collections of two differ-
ent countries, France and Portugal.

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 part 3
The Almanac

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Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7
 chapter 8

The Almanac (1468–1480)

The first part of MS 1711 (ff. 1r–77v) is an almanac, a set of 152 tables of astro-
nomical data, one for each month, encompassing a period of thirteen years,
from January 1468 to December 1480. Almanacs were essential tools for astrol-
ogers and circulated widely in manuscript form during the early fifteenth cen-
tury, and their popularity increased even more with the advent of printing.
The first printed almanac was published by Gutenberg in 1457 in Mainz shortly
before the earliest tables in Belle’s manuscripts, and Regiomontanus edited
his well-known almanac in Nuremberg in 1472, coinciding with the peak of
Belle’s activity.
The contents of the almanacs changed over time: the simpler versions com-
bined with ecclesiastical calendars, gradually gave way to the more complex
editions, providing astrological and meteorological predictions. Late medieval
almanacs in France fell into two main categories: the petit almanach, contain-
ing only the phases of the Moon and its position in the zodiac for a given year,
and the grant almanach, which incorporated the positions of the planets as
well. Most reputed astrologers produced both petit and grant almanachs to
serve different purposes; such is the case of Jean Vesale, working for Philip of
Burgundy, and Jean Coleman, for Louis XI.1
Generally speaking, Belle’s almanac fits into the category of grant alma-
nach, since it includes the positions of the Sun and the Moon, the planets,
and the Lunar Nodes, for thirteen years (1468–1480); however, it lacks any
obvious medical data, which was common on the grant almanach. His tables
were probably intended for private use, not to be offered to a patron or circu-
lated, as is attested to by the personal side notes on its pages (on the weather,
political, and personal events). This practice of observation and notation had
a long tradition of which are examples the annotated materials of William of
Saint-Cloud, Jean de Murs, and William Merle.2 The table below displays a typ-
ical folio; occasional variations are discussed at the end of this section.

1 For Vesalius see Vanden Broecke, The Limits of Influence, 31; for Coleman see Boudet, ‘Les
astrologues et le pouvoir’, 21. See also, Danielle Jacquart, ‘Everyday Practice and Three
Fifteenth-Century Physicians’, Osiris, 6 (1990): 140–160 (at 149), and Capp, Astrology and the
Popular Press, 23–104.
2 For a discussion on the role of observation and experimentation in medieval and
fifteenth-century science see Katharine Park, ‘Observation in the Margins, 500–1500’, in

© Helena Avelar de Carvalho, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004463387_009

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 358 chapter 8

table 36 Typical page of the almanac – f. 14r

The tables encompass the thirteen-year period between January 1468 and
December 1480. This corresponds to a period of 156 months, but there are only
152 monthly tables; the months of January, February, March, and April of 1473
were omitted. The centre of the page is occupied by the zodiacal position of
the luminaries, the planets, and the North Node, for every day of each month.
On the right there is a column showing the aspects of the Moon to the plan-
ets, and in the margin the inter-planetary aspects. The lower section of most
pages includes the charts of the two monthly lunations (New and Full Moon).
In the months of March, June, September, and December there is a third chart,
corresponding to the Sun’s ingress at the beginning of a season. Belle diligently
studied the main astrological events of each month, suggesting a regular prac-
tice of astrology.3

Histories of Scientific Observation, Lorraine Daston, Elizabeth Lenebeck (eds) (Chicago,

2011): 15–44.
3 There are clear parallels between the tables in MS 1711 and those in other French manuscripts,
such as Paris BnF Lat. 7427. For instance, MS 1711 f. 14 and Lat. 7427 ff. 136r display similar hor-
oscopes for the Sun’s ingress into Aries for the year 1470.

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The Almanac (1468–1480) 359

figure 59 MS 1711, folio 17r, September 1470

Specimen of almanac page with ingress (Libra ingress, bottom centre) and
lunations (full moon, left, and new moon, right)

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1 The Tables: Contents

These tables summarize the main information for each year of the almanac,
highlighting the most important events of the year. Additional comments are
shown in Figure 60 (see below) and discussed at the end of this section.

Year 1468 (ff. 1r–6v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 1r: January f. 4r: July

f. 1v: February Leap year f. 4v: August Moon: ‘eclipsis
maxima’
f. 2r: March f. 5r: September Square Jupiter-Saturn
f. 2v: April Pascha – Easter f. 5v: October reference to a comet
f. 3r: May f. 6r: November
f. 3v: June Ingress: Sun in Cancer f. 6v: December
Comments
f. 2v Reference to a decumbiture on 14 April
f. 4r Total eclipse of the Moona
f. 5v Here a comet appeared between dawn and eight o’clock.b

a Eclipsis maxima.
b Ibi cometa apparuit obscura inter [illegible] et 8 horas. This is C/1468 S1, in Gary Kronk,
Cometography: Volume I, Ancient-1799: A Catalog of Comets, (Cambridge, 1999), 282–284.

Year 1469 (ff. 7r–12v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 7r: January f. 10r: July Solar eclipse; 2 charts

f. 7v: February f. 10v: August 2 charts; rainbow
f. 8r: March Charts: ingress and f. 11r: September 3 charts
lunations
f. 8v: April 1: Pascha – Easter; 2 f. 11v: October 2 charts
charts
f. 9r: May 2 charts f. 12r: November 2 charts
f. 9v: June 3 charts f. 12v: December 2 charts

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The Almanac (1468–1480) 361

Year 1470 (ff. 13r–18v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 13r: January 3 charts f. 16r: July 2 charts

f. 13v: February 2 charts (the square) f. 16v: August 2 charts
f. 14r: March 3 charts, Aries Ingress f. 17r: September 3 charts
f. 14v: April Pascha – Easter; 3 charts f. 17v: October 2 charts (square)
f. 15r: May 2 charts f. 18r: November 2 charts
f. 15v: June 2 charts f. 18v: December Solar eclipse; 3 charts

Year 1471 (ff. 20r–25v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 20r: January 2 charts, no planets f. 23r: July 3 charts, no planets

f. 20v: February 2 charts, no planets f. 23v: August 2 charts, no planets
f. 21r: March 3 charts, no planets; f. 24r: September 3 charts; Libra ingress
Aries i.
f. 21v: April Easter; 2 charts, no f. 24v: October 2 charts, no planets
planets
f. 22r: May 2 charts, no planets f. 25r: November 2 charts, no planets
f. 22v: June 3 charts, no planets f. 25v: December 3 charts, no planets

Year 1472 (ff. 26r–31v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 26r: January Comet f. 29r: July 2 charts

f. 26v: February 2 charts; 29 days – leap f. 29v: August 2 charts
year
f. 27r: March 3 charts; Aries ingress f. 30r: September 3 charts; Libra ingress
f. 27v: April No Easter; 2 charts f. 30v: October 3 charts
f. 28r: May 2 charts f. 31r: November 2 charts; Lunar eclipse
f. 28v: June 2 charts f. 31v: December 2 charts; Capricorn
ingress
Comments
f. 26r At the beginning of January up to 8 February a comet appeared …a

a A principio Januarii usque ad 8 Februarium apparuit cometa …

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Year 1473 (ff. 32r–35v)

Month Events Month Events

January Folia missing f. 33r: July

February f. 33v: August Mars, Node: also irregular
Mars f. 34r: September Jupiter, Venus: also irreg.
April f. 34v: October The Moon: also irregular
f. 32r: May Mercury: irregular f. 35r: November
f. 32v: June f. 35: December The Sun: also irregular

Year 1474 (ff. 36r–41v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 36r: January 2 charts f. 39r: July 2 charts

f. 36v: February 2 charts f. 39v: August 2 charts
f. 37r: March 3 charts: Aries ingress; f. 40r: September 3 charts; title
title
f. 37v: April 2 charts, no ref. to Easter f. 40v: October 2 charts
f. 38r: May 3 charts f. 41r: November 2 charts
f. 38v: June 2 charts; title f. 41v: December 2 charts

Year 1475 (ff. 42r–47v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 42r: January 2 charts f. 45r: July 3 charts

f. 42v: February 2 charts f. 45v: August 3 charts
f. 43r: March Lunar eclipse; 3 charts, f. 46r: September Lunar eclipse; 3
title
f. 43v: April 2 charts, no Easter f. 46v: October 2 charts
f. 44r: May 2 charts f. 47r: November 2 charts
f. 44v: June 3 charts f. 47v: December 2 charts
Comments
f. 44v Around the second [hour] after noon, 21 June, the Burgundians fell
in Munensi near Mont Zullona

a Circa 2a post meridiem 21 Junii Bur[gundii] oc[ciderunt] in Munnensi prope Mont Zullon.

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 The Almanac (1468–1480) 363

Year 1476 (ff. 48r–53v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 48r: January 2 charts f. 51r: July 2 charts

f. 48v: February 2 charts; 29 days – leap year f. 51v: August 2 charts
f. 49r: March Mistake: 1467 f. 52r: September Lunar eclipse; 3
f. 49v: April 2 charts f. 52v: October 2 chart
f. 50r: May 2 charts f. 53r: November 3 charts
f. 50v: June 3 charts f. 53v: December 3 charts
Comments
f. 49r On this day around nine the Burgundians fell near Grandson.a
f. 50v Thus, on the 22nd of June, outside the city of Morat, the Burgundians were
defeated by the Teutons at about 11 <hours> before midday of the same day.b

a Hac die circa 9 Bur[gundii] oc[ciderunt] prope Gransson.

b [Crossed through] Hac die 22a Junii ante opidum Morat Bur[gundii] a Teutoniis sunt debellati circa 11 ante
meridiem eiusdem diei.

Year 1477 (ff. 54r–59v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 54r: January 3 charts; ingress in Aquarius; death f. 57r: July 3 charts with title
f. 54v: February 3 charts; ingress in Pisces f. 57v: August 3 charts with title
f. 55r: March 3 charts; ingress in Aries ‘rev. anno’ f. 58r: September 3 charts with title
f. 55v: April Pasha – Easter f. 58v: October 3 charts with title
f. 56r: May 3 charts f. 59r: November 3 charts with title
f. 56v: June 3 charts with title: Earthquake f. 59v: December 3 charts with title
Comments
f. 54r Death of the duke near Nancya
f. 56v At 29 June there was an astounding and violent earthquake, between six and
seven in the morning.b
f. 57v Coded reference to the execution of Jacques d’Armagnac, duke of Nemours.c

a M4rs D5 circa N1nc2 (Mors Du[cis] circa Nance).

b 29 Junii fuit terremotus mirabilis et violentus inter 6 et 7 de mane.
c 5d … 4. v2c. D. This event is also mentioned in BnF Lat. 7427, f. 204r, again in a comment in the margin,
corresponding to the same day, 4 August 1477: ‘At the Halles of Paris, in the evening, the Duke of Nemours
was beheaded’ (Aux hales de Paris, se jour, fuit decapité le duc de Nemours).

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364 chapter 8

Year 1478 (ff. 60–65v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 60r: January 2 charts, proverb f. 63r: July 2 charts, proverb;

2 ecl.
f. 60v: February2 charts, proverb; ‘1488’ f. 63v: August 2 charts, proverb
f. 61r: March Easter; 3 charts, proverb f. 64r: September3 charts, proverb
f. 61v: April 2 charts, proverb f. 64v: October 2 charts, proverb
f. 62r: May 3 charts, proverb f. 65r: November 2 charts, proverb
f. 62v: June 3 charts, proverb f. 65v: December3 charts, proverb

Year 1479 (ff. 66r–71v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 66r: January 2 charts f. 69r: July 2 charts

f. 66v: February2 charts, few planetary f. 69v: August 3 charts
aspects
f. 67r: March 3 charts f. 70r: September 3 chart, title; comment
f. 67v: April Pascha – Easter; 2 charts f. 70v: October 2 charts
f. 68r: May 2 charts f. 71r: November 2 charts
f. 68v: June 3 charts f. 71v: December Solar, Lunar eclipse; 3
charts
Comments
f. 67v For the wife, question [about] the kingdom (?), 21° Gemini.a

a Pro uxore q[uestio] Regnum Asc. 21 Gemini.

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The Almanac (1468–1480) 365

Year 1480 (ff. 72r–77v)

Month Events Month Events

f. 72r: January 2 charts f. 75r: July 2 charts

f. 72v: February2 charts; 29 days (leap f. 75v: August 2 charts
year)
f. 73r: March 3 charts, Aries ingress; title f. 76r: September 3 charts; Libra ingress
f. 73v: April 2 charts f. 76v: October 2 charts
f. 74r: May 2 charts f. 77r: November 2 charts
f. 74v: June 2 charts f. 77v: December 3 charts; Capricorn
ingress
Comments
72v At hour 9, day 15, near Châlus.a
Between three and four hours I joined (?) the lord, Duke Jean de
Molins.b
Also between four and five [hours] I saw Master Conrad.c
74v Here the water flooded excessively, so that in many places there had
not been seen the like for twenty or thirty years.d
75r From 29 June until 6 August … the water flooded.e
77v Near sunset of the 23rd December appeared a frightening comet.f

a Ex hora 9 die 15 circa Castro Lucio.

b Inter 3 et 4 applicavi (?) ad dominum ducem Jo[hannem] Molinis.
c Item inter 4 et 5 vidi magistrum Conrardum.
d Ibi excreverunt aque extra modum ita quod in pluribus locis vise non fuerunt similes a 20 aut
30 annis citra.
e A 29 Junii usque ad … 6 Augusti … diem et excreverunt aque.
f Circa occasum 23 Decembri apparuit cometa horribilis.

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 366 chapter 8

The image below shows the main sidenotes written in the almanac by Belle.

f. 5v: October 1468, comet f. 44v: 21 June 1475, Siege of Neuss

f. 2v: April 1468,

decumbitures f. 26r: January 1472, comet

f. 49r: 2 March 1476, f. 50v: 22 June 1476,

Battle of Gransson Battle of Morat

f. 54r: 5 January 1477, Death of f. 56v: 29 June 1477, earthquake

Charles the Bold

f. 72v: February 1480,

personal references

f. 67v: 8 April 1479,

interrogation
f. 57v: 4 August 1477,
Death of Jacques d’Armagnac

f. 74v: June 1480, floods

f. 75r: July 1480, floods f. 77v: 23 December 1480, comet

figure 60 Comments in Belle’s almanac

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The Almanac (1468–1480) 367

1.1 Variations in the Tables

All the tables contain the same type of information, but small variations can
be detected, both in content and in presentation. In most months, the signs are
represented by their astrological symbols, but in some tables, these are occa-
sionally replaced by their names. The Easter Sunday appears only in the tables
for the years 1468, 69, 70, 71, 77, 78 and 79. The calculation of the moveable
feasts, called computus, was an important part of the astrologer’s work, so it
should be expected to appear in every table.4
The almanac includes charts for the New and Full Moon for each month,
and the ingresses of the Sun in the beginning of each season. The only excep-
tion is the year 1477 (ff. 54r–59v) which not only has the ingresses for each
of the four seasons, but also includes the ingresses in the signs of Leo, Virgo,
Scorpio, Sagittarius, Aquarius and Pisces. None of these charts include the cor-
responding judgement.
The number of lunations included on each folio also varies. The first four-
teen tables, from January 1468 to February 1469, do not include them; they are
also absent in the tables for January and February 1472. The year 1473 has no
tables for the months of January, February, March, and April, as mentioned
previously. Between May and December 1473, the lunation charts are again
omitted, and the planetary positions also become progressively sparse. The
first to be omitted are those for Mercury, which disappears from May 1473
onwards, followed by the Lunar Node, from August onwards, Mars disappears
in September, Jupiter and Venus in October, the Moon in November and finally
the Sun in December; Saturn is the only planet present in all tables, probably
because its slow movement simplified its calculation. The final trimester of
1473 consists of three almost-blank tables. This suggests that an event occurred
in Belle’s life – perhaps a journey, an increase in professional duties, or an
illness – that disrupted his routine for the better part of the year. It is inter-
esting to notice that this is the year mentioned in his autographs, in folia 30ra
and 84va. By January 1474, the calculations for all planets are resumed, and
in 1477 the ingresses of the Sun are calculated, not only for the cardinal signs
(the seasons), but also for all signs; this may indicate an increased interest in
astrometeorology.
In the pages for the year 1478 Belle added an agricultural proverb to each
month. The twelve proverbs together form a popular rhyme that was later
included in many sixteenth-century printed editions of the Compost and

4 See North, Chaucer’s Universe, 88, n. 2, 3 and 4 and Philip Nothaft ‘Me Pudet Audire Iudeum
Talia Scire: A Late Medieval Latin School Text on the Jewish Calendar’, Sasha Stern and Charles
Burnett, eds, in Time, Astronomy and Calendars in the Jewish Tradition (Leiden-Boston, 2014):
329–330; and Nothaft, Medieval Latin Christian Texts on the Jewish Calendar (Leiden-New
York-Cologne, 2014): 34–43.
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368 chapter 8

Calendrier des Bergiers.5 The first known edition was printed only in 1491, still
well within Belle’s lifetime.6

table 37 Proverbs for the year 1478

Folio Month Proverb

f. 60r January 1478: January loves drinks

Pocula Januarius amat
f. 60v February 1478: February cries: ‘I freeze!’
Februarius algeo clamat
f. 61r March 1478: March digs the fields
Marcius arva fodit
f. 61v April 1478: And April produces flowering
Et Aprilis florida prodit
f. 62r May 1478: Dew and blossom of the glades / Kindles love in May
Ros et flos nemorum / Mayo sunt fomes amori
f. 62v June 1478: June produces hay
Junius dat fena
f. 63r July 1478: In July the oats are cut
Jullio resecatur avena
f. 63v August 1478: August, the ears of corn
Augustus spicas
f. 64r September 1478:a September harvests grapes
September colligit uvas
f. 64v October 1478: October sows
Seminat October
f. 65r November 1478: November prunes the twigs
Spoliat virgulta November
f. 65v December 1478: [December] seeks to have a meal by killing pigs
Querit habere cibum porcos mattando

a The names of the last four months are not in Latin.

5 This poem can be found in many publications. See for instance Jacques Mangeart, Catalogue
Descriptif et raisonné des manuscrits de la bibliothèque de Valenciennes (Paris, 1860): 81.
6 For the role of the Calendrier in the popularization of annual astrological predictions, see
Rivest, Printing and Astrology in Early Modern France, 28–37.

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1.2 Tables of Planetary Dignities and Degrees

In MS 1711 f. 19r, between the planetary positions for December 1470 and
January 1471, Belle enclosed three tables with planetary dignities, zodiacal
degrees and exaltations. These tables are reproduced below. The attributions
in these tables are consistent with those adopted by most medieval authors.7
However, there is an inconsistency in the terms: the table follows a variant of
the Ptolemaic sequence but there is a set of calculations for the almutem writ-
ten in the margin, possibly later, which follows the Egyptian order. The terms
in the table display the same corrections as those in Lat. 7432, a manuscript
signed by Conrad Heingarter and possibly consulted by Belle.8
The second table displays the standard zodiacal degrees for each sign.9 It
mentions the shadowy ( fumosi), light (lucidi), dark (tenebrosi), void (vacui),
black (nigri), and indifferent (indifferentes) degrees. On the right side, a smaller
table displays the pitted (putei), fortunate (augmentantes fortunam) and weak
(azemene) degrees.10 Below on the same page there is a third table, showing
the degrees of exaltation and augmentation of fortune for each sign. In some
of the signs, there is a second notation, in smaller characters and with different
ink, possibly copied from a different table.
At the bottom of the page Belle wrote a comment explaining the practical
application of the triplicity sequence:

Of the lords of the triplicities. [The rule goes that] by day we must take
the one [planet] which by day is in charge of the sign of that triplicity as
first lord, and the planet participant in the triplicity as second lord and
the one [planet] in charge of the night as the third lord. By night [we
must take] first the one who is in charge of the night, secondly the partic-
ipant and thirdly the one in charge of the day.11

By taking the participant planet as the ruler of the second triplicity, both in
diurnal and nocturnal sequences, Belle makes an unconventional choice, since

7 See for instance Alcabitius, Introduction, 23–47.

8 Paris, BnF Lat. 7432, ff. 259v–263v: ‘Stars verified at the time of the Duke Jean de Bourbon
and at Belleperche’ (Stelle verificate ad etatem Iohannis Borboni ducis et ad orizontem
Bellepertice) This may have been the model for Belle’s table.
9 See Alcabitius, Introduction, 43.
10 Azemene: degrees indicating chronic illnesses.
11 De dominis triplicitatum. Quod de die debemus accipere illum qui preest de die signo
illius triplicitatis pro primo domino et planetam participantem illi triplicitati pro secundo
domino: et planetam qui preest nocti pro tertio domino. Et de nocte primum qui preest
nocti 2m qui participat 3m qui preest diei, f. 19v.

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most authors agree that the participant always rules the last triplicity, whether
in diurnal or nocturnal horoscopes.12 The sequence with the participant at the
end is the one that he uses in his judgement for Jo. d.c.l. There is no evidence
that he used the alternative sequence, but its presence in the notebook shows
that, at some point, he came in contact with some non-canonical source and
took it into consideration. This suggests the existence of a debate about the
sequencing of the triplicity rulers long before their revision in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. By then, the differences between Ptolemy’s rulers
of the triplicities and the traditional Greek-Arabic version led the astrologers
to question and then to change the rules in favour of the Ptolemaic version.13

Table of essential dignities and debilities, in MS 1711 f. 19r

12 See for instance Alcabitius Introduction, 206.

13 In Tetrabiblos, I. 18, 11 83–87, Ptolemy does not state clearly his position in the matter,
nor does he present any practical examples of their application. This generated divergent
interpretations which gradually became more distant from the original sources. See for
instance the different tables of triplicities proposed by Johannes Schoener, Opusculum
Astrologicum (Nuremberg, 1539): II, 4; Morin de Villefranche, Astrologia Gallica (Den
Haag, 1661): XV, 6–7, 340–343, and William Lilly, Christian Astrology (London, 1647):
101–105.

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figure 61 Belle’s essential dignities: transcription, original (MS 1711, f. 19r)

1.3 Texts Attributed to Seneca

After the table of planetary dignities, Belle copied several moral aphorisms
collected from three sources – De Moribus, De Virtutibus, and De Clementia –
which he attributes to Seneca.14 It is not clear why they were included in this
workbook, but their presence suggests some attention to ethical issues; by this
time, Seneca’s texts were very popular. As they are not related to astrology, they
are not included in this analysis.

2 An Astrological Diary

Many pages include notations in the margins, written in a code yet to be deci-
phered, and notably different from that used by Belle to encrypt names.15 The
other notes and comments are mainly on the left side of the page, near the
column of the days, and related either by proximity or by a glyph to a particular
day. Most of these comments indicate the lunations of each month specifying
the exact moment in which they occurred and the sign that was ascending

14 De Moribus, a collection of works by Seneca, Publilius Syrus, Ausonius, and Lactantius

sometimes mistakenly attributed to Martin of Braga; De quattuor virtutibus, also called
Formula honestae vitae, a moral compendium by Martin of Braga, adapted from Seneca’s
work; De Clementia, written by Seneca. These works were widely circulated in the medie-
val period, and passages of De Moribus can be found in other French manuscripts, such as
Lat. 7329, ff. 89vb–90vb.
15 Similar features can be found in Lat. 7281, f. 96v, annotated by a certain Jo. B. ( fl. 1446–51,
Cambrai).

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at that moment; others are about the weather; yet others are about political
events. On the whole, these comments constitute a diary of sorts revealing
Belle’s main concerns during this period.

2.1 Astrometeorology
The majority of the comments in the tables are about the weather. Belle docu-
ments the occurrence of heavy rain, snow, strong winds, or storms. Each entry
is relative to a given day of the month, hinting at a connection between the
event and the planetary configurations of that day. These accounts were com-
mon among the astrologers of this period; Regiomontanus, for instance, men-
tions ‘strong winds’ and ‘frost’ in his report for 5 December 1457.16

2.2 Eclipses
Belle mentions several solar and lunar eclipses in almost every year, but he
does not add the corresponding judgement. He omits any eclipses that may
have occurred between January and April 1473 because his almanac is missing
the tables for that four-month period. As to the lunar eclipse of 10 March 1476,
which was particularly noticeable because it coincided with the lunation
preceding the ingress in Aries, he treats it as an ordinary lunation, never
acknowledging it as an eclipse.17

2.3 Comets and Other Events

Belle mentions the appearance of comets in the years 1468, 1472, and 1480, but
again does not judge their effects.18 The comet of 1468 was visible between

16 Zinner, Regiomontanus, 35. For astrometeorology, see Ducos and Thomasset (eds), Le
temps qui fait au Moyen-Âge (Paris, 1998); ‘Astrométéorologie et vulgarisation: le livre VI
de Li compilacions de la science des estoilles de Léopold d’Autriche’, in Par les mots et
par les textes. Mélanges de langue, de littérature et d’histoire des sciences offerts à Claude
Thomasset (Paris, 2005): 239–256, and Craig Martin, Renaissance Meteorology. Pomponazzi
to Descartes (Baltimore, 2011). There are also several collections of astrometeorology,
such as Lat. 7432, ff. 149r–150v, written by Heingarter, which could have been consulted
by Belle.
17 The lunar eclipse of 1476 is mentioned in Lat. 7450, f. 5v, written by Heingarter to Jean II
de Bourbon. For eclipses, see Steele, Observations and Predictions of Eclipse Times by Early
Astronomers (Dordrecht-Boston-London), 2000, 125–158.
18 For these comets of September/December 1468 (C/1468), January/February 1472 (C/1472),
and December 1480 (C/1480) see Kronk, Cometography, 282–283, 285–289, and 289,
respectively (the latter may not be the same, since it appeared in March 1480, and not in
December, as stated by Belle). For the comets of 1468 and 1472 see also Thorndike, HMES,
IV, 413–437.

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18 September and 8 December in the sign of Gemini.19 Belle signals its appear-
ance on 8 October, ‘between sunset and 8 AM’, in the left margin of the folio
and adds a drawing of the comet.20
The Great Comet of 1472, which appeared in January in the sign of Virgo,
received more attention from Belle, who describes its route and its variations
in size and movement:

At the beginning of January up to 8 February a comet of astonishing size

and longitude appeared for several nights, when it first rises it begins to
appear in the north, then slowly dragged its tail and body to the east, and
afterwards to the south, and finally to the west. In the beginning it was
at its maximum [size], in the middle, of middle [size], and at the end,
smaller. Its colour was dark, tending to pale and, I believe, of the nature of
Saturn and Jupiter. Its length, by the estimation of the common people,
was around 40 feet; the thickness of its body [was] like that of cauldron
holding 12 sextas.21

The use of a cauldron for measuring the apparent diameters of the Sun, or
other celestial bodies is discussed by Roger Bacon in Opus Maius.22 Belle’s
description of this comet is consistent, although more concise, with the trea-
tise De Cometis, attributed to Regiomontanus:

On the ides of January 147[2], a comet was seen under Libra with the
stars of Virgo. Its head moved slowly while in the vicinity of Spica [sic for

19 This comet was discussed by several astrologers of that period. For instance, in Paris, BnF,
Lat. 7336, ff. 373r–379v, there is a prognosis for this comet, addressed to Pope Paul II. See
also Thorndike, HMES, IV, 413–422 and Estelle Douet, ‘Historiographie, astrologie, littéra-
ture au XVe siècle: le passage des comètes chez les Grands Rhétoriques bourguignons’,
Ordre et désordre du Monde. Enquête sur les météores de la Renaissance à l’âge moderne,
Thierry Belleguic, Anouchka Vasak, eds (Paris, 2013): 69–95.
20 Ibi apparuit cometa obscura inter 7 et 8 horas, f. 5v.
21 A principio Januarii usque ad 8 Februarium apparuit cometa per singulas noctes mire
magnitudinis et longitudinis que a principio ortus sui apparere incipit circa septemptri-
onem deinde paulatum traxit caudam et corpus ad orientem, postea ad meridiem et
ultimo ad occidentem. Et in principio fuit maxima, in medio media, et in fine minor.
Color eius obscurus subpalidus et credo de natura Saturni et Jovis. Longitudo eius quan-
tum ad extimationem vulgarem fuit circa pedes quadraginta grossitas sui corporis ut cal-
darium 12 sextarum, f. 26r.
22 Roger Bacon, Opus Majus, IV, 231.

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Arcturus],23 then speeded up its pace through the legs of Bootes, toward
his left hand; setting from there, in one natural day, it described a 40°
portion of a great circle. When it was in the middle of Cancer, it reached
its greatest distance from the ecliptic, 77°; then, between the two poles
of the zodiac and the equator, it passed between the feet of Cepheus.
Whence, through the breasts of Cassiopeia, over Andromeda’s belly, after
going through the length of the northern Pisces, where again its motion
strongly slackened, it approached the zodiac, crossing it near the middle
of Aries; then, with the stars of Cetus, the setting Sun hid it from us in the
last days of February.24

The significance of this comet was also widely commented upon by other
astrologers.25 Jean Vesale, physician and astrologer to Duke Philippe le Bon
of Burgundy, saw it as a sign of defeat for Louis XI, the duke’s most powerful
enemy. The demise of the king was deduced from the conjunction between the
comet and two important features in his nativity: the lot of the kingdom (pars
regni) and Jupiter.26 Some considered that its first appearance was in Libra,
others in Scorpio, thus offering different judgements.27
In 23 December 1480 Belle signals another comet, visible ‘at dawn’, but this
is not referred to in any other Western source; the only comet observed in 1480
is mentioned in a Japanese source, and cannot be the same, since it appeared
in March, nine months before Belle’s observation.28 Belle may have observed
some other natural phenomena, such as a shooting star, and mistakenly took
it for a comet.

23 Spica and Arcturus had the same zodiacal longitude, which may have originated this
mistake. See Jane Jervis, Cometary Theory in Fifteenth-Century Europe (Dordrecht, 1985):
115–116.
24 Translation in Jervis, Cometary Theory, 118–119. For the authorship of this treatise, see
Zinner, Regiomontanus, 99 (and elsewhere) and Jervis, Cometary Theory, 114–117.
25 See Thorndike, HMES, IV, 422–433. The comet was also discussed by non-astrologers, such
as the chronicler Georges Chastellain and the poet Jean Molinet.
26 See Veenstra, Magic and Divination, 133–134. See also Armand Abel and Mina Martens, ‘Le
rôle de Jean de Vésale, médecin de la ville de Bruxelles, dans la propagande de Charles le
Téméraire’, Cahiers Bruxellois (1956): 41–86 (60–67).
27 See Boudet, ‘Les Astrologues et le pouvoir’, 25–33; Le Recueil, II, 287–289; Lynn Thorndike,
‘Some Tracts on Comets 1456–1500’, Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences, 11
(1958): 233–234, Douet, ‘Historiographie, astrologie, littérature au XV e siècle’, 12.
28 Kronk, Cometography, 289.

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Belle also mentions a double rainbow, observed on 16 August 1469, and

offers a detailed description of the phenomenon:

Between the sixth and seventh [hours] there appeared a double rainbow,
between the south and the east, of astounding colours: green, yellow,
reddish.29

On 29 June 1477, he reports an earthquake. This well-documented event devas-

tated the region of Auvergne and is estimated to have reached 7.5 degrees on
the MSK scale.30

29 June there was an astounding and violent earthquake, between six and
seven [hours] in the morning, and the ascendant was 14 degrees Leo 18
[minutes].31

The ascendant at 14°18′ Leo corresponds to 6:47 AM for Lyon, Auvergne, in

LAT (Local Apparent Time). Belle may have calculated the chart for this event
somewhere else but used the coordinates of the location where it took place.
He also mentions the occurrence of floods in the months of June and July 1480.32

2.4 The Burgundian Wars

Belle reveals much interest in some battles of the Burgundian Wars, particu-
larly those where Charles the Bold was defeated.33 In the table for June 1475,
he writes:

29 inter 6 et 7 apparuit yris duplex inter meridiem et orientem mirabilter coloris viridi cro-
ceo jacinto subrubeo, MS 1711, f. 10 v.
30 MS 1711, f. 56v. For this earthquake see for instance Andrea Janku, Gerrit Schenk, Franz
Mauelshagen, eds, Historical Disasters in Context: Science, Religion and Politics (London,
2012): 96, and Leguay, Les catastrophes au Moyen Age (Paris, 2005): 50, 125–127.
31 29 Junii fuit terremotus mirabilis et violentus inter 6 et 7 de mane et fuit 14 gradus in
ascendente Leone 18, MS 1711, f. 56v.
32 MS 1711, f74v, 75r.
33 Many astrologers followed these wars closely. For instance Lat. 7427 f. 131r has two entries
referring to the Battle of Montlhéry, in July 1465. Near day 8: ‘arrival of the Burgundians
with an army’ (adventus Burgundiorum cum armis), and near day 21: ‘war between the
King and the Charolais [Charles the Bold]’ (de bello inter dominum Regem et Charoloys).

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Around the second [hour] after noon of 21 June, the Burgundians fell
[were defeated] in Munnensi, near Mont Zullon.34

This seems to be a reference to the siege of Neuss (Novaesium), in which the

army of Charles the Bold besieged the city, which was under the dominion of
Emperor Fredrick III. The siege began on 29 July 1474 and was lifted eleven
months later, on 27 June 1475, when Pope Sixtus IV threatened both contenders
with excommunication; the threat gave both sides a pretext for retreat with-
out engaging in battle and without losing face. The day mentioned by Belle,
21 June, preceded the historically accepted date by almost one week, yet it is
not wholly inaccurate, because Charles the Bold began demobilizing his troops
a few days before the official end of the siege.35 The comment is crossed out
with red ink as if Belle intended to erase it. The imprecision of the date would
have been easily corrected by changing ‘21 June’ to ‘27 June’, so this attempt to
eliminate the entire comment must have had other motives.
In the tables for 1476 Belle mentions two confrontations between Charles
the Bold and the Swiss Confederate Army. In the comment corresponding to
2 March, he states that ‘the Burgundians fell near Gransson [Grandson]’.36 On
the entry for 22 June he mentions that ‘On this day 22 June in front of the city
of Morat, the Burgundians were defeated by the Teutons, at about the elev-
enth [hour] before noon on that day’.37 The death of Charles the Bold, on
5 January 1477, is also signalled in the corresponding table. A brief encoded
comment in the margin, near day 5, states ‘M4rs D5 cc N1nc2’. As explained
before, this is the code Belle used several times in both manuscripts: each
vowel was replaced by a number, following their order in the alphabet (1 for
‘a’, 2 for ‘e’, and so on). By replacing the number with the corresponding vowels
and extending the abbreviations, it reads: ‘Mors Du[cis] circa Nance’, that is,
‘Death of the duke [Charles the Bold], near Nancy’. On an entry corresponding

34 Circa 2a post meridiem 21 Junie Bur[gundii] oc[ciderunt] in Munnensi proper Mont

Zullon, MS 1711, f. 44v. These topographic designations are not clear, but the entry corre-
sponds to the date of the siege of Neuss.
35 See also Johannes Lichtenberger’s prognostications about this siege in Deimann,
‘Astrology in an Age of Transition’, Astrologers and their Clients, 83–104, 90, and Thorndike,
HMES, IV, 246–247.
36 Hac [die] domino Bur[gundii] circa 9 oc[ciderunt] proper Gransson, MS 1711, f. 49r.
37 Hac die 22a Junii ante opidum Morat Bur[gundi] a Teutoniis sunt debellati, circa 11 ante
meridiem eiusdem diei, MS 1711, f. 50v.

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to 4 August 1477, Belle writes a note, yet to be deciphered, that may be related
to the execution of Jacques d’Armagnac which happened on that day.38
These events were attentively studied and discussed by several astrologers.39
For instance, Angelo Cato de Supino foretold the defeat of Charles the Bold in
the battles of Grandson and Morat (Murten) and is also credited with having
predicted the duke’s death in the Battle of Nancy.40

2.5 Medical Practice

In the folio corresponding to April 1468, near day 14, Belle writes an entry for
what seems to be a decumbiture, that is, a chart calculated for the moment
the patient fell ill. The text reads: hour 9th concerning an ill man, Venus
Cancer 16°.41 The time indicated is probably the moment when the illness was
declared. This is confirmed by the other two references, Venus and 16° Cancer,
which correspond to the planetary hour and to the ascendant degree at 9 AM
on that day (they do not indicate the planetary position of Venus, since on
that day Venus was at 24° Taurus). This report shows that Belle was acquainted
with the technique of decumbitures and adds support to the idea that he was a
physician. He refers to the patient only as ‘a man’, suggesting some distancing,
and no personal connection.42

2.6 Personal Events

In the folio corresponding to April 1479, near day 8, Belle writes ‘for the wife,
question [about] the Kingdom [?], ascendant 21° Gemini (Pro uxore q[ues-
tio] Regnum Asc. 21 Gemini)’.43 This ascending degree corresponds to 7:30 AM,
approximately. This may be a question posed to Belle by Jeanne de Valois
(1435–1488), the first wife of Duke Jean II de Bourbon and sister of Louis XI,
about the condition of the kingdom of France. One possible motive for this
question was the War of the Burgundian Succession: by this time Louis XI was
negotiating the incorporation of part of the Duchy of Burgundy (now ruled by

38 MS 1711, f. 57v, undeciphered code. This is also mentioned in a marginal note BnF Lat. 7427,
f. 204r, as mentioned before.
39 Veenstra, Magic and Divination, 133, and Richard Walsh, Charles the Bold and Italy
(Liverpool, 2005): 320, 338, n. 148.
40 Philippe de Commynes: Les mémoires de Philippe de Commines chevalier seigneur d’Ar-
genton sur les principaux faits et gestes de Louys XI et Charles VIII, son fils, Rois de France
(Rouen, 1625): 746.
41 Hora 9 de homine infirmo ♀︎♋︎16, MS 1711, f. 2v.
42 In the same folio, in the entry for day 12, there is another possible decumbiture: an almost
illegible reference with what seems to be the words ‘mulieri’ and ‘infirm …’
43 MS 1711, f. 67v.

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Mary of Burgundy and her spouse, Maximilian I) into the kingdom of France.44
Another possibility was the weak health of the king, who had been suffering
from a grave illness since the preceding winter.45
There are three personal references in the folio corresponding to February
1480: on 14 February, the mention ‘at hour 9, day 15, round about Châlus’
(ex hora 9 die 15 circa Castrolucio); on 22 February, a reference to ‘the lord,
Duke Johannes of Moulins’, that is, Jean II de Bourbon, and on 28 February, the
remark ‘I saw master Conrad’ (vidi magistrum Conrardum), most likely Conrad
Heingarter.46
An attentive study of Belle’s almanac reveals the importance of these texts
in the daily practice of an astrologer. Apart from their obvious utility for calcu-
lation, they could also serve as a diary, thus offering an inner view of his prac-
tice of astrology, his interests and main concerns. They also confirm some of
Belle’s social connections, which had already been hinted at in his collection.
44 Described by Philippe de Commynes, Les mémoires, VI.V, T. II, 355–358.
45 For a biography of Louis XI see Kendall, Louis XI.
46 MS 1711, f. 72v.

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Beyond Astrological Techniques

1 Learning Astrology in an Age of Change

Belle’s manuscripts reveal traits of both a student and an accomplished

astrologer – a combination that was not uncommon in medieval practition-
ers. In fact, most practitioners continued their studies even after achieving
a well-established reputation. Continuous study confirmed the complexity
of astrology and, far from diminishing the status of the astrologer, it could
increase it. Furthermore, study and practice were crucial for astrology, as most
of its developmental aspects related to perfecting the application of tech-
niques and achieving the greatest precision possible in the judgements. For
Belle, the process of learning is in constant development: he experiments with
different techniques, copies and adapts judgements written by other practi-
tioners, and weighs the astrological doctrine of reputed sources against his
own practical experience. This latter practice is attested by the sentences such
as ‘et ego confirmo istud’, that he interpolates in the text in NAL 398. The alter-
nation between theory and practice is very clear in this manuscript: the first
part consists of a selection of texts of astrological doctrine by several authors,
while the second comprises several horoscopes and their respective judge-
ments. MS 1711 is also divided into two sections, although of different nature:
the almanac with planetary tables for the years 1468 to 1480 (ff. 1r–77v); and
the collection (ff. 78r–103v). In the tables, the many comments in the margins,
connecting specific dates to meteorological and personal events, attest to their
frequent use. Also, many of the charts in the collection show evidence of prac-
tical use, with detailed calculations of longevity, the almutem, the animodar,
and the aspects. The collection of texts in NAL 398 and the collection in MS 1711
complement each other. Both workbooks are practical in nature and reveal
Belle’s process of learning astrology.

2 The Learning Curve

The sequence between horoscopes and texts in NAL 398 is in itself an example
of progress in learning. Belle begins by copying the two interrogations from
John of Saxony’s Commentary with their respective judgements. In this first
copy he is faithful to the original; the only alteration (if it can be called that) is

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the omission of the last sentence in the second judgement, possibly for lack of
space on the folio. These two examples were perhaps used by him to guide his
judgement of other interrogations. This is further emphasized by the fact that
many manuscripts containing this text of John of Saxony omit the examples.
In the section dedicated to the revolutions of the year Belle copies some
charts for the years 1293, 1294 and 1295 from William of Saint-Cloud’s plane-
tary tables (possibly from Paris, BnF, Latin, 16210). Apart from the lunations
preceding the Aries ingress, which are the only ones included in these tables,
Belle also incorporates charts for the lunations preceding the other ingresses
for these years using the data provided by the tables. He completes this section
with the judgements of all the ingresses, possibly also copied from William of
Saint-Cloud, although not from the manuscript containing the tables.
In the following section he copies John of Ashenden’s text on the 1365
Jupiter-Saturn conjunction in Scorpio and adapts some segments to the 1425
conjunction, also in Scorpio. This judgement requires a thorough understand-
ing of astrological doctrine, entailing the ability to recognize the similarities
between the two charts and the skills to incorporate them in the proper context
of the second judgement, while adding new segments for the parts that differ.
The last part of the manuscript is dedicated to the judgement of nativities,
arguably the most complex of all astrological applications. These judgements
combine the concepts of prediction, deduced from the rules of astrology, and
of personal agency, derived from individual’s own attitude towards foreknowl-
edge. Belle copies two judgements of nativities written by other authors: one
for a certain Hubert, born in Florence in the thirteenth century, and another
for an individual named Jo. Dap, born in France and his contemporary. These
texts provide valuable examples of two different methodologies for chart
judgement, that Belle chose to acknowledge perhaps as a source of inspira-
tion for his own. Only after this rigorous exercise does Belle venture to write
a complete judgement of a nativity of his own authorship, this time written
in French: the nativity of a certain Jo. d.c.l., born in France in 1437, perhaps a
client or a friend, occupies the final folia on NAL 398. The meticulous analy-
sis of this nativity reveals both a solid knowledge of astrological rules and the
capacity to apply these rules to the specific context of a given chart – the mark
of an experienced practitioner. In the judgement of this nativity Belle displays
his maturity as an astrologer.
In MS 1711 he uses both the almanac and the charts in his collection as case
studies. The almanac seems to have had a double function: on the one hand, it
was used for several calculations, namely the ingresses and the lunations; on
the other, it served as a diary, specifically for the study of astrometeorology,

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but also for some political events such as battles and the deaths of important
people. Apart from the nativities, five other charts are included in the collec-
tion of MS 1711: four of coronations and one of a king’s entry into a city. These
five could are most likely charts of events calculated after the fact; they served
as examples of astrological practice and could be used for political analysis.
Regarding the nativities, Belle applies the standard methods of rectification,
animodar and trutina hermetis, as well as the calculation of the length of life.
The latter can be either a forecast or a test of the method: the first occurs in the
cases where the native was still living on the last date mentioned in the manu-
script, 1496, as are the examples of Anne de Beaujeu and Pierre II de Bourbon;
the second, where the native was already deceased by the time the horoscope
was studied, as seems to have been the case with Louis XI. In the same context,
he also hints at the use of revolutions in connection to some nativities as a
means of forecasting events in the native’s life. This seems to be the case with
Maximilian I’s nativity where he mentions in a side note the revolution of 1486,
corresponding to the year of his coronation as King of the Romans.
Interestingly, he does not write a complete judgement for any of these nativ-
ities, although in several cases he thoroughly calculates their length of life. This
suggests that complete judgements, which were technically demanding and
time consuming, were written only for professional consultations, and again
supports the hypothesis that these charts were case studies, used by Belle for
practicing his skills. The only exceptions are the calculations of his own chil-
dren’s length of life, where he stretches the rules as much as possible in a des-
perate attempt to achieve positive results, even when it was obvious that there
were none. These efforts, and most of all their failure, reveal the dilemmas
faced by an astrologer dealing with situations involving personal feelings. They
are poignant testimonies to the astrologer’s humanity, and powerful reminders
that astrology deals with the very tangible facts of life: birth and death, success
and failure, hope and despair.
The manuscripts reveal not only what Belle learned, but also how he
learned, that is, his process of learning. He applies several techniques to charts
of events and of people, to test the practical application of astrological doc-
trine in order to obtain greater accuracy in his deductions. The results are
often presented as probabilities not as pre-determined occurrences. Indeed,
this appears to be Belle’s stand on the matter of determinism and free will.
Like many practitioners of his period, he has a flexible concept of astrological
forecast, addressing predictions as possibilities; in the judgement of nativities
he even distinguishes different degrees of freedom, which vary according to
the individual’s agency in each area of life.

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382 chapter 9

3 Continuity, Innovation, or Something Else?

Being a practicing astrologer in the last decades of the fifteenth century,

Belle was obviously aware of the discussion surrounding the Arabic and the
Ptolemaic/Greek traditions, as is abundantly clear in his manuscripts. But any
attempt to judge his work based on contemporary categories, such as tradi-
tionalist or innovative, would be difficult, not to say futile. He incorporates
threads of both innovation and continuity, but so intertwined that they can-
not be clearly separated. Granted that he includes in his notes certain methods
that would become mainstream in the mid-sixteenth and seventeenth centu-
ries, namely his experimental use of horoscopes to test astrological techniques,
as well as the inclusion of personal cases in the collection of notable nativities.
He obviously knew and applied some Ptolemaic techniques, as can be seen
in his table of dignities (see the section on the almanac), which by this time
was gradually becoming mainstream, as an example of what was considered
to be classical purity. Yet, he does not fully integrate these ideas into his prac-
tice; instead, he persists in the tried-and-tested methods as his standard refer-
ence. In fact, Belle shows few, if any, signs of rejection of the Arabic sources.
His interest in new ideas seems largely motivated by the potential improve-
ments they could bring to his practice, but for all that, he remains true to the
time-honoured methods and does not reveal any intention of reforming them.
All the innovations he experiments with represent only peripheral develop-
ments, which do not impinge on the core of the doctrine. This conservative
inclination was not unusual for that time and did not imply any disadvantage
to him. In this period, the mark of a good astrologer was neither the discovery
or invention of new techniques, nor the reformation of the system, but the
capacity to master the rules to perfection, thus achieving excellence in each
and every judgement. Therefore, Belle’s work should not be negatively judged
by the lack of a supposedly innovative quality; it should rather be taken as an
example of the practice of an educated and open-minded astrologer seeking
to expand his knowledge. More important than forcing contemporary classifi-
cations onto Belle’s work, is trying to understand his perspective. Would he see
this experimentation with different rules as a change? Or as a natural devel-
opment, an extension, of an age-old tradition of knowledge and technique
resulting from the interaction of hard study and practice? As any other living
knowledge, astrology was constantly evolving, adapting to the mentalities and
demands of each period and culture, while maintaining its essence, that is,
its rationale and its core of theoretical rules. This core remained largely the
same, even when its practical application required a considerable degree of

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Beyond Astrological Techniques 383

flexibility in order to adapt to different social, political, and religious contexts.

Thus, most of the apparent contradictions illustrated by Belle’s manuscripts
are in fact peripheral changes. This continuity is not a sign of obsolescence
or intractability, but a testimony to the long-lasting authority, endurance and
resilience of the astrological system.
Belle is also a contemporary to Pico della Mirandola (1463–1494), one of
the harshest critics of astrology. His Disputationes adversus astrologiam div-
inatricem, published posthumously in Bologna in 1496, were only dissemi-
nated at a later date, and this is possibly the reason why Belle’s notes do not
seem to acknowledge them. In fact, he does not react to any of the criticisms
of astrology written by coeval authors, such as those of Girolamo Savonarola
(1452–1498), Giovanni Pontano (1429–1503), and Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499).1
Likewise, he also does not adopt any of the arguments of defenders of astrol-
ogy who rejected several aspects of the doctrine, namely the prognostications
for nativities, stating that they denied free will. His position aligns with that
of Ptolemy, Roger Bacon, Abumashar, and John of Saxony, for whom human
free will and complex predictive techniques could coexist with no conflict
whatsoever.
In sum, Belle is aware of, and open to, the intellectual novelties of his time,
and experiments with the methods and rules arising from it. The very process
of learning prompts him to make choices, and his doubts are those of a prac-
titioner, not of a theoretician. This questioning is not in itself damaging to the
body of astrology; on the contrary, it often made it stronger, since it discarded
the marginal differences and enhanced the lines of continuity. An educated
man, although perhaps not a scholar, Belle is competent in Latin, in mathe-
matics, and in astrological judgement, and appears to have had good social
connections. But regardless of his obvious abilities, he also reveals doubts, hes-
itations, some degree of subjectivity, and certain personal preferences. He is
not exceptional but, in many ways, an average practitioner, and it is exactly
because of this common quality that his work offers a vivid and most welcome
testimony to the rich and diverse astrological practice in late fifteenth-century
Europe. This study reveals the true face of the astrologer, the human being
beyond the stereotype. He has a voice in the multi-faceted and ever-evolving

1 The attitudes of these authors are discussed in several studies, for instance The Cambridge
Companion to Renaissance Philosophy, James Hankins, ed. (Cambridge, 2007), Vanden
Broecke, The Limits of Influence, and H. Darrel Rutkin, Sapientia Astrologica: Astrology, Magic
and Natural Knowledge, ca. 1250–1800 (New York, 2019).

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384 chapter 9

dialogue of astrological knowledge – a voice that becomes stronger as we get

to know his work.
Belle’s contributions do not end there. His work requires further study,
especially in three main areas: the similarity between the education in astrol-
ogy and that of other disciplines (such as medicine which also requires the
ability to diagnose, that is, to deduce results by analysing a set of testimonies
according to certain rules); the transmission of knowledge and working mate-
rials between astrologers of different generations (what is favoured, adapted or
discarded); the criticism, or lack thereof, in the face of different methods and
techniques, the practical implications of these choices, and, more importantly,
the reasons behind them.

…
It has been clear for some decades that astrological documents are valid and
valuable sources. However, only when their technical content is addressed can
they become integral to the history of astrology. For these topics to be devel-
oped in full, a detailed textual exegesis is imperative. It is time for historians
to address astrological texts with the same methodological attention that they
devote to documents in any other area of knowledge, thereby attaining the
full wealth of information they convey. This approach complements the stud-
ies that emphasize the philosophical, symbolical, and social aspects of astrol-
ogy by addressing its very practice and methodology which is their tangible
counterpart. Documents such as Belle’s notebooks offer a first-hand addition
to the study of actual astrological practice, going far beyond anything that the
study of standard doctrine can offer. They bring new perspectives into the
historiographical debate and fill some of the lacunae still present in this area
of research.

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 appendix 1

Additional Notes on the Length of Life

1 Calculating the hyleg

The first step in the calculation of the length of life is the identification of the hyleg,
that is, the giver of life.1 Generally speaking, the hyleg is often one of the luminaries,
preferably the Sun in a diurnal nativity and the Moon in a nocturnal one. The chosen
luminary has to fulfil certain conditions in order to be capable of functioning as hyleg,
that is, as giver of life. These are usually related to the luminary’s placement in favour-
able houses, and in adequate essential and accidental conditions. If neither luminary
is suitable to be hyleg, the choice must fall on the ascendant, the lot of fortune or the
degree of the lunation before birth (syzygy); this varies in diurnal or nocturnal nativ-
ities. The tables below summarize the method most commonly used in the medieval
period.
If none of the possible candidates has the required conditions, the nativity was con-
sidered without hyleg. This suggested a proneness to illness and therefore a prospec-
tive shorter life.
Method of evaluation for diurnal charts: it begins with the Sun, the first candidate
for hyleg; if the Sun is in good conditions it is chosen and no additional calculations
are necessary. If, however, it is in a bad condition (i.e. in detriment, in fall or in a weak
house), the evaluation moves on to the next possible candidate in the list, the Moon.
If the Moon is not in a good condition, it was necessary to determined if the nativity
was conjunctional, that is, preceded by a New Moon, or preventional, preceded by a
Full Moon. If conjunctional, it followed the sequence displayed on Figure 64; if pre-
ventional, in Figure 65.
Sequence for nocturnal nativities: first the Moon, then the Sun; if neither of them
is in a good condition, the sequence follows Figure 64 for conjunctional, or Figure 65
for preventional charts.
Sequence for a conjunctional nativity. It is applicable to all charts preceded by a
New Moon, both diurnal or nocturnal, as long as their luminaries were unsuitable for

1 The term hyleg, or hylech, form Arabic haylaj or hilaj, is the latinization of the Greek apheta,
which conveys approximately the same meaning. For details see for instance Giuseppe
Bezza, ‘Astrological Considerations on the Length of Life in Hellenistic, Persian and Arabic
Astrology’, Culture and Cosmos, 2.2 (1998), 3–15; Ezra, Nativities, 257–258, 259, 263–264;
Alcabitius, Introduction, IV.4–5, 111–117; Boudet, Lire dans le ciel. La bibliothèque de Simon de
Phares, astrologue du XV e siècle, Bruxelles, 1994, 131; and North, Chaucer’s Universe, Oxford,
1988, 214–217.

© Helena Avelar de Carvalho, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004463387_011

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386 appendix 1

figure 62 Diurnal: general rules for finding the hyleg in a diurnal chart

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Additional Notes on the Length of Life 387

figure 63 Nocturnal: general rules for finding the hyleg in a nocturnal chart

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388 appendix 1

figure 64 Conjunctional: finding the hyleg (for new moon preceding birth)

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Additional Notes on the Length of Life 389

figure 65 Preventional: finding the hyleg (for full moon preceding birth)

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390 appendix 1

figure 66 Ptolemy’s rules for finding the hyleg in a diurnal chart

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Additional Notes on the Length of Life 391

figure 67 Ptolemy’s rules for finding the hyleg in a nocturnal chart

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392 appendix 1

hyleg. The first candidate is the ascendant; if in bad condition, the lot of fortune; if not
suitable, the degree of the lunation preceding birth (in this case the New Moon).
Sequence for preventional nativities. It is applicable to diurnal or nocturnal charts
preceded by a Full Moon, if both luminaries were deemed unsuitable for hyleg. In this
case, the first to be considered is the lot of fortune; then the ascendant, and finally the
degree of the lunation preceding birth (the Full Moon).

2 Ptolemy’s Variant for Calculation the hyleg2

Like most authors, Ptolemy prioritizes the luminaries as hyleg (prorogator): in diurnal
charts, the Sun, and if it is not suitable, the Moon; in nocturnal charts, the Moon, and
if it is not suitable, the Sun. However, the luminaries are only accepted if they are in,
what he calls, the ‘prorogative places’: the first, eleventh, tenth, ninth, and seventh
houses.
If the luminaries are not in these houses, he replaces them with certain planets as
hyleg instead of following the usual alternatives, as explained above. In diurnal nativ-
ities he chooses as hyleg the planet that has more dignities in the places of the Sun, of
the preceding conjunction, and of the ascendant; in nocturnal ones, the planet that
has more dignities in the places of the Moon, of the preceding Full Moon, and of the
Lot of Fortune. These planets also have to be in prorogative places to be considered as
hyleg. Should they not be in these conditions, the ascendant is chosen in diurnal nativ-
ities. In nocturnal nativities, the ascendant is also chosen, but only if the lunation prior
to birth was a New Moon, if it were a Full Moon the Lot of Fortune is chosen as hyleg.
These methods are summarized in the diagrams below.

3 The alcocodem

Once the hyleg is identified it is possible to take the next step, that is, to determine the
alcocodem (from the Arabic al-kadhkhudah), the planet that measures the length of
life. For a planet to be selected as alcocodem it must conjunct or aspect the hyleg by
any aspect.3

2 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, III.10, pp. 271–279.

3 The complete method, with slight variations, is explained by several authors. See for instance
the already mentioned article by Bezza, ‘Astrological Considerations on the Length of Life’,
and also Ibn Ezra, Nativities, 257–259, 263–264 for hyleg, and 112–115, 259–264 for alcocodem;
Alcabitius, Introduction, IV.4–5, 111–117.

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Additional Notes on the Length of Life 393

The condition of the alcocodem is evaluated in order to ascertain how many years it
is capable to give: if in very good condition, the alcocodem is able to give its greater
years, in median condition, its median years, in weak condition, its lesser years (see
table ‘Years of the Planets’). The calculation is then refined by the inclusion of the
aspects to the alcocodem: conjunctions, sextiles, and trines from the benefics add years
or months, while squares, oppositions, and conjunctions from the malefics subtract
years or months from the number determined by the alcocodem. Still, the number
obtained is not the length of life of the native, but only the natural duration of his vital
force. If there are no difficult directions afflicting the hyleg around or after that time,
life can be prolonged considerably by a moderated lifestyle and certain precautions.
These conclusions are seen as possibilities and have to be confirmed by other predic-
tive methods.4

4 Years of the Planets

Each planet is associated with a certain number of years: greater, median, lesser, or
maxima, as explained in the table below.5 These periods are related to the geocentric
astronomical cycles.

table 38 Years of the planets

Years Saturn Jupiter Mars Sun Venus Mercury Moon

Greater 57 79 66 120 82 76 108

Median 43.5 45.5 40.5 69.5 45 48 66.5
Lesser 30 12 15 19 8 20 25
Maxima 256 426 284 1461 1151 461 520

4 The technique of combining the years of the alcocodem and the directions to potentially
harmful places was disputed in the sixteenth century, by those wanting to expurgate astrol-
ogy from the ‘Arabic superstitions’, returning it to the ‘Greek tradition’. As the alcocodem is
not mentioned by Ptolemy in Tetrabiblos, it was seen as a late addition and thus contested.
However, other Greek sources, unknown at the time, attribute years to the planets, as dis-
cussed in Hasse, ‘Astrology. Ptolemy against the Arabs’, Success and Suppression, 262–265.
5 These are the values presented, with slight variations, by most sources. See for instance
Albiruni, Instructions, 255, n.436–437, and Alcabitius, Introduction, II.5, 10, 15, 22, 28, 33, 38;
65–83.

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 Appendix 2

Notes on the Manuscripts

1 Lisbon, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, MS 1711 (accessible at

https://digitarq.arquivos.pt/details?id=4248768)

It is not yet clear how and when this manuscript ended up in the Portuguese National
Archive. Nonetheless, its presence there is not entirely surprising, given the intense
cultural, political, and commercial exchanges between Portugal and France through-
out the modern period.

1.1 Watermarks
The watermarks on MS 1711 point towards the mid to late fifteenth century, thus cor-
roborating the dates on the manuscript. The few watermarks that are not hidden by
the binding are recognizable as those used in the northeast of France. The almanac
presents more diversity of watermarks, including Pickard 1406 (Brussels 1407), Briquet
7229 (Neuville, 1446), Briquet 1680 (Paris, 1451) and Briquet 3624 (Maastricht, 1476).
The collection only has two watermarks, Briquet 13433 (Le Mans, 1475), and a similar
variant, which was probably made at a different time, or perhaps a different location
from the almanac, using a different source of paper.

1.2 Parchment Reinforcing Covers

The interior face of MS 1711 is reinforced by a parchment upon which is written, in
French, the testament of a certain Jehan Vigier.1 This is the remainder of a legal doc-
ument dated from the first of January 1424, a lawsuit involving the heirs of a certain
Bienvenue Fayete. From her first marriage to Guillaume Terris she had a daughter,
Lucie (married to André Conteur, who represented her in the court of law), and from
her second marriage, to Jehan Vigier, she had two children: a boy, Michelet and a girl,
Anthoine. A direct connection with Belle and the Vigier family has not yet been estab-
lished. The Portuguese archives have no known register of any of these names, and in
France the research is difficult, since the surname Vigier is relatively common.2

1 My gratitude to Jacques Paviot, who offered his expertise to decipher parts of the document
and to Isabelle Draelants, for helping to identify the manuscript’s previous owner, Denis
de Sallo.
2 A certain Jean Vigier, bishop of Saint-Alain de Lavaur (1469–1497), a contemporary to
Belle, is mentioned in Adhelm Bernier, Journal des états généraux de France tenus a Tours
en 1484 sous le règne de Charles VIII (Paris, 1835); another reference of a man called Jehan

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Notes on the Manuscripts 395

There is a possible link between the Jehan Vigier mentioned in the parchment and a
seventeenth-century pharmacist called Jean Vigier, born in Espondeilhan, in the duchy
of Bourbon, France, on 14 April 1662.3 Although two centuries apart, they shared the
same family name and lived in the same region, and a possible connection, although
faint, is yet conceivable.
Jean Vigier arrived in Lisbon in 1682, accompanying his uncle, pharmacist Pierre
Donnadieu. Both men were part of the entourage of the future Queen of Portugal,
Marie Françoise Élisabeth de Savoy (1646–1683), the younger daughter of Charles
Amedée, Duke of Nemours, and of Élisabeth de Bourbon.4
The connection to the manuscript, if any, could have come through the queen’s
family, since Belle lived in Bourbon and had connections to earlier generations of the
Bourbon family. Nevertheless, there is a gap of 170 years between the Jehan Vigier men-
tioned in the testament and his namesake who came to Lisbon; further investigation
is required.

1.3 Transcription
1st page
………………… un molin sur ladite riviere
………… plus … croix.

…… entendre la presente matere qu’il est vray que le onzieme

… [m]ariage d’icellui deffendeur et de la dite feue Bienvenue Fayete.

…… d qu’il s’en repporte ad ce qu’il en est.

……………… mancre (?) en faisant ledit mariage que au cas que ladite Bienvenue
…………… [e]spoux survivant en icellui cas ledit Jehan Vigier deffendeur
……… [le cour]s de sa vie lesdis hostel, grange, molin, préz et appartenances

Vigier, participating in 1561 in a counsel at the village of Nismes (Belgium), can be found in
M. Ménard, Histoire civile, ecclésiastique, et littéraire de la ville de Nismes, 4 (1482–1565) (Paris,
1753): 183.
3 He wrote several books on Medicine/Pharmacology and translated the work of chem-
ist Nicolas Lémery (1645–1715) into Portuguese. For details, see José Pedro Sousa Dias,
‘L’influence de la pharmacie et de la chimie françaises au Portugal au XVIIIe siècle: Nicolas
Lémery’, Revue d’histoire de la pharmacie, 82e année, 300 (1994), 84–90; José Pedro Sousa Dias,
‘João Vigier e a Introdução da Química Farmacêutica em Portugal’, Medicamento, História e
Sociedade, 5 (1985): 1–5; Daniela Buono Calainho, ‘João Vigier: um droguista no Portugal sete-
centista’, Usos do Passado – XII Encontro Regional de História, Rio de Janeiro (2006), 1–5.
4 Known in Portugal as Queen Maria Francisca Isabel de Sabóia. She married King Afonso VI
(1643–1683), but the union was annulled given his incapacity, and she married the king’s
younger brother, future King Pedro II (1648–1706).

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396 Appendix 2

…………… [te]neur dudit mariage faire et acomplir.

…………… comme au prochain precedent article.

…………… t convenance une autre convenance et en faveur dudit mariage

…………… vie a trespassement, delaissant enffans descendens dudit
…………… t avoir <en> avantaige lesdis hostel, grange, molin avec les pré[z]
…………… de feu Jehan Chanter, jadis oncle d’icelle Bienvenue, et sans ce
…………… [ice]lle Bienvenue y peust ou deust rien prendre en avoir.

…………… d comme au prochain precedent article.

…………… r x ans ou entour, est alé de vie a trespassement, delaissé

…………… Michelet et Anthoine Vigiers ses enffens et enffens dudit
…………… [s]a fille, a present femme dudit André Conteur, demandeur et procureur
[d’icelle]
…………… que ladite Bienvenue trespassa il y a entour x ans
…………… laissee ladite Lucie sa fille eu du residu audit article. Il s’en reporte ad ce qu’il
en e[st].

………… isse eut succedé a ladite Bienvenue leur mere en tous et

………… stuere (?) du pais, c’est assavoir lesdis Michelet et Anthoine sa seur
………… Jehan Vigier deffendeur, Michelet et Anthoine Vigiers ses
[enffans] … d’icellui en avantaige par raison de la convenance don[nee]
………… le cours de sa vie et esdis Michelet et Anthoine ses enff[ans]

…………… d qu’il ne croit pas ledit article en la maniere.

…………… [i]l est escript

…………… Jehan Vigier …………

1.4 Transcription
2nd page
IIIJ Item, dit et propose ledit deffendeur esdis noms po …………
jour de janvier l’an mil iiijC xxiiij fust trait e …………………

V Item, et entre autres choses et convenances fut ………………

Fayet yroit de vie a trespassement, ledit Jehan ………………
avoit et devoit avoir en mariage seulemend …………………

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Notes on the Manuscripts 397

dudit molin, dont dessus est fecte mancion …………………

VJ Item, et aussi en faisant ledit mariage y fut …………………

acomplir, c’est assavoir que au cas que ladite Bienvenue ………
mariage en icellui cas lesdis enffans auront ……………………
et appartenances d’icellui molin, lesquelx heritaiges …………
que Lucie sa fille et fille de feu Guillaume Terris ………………

VIJ Item, et si est vray que ladite Bienvenue jap …

en vie ledit Jehan Vigier son mary et aussi del[aisser] …………
Jehan Vigier et aussi delaisser en vie ladite Lucie ………………

VIIJ Item, et lesquelx Michelet et Anthoine Vigiers …………………

quelxconques ses biens meubles, imeubles de raison …………
par moitié et ladite Lucie par l’autre moitié exces (?) …………
enffans sont advenus lesdis hostel, grange, molin, p[réz et appartenances] ……
dessus a esté fecte mencion, c’est assavoir audit Jehan ……………
la proprieté d’iceulx appartenences.

IX Item, et que desdis heritaiges dessus confinéz ……………………

de ceps d’icelle Bienvenue, que par la coustume g …………………

2 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, NAL 398 (accessible at

https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b100253669/)

The manuscript belonged to French writer and lawyer Denis de Sallo (1626–1669),
Sieur de la Coudraye de Luçon, founder of Journal des sçavans, the first French literary
and scientific journal. It was not possible to study this manuscript’s watermarks in
order to compare them to MS 1711.

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 appendix 3

Maps and Genealogy

France in 1477
Bergen op D. of CLEVES

B. of MÜNSTER
Royal domains Zoom
Duchy D. of
Antwerp GUELDERS
Capetian houses Other houses House of Burgundy Calais Bruges

Arc
County of
Ghent
of Horne
Valois-Alençon Foix Burgundy

h. of
Gravelines
D.

LIÈGE
Boulogne
Valois-Anjou Armagnac Burgundy-Nevers County FLANDERS BRABANT Jülich
Cologne
Lille Brussels of

CO
Valois-Orléans Albret Guinegate County Aachen

LO
Saint-Pol Tournai
of Genappe Liège Limbourg JÜLICH
Dunois (Orléans) Other

GN
Douai
County of ARTOIS HAINAUT Namur

E
County of Arras
Valois-Angoulême LONGUEVILLE
of EU
P
Valenciennes

of
Dieppe I CA
Bapaume
B. of
Bourbon Eu
RD CAMBRAI Chimay
B.
Dinant
Cherbourg Picquigny Y St-Quentin Guise Duchy
Arch.
Bourbon-Vendôme Guernsey Longueville C. Amiens
Nesle Ham C. of Harfleur of AUMALE Aumale
C. of GUISE of of
Bayeux CLERMONT
Jersey
Coutances Caen Rouen LUXEMBOURG Trier
Saint-Pol-de-Léon Tréguier Laon
Beauvais Clermont C. of Luxembourg
Rethel TRIER
C. of NORMANDY Harcourt D. of Soissons Roucy RETHEL Longwy
Brest PENTHIÈVRE Beaumont Senlis
VALOIS Reims Grandpré B. of
Conflans

R
Argentan Breteuil
Mortain
Paris C HAM PAG N E Saarbrücken

BA
VERDUN
ALENÇ ON Nogent-le- B.
Duchy ofAlençon
Lamballe Dol Roi
Duchy of Fougères Mortagne Montfort
Saint-Maur
C. of
Vertus
Châlons
Metz
of
BRITTANY C. of
Mayenne Montlhéry Melun Nogent VERTUS

of
PERCHE Bar B. ME
Chartres S of
Laval C. of UR
TOUL TZ
Josselin Rennes
MO Nancy
MAINE NE

Duchy
C. of
of
Nemours Blâmont
Vannes Graon
DUNOIS y Sens
Troyes
D. of Salm
ch
Le Mans Brienne Joinville
C. of Châteaudun D. Du Epinal
VENDÔME Orléans
Belle-Île Guérande
Duchy Vendôme of ORLÉANS Joigny
LORRAINE
Tonnerre Münster
Ancenis
of ANJOU Blois Gien Auxerre
C. of
TONNERRE Langres Luxeuil
Nantes
Tours C. of
C. o ERRE

Plessis
SAN

Machecoul Saumur
BLOIS Vesoul C. Mulhouse
C. of RETZ
f

TOURAINE Sancerre
Duchy of SUNDGAU
C

Chinon Semur
County MONTBÉLIARD
Thouars
Loches Bourges of Dijon County of B.

P O
V. of
BERRY of of
L. of PARTHENAY CHÂTELLERAULT
Nevers
BURGUNDY Auxonne Besançon
BASEL
English I Châteauroux
NEVERS
Château-Chinon
Beaune BURGUNDY Neu-
possessions

SWISS CONFEDERATION
Fontenay Poitiers
T Chalon châtel
Ecclesiastical Benon Niort O La Trémouille
Duchy
Moulins Bourbon-
Lancy
Poligny Pontarlier

states La Rochelle
AUNIS U C. of
CHAROLAIS
Free Imperial C. of Guéret of BOURBON Charolles Saint-Claude
Lausanne

cities Rochefort
LA MARCHE
Evaux
Cusset
Semur Mâcon

Saintes C. Beaujeu Bourg

Other SA of ANGOULÊME Bourganeuf Montpensier L. of Geneva
IN Riom C. of BEAUJEU
L. : Lordship
TO Angoulême Limoges
Clermont
Thiers
FOREZ
Duchy Faucigny
Valais
NG V. of LIMOGES Annecy inf.
AIS

E
V. : Viscount La Tour Feurs
PÉRIGORD Lyon
NN

Aosta
Ventadour
of
O

Montbrison
C. : Count
Périgueux
Duchy Issoire Chambéry
LY

V. of Tulle Vienne

M. : Marquisate Bordeaux Castillon

TURENNE of AUVERGNE
D. : Duchy Sarlat Turenne
Aurillac
Murat
Le Puy
Annonay

Grenoble
SAVOY
K. : Kingdom G U Y E N N E Carlat VELAY Valence

Marmande
Gourdon Apcher
DAUPHINÉ
B. : Bishopric Bazas
GÉVAUDAN
Montlaur Briançon

Arch. : Archbishopric L. of ALBRET Cahors County of Mende Montélimar

Gap Embrun
Albret Agen Marquisate
Rodez County of of
Tartas VENAISSIN
Lectoure RODEZ Alès (Papal States) SALUZZO
Montauban Orange
Dax C. of ARMAGNAC Millau Principality
Sisteron

Bayonne Auch Albi

L'Isle-Jourdain of ORANGE Forcalquier
Kingdom of Orthez Lavaur Nîmes
Avignon

Apt County of
Pau Toulouse Lodève
Saint-Jean- Mirande Castres
CASTILE Pied-de-Port Mauléon
Beaucaire
Montpellier Arles Monaco
V. of V.of Castelnaudary LANGUEDOC PROVENCE
K. of SOULE
BÉARN
Tarbes
Carcassonne Sète
Maguelonne
Aix
Nice
C. of Draguignan Cannes
C. of Narbonne
Pamplona BIGORRE C. of
FOIX Mirepoix V. of Marseille
COMMINGES
NAVARRE NARBONNE Hyères
Kingdom Foix

C. of Toulon
of ARAGON ANDORRA
Perpignan
ROUSSILLON

Map by Zigeuner, translated by Kaiser Torikka, based on map from “France in the late 15th century”,
from Muir’s Historical Atlas: Medieval and Modern, London, 1911, and Grand Atlas Historique, Paris, 1968,
distributed under a CC BY-SA 3.0 license

© Helena Avelar de Carvalho, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004463387_013

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7
Maps and Genealogy 399

Main places mentioned by Belle (battles signaled by a flag;

Duchy of Bourbon shaded)
Adapted from Zigeuner (translated by Kaiser Torikka),
based on map from “France in the late 15th century”, from
Muir’s Historical Atlas: Medieval and Modern, London, 1911,
and Grand Atlas Historique, Paris, 1968

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

 400

Genealogy of the main figures mentioned by Belle – part 1

(the figures whose chart is in the collection are highlighted with a black frame)
appendix 3

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

 Maps and Genealogy

Genealogy of the main figures mentioned by Belle – part 2

(the figures whose chart is in the collection are highlighted with a black frame; cases in doubt have a
gray frame)
401

Helena Avelar de Carvalho - 978-90-04-46338-7

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Index of Astrological Terms and Concepts

Accidental dignities 194–195, 275, 342 Besiegement 165

Adoragen (see decanate)
Affliction (astrological) 86, 160, 169, 312, 391 Cadent 79, 105, 117, 125, 194, 291, 292, 298,
Affliction (other) 106, 160, 179 312
Ages of Man 28, 126, 140 Cazimi 48
Ages of the planets 140, 176 Climates 20, 102, 103, 135, 192, 289
Alcocodem 22, 126, 131, 144–146, 156, 162, Combust / combustion 48, 146, 149, 153, 158,
167, 179, 193–194, 254, 275, 280, 292, 160, 167, 220, 221, 297
297–99, 302, 308, 310, 312, 314, 319, 390, Comet 360, 361, 365, 372–374
391 Complexion 126, 139, 142, 143, 147, 148, 149,
Algebutar (see also divisor) 131, 173, 290 150, 151, 155, 156, 173, 174, 180
Almutem 22, 30, 43, 96, 106, 168, 169, 203, Conjunction (aspect) 28, 30, 130, 215, 241,
228, 279, 286, 290, 347, 369, 379 276, 296, 298, 346, 374, 390, 391
Almutem of the nativity 148, 192, 194, 228, Conjunction (direction) 148, 162, 171, 179
254, 275, 279, 296, 297, 310, 314, 319, 326, Conjunction (Great / Jupiter-Saturn) 21, 22,
329, 331, 341 25, 28, 51, 88, 89, 95–125, 178, 183, 380
Altitude from the pole (see also Conjunction (Lunation) 28, 33, 58, 88, 89,
Latitude) 286 390
Angular (house) 42, 56, 65, 79, 123, 124, 125, Conjunctional 140, 298, 302, 385
146, 149, 151, 153, 157, 158, 160, 161, 166, Cusp (house cusp) 29, 30, 35, 36, 46, 140,
168, 194, 280 141, 152, 154, 155, 158, 162, 165, 167–169,
Angularity (see also Angular) 79 177, 183, 194, 198, 215, 221, 222, 257, 262,
Animodar 28, 126, 135, 137, 183, 203, 225, 228, 266, 316, 326
254, 255, 257, 262, 279, 289–290, 292,
296, 323, 331, 379, 381 Decanate / decan / adoragen 290, 291, 348
Anniversary horoscope (see also Degrees (special) 369
Revolutions) 170 Deluge 106
Ascendant 28–30, 35, 36, 41–46, 55, 56, 63, Determinism 108, 125, 178, 180, 181, 381
66, 68, 76, 77, 82, 86, 94, 99, 117, 118, Detriment 105, 117, 169, 385
214, 137, 140–141, 144, 147–149, 151–154, Dignities / Dignity 30, 46, 55, 56, 144, 158,
158–163, 165–169, 171–174, 176, 182, 189, 194, 195, 275, 297, 314, 316, 342, 346,
192, 194, 198, 222, 225, 231, 235, 242, 348, 369
248, 254, 256, 262, 279, 283, 289–292, Direct movement 29, 47, 55, 97, 107, 119, 185,
295–296, 298, 314, 330, 334, 348, 371, 242, 252, 259, 263, 264, 267, 277, 281,
375, 377, 385, 390 284, 297, 300, 302, 306, 314, 317
Aspects 17, 28, 29, 30, 43, 44, 47, 60, 62, 63, Directions (in prediction) 28, 70, 126, 127,
70, 82, 90, 144, 148, 152, 154, 155, 166, 130, 140, 143–147, 160, 162, 170–176, 179,
167, 215, 280, 292, 312, 341, 342, 358 231, 391
Aspect (to house cusp) 167 Directions (of space) 69, 165, 180
Aspects (by sign) 90 Dispositor 144, 154, 309
Aspects (in directions) 172–174 Divisor (directions) 127, 130, 131, 140, 171,
Aspects (in mundo) 82, 154 173–175, 231, 232, 235, 290, 347
Assuhub see Shooting star Domicile 46, 55, 56, 141, 144, 153
Astrological geography 102, 103, 106 Dominical Letter 35, 140, 141, 269, 273, 275,
Astrological symbols 32, 33, 74, 283, 367 277, 279, 280, 286

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Index of Astrological Terms and Concepts 417

Eclipses 21, 25, 28, 51, 53, 69–72, 76–79, Hyleg 22, 126, 130, 131, 143, 144, 146, 147, 162,
84–87, 95, 100–102, 107, 109, 117, 171, 179, 193, 275, 279, 280, 292, 297, 298,
360–364, 372 302, 308, 310, 312, 314, 319, 385–392
Eighth sphere (fixed stars) 119, 120 Hyleg of the father 156
Elections 17, 28, 182, 245 Hyleg of the mother 167
Essential dignities 56, 194, 195, 275, 341–342, Hylegical points (or places) 172, 176, 194,
346, 348, 370–371, 385 228, 341, 344
Exaltation 30, 43, 46, 55, 74, 144, 166, 194,
297, 302, 308, 312, 319, 369 Ingresses 6, 22, 25, 28, 51–55, 64–71, 75–76,
Exile 56 78, 80, 81, 84–86, 88–90, 92, 95, 114–116,
122, 359, 360–363, 365, 367, 372, 380
Face 43, 46, 144, 168, 291, 298, 319 Interrogations 6, 7, 17, 22, 23, 39, 40, 41, 46,
Fall 107, 117, 151, 153, 157, 168, 308, 309, 312 90, 125, 352, 379, 380
Fast (planetary motion) 46, 55, 165 Introitus (ingress) 51, 251
Firdaria (in prediction) 28, 122 Introitus (in city) 106, 269
Firdaria (years of the planets) 121, 122 Intercepted sign 77
Five-degree rule 34, 42, 66, 77, 84, 135, 137,
194, 221, 264, 266, 273, 275 Joy by house 72, 82, 157, 165, 167, 168, 170,
Fixed stars 29, 35, 107, 119, 120, 121, 187–189, 297
193, 198, 275, 279, 342, 343, 346, 373, 374 Judgement (method) 50, 126, 130, 142
Free will 109, 125, 179, 182, 381, 383
LAT Local Apparent Time 375
Golden Number 35, 140, 141, 273, 275, 277, Latitude (geographical) 20, 45, 54, 64, 192,
286 198, 211, 214, 220, 256, 266, 273, 286, 289,
295, 300
Hayz 151, 152 Latitude (of a planet) 105, 242
Head of the Dragon 59, 62, 66, 79 Length of life 126, 131, 139, 142–144, 146–147,
Horoscope (as in chart) 28, 29 150, 156, 178–179, 183, 193, 254, 275, 292,
House (def) 34, 36 300, 308, 310, 312, 341, 342, 381, 385
First (see also Ascendant) 139, 142, 143, Lord of the orb 28, 231, 235, 295
156, 163, 165, 275, 297 Lord of the year 54, 56, 58, 68, 82, 248
Second 48, 62, 82, 142, 152–154, 169, 179, Lot of Fortune 42, 45, 91, 94, 128, 130, 140,
299 141, 144, 152, 154, 172, 185, 188, 190, 193,
Third 60, 105, 117, 154, 155, 163–165, 177 194, 196, 199, 201, 206, 209, 212, 218, 221,
Fourth 84, 154–158, 161, 163, 203, 314 223, 225, 226, 233, 236, 239, 243, 245,
Fifth 45–47, 59, 83, 157 246, 249, 252, 267, 277, 279, 281, 283,
Sixth 57–60, 62, 63, 147, 158, 160, 163, 179, 284, 287, 293, 300, 304, 306, 312, 317,
181, 182, 194 319, 323, 325, 329, 331, 333, 345, 385, 390
Seventh 44, 147, 156, 158, 160–162, 165–170 Lots (general) 35, 61, 90, 91, 92–93
Eighth 42, 43, 68, 146, 155, 162 (calculation in rev), 94, 159, 187, 192,
Ninth 59, 60, 63, 72, 83, 87, 108, 142, 157, 193, 221, 235, 257, 279, 334, 344
159, 163–168, 170, 179, 180, 182 Lots (in questions and revolutions):
Tenth 42, 46, 69, 72, 79, 82, 87, 140, 149, Lot of Barley 66, 80, 91
151, 153, 155, 156, 158, 160, 166, 167, 180, Lot of Clothes and Wool 70, 77, 84, 91
195, 215, 221 Lot of Cotton and Wool 84, 91
Eleventh 46, 62, 82, 83, 154, 155, 157, 168, Lot of Fava Beans 66, 70, 74, 77, 84, 91,
177 94
Twelfth 104, 117, 168, 169, 312 Lot of Grain 74, 84, 91

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418 Index of Astrological Terms and Concepts

Lots (in questions and revolutions) (cont.) Lot of Marriage 128, 129, 135, 225, 325,
Lot of Lentils and Vetch 80, 84, 91 329, 331, 333, 344
Lot of Medicines 91 Lot of the Mother 135
Lot of Oil 70, 74, 77, 80, 84, 91, 94 Lot of Religion 190, 193
Lot of Olives 66, 94 Lot of Rulership and authority 166
Lot of Peas 70, 74, 80, 84, 91 Lot of Servants 128, 185, 188
Lot of Peas and Revolution 66, 91 Lot of Servants and Messengers 196, 199
Lot of Sweet Things 74, 91 Lot of Substance 185, 188, 299, 333
Lot of Vetch 66, 77, 91, 94 Lot of Travel (or Journeys) by Land 196,
Lot of Victory 93 199
Lot of War 66, 68, 70, 73, 77, 80, 84, 91 Lunar Nodes (see also Head and Tail of the
Lot of Water 54, 80, 91 Dragon) 33, 59, 153, 160, 163, 165, 358, 367
Lot of Water and Revolution 70, 74, 77,
91 Marginalia 200, 215, 241, 251, 255, 269, 275,
Lot of Wheat 66, 70, 77, 80, 91 279, 283, 289, 300, 303, 319, 358, 363,
Lot of Wine 54, 61, 62, 66, 74, 80, 91, 92 369, 371, 373, 376, 377, 379, 383
Lots (in nativities): Midheaven 28 (def), 36, 42, 63, 79, 87, 127,
Lot of Beatitude 239, 241 130, 137, 140, 166, 172, 182, 290
Lot of Boldness 225 Mora (see also Trutine of Hermes) 127, 255,
Lot of Brothers 135, 187, 188, 331 290, 295, 296, 317
Lot of Charity 196, 199 Mutual reception (see also reception) 158
Lot of Children 135, 185, 187, 196, 273, (def), 166
275, 276, 277, 279, 293, 344 Medicine 10–12, 16, 57, 58, 149, 159, 178, 181,
Lot of Confidence 196, 199 351, 357, 377
Lot of Death 185, 188, 190 (acc to
Hermes), 193 (acc to Hermes), Ninth sphere (signs) 119, 120
Lot of the Death of the Native 135 Nodes (see Lunar Nodes)
Lot of the Death of Women 176
Lot of Enemies 128, 135, 165, 168, 185, Occidental 29 (def), 63, 64, 71, 72, 148, 154,
188, 193 158, 160, 161
Lot of the Father 135 212, 215, 218, Orb (aspect) 30 (def), 90, 194, 280, 297,
220–221 316, 342
Lot of Friends 168, 185, 188, 193, 196, 199 Oriental 29 (def), 57, 64, 151, 155, 161
Lot of the Future 135, 185, 188, 193, 325 Oriental (in mundo) 29 (def), 161
Lot of Heaven 209
Lot of Honours 166 Parts (see Lots)
Lot of Illness 159, 199 Peregrine 56, 57, 86, 145, 156
Lot of Infirmities 196 Place (see House)
Lot of the Hyleg 128, 135, 333 Planetary days and hours 124
Lot of the King 190, 193 Position by house (see House)
Lot of the King or of the Kingdom 190, Precession of equinoxes 120
193 Profections 28, 127, 130 (def), 131, 140, 160,
Lot of the Kingdom 185, 187, 188, 193, 170–173, 175–176, 248
199, 206, 208, 209, 212, 255, 284, 286, Prorogations 146, 147
344, 374
Lot of Lesions 135 Rays (of the Sun, free from) 48, 297
Lot of Life and Children 193 Rays (of the Sun, under the) 48, 55, 56, 151,
Lot of Magistery 166 157, 163, 164, 169

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Index of Astrological Terms and Concepts 419

Rays (orb, aspect) 43, 170, 172, 297, 298 Tail of the Dragon (South Node) 33, 59, 107,
Reception 75 (def), 166, 298, 308, 309 153, 160, 163, 165
Reception (mutual) 158 (def), 166 Tasyīr (see also directions) 130, 131
Rectification 28 (def), 131, 137, 183, 203, 225, Temperament 142–144, 148, 149, 162, 177,
255, 279, 289–291, 350, 381 181, 351
Regions (signs) 51, 101, 102, 121 Choleric 143, 148
Retrograde movement 29 (def), 54, 56, Melancholic 143, 145, 148, 151–153, 156,
77, 84, 86, 98, 99, 139, 145, 151, 154, 162, 167, 171, 173–175, 179, 180
156–158, 164, 201, 203, 212, 215, 218, Phlegmatic 171
223, 229, 243, 246, 259, 263, 264, Sanguine 149, 156
270, 273, 277, 280, 284, 287, 293, Term 43, 57, 58, 131, 140, 144, 145, 151, 171,
298, 304, 306, 314, 321, 325, 327, 173–175, 231, 232, 235, 290, 298, 319, 342,
329 346–348, 369
Revolutions (of the years of the native, Time notation 35 (def), 39, 137, 189, 216,
anniversary horoscopes) 127, 160, 170, 279, 286, 295
175, 176, 248, 283, 340, 381 Transit (prediction) 130
Revolutions of the years of the world (see Triple conjunction (Jupiter-Saturn) 98
also Ingress) 17, 21, 23, 28, 88, 380 Triplicity (dignity) 43, 46, 141, 144, 145,
Rulership (by essential dignity) 29, 43, 46, 150–153, 156, 168, 194, 275, 280, 292, 297,
57, 62, 63, 119, 121, 151, 171, 195, 292, 319, 298, 312, 319, 348, 369, 370
347 Triplicity (element) 95, 99, 100, 111–113
Tropical Zodiac 120
Shooting star / assuhub 64, 65 Trutine of Hermes (Trutina Hermetis, see
Sidereal Zodiac 117, 120 also Mora) 28, 137, 183, 228, 242, 255,
Significator (def.) 29 295, 296, 381
Slow (planetary motion) 273, 300, 367
Standard Method (or Alcabitius System) 34 Under the rays (see Rays)
Succedent 123, 126, 193, 280, 297, 312, 319
Syzygy 33, 134, 144, 385 Years of the Planets 121–123, 275, 308, 391, 393

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Index of Authors

Abohali 21 John of Ashenden 20–22, 100, 102, 103,

Abraham Avenezra 105, 108, 297 105–108, 112, 114–121, 123, 124, 380
Abraismus 102, 107 John of Legnano 115
Abumashar 21, 94, 102, 104, 383 John of Saxony 21, 22, 39, 40, 45, 56, 91, 379,
Albertus Magnus 106, 107 380, 383
Alcabitius 22, 35, 39, 91, 94, 208, 221, 279 John of Seville 21, 35
Alkindi 21 Jos Grübeck 222

Bacon, Francis 11, 88 Leopold of Austria 21

Conrad Heingarter 16, 88–90, 116, 139, 147, Messahallah 21, 24

198, 256, 295, 349, 351–353, 365, 369, Morin de Villefranche 347
378
Paul of Middleburg 104
Dorotheus of Sidon 150, 348 Pellegrino Prisciani 182
Pierre Choinet 255, 257, 352
Gaurico, Luca 13, 222 Ptolemy 21, 88, 89, 99, 102, 109, 113, 116–120,
Gergis 21, 24 135, 146, 147, 154, 159, 163, 275, 277, 279,
Gugler, Nicolaus 222 310, 312, 344, 346, 348, 370, 383, 390
Guido Bonatti 21, 147, 154, 178
Regiomontanus 221, 350, 357, 372, 373
Haly Abenragel 21, 60, 94, 102, 118, 146 Roger Bacon 109, 110, 116, 121, 373, 383
Haly ibn Ridwan 89, 118 Roland of Lisbon 11, 114, 115, 245
Henry de Seuly 103
Hermes 128, 137, 190, 193, 344, 345 Simon de Phares 16, 90, 353

Jacques Loste 192, 255 Vettius Valens 103, 129, 334, 344
Jean Coleman 357
Jean de Murs 357 William Merle 88, 357
Jean Vesale 216, 357, 374 William of Saint-Cloud 22, 52, 86, 90, 94,
Johannes Lichtenberger 13, 104 357, 380

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Index of People

Agnes de Oas 26, 329 Jan Hus 104

Anne de Beaujeu of Bourbon 19, 205, 272, Jean de Barra 303, 353
277, 341, 343, 345, 381 Jean Cholet, cardinal 61
Jean de Clamecy 18, 26, 130, 187, 233, 236,
Boniface VIII, pope 83 350, 352
Jean de la Goutte 147
Catherine d’Armagnac 196, 205, 352 Jean II of Bourbon 16, 18, 23, 27, 139, 181, 191,
Celestinus V, pope 72 195, 205, 269, 275, 277, 295, 317, 326,
Charles d’Albret of Sainte-Bazeille 26, 239, 328, 331, 334, 343, 345, 350, 351, 353,
320, 326, 337, 345, 352 377, 378
Charles de Berry 192, 248, 335, 344, 345, 352 John Wycliffe 104
Charles de Bourgogne 18, 187, 231, 232
Charles I of Nevers and Rethel 232, 238 Louis de Culant 223
Charles II of Naples 79 Louis XI of France 7, 18, 26, 187, 190, 196,
Charles Martel 79 200, 201, 205, 211, 214, 225, 228, 233, 238,
Charles of Berry and Aquitaine 192, 248, 241, 246, 269, 270, 277, 355, 341, 343,
335, 344, 345, 352 345, 350, 357, 374, 377, 381
Charles Orland, dauphin 19, 302, 319, 352 Louis XII of France 19, 270
Charles the Bold 187, 192, 214, 228, 233, 238, Louise d’Albret 198, 326, 331, 334
335, 341, 335, 345, 350, 366, 375–377
Charles VI of France 18, 187, 189 Margaret of Austria 18, 27, 220, 254, 258,
Charles VII of France 18, 27, 96, 187, 189, 260, 263, 266, 339
192, 211, 225, 228, 242, 249, 343, 352 Marie d’Albret of Nevers 18, 26, 229, 241,
Charles VIII of France 18, 26, 220, 252, 256, 320, 326, 329, 334, 337, 352
259, 262, 267, 272, 302, 336, 338, 341, Martin V, pope 96
350, 352 Mary of Burgundy 216, 220, 344, 378
Charles, archbishop of Lyon 196, 277 Maximilian I of Austria 13, 18, 218, 254, 259,
338, 345, 349, 378, 381
Edward I of England 52, 69
Nicholas IV, pope 61
Georges II de la Trémoille 228 Nicolas Gon 19, 306, 341
Girolamo Savonarola 104, 383
Gregory X, pope 61 Peter Waldo 103
Guy Dampierre 69 Philip IV of France 52, 61, 69, 79, 83
Philippe le Beau of Austria 18, 27, 264, 339
Henry VI of England 18, 26, 96, 187, 205, Philippe le Bon, duke of Burgundy 18, 26,
336, 344, 352 184, 214, 220, 228, 233, 238, 264–266,
335, 339, 343, 352, 374
Isabella d’Este Gonzaga 182 Pierre II of Bourbon 16, 19, 205, 276, 300,
Isabelle of Portugal 187 341, 343, 345, 350, 351, 381

Jacques d’Armagnac 200, 205, 263, 366, Renaud Petitdé 19, 316, 341
377
Jacques de Châteaumorand 320 Susanne de Bourbon 19, 299, 341

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Index of Places

Aachen 220, 281, 283 Labrit 239, 241

Alexandria 102
Amboise 16, 19, 252, 254, 256, 302, 321–323 Mauritania 102
Arabia 102 Moulins 15, 16, 195, 198, 269, 276, 293,
Arras 187, 220, 254 295, 299, 300, 304, 309, 316, 317, 324,
334
Bruges 95, 264
Brussels 13, 258, 394 Naples 83
Byzantium 79 Nemours 192, 200, 202, 241, 363, 395
Nivelles 272
Capadocia 102
Châlus 15, 22, 111, 287, 289, 320, 365, 378 Oxford 21, 100, 103, 112, 120
Charolais 214, 375
Cher 223, 229, 349 Paris 40, 45, 54, 64, 87, 99, 119, 128, 132, 138,
Clamecy 232, 236 141, 199, 200, 243, 245, 251, 267, 306, 313,
Commagene 102 314, 341, 363,

Dijon 184, 187, 212, 214 Reims 192, 206, 225, 242, 243, 246, 248, 249,
251, 269
Egypt 102 Rome 83

Flanders 79 Scotland 102, 103, 106, 119

Florence 22, 126, 134, 135, 351, 380 Sully-sur-Loire 226, 228
Syria 102
Gascony 82
Germany 102, 104
Getulia 102

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Index of Manuscripts

Belle’s Manuscripts Latin 7281 32, 371

Latin 7306 39
Lisbon, MS 1711 Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Latin 7314 353
Tombo, Manuscritos da Livraria, Ms 1711, Latin 7321A 353
Almanac ab anno 68 usque ad annum 80, Latin 7322 22, 39, 48, 49
Nativitates quorundam p 6, 17–19 Latin 7329 115, 371
(description), 394–397 (description) Latin 7331 353
Paris, BnF NAL 398 Paris, Bibliothèque Latin 7336 373
nationale de France, Nouvelles Latin 7342 353
Acquisitions Latines 398 6, 20–27 Latin 7395 8, 222, 340, 353
(description), 397 Latin 7416 8, 353
Latin 7427 200, 216, 245, 353, 358, 363,
375, 377
Other Manuscripts Latin 7432 8, 89, 139, 198, 353, 369,
372
Cambridge, Emmanuel College 70 354 Latin 7439 8, 343, 353
Latin 7443 8, 99, 101–104, 106–108,
London, British Library, Arundel 88 115 112–114, 116, 118–121, 123, 124, 134,
Harley 637 101, 103, 354 189, 206, 208, 222, 243, 245, 340,
Royal 12 F XVII 101, 354 343, 353
Sloane 1713 101, 115, 116, 120, 354 Latin 7443C 222, 353
Latin 7446 8, 139, 147, 181, 353
Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, Latin 7447 8, 171, 181, 198, 353
3349 231 Latin 7448 340
Latin 7450 8, 89, 171, 192, 349, 353,
Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ashmole 192 101, 372
354 Latin 7482 353
Ashmole 345 101, 354 Latin 11232 8, 139, 171, 181, 198, 353
Ashmole 393 101, 354 Latin 15171 52
Ashmole 1471 101, 354 Latin 15179 52
Digby 57 101, 354 Latin 16210 52, 54, 66, 86, 380
Digby 147 88 Nouvelles Acquisitions Latines 208
Digby 176 88, 101, 120, 354 95
Digby 194 101
Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Lat 4572 52
Latin 3520 353
Latin 7272 353 Zürich, Zentralbibliothek C 131 198

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