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 The Limited Powers of Cities

3 Party Machines and the Immigrants

Machines and Machine-Style Politics
Outtake: Machines Had Two Sides

The Origins of Machine Politics

Did Machines “Get the Job Done”?
Were Machines Vehicles of Upward Mobility?
Did the Machines Help Immigrants Assimilate?.
The Social Reform Alternative
Ethnic Politics in Today’s Cities

4 The Reform Crusades

The Reformers’ Aims
Outtake: Municipal Reform was Aimed at the Immigrants

The Fertile Environment for Reform

The Campaigns Against Machine Rule
“Efficiency and Economy” in Municipal Affairs
The Business Model
Commission and Manager Government
Did Reform Kill the Machines?
The Reform Legacy

5 Urban Voters and the Rise of a National Democratic

Majority
City and Nation in the Twentieth Century
Outtake: Urban Ethnics Became a Mainstay of the Democratic Party

A New Political Consciousness

The Changing Political Balance
 The Depression and the Cities
Cities Gain a Voice
The Urban Programs of the New Deal
The New Deal Legacy.

PART II THE URBAN CRISIS OF THE

TWENTIETH CENTURY
6 The City/Suburban Divide
A Century of Demographic Change
Outtake: Anti-Immigrant Passions Have Reached a Fever Pitch

Streams of Migration
Racial Conflict in The Postwar Era
The Suburban Exodus
The Rise of the Multiethnic Metropolis
Has the Urban Crisis Disappeared?

7 National Policy and the City/Suburban Divide

The Unintended Consequences of National Policies
Outtake: Highway Programs Contributed to the Decline of the Cities

The Politics of Slum Clearance

How Local Politics Shaped Urban Renewal
Racial Segregation and “The Projects”
National Policy and Suburban Development
Suburbs, Highways, and the Automobile
The Damaging Effects of National Policies

Federal Programs and the Divisive Politics of Race

 The Brief Life of Inner-City Programs
8
Outtake: Racial Divisions Eventually Doomed Urban Programs

The Democrats and the Cities

The Republicans and the New Federalism
President Carter and the Democrats’ Last Hurrah
Republicans and the End of Federal Assistance
Political Reality and Urban Policy
The Cities’ Fall from Grace
The End of Urban Policy

9 The Rise of the Sunbelt

A Historic Shift
Outtake: The Electoral College Favors the Sunbelt

The Concept of the Sunbelt

Regional Shifts
Why the Sunbelt Prospered
The Changing Politics of Sunbelt Cities
Regional Convergence and National Politics

PART III THE FRACTURED

METROPOLIS

10 The Rise of the Fragmented Metropolis

Metropolitan Turf Wars
Outtake: There Is a Debate about Gated Communities

How the Suburbs Became Segregated

The Imperative of Racial Segregation
 Walling Off the Suburbs: Incorporation
Walling Off the Suburbs: Zoning
The Challenge to Exclusionary Zoning
The New Face of Enclave Politics

11 Governing the Fragmented Metropolis

The Byzantine (Dis)Organization of Urban Regions
Outtake: The Costs of Sprawl are Hotly Debated

The New Urban Form

The Concerns about Sprawl
A History of Metro Gov
The New Regionalism
Smart Growth
The New Urbanism
The Prospect for Reform

12 The Metropolitan Battleground

The Competition for Fiscal Resources
Outtake: Hundreds of Little Hoovers Make the Economic Crisis Worse

Cities in the U.S. Federal System

Where the Money Goes
Where the Money Comes From
The Municipal Bond Market
The Rise of Special Authorities
Fiscal Gamesmanship

13 The Renaissance of the Metropolitan Center

The Unexpected Recovery of the Central Cities
Outtake: Baltimore’s Revival Is Debated
 The Decline of Downtown
Globalization and the Downtown Renaissance
The New Urban Culture
Tourism and Entertainment
Old and New Downtowns

14 Governing the Divided City

A Delicate Balancing Act
Outtake: Multiethnic Coalitions Are Hard to Keep Together

The Recent Revolution in Urban Governance

The Benefits of Incorporation
Striking a Balance
The Decisive Turning Point
The Racial and Ethnic Future

15 City and Metropolis in the Global Era

Urban Politics in a Time of Change
The New (but Actually Old) Growth Politics
The Delicate Art of Urban Governance
The Politics of the Patchwork Metropolis

Index
 PREFACE
The first edition of City Politics was published in 1979, and since that time the
book has undergone changes as profound as the subject matter with which it
deals. To keep it current and relevant, we have always taken care to describe
significant new developments both in the “real world” and in the literature of
the field; in this ninth edition, for example, we include material on the recent
debates over immigration policy, voting rights, the continued fiscal problems
that cities face, and the urban impacts of inequality. In making these changes,
we have included enough citations so that students will be able to conduct
further research of their own.
Over the years, City Politics has been used in college courses at all levels,
from community colleges to graduate courses in research universities. City
Politics has reached across disciplines, too; it has found its way into courses in
urban politics, urban sociology, urban planning, urban geography, and urban
history. We have relied upon three elements to make it relevant to such a broad
audience: a strong and original thematic structure with a blending of the vast
secondary literature with primary sources and recent scholarly materials, new
data, and our own original research. To make the complex scholarship of the
field as accessible and interesting as possible, we build the book around an
admittedly sweeping narrative. As far as possible, each chapter picks the story
up where the previous one left off, so that the reader can come to appreciate
that urban politics in America is constantly evolving; in a sense, past and
present are always intermingled.
Three threads compose the narrative structure of the book. From the
nation’s founding, a devotion to the present, the private marketplace and a
tradition of democratic governance have acted as the twin pillars of American
culture. All through the nation’s history, cities have been forced to strike a
balance between the goal of achieving local economic prosperity and the task
of negotiating among the many contending groups making up the local polity.
An enduring tension between these two goals is the mainspring that drives
urban politics in America, and it is also at the center of the narrative that ties
the chapters of this book together.
The governmental fragmentation of urban regions provides a third
dynamic element that has been evolving for more than a century. A complete
account of American urban politics must focus upon the internal dynamics of
individual cities and also upon the relationships among the governmental units
making up urban regions. Today, America’s urban regions are fragmented into
a patchwork of separate municipalities and other governmental units. With the
rise of privatized gated communities in recent decades, this fragmentation has
become even more complicated. In several chapters of this edition of City
Politics, we trace the many consequences that flow from this way of
organizing political authority in the modern metropolis.
We divide the book into three parts. Part I is composed of five chapters that
trace the history of urban America in the first long century from the nation’s
founding in 1789 through the Great Depression of the 1930s. This “long
century” spans a period of time in which the cities of the expanding nation
competed fiercely for a place in the nation’s rapidly evolving economic
system. At the same time, cities were constantly trying to cope with the social
tensions and disruptions caused by wave after wave of immigration and a
constant movement from farm to city. These tensions played out in a struggle
between an upper- and middle-class electorate and working-class newcomers.
The New Deal of the 1930s brought the immigrants and the cities they lived
within into the orbit of national politics for the first time in the nation’s history,
with consequences that reverberated for decades.
In Part II, we trace the arc of twentieth-century urban politics. Over a period
of only a few decades, the old industrial cities went into a steep decline, the
suburbs prospered, and a regional shift redistributed population away from the
industrial belt to other parts of the country. For a long time, urbanization had
been driven by the development of an industrial economy centered in a few
great cities. But the decline of industrial jobs and the rise of a service economy
profoundly restructured the nation’s politics and settlement patterns; as a result,
by the mid-twentieth century the older central cities were plunged into a social
and economic crisis of unprecedented proportions. In the years after World
War II, millions of southern blacks poured into northern cities, a process that
incited a protracted period of social unrest and racial animosity that
fundamentally reshaped the politics of the nation and of its urban regions.
Affluent whites fled the cities, carving out suburban enclaves in an attempt to
escape the problems of the metropolis. The imperative of governance—the
need to find ways of brokering among the contending racial, ethnic, and other
interests making up the urban polity—became crucially important.
Part III of the text focuses on the urban politics produced by the
deindustrialization and globalization processes of the 1980s and beyond. The
emergence of a globalized economy is one of its defining features. Older
central cities and entire urban regions that had slipped into decline began to
reverse their fortunes by becoming major players in the post-industrial
economy. At the same time, the fragmentation within metropolitan regions has
taken on a new dimension because cities fiercely compete for a share of
metropolitan economic growth. Today, central cities and their urban regions
are more prosperous, but at the same time more fragmented than ever, and one
consequence is that social and economic inequalities are being reproduced on
the urban landscape in a patchwork pattern that separates urban residents.
These developments can best be appreciated by putting them into historical
context. As in the past, urban politics continues to revolve around the two
imperatives of economic growth and the task of governance. As in the nation’s
first century, cities are engaged in a fierce competition for new investment.
The great tide of immigration that took off in the nineteenth century shaped the
politics of cities for well more than a century. The intense period of
immigration that began in the 1970s has yet to run its course, and it, too, will
reverberate through all levels of the American political system for a long time
to come. Any account of urban politics in the present era will be greatly
enriched if we recognize that we are a nation of immigrants, and always have
been. The several new features incorporated into this ninth edition include:

• A comprehensive discussion of the bitter debates over immigration policy

• An expanded discussion of the controversies over voting rights
• New material on the fiscal crisis that still faces many cities
• An expanded and updated discussion of minorities and urban governance
• An updated discussion of recent trends in inequality
• Incorporation throughout the text of recent data from the U.S. Census
Bureau

Dennis R. Judd would like to thank Sam Bassett and Anahit Tadevosyan for
their valuable research assistance and intellectual companionship. We also wish
to thank Melissa Mashburn, our editor at Longman, for helping to keep the
book on track.
Dennis R. Judd
Todd Swanstrom
 CHAPTER 1
City Politics in America:
An Introduction
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Three Themes
The political dynamics of America’s cities and urban regions have remained
remarkably similar over time. From the nation’s founding to the present, a
devotion to the private marketplace and a tradition of democratic governance
have been the pivotal values defining American culture. Finding a balance
between these two imperatives has never been easy; indeed, the tension between
the two is the mainspring that energizes nearly all important political struggles
that occur at the local level. The politics of growth becomes obvious when
conflicts break out over public expenditures for such things as airport
construction, convention centers, and sports stadiums. Projects like these are
invariably promoted with the claim that they will bring prosperity to everyone
in the urban community, but such representations do not lay to rest important
concerns about whether these are the best or the most effective uses of public
resources. The fact that there is conflict at all lays bare a second imperative: the
politics of governance. Public officials and policymakers must find ways to
arbitrate among the many contending groups and interests that demand a voice
in local government. The complex social, ethnic, and racial divisions that exist
within America’s cities have always made governance a difficult challenge. A
third dynamic has evolved in step with the rise of the modern metropolis over
the past century: the politics of metropolitan fragmentation. During that period,
America’s urban regions have become increasingly fragmented into a
patchwork of separate municipalities. One of the consequences of the extreme
fragmentation of political authority within metropolitan regions is that it helps
perpetuate residential segregation, and makes it nearly impossible to devise
regional solutions to important policy issues such as urban sprawl.
The growth imperative is so deeply embedded in the politics of American
cities that, at times, it seems to overwhelm all other issues. Urban residents
have a huge stake in the continued vitality of the place where they live; it is
where they have invested their energies and capital; it is the source of their
incomes, jobs, and their sense of personal identity and community. Because of
the deep attachments that many people form for their local community, its
continued vitality is always a high priority. Throughout American history,
“place loyalty” has driven civic leaders to devote substantial public authority
and resources to the goal of promoting local economic growth and prosperity.
In the nineteenth century, for instance, cities fought hard to secure connections
to the emerging national railroad system by providing huge subsidies to
railroad corporations. Today, the details are different, but the logic is the same:
since the 1970s, cities have competed fiercely for a share of the growing
market in tourism and entertainment, the “industry without a smokestack.” To
do so, they have spent huge amounts of public money for such things as
convention centers, sports stadiums, cultural institutions, and entertainment
districts. These kinds of activities, all devoted to the goal of promoting local
economic growth, are so central to what cities do that it would be impossible to
understand urban politics without taking them into account.
The imperative of governance arises from the social, racial, and ethnic
differences that have always characterized American society. America is a
nation of immigrants, and for most of the nation’s history, anxiety about the
newcomers has been a mainstay of local and, for that matter, national politics.
Attempts to curb immigration can be traced back to the 1830s, when the Irish
began coming to American shores in large numbers. Episodes of anti-
immigrant reaction have flared up from time to time ever since, especially
during times of economic stress. Ethnic and racial conflicts have been such a
constant feature of American politics that they have long shaped national
electoral and partisan alignments. This has been as true in recent decades as at
any time in the past. At the metropolitan level, bitter divisions have often pitted
central cities against suburbs, and one suburb against the next.
The extreme fragmentation of America’s metropolitan areas has its origins
in the process of suburbanization that began unfolding in the late nineteenth
century. For a long time, the term “urban” referred to the great cities of the
industrial era, their diverse mix of ethnic groups and social classes, and their
commanding national presence as centers of technology and economic
production. The second “urban” century was very different. Increasingly, the
cities of the industrial era became surrounded by rings of independent political
jurisdictions – what came to be called suburbs. Beginning as early as the
1920s, the great industrial cities centers went into a long slide even while the
suburbs around them prospered. Ultimately, an urban geography emerged that
was composed of a multitude of separate jurisdictions ranging from white and
wealthy to poor and minority, and everything in between. Recently the central
cities have begun to attract affluent (and especially younger) residents and the
suburbs have become more representative of American society as a whole.
Even so, a complicated mosaic of governments and even privatized gated
communities continue to be important features in the daily life of urban
residents: where people live greatly influences with whom they come into
contact with, their tax burdens and level of municipal services, and even their
political outlook. Within metropolitan areas there is not one urban community,
but many.
The three strands that compose city politics in America—the imperative of
economic growth, the challenge of governance, and the rise of the fragmented
metropolis—can be woven into a narrative that allows us to understand the
forces that have shaped American urban politics, both in the past and in our
own time. Reading a letter to the editor of the local newspaper protesting a
city’s tax subsidy for a new stadium (a clash of values typical of the politics of
growth); walking down a busy city street among people of every color and
national background (which serves as a reminder of the diversity that makes
governance a challenging task); entering a suburban gated community (and
thus falling under the purview of a privatized governing association, still
another of the many governing units that make up the metropolis): all of these
experiences remind us that there are consistent patterns and recurring issues
that shape the political dynamics of urban politics in America.
The politics of Growth
Local communities cannot be preserved without a measure of economic
vitality, and this is why growth and prosperity have always been among the
most important priorities for urban residents and their civic leaders. Founded
originally as centers of trade and commerce, the nation’s cities and towns came
into being as places where people could make money and find personal
opportunity. From the very beginning, European settlement in North America
involved schemes of town promotion. The first colony, Jamestown, founded in
1607, was the risky venture of a group of English entrepreneurs who
organized themselves into a joint stock company. Shares sold in London for
about $62 in gold. If the colony was successful, investors hoped to make a
profit, and of course the colonists themselves had gambled their very lives on
the success of the experiment. Likewise, three centuries later, when a flood of
people began spilling beyond the eastern seaboard into the frontier of the new
nation, they founded towns and cities as a way of making a personal bet on the
future prospects of a particular place. The communities that grew up prospered
if they succeeded in becoming the trading hub for a region and an export
platform for agricultural and finished goods moving into the national
economic system. For this reason, the nineteenth-century movement across the
continent placed towns at the leading edge of territorial expansion:
America was settled as a long, thin line of urban places, scattering outward and westward from the
Atlantic seaboard. The popular imagination has it that farmers came first and villages later. The
historian’s truth is that villages and towns came first, pulling farmers along to settle the land around
and between urban settlements.1

Each town was its own capitalist system in miniature, held together by the
activities of entrepreneurs in search of profit and personal advancement. The
restless pursuit of new opportunities encouraged the formation of what urban
historian Sam Bass Warner has called a national “culture of privatism,” which
stressed individual efforts and aspirations over collective or public purposes:
“[The] local politics of American cities have depended for their actors, and for
a good deal of their subject matter, on the changing focus of men’s private
economic activities.”2 The leading philosophy of the day promoted the idea
that by pursuing their own individual interests, people were also contributing
to the welfare of the community.
On the frontier, the founders of cities and the entrepreneurs who made their
money in them recognized that in order to ensure their mutual success, they
would have to take steps to promote their city and region. Local boosters
promoted their city’s real or imagined advantages—a harbor or strategic
location on a river, for example, or proximity to rich farming and mining
areas. They also boasted about local culture: music societies, libraries, and
universities. And they went further than boasting; they used the powers of city
government to promote local growth. Municipalities were corporations that
could be used to help finance a variety of local undertakings, from
subscriptions in railroad stock to improvements in harbors and docks. There
was broad support for such undertakings because citizens shared in the
perception that local economic vitality was absolutely necessary to advance the
well-being of the urban community and everyone in it.
Today, support for measures to promote the local economy continues to be
bound up with people’s attachments to place and community. Without jobs and
incomes, people simply cannot stay in the place that gives life to family,
neighborhood, and local identity. The environmental and social effects of the
oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico in the spring and summer of 2010 illustrate this
point. As the disaster unfolded, it seemed certain that thousands of jobs would
be lost in a long arc stretching from southern Louisiana to the Florida coast. At
the time, tourism was expected to drop by half on Florida’s Gulf Coast, costing
the state at least 200,000 jobs.3 In Louisiana, fishing, shellfish, and other
industries seemed to be on the verge of being wiped out. When people talked
about the disaster to news reporters, they spoke not only of the loss of
livelihood, but also, with great emotion, about its effect on family values and
community traditions—about the loss of a “way of life.”
No matter how calamitous, the oil spill was not likely to make coastal
communities disappear overnight, no matter how hard it may have been to
recover (fortunately, the long-term consequences of the spill were not as
severe as many feared). People identify with the community within which they
live, and they are often reluctant to move even in the face of genuine hardship.
The resilience of community was illustrated in the 1970s and 1980s when
massive losses of businesses and jobs hit the industrial heartland of the
Midwest and Northeast. The rapid deindustrialization of a vast region
threatened the existence of entire communities. The Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania,
region experienced a 44 percent loss in manufacturing jobs from 1979 to
1988, three-quarters of them related to steel. Unemployment levels reached as
high as 20 percent, not only in Pittsburgh, but also in Detroit and several other
cities of the industrial belt.4 Some people fled for more prosperous areas of
the Sunbelt, but a great many of them elected to stay. Rather than giving up, in
city after city public leaders took measures to rebuild their economies; indeed,
in most places the cause of local renewal took on the character of a permanent
crusade. Communities of the Gulf Coast reacted in a similar way. People
resisted leaving; instead, they put their efforts into regenerating their local
economies and strengthening their communities because they were not willing
to abandon the traditions and cultures that brought meaning to their lives.
It might seem that the intimate connection between material well-being and
community identity would leave little room for disagreement over the premise
that cities must do everything they can do all the time to promote local
prosperity. But this commitment does not always translate into support for
every politician and developer ’s bright idea or ambitious proposal. Disputes
break out because policies to promote growth cannot benefit everyone equally;
they are not always sensible or plausible; and there are always winners and
losers. For renters and low-income residents, the gentrification of their
neighborhood may bring higher rents and home values that ultimately force
them to move. Growth in the downtown corporate and financial sectors may
create some high-paying jobs for educated professionals but leave many
central-city residents with low-paying jobs or on the unemployment rolls. A
downtown that encroaches on nearby neighborhoods may benefit the
businesses located in the new office towers but may also compromise the
quality of life for nearby residents. People who do not care about sports may
resent helping to pay for a new football stadium. Different perspectives such as
these explain why there is frequent disagreement about how to promote
growth, even though everyone believes that local prosperity is a good thing.
The use of eminent domain by local governments illustrates the kinds of
disputes that can divide communities. All across the nation, cities have
aggressively used their power to take private property for “higher uses” to
make way for big-box stores, malls, condominium projects, sports stadiums,
and a great many other initiatives. For most of the nation’s history, local
governments have possessed the authority to take property without the owners’
consent if it serves a legitimate public purpose.5 Public officials have liberally
interpreted this power as a useful tool for economic development, but
homeowners and small businesses who find their property condemned so that
it can be sold to a big developer look at it with a skeptical eye. On December
20, 2000, a group of homeowners led by Sussette Kelo filed a suit challenging
a decision by the city of New London, Connecticut, to cede its eminent domain
authority to a private corporation that wanted to raze their homes. Things came
to a head on June 23, 2005, when the U.S. Supreme Court upheld lower court
rulings in favor of the development corporation. The Court’s decision ignited
a firestorm of protest that swept the nation. In response to the public furor, by
the fall of 2006, state legislatures in 30 states had enacted legislation to restrict
the use of eminent domain, and hundreds of towns and cities had done likewise.
In the fall elections of 2006, voters in 12 states passed referendums prohibiting
the taking of property for private development if it did not serve a clear public
purpose.6
The lesson from the Kelo v. New London case is that despite the fact that
almost everyone embraces the goal of local economic growth, sometimes the
policies to promote it clash with other values, such as individual property
rights, the health of a neighborhood, or a preference for less governmental
intrusion. Everyone may seem to share the same interest in promoting the
wellbeing of the urban community, but they frequently disagree over how to
make that happen.
The Politics of Governance
International migration is transforming societies around the globe, and the
United States is no exception. More immigrants came to the United States in the
1990s than in any previous decade in the nation’s history, and the flow has
continued into the twenty-first century. The social and political effects of large-
scale population movements are often on display in big global cities such as
Miami, New York, Chicago, and San Francisco, and in many smaller places as
well. For this reason, in the global era, as in the past, city politics often pivots
around issues of racial and ethnic identity and feelings of community
solidarity at least as much as around issues of economic development.
Until the mid-nineteenth century, when colonial-era values still prevailed,
men of wealth and high social standing made most of the decisions for the
urban community. In the cities, “leadership fell to those who exercised
economic leadership. All leadership, political, social, economic, tended to
collect in the same set of hands.”7 Business owners, professionals, and
aristocrats ran municipal affairs without challenge. The members of this social
and political elite shared a mistrust of what Thomas Jefferson called
“mobocracy,” a word he used to signify his opposition to rule by popular
majority. Governance was remarkably informal. Local notables served on
committees formed to build public wharves, organize town watches, and build
and maintain public streets, and even the most essential services, such as crime
control and fire prevention, generally relied on the voluntary efforts of
citizens. Such a casual governmental structure fit the pace of life and the social
intimacy of small communities.
By the industrial era of the 1850s, cities were growing at breakneck speed,
and they were also becoming socially stratified and ethnically complex. Waves
of immigrants were crowding into densely packed neighborhoods. They came
from an astonishing variety of national cultures, from England, Ireland,
Germany, the Scandinavian countries, and later from Italy and a broad swath of
eastern European countries. From time to time, ethnic tensions rose to a fever
pitch, and tipped over into violence time and again. In the industrial cities, the
colonial-era style of politics could not survive the change, and in time, a new
generation of urban leaders came onto the scene. They came from the
immigrant precincts and entered politics by mobilizing the vote of the urban
electorate. Their rise to power set off decades of conflict between wealthy and
middle-class elites and the immigrants and their leaders, a story we tell in
Chapters 3 and 4.
In the twentieth century, large movements of people continued to flood into
the cities, but the ethnic and racial composition of these urban migrations
changed dramatically. The immigrant flood tide ended in the early 1920s,
when Congress enacted legislation that nearly brought foreign immigration to
a halt. By then, however, a massive internal population movement was already
picking up speed. In the first three decades of the twentieth century and again in
the years following World War II, millions of African Americans fled the
hostile culture of the South for jobs and opportunity in the industrial cities.
They were joined by successive waves of destitute whites fleeing the
unemployment and poverty of Appalachia and other depressed areas, and by
Mexicans crossing the border to escape violence and poverty in their own
country. These streams of migration virtually guaranteed that twentieth-century
urban America would be riddled with violent racial conflict. One consequence
of the rising tensions in the cities is that millions of white families left their
inner-city neighborhoods and fled to the suburbs. A social and racial chasm
soon separated cities from suburbs, and echoes of that period continue to
reverberate to this day.
A vivid example of the continuing racial divide was on display in New
Orleans in the late summer of 2005. When the storm surge from Hurricane
Katrina breached the dikes surrounding New Orleans on August 29, 2005, 80
percent of the city was flooded and nearly 100,000 people were left to deal
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1,300 people died.8 African American neighborhoods located on the lowest
and least desirable parts of the city bore the brunt of the destruction. The racial
segregation that made this possible is a legacy of New Orleans’ past, and
despite the civil rights advances that protect the rights of minorities to live
where they choose to, it is a pattern that has not disappeared—in New Orleans
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In the meantime, bitter conflicts have, once again, broken out over foreign
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provoked a furious reaction across the country. The Arizona law authorized
Other documents randomly have
different content
 For some time the party devoted their time to exploring their
immediate surroundings, in a land which appeared to them a haven
of rest and of surpassing loveliness. They penetrated into forests of
great extent, to points on the mountain-tops from whence a
succession of wooded ravines and steep mountain-sides, clothed
with a luxuriant and ever-verdant vegetation, delighted their eyes;
the mountain streams giving life to a scene where, except only for
the songs of countless birds and the hum of insect life, all was still.
No four-legged animals or reptiles were to be seen. Fruits in
abundance seemed as if awaiting them, and in the crannies of the
rocks they found honey possessing the odour of violets. An opening
in the extensive woods, which was encircled by laurels and flowering
shrubs, presented an inviting retreat, and a tree of dense shade, the
probable growth of ages, offered a verdant canopy of impenetrable
foliage. In this spot they determined to form a residence from the
abundant materials with which Nature supplied them. This state of
innocent happiness was not destined to last long, as, though
apparently serenely contented with their surroundings as long as the
vessel anchored close at hand suggested a possible retreat and
return to the outer world, disaster befell them, for one night a storm
arose and their ship was driven out to sea. This calamity so greatly
distressed the fair lady that she became completely prostrated by
the shock, and in a few days she died in her lover’s arms. Machim, in
his turn, died of grief a few days after, having spent the intervening
time in erecting a memorial to his much-loved Anna. The dying man
dictated an inscription recording their sad story, concluding with a
request that if any Christians should at any future time form a
settlement in that island, they would erect a church over their graves
and dedicate it to the Redeemer of Mankind, a request which, it will
be seen, was afterwards carried out, when “Machim’s tree” was
supposed to have furnished sufficient material for the building of the
whole chapel.

Their survivors not unnaturally set about building a boat in which

to escape from the land which by now was filled with sad
associations for them, and eventually they succeeded in reaching the
coast of Morocco. Here a worse fate awaited them, as they fell into
the hands of the Moors and became slaves. They are said to have
joined some of their fellow-comrades who had been on the ship
when she was driven out to sea. Their past and present adventures,
and the descriptions they gave of the beauty of this fairy island,
attracted the attention of a fellow-slave, a Spaniard named Juan
Morales, an experienced pilot.

Morales treasured all this information, and was eventually

ransomed through the intervention of his Sovereign. On his return to
Spain he was taken prisoner by the Portuguese, and carried off to
Lisbon by Joao Gonsalvez Zargo, the celebrated navigator, who lost
no time in informing his patron Prince Henry of the tales he had
heard from his prisoner of the fertility and beauty of the
undiscovered island.

Prince Henry was the son of John I. of Portugal, and a nephew of

our Henry IV. He was called “O Conquisador,” and the Portuguese are
justly proud of him, as through his love of exploration and adventure
he added largely to their dominions, and lent a ready ear to rumours
of undiscovered lands. Zargo had no difficulty in persuading his
patron to fit out an expedition, which he himself was appointed to
command. On June 1, 1419, he set sail for Porto Santo, which had
been discovered two years previously by the Portuguese. The
colonists on the island related how, in one particular direction, there
hung perpetually over the sea a thick, impenetrable darkness, which
was guarded by a strange noise which occasionally made itself
heard. With the usual superstition of the age, various reasons were
ascribed to these mysterious signs. We are told “by some the place
was deemed an abyss, from which whoso ventured thither would
never return; by others it was called the Mouth of Hell. Certain
persons declared it to be that ancient island Cipango, kept by
Providence under a mysterious veil, where resided the Spanish and
Portuguese Christians who had escaped from the slavery of the
Moors and Saracens. It was considered, however, a great crime to
dive into the secret, since it had pleased God to signify His intention
to reveal it by any of the signs which were mentioned by the ancient
prophets who spoke of this marvel.”

Being less superstitious and more adventurous than these

benighted colonists, Zargo determined to fathom the mystery of this
so-called impenetrable darkness. Setting sail one morning with a fair
wind, by noon his hopes were fully realized, and he found the
mysterious veil to be nothing more than heavy clouds hanging over
the densely wooded mountains on the north of the island—a state of
things very commonly seen to this day when approaching the island
from the north. Like the unfortunate couple Machim and Anna, he
was filled with joy and delight when he saw the grand mass of
mountains rising abruptly from the sea. The party soon found
themselves sailing along a glorious coast, with grand cliffs, cut by
deep densely wooded ravines, coming down to the sea.

On the morning of June 14, 1419, having anchored for the night in
a sheltered bay, which exactly corresponded with the description
given by Morales, who accompanied the expedition, of Machim and
Anna’s resting-place, Zargo and some of his followers landed—and
this is the first authentic account of the discovery of Madeira.

The party spent some days exploring this rich and fertile
acquisition to the Crown of Portugal, and on July 2 Zargo,
accompanied by two priests who formed part of the expedition, held
a ceremonious service of thanksgiving for the discovery of the island,
taking formal possession of it in the name of the King of Portugal.
Mass was celebrated and a service was held on the spot which was
supposed to be the grave of the two lovers. The final ceremony
consisted in the laying of the foundation-stone of a chapel
dedicated, in accordance with Machim’s request, to the Redeemer of
Mankind.

Before returning to Portugal to announce the joyful news of his

discovery, Zargo explored the coast, and named various points and
bays with the names they still bear at the present day. Machim’s bay
was named Machico, and may claim to be the oldest settlement. The
most eastern point of the island had already been named Ponta de
Sao Lourenso when the travellers rounded it—some say because
Zargo, calling for the aid of St. Lourenso, after whom his ship was
named, jumped into the sea at this point and landed; others assert
that the point was merely named after one of his companions who
bore the saint’s names.

Santa Cruz was so named because at this spot the party found
some large trees lying on the shore, torn up by the elements, out of
which they formed a large wooden cross. Porto do Seixo owes its
name to the freshness and purity of its spring water, for which it is
still famous; and the explorers were so struck by the great springs of
pure water which gush out of a grand mass of rock, that they took
back with them to Portugal a bottle of the water as an offering to
Prince Henry.

Rounding a prominent headland which was then clothed with

numerous dragon-trees, and remained famous for them for many
hundreds of years, though now only one or two of the trees are left,
flocks of tern were startled from their resting-place by the strange
and unknown noise of oars, and flew all round the boats, even
alighting on their occupants. The headland therefore received the
name of Capo do Garajao, or Cape of the Tern, though at the
present time it is better known to the English under the name of the
Brazen Head.

From this point they saw a fine expanse of country, and at once
settled that this would be the best spot on which to build the future
city. As the district was remarkable for the thick growth of fennel,
which in Portuguese is called funcho, the site of the new town
received the name of Funchal.

Ribeiro des Soccoridos (river of the rescued) was the name given
to a place where two of the party lost their footing whilst attempting
to cross a river, and would have been swept into the sea if their
companions had not come to their rescue. Praya Formoso was aptly
named “beautiful shore.” The extent of their wanderings on this
occasion seems to have led them to the great cliff which towers
some 2,000 feet above the sea, so they named the cape Cabo Girao.
Having been startled by seeing some seals leaping out of caves in a
bay before they approached the great cliff, they named the spot
Camara do Lobos, or Wolves’ Lair, which is the site of the
picturesque village which was afterwards built in the sheltered
situation.

From this time the history of the island is no longer wrapt in

mythical legends, and it seems certain that in the following year
(1419) Zargo and one Tristao Teixeira were permitted to return.
They divided the island into two comarcas, each taking command of
one: Zargo became the Capitao, and Teizeira the Donatorio, and
they portioned out the land among their followers. Zargo founded
the town of Funchal, and the two Captains had complete jurisdiction
granted to them by the Crown, though they had to appeal to their
monarch in cases of life and death. Zargo lived to enjoy his
command for forty-seven years, and his tomb is still to be seen in
the church of the Convent of Sta. Clara, which was founded by his
granddaughter, Donna Constanca de Norouka, in 1492. Fructuoso
gives an account of some of the first inhabitants of the island, and
tells us that the first children who were born in the island were the
son and daughter of Gonzalo Ayres Fereira, one of Zargo’s
companions, and they were christened Adam and Eve. Adam, the
first man, founded the Church of Nossa Senhora at the Mount.

The wife of Christopher Columbus being the daughter of

Perestrello, the Governor of the neighbouring island of Porto Santo,
possibly led to Christopher Columbus visiting Madeira. The house
which he was said to have occupied during these visits, the property
of Jean d’Esmenault, was ruthlessly destroyed in the year 1877 to
make room for new shops. The American Consul of that date,
evidently sharing the love of the rest of his country-people for
souvenirs, carried away to America many of the architectural
treasures of the house, such as the carved window-frames and
ornamental stonework. Thus Funchal lost one of her most interesting
relics of the past.

In the year 1566 Funchal suffered at the hands of a French naval

expedition which had been fitted out by Peyrot de Montluc, son of
the Marshal, for the purposes of exploring unknown lands and seas,
according to the spirit of adventure which was the fashion of that
age. Meeting with storms, which probably diminished the number of
his crew, Montluc put into Madeira, with the intention, it is said, of
recruiting his force; but being eyed with suspicion, as belonging to
the navy of a foreign country, he professed to have been insulted,
and attacked the town. The city appears to have been feebly
defended, although Montluc must have met with some resistance, as
over 200 of the inhabitants lost their lives. Very little is known as to
the strength of the invading force, but it is certain that great damage
was done to the town by the Huguenot invaders, as they were, of
course, described by the Catholics. The churches seem to have
suffered severely, as the plunderers no doubt expected to find
treasure in their vaults. Having thoroughly ransacked the town and
terrified the inhabitants, who mostly fled to the country, the
expedition departed before assistance came from Lisbon, but not
before the leader Montluc had been mortally wounded. In 1580 the
island, being a Portuguese possession, fell with its mother-country
under the rule of Spain—a state of affairs which lasted some eighty
years. Madeira seems to have been little affected by the Spanish
yoke, the most important alteration in its government being the
abolition of the office of Captains and the appointment of a Governor
of the island—an office which the Portuguese confirmed when it
again came under their sole power, and is continued to this day.

The eighteenth century appears to have been a more peaceful

epoch in the history of the island, though it is recorded that Captain
Cook, when starting on his voyage round the world in the
Endeavour, bombarded the fort on the Loo Rock as a protest against
an affront which he said had been offered to the British flag.
 During the seventeenth century many English families settled in
Madeira, as, in consequence of the marriage of Charles II. with
Catharine of Braganza, British residents were afforded special
favours and privileges, which enabled them to develop the wine
trade. Dr. Azevado says that a document exists in the municipal
archives of Funchal showing that during the negotiations for the
royal marriage, there being some delay in the final decision of King
Charles, the Queen Regent of Portugal was willing to cede the island
of Madeira as part of her daughter’s dowry. Other more important
possessions having been ceded, Madeira remained a Portuguese
colony, and only came under the protection of the English when, in
1801, in order to protect their allies from the aggressions of the
French, the island was garrisoned by English troops. The Peace of
Amiens saw the withdrawal of the British forces; but when war broke
out between England and France, in 1807, Madeira again came
under British protection, when Admiral Hood occupied the island
with a force of 4,000 men. Mr. Yate Johnson, in his “Handbook on
Madeira,” tells us how he himself had seen the original signatures of
the principal inhabitants taken on this occasion, by which they
individually swore “to bear true allegiance and fealty to His Majesty
King George III. and to his heirs and successors, as the island
should be held by his said Majesty or his heirs, in conformity to the
terms of the capitulation made and signed on the 26th December,
1807, whereby the island and dependencies were delivered over to
his said Majesty.” The island, though garrisoned by the English until
the restoration of general peace in 1814, was restored to her rightful
owners four months after the above oath of allegiance was signed.

The year 1826 was a troublous time for Madeira, as the island did
not escape the civil war which raged in Portugal in consequence of
the Miguelite insurrection. Property was confiscated, the owners
being thankful if they escaped with their lives; and even after the
country had resumed the monarchy, it took some years before the
island returned to its former tranquillity and prosperity.

THE END
 BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD

THE
FLOWERS AND GARDENS
OF JAPAN
PAINTED BY ELLA DU CANE

DESCRIBED BY FLORENCE DU CANE

SQUARE DEMY 8VO., CLOTH, GILT TOP, CONTAINING

50 FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS IN COLOUR.

Price 20/- net. Post free 20/6.

Morning Post.—“Taken as a whole, this ‘gardening’ book is one of

the most fascinating that has ever been published, and is worthy of
its most fascinating title. Its pictures are all of them beautiful, and
admirably reproduced, and the letterpress matches them well.”

Guardian.—“Miss Ella Du Cane catches no little of the Japanese

spirit, its delicate harmonies of colour, its wonderful use of blended
washes in preference to our cruder European methods of
manipulating sharply contrasted tints, its careful study of line, and its
studied suppression of all hardness.... The whole forms a singularly
attractive gift-book.”

Daily News.—“This is so charming a collection of the dainty

landscape scenery for which Japan is now well known that we
should have been grateful for it even if it had not been more. It is,
however, as well a pleasant and informative discourse on the ritual
of Japanese gardening in general, and on the many gardens in
particular, which the writer has been privileged to visit.”

Scotsman.—“Prose and pictures together make an uncommonly

pretty posy, which would grace even the most severe library.”
 Liverpool Courier.—“Horticulture in Japan is bound up with the
poetry and folk-lore of the people, and Miss Du Cane brings out this
association in a most delightful fashion. In fact, her writing weds the
practical and poetical most attractively. The book is illustrated in
colour by Miss Ella Du Cane, and her pictures are wholly exquisite
impressions. If anything could induce us to imitate the Japanese
gardener, these dainty water-colour sketches should.”

Observer.—“The literary pages are entertaining, the plates are

delicious.... The book as a whole is vivid and fragrant with masses of
wistaria, azalea, iris, lotos, chrysanthemums, and the airy glories of
cherry, peach, and plum. Miss Ella Du Cane’s pictures are, indeed, so
daintily done—instance at random that bewitching glimpse called
‘Wistaria at Nagaoka’—that those who once take this volume in their
hands will turn it over again and again.”

PUBLISHED BY A. AND C. BLACK . SOHO SQUARE . LONDON

 THE ITALIAN LAKES
PAINTED BY ELLA DU CANE

DESCRIBED BY RICHARD BAGOT

SQUARE DEMY 8VO., CLOTH, GILT TOP, CONTAINING 69 FULL-PAGE FACSIMILE

REPRODUCTIONS IN COLOUR.

Price 20/- net. Post free 20/6.

Globe.—“Especially noteworthy for the lightness and delicacy of

the artist’s touch, and the felicity of her colouring as appropriate to
the scenery it represents. The text is a capable accompaniment,
supplying much information of a useful and interesting character.”

Standard.—“‘The Italian Lakes’ have, perhaps, never been more

superbly depicted in all the richness of glowing colour than in the
illustrations to this attractive fine art volume. We take up the book,
and in a moment London and all its fogs are forgotten, and we seem
to escape, as by magic, from the madding crowd, to one of the
fairest regions in the world.... Mr. Bagot has quick eyes for the
picturesque, and writes with admirable restraint in the romantic
mood.”

Evening Standard.—“Mr. Bagot reveals that skill in description that

makes his work at once fascinating and distinctive.... Miss Du Cane’s
tastefully reproduced water-colours are among the most pleasing of
any in the whole series. They reveal strength and delicacy, and have
the great merit of giving one a true notion of the actual and normal
colour of the places.”

Aberdeen Journal.—“Miss Du Cane’s water-colours are most

charming. She has caught perfectly the peaceful spirit of the
beautiful scenes she represents. She revels in the flowers and the
brightness and gaiety of it all.... The letterpress by Mr. Bagot is very
good—quite the kind of thing that is wanted in the books of this
series.”

World.—“Mr. Bagot’s descriptions will give the reader who has

never seen this lovely part of Europe a just and vivid idea of its
beauties, while Miss Du Cane’s work does the same for him by
means of another and a beautiful medium. Her pictures are
charming, and the reproduction would seem to be perfect.”

Outlook.—“A good example of the series. Miss Du Cane’s work has

atmosphere and grace, and the reproduction is as good as it can be
in the present stage of the art. Mr. Bagot also is a discriminating and
useful guide.... As a companion for a visit to the lakes, and a
memento of it afterwards, nothing could be better than this book.”

PUBLISHED BY A. AND C. BLACK . SOHO SQUARE . LONDON

 BY THE SAME AUTHOR

THE FLOWERS AND GARDENS

OF JAPAN

DESCRIBED BY FLORENCE DU CANE

CONTAINING 50 FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS IN COLOUR

SQUARE DEMY 8VO., CLOTH, GILT TOP

THE ITALIAN LAKES

DESCRIBED BY RICHARD BAGOT

CONTAINING 68 FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS IN COLOUR

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PUBLISHED BY
A. & C. Black, Soho Square, London, W.

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