I1ARIN COUNTY FREE LIBRARY

31111001852902

ROBERT WAUCHOPE, General Editor

Volume 5
If=Jr^r^r=^r=Ji=Jr=^r^f^r=Jr^r^r=^r=df=Jr=iJr=af^

inguistics

NORMAN A. McQUOWN, Volume Editor <-o ^

 $15.00
£7.3.0

ill!
This volume presents a summary of work 3 I I I I 00185 2902
accomplished since the Spanish conquest in
the contemporary description and historical
reconstruction of the indigenous languages
and language families of Mexico and Central
America. Numerous authorities have con-
tributed to it.

William Bright provides an annotated se-

lection of descriptive materials covering this
four-hundred-year period. Maria Teresa
Fernandez de Miranda presents a critical
review of published attempts at reconstruc-
tion of earlier stages in the development of
Middle American language families. Morris
Swadesh brings lexicostatistical techniques
to bear on the classification of the languages
in such families.
Robert E. Longacre recounts the applica-
tion of techniques for comparing languages
within such families, for the purpose of re-
constructing the earlier stages in each sub-
family and for arriving at an inventory of
the linguistic elements present in those
earlier stages. Sarah C. Cud pre-
sents an evaluation of th> mpts
to correlate, both synchronically and dia-
chronically, the distribution of indigenous
linguistic features as evidenced in modern
dialect surveys with the distribution of
socio-cultural features as revealed by an-
thropological studies of indigenous culture
and social organization.
of Cla* huatl by Sta:
(1 Yucatt
man A. McQuown, and Quiche
I
!

Edmonson provide working

tools for tackling the voluminous early post-
conquest texts in these languages of late
preconquest empires (Aztec, Maya, Qui-
Further sketches of Sierra Popoluca
by Benjamin F. Elson, of Isthmus Zapotec
lma B. Pickett, of Huautla de Jimenez
Mazatec by Eunice V. Pike, of Jiliapan Pame
by Leonardo Manrique C, and of Hua-
melultce Chontal by Viola VVaterhouse

(Continued on hack flap)

 RETURN TO CENTRAL
0£«T*M

&Prt 2 6 75
1^
'WAY t 7 71

OCT 1 5 1976
OEC 5 1971
F£ B *?
o J979

NOV 2 4 198?

970.428 Handbook of Middle American Indians. Robert

Wauchope, general editor. Austin. Univ.
of Texas Press [cl964-
llvo illus.. maps, plans.
Contents :-v.l .Natural envir

.
guistics. Norman A, McQuown.-v,6 "Social
anthropology, Manning Nash, ed.-v.7,v.8.
Ethnology, Evon Z Vogt, ed.
t

Includes bibliography.
1. Indians of Central America 2. Indians
?£J? exico Io,
Wauchope, Robert,
!909- ed. Q_
NR 7/68 \
N aa; ta)
THIS BOOK HAS BEEN

PROVIDED BY THE

FOR USE IN

MEMBER LIBRARIES
HANDBOOK OF MIDDLE AMERICAN INDIANS, VOLUME 5
Linguistics
 Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2010

http://www.archive.org/details/handbookofmiddleOOwauc
HANDBOOK OF MIDDLE AMERICAN INDIANS

EDITED AT MIDDLE AMERICAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE, TULANE UNIVERSITY

Robert Wauchope, General Editor

Margaret A. L. Harrison, Associate Editor
Lore M. Colby, Assistant Editor
Inis Pickett, Administrative Assistant
Frank T. Schnell, Jr., David S. Phelps,
Thomas S. Schorr, Art Staff

ASSEMBLED WITH THE AID OF GRANTS FROM THE NATIONAL SCIENCE

FOUNDATION, AND THE SPONSORSHIP OF THE NATIONAL RESEARCH COUN-
CIL COMMITTEE ON LATIN AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY

Editorial Advisory Board

IGNACIO BERNAL, HOWARD F. CLINE, GORDON F. EKHOLM,

NORMAN A. MCQUOWN, MANNING NASH, T. DALE STEWART,
EVON Z. VOGT, ROBERT C. WEST, GORDON R. WILLEY
HANDBOOK OF MIDDLE AMERICAN
INDIANS f7%£
ROBERT WAUC
^r^r^r^r^r=dr^r=d,JH>^=I \/Q I I I M F FIVEM

• •

Linau
nguistics

NORMAN A. McQUOWN
Volume Editor

UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS T*fJ AUSTIN

atwn Building
Civic Center I

California
San Raiicl.
 Published in Greal Britain by the
University of Texas Press, Ltd., London

Library of Congress Catalog Card No. G4-10316

Copyright © 1%7 by the University of Texas Press
All rights reserved.

The preparation and publication of the

Handbook of Middle American Indians
has been assisted by grants from
the National Science Foundation.

C Jinposed and printed by Waverly Press, Inc., Baltimore, Maryland

Binding by Universal Bookbindery, Inc., San Antonio, Texas
CONTENTS

1. History of Studies in Middle American Linguistics 3

Norman A. McQuoicn
2. Inventory of Descriptive Materials 9
William Brigld

3. Inventory of Classificatory Materials 63

Maria Teresa Fernandez de Miranda
4. Lexicostatistic Classification 79
Morris Swadesh

5. Systemic Comparison and Reconstruction 117

Robert Longacre

6. Environmental Correlational Studies 161

Sarah C. Gudsckinsky

7. Type Linguistic Descriptions 177

A. Classical Nahuatl 179

Stanley Newman
B. Classical Yucatcc (Maya) 201
Norman A. McQuown
C. Classical Quiche 249
Munro S. Edmonson
D. Sierra Popoluca .... . 269
Benjamin F. Elson

E. Isthmus Zapotec 291

Velma B. Pickett

F. Huautla de Jimenez Mazatec 311

Eunice V. Pike

G. Jiliapan Fame 331

Leonardo Manrique C.

H. Huamelultec Chontal 349

Viola Waterhouse

8. Language-in-Culture Studies 369

Miguel Leon-Portilla

References 385
HANDBOOK OF MIDDLE AMERICAN INDIANS, VOLUME 5
Linguistics
 GENERAL EDITOR'S NOTE
The manuscripts for the following articles were submitted at various
date- over a period of several years. Because of revisions and minor up-
dating made from time to time, it is difficult to assign a date to each ar-
ticle. In BOme cases, an indication of when an article was completed can he

had by noting the latest dates in the li-t of references at the end of each
contribution.
I. History of Studies in Middle American Linguistics
f=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jf=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=J T^r^r^r^r^i^r=Jr=Jr^r=Jr=J r==Jr=Jr=JrS

NORMAN A. McQUOWN

Shortly after the conquest of Middle Nahuatl, of Vico (1675?) for Quiche, of
America by the soldiers of the Spanish Coronel (1620) San Buenaventura
and
Crown, the priests of the Church began seri- (1684) for Yucatec Maya, and of Gonzalez
ous study of the indigenous languages spoken (1672) for Zoque. For the 18th century, we
there, in order to be able to preach the have those of Angel (18th C?), Flores (1753),
gospel, to convert and educate the heathen, Torresano (1754), and Ximenez (1750?) for
and to provide the civil authorities with a Cakchiquel, Tapia Zenteno (1767) for
linguistic vehicle to facilitate local govern- Huastec, Quintana (1729) for Mixe, Aldama
ment. The first descriptive linguistic gram- y Guevara (1754), Cortes y Zedeno (1765),
mars were modeled on the Spanish grammar Vazquez Gaztelu (1726), and Tapia Zenteno
of Antonio de Nebrija (1492) this, in turn,
; (1753) for Nahuatl, Lombardo (1702) for
was an attempt to explain the grammar of Opata, Sanchez (1747) and Neve y Molina
the Spanish of his times in Classical Latin (1767) for Otomt, Moran (1720) for Pocom-
terms. Typical of these, Andres de Olmos chi, Zuniga (1720) for Pocomam, Anlco
(1547) published the first grammar of (1744) and Ximenez (1750?) for Quiche,
Nahuatl, the language of the Aztec over- Rinaldini (1743) for Tepehuan, Zambrano
lords of Tenochtitlan and the official trade Bonilla (1752) for Totonac, and Ara (16th
language of large Middle
stretches of C) for Tzeltal. The Zambrano still professes
America. Olmos is reputed also to have pre- to be "conforme a el Arte de Antonio
pared grammars of Huastec and of Totonac Nebrija," and reminds us that the gram-
at about the same period. Similar grammars matical tradition begun by Nebrija in 1492
of the 16th century are those for Mixtec stillheld sway almost 300 years later.
(Reyes, Nahuatl (Molina, 1571a;
1593), During this early period catechisms, brevi-
Rinc6n, 1595), and Tarascan (Gilberti, 1558; aries, confessionaries, and the like were com-
Lagunas, 1574). The 17th century saw those posed for the use of the representatives of
of Maldonado (16th C) for Cakchiquel, of the church. Sahagun (1575-77), in addition,
Albornoz (1691) for Chiapanec, of Moran as the "first ethnographer," taught his
(1685-95) for Cholti, of Reynoso (1644) for Indian informants how to write down, in the
Mam, of Basalenque (1640) for Matlatzinca, Nahuatl of Tenochtitlan-Tlaltelolco, copious
of Carochi (1645), Galdo Guzman (1642), texts descriptive of the society and culture
Guerra (1692), and Vetancurt (1673) for out of which came the rulers of the Aztec
 LINGUISTICS

empire. Genealogical and historical chroni- (Cardenas, 17th C?; anon., 1800) items, and
cles were also written down by Indian the beginnings of not completely Latinate
scribes in the Maya-speaking portions of linguistic descriptions (Sandoval, 1810;
Middle America, chiefly in Yucatan and in Tellechea, 1826; Chimalpopoca G., 1869;
the Quiche-dominated highlands of Guate- Najera, 1870; Brasseur de Bourbourg, 1872;
mala. Local records were also kept in Sanchez, 1877; Caballero, 1880; Simeon,
Nahuatl as a governmental lingua franca (by 1885; Basalenque, 1886; Palma, 1886; Stoll,
Nahuatlatos trained by the priests) and, 1887, 1888; Pineda, 1888; Alejandre, 1890;
though much less frequently, in other lan- Los Reyes, 1891; Belmar, 1892, 1897, 1898,
guages as well. Such records were plentiful 1899, 1900, 1901a, 1901b, 1902a, 1902b; La
in the 16th and 17th centuries, and not Grasserie and Leon, 1896; La Grasserie,
wholly lacking at even later periods. 1898; Zavala, 1898; Zavala and Medina,
To serve the priests who were being 1898; Patino, 1907; Romero Fuentes, 1910;
trained to preach in the local languages, dur- Diguet, 1911; Dolores, 1911-14, 1923; Leon,
ing this period, special dictionaries were com- 1911; Boas, 1913; Mason, 1917, 1923; Perez,
piled. Noteworthy are those of Angel 1866-77; Tozzer, 1921; LaFarge, 1927;
(18th C), Coto (17th C), Santo Domingo LaFarge and Byers, 1931; Schuller, 1925a;
(1693), and Varela (17th C?) as well as Sapper, 1927; Preuss, 1932, 1935; Angulo,
those of several anonymous authors (?) for 1933; Schultze-Jena, 1933; Gomez, 1935;
Cakchiquel, of Ortega (1732) for Cora, of Radin, 1935a; Becerra, 1937; Fernandez,
Basalenque (1642a, b) for Matlatzinca, of 1937; Gates, 1938; Pacheco Cruz, 1938)
Alvarado (1593) for Mixtec, of Arenas (see which came in with the development of
editions under his n.d.), Molina (1555, linguistics as a science in the late 19th and
1571b), and of two anonymous authors early 20th centuries. Among such later
(1590, 1598) for Nahuatl, of an anonymous studies in the first category are an anony-
author (1750) for Otomi, of Moran (n.d.) for mous (1893b) for Otomi, Valle (1925) for
Pocomam, of Barrera (1745), Basseta Fame, Beltran (1859) for Yucatec Maya,
(1698?), Calvo (1726), and Vico (17th C?), and Cordova (1886) for Zapotec; in the
and of several anonymous authors (17th second, the anonymous (1884) for Cakchi-
and 18th C?) for Quiche, of Gilberti (1559) quel, the (1890) for Cahita, and the (1862)
for Tarascan, of Ara (1571) and Guzman for Pima, the anonymous (1887) and (1893a)
(16th C) for Tzeltal, of an anonymous author for Zapotec; in the third an anonymous
(18th C) for Yaqui, of Ciudad Real (1600?) manuscript (1800) for Zapotec, and the
and of an anonymous author (17th C) for Cardenas manuscript (17th C?) for Kekchi
Yucatec Maya, of Cordova (1578) for of Coban; and in the fourth, a wide variety
Zapotec, and of an anonymous author (1733) of descriptive materials, a fair part of them
for Zoque. Such grammars, religious texts, based on previous descriptions, some small
and dictionaries are heavily concentrated in quantity of genuinely new descriptions,
the last half of the 16th century, thin out in some of these still fairly Latinate, others
the 17th, and build up again in the middle beginning to shake loose from the earlier
of the 18th century. tradition of grammatical description. In this
Not until the 19th century was there last category, then, we have Belmar (1901)
another resurgence of interest in indigenous for Amusgo, Boas (1913) for Chatino,
languages, with reprints (Beltran de Santa Angulo (1933) for Chichimec, Belmar (1899),
Rosa Maria, 1859) of earlier versions of and Leon (1911) for Chocho, Becerra (1937)
some items, first printings (anon., 1862, 1884, and LaFarge (1927) for Choi, Belmar (1900)
1887, 1890, 1893a, 1893b; Cordova, 1886; for Chontal de Oaxaca, Gomez (1935) and
Valle, 1925) of some older manuscript Preuss (1932 and 1935) for Cora, Belmar
 HIVlUin Ol -n I

12b for Cuicatec, Alejandre iiviOj for lingu substantial, and it will become
Hwutec, Belm&r (1901) for Hvaoe, Diguet more bo as increasing quantities of SIL ma-
(1911) for Huichol, Stoll (1887) lor IzQ, m files are made available. Other
terial- -till

LaFarge and Byers (1031) JaeaUee, tor linguistic worker- with academic or govern-
Belmar L892 for Mazatec, Belmar (1
I mental affiliations, with o »n toward
and La Grasserie y,,s for Aftze, Caballero i scientific research or toward practical appli-
(1880), Chimalpopoca (1869), Sandoval •i. have collaborated on both counts
(1810) and Simeon 18$ Xahuatl, with SIL members. Increasingly serious
Dolores (1911-14 and 1923) for Papayo, scientific research is being carried on in
Feraandea (1937) and stoll (1888 Middle American languages, Uith descrip-
r>r„r/tchi, Schult/e Jen; L933 tive and historical, oriented toward both
e Sapper (1927) for TapockuUec, TeDechea linguist c structure and linguistic content
I L826) for Tarai l S86), (McQuown, 1961 i he establishment, in
La Grasserie v,,x and Leon, and Najera !..«!- dad National Autonoma de
i the I

(1870) for Tarascan, Mason (1917 theS< minario deCultura Xahuatl

7'- //< * ono, Radin (1933) tor Tlappanec, the Seminario de Culture Maya, as well
Belmai L897 Pineda L8$ the founding, in Quesaltenango, in
/
//, Bchuller 1925 for '. oft
'.
Mason Guatemala, of the Academia de la Lengua
(1923) for Yaqtri, Brasseur 1872 Quiche, augurs well for the future of philo-
(19 3), Pachi 77 and d studies of the structure
L898 Rom* ro L910 . Touer 1921 . and and cont .1- in the three
Zavala I 1898 foi YueoA Vlaya . Los "classical" Middle America.
languages of
Reyes L891 tor Zapotee, and 1-:' i

those with considerable quantities of imme-

ad Synches 1^77 for Z \
tconquest documentary material-.
The modern period may be aaid to ! We have therefore included in tin- volume
begun with Boas, with Mason, and with grammatical sketches of Classical
other- trained by 1
S ;pir. Bloomfield, Classical Yucat< .</. and '.' i
I

and their students. Iii the mid thirtie- of the Dg the CJtO A/tecall and
present century William Cameron Town-end the Mayan families of langui - h of
founded the Summer Institute of Linguist the other five -ketch.
(The Wye] Translati d began tional family (or -ubfainiiyi of Middle
a program of linguistic studies whose pri- langu Popcluca —
mary mtent wai entual production of Zoque-Popolucan, Zapotec Zapot
NTw Testament translat »r all the ((ttomanguean Mai atecan
. •

indigenous languages of the Arm ricae 1 >ur- manguean Otopamean (Otoman-

.

ing the 25 years between 1935 and I960, all guean and 'honk
.
i Hokalb
the languages of Mexico and Guatemala had These eight sketches are representativi
received attention, and a sizable quantity only of B variety »»f linpiistic structures, but
Summer Institute of Linguistics, I960) of also of a range of approacl riptive of
descriptive linguistic publications on th such Contrastive inspection of
structures.
languages had appeared. It i> no accident the internal organization of the sketch.
that of the eight linguistic sketches pre- evidenced in their Tables of Contents) will
sented volume of the Handbook
in this i-trate that although there i< almost
Middle American Indians four are the work univerBaJ on the bask
at prii
of members of the Summer Enstitute of of linguistic analysis, then
Linguistic! as are two <»t" the theon I the logistics of the presentation of descrip-
chapters of this volume. The total impact to tive results. Current linguistic journals
date of SI I. -workers on Middle American (Aboriginal linguistics, Acta linguist
 LINGUISTICS

Anthropological linguistics, General linguis- of historical linguistics in Middle America

tics, International American
journal of during the past decade have seen increasing
linguistics, Investigaeiones linguist icas. Lan- application of the lexicostatistical tool for
guage, Lingua, Mexico antiguo, Miscellanea the purposes of preliminary classification
phonetica.Monographs of the Institute of where such classification is lacking on other
Languages and Linguistics of Georgetown grounds and for the posing of historical
University, Phonetica, Revista Mexicans de problems where the results of lexicostatisti-
estudios antropologicos, Tlalocan, and cal classification and classification deriving
Word) provide, in their indexes, an inven- from systemic comparison and reconstruc-
tory of publications in the Middle American tion differ. Systemic comparison and recon-
and an idea of the quantity
linguistic field, struction has likewise made considerable
and quality of recent publications. William progress in Middle America during the past
Bright and Maria Teresa Fernandez de decade, and some initial attempts at infer-

Miranda provide in this volume annotated ring proto-cultures from proto-lexicon have
inventories of descriptive and of classifica- been made public. It is to be expected that
tory material-, respectively. Classificatory the detection of smaller genetic differences
theory and results are treated by Swadesh will become possible and that finer genetic
(lexicostatistically) and by Longacre (com- distinctions will become feasible in direct
paratively and reconstructively). Extra- proportion to the liner structural detail of
linguistic correlations arc handled by improved descriptions. As ever-finer struc-
Gudschinsky (anthropologically) and by tural correspondence-matrices are set up, the
Leon Port ilia (philologieally . fine-meshed sieve which they provide for
All these presentations make passing screening out noninherited lexical and
reference to general theoretical problem- in- grammatical material will make possible the
volving the problem- of Middle American tracing of such linguistic material to its

languages and in some instances even more point- of origin, and an ever-more reliable
genera] linguistic problem-. The techniques linguistic contribution to culture history.
of linguistic analysis in Middle America have Reliable ext ra-linguist ic correlations for
shifted from description in term- of a Bingle linguistic features, in turn, may be expected
model language (Latin to description of to result from continued improvement
each language in its own term-. These latter in the techniques of archaeological recon-
descriptions, deprived of a single model for struction, ethnohistorical inference, and
presentation of the resultant analytic data, contemporary socio-cultural description. Ma-
have become ever more divrr-e in pattern. chine processing of linguistic and of extra-
This diversity in presentation reflects in linguistic cultural data, finally, will make
part increasing diversity in descriptive ble the prompt testing of explanatory

models, a result which, although it may be hypotheses, the equally quick rejection of
salutary in the development of a young untenable ones, and the formulation of new
science, must present a source of difficulty one-, in what we hope will be an ever more
to the Qonspecialist who attempt- by com- fruitful dialectic. Improvement in the prod-
parison of two or more linguistic descriptions ucts of this re-earch-oriented dialectic will
to gain some contrast ive insight into the make available to all who would make prac-
structures of the languages described. It be- tical application of them ever-more useful
hooves the linguists of the next decade to tools for human betterment. We hope that
devote some time to the problem of inter- the present volume will serve not merely to
convertibility of linguistic descriptive state- outline past events and the current state of
ments, if they hope to make their effort^ research in Middle American linguistics but
more generally intelligible. The techniques also to show the way toward this last goal.

6
HISTORY OF STUDIES

REFERENCES
Albornoz, 1691 McQuown, 1960b
Aldama y Guevara, 1754 Maldonado, 16th C
Alejandre, 1890 Mason, 1917, 1923
Alvarado, 1593 Molina, 1555, 1571a, 1571b
Angel, 18th C, a, b, c Mo ran, F., 1685-95
Angulo, 1933 Moran, P., n.d., 1720
Anleo, 1744 Najera, 1870
Anonymous, 1590, 1598, 17th C a-f, 18th C a, b, Nebrija, 1492
1733, 1750, 1800, 1862, 1884, 1887, 1890, 1893a, b Neve v Molina, 1767
Ara, 16th C, 1571 Olmos', 1547
Arenas, n.d. Ortega, 1732
Barrera, 1745 Pacheco Cruz, 1938
Basalenque, 1640, 1642a, 1642b, 1886 Palma, 1886
Basseta, 1698 Patino, 1907
Becerra, 1937 Perez, 1866-77, 1898
Belmar, 1892, 1897, 1899, 1900, 1901a, 1901b, Pineda, 1888
1902a, 1902b Preuss, 1932, 1935
Beltr&n de Santa Rosa Maria, 1859 Quintana, 1729
Boas, 1913 Radin, 1933
Brasseur de Bourbourg, 1872 Reyes, 1593
Caballero, 1880 Reynoso, 1644
Calvo, 1726 Rinaldini, 1743
C&rdenas, 17th C Rincon, 1595
Carochi, 1645 Romero Fuentes, 1910
Chimalpopoca Galicia, 1869 Sahagun, 1575-77
Ciudad Real, 1600 San Buenaventura, 1684
Col. de gramdticas, 1904 Sanchez, 1877
Cordova, 1578a, 1578b, 1886 Sanchez de la Baquera, 1747
Coronel, 1620 Sandoval, 1810
Cortes y Zedeno, 1765 Santo Domingo, 1693
Coto, 17th C Sapper, 1927
Diguet, 1911 Schuller, 1925a
Dolores, 1911-14, 1923 Schultze-Jena, 1933
Fernandez, 1937 Simeon, 1885
Flores, I. J., 1753 Stoll, 1887, 1888
Galdo Guzman, 1642 Summer Inst. Linguistics, 1960
Gates, 1938 Tapia Zenteno, 1753, 1767
Gilberti, 1558, 1559 Tellechea, 1826
Gomez, 1935 Torresano, 1754
Gonzalez, 1672 Tozzer, 1921
Guerra, 1692 Valle, 1925
Guzman, 16th C Varela, 17th C
LaFarge, 1927 V&zquez Gaztelu, 1726
and Byers, 1931 Vetancurt, 1673
La Grasserie, 1898 Vico, 17th C, 1675
and Leon, 1896 Ximenez, 1750
Lagunas, 1574 Zambrano Bonilla, 1752
Leon, N., 1911 Zavala, 1898
Lombardo, 1702 and Medina, 1898
Los Reyes, 1891 Zuniga, 1720
2. Inventory of Descriptive Materials

WILLIAM BRIGHT

This inventory is a selected and annotated Ann Arbor, and the Microfilm Collection of
bibliography of published materials on the Manuscript Materials on Middle American
phonologies, grammars and lexicons of the Cultural Anthropology, issued by the Uni-
native Middle American languages, from versity of Chicago Library.
Molina's Vocabulario of 1555 down to works 3. Studies which are primarily oriented

published in 1966. Items are arranged alpha- toward linguistic comparison are excluded
betically by author and numbered in that from this bibliography, even though they
order; the indexing which follows by lan- — often contain lexical data not available else-
guage, historical period, and type of material where. To supplement this inventory, there-
— refers to these numbers. fore,readers should also consult the In-
There were eight bases for selection of ventory of Classificatory Materials which
these entries. follows.
Middle American languages are taken
1. 4. Texts in Middle American languages
to include those spoken from the northern when they appear to have
are included only
border of Mexico to the southern extreme of immediate usefulness for linguistic study.
the Mesoamerican culture area (as denned The large body of Christian devotional
by Kirchhoff, 1943). In the north, I include literature in aboriginal languages is thus ex-
those border languages which have substan- cluded. But texts in the native tradition,
tialnumbers of speakers in Mexico, such as when recorded or edited by linguistically
Pima-Papago; I exclude Diegueno and sophisticated scholars, and accompanied by
Apache. In the south, the listing includes translation, are included.
Lenca, Cacaopera, Chorotega, Subtiaba, and 5. Some of the primers and other literacy
Mangue; but it stops short of Jicaque, Paya, materials published recently by the Summer
Sumo, Miskito, Ulua, and the languages of Institute of Linguistics include word lists of
Costa Rica. The Black Carib language, as a sufficient size to be of use to the linguist.
recent arrival in Mesoamerica, is excluded. Such materials, when I have been able to see
2. Materials existing only in manuscript them, are listed here. Other literacy publi-
are not listed. Microfilms have been in- cations, including the many that I have not
cluded only when they are part of a regularly seen, are omitted.
distributed series, notably the dissertations 6. Other types of material which are
made available by University Microfilms, excluded are those dealing with kinship termi-

/ 9
 LINGUISTICS

oology, with onomasties, with ethnolinguis- teenth they began to elaborate, wiping out
.iationships. with linguistic aecultura- •"irregularities" they did not understand, or

tion. and with aboriginal writing systems. which were dying out under Spanish contact.

Book reviews are not listed except when And then in the Eighteenth they openly "cor-
rected"' and formalized the languages themselves,
they contain new data or offer new analyses.
7. In the case of the two Middle American
to what they thought they ought to be to make —
"•good language." In the Nineteenth, practically
on which the most has been
_ S
everything became worthless.
namely Aztec and Maya. I have
been more selective than elsewhere. This In the 20th century, of course, improved
means that nearly all publications from the techniques of linguistic study have brought
16th and 17th centuries arc included, but about great improvement, and a larger per-
that many later works are omitted. The centage oi works on Aztec and Maya are
- have been ssed by dates found suitable for inclusion in this listing.
.\ : s Aid in compiling this bibliography was
derived from many previously published
In even -
language and dialect, the Sixteenth
centu -
te down what they found.
bibliographies, to which the reader may also

and by sheer necessity (.helped often by turn for items excluded here. All but two of
exquisitely accurate re- these are listed in Gibson. 1000; the addi-
irafl little attempt at theorizing; o:ies arc those oi the Summer Insti-
-:-hand ra _ Seven- •:'
Linguistics, I960, 1964.

ABBKEYIATI
AA American Anthropol _

Arqueol g I
- oria j Etnol -

M' i

lad d<' (* Bistoria. Guatemala.

I . Ling. Anthr § Bloooaington, Ind.
linga Philadelphia.
BAM v '. ii-uil Report. Washington.
S !0.

\ \ »r, Mich.
. P [nternatioi h I Ajnerieaniete, Proceedings.
UAL mal J.h:: Lmeriean Lingu Itimore.
. :ng. Mexico.
'

s iris.

the Journal of the Lin.: - Unerica. Baltimore.

Kl M- \ > Antigu M i

film Collection of El pi Materials on Middle American Cul-

tural 'y of Chicago Library.
-

- hi Salvador.

mg. le Philologie Comparee. Paris.

ll Rev -
rico.
CCPAAE Universe* fornia Publications in American Archaeology and
Etfa | - \ |

S TORY

577a Du polysynthe'tisme, de Pin le la compositioo et tie 1'emboitement

thuatL Ret. Li-
->
et de la Quiche et Maya.
Ling., II

10
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERH.LS
""
3 La langue Chiapaneque: observations grarnrnaticales, vocabulaire m6thodique,
textes inedits, textes retablis. Vienne.
Based on Pinart, 1S75. and on MSS of Joan Nunez, 1633. Includes Chiapai»- --French
vocabulary and devotional te\
Ad an. Elfego
4 1922 Los Cuicateeos aetuales. An. Mus. Nae., 4a e'poca, 1 137-54. :

Includes Spanish-Cuicatec word and phrase lists and paradigms, pp. 141-47.
Agreda. el padre
5 1888 Arte de la lengua Otomi eserita por el Dr. L. Darapski. Anales del Museo
. . .

Michoacano, ano 1, entregas 3-4. Morelia.

Cited in Boletin Bibliogrdfico de Antropologia Americana, 18.2: 297, but not included
in the bound volumes of the Anales which I have seen.

Aldama y Guevara, Joseph Augustin de

6 1754 Arte de la lengua Mexieana. Mexico.
Said to be only a compendium of previous writers' statements. Not seen.
Alejandre, Marcelo
7 1S70 Noticia de lengua Huasteca. Bel Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad.. 2a epoca, 2: 733-90.
Sketch of phonetics and grammar, with Spanish-Huastec vocabulary.
1S90 Cartilla Huasteca con su grarnitica, diccionario y varias reglas para aprender el
idioma. . Mexico.
. .

Includes grammar. Spar.ish-Huastec and Huastec-Spanish vocabularies, conversa-

tional sentences, and devotional text with interlinear translation.
Aleman. L.
9 Grammaire elementaire de la langue Quiehee. Publiee par A. Blomme. Supplement
au Compte-Rendu du Congres International des Americanistes. Copenhague.
Grammatical sketch from MS of IS 12
Alleman. Vera Mae
10 1952 Vocabulario Za;x)teco del Rineon. Primera parte, Zapoteeo-Espanol. Segunda
parte. Espahol-Zapoteeo. Mexico.
Alvarado, Francisco
11 1593 Vocabulario en lengua Misteea. . . . Mexico.
Not seen. Data from this source appear in Arana and Swadesh, 1965.
Alvarez. Albert
11a 1965 Some Papago puns. UAL, 31: 106-07.
Punning texts with translation and explanation.
A NX E B80 n Arab e lle
.

12 1957 Two Choi texts. Tlalocan, 3: 313-16. Mexico.

Anlrade. Mantel J.
13 1946a Materials on the Huastec language. Mic. Coll., no. 9. Chicago.
Posthumous prepared for publication by A. If. Halpern and Mark H-
field notes,
Watkins. Consists of typed and handwritten MS, including transcriptions of texts
recorded on phonograph discs. Phonological, grammatical, and lexical materials.
14 1946b Materials on the Mam, Jacaltec, Aguacatec, Chuj, Bachahom, Palencano, and
Lacandon languages. Mic. Coll., no. 10. Chicago.
1946a. Includes Mam texts transcribed by Rev. and Mrs. H. D. Peck and Rev.
E. F. Sywulka.
15 1946c Materials on the Quiche, Cakchiquel, and Tzutuhil languages. Mic. Coll., no. 11.
Chicago.
Sm 1946a. Includes comparative word list of Quiche, Cakchiquel, Jacaltec, and
Mam.
16 1946d Materials on the Kekchi and Pokoman languages. Mic. Coll., no. 12. Chicago.
3m 1946a.
1" 1955 A grammar modern Yucatec. Mic.
of Coll., no. 41. Chicago.
Posthumous MS edited by S. L. Bradshaw. Contains Maya phonology, summary
11
 LINGUISTICS

ofgrammar, detailed morphology, long section on "usage" of certain constructions,

and a long note on the pronunciation of Classical Maya.
See also Bowman, 1959.
Andrews, Henrietta
18 1949 Phonemes and morphophonemes of Temoayan Otomi. UAL, 15: 213-22.
19 1950 Yocabulario Otomi de Tasquillo, Hidalgo. Primera parte, Otomi-Espaiiol. Segunda
parte, Espanol-Otomi. Mexico.
Contains notes on the alphabet used.
Andrews, Henrietta, and Doris Bartholomew
20 1956 Aprendamos a leer en Otomi. Cartilla Otomi para los que saben leer en Castellano.
—
Otomi dialecto de San Felipe y Santiago, San Juan Jiquipileo, Estado de Mexico.
Mexico.
Contains word lists.

Anoulo, Jaime de
21 1925 The Chontal language (dialect of Tequixistlan). Anthropos, 20: 1032-52. St.
( rabriel-Modling.
Brief vocabulary, grammatical sketch, and short texts.
22 1926a The development of affixes in a group of monosyllabic languages of Oaxaca. Lg.,
2: -if- til, 119-33.
Discussion of pronominal elements in Zapoteo, Mixtec, Chinantec, Mazatec, Cuica-
Chatino, and Choeho.
1926b Tone patterns and verb forms in a dialect of Zapotek. /.</., 2: 2.'>S-50.

Grammatical function of tone in dialect of Tootitlan del Valle, with short analyzed
text.

24 1926c L'emploi de la notion d "etre" dan-

1
la langue Mixe. JSAP, 18: 1-7.
Includes analysed
H»33 The Chichimeco language (central Mexico). UAL, 7: 152-94.
Grammatical ootee, paradigms, stem lists, ami analysed text.
\M !
O, l'.AKloI.OMK DE
26 1865 Arte do la lengua Quiche* o CJtlateca, edited . . , by E. (1. Squier. London.
From M> "t" 1744 N
Amontmoi -

27 1818 Gramatica del ZotaiL n.p.

r Bchuller, 1926 Not -een.
28 1890 abulario para aprender con ]
el Quecchl Cob&n, Guatemala.

tabulario Zutuhil, traducido al (

'astellano y usado por los indfgenas de Santiago
Atitkin, l ifiiartainentodfSolola. A\t i.v/^ <h Educaci6n,Q: 25'.) 60, 7: 15. Guatemala.
Paradigms, phrxse list, and Tzutuhil-Spanish word list.

Ara- \. \'.\ wo, i in \, \m Maubicio 8waoe8b

29a 1965 Los elementoa del Mixteco antiguo. Mexico.
Mixter-Spanish stem list. based <ni Alvarado, 1593, and A. lleyes, 1593, plus material
from modern dialects; notes on structure; Spanish-Mixtec index.
Akana Xajii.v, FRANCISCO ESBNANOEZ
Vfflaoorta ('.. 191

AjtAI /.. Pbospeso

30 1926 Prases del Pipfl. Rev. Etna., 209 12. San Salvador.
1 :

Reprinted in Annie* <lel Mvseo Nacionai "David J Guzmdn", . 1.2: 70-73 (San Salva-
d<

31 I960 II Pipil de la region de los Itzaleos. San Salvador.

Abekas, Pkdro de
32 1611 Yocabulario manual de las lenguas Castellana y Mexirana, en que se contienen

12
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

las palabras, preguntas, y respuestas mas comunes y ordinarias que se suelen

ofrecer en el trato y communicaci6n entre espanoles e indios. Mexico.
Many later editions; the latest in Puebla, 1887. A French version, translated by
Charles Homey, is: Guide de la conversation en trois langues, Francais, Espagnol

et Mexicain (Paris, 1862).

Arreola, Jos£ MarIa
33 1934 Tres vocabularios dialectales del Mexicano. Inv. Ling., 2: 428-43.
Word and phrase lists from two Aztec dialects of Jalisco and from one of Colima.

Arroyo, Mctor Manuel

34 1955 Elementos de gramatica Otomf. [Mexico.]
Sketch of phonetics and grammar; three texts with interlinear translation. The
author was assisted by E. E. Wallis of the Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Aschmann, Herman P.
35 1956a Totonaco phonemes. UAL, 12: 34^3.
Includes text with literal and free translations.
36 1946b Totonac categories of smell. Tlalocan, 2: 187-89. Azcapotzalco.
Lexical classification of odors.
37 1953 Los dos niveles de composici6n en el verbo Totonaco. Rev. Mex. Est. Antro., 13:
119-22.
Derivational vs. inflectional levels.
3S 1962 Vocabulario Totonaco de la Sierra. Serie de vocabularios indigenas Mariano Silva y
Aceves, 7. Mexico.
Totonac -Spanish and Spanish-Totonac, with appendices on phonology and grammar.

Aschmann, Herman P., and William L. Wonderly

39 1952 Affixes and implicit categories in Totonac verb inflection. UAL, 18: 130-45.
t
Aulie, Evelyn W oodward
40 1948 Choi dictionary. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1948. 30 pp.
Choi-English dictionary.
See also Yourison, 1948.

Aulie, Wilbur
41 1957 High-layered numerals in Choi (Mayan). UAL, 23: 281-83.
Description of numeral system permitting count up to 8000.
Avila, Francisco de
42 1717 Arte de la lengua Mexicana. . . . Mexico.
Baegert, Johann Jacob
43 1773 Nachrichten von der amerikanischen Halbinsel Calif ornien. . . . Mannheim.
Spanish translation by Pedro R. Hendrichs: Noticias de la peninsula americana de
California (Mexico, 1942). English translation by M. M. Brandenburg and
. . .

C. L. Baumann: Observations in Lower California (Berkeley and Los Angeles,

1952). Chapter 10 consists of notes on the Waicuri language.

Baer, Phillip and Mary

44 1948 The Lacandon song of the jaguar. Tlalocan, 2: 376. Azcapotzalco.
Song text of nine sentences.
45 1950 Materials on Lacand6n culture of the Petah (Pelha) region. Mic. Coll., no. 34.
Chicago.
Contains "A tentative description of Lacandon phonemes," pp. 331-34.
Baezo, Perfecto
46 1832 Vocabulario de las lenguas Castellana y Maia. Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic
de Paris, 1st series, 18: 215-17.
Appended to Juan Galindo, M6moire sur les ruines de Palenque, pp. 198-214. The
language is apparently Choi.

13
 LINGUISTICS

Barreda, Nicolas de la
46a 1730 Doctrina Christiana en lengua chinanteca. Meocico.
Facsimile edition, ed. by Howard F. Cline (Museo Nacional de Antropologia, serie
Mexico, 1960; includes extensive linguistic commentary, including
cientifica, 6),
Spanish-Chinantec and Chinantec-Spanish vocabularies extracted from Barreda's
text. Some of these materials had been earlier reprinted by Brinton, 1892a.

Barrera Vasquez, Alfredo

47 1946 La lengua Maya de Yucatan. Encyclopedia Yucatanense, 6: 205-92. Mexico.
Phonology and detailed grammar.
See also Colop D., 1927.
Barrientos, Luis
See Pinart, L875.
Barritt, Westbrook
48 1956 The phonemic interpretation of 'accent' in Father Rincon's "Arte Mexicana."
General Linguistics, 2: 22-29. Louisville.
Suggests that accent is distinctive within the Aztec word. See Bright, 1960.
Bartholomew, Doris
See Andrews and Bartholomew, 1956.
Basalenque, Diego
49 1714 Arte de la lengua Tarasca. Mexico.

Reprinted by Antonio Peiiafiel, Mexico, 1886. The reprinting includes a grammatical

batement by Francisco Pimentel.
Basaubi, Cab
50 1929 Monografia de loe Tarahumaras. Mexico.
Includes notes on pronunciation, word lists, and eight texts with interlinear and
i ranalations.
51 1931 Tojolabales, Tieltalee \ Mayas. Breves apuntee Bobre antropologia, etnograffa y
lingufetica. Mexico.
Includes Tojolabal phonology, Bpaniah-Tojolabal vocabulary, paradigms, and text.
Bascou, Burt
1954 ehuane (Northern): Dialect ol Baborigame, Chihuahua. Tepehuane (Southern):
Dialect of Xoconoetle, Durango. In Key, 1954, pp. 312 33.
53 Tonomechanice of Northern Tepehuan. Phonetira 4: 71 SS. Basel.
See also Pike, K. L, and Bascom, 1959.
Bsalb, Ralfb L
54 1945 Ethnology of the Western Mixe. UCPAAE, 42: 1 175.
Short vocabulary, pp. 135-38.
>.. Mak< oe E.
1910 lexicologico. Bol. Sec. Mex. Oeog. Ettad., 30: 97-112 (5a 6poca, tomo 4).
in.

Reproduces data on Camot^n dialect from Peccorini, 1909, and shows it to be a

fonn of Chortf.
56 Los Chontalee de Tabasco: Estudio etnogr&fico y [ingufstico. Inv. Ling., 2: 29-36.
Includes short word list, with BOme material for dialect comparison.

57 1937a Los Chiapanecas. Inv. Ling., 4: 214

Includes Chiapanec-Spanish and Bpaniah-Chiapanec vocabularies.
58 : abulario de la lengua Choi. An. Mtu. Nac., 5a epoca, 2: 249-78.
Bpanish-Chol vocabulary.
Beekmax, John and Elatj
59 1953 Vocabulario Choi. Primera parte, Espanol-Chol. Segunda parte, Chol-Espafiol.
Mexico.
Contains notes on alphabet used.
Belmar, Frant:
60 1891 Disertacion sobre las lenguas Zapoteca, Chinanteca, Mixe, y Trike y comparacion
con el Zoque y el Mixteco. M6xico.

14
 .

INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Not seen.
61 1892 Ligero estudio sobre la lengua Mazateca. Oaxaca.
Paradigm grammar, Mazatec-Spanish root list, and Biblical text with interlinear
translation and grammatical notes. Lexical materials are republished by Lehmann,
1920, pp. 905-00.
62 1897 Ensayo sobre la lengua Trike. Oaxaca.
Grammatical notes, phrase lists, Spanish-Trique vocabulary, and Trique-Spanish
word lists of plants, animals, and place names.
63 1899 El Chocho. Oaxaca.
Contains grammatical notes and Spanish-Chocho vocabulary. Not seen.
64 1900 Estudio de el Chontal. Oaxaca.

Notes on Tequistlatec grammar, phrase lists, Spanish-Tequistlatec vocabulary, and

stories. Excerpts were reprinted in Manuel Martinez Gracida, Historia antigua de
la Chontalpa Oaxaquena (Mexico, 1910).
65 1901a Investigaci6n sobre el idioma Amuzgo que se habla en algunos pueblos del Distrito
de Jamiltepec. Oaxaca.
Includes Spanish-Amuzgo vocabulary. Not seen.
66 1901b Estudio del Huave. Oaxaca.
Contains grammatical notes and Spanish-Huave vocabulary.
67 1901c Breve noticia del idioma Papabuco, del pueblo de Elotepec. Oaxaca.
Grammatical notes and Spanish-Zapotec-Papabuco vocabulary.
68 1902a Estudio del idioma Ayook. . . . Oaxaca.
Mixe grammary, Mixe-Spanish dictionary, list of phrases and sentences.
69 1902b Investigaciones sobre la lengua Chatina. Oaxaca.
Dialect comparisons, grammatical notes, and Chatino-Spanish vocabulary.
1902c El Cuicateco. Oaxaca.
Grammatical notes, Cuicatec-Spanish stem list, and Spanish-Cuicatec vocabulary.
71 1905 Lenguas indigenas de Mexico. Familia MLxteco-Zapoteca y sus relaciones con el
Otomi. Familia Zoque-Mixe. Chontal. Huave y Mexicano. Mexico.
Contrastive notes on languages of Oaxaca. Grammatical sketches of Huave, Te-
quistlatec, Aztec, Mixe, and Zoque. Appendix contains texts (mostly Bible transla-
tions) in these languages, and phrase lists in Cuicatec, Mazatec, Chinantec, Otomi,
and in the Aztec dialect of Teotitldn, Oaxaca.
See also Quintana, 1729, and Reyes, Gaspar, 1891.
Beltran de Santa Rosa, Pedro
72 1746 Arte de el idioma Maya, reducido a succintas reglas, y semilexicon Yucateco. . .

Mexico.
Reprinted, Merida, 1859. "By far the best of the early works"—Tozzer, 1921, p. 164.
Includes Maya-Spanish word lists.
Berendt, C. H.
See Means, 1917.
Berlin, Brent
72a 1962 Esbozo de la fonologia del Tzeltal de Tenejapa, Chiapas. Estudio de Cultura Maya,
2: 17-36. Mexico.

72b 1963a A possible paradigmatic structure for Tzeltal pronominals. Anth. Ling., 5.2: 1-5.
72c 1963b Some semantic features of reduplication in Tzeltal. UAL, 29: 211-18.
Berlin, Brent, and A. Kimball Romney
72d ^ 1964 Descriptive semantics of Tzeltal numeral classifiers. In A. K. Romney and R. G.
D'Andrade, eds., Transcultural studies in cognition. AA, vol. 66, no. 3, pt. 2, pp.
79-97.
Biondelli, Bernardino, ed.
73 1858 Evangeliarium epistolarium et lectionarium Aztecum sive Mexicanum ex antiguo
codice Mexicano nuper reperto depromptum cum praefatione interpretatione
adnotationibus glossario edidit Bernardinus Biondelli. Mediolani.
15
 LINGUISTICS

Biblical texts in Aztec translation by Bernardino de Sahagun, followed by an Aztec-

Latin vocabulary.
74 1S69 Glossarium Azteco-Latinum et Latino- Aztecum cura et studio Bernardino Biondelli
collectum ac digestum. Mediolani.
Aztec-Latin and Latin-Aztec vocabularies, the former reproduced from Biondelli,
1S5S. Not seen.
Blair, Robert W.
74a 1964 Yucatec Maya noun and verb morpho-syntax. Indiana University dissertation.
Ann Arbor, University Microfilms.
Summary in Diss. Abs., 25: 6606, 1965.

Blight, Richard and Faith

75 1956-57 Cartilla Otomi (Otomi de Tenango de Doria, Hidalgo.) Parts 1-3. Mexico.
Contains Otomi-Spanish vocabulary at the end of each part.
Blom, Frans, and Olivkr LaFarge
76 1927 Tribes and temples, a record of the expedition to Middle America conducted by
the Tulane University of Louisiana in 1915. 2 vols. New Orleans.
Vol. 2 contains appendices by LaFarge: I. The Popoluca language of San Martin
Pajapan, Ver. (pp. 455-64). II. Comparative word lists: "Yocotan," Chontal,
Tzeltal, Chaneabal (Tojolabal), Jacalteca (pp. 465-85). III. "Yocotan" grammar
(pp. 487-98). IV. "Yocotan" texts (pp. 499 502). V. Tzeltal texts (pp. 503-04).
"Yocotan" is a variety of Chontal.
Blommz, a.

See Aleman, 1884.

Boas. Franz
77 L913a Notes on the Chatino language of Mexico. .1.1, 15: 7s B6.
Grammatical glish-Chatino vocabulary, and short
i text.
7^ 1913b Phonetics of the Mexican language. JCA-P, 18: 107-08. London.
- of the Valley of Mexico and of Pochutla, Oaxaca.
79 1917 E3 dialecto Mexicano de Pochutla, Oaxaca. HAL, 1:9 W.
-on pronunciation and grammar; Pochutla-Spanish and Spanish-Pochutla
eabularies. The latter vocabulary was reprinted by Lebmann, 1920, pp. 1075-80.
SO - Cuentofl mexicance de Milpa Alta D. P. Journal of American Folklore, 33: 1-24.
Lancaster, l'a.
Bowkh, Bethkl
81 - - i
1 affixes in Tepehua Dumerals. UAL, 14: 20-21.

Bownt. Bethkl, and Dobotht Bebzog

82 1958 Lhiinak'alhkrnna*. Cartilla en Tepehua. Farts 1-3. Mexico.
tains Tepehua-Spanish vocabularies at the end of each part.
Bowman, F.i.izun m
83 1959 An attempt at an analysis of modern Yucatec from a small corpus of recorded
h. Anth. Linn., 1.4: 43 st >-

- transcribed from discs made by M. Andrade in 1933; phonemic and gram-

matical sketch based on this and on Andrade's grammar, 1955.
Bra M.i v, Chabli - 11

83a 1965 A linguistic Bketch of Mixteco of Jicaltepec. Cornell University dissertation. Ann
Arlmr, University Microfilms.
Summary in Diss. :

S 1646, 1966.

Bbadbhaw, 8. L.
See Anorai
Bramhii.a, David, am- Josi Yergara Bianchi
84 1953 Gramatica raramuri. Mexico.
Very detailed (644 pp.) Tarahumara grammar, on traditional models. Transcrip-
tion appears near-phonemic.

16
inventory of descriptive xmaterials

Brasseur de Bourbourg, Charles Etienne

85 1861 Coup d'oeil sur la nation et la langue des Wabi. . . . Revue Orientale et Americaine,
5: 261-71. Paris.
Republished, Archives de la Societe Ame'ricaine de France, nouv. s£r., 1: 131-42
(Paris, 1875). Contains short French-Huave word list and paradigm. This was re-
published in Leon, 1904b.
86 1862 Gramatica de la lengua Quiche\ Grammaire de la langue Quich6e Espagnole-
Francaise mise en parallele avec les deux dialectes, Cakchiquel et Tzutuhil, tiree
des manuscrits des meilleurs auteurs guatemaliens. Ouvrage accompagne de notes
l>hilologiques, avec un vocabulaire servant d'introduction au Rabinal-Aehi,
. . .

drame indigene avec sa musique originale, texte Quiche et traduction Francaise

en regard. (Collection de Documents dans les Langues Indigenes . . . , vol. 10.)
Paris.
Grammar in Spanish, with added French glosses and French footnotes. Quiche-
Spanish-French vocabulary of roots. Republished by Jorge Luis Arreola, Guatemala,
1961.

87 1870 Manuscrit Troano. Etudes sur le systeme graphique et la langue des Mayas. Vol. 2.
Paris.
This volume consists of grammar, chrestomathy, and Maya-French-Spanish dic-
tionary. Republished as: Dictionnaire, grammaire et chrestomathie de la langue
Maya (Paris, 1872). The grammar is based on that of San Buenaventura, 1684. The
entire work has been criticized, both by Brinton and by Tozzer, 1921, as being of
little value.
Breton, A. C.
88 1919 Notes on Pokomchi (Guatemala). Man, 19: 7-12. London.
Lexical notes extracted from a MS of the 17th century.
Brewer, Forrest and Jean
88a 1962 Vocabulario Mexicano de Tetelcingo, Morelos: Castellano-Mexicano, Mexicano-
Castellano. Serie de vocabularios indigenas Mariano Silva y Aceves, 8. Mexico.
Briggs, Elinor
88b 1961 Mitla Zapotec grammar. Mexico.
Emphasis on morphology.
Bright, William
89 1960 'Accent' in Classical Aztec. UAL, 26: 66-68.
Identifies Aztec 'accent,' proposed by Barritt, 1956, as based on vowel length.
Brinton, Daniel G.
90 1884a A grammar of the Cakchiquel language of Guatemala, translated from a in MS
the Library of the American Philosophical Society, with an introduction and
additions. APS-P, 21: 345-412.
Based on anonymous MS of 1692.
91 1884b On the language and ethnologic position of the Xinca Indians of Guatemala.
APS-P, 22: 89-97.
English-Xinca vocabulary, from an unpublished MS.
92 1885 The annals of the Cakchiquels. The original text, with a translation, notes and
introduction. Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature, no. 6. Phila-
delphia.
Includes Cakchiquel -English vocabulary.
93 1886 Notes on the Mangue, an extinct dialect formerly spoken in Nicaragua. APS-P,
23: 238-57.
Spanish version: Notas sobre el Mangue, traducidas y anotadas por Marcos E.
Becerra, An. Mus. Nac, 4a epoca, 3: 399-419 (Mexico, 1925). Material reprinted in
Lehmann, 1920, pp. 848-57. Consists of Mangue vocabulary and sentences, from
unpublished MSS.
94 1887 On the so-called Alaguilac language of Guatemala. APS-P, 24 366-77.
:

Contains vocabulary of an Aztec dialect of Guatemala.

17
 LINGUISTICS

95 1888 On the Chane-abal (four-language) tribe and dialect of Chiapas. A A, o.s., 1 77-96. :

Spanish version: El Chane-abal, traducido y anotado por Marcos E. Becerra, An.

Mus. Xac, 4a epoca, 4: 331-53 (1926). Contains grammatical notes and vocabulary
from the Tojolabal language.
96 lS92a Observations on the Chinantec language of Mexico. APS-P, 30: 22-31.
Text extract and English-Chinantec vocabulary, based on Barreda, 1730.
97 1892b On the Mazatec language of Mexico and its affinities. APS-P, 30: 31-39.
Contains English-Mazatec vocabulary, reproduced in Lehmann, 1920, pp. 903-05.
98 1892c Chontalea and Popolueas, a contribution to Mexican ethnography. ICA-P, 8:
556-64. Paris.
Contains short word lists of Tequistlatec, Chontal of Tabasco, Matagalpa, and
Mixe.
99 1 S95 The Matagalpan linguistic stock of Central America. APS-P, 34 403-15. :

Grammatical notes and vocabulary of Cacao pera, based mainly on Mendoza, 1895.
Brock way, Earl
99a 1963 The phonemes of North Puebla Nahuatl. Anth. Ling., 5.2: 14-18.

See also Harding and Brockway, 1954.

BuELNA, EUSTAQTJIO, ED.
100 1S93 Luces del Otomi o gramaria del idioma que hablan los indios Otomies en la
Repriblica Mexicana. Compuesto por un padre de la Compafifa de Jesiis. Mexico.
Publication of anonymous MS from around 1770, in which various unpublished
grammatical notes and vocabularies are brought together. Includes Otomf-Spanish
and Spanish-Otomi dictionaries.
dso Velasco, 1737.
I'.IRKITT, ROBLRT
101 1902 Notes on the Kekchi language. .1.1. n.s., 4: 441 I

Notes on pronunciation; texts; notes on numerals and on personal names.

BUSCHMANN, J. C E.
102 Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der Koloschen. Abhandhmgen der Kdnigliche
Akademu <br Wiuenachaften, 1856:321 432. Berlin.
LmmaticaJ notes on Pima and an English-Pima vocabulary, based on
the fragmentary published data of the time.
Btzbs, I >"t <.i.\-

and Byers, 1931.

oeb6n, Bustorgio
103 1908 Btudioe
! lingOJEsticoe. I. Lae lenguae de Yupiltepeque y del Barrio Norte de
Chiquimulilla en Guatemala. 11. Las lenguas de Oluta, Sayula, Texistepec en el
[fltmo de Tehuantepec en Mexico. iuatemala. (

- id from Repertorio 8aJvadoreno for 1891-92, but I have not been

to be reprinted
able to see bat publication. Pari I deals wit h Xinea grammar and vocabulary; this
I

is republished by l.ehmann, 1920, pp. 739 -67. The Xinca-Spaniah vocabulary, through

the letter M, is also publiahed as lingufstico sobre el Pupulucay otra lengua

india del radeete de Guatemala, congdnere del Pupuluea, precedido de un corto
vocabulario de amboa idiomaa, An. Soe. Qeog. Hut., 18: 74-80, 156-63 (1939); this
publication u stated to be from an uncompleted Ms of 1890. (alderon's part 11 is
a vocabulary of three languages which are sometimes lumped together as "Popoluea
Venoms/' bul which are here mialeadingly referred to as Mixe. This material
republished by l.ehmann, 1920, pp. 771 79; and also, further mislabeled, as:
-

Vocabulario Sinca [I], An. Soe. Qeog. HieL, 16: 231-J8 (1940).
104
105
M
[ml]

Carcere Pedro i>k

106 1907 de la lengua Othomi (eiglo X\'I). Lo publics por vez primera el Dr. N. Leon.
Bob' tin. 'It I Institute Bibliogrdfico Mnirano, 6: 39-155. Mexico.
Carlson, Ruth
See Eaehus and Carlson, 1966.

IS
inventory of descriptive materials

Carochi, Horacio
107 1645 Arte de la lengua Mexicana con la declaracion de los adverbioa della. Mexico.
Reprinted de gramaticas de la lengua Mexicana
in Coleccion 1: 395-538, supplement
to An. Mus. Nac, la epoca, tomo 5 (1892).
lQs 1759 Compendio del arte de la lengua Mexicana, dispuesto . . . por el P. Ignacio de
Paredes. Mexico.
Reprinted, Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad., 4a epoca, 4: 147-216, 313-38, 422-32, 559-73,
623-733 (1897). Reprinted in Mexico, 1902. Reprinted in Puebla, 1910, along with
Molina's Vocabulario of 1571. This is perhaps the most useful source on Classical
Aztec.
Carranza, Joseph de
109 1900 Arte donde rudimentos y principios preceptivos que
se contienen todos aquellos
conducen a lengua Mexicana. Primera edici6n. Coleccion de gram&ticas de la
la
lengua Mexicana, 2: 47-224, supplement to An. Mus. Nac., la 6poca, tomo 7.
Publication of MS from the late 18th century.

CarreSo, Alberto MarIa

See Reynoso, 1644.
Castells, F. de P.
110 1902 Melodo Quich.6: libro para ensefiar k leer en lengua Quiche" a los indigenas de
Guatemala. Los Angeles, Calif.
Contains word and phrase lists, paradigms, and devotional texts with interlinear
translation.
Castro Carlo Antonio
G.,
111 1955 La pluralizacion en Pame Meridional. Rev. Mex. Est. Antro., 14: 213-18.

Charencey, Hyacinthe de
112 1876 Melanges sur diffelents idiomes de la Nouvelle Espagne. Paris.
Republished as: Sur differents idiomes de la Nouvelle Espagne, in the author's
Melanges de Philologie et Pal£ographie Ame>icaines (Paris, 1883), pp. 37-67. Con-
tains the following materials copied from MSS in the library of Brasseur: Chiapanec-
French vocabulary, notes on grammar of Tzotzil and Tzeltal (the latter from a
MS by Juan de Rodaz), French-Kekchi vocabulary, and Kekchi grammatical notes.
113 1879 Vocabulaire Francais-Nagranda. Rev. Ling., 12: 334-37.
Subtiaba vocabulary.
114 1883 Vocabulaire Francais-Maya. Actes de la Societe Philologique, 13: 1-87. Alencon.
Also published separately, Alencon, 1884.
115 1884 De la formation des mots en langue Maya. ICA-P, 5: 379-426. Copenhague.
116 1885 Vocabulaire de la langue Tzotzil. Memoires de VAcademie Nationale des Sciences,
Arts et Belles-Lettres de Caen, 1885: 251-89. Caen.
Also published separately. Consists of Spanish-Tzotzil vocabulary from MS of
Manuel Hidalgo, 1735.
117 1886 Abrege de grammaire de la langue Tzotzil avec texts d'apres le manuscrit du R. P.
Don Manuel Hidalgo. Rev. Ling., 19: 170-88.
Grammar notes and devotional texts from MS of the 18th century.
118 1889 Vocabulario Tzotzil-Espanol. Dialecto de los indios de la parte oriental del Estado
de Chiapas. Rev. Ling., 22: 247-73.
Also published separately, Orleans, 1890.
119 1890 Etude sur la langue Mam. ICA-P, 7: 389-403. Berlin.
Includes texts and Mam-French vocabulary.
120 1891 Des suffixes en langue Quich6e. Memoires de VAcademie Nationale des Sciences,
Arts et Belles-Lettres de Caen, 1891 205-78. Caen.
:

Also issued separately, 1892. Lists suffixes alphabetically, with discussion of each.
121 1896 Melanges sur quelques dialectes de la famille Maya-Quich6e. JSAP, o.s., 1 : 43-60.
Also issued separately, Paris, 1897. The parts are: 1. De quelques particularity du
verbe et de la conjugaison en langue Quichee. 2. Rectification d'un texte en langue
Maya. 3. Des voix verbales en Maya.

19
 LINGUISTICS

122 1912 De la formation des voix verbales en Tzotzil. ICA-P, 17: 167-75. Buenos Aires.
See also Quintana, 1733; Reyes, A., 1593; and Reynoso, 1644.
Christiansen, L. D.
123 1937 Totonaco. Inv. Ling., 4: 151-53.
Notes on phonology and grammar.
Church, Clarence and Katherine
123a 1960 The Jaealtec noun phrase. In Elson, 1960, pp. 159-70.
123b 1966 Jaealtec grammar. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 206-18.
Ciudad Real, Antonio de
See Martinez Hernandez, 1929.
Clark, Lawrence E.
124 1959 Phoneme classes in Sayula Popoluca. Studies in Linguistics, 14: 25-33. Buffalo.
124a 1960 Vocabulario Popoluca-Castellano, Castellano-Popoluca: Dialecto de Sayula,
Veracruz. (Serie de vocabularies Mariano Silva y Verves, . 4.) Mexico.
Includes notes on pronunciation and a morphological sketch.
124b 1962 Sayula Popoluca morpho-syntax. UAL, 28: 183-9S.
Cline, Howard F.
See Barreda, 1730.
Collard, Howard
125 1954 Mayo: Dialect of Tetanchopa, Sonora. In Key, L954, pp. :>47-65.

Collard, Howard and Klizahkth

125a L962 Vocabulario Mayo: Castellano-Mayo, Mayo-Castellano. Serie de vocabularios
indlgenafi Mariano Silva y Aceves,6. Mexico.

Colop D., F
126 1927 Vocabulario del idioma Eakchiquel traducido al Espafiol. Quezaltenango, Guate-
mala.
Republished with correction! and Quiche equivalences added by Remigio A. Marro-
ed. by Alfredo Barren Vasques, An
<|iiin, M Nac., 5a 6poca, 3: 239-54. Consists
i

ikchiquel word and phrase lists.

:.; •..\ A. Jl AN DI
127 1578a Arte en lengua Zapoteca. Mexico.
Republished u
arte del idioma Z , . bajo la direccidn y cuidado del
Dr. Nicolas Leon (Morelia, 1881
:_> 1578b Vocabulario en lengua Zapoteca. Mexico.
Facsimile edition: Vocabulario Castellano-Zapoteco, introduociOD y notas de Wig-
berto Jimenei Mores Mexico, i" :
-

o Pefiafiel, 1887.

COBONXL, .Ii

129 1820 Arte en lengua Maya recopilado y enmendado. Mexico.

Eieprinted in Martinez Hernandes, 1929.
no Thom Lb di Aquino
130 Arte, vocabulario, y confesionario en el idioma Mexicano, como se usa en
el ( Ibispado de < ruadalaxara. Puebla.

\ i Collui o, in roNio di
131 1880 Zoque the language Bpoken at Santa Maria de Chimalapa, and at San Miguel
and Tierra Blanea, in the State of Chiapas, Mexico. Translated by J. A. Dacus.
Transaction* of the St. Louis Aeadt my of 8cu m e,4.1: 86 42. St. Louis, Missouri,
tbulary and Lord's Prayer.
Corzo. AN'.KI. M.
132 AlgunOG vocables pertenecientes a los dialectos hablados por diferentes tribus del
1 -tado de Chiapas. Quetzalroatl, 1.2: lcM8. Mexico.
rt word lists from several villages, in several Mayan dialects (including Tzotzil
and Tojolabal) and in Zoque.
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

COVARRUBIAS, MlGUEL
133 1954 Mexico South, the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. New York.
Generalities on the Zapotec language, pp. 304-10; Zapotec texts with free transla-
tion, pp. 299-300, 312-13, 315-17, 346-47. An appendix contains word lists in Zapotec
of Juchitan, Nahuat of Cosoleacaque, Tequistlatec, Huave, Sierra Popoluca, Mixe,
and Zoque (the last three collected by George and Mary Foster).
Cowan, Florence Hansen
134 1937 —
Report on the Mazateco dialect morphology and grammar. Inv. Ling. 4: 144-47.
Under name of "Florencia Hansen."
See also Cowan, George M. and Florence, 1947.
Cowan, George M.
135 1947 Una visita a los indigenas Amuzgos de Mexico. Anales del Institute National de
Antropologia e Historia, 2: 293-301. Mexico.

Includes section on language, with notes on phonemic system.

136 1948 Mazateco whistle speech. Lg., 24: 280-86.
Account of how whistling of Mazatec tones is used as substitute for speech.
136a 1965 Some aspects of the lexical structure of a Mazatec historical text. Summer Institute
of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma, Publications in linguistics, 11.
Norman, Okla.
A study of "the collocational habits of lexical items".
Cowan, George M. and Florence
137 1947 Mazateco: Locational and directional morphemes. Aboriginal Linguistics, 1: 3-9.
Cuernavaca.
Cowan, Marion
138 1956 Gram£tica Castellana-Tzotzil. Mexico.
Not seen.
Crawford, John Chapman
138a 1963 Totontepec Mixe phonotagmemics. Summer Institute of Linguistics, Publications
in linguistics, 8. Norman, Okla.
Phonemes and their arrangements.
Croft, Kenneth
139 1951 Practical orthography for Matlapa Nahuatl. UAL, 17: 32-36.
Suggests combined phonemic and morphophonemic basis.
140 1953 Matlapa Nahuatl II: Affix list and morphophonemics. UAL, 19: 274-80.
141 1954 Matlapa Nahuatl III: Morpheme arrangements. UAL, 20: 37^43.
142 1957 Nahuatl texts from Matlapa, S.L.P. Tlalocan, 3: 317-33. Mexico.
Crumrine, Lynne S.
142a 1961 The phonology of Arizona Yaqui, with texts. University of Arizona, Anthropologi-
cal papers, 5. Tucson.
Yaqui as transplanted from Sonora to Arizona.
Curtis, E. S.
143 1908 The North American Indian. Vol. 2. Cambridge, Mass.
Pima and Papago word lists, pp. 118-23.
Dacus, J. A.
See Coruna y Colludo, 1880.
Darapski, L.
See Agreda, 1888.
Davis, Marjorie
144 1954 Translating from FL Cuicateco to TL English. UAL, 20: 302-12.
Five-stage translation of a text from the "From Language" Cuicatec to the "Target
Language" English.
See also Needham and Davis, 1946.
Davis, Marjorie, and Margaret Walker
145 1955 Cuicateco: Morphemics and morphophonemics. UAL, 21: 46-51.

21
 LINGUISTICS

Dedrick, John M.
146 1946 How Jobe?eso Ro?i got his name. Tlalocan, 2: 163-66. Azcapotzalco.
Yaqui text with literal and free translations.
147 1954 Yaqui (Cahita) Dialect : of Yieam, Sonora. In Key, 1954, pp. 334-46.
Delgaty, Alfa
147a 1961 Notes on dependent versus independent nouns in Tsotsil. In A William Cameron
Townsend en el vig£simoquinto aniversario del Instituto Linguistico de Yerano,
pp. 413-19.
Delgaty, Colin C.
147b 1960 Tzotzil verb phrase structure. In Elson, 1960, pp. 83-125.
147c 1964 Yocabulario Tzotzil de San Andres, Chiapas. Serie de vocabularios indigenas
Mariano Silva y Aceves, 10. Mexico.
Tzotzil-Spanish and Spanish-Tzotzil.

Diaz Barrios. Eduabdo

See Herbruger and Diaz Barrios, 1

Diaz Flores, Raymuxdo

l-^ 1945 Textoe en idioms Cera. Escuela National de Antropologfa, 1Mb. 3. Mexico.

Seven texts with interlinear translation, written by a native speaker in a phonemic

alphabet.

DlGUBT, I.KoN
149 1911 [diome Huichol, contribution a l'6tude dee langues mexicaines. JSAP, n.s., S:
23 .54.

Grammatical notes, paradigms, word lists, and text, based oo author's field work.
DlKl.t "Ion C,h M HA I. DE C WHiMJUAH'a. (it VII.M.VI.V
149a L062 Alfabetos oficialiiadoe de treoe principalee idiomaa indigenas de Guatemala. Dic-
ejonario Geografico de Guatemala, voL 2, pp. 415 50. Guatemala.
Explanations of phonemic orthographies for A.chi, Aguacatec, Cakchiquel, Chuj,
ImI, Jacaltec, Kanjobal, Kekchi, Mam, Pocomam, Quiche, and Tzutuhil.
DOBLADO l.AK\. Jl

150 1951 Vocabularios Lencas de Hondu idelMuseo Nacumal"DamdJ.Quzrndn"

- in Salvador.

\\ rd lii al the end of the L9th century.

1 k)LOBl B, .It \n
151 L913 Papago verb stems. Introduction by A. L. Kroeber. UCPAAE, it): 241-63.
152 Papago nominal Btems. Edited by J. Alden Mason. UCPAAE, 20: 19-31.
I lnMIMil BZ, I'UAN( IB
Zambrano Bonilla, 1752
Dot i,! \--. ( i ii \ M.
Mendenhall, Celia I

.-/.so Supple and touglass, 1949. 1

Di
1951 Vocabulario de la lengua M Le Ssn Miguel el Grande, Oaxaca. Mexico.
Bpanish-Mixtec and Mixtec-Spanish, preceded by notes on phonetics and grammar.
15t 1959 Mixteco texts. Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of Oklahoma, Lin-
jtics series, no. 3. Norman, < >kla.
Texts followed by Mixtec-Spanish vocabulary, with notes on phonemica and morpho-
ph
Dvk, Aw . wi. Bi n i Stoudt
154a 1965 Vocabulario Mixteco de San Miguel el Grande. Serie de vocabularios indfgenas
Mariano Silva y Aceves, 1-'. Mexico.
Mixtec-Spanish and Spani.sh-Mixtec, with note-, on transcription and on grammar.
Kaohs, PbaMCIB, and RrjTB CaBJ
1.34b 1966 Kek.hi. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 110-24.
Grammatical sketch with sample text.
inventory of descriptive materials

Ecker, Lawrence
155 1937 Los dos metoros (un cuento Otomi). Inv. Ling., 4: 254-61.
Short text with free translation and grammatical notes.
156 1947 La incorporaci6n del objeto al verbo en Otomi y Mexicano. ICA-P, 27.2: 269-77.
Mexico.
157 1952 Compendio de gramatioa Otomf, introducci6n a un diccionario Otomi-Espanol.
Anales del Institute) Xaeional de Antropologia e Historia, 4: 121-74. Mexico.
Introduction to an unpublished dictionary, compiled from L6pez Yepes 1826, Neve
y Molina 1767, and Buelna 1893. Includes text, "Los dos metoros."
Edmonson, Munro S.
157a 1965 Quiche-English dictionary. Publications of the Middle American Research Insti-
tute, Tulane University, 30. New Orleans.
Materials compiled from colonial and modern sources, including the MS Vocabulario
of Domingo de Basseta (1698?) and the anonymous Franciscan Vocabulario of 1787,
as well as material from Brasseur 1862, Fernandez 1892, Friedrich 1955, Selis Lope
1953, Teletor 1959, Xec and Maynard 1954, and other published and unpublished
sources.
Ekstrom, J.
158 1954 [Vocabularies as listed below.] In Key, 1954.
Nahuatl of Zongolica, Veracruz, pp. 60-72; Nahuatl of San Agustin Oapan, Guerrero,
pp. 95-102; Nahuatl of Atzacualoya, Guerrero, pp. 103-09; Nahuatl of Topiltepec,
Guerrero, pp. 110-17; Nahuatl of La Cimienta, San Luis Potosf, pp. 220-26 (see
note under Kev, 1954); Nahuatl of Xochihuehuetlan, Guerrero, pp. 227-38; Varohfo,
pp. 374-81.
Elliott, Raymond
158a 1960 Ixil (Mayan) clause structure. In Elson, 1960, pp. 129-54.

Elliott, Raymond and Helen

158b 1966 In Mayers, 1966, pp. 125-39.
Ixil.

Grammatical sketch with sample text.

Elson, Ben
159 1947a Sierra Popoluca syllable structure. UAL, 13: 13-17.

160 1947b The Homshuk: a Sierra Popoluca text. Tlalocan, 2: 193-214. Azcapotzalco.
161 1960 Sierra Popoluca morphology. UAL, 26: 206-23.
161a 1960b Gramdtica del Popoluca de la Sierra. Universidad Veracruzana, Biblioteca de la
Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, 6. Xalapa.
161b 1960c Mayan studies, I. Edited by Ben Elson. Summer Institute of Linguistics of the
Norman, Okla.
University of Oklahoma, Linguistic series, 5.

Contents: Cakchiquel grammar, by W. Cameron Townsend, pp. 3-79; Tzotzil verb

phrase structure, by Colin Delgaty, pp. 83-125; Ixil clause structure, by Ray Elliott,
pp. 129-54; The Jacaltec noun phrase, by Clarence and Katherine Church, pp.
159-70.

161c 1961 Person markers and related morphemes in Sierra Popoluca. In A William Cameron
Townsend en el vigfeimoquinto aniversario del Instituto Lingiifstico de Verano,
pp. 421-30. Mexico.

161d 1965 Sierra Popoluca intonation. In Homenaje a Juan Comas, vol. 1, pp. 177-89.
Mexico.
Engel, Ralph, and Robert E. Longacre
161e 1963 Syntactic matrices in Ostuacan Zoque. UAL, 29: 331-44.

Escalante Hernandez, Roberto

161f 1961 El Pima Bajo ('obnok). Anales del Instituto National de Antropologia e Historia, 14:
349-52 (published 1962). Mexico.
Phonology of lower Pima.
161g 1962 El Cuitlateco. Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Depto. de Investi-
gaciones Antropol6gicas, Publicaciones, 9. Mexico.
Grammatical sketch and vocabulary, from field work with the last surviving speaker.

23
 LINGUISTICS

161h 1963 Material linguistico del oriente de Sonora: Tonichi y P6nida. Anales del Institute)
National de Antropologia e Historia, 16: 149-78 (published 1964). Mexico.
Data on two contemporary Uto-Aztecan dialects of eastern Sonora, perhaps to be
identified with Opata.
Escandon, Luis A.
162 1891 Arte del idioma Otomi. In his Ensayo historico-geografico estadistico del Distrito
de Itzmiquilpan. Mexico.
Grammatical sketch with paradigms.
Fernandez, Jesus
162 1937-38 Diccionario Poconchi. An. Soc. Geog. Hist., 14: 47-70, 1S4-200.
Poeomchi-Spanish.
Fernandez, Leon
164 1892 Lenguas indigenas de Centro America en el Siglo XVIII segiin copia del Archivo
de Indias hecha por el Licenciado don Leon Fern&ndez y publicada por Ricardo
Fernandez Guardia y Juan Fern&ndez Ferraz. San Jos6 de Costa Rica.
Word lists prepared at the order of Charles III of Spain in 17SS-89. Among lan-
guages included are Quiche, Kekchi, Pocomchi, Cakchiquel, Tzutuhil, Pocoraam,
"Pupuluea" (an unidentified Mayan dialect), Choi, Tzotzil, Tzeltal, "Chanabal"
(Tojolabal), "Subinha" (Kanjobal), Mam, Zoque, and Chiapanec. Part of these
were reprinted as: Lenguas indigenas de Guatemala en el Siglo XVIII, An. Soc.
Geog. Hist., J4: 107-58 (1949). The Chiapanec material was reproduced by Lehmann,
1920, pp. 888
Fernandez de Miranda, Maria Tbh
165 1953 Las formaa poeeeavas en Lxcateco. Memoria del Congreso Cientifieo Mexicano, 12:
159-70. Mexico.
Morphophonemio and morphological description, with Ixcatec-Spanish noun vo-
cabulary.
166 L956 Fonemica del 1 [netituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Pub. 3
Mexico.
166a 1961 Dkxnonario [xcateco. [netituto National de Antropologia e Historia, Direcci6n de
Investigacionee Antropologicas, Publicacionee,7. Mexico.

Spanish ai ih-Ixcatec, with morphological notes and texts.

Pi bnXmdu Fi.itKA/ Ji \s
Fernandes, Leon, I
-

\ \M'lrUARDl v, Kl< uil'o

/. '

See Fernandes, Leon, 1892.

BBXBO, J(
i f >7 1920 Pequefia granuitica y diccionario de la lengua Tarahumara. Mexico.
Includes Spanish- Tarahumara dictionary.
168 Diccionario Tarahumar-( 'a-tellano. Mexico.
Includes addenda and corrigenda to Ferrero, 1920
Flobbb, [ldefonso Joseph
166 1753 Arte de la lengua inetropolitana del reyno Cakchiquel o Guatemalico, con un.
jiarallelo de [as Iwngiiaa ni'-t ropolitanicaa de Ice reynos Kich6, Cakchiquel, y
Tzutuhil. Guatemala. . . .

Cakchiquel grammar, followed by comparisons with Quich6 and Tzutuhil.

BOH M.
17d 1940 Notes on the Popoluca of Veracrus. [nstituto Panamericano de Geograffa e His-
toria, Pub. 51. Mexico.
Includes Sierra Popoluca vocabulary, pp. 31-41.
FoSTEB, Mary L. and George M.
171 1948 Sierra Popoluca speech. Smith-onian Institution, Institute of Social Anthropology,
Pub. 8. Washington.
Phonology, brief grammar, analyzed text, and short vocabulary,
irrubias, 1954.

24
 INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Fox, David
171a 1966 Quiche grammatical sketch. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 60-86.
Includes sample text.
Fraenkel, Gerd
172 1959 Yaqui phonemics. Anthro. Ling., 1.5: 7-18.
Friedrich, Johannes
173 1955 Kurze Grammatik der alten Quich6-Sprache im Popol Vuh. Abhandlungen der
Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, Geistes- und sozialwissen-
schaftliche Klasse, Jahrgang 1955, nr. 4 (pp. 310-449). Wiesbaden.
FUENTE, J. DE LA
174 1947 Los Zapotecos de Choapan, Oaxaca. Anales del Instituto Nacional de Antropologia
e Historia, 2: 143-205. Mexico.
Word list, pp. 196-204.
FUENTES, E. A.
175 1903 Palabras Huaves coleccionadas en 1870 para el Instituto Smithsoniano. Mexico.
Not seen.
Gage, Thomas
176 1648 The English- American his travail by sea and land; or, a new survey of the West-
Indies with a grammar, or some few rudiments of the Indian tongue, called,
. . .

Poconchi, or Pocoman. London.

Various later editions, including London, 1928. Spanish version of linguistic section:
Rudimentos gramaticales de la lengua Poconchi o Pocoman, traduccidn por Jose
Antonio Villacorta C, An. Soc. Geog. Hist., 14: 455-64 (1938).
Galdo Guzman, Diego de
(
177 1642 Arte Mexicano. Mexico.
Reprinted in Coleccion de gramaticas de la lengua Mexicana, 1 : 281-394, supplement
to An. Mus. Nac, la 6poca, tomo 4 (1890-92).
Galindo, Juan
See Baezo, 1832.
Garibay K., Angel MarIa
178 1934 Morfemas nominales en Otomi, contribuci6n a la morfologia de esta lengua. An.
Mus. Nac, 5a 6poca, 1: 291-323.
Description of noun derivation.
179 1940 Llave del Ndhuatl. Coleccion de trozos clasicos, con gramatica y vocabularios,
para utilidad de los principiantes. Otumba, Mexico.
Revised edition, Mexico, 1961.
Garvin, Paul L.
180 1947 Distinctive features in Zoque phonemic acculturation. Studies in Linguistics, 5:
13-20. Norman, Okla.
Re-analysis, in terms of acoustic features, of Wonderly, 1946a.
Gass6, Leonardo
181 1903 Gramatica Raramuri o Tarahumara. Mexico.
Grammar according to strict Latin model; devotional texts, some with interlinear
translation.
Gates, William Edmond
182 1938 A grammar of Maya. Maya Society, Pub. 13. Baltimore.
Consists mostly of grammatically classified word lists.

Gatschet, Albert S.
183 1877 Der Yuma-Sprachstamm. Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 9: 341-50, 366-418. Berlin.
Includes word lists of Cochimf, Kiliwa, and "H'taam" (perhaps the "Akwa'ala"
of Gifford and Lowie, 1928).
184 1883 Der Yuma-Sprachstamm, 2. Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 15: 123-47. Berlin.
Includes Seri word list.

185 1886 Der Yuma-Sprachstamm, 3. Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 18: 97-122. Berlin.

25
 .

LINGUISTICS

Includes word list from Yuman dialect of Santa Catalina, Lower California; and
Seri -German vocabulary by Alphonse L. Pinart.
Gebuta Quej, Francisco Diaz
See Villacorta C, 1934.
Geoffroy Rivas, Pedro
186 1956 Status morfol6gico de las conjunciones Nahuas. Tlatoani, 2a epoca, no. 10, pp.
39-40. Mexico.
Description using the "valence" terminology of Richard Pittman.
Gerdel, Florencia
See Slocum and Gerdel, 1965.
Gibson, Lorna F.
187 1956 Pame (Otomi) phonemics and morphophonemics. UAL, 22: 242-65.
GlFFORD, E. W., AND R. H. LOWIE
188 1928 Notes on the Akwa'ala Indians of Lower California. UCPAAE, 23: 339-52.
Brief vocabularies of Akwa'ala, "Yukaliwa," and Cocopa.
GlLBERTI, MaTIRINO
1
S 'J 15.">s Arte de la lengua de Michoacan. [Mexico.]
Reprinted as: Arte de la lengua Tarasca o de Michoacan, ed. Nicolas Le6n (Mexico,
1898)
190 1559 Vocabulario en lengua de Mechuac&n. Mexico.
Taraacan-Spaniah, with separate list of verb roots, and Spanish-Tarascan. Re-
printed as Diocionario de la lengua Tarasca o de Michoacan, ed. Antonio Penafiel
(Mexico, L901). The root list was reprinted as: Raices de la lengua Tarasca, Colec-
cion Siglo XVI, 3 Mexico, 1959). The entire work was again republished (title:
Diocionario ..) in Guadalajara, 1962
.

GlBABD, R U \U.
191 1940 41 LI Chortl Rerista Ad Arehwo y Biblioteca Nacionales, 19: 111-13, 185, 244^5.
310 11. 126 28, 498 99, 555 56, (J25-26, 281-82, 746-17; 20: 43^4,
113 14, 175 7f'., 217 -is. :\m 72. Tegucigalpa, Honduras.
\\ ord l
Bti paradigms, sentena
1949 Los Chortis ante el problems Maya. 5 vols. Mexico.
Vol. 1. pp 91 i 18, C intalnfl irord lists, with notes on pronunciation and grammar.
Gomez, Anickto M.
1935 Estudioe gramaticalas de la lengua Cora que sc habla en el Territorio de Tepic.
79 12. 1

Discussion of phonology and grammar, with paradigms; two texts of the Pater
er

Gonzalez, Luis
3

Gon/ mi b Cas \\"V \. 1'\hlo

l'.M 1920 l'n cuento en Mexicano de Milpa Aha, D.F. Journal of American Folklore, 33:
27 Lancaster, Pa.
ritb interlinear translation.
195 1922a l'n cuento en Mexicano. Mix. Ant., 1:291-309.
\ I' ;• tztldn, Morelos, in close phonetic transcription, with literal
and free translations and grammatical notes.
196 L922b Kl Mexicano de Teotihuacan. In Manuel Gamio, ed., La poblaci6n del Valle de
huacan. Vol. 2, pp. 595-648. Mexico.
- on phonetics and morphology; text; Aztec-Spanish vocabulary.
197 1925 Bobre la lengua Chinanteca. An. Mus. Nac., 4a epoca, 3: 103-08.
Contains Bpaniflh-Chinantec vocabulary by Angel Soliz.
198 1930 Un vocabulario Chiehimeca. ICA-P, 23: 918-25. New York.
199 1946 Cuentoc incugenas. Edition bilingue Xiihuatl y Bepafiola. Biblioteca de Filologla
y Lin^iiiVtica [ndfgenas, I. Mexico.
Fourteen Aztec folk tales in conventional (i.e., non-phonemic) orthography.

26
inventory of descriptive materials

Goubaud Carrera, Antonio

See Stoll, 1884.
Grasserie, Raoul de la
200 1898 Langue Zoque et langue Mixe. Grammaire, dictionnaire, textes traduits et analyses.
Bibliotheque Linguistique Amencaine, 22. Paris.
Zoque grammar, Spanish-Zoque and Zoque-French dictionaries, based on MS of
Luis Gonzalez, Arte breve y vocabulario de la lengua Tzoque, 1672. Grammatical
notes on modern Zoque, after Sanchez, 1877. Mixe grammatical notes, word lists,
and texts, after Quintana, 1733.
Grasserie, Raoul de la, and Nicolas Le6n
201 1896 Langue Tarasque. Grammaire, dictionnaire, textes traduits et analyses. Biblio-
theque Linguistique Am6ricaine, 19. Paris.
Based on materials from Basalenque 1714, Lagunas 1574, Gilberti 1558 and 1559.

Grimes, Joseph E.
202 1953 Review of J. Alden Mason, The language of the Papago of Arizona. UAL, 19:
313-15.
Attempts to establish Papago phonemes on the basis of Mason's phonetic data.
203 1954 Nahuatl of Ostotitla, Veracruz. In Key, 1954, pp. 52-59.
204 1955 Style in Huichol structure. Lg., 31: 31-35.
Stylistic variation on the phonetic level, analyzed as reflecting two co-existent
phonemic systems.
205 1959 Huichol tone and intonation. UAL, 25: 221-32.
206 1960 Spanish-Nahuatl-Huichol monetary terms. UAL, 26: 162-65.
Description of Huichol system for counting money, noting Spanish and Nahuatl
influences.
206a 1964 Huichol syntax. Janua linguarum, series practica, 11. The Hague.
Includes text analysis and notes on verb morphology.
See also Mcintosh and Grimes, 1954a, 1954b.
Grimes, Joseph E., and W. Nyman, Jr.
207 1954 Nahuatl of P6mara, Michoacan. In Key, 1954, pp. 73-94.
GUDSCHINSKY, SARAH C.
208 1958 Native reactions to tones and words in Mazatec. Word, 14: 338-45. Limoges.
209 1959 Mazatec kernel constructions and transformations. UAL, 25: 81-89.
Grammatical sketch according to transformational analysis, as developed by Z. S.
Harris.
210 1959b Discourse analysis of a Mazatec text. UAL, 25: 139-46.
Text with discourse analysis according to techniques of Z. S. Harris, using trans-
formational analysis of Mazatec grammar.
See also Pike, E. V., and Gudschinsky, 1952.
Guerra, Juan
211 1692 Arte de la lengua Mexicana segun la acostumbran hablar los indios en todo el
Obispado de Guadalaxara, parte del de Guadiana, y del de Mechoacan. Mexico.
Republished by Alberto Santoscoy, Guadalajara, 1900. Includes Aztec-Spanish
word list of the Jalisco dialect.
Guevara, Miguel
212 1862 Arte doctrinal y modo general para aprender la lengua Matlaltzinga. . . . Ano
de 1638. Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad., la epoca, 9: 197-260.
Grammatical notes, paradigms, word lists, sentences.
Haedo, Francisco
213 1731 Gramdtica de la lengua Otomf. . . . Mexico.
Not seen.
Hale, Kenneth Locke
214 1959 A Papago grammar. Indiana University dissertation. Ann Arbor, University
Microfilms.

27
 .

LINGUISTICS

Phonology and morphologv-syntax of Pima-Papago. Summary in Diss. Abs., 20:

1773, 1960.
214a 1965 Some preliminary observations on Papago morphophonemics. UAL, 31 : 295-305.
Halpern, A. M.
See Andrade, 1946a.
Hamp, Eric P.
215 1954 Componential restatement of syllable structure in Trique. UAL, 20: 206-09.
Based on data from Longacre, 1952.
216 1957 Stylistically modified allophones in Huichol. Lg., 33: 139-42.
Based on data from Grimes, 1955.

Hansen. Florencia
See Cowan, Florence Hansen.
Harding, B., and K. Bbockwat
217 1954 Nahuatl of Tlaxpanaloya, Puebla. In Key, 1954, pp. 20S-19.
Harris, Margaret
218 1
(,
17 Nbmbres clasincadores Chontales. Andes del Institute National de Antropologia
I Historia, 2: 303-06. Mexico.
Title mist ranslates "noun classifiers," sutlixes attached to numerals in Chontal
of Tabasco
S also Keller and Harris, i

Eabrison, W. Hi >v
219 L953 The mason: a Zoque text. Tlalocan, 3: L93 204. Mexico.
BABBI80N, W. ROI UTO MaBOABBI I'.

220 1948 Dicciooario Espafiol-Zoque y Zoque-Espafiol. Glendale, Calif

IIaki . Ill .U N 1.'

1957 Hierarchical structuring of Amusgo grammar, UAL, 23: 141 64

Qrammatieal sketch based on K 1. Pike's "grammemio" (later "tagmemic")
t het r\>

Hasl] b, .1-

221a I960 Lee fonemas del oahual de Los Tustlae i de CuUura Nahuatl, 2: 129-34.
ico.

Ill NDBIGHB lT.l'.i /, PXDBO R.

222 In la lengua CuiUateca de San Miguel Totolapan, Gro.
estudio preliminar sobre
MtX. Ant., I

I ains grammatical notes, paradigms, and brief Spanish -Cuitlatec word list.

L946 Por taerras jgnntag, \ iajee y obeervacionee en la region del Rio de las Balsas. Vol. 2.
l'an American Institute of Geography and History, Pub. 83. Mexico.
Bp cabulariei in four dialects, pp, 7s U 1. Aztec texts, pp. 125-29.
unmatical notes and Spanish Cuitlatec vocal Hilary, pp. 130-244. Cuitla-
tec texts, pp

224 1947 Breve informe del idioma Cuitlateco. ICA-P, 27, Lsl session, 2: 289-95. Me^ciro.
Contains grammatical not*
'•

See also r, L939b.

Herbri <;kr, Ai.krkdo, and EnuABno Diaz Babbios
.In ,

225 1956 MMtodo para aprender a bablar, leer y escribir la lengua Cakchiquel. Vol. 1. Guate-
mala.
Pedagogical grammar, including word lists, paradigms, sentences for memorization,
exercises, and readings.
HBBNAKDSZ, ElTBXBIO, AND A. L. I'lNART
226 1897 Pequeflo vocabulario de la lengua Lenca. Petite Bibliotheque Americaine, vol. 8.

Paris.
Not seen. Spanish-Lenca vocabulary republished by Lehmann, 1920, pp. 671-86.

Hernandez, Fobtunato
227 1902 Las razas indigenas de Sonora y la Guerra del Yaqui. Mexico.

28
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Grammatical notes on Cahita, pp. 185-93, based on Velasco, 1737. Spanish-Cahita

and Cahita-Spanish vocabularies, pp. 194-233. English-Seri and Spanish-Seri word
lists, paradigms, and phrases, pp. 237-69, from MSS of W. J. McGee, A. L. Pinart,
and others. A smaller part of McGee's data was also published in his The Seri In-
dians, BAE-R, 17: 299-344 (Washington, 1896).
Herzog, Dorothy
See Bower and Herzog, 1958.
Hess, Harwood
227a 1962 The syntactic structure of Mezquital Otomf. University of Michigan dissertation.
Ann Arbor, University Microfilms.
See summary in Diss. Abs., 23: 3365, 1963.

Hess, Harwood and Patricia

228 1956 Dictionary of Otomi, Spanish, and English. Mexico.
Hestermann, Ferd.
See Reyes, Gas par, 1931.
Hidalgo, Manuel
See Charencey, 1885 and 1886.
Hilton, Kenneth S.
229 1947 Palabras y frases de las lenguas Tarahumara y Guarijfo. Anales del Institute
National de Antropologia e Historia, 2: 307-13. Mexico.
230 1954 Tarahumara: dialect of Samachique, Chihuahua. In Key, 1954, pp. 300-11.
231 1959 Vocabulario Tarahumara y Espafiol. Serie de vocabularios indfgenas Mariano
Silva y Aceves, 1. Mexico.
Tarahumara-Spanish and Spanish-Tarahumara, preceded by grammatical notes.
Hockett, Charles F.
232 1947 Componential analysis of Sierra Popoluca. UAL, 13: 258-67.
Phonemic restatement of data from Elson, 1947.
H5LTKER, GEORG
233 1930 Dvandvaahnliche Wortkuppelung im Aztekischen. Wiener Beitrdge zur Kultur-
geschichte und Linguistik, 1 349-58. Wien.
:

HOOGSHAUGEN, SEARLE
233a 1959 Three contrastive vowels lengths in Mixe. Zeitschrift fur Phonetik, 12: 111-15.
Berlin.
HOOGSHAUGEN, SEARLE AND HlLDA
234 1956 Ayuuc alfabeto, en el idioma Mixe de Coatlan. Mexico.
Includes word list.

Horcasitas, Fernando
235 1958 Nahuatl for beginners. Mexico.
Mimeographed textbook, with English-Aztec and Aztec-English vocabularies.
HOYO, EUGENIO DEL
235a 1960 Vocablos de la lengua Quinigua de los indios Borrados del Noreste de Mexico.
Humanitas, Anuario del Centro de Estudios Humanfsticos, Universidad de Nuevo
Le6n, 1.1: 489-515. Mexico.
Listing and attempted analysis of words in the Quinigua language, gleaned from
MSS of the 16th-18th centuries. Some items suggest Coahuiltecan affiliation.

235b 1965 El cuadernillo de la lengua de los indios Pajalates (1732) por Fray Gabriel de Ver-
gara, y El confesonario [sic] de indios en lengua Coahuilteca. Publicaciones del
Institute Tecnol6gico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey, Serie: Historia, 3.
Monterrey.
Fragmentary data on two extinct languages of northwestern Mexico.
Instituto Indigenista Nacional, Guatemala
236 1947 Trayectoria del Instituto. Lenguas indfgenas. Boletin del Instituto Indigenista
National, 2: 115-21. Guatemala.
Explanation of an alphabet for Cakchiquel, based on work by Mark Hanna Watkins.

29
 LINGUISTICS

237 1950 Alfabetos para los cuatro idiomas indigenas mayoritarios de Guatemala: Quiche\
Cakchiquel, Mam
y Kekchl. Publicaciones Especiales del Instituto Indigenista
Xacional, no. 10. Guatemala.
Includes information on phonetics.
Jackson, Frances
See Supple and Jackson, 1952.
Jenkins, Joyce
238 1958 Morphological phoneme sequences in Eastern Otomi. Phonetica, 2: 1-11. Basel.
Phonemes and their distribution with reference to morpheme boundaries.
Jimenez, Tomas Fidias
239 1937 Idioma Pipil, o Nahuat de Cuzcatlan y Tunalan, hoy Republica de El Salvador en
la America Central. San Salvador.

Includes grammar, Pipil-Spanish phrase and word lists, and Spanish-Pipil lexicon.
Partly reprinted in Tzunpame, 1: 19-32 (1941), 5: 44-51 (1946), 7: 123-33 (1948).
San Salvador.
Jimenez Moreno, Wigberto
See C6rdova, 1578b.
Johnson, Jean Bassett
240 1939 Some notes on the Mazatec. Rev. Mex. Est. Antro., 3: 142-56.
Includes phonetic and grammatical notes.
241 1954a Varohio. In Key, 1954, pp. 366-73.
242 1954b Pima Bajo: dialect of Onabas, Sonora. In Key, 1954, pp. 3S2-89.
242a 1962 El idioma Yaqui. Instituto Xacional de Antropologfa e Historia, Depto. de In-
vestigaeinnes Antropologicas, Publicaciones, 10. Mexico.
Structural sketch, texts, and Yaqui-Spanish vocabulary.
Johnson, Jkan Babsbtt, and [bMGABD Wmii.amk de Johnson
243 1947 l*n voeabulario Varohio. Rn. Mti. EbL Antra., 9: '27-45.
Includes notes mi phonetics, plus some phrases and sentences.
244 1954 Opata: dialed of Tonichi, Sonora. In Key, 1954. pp. 390-97.
Jokes, Wtluam
1015 Efickapoo tales, collected by William Jones. Translated by Truman Michelson.
Publications of the American Ethnological Society, vol. 9. Leyden.
Text and free translation on facing pages.
Junta CoLOMBINA DI Mexico
246 1893 I
astellano Publicado por la Junta Colombina de Mexico
con motivo de la cclrbracion del CuartO Centenario del Descubrimiento de America.
Mexico.
Publication of I8th-eentury MS.
Kaufman, Tkrrknce S.
246a 1963 Tseltal grammar. University of California (Berkeley) dissertation. Ann Arbor,
University Microfilms.
See summary in Z)tM. Abs.. 24: .>100, L964.

Killer, Caxhbi M
(
'.

247 1955 The Chontal (Mayan) numeral system UAL, 21: 258-75.
248 L969 The phonemes of Chontal (Mayan). UAL, 25: 44-53.
See also Yegeriehner and Voegelin, l
.»~'7
(

Keller, Kathryn C. ani> Margaret Harris

f

249 1946 Mast uline crab and mosquitoes: two Chontal texts. Tlalocan, 2: 138-40.
Ascapotsalco.
Mayan Chontal, i.e. of Tabasco.
Keller, Kathryn C, and Lulu Keber
250 1958 t'an, La primera cartilla del idioma Chontal de Tabasco. Mexico.
Chontal-Spanish word list at end.

30
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Keller, Kathryn C, and Sol Saporta

251 1957 The frequency of consonant clusters in Chontal. UAL, 23: 28-35.
Key, Harold
252 1954 Vocabularies of languages of the Uto-Aztecan family, collected by Harold Key.
Mic. Coll., no. 38. Chicago.
Some vocabularies are supplemented by sentences, some by grammatical notes.
The contents are:
Aztec dialects:
Tetelcingo, Morelos, by R. S. Pittman and F. Brewer, pp. 1-9.
Mecayapan, Veracruz, by H. Law, pp. 10-22.
Atlaiaca, Guerrero, by A. McKinlay, pp. 23-38.
Xalacapan, Puebla, by H. Key, pp. 39-51.
Ostotitla, Veracruz, by J. Grimes, pp. 52-59.
Zongolica, Veracruz, by J. Ekstrom, pp. 60-72.
P6maro, Michoac£n, by J. Grimes and W. Nyman Jr., pp. 73-94.
San Agustfn Oapan, Guerrero, by J. Ekstrom, pp. 95-102.
Atzacualoya, Guerrero, by J. Ekstrom, pp. 103-09.
Topiltepec, Guerrero, by J. Ekstrom, pp. 110-17.
San Pedro Tototepec, Mexico, by H. Key, pp. 118-25.
Acatlan and Tulapa, Puebla, by G. Stairs, pp. 126-33.
Santo Domingo, Sonsonate, El Salvador, by E. F. Sywulka, pp. 134-43.
Nahuizalco, El Salvador, by J. G. Todd, pp. 144-51.
Tlaxcala, Tlaxcala, by H. Key, pp. 152-59.
Huejotzingo, Puebla, by A. Wares, pp. 160-68.
Tlanepantla, Puebla, by H. Key, pp. 168-75.
Chilac, Puebla, by H. Key, pp. 176-83.
Topilejo, D. F., by H. Key, pp. 184-91.
Xoxocotla, Morelos, by H. Key, pp. 192-99.
Metztla, Puebla, by H. Key, pp. 200-07.
Tlaxpanaloya, Puebla, by B. Harding and E. Brockway, pp. 208-19.
La Cimienta, San Luis Potosl, by J. Ekstrom, pp. 220-26. (Perhaps a mistake for
La Pimienta, Hidalgo, on the San Luis Potosi border.)
Xochihuehuetlan, Guerrero, by J. Ekstrom, pp. 227-38.
Xochixtlahuaca, Guerrero, by C. Stewart, pp. 239-43.
Pochutla, Oaxaca (from Boas, 1917), pp. 247-54.
El Salvador (from Arauz, 1926), pp. 255-62.
"Classical" Nahuatl (from Sahagun, 1957), pp. 263-70.
Durango and Michoacan (from Guerra, 1692), pp. 271-78.
Huichol: La Piedra Gorda, Nayarit, by J. Mcintosh and J. Grimes, pp. 279-91.
Cora: San Pedro Ixcatan, Nayarit, by A. McMahon, pp. 292-99.
Tarahumara: Samachique, Chihuahua, by K. Hilton, pp. 300-11.
Tepehuane (northern): Baborigame, Chihuahua, by B. Bascom, pp. 312-19.
Tepehuane (southern): Xoconostle, Durango, by B. Hart, pp. 320-33.
Yaqui (Cdhita) Vicam, Sonora, by J. Dedrick, pp. 334-46.
:

Mayo: Tetanchopa, Sonora, by H. Collard, pp. 347-65.

Varohio by Jean B. Johnson, pp. 366-73.
Varohio by J. Ekstrom, pp. 374r-81.
Pima Bajo: Onabas, Sonora, by Jean B. Johnson, pp. 382-89.
Opata: Tonichi, Sonora, by Jean B. and Irmgard Johnson, pp. 390-97.
Tepecano (from Mason, 1917), pp. 398-405.
Papago: Sells, Arizona, by D. Saxton, pp. 429-41.
Papago (from Dolores, 1913), pp. 442-49.
253 1960 Stem construction and affixation of Sierra Nahuat verbs. UAL, 26: 131-45.
Key, Harold and Mary
254 1953a The phonemes of Sierra Nahuat. UAL, 19: 53-56.
255 1953b Vocabulario Mejicano de la Sierra de Zacapoaxtla, Puebla. Mexico.
Spanish-Nahuat and Nahuat-Spanish, preceded by notes on pronunciation and
grammar.
See also McKinlay and Key, 1949.
Kingdon, R.
256 1948 sapo'teko. Le Maitre Phonetique, no. 90, pp. 24-25. Hertford, England.

31
 LINGUISTICS

Phonetic transcription of text, "The North Wind and the Sun," with interlinear
translation.
Kroeber, A. L.
257 1931 The Seri. Southwest Museum Papers, 6. Los Angeles.
Contains short vocabulary.
258 1934 Uto-Aztecan languages of Mexico. Ibero- Americana, 8. Berkeley.
Brief word lists of Sinaloa Aztec, Opata, Cahita (Yaqui and Mayo), and Varohfo.
See also Dolores, 1913.
Kurath, William
259 1945 A brief introduction to Papago, a native language of Arizona. University of Arizona
Social Science Bulletin, no. 13. Tucson.
Notes on pronunciation and grammar, six texts with interlinear and free translation.
Kurath, William, and Edward H. Spicer
260 1947 A brief introduction to Yaqui, a native language of Sonora. University of Arizona
Social Science Bulletin, no. 15. Tucson.
Notes on pronunciation and grammar, six texts with interlinear and free transla-
tions, Yaqui-English vocabulary.

KUTBCHEB, G.
261 L958 Kin von Walter Lehmann gesammeltes Mexicano-Miirchen und Vokabular
Mtwirano von Chilapa, Staat Guerrero). Miscellanea Paul Rivet, 1 533-72. :

Mexico.
Includes Aztec-Spanish vocabulary from Chilapa and short word lists from two
other localities.
LaFabgb, I M.ivEH, and Douglas Bybbs
262 1931 Tne Middle American Research
year-bearer'e people. Scries, 3. New Orleans.
Contains Motion on the Jacaltec language, including grammar, texts, and Jacaltec-
Ktudish dictionary. Also included are vocabularies of Chuj, Chaneabal, Santa
Kulalia, and Mam.
See also Blom and LaFargc
Lacunas, -h an Bapxtbta Dl
1574 Arte y diccionario con <>tras obras en lengua Michuacana. Mexico.
Tarascan grammar and Tarascan-Spnnish dictionary. Reprinted by Nicolas Le6n,
Supplement to Analei del nfueeo hiiehoeeeno, afios 1-3 (Morelia, 1890).
Landebo, ( Sablos l.
284 1890 1 Istudk) sobre la lengua Huichola. La Ripublirn LiterariOj 5: 694-702. Guadalajara.
1
'Jains short word 1

I.AKDK Y I.AK1V J(
''
1950 Kl iilioina Lencs en Chilanga •
o National "David J. Guzmdn",
l.i -
Salvador.
Lenca-Spanish word list, compiled from previous publications and from a list made
by the Alcalde Municipal of Chilanga in 1909.
:\ DI LaBDB, BBN1GM I

266 L926 tanario Lencs EepafloL Rep. Etna., 1: 223-48, 291-304.

Compiled from previously published materials. Reprinted, aa far as the letter P,
in Revista del Arrhim y Biblioteca Rationale* 30: 239-47, 338-42, 444-45,
, 31: 75-79
(Tegucigalpa, 1951-52).
267 [nil]

LabIOB, Hikron:'
268 1607 Arte de la lengua Mame. Mexico.
-een.

Labbbn, Raymond B.
269 1953 I'rocliticoa pronominales del dialecto Huasteco que se habla en el Estado de San
Luia Potosi Ra. Mex. Est. Antro., 13: 117-18.

270 Vocabulario Huasteco del Estado de San Luis Potosi. Mexico.

32
 :

INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Huastec-Spanish and Spanish-Huastec, preceded by notes on pronunciation and

grammar.
Larsen, Raymond S., and Eunice Victoria Pike
271 1949 Huasteco intonations and phonemes. Lg., 25: 268-77.
Lathrop, Maxwell D., Jr.
272 1937 Report a partial study of the Tarascan
of dialect. Inv. Ling., 4: 111-29.

Notes on phonology and morphology.

273 1953 Trabajos realizados para condicionar el idioma Tarasco como vehfculo de educa-
ci6n. Memoria del Congreso Cientifico Mexicano, 12: 175-80. Mexico.
Contains data on the phonemic system. Author's name is given as "Maximo
Lethrop."
Law, Howard W.
274 1949 Gulf Aztec texts and dictionary. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1949, pp.
556-707.
English-Aztec dictionary in dialect of Mecayapan, Veracruz.
275 1954 Nahuatl Mecayapan, Veracruz. In Key, 1954, pp. 10-22.
of

276 1955 The phonemes of Isthmus Nahuat. Mex. Ant., 8: 267-78.

Phonemic description, with text, of the dialect earlier called "Gulf Aztec" by the
author.
277 1957 Tamakasti: a Gulf Nahuatl text. Tlalocan, 3: 344-60. Mexico.
278 1958 Morphological structure of Isthmus Nahuat. UAL, 24: 108-29.
278a 1966 Obligatory constructions of Isthmus Nahuat grammar. Janua linguarum, series
The Hague.
practica, 29.
Tagmemic grammar with analyzed text.

Leal, Mary
279 1950 Patterns of tone substitution in Zapotec morphology. UAL, 16: 132-36.
Leal, Mary and Otis
280 1954 Noun possession in Villa Alta Zapotec. UAL, 20: 215-16.
281 1956 Aprendamos a en Zapoteco. Libro de transici6n para los que saben leer en
leer
—
Castellano. Zapoteco dialecto de Yatzachi el Bajo, regi6n de Villa Alta, Estado
de Oaxaca. Mexico.
Contains word lists.

Legters, D. Brainerd
282 1937 Story of a hunter. Inv. Ling., 4: 302-07.
Maya text with literal and free translations, plus notes on phonetics.
Lehmann, Walter
283 1915 Tiber die Stellung und Verwandschaft der Subtiaba-Sprache der Pazifischen Kiiste
Nicaraguas und Sprache von Tapachula in Sudchiapas. Zeitschrift fur
iiber die
Ethnologie, 47: 1-34. Berlin.
Includes word lists of Subtiaba and of Tapachultec II. See also Lehmann, 1920.
284 1920 Zentral-Amerika. Teil I, Die Sprachen Zentral-Amerikas in ihren Beziehungen
zueinander sowie zu Sud-Amerika und Mexiko. 2 vols. Berlin.
Issued on microtext cards by H. A. Gleason Jr. (Hartford, Conn., 1956). The work
isa compendium of grammatical information, vocabularies, and texts from most of
the languages of Central America, excluding the Mayan family. Some Mexican
languages are also covered. Lehmann reprints much material previously published,
as well as material from unpublished MSS and from his own field notes. Of the
languages included in this bibliography, Lehmann provides information on the
following
Cacaopera (Matagalpan), pp. 604-23, including data of Mendoza, 1895.
Lenca, pp. 668-722, including data of Squier, 1858; Hernandez and Pinart, 1897;
Membreno, 1897; and Peccorini, 1910.
Xinca, pp. 727-68, including data of Brinton, 1884, and Calder6n, 1908.
Oluta, Sayula, and Texistepec, pp. 769-79, from Calder6n, 1908.
Tapachultec II, pp. 780-81, from Sapper, 1912.

33
 .

LINGUISTICS

Mangue, pp. 842-64, including data of Squier, 1852, and Brinton, 1886.
Chiapanec, pp. 881-900, including data of Pinart, 1875, Charencey, 1876; and L.
Fernandez, 1892.
Mazatec, pp. 903-10, including data of Brinton, 1892, and Belmar, 1892.
Subtiaba, pp. 919-69, including data of Squier, 1853.
Tlapanec, pp. 969-78, including data of Leon, 1912.
Aztec, pp. 1027-83, including data of Scherzer, 1885; Stoll, 1884; Brinton, 1887;
Boas, 1912; and Starr, 1902.
%See also Kutscher, 1958.
Leon, Frances
284a 1962 Revisi6n de la fonologfa del Otomf. Anales del Institute National de Antropologia e
Historia, 15: 315-30 (published 1963). Mexico.
Leon, Frances, and Morris Swadesh
285 1949 Two views of Otomi prosody. UAL, 15: 100-05.
Takes issue with the analysis of Sinclair and Pike, 1948.
Leon, Juan de
286 1955 Diccionario Quich6-Espanol. Guatemala.
Leon, Nicolas
286a 1886 Silabario del idioma Tarasco o de Michoaean. Morelia.
Word lists for pronunciation practice, with Spanish glosses. A revised version ap-
peared in Anales del Museo Michoacano, 2: 139-54 (Morelia, 1889).
287 1903a Los Comanchee y el dialecto Cahuillo de la Baja California. An. Mas. Nac., la
Spoca, 7: 263-78.
Contains Spanish-"Cahuillo" vocabulary from Ensenada, Baja California; Le6n
mistakenly identities it with I'to-Aztecan Cahuilla of Southern California. It ap-
pears, however, to be a Yuman dialect; see A. L. Kroeber, Supposed Shoshoneans
in Lower California, .1.1, n.s., 7: 570-72 (1905).
_>^ 1903b Vocabulario an tengua Tepehua que as habla an el Estado de Hidalgo. . . . An.
Mus. Xac., la epoca, 7. L .K >l
301.
Spanish-Tepehua word list.
289 1903c Vocabulario del dialecto llamado Tepehua que se habla en Huayacocotla, . .

tcrui. An. Mus. Nac., ladpoca, 7: 301-04.

Word list of what i- evidently a dialect QOt of Tepehua but of Otoml.
290 1903d Vocabulario an lengua Cuitlateca de Totolapam, Estado de Guerrero. An. Mus.
la epoca, 7: 304-07.
,

Spanish-Cuitlaiec word list.

291 1903e Vocabulario del dialecto Tepecano del Pueblo de Azquetlan, Estado de Jalisco.
An. Mus. Nac., la epoca, 7: :>u7-09.
ish -Tepecano word list.

292 1904a Xoticia de un dialecto nuevo del Matlaltzinca. Boletln del Museo National, 2a
epoca, 1: 201-04. Mexico.
Word list collected by F. Plancarte.
299 1904b Catalogo de la coleccion de antigiiedades Huavis del Estado de Oaxaca existentes
en el Museo Nacional de Mexico. Mexico.
Includes Huave-Spanish weird lists copied from Brasseur, 1861, and Starr, 1900, and
the longer vocabulary from Belmar, 1901b.
294 1912 Vocabulario de la lengua Popoloca, Chocha o Chuchona, con sus equivalentes en
Castellano, colectado y arreglado bajo un solo alfabeto. An. Mus. Nac, 3a 6poca,
3: 1-58.
Combined Chocho-Spanish and Spanish-Chocho vocabulary; Chocho phrase list;
miscellaneous word lists of Popoloca, Mixe and Tlapanec. The last-named is re-
printed by Lehmann, 1920, pp. 971-72.
See also C6rceres, 1907; C6rdova, 1578a; Gilberti, 1558; Grasserie and Le6n, 1896; and
Lagunas, 1574.
Lethrop, Maximo
See Lathrop, Maxwell D., Jr.

34
inventory of descriptive materials

Levanto, Leonardo
See Pefiafiel, 1887.
Lewy, Ernst
295 1937 Die Sprache der Quiche" (KiSe) von Guatemala. Anthropos, 32: 929-58. St. Gabriel-
Modling.
Grammatical sketch based on Schultze-Jena, 1933.

Lind, John 0.
295a 1964 Clause and sentence level syntagmemes in Sierra Popoluca. UAL, 30:^341-54.
Lombardo, Natal
296 1702 Arte de la lengua Teguima vulgarmente llamada Opata. Mexico.
See also Pimentel, 1863.
Longacre, Robert E.
297 1952 Five phonemic pitch levels in Trique. Acta Linguistica, 7: 62-82. Copenhagen.
298 1955 Rejoinder to Hamp's "Componential restatement of syllable structure in Trique".
UAL, 21: 189-94.
See Hamp, 1954.

299 1959 Trique tone morphemics. Anthro. Ling., 1.4: 5-42.

299a 1965 Transformational parameters in tagmemic field structures. Georgetown Monograph

Series on Languages and Linguistics, 18: 43-58. Washington.
Contrasting grammatical structures of Zoque, Sierra Popoluca, and Mixe.
299b 1966 Trique clause and sentence: a study in contrast, variation, and distribution. UAL,
32: 242-52.
See also Engel and Longacre, 1963.
L6pez Otero, Daniel
300 1914 Gramatica Maya. MeVida.
Called "a very good grammar" by Tozzer, 1921, p. 167. Includes word lists.
L6pez Yepes, JoAQufN
301 1826 Catecismo y declaraci6n de la doctrina cristiana en lengua Otomf, con un vocabu-
lario del mismo idioma. Mexico.
Includes notes on pronunciation and a Spanish-Otomf dictionary.

LORENZANA, SeRAPIO D.
302 1896 Un interprete Huasteco. Mexico.
Spanish-Huastec phrase and word lists.

Lowie, R. H.
See Gifford and Lowie, 1928.

Luna Cardenas, Juan

303 1951 Gramatica analftica del idioma Tarasco. Mexico.
Notes on pronunciation and grammar.
Lyman, Larry
303a 1964 The verb syntagmemes of Choapan Zapotec. Linguistics, no. 7, pp. 16-41. The
Hague.
Mc Arthur, Harry
303b 1966 Xinca. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 309-12.
Short word lists collected from the few surviving speakers.

McArthur, Harry and Lucille

304 1956 Aguacatec (Mayan) phonemes within the stress group. UAL, 22: 72-76.
304a 1966 Aguacatec. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 140-65.
Grammatical sketch with sample text.
McGee, W. J.
See Hernandez, F., 1902.
McIntosh, John B.
305 1945 Huichol phonemes. UAL, 11: 31-35.

35
 LINGUISTICS

306 1949a Cosmogonia Huichol. Tlalocan, 3: 14-21. Azcapotzalco.

Text with free translation

307 1949b Huichol texts and dictionary. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1949, pp. 1-337.
Contains Huichol -Spanish dictionary and Spanish-Huichol verb list.

McLntosh, John B., and Joseph R. Grimes

308 1954a Xiuqui Tquisicayari. Vixarica niuquiy&ri, Teivari niuquiy&ri hep&Isita. Vocabu-
lario Huichol-Castellano, Castellano-Huichol.
Mexico.
Appendices give notes on pronunciation and grammar.
309 1945b Huichol: La Piedra Gorda, Nayarit. In Key, 1954, pp. 279-91.
McKaughan, Howard P.
310 1954 Chatino formulas and phonemes. UAL, 20: 23-27.
Formulae for phonemic distribution.
McKaughan, Howard P. and Barbara
311 1951 Diccionario de la lengua Chatina. Mexico.
Spanish-Chatino and Chatino-Spanish; notes on pronunciation; paradigms.
McKinlay, Arch
312 1954 Nahuatl of Atliaca, Guerrero. In Key, 1954, pp. 23-28.
McKixlay, Arch, and Harold and Mary Key
313 1949 Puebla Sierra Aztec texts and dictionary. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1949,
pp. 338-555.
Contains Spanish-Aztec dictionary.
McMahon, A
314 1954 Cora: San Pedro IxcatAn, Nayarit. In Key, 1954, pp. 292-99.
M'\\I \H"N, A AM' M.
315 1959 abulario Cora y Espanol. Serie de vocabularios Mariano Silva y Aceves, 2.
ico.

Spanish-Cora and Cora-Spanish, with sections on pronunciation and grammar.

McQdOWN, Norm an A
316 1941a La fon^mica de un dialecto N&huatl de Guerrero. Mix. Ant., 5: 221-32.
Contains rfahuatl-Spanisfa word list.

317 1941b La foneniica del Cuitlateco. Mix. Ant., 5: 239-54.

tains Cuitlatee-Spanisb word list.
318 L942 La fanemica de un dialecto Olmeca-Mexicano de la Sierra Norte de Puebla. M6x.
', i: 81 7J
Includes Aztec-Spanish word list and three untranslated texts.

319 1947 La fonemica del Totonaco. ICA-P, 27, 1st session, 2: 306-12. Mexico.
Mak, Cornklia
320 1948 Vocabulario comparativo de cuatro dialectos del idioma Mixteco. Mexico.
-een.
321 1950 A unique tone perturbation in Mixteco. UAL, 16: 82-86.

322 1953 A comparison of two Mixtec tonemic systems. UAL, 19: 85-100.
323 1958 The tonal system of a third Mixtec dialect. UAL, 24: 61-70.
Maldonado Dl Matos Manuel
324 1918a Vocabulario de la lengua Szinca. Edici6n fotost&tica. Boston.
-een.

325 1918b Arte de la lengua Szinca. Edici6n fotosUtica. Boston.

Not seen.
Maler, Teobert
326 1885 Sur quelques langues du Mexique. Lengua de los Totonacosde Xhopala en el Dis-
trito de Papantla. Actes de la Societe Philologique, 14: 205-08. Paris.

Short word lists of Totonac and Zoque.

36
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

MarroquIn, Remigio A.
See Colop D., 1927.
MartInez Gracida, Manuel
See Belmar, 1900.
MartInez Hernandez, Juan, Ed.
327 1969 Diccionario de Motul Maya-Espanol atribufdo a Fray Antonio de Ciudad Real y
Arte de lengua Maya por Fray Juan Coronel. Merida.
Dictionary from MS of the 16th century; grammar from Coronel, 1620.

MartInez Rios, Jorge

327a 1961 Los estudios lingiiisticos en el Estada de Oaxaca, Mexico. Revista Mexicana de
Sociologia, 23: 933-71. Mexico.
Survey with detailed bibliography.
Masin, In£s
327b 1926 El Pipil de Izalco. Rev. Etno., 1: 259-64.
List of words and phrases.
Mason, J. Alden
328 1917 Tepecano, a Piman language of Western Mexico. Annals of the New York Academy
of Sciences, 25: 309-416. New York.
Phonology, morphology, and four texts with translation and analysis.
329 1918 Tepecano prayers. UAL, 1: 91-153.
Thirty-seven texts with interlinear and free translations.
330 1923 A preliminary sketch of the Yaqui language. UCPAAE, 20: 195-212.
Notes on phonetics and grammar, based on Velasco, 1737; two short texts with
analysis.

331 1950 The language of the Papago of Arizona. Philadelphia.

Phonology and grammar.
See also Dolores, 1923.

Mayers, Marvin
332 1957 Pocomchi verb structure. UAL, 23: 165-70.

333 1958 Pocomchi texts with grammatical notes. Summer Institute of Linguistics, Uni-
versity of Oklahoma, Linguistic series, 2. Norman, Okla.
Includes Pocomchi-English lexicon.
333a 1960 The phonemes of Pocomchi. Anth. Ling., 2.9: 1-39.

333b 1966 Languages of Guatemala. Janua linguarum, series practica, 23. The Hague.
Sketches of the Mayan languages of Guatemala: Achi, by M. Shaw and H. Neuen-
swander, pp. 27-48; Quiche\ by D. Fox, pp. 60-86; Pocomchi, by M. and M. Mayers,
pp. 102-09; Kekchi, by F. Eachus and R. Carlson, pp. 114-24; Ixil, by R. and H.
Elliott, pp. 132-39; Aguacatec, by H. and L. McArthur, pp. 154-65; Mam, by E.
Sywulka, pp. 178-95; Jacaltec, by C. and K. Church, pp. 206-18; Chuj, by K. and B.
Williams, pp. 225-34; Chorti, by H. Oakley, pp. 243-50; Mopan Maya, by M. and R.
Ulrich, pp. 261-71; plus a Xinca word list, by H. McArthur, pp. 309-12.

Mayers, Marvin and Marilyn

334 1956 Vocabulario Pocomchf. Mexico.
Not seen.

334a 1966 Pocomchi. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 87-109.

Grammatical sketch with sample text.
Maynard, Gail
See Xec and Maynard, 1954.

Maza, Antonio de la
335 1947 La naci6n Pame. Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad., 63: 493-575.
Includes verb paradigms and Pame-Spanish vocabulary.

37
 linguistics

Means, Philip Ainsworth

336 1917 History of the Spanish conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas. Papers of the Pea-
body Museum, Harvard University, vol. 7. Cambridge, Mass.
Appendix contains word list from the Itz& dialect of Maya, collected by C. H. Be-
rendt in 1866-67.
Mechling, William H.
337 1912 The Indian linguistic stocks of Oaxaca, Mexico. AA, n.s., 14: 643-82.
Includes Amuzgo word list, as well as shorter comparative lists from other languages.
Medina, A.
See Zavala and Medina, 1898.
Membreno, Alberto
338 1897 Hondurenismos: Vocabulario de los provincialismos de Honduras. Segunda edi-
ci6n. Tegucigalpa.
An appendix contains vocabularies of several Central American languages, including
Lenca; this reprinted in Lehmann, 1920, pp. 671-92. The first and third edition of
is

Membrefio do not contain these vocabularies.

Mendenhall, Cell*. Douglass, and Julia Supple
339 1948 Tojolabal texts and dictionary. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1948, texts
pp. 60-156, dictionary unpaged.
Contains Tojolabal -English dictionary.
•See also Douglass, Celia M.
Mendoza, Eufemio
See Najera, 1S70.
Mendoza, Jeremlas
340 1895 El pueblo de Cacaopera. La Unircrsidad, 5: 436-43. San Salvador.
N'nt aeon.Contains linguistic data on a dialect of Matagalpan; republished by Leh-
mann, 1820, pp. oG4-23. See also Brinton, 1895.
Mkrrifield, William R.
340a L963 Palantla Chinantec syllable types. Anth. Ling., 5.5: 1-16.

340b 1965 Palantla Chinantec grammar. Cornell University dissertation. Ann Arbor, Uni-
versity Microfilms.
Summary in Diss. Abs., 26: 5426, 1966.

Michelson, Truman
See Jones, 1915.
Miller, W. S.
341 1937 La lengua Mixe o Ayuc. Inv. Ling., 4: 130-33.

Description <>f phonetic system.

Molina, Alonso de
342 1555 Aqui oomienca un vocabulario en la lengua Castellana y Mexicana. Mexico.
-pen.

343 1571a Vocabulario en lengua Castellana y Mexicana. Mexico.

Reprinted, Leipzig, 1880, and Puebla, 1910; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1944. Spanish-
Aztec and Aztec-Spanish.
344 1571b Arte de la lengua Mexicana y Castellana. Mexico.
Reprinted in Colecciun de gramaticas de la lengua Mexicana 1: 127-224, supplement
to An. Mu$. Nat., la opoca, tomo 4 (Mexico, 1886). Facsimile edition, Madrid, 1945.

345 1937 Molina redivivo o nuevo diccionario N&huatl-Espafiol y Espanol-N&huatl. Inv.

Ling., 3:357-403, 4: 175-82.
Molina, 1571a, as revised and enlarged, principally by Miguel Trinidad Palma.
Publication proceeded as far as the word campaxoa in the Nahuatl-Spanish section,
and was then discontinued.
Molina, Arpadio G.
346 1889 El jazmln del Istmo. Principios generales para aprender a leer, escribir y hablar la

38
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

lengua Zapoteca, acompanados de un vocabulario Espanol-Zapoteco y Zapoteco-

Espanol. Oaxaca.
A later edition, 1892. Neither edition seen.

347 1894 La rosa del amor. Frases en Espanol y Zapoteco. San Bias, Tehuantepec.
Not seen.
Moran, Francisco
348 1935 Arte y diccionario en lengua Cholti. Maya Society, Pub. 9. Baltimore.
Photostat reproduction of a MS condensation of a lost MS work of 1625. Author's
name mistakenly given on title page as "Pedro." Contains Spanish-Choltf vocabu-
lary.

Morrison, May
See Waterhouse and Morrison, 1950.
Moser, Edward and Mary
349 1961 Vocabulario Seri: Seri-Castellano, Castellano-Seri. Serie de vocabularios indfgenas
Mariano Silva y Aceves, 5. Mexico.
350 1965 Consonant-vowel balance in Seri (Hokan) syllables. Linguistics, no. 16, pp. 50-67.
The Hague.
Nagera y Yanguas, Diego de
351 1637 Doctrina y ensenanza de la lengua Mazahua .... Mexico.
What appears to be a republication (but without this title) is in Actes de la SociiU
Philologique, 27: 239-94, 28: 169-304 (Paris, 1898-99). There is a facsimile edition,
Mexico, 1952. The work contains grammatical notes, word lists, and both devotional
and conversational texts with phrase-by-phrase translation.
Najera, Manuel de San Juan Cris6stomo
352 1837 De lingua Othomitorum dissertatio. Transactions of the American Philosophical
Society, n.s., 5: 249-96. Philadelphia.
Contains lists of verb forms and a short Otomf-Latin vocabulary. Spanish version:
Disertaci6n sobre la lengua Otomf (Mexico, 1845).
353 1870 Gram£tica del Tarasco. Morelia.
Reprinted as: Gramatica de la lengua Tarasca ed. Eufemio Mendoza, Bol. Soc-
. . .,

Mex. Geog. Estad., 2a 6poca, 4: 664-84 (1872). Reprinted again, Mexico, 1944.
Nebah, parish priest of
354 1935 Arte y vocabulario de la lengua Ixil con doctrina y confesionario. Maya Society Pub.
14. Baltimore.
Photostat reproduction of MS of 1824, entitled: Doctrina y confesionaria en lengua
Ixil precedidos de un corto modo para aprender la lengua y ritual de matrimonio,
por cura parroco de Nebah. Contains paradigms and short word list, but no state-
ments of grammar.
Needham, Doris, and Marjorie Davis
355 1946 Cuicateco phonology. UAL, 12:139-46.
Phonemics and morphophonemics.
Neuenswander, Helen
See Shaw and Neuenswander, 1966.
Neve y Molina, Luis de
356 1767 Reglas de orthographia, diccionario, y arte del idioma Othomf. Mexico.
Reprinted, Mexico, 1863. Includes Spanish-Otomf vocabulary. Italian version:
Grammatica della lingua Otomf esposta in Italiano dal conte Enea Silvio Vincenzo
Piccolomini (Roma, 1841). This work also served as basis for the work entitled Ele-
ments de la grammaire Othomi, Revue Orientate et Ame'ricaine, 8: 15-49 (Paris, 1862).
Nida, Eugene A.
357 1937 The Tarahumara language. Inv. Ling., 4: 140-44.
Notes on phonology and morphology.
Nida, Eugene A., and Moises Romero C.
358 1950 The pronominal series in Maya (Yucatec). UAL, 16: 193-97.

39
 linguistics

Notes, Ernest
359 1957 Grammar and lexicon of Black Carib and Lexicon of Cholti and Chorti. Mic. Coll.,
no. 39. Chicago.
Contains Cholti-Spanish lexicon, based on Mo ran, 1935; and Chortf-English lexicon,
based on Wisdom, 1950.
Ntjnez, Joan
See Adam, 1887.
Nyman, W., Jr.
See Grimes and Nyman, 1954.
Oakley, Helen
359a 1966 Chorti. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 235-50.
Grammatical sketch with sample text.

Olivares, Juan
See Warkentin and Olivares, 1947.
Olmos, Andres de
360 1875 Grammaire de la langue Nahuatl ou Mexicaine. Composed en 1547, et publiee avec
notes, dclaircissements, etc., par Remi Simeon. Paris.
Also published as: Arte para aprender la lengua Mexicana, Colecci6n de gramdticas
de la lengua Mexicana, 1: 1-126, supplement to An. Mus. Nac, la 6poca, tomo 3
(Mexico, 1885-86).
Olson*, Donald and Anne
361 1956 Trescientos palabras en tres idiomas. Mexico.
Contains vocabulary of Ocotlan Zapotec. Not seen.
Onorio, Juan Manuel
362 1924 El dialecto Mexicano de Canton de los Tuxtlas (Veracruz). Mix. Ant., 2: 159-91.

Aztec-Spanish vocabulary; miscellaneous lists of words, phrases, and sentences;

texts with free translation.
Orozco, Gilberto
363 1946 Tradiciones y ley end as del 1st mo de Tehuan tepee. Mexico.
Zapotec-vSpani-h word lists, pp. 196-212.
Ortega, Jose de
364 1732 Vocabulario en lengua Castellana y Cora. Mexico.
Reprinted in Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad., la epoca, 8: 501-605 (1860). Also reprinted,
Tepic, 1888.
Overholt, Edward
364a 1961 The tonemic system of Guerrero Mixteco. In A William Cameron Townsend en el
vit-eVimoquinto aniversario del Institute Lingiifstico de Verano, pp. 597-626.
Mi'xico.

Pacheco Cruz, Santiago

365 1912 Compendio del idioma Yucateco .... Mi'rida.
Later editions have title: Compendio del idioma Maya; most recent seen is the fifth
M. n<l:i. 1966 A pedagogical textbook; includes conversation and Maya-Spanish
lhulary.

Palma, Miguel Trinidad

See Molina, Alonso, 1937.
Paredes, Ignacio de
See Carochi, 1759.
Parry, C. C.
366 1853 Vocabulary of the language of the Pimo Indians. In vol. 3, pp. 460-62, of Henry
Rowe Schoolcraft, Information respecting the history, condition and prospects of
the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia.
PatiSo, Celestino
367 1907 Vocabulario Totonaco. Xalapa-Enrfquez, Mexico.
Spanish-Totonac and Totonac-Spanish vocabularies for each of the parts of speech:
paradigms; conversations.

40
inventory of descriptive materials

Peccorini, Attilio
368 1909 Ligeros apuntes sobre el dialecto Camotan. Centro America Intelectual, 2a 6poca,
nos. 7-9. San Salvador.
Not seen. Deals with Chortf; data republished in Becerra, 1910.
369 1910 Dialecte Chilanga. JSAP, n.s., 7: 163-30.
Lenca word lists and paradigms. Republished by Lehmann, 1920, pp. 693-99; and
by Schuller, 1925b.
370 [nil]

Peck, H. D.
See Andrade, 1946b.
Penafiel, Antonio, ed.
371 1887 Gramatica de la lengua Zapoteca por un autor an6nimo que agreg6 a su obra otro
"Arte," por el P. Fray Andres Valdespino, las reglas de las particulas por Fray Juan
de C6rdova, el confesionario en Zapoteco del Valle por el R.P.P. Gral. Fray An-
tonio Vell6n. .; la administraci6n de los sacramentos en idioma Zapoteco, y otro
.

confesionario en lengua Zapoteca de Tierra Caliente, o de Tehuantepec. Obra co-

piada o escrita en Oaxaca por el afio de 1823. Mexico.
Also includes Spanish-Zapotec word list from San Bernardo Miztepeque, collected
in 1856 by Leonardo Levanto.

372 ca. 1895 Lenguas mexicanas. [Mexico?]

This book, unbound and without title page, was bought in Mexico City in 1959. It
bore the penciled notation, "Penafiel, Lenguas Indigenas"; the title indicated in
the printer's signatures, however, is "Leng. Mex." It contains word lists of about
200 items each for the dialects of some hundred localities in the states of Tlaxcala,
Puebla, Morelos, and Hidalgo; the lists are signed by the local residents who pre-
pared them, and are dated between 1880 and 1894. Two vocabularies (pp. 188-96)
are of Otomi, one (pp. 316-20) is of Totonac, and two (pp. 320-29) are of Popoloca;
all the rest are of Aztec dialects.
I cannot find this book in any published bibliography or catalog. Its existence,
however, and the authorship of Penafiel are confirmed by three references.
First is the work by Robelo, 1889, with title Vocabulario comparativo Castellano
:

y Nahuatl . para contestar el cuestionario filol6gico formulado por la Direcci6n

. .

General de Estadistica de la Repiiblica Mexicana. The word list of Robelo is iden-

tical with that of the work under discussion, and Penafiel was in charge of the Di-
reccion General de Estadistica at this period.
Second is the statement of Mechling, 1912, p. 643: "In the year 1886 Dr. Antonio
Penafiel collected vocabularies of native languages from all parts of Mexico. . . .

The volume of these vocabularies that has been printed deals entirely with the well-
known Mexican of the Central Plateau region. With the other four volumes
. . .

into which Penafiel divides his manuscripts nothing has been done, although it is
hoped that they will soon be published by the Mexican Government."
Third, excerpts from the Distrito Federal vocabularies were published by Ur-
bano Lavfn in 1922, who states (An. Mus. Nac., 4a 6poca, 1: 82) that his list was
"formado por el Sr. Penafiel."
The material contained in this book should be especially valuable for the study
of Aztec dialectology. For further information, see now Juan A. Hasler, Tetradialec-
tologia Nahua, in A William Cameron Townsend en el vigesimoquinto aniversario
del I.L.V. (Mexico, 1961), esp. p. 455, fn. 2.
See also Basalenque, 1714, and Gilberti, 1559.
P£rez, Juan Pfo
373 1866-77 Diccionario de la lengua Maya. Merida.
Maya-Spanish.
374 1898 Coordinaci6n alfab£tica de las voces del idioma Maya que se hallan en el Arte y
obras del Padre Fr. Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa con las equivalencias Castellanas
que en las mismas se hallan. Merida.
Maya-Spanish and Spanish-Maya dictionary, the latter based on the MS Ticul
Dictionary of 1690.
P£rez, Manuel
375 1713 Arte de el idioma Mexicano. Mexico.

41
 LINGUISTICS

Pfefferkorn, Ignaz
376 1794-95 Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonora .... 2 vols. Koln.
Vol. 2, chap. 11, contains notes on the Pima language. English version: Sonora, a
description of the province, translated and annotated by Theodore E. Treutlein
(Albuquerque, 1949).

PlCCOLOMINI, ENEA SlLVIO VlNCENZO

See Neve y Molina, 1767.

Pickett, Velma B.
377 1951 Nonphonemic stress: a problem of stress placement in Isthmus Zapotec. Word 7:
60-65.
378 1953 Las construcciones de los verbos del Zapoteco del Istmo, de Juchitan, Oaxaca.
Memoria del Congreso Cienfitico Mexicano, 12: 191-98. Mexico.
379 1953-55 Isthmus Zapotec verb analysis. UAL, 19: 292-96, 21: 217-32.

380 1959 Vocabulario Zapoteco del Istmo. Serie de Vocabularios Indfgenas Mariano Silva y
Aceves, 3. Mexico.
Spanish-Zapotec and Zapotec-Spanish dictionary, with appendices on pronuncia-
tion, dialect variation, and grammar.
381 1960 The grammatical hierarchy of Isthmus Zapotec. Language Dissertation no. 56.
Baltimore.
"Analysis and description of the syntactic structure. . .
,
[using] a modification of
the tagmemic model of Kenneth L. Pike."

Pierson, Esther
382 1953 Phonemic statement of Popoloca. Lingua, 3: 426-29. Haarlem.
See also Williams and Pierson, 1950.

Pikrzon, G. de
383 1951 Palabras o Erases del Xahuat o Pipil como se habla en Izalco. Anales del Museo
National "David J. Guzmdn", 2.5: 85. San Salvador.
Pike, Eunice Victoria
384 1937 Mazateco fonetics. Inv. Ling., 4: 148-50.
385 1948 Problems in Zapotec tone analy^. UAL, 14: 161-70.

Variations of tone in Zapotec of Villa Alta.

386 1949 Texts on Mazatec food witchcraft. Mix. Ant., 7: 287-94.
With literal and flM t radiations.
387 1951 Tonemic-intoiu'inir correlation in Mazahua (Otomi). UAL, 17: 37-71.

388 1954 Phonetic rank and subordination in consonant patterning and historical changes.
Miscellanea Phonetica, 2: 25-41, supplement to Le MaUre Phonitique. Hertford.
Includes description of Mazatec phonemes.

389 1956 Tonally differentiated allomorphs in Soyaltepec Mazatec. UAL, 22: 57-71.

Pike, Eunice Victoria, and Sarah C. Gudschinsky

390 1952 ibulario Mazateco. Mexico.
Mazatec-Spanish only. Revised and amplified edition, 1957.
See also Pike, K. L., and E. V. Pike, 1947; Larsen and E. V. Pike, 1949.

Pike, Kenneth L
391 1937 Una leyenda Mixteca. Inv. Ling., 4:262-70.
Text with free translation, plus a description of Mixtec phonetics.
392 1944 Analysis of a Mixteco text. UAL, 10: 113-38.
Includes interlinear and free translations, with a detailed analysis.
393 1945a Tone puns in Mixteco. UAL, 11: 129-39.
Text containing eight puns, with explanation.
394 1945b Mock Spanish of a Mixteco Indian. UAL, 11: 219-24.

Includes text with literal translation.

42
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

395 1946a Another Mixteco tone pun. UAL, 12: 22-24.

Includes text with literal and free translations.
396 1946b Phonemic pitch in Maya. UAL, 12: 82-88.
397 1947a Grammatical prerequisites to phonemic analysis. Word, 3: 155-72. Baltimore.
Includes section on "Phonological characteristics of Mixteco morphemes".
398 1947b A text involving inadequate Spanish of Mixteco Indians. UAL, 13: 251-57.
Text with free translation and commentary.
399 1948 Tone languages, a technique for determining the number and type of pitch con-
trasts in a language, with studies in tonemic substitution and fusion. University
of Michigan Publications, Linguistics, vol. 4. Ann Arbor.
Chap. 7, "Tonemic perturbations in Mixteco, with special emphasis on tonomechan-
ical subclasses." Chap. 8, "Tonemic perturbations in Mazateco, with special em-
phasis on tonemic fusion."
400 1949 A problem in morphology -syntax division. Acta Linguistica, 5: 125-38. Copenhagen-
Discussion based mainly on Mixtec data.
401 1953 A note on allomorph classes and tonal technique. UAL, 19: 101-05.
Discussion based on tonal system of Mixtec.
Pike, Kenneth L m and Burt Bascom
402 1959 Instrumental collaboration on a Tepehuan (Uto-Aztecan) pitch problem (with
Ralph P. Barrett.) Phonetica, 3: 1-22. Basel.

Pdke, Kenneth L., and Eunice Victoria Pike

403 1947 Immediate constituents of Mazateco syllables. UAL, 13: 78-91.
IC analysis on phonological level.
Pike, Kenneth L., and Milton Warkentin
403a 1961 Huave: A study in syntactic tone with low lexical functional load. In A William
Cameron Townsend en el vig6simoquinto aniversario del Institute Lingufstico de
Verano, pp. 627-42. Mexico.
See also Sinclair and Pike, 1948.
Pimentel, Francisco
404 1863 Vocabulario manual de la lengua Opata. Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad., la 6poca, 10:
287-313.
Opata-Spanish vocabulary extracted from works of Natal Lombardo.
405 1874 Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las lenguas indfgenas de Mexico. Segunda
edici6n unica completa. 3 vols. M6xico.
Contains sketches and vocabularies derived from earlier publications, including
Nahuatl of Jalisco (Guerra, 1692), Opata (Lombardo, 1702), "Heve" (Opata) (Smith,
1861d), Cahita (Velasco, 1737), Pima (Smith, 1862b), Tepehuan (Rinaldini, 1743),
Tarahumara (Tellechea, 1826), Cora (Ortega, 1732), Tarascan (Lagunas 1574, Gil-
berti 1559, Basalenque 1714), Mixtec (Reyes 1593, Alvarado 1593), Zapotec (C6rdova,
1578), Maya (San Buenaventura, 1684), Quiche (Brasseur, 1862), Mam (Reynoso,
1644), Huastec (Tapia Zenteno, 1761), Totonac (Zambrano Bonilla, 1752), Otomf
(Neve y Molina, 1767), and Mazahua (N&jera y Yanguas, 1637). Also contains ma-
terial not previously published for Huichol, Seri, Matlaltzinca, and Pame.

See also Basalenque, 1714.

PlNART, ALPHONSE L., ED.
406 1875 Arte de la lengua Chiapaneca compuesto por el M. R. Padre Fray Juan de Albornoz
y Doctrina cristiana en la misma lengua escrita por el Padre Mtro. Fray Luis
Barrientos. Bibliotheque de Linguistique et d'Ethnographie Americaines, vol. 1.
Paris and San Francisco.
Grammar from MS of 1691, catechism from MS of 1690.
407 1897 Vocabulario castellano-k'ak'chi. Paris.
Not seen.
See also Gatschet, 1886; Hernandez, E., and Pinart, 1897; Hernandez, F., 1902.
Pineda, Vicente
408 1887 Gramatica de la lengua Tzel-Tal Chiapas.

43
 LINGUISTICS

Republished, 1888, in: Historia de las sublevaciones indigenas habidas en el Estado

de Chiapas; Gramatica de la lengua Tzel-tal y diccionario de la misma (Chia-
. . .

pas.) Contains Tzeltal-Spanish dictionary.

Pittman, Richard S.
409 1945 La historia de Pedro Sa-kinemilea. TMocan, 2: 10-17. Mexico.
Aztec texts in dialect of Tetelcingo, Morelos.
410 1948 Nahuatl honorifics. UAL, 14: 236-39.
"Reverential" forms in the morphology of the Tetelcingo dialect.
411 1949 Tetelcingo Aztec texts and dictionary. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1949,
pp. 708-824.
Contains Spanish-Aztec and Aztec-Spanish dictionary.
412 1954 A grammar of Tetelcingo (Morelos) Nahuatl. Language Dissertation no. 50. Balti-
more.
Includes texts with literal and free translation and short Aztec-English verb list.

412a 1961 The phonemes of Tetelcingo (Morelos) Nahuatl. In A William Cameron Townsend
en el vigesimoquinto aniversario del Instituto Lingufstico de Verano, pp. 643-51.
Mexico.
Pittman, Richard S., and F. Brewer
413 1954 Nahuatl of Tetelcingo, Morelos. In Key. 1954, pp. 1-9.
Plancarte, F.
See Le6n, 1904a.
Preuss, Konr^.d Theodor
414 1912 Die Navarit-Expedition: Text- Aufnahmen and Beobachtungen unter Mexika-
mBohen [ndianern. Bister Band, Die Religion des Cora-Indianer in Texten nebst
Worterbuch. Leipzig.
Extensive C\>r:i texts with interlinear and free translations and grammatical notes;
Cora-German dictionary.
415 1932 Grammatik der Cora-8praohe. UAL, 7: 1-84.

416 1934 Wtirterbtiofa D.ut.sch-Cora. 7./.1/., B: Sl-102.

Pri DC, Kitty

416a 1961 Numerals in Chatino. Anth. Ling., 3.2: 1-10.
416b 1965 Chatino syntax. Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma,
Publications in linguistics, 12. Xorman, Okla.
Includes analyze 1

QCINTANA, Alii -TIN DE

417 L720 Arte de la lengua Mixe. Puebla.
Republished by Francisco Belmsr, Osxsos, 1891. Not seen.
418 1733 Confessionario en lengua Mixe, OOD un compendio de voces Mixes, para en-
. . .

prononciar la dicha lengua. Puebla.

i

Republished by H. da Chsrencey, Ades de la Sociiti Philologique, 18: 185-335 (Paris,

1890); lb ly, Aloncun, 1890. Contains word lists for pronunciation
practice, numerical terms, and list of body parts.

Radin, Paul
419 1925 The distribution and phonetics of the Zapotec dialects: a preliminary sketch.
J SAP, 17: 27-78.
Contains comparative word list of Zapotec dialects. "Unfortunately full of typo-
graphical errors," according to Radin, 1946, p. 153.
420 1929 Huave texts. UAL, 5: 1-56.
Some with literal and free translations, some with free translation only.

421 1930 A preliminary sketch of the Zapotec language. Lg., 6: 64-85.

Partly corrected in Radin, 1943-44.
422 1933a Notes on the Tlappanecan language of Guerrero. UAL, 8: 45-72.
Notes on grammar; English-Tlapanec vocabulary.

44
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

423 1933b Mixe texts. JSAP, 25: 41-64.

With interlinear and free translations.

424 1935 An historical legend of the Zapotecs. Ibero- Americana, no. 9. Berkeley.
Zapotec text with English translation.

425 1943-44 Cuentos y leyendas de los Zapotecos. Tlalocan, 1 : 3-30, 134-54, 194-226. Sac-
ramento, Calif.
Also issued separately as: Cuentos de Mitla (Sacramento, 1945). Consists of texts,
preceded by a general discussion of the Zapotec language.
426 1946 Zapotec texts: dialect of Juchitan-Tehuano. UAL, 12: 152-72.
Ten texts with free translations.

Reber, Lulu
See Keller and Reber, 1958.
Reko, V. A.
See Reyes, Gaspar, 1931.

Rensch, Calvin R.
426a 1963 Some aspects of Chinantec grammar: A tagmemic view. Georgetown Monograph
Series on Languages and Linguistics, 16: 81-88. Washington.
Reyes, Antonio de los
427 1593 Arte en lengua Mixteca. Mexico.
Reprinted, Puebla, 1750. Republished by H. de Charencey, Alencon, 1889; also in
Actes de la SocUU Philologique 18: 1-96 (Paris, 1890). Contains word lists: reveren-
tial vocabulary, body parts, kinship terms, and place names. Data from this source
appear in Arana and Swadesh, 1965.
Reyes, Gaspar de los
428 1891 Gramatica de las lenguas Zapoteca-Serrana y Zapoteca del Valle. Oaxaca.
Published by Francisco Belmar, from MS of 1700.

429 1931 Quellenschriften zur mexikanischen Linguistik. Das verschollene Manuskript des
Gaspar de los Reyes: Gramdtica Zapoteca del Valle (1700). Nach der Handschrift
kopiert von V. A. Reko in Oaxaca, Mexiko. Herausgegen von Ferd. Hestermann.
Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, 61: 331-50. Wien.
Reynoso, Diego de
430 1644 Arte, y vocabulario en lengua Mame .... Mexico.
Republished by H. de Charencey, Paris, "Vocabulario" also in Actes de la
n.d.; the
SocUU Philologique, 25: 267-351 (Paris, 1897). The "Vocabulario" was again repub-
lished by Alberto Maria Carrefio, with grammatical notes, as: Vocabulario de la
lengua Mame (Mexico, 1916).
Rinaldini, Benito
431 1743 Arte de la lengua Tepeguana, con vocabulario, confessionario, y catecismo . . .

Mexico.
Grammar, conversational text with free translation, and Spanish-Tepehuan vocabu-
lary.

Rinc6n, Antonio del

432 1595 Arte Mexicana. Mexico.
Reprinted in Coleccidn de gramdticas de la lengua Mexicana, 1 : 225-80, supplement
to An. Mus. Nac, la 6poca, tomo 4 (1888-89). Contains short Aztec-Spanish vocabu-
lary.
Robbins, Frank E.
432a 1961a Palabras nasales en el Chinanteco de Quiotepec. In A William
sin vocales fon^ticas
Cameron Townsend en vig^simoquinto aniversario del Institute Linglilstico de
el
Verano, pp. 653-56. Mexico.
432b 1961b Quiotepec Chinantec syllable patterning. I JAL, 27: 237-50.
432c 1965 Quiotepec Chinantec grammar. Cornell University dissertation. Ann Arbor, Uni-
versity Microfilms.
Summary in Diss. Abs., 26: 3320, 1965.

45
 LINGUISTICS

ROBELO, CECILIO
433 1889 Vocabulario comparative* Castellano y Nahuatl para contestar el cuestionario
. . .

formulado por la Direcci6n General de Estadfstica de la Republica Mexi-

filol6gico
cana. Segunda edici6n. Cuernavaca.
Spanish-Aztec word list with morphological analyses of terms. Cf. Peflafiel, 1895.
See also Simeon, 1902.
Robles Uribe, Carlos
433a 1962 Manual del Tzeltal: ensayo de gram&tica del Tzeltal de Bachaj6n. Universidad
Iberoamericana, Publicaciones de antropologia, Lingiifstica, 1. Mexico.
Phonology, morphology, and syntax, with index of words cited.
433b 1964 Investigaci6n lingiifstica sobre los grupos indfgenas del Estado de Baja California.
Ancles del Institute National de Antropologia e Historia, 17: 275-301 (published
1965). Mexico.
Vocabularies from Yuman dialects, identified as Paipai, Ku'ahl, Cochimi, Cocopa,
and Kiliwa. The term "Cochimi" here seems to be inappropriately applied to a
Diegueno dialect.
Rochac, Alfonso
434 1951 Vocabulario Ndhuat o Pipil de Izalco. Anales del Museo Nacional "David J.
Guzmdn", 2.7: 46-48. San Salvador.
Spanish-Pipil vocabulary.
Rodaz, Juan de
See Charencey, 1S76.
Romero Castillo, Moises
434a 1958 Los fonemas del Chichimeco-Jonaz. Anales del Institute Nacional de Antropologia
2S9-99 (published 1960). Mexico.
e Historia, 11:

434b 1961a Morfernas clasificadores del Maya-Yucateco. In A William Cameron Townsend en

el vigesimoquinto aniversario del Institute Lingiifstico de Verano, pp. 657-62.
Mexico.
434c 1961b Formas pronominales delMaya-Yucateco. Anales del Institute Nacional de Antro-
pologia e Historia, 14: 345-4S (published 1962). Mexico.
434d 1963 Los fonemas del Maya-Yucateco. Anales del Institute Nacional de Antropologia e
Historia, 16: 179-92 (published LQ64). Mexico.
Includes sample text and lexicon of examples.
See also Nida and Hi micro, 19.50.
Romnky, A. Kimball
See Berlin and Romney, 1964.
Ro IRLOB J. (supposed author)
1919 (Iramatica del idioma Cachiquel cscrita en 1748 .... Publfcala por vez primera
. Daniel Sanchez (Jarcia. Guatemala.
. .

Contains short vocabulary, Kichtf-Spanish-Cakchiquel-Tzutuhil.

RUEGSEGGKR, MaKXS AM) I

496 1955 abulario Zapoteco. Mexico.

Dialect of Miahuatlan. Not seen.
Russell, Frank
437 L908 The Pima Indians. Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 20: 3-389.
Washington.
Contains extensive texts of songs and speeches, with interlinear and free transla-
tions.
RUVALCABA, J. MELQUIADES
438 1935 Vocabulario Mexicano de Tuxpan, Jalisco. Inv. Ling., 3: 208-14.
Comments and corrections to Arreola, 1934.
S. D. O.
439 1923 Breve vocabulario del dialecto Kekchf con un ap6ndice de 25 conversaciones del
usomas vulgar entre la clase indfgena. Guatemala.
Kekchi -Spanish vocabulary and conversations.

46
inventory of descriptive materials

Saenz de Santa Mar!a, Carmelo

439a 1940 Diccionario Cakchiquel-Espanol. Guatemala.
Based on MS of Francisco de Varea, Calepino en lengua Cakchiquel, plus published
materials. Preceded by notes on grammar.
Sahagun, Bernardino de (supposed author)
439b 1947 Aztec manuscript dictionary (1590). Mic. Coll., no. 37. Chicago.
Aztec-Spanish-Latin dictionary.
See also Biondelli, 1858; Schultze-Jena, 1950, 1952.
San Buenaventura, Francisco Gabriel de
439c 1684 Arte de la lengua Maya. Mexico.
Reprinted, Mexico, 1888, by Joaqufn Garcfa Icazbalceta.
Sanchez, Jos£ Maria
439d 1877 Gramatica de la lengua Zoque. Mexico.
Reprinted, Cuadernos de Chiapas no. 13 (Tuxtla Gutierrez, 1948). Presents Zoqu e
grammar in catechism form; morphology taught mainly through paradigms.
439e 1895 La lengua Tzotzil en Chiapas, explicaciones grammaticales, dogmaticas e instruc-
tivas .... San Crist6bal las Casas.
Grammar and Spanish-Tzotzil vocabulary from anonymous MS of 1804.

Sanchez Garcia, Daniel

See Rosales, 1919.
Santoscoy, Alberto, ed.
439f 1889 Nayarit, colecci6n de documentos in£ditos Guadalajara.
Contains Cora-Spanish word list, pp. 64-68.
See also Guerra, 1692.
Saporta, Sol
See Keller and Saporta, 1957.
Sapper, Karl Theodor
439g 1895 Die Gebrauche und religiosen Anschauungen der Kekchf-Indianer. Archives In-
ternationales d'Ethnographie, 8: 195-215. Leyden.
Contains Kekchi prayer texts with free translations.
439h 1897 Das nordliche Mittel-Amerika nebst einem Ausflug nach dem Hochland von
Anahuac. Braunschweig.
Contains vocabulary of about 200 words in Huastec, Chicomuceltec, Yucatec, Peten,
Mopan, Choi, Chortf, Chontal, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal, Chuj, Motocintlec,
Mam, Jacaltec, Ixil, Aguacatec, Quiche, Cakchiquel, Tzutuhil, Uspantec, Kekchi,
Poconchi, and Pocomam. Taken in part from Stoll, 1884.
440 1907 Choles und Chorties. ICA-P, 15.2: 423-65. Quebec.
Chortf, Choi, and Pocomam word lists; Chortf and Pocomam paradigms and sen-
tences.
441 1912 Ueber einige Sprachen von Siidchiapas. ICA-P, 17, 2d session, pp. 295-320.
Mexico.
Contains word list of Tapachultec II; vocabularies of Huastec, Chicomuceltec
Motocintlec, Jacaltec, and Mam; and sentences in Motocintlec and Chicomuceltec.
The Tapachultec II is reproduced in Lehmann, 1920, pp. 780-81.
442 1927 La lengua Tapachulteca. Mex. Ant., 2: 259-68.
Contains word list, Spanish-Tapachultec I.

Saravia, Ram6n G.
443 1895 Vocabulario gramatical del Espanol y Quechf. Coban, Guatemala.
Not seen.
Saxton, Dean
444 1954 Papago: dialect of Sells, Arizona. In Key, 1954, pp. 429-41.
444a 1963 Papago phonemes. UAL, 29: 29-35.
Scherzer, Karl
445 1855 Sprachen der Indianer Zentral-Amerika's. Sitzungsberiehte der Kaiserlichen Akade-
mie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, 15: 28-37. Wien.

47
 LINGUISTICS

Contains word lists of Tlascaltec (Pipil) of Izalco, Quiche of Ixtlahuacan, Poconi-

chi of Palin, and "Pupuluca-Katschikel" (i.e. Cakchiquel) of Santa Maria.
446 1857 Wanderungen durch die mittelamerikanischen Freistaaten Nicaragua, Honduras
und San Salvador. Braunschweig.
Contains German-Pipil word list from Izalco.
Schoembs, Jakob
447 1905 Material zur Sprache von Comalapa in Guatemala. Dortmund.
Cakchiquel word lists, texts, and 3407 sentences (arranged mainly by verb stems),
with German and Spanish equivalents.
44 s -
1906 Beitriige zur Kenntnis der Mayasprachen. Dortmund.
Not seen.
449 1949 Aztekische Schriftsprache: Grammatik (mit Lautlehre), Text und Glossar. Heidel-
berg.
Includes long text passage from Sahagiin's Historia general, with Aztec-German
glossary.
SCHOENHALS, Al.VIN AND LOUISE
449a 1965 Vocabulario Mixe de Totontepec: Mixe-Castellano, Castellano-Mixe. Serie de
vocabularios indfgenas Mariano Silva y Aceves, 14. Mexico.
Includes appendices on phonology and grammar.
SCHULLER, RllMil.F
450 1925a Id dialecto Maya-K'iche" Qamado Api, Apay, Apayac. Rev, Etna., 1: 123-24.
N seen.
451 1925b Primera contribucion al estudio de las languas in« Ii'^enus de Kl Salvador. Dialecto
ilc Chilanga, Departamento de Ban Miguel, Began loe apuntee de Atilio Peccorini.
/.'•' Etno., 1: 127 35, 305 L. l

Lenea word lists, paradigms, and sentenoes; based on the same MS as Peccorini,
L910
i'j L025e La lengua Ts'ots'iL TJAL, 3: L93 218.
Sketch of phonology and grammar, with Spanish-Tsotiil-Maya word lists. Based
on anonymoui a del Zotsil, 1818.

See also Vallr, 18

i LBD
453 Indiana, I: Lehen, Qlaube und Sprache der Quiche von Guatemala. Jena.
re Quiehi ith German translation, grammar, and Quich6-German
analyl iosl vocabulary. I

154 1935 Indiana. II: Mythcn in der Muttersprache der 1'ipil von Izalco in El Salvador.
Jena.
Pipil texts with free translation, grammar, and analytic glossary.
Indiana, III: Hei ilen Azteken, Mixteken und Tlapaneken der Sierra Madre del
Sur von Mrxiko. Jena.
Grammatical not vocabularies for afixtec and for Tlapanec.
AhVAstekisc] each einer in der Bibliotcca Xacional von Mexiko auf-
bewalirt>'ii Handschrift Qberaetsl und erlautert. Quellenwerke sur alten Gescbichte
Amerika- ichnet in den Bprachen der Eingeborenen, VI. Stuttgart.
auatl te.\:- and '
lerman translation on facing pages, followed by a full analytical
lexicon.
456a 1950 Wahraagera, Hunmel>kunde und Kalender der alten Azteken, aus dem aztekischen
Urtext Bernardino de Sahagiin's Qberaetit und erlautert... Quellenwerke zur
alten Geechichte Amerikas, 4. Stuttgart.
Aztec text with German translation and detailed analytical vocabulary.
456b 1952 Gliederung des alt-aztekischen Volks in Familie, Stand und Beruf, aus dem azte-
kis.hen Urtext Bernardino de Sahagiin's t'ibersetzt und erlautert . . . Quellen-
werke zur alten Geechichte Amerikas, 5. Stuttgart.
Aztec text with German translation and detailed analytical vocabulary.

48
inventory of descriptive materials

Scouler, John
457 1841 Observations on the indigenous tribes of the Northwest coast of America. Journal
of the Royal Geographical Society, 11: 215-51. London.
Contains Pima word list, pp. 246-50. This also appears on p. 129 of Albert Gallatin,
Hale's Indians of Northwest America, Transactions of the American Ethnological
Society, 2: xxiii-clxxxviii, 1-130 (New York, 1848).

Sedat S., Guillermo

458 1955 Nuevo diccionario de las lenguas K'ek'chi' y Espanola. Chamelco, Alta Verapaz,
Guatemala.
Kekchi-Spanish and Spanish-Kekchi, preceded by a note on pronunciation.
Seiler, Hansjakob, and Gunter Zimmermann
458a 1962 Studies in the phonology and morphology of classical Nahuatl, I: Orthographic
variation o/u, its phonological and morphological implications. UAL, 28: 243-50.
Selis Lope, Mario
459 1937 Vocabulario Espanol-Quecchi. 3a ed., corregida y aumentada. Coban, Alta Vera-
paz, Guatemala.
Word lists, phrase lists, short devotional texts. Only this edition was available to me;
but a 5th edition, 1953, is reported.
Shaw, Mary, and Helen Neuenswander
459a 1966 Achi. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 15-48.
Grammatical sketch with sample text.

Simeon, Remi
460 1885 Dictionnaire de la langue Nahuatl ou Mexicaine. Paris.
Aztec-French dictionary, preceded by a brief grammar. Reprinted, Graz, 1963.

461 1902 Estudios gramaticales del idioma Nahuatl traducidos con notas y adiciones
. . .

por el Lie. Cecilio A. Robelo. Appendix to Collecci6n de Gramaticas de la Lengua

Mexicana, vol. 2, supplement to An. Mus. Nac, la^poca, tomo 3. Another Spanish
version has been published by Enrique Torroella, Estudios de Cultura Nahuatl, 3:
137-201 (Mexico, 1962).
See also Olmos, 1875.
Sinclair, Donald
E., and Kenneth L. Pike
462 1948 The tonemes of Mesquital Otomi. UAL, 14: 91-98.
Skinner, Leo E.
462a 1962 Usila Chinantec syllable structure. UAL, 28: 251-55.
Slocum, Marianna C.
463 1948 Tzeltal (Mayan) noun and verb morphology. UAL, 14: 77-86.
464 1950 Vocabulario Tzeltal. Mexico.
Spanish-Tzeltal and Tzeltal-Spanish. Not seen.
Slocum, Marianna C., and Florencia L. Gerdel
464a 1965 Vocabulario Tzeltal de Bachaj6n: Castellano-Tzeltal, Tzeltal-Castellano. Serie de
vocabularios indfgenas Mariano Silva y Aceves, 13. Mexico.
Includes appendix on numeral classifiers.
Smith, T. Buckingham
464b 1861b Mame vocabulary. Historical Magazine, 5: 117-18. New York.
465 1861b Vocabulary of the Nevome, as spoken by the Pima of Moris, a town of Sonora.
Historical Magazine, 5: 202-03. New York.
Grammatical notes, English-Pima vocabulary, and devotional texts.
466 1861c The Opata language. Historical Magazine, 5: 236. New York.
English-Opata vocabulary.
467 1861d A grammatical sketch of the Heve language, translated from an unpublished
Spanish manuscript by Buckingham Smith. Shea's Library of American Linguis-
tics, no. 3. New York.

From MS with title: Arte y vocabulario de la lingua Dohema, Heve 6 Eudeva; this
is identified with Opata. Includes English-Heve vocabulary.

49
 LINGUISTICS

468 1862a Vocabulary of the Eudeve, a dialect of the Pima language, spoken in Sonora.
Historical Magazine, 6: 18-19. New York.
English-Pima word list.
469 1862b Grammar
of the Pima or Nevome, a language of Sonora, from a manuscript of
XVIII century. Shea's Library of American
the Linguistics, no. 5 New York.
Smith, Paul and Dorothy
470 1955 Vocabulario Chinanteco. Mexico.
Dialect of Ojitlan. Not seen.
Soiis Alcala, Ermilo
471 1949 Diccionario Espahol-Maya. [Merida?]
Soliz, Angel
See Gonzalez Casanova, 1925.
Soustelle, Jacques
472 1935 Deux contes Otomis. J SAP, 27: 1-12.
Interlinear and free translations, with some grammatical notes.
473 1937 La famille Otomi-Pame du Mexique Central. Travau.x et Memoires de l'lnstitut
d'Ethnologie de lTnivendte de Paris, vol. 2ti. Paris.
Includes phonetics, morphology and syntax of the Otomi dialect of San Jos£ del
Sit io,Mex notes on Otomi dialects and Otomi style; sketches of Mazahua, Mat-
. ;

laltzinca and Ocuiltec, Panic, and Chichimec (Jonaz).

474 1938 Un vocabulaire Cora. JSAP, 30: 141-45.
Publication of an anonymous MS, containing a miscellany of words and phrases.
475 1951 Documents but lea langages Panic el .Jonaz du Mexique Central (Hidalgo, Quer6-
tam ,-t San Ulifl Potoef). J8AP, 40: 1 20
Word lists and paradigms.
-IKI.I.K, JaOQUBS, AND EL J. WkITI.ANKU
L936 Canciones Otomfes. ./>.!/'. 24.

Bong texts with interlineat end free translations.

ut, John I

177 1872 Report on the geology, mineralogy, natural history, inhabitants and agriculture
of the Isthmus of Tefauantepec. In K. W. Shufeldt, Reports of explorations and
Burveyfl rtain the practicability of a ship-canal between the Atlantic and
Pacific Ocean-, by the way of the Isthmus of Tehuantepee, pp. 99-139 (Washing-
ton).
Contains vocabularies of "Logue" (Zoque) and Zapotec, pp. 128-32.

Spickb, Bdwabd 11.

Kurath and Bpioer, 1947.

Spotts, Hazkl
(7s 1953 Vowel harmony and eonsonanl sequences in Mazahua (.otomi). UAL, 19: 253-

479 1956 Borne Mazahua. UAL, 22: 208-11.

oquesl ehanges in
Comparison modern language with that recorded by Nagera y Yanguaa,
of the 1637.
(so 1957 Vo mmdyo. Cuentos de ooyotes en el idioma Mazahua. Mexico.
Contains Mazahua-Spanish vocabulary.
See also Stewart and Bpotts, 1964, I

KB, Kphhaim QaOBGB

481 1852 Nicaragua, its people, Bcenery, monuments, and the proposed interoceanic canal.
2 vols. New York and Loudon.
Grammatical notes on "Nagrandan," i.e. Subtiaba, and word lists of Subtiaba and
Chorotegan, pp. 315-27. These were reprinted in the author's Observations on the
archaeology and ethnology of Nicaragua, Transactions of the American Ethnological
Society, 3: 83-158 (1853). The Chorotegan is also reprinted by Lehmann, 1920, pp.
844-48, and the Subtiaba on pp. 924-28.
182 1858 The states of Central America. New York and London.

50
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Comparative word list of Lenca dialects, pp. 253-55; reproduced in Lehmann, 1920,

pp. 668-70. Word lists of two Pipil dialects, pp. 339-40. Spanish version: Apunta-
mientos sobre Centro-America (Paris, 1856).

See also Anleo, 1865.

Stairs, Glenn
483 1954 Nahuatl of Acatlan and Tulapa, Puebla. In Key, 1954, pp. 126-33.
Stairs, Glenn and Emily
484 1956-57 Cartilla Huave. Parts 1-3. M6xico.
Short Huave-Spanish vocabularies at the end of each part.
Stark, Donald S.
485 1947 Mixteco: complex phonemes. Aboriginal Linguistics, 1: 10-15. Cuernavaca.
Starr, Frederick
486 1900 Notes upon the ethnography of southern Mexico. Expedition of 1898. ., 1899.
. . . >

1900. Proceedings of the Davenport Academy of Sciences, 8: 1-90. Davenport, Iowa.

Comparative word list of Trique, Mixe, Huave, Tequistlatec, Chinantec, Mazatec,
Chocho, Tepehua, and Totonac, facing p. 88.
487 1902 Notes upon the ethnography of southern Mexico. Expedition of 1901. Proceedings
of the Davenport Academy of Sciences, 9: 1-109. Davenport, Iowa.
Aztec word and phrase list from Citlaltepec, Veracruz, pp. 74-81; partly reproduced
in Lehmann, 1920, pp. 1080-81. Spanish-Choi -English vocabulary by Henry Rau,
pp. 82-89. Comparative word list of Huastec, Maya, Zoque, Chiapanec, Tzotzil, and
Choi. The Chiapanec is reproduced by Lehmann, 1920, pp. 897-98.
Steffel, Matthatjs
488 1791 Tarahumarisches Worterbuch. . . . Briinn.

Reprinted in Christoph Gottlieb von Murr, ed., Nachrichten von verschiedenen

Landern des spanischen Amerika, Erster Theil (Halle, 1809), pp. 293-388. German-
Tarahumara and Tarahumara-German vocabularies; short list of Latin sentences
with Tarahumara translations.
Stewart, C.
489 1954 Nahuatl of Xochixtlahuaca, Guerrero. In Key, 1954, pp. 239-46.
Stewart, Donald and Shirley
490 1958 Cartilla Mazahua. Mexico.
Mazahua-Spanish vocabulary, pp. 113-31.

Stewart, Donald and Shirley, and Hazel Spotts

491 1954 Vocabulario Mazahua. Mexico.
Mazahua-Spanish and Spanish-Mazahua.
Stoll, Otto
492 1884 Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala. Zurich.
Includes vocabularies of Pipil, Pupuluca de Conguaco, Chortf, Pocomam, Choi,
Alaguilac, and Aguacatec; also a grammatical sketch of Cakchiquel. Vocabularies
reprinted in Lehmann, 1920, are: Aguacatec, pp. 786-69; Pipil, pp. 1062-69. Spanish
version: Etnografia de la Repiiblica de Guatemala, traducida del aleman con pr61ogo
y notas por Antonio Goubaud Carrera (Guatemala, 1938). Second edition: Etno-
graffa de Guatemala (Guatemala, 1958).
493 1885 Supplementary remarks to the grammar of the Cakchiquel language of Guate-
mala APS-P, 22: 255-68.
Comments on Brinton, 1884a.
494 1887 Die Sprache der Ixil-Indianer. . Leipzig.
. .

Contains Ixil -German vocabulary; comparative vocabulary of Aguacatec, Mam,

Jacaltec, and Chuj; and a list of Aguacatec sentences.
495 1888 Die Maya-Sprachen der Pokom-Gruppe, 1. Teil. Die Sprache der Pokonchi-
Indianer. Wien.
Grammar of Pocomchi, followed by notes on Pocomam, three short texts, and a
Pocomchi-German vocabulary.

51
 LINGUISTICS

496 1896 Die Maya-Spraehen der Pokom-Gruppe, 2. Teil. Die Sprache der K'ekchi-
Indianer, nebst einem Anhang: die Uspanteca. Leipzig.
Kekchi grammar, brief textual materials, and Kekchi-German vocabulary. Notes on
Uspantec grammar, with Uspantec-German vocabulary.
497 1928 Das Vokabular der Sprache von Aguacatan No. II (Guatemala). Mitteilungen
der Geograpfmch-Ethnographischen Gescllschaft, Erganzungsheft 1. Zurich.
Word list, Spanish and Aguacatec II, with some equivalents in Aguacatec I.

Stotjdt, Betty
See Dyk and Stoudt, 1965.
Summer Institute of Linguistics, field workers of
498 1948 Materials on Mayan languages of Mexico: Texts and dictionaries in Choi, Tojola-
bal, and Tzotzil by field workers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, during
the period 1939-194S. Mic. Coll., no. 26. Chicago.

Choi texts and dictionary, by Ruth Hitchner Yourison and Evelyn Woodward Aulie.
Tojolabal texts and dictionary, by Celia Douglass Mendenhall and Julia Supple.
Tzotzil texts and dictionary, by Nadine Douglass Weathers. Text pages are num-
bered consecutively, 1-215; dictionaries are interspersed with different numbering
or none. See individual authors for further information.
499 1949 Huichol and Aztec texts and dictionaries. Mic. Coll., no. 27. Chicago.
Huichol texts and dictionary, by John B. Mcintosh, pp. 1-337. Puebla Sierra Aztec
EtS and dictionary, by Arch McKinlay and Harold and Mary Key, pp. 338-555.
Gulf Aztec texts and dictionary, by Howard W. Law, pp. 666 707. Tetelcingo Aztec
texts ami dictionary, by Richard S. Pittman, pp. 708-824. See individual authors
for further information.
500 195S Maluh'TOtun Totajtol I, l'riinera Cartilla Mejicana, Dialecto del Istmo. M6xico.
Aztec -Spanish vocabulary at end.
501 1959a Cana Jun, Aprenda leer, l'riinera cartilla en el idioma Choi de Tila. M6xico.
Choi-Spanish vocabulary at end.
1959b La' laj (/'ml jun, La primera cartilla en el idioina Choi de Tuinbahi y Kspanol.
M.'\1C(1.

Choi -Spanish vocabulary at end.

" , r-'>
I960 Ra Haho 'ne rd Xaha. l'riinera cartilla en el idioina Otoml de la Sierra.
— Ba Ycioro'nei - oda cartilla en el idioma Otomf de la Sierra. M6xico-
Otoml-Spanish vocabulary at end of each part; dialect of Huehuetla, Hidalgo.
Buppu ,
.it i.i \, and
M. Dor >.i \--
Ci.i.i \

504 1949 Tojolabal (Mayan) phonemes and verb morphology. I.IAL, 15: 168-74.

Supple, Jri.iv, am' liuMi - Jackson

505 i!i.">_' kbolario Tojolabal. Mexico.

olio Mendt-nhall and Supple, L948.

BWADBSH, Mohhis
50b l'.l idioma de Zapotecce. In L. Mendieta y Nones, ed., Los Zapotecos, mono-
loe
[a bistorica, etnogranca y econ6mica, pp. Mexico).
Sketch of phonemics and grammar, notes OH syntax, comparative word list of three
dialects.
506a 1963 El tamaulipeco. R,<. M 1 ntro., 19: 93-104.
Identification of an extinct language of Tamaulipas, with a short vocabulary gleaned
from colonial records.
See also Arana and Swadesh, 1965; Leon and Swadesh, 1949.
8n \M"N, John K.
507 1940 Linguistic material from the tribes of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico.
BAE-B, 127. Washing
Includes vocabularies of Coahuiltec, Comecrudo, Cotoname and Maratino, with
reverse indexes.

52
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Sywulka, E. F.
508 1954 Nahuatl of Santo Domingo Sonsonate, El Salvador. In Key, 195-1, pp. 134-43.
508a 1966 Mam grammar. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 178-95.
Includes sample text.
See also Andrade, 1946b.
Tapia Zenteno, Carlos de
509 1747 Arte de la lengua Huasteca. Mexico.
Not seen.
510 1753 Arte novlsima de la lengua Mexicana. Mexico.
Reprinted in Coleccion de gram&ticas de la lengua Mexicana 3: 1—42, supplement
to An. Mus. Nac, la 6poca, tomo 3 (1885).
511 1767 Noticia de la lengua Huasteca. Mexico.
. . .

Grammar, Spanish-Huastec vocabulary, and catechism.

Teletor, Celso Narciso
512 1942 Breve manual de conversaci6n (Quiche-Castellano). Guatemala.
Not seen.
513 1951 Epitome Quiche. Guatemala.
Grammatical sketch, paradigms, and phrase list.

513a 1959 Diccionario Castellano-Quiche" y voces Castellano-Pokomam. Guatemala.

Spanish-Quiche' and Spanish-Pocomam vocabularies.
Tellechea, Miguel
514 1825 Compendio gramatical para la inteligencia del idioma Tarahumar. M6xico.
Reprinted, Bol. Soc. Mex. Geog. Estad., la epoca, 4: 145-66 (1854). Reprinted again,
Puebla, 1900.
Termer, Franz
515 1930 Uber die Mayasprache von Chicomucelo. ICA-P, 23: 926-36. New York.
Contains German- Chicomuceltec-Huastec word list.

Ternaux-Compans, Henri, ed.

516 1840-41 Vocabulaire des principales langues du Mexique. Nouvelles Annales des Voyages,
88: 5-37, 92: 257-87. Paris.
Parallel vocabularies of Aztec (from Molina 1571), Cakchiquel (from an anonymous
MS of the 16th century), Maya (from Beltr&n 1746), Otomf (from an undated MS
of Alonso Urbano), Huastec (from Tapia Zenteno 1747), Zapotec (from Cordova
1564, 1578), Mixtec (from Reyes 1593), Cahita (from Velasco, 1737), Tarahumara
(from Tellechea 1826), and Totonac Orom Zambrano Bonilla, 1752).
Thord-Gray, I.
517 1955 Tarahumara-English English-Tarahumara dictionary, and an introduction to
Tarahumara grammar. Coral Gables, Florida.
Todd, J. G.
518 1954 Nahuatl of Nahuizalco, El Salvador. In Key, 1954, pp. 144-51.
TORRESANO, ESTEBAN
519 1754 Arte de la lengua Kakchikel, incluyendo un paralelo de las lenguas Kich6, Cak-
chiquel y Zutuhil. Guatemala.
Not seen.
TORROELLA, ENRIQUE
See Simeon, 1902.
Townsend, William Cameron
519a 1960 Cakchiquel grammar. In Elson, 1960, pp. 3-79.
Pedagogical sketch of morphology, written in 1926.
Tozzer, Alfred M.
520 1906 Notes on the Maya pronoun. Boas Anniversary Volume, pp. 85-87. New York.
521 1912 A classification of Maya verbs. ICA-P, 17, 2d session, pp. 233-37. Mexico.
522 1921 A Maya grammar with bibliography and appraisement of the works cited. Papers
of the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, vol. 9. Cambridge, Mass.

53
 LINGUISTICS

Description of phonetics and grammar, based on author's field work. Five texts
with interlinear and free translations. Comparative vocabulary of Yucatec dialects.
Troike, Rudolph Charles
523 1959 A descriptive phonology and morphology of Coahuilteco. University of Texas
dissertation. Ann Arbor, University Microfilms.
Analyzes data from Bartolome Garcia's Manual para administrar los Santos Sa-
cramentos (Mexico, 1760). Includes short sample of edited text. Summary in Diss.
Abs., 20: 2793, 1960.
523a 1963 A contribution to Coahuilteco lexicography. UAL, 29: 295-98.
Ulrich, Matthew and Rosemary
523b 1966 Mopan Maya. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 251-71.
Grammatical sketch with sample text and short word list.

Upson, Jessamine
524 1956 Some Chatino riddles analyzed. UAL, 22: 113-16.
Twenty riddles with linguistic analysis and glossary.
525 1960 A preliminary structure of Chatino. Anthro. Ling. 2.6: 22-29.
Morphological sketch.
Urban i). Alonso
See Ternaux-CompaiH, 1840 H
ValDESPINO, An:
s,, Penafiel, 1887
Yali.i Fbani
,

L892 Quaderno de algunaa reglas y apuntes Bobre el idioma Tame. In Conde de la Vi-
naaa, Bibliografla Espafiola de lenguaa indfgenas de America, pp. 287-314 (Ma-
drid.
Publication of en 18th-century MB, containing material on pronunciation and gram-
mar Also published as: Unica gramAtica eonocida de la lengua Pame, ed. by Rudolf
- bullet (Mexico, 1028

Vaiu \. Francisi <> i>l

Stfenide Santa Maria. I

V\. -it i.t . An [ONIO

527 1689 Arte de la lengua Mexicana. Puebla.
reral later editions exiat. Reprinted In Colecci6n <lc (iram&ticas de la lengua
Mexicana, 2 1 44, supplement to An \iv Na Laepoca, tomoS (1885).
.

9CO, Juan B
] 7:i7 Arte de la lengua ('alma. Mexii
Reprinted, with Introduction and aotec by Bustaquio Buelna, Mexico, 1890. The
reprinl edition contains Bpaniah-Oanita and Cfchita-Spaniah vocabularies.

Velaxqtj
1934 abulario <
Komi del pueblo de Santa Maria Masatla, Mex. Inv. Ling., 2: 54-58.
oi irord I
-

Velde, Paul i \n
530 1933 Breve vocabulario comparado del idioma Zapoteco. Inv. Ling. 1: 251-57.
Hilary of three Zapotec dial)

YkrGARA, Ga BRILL DK
See Hoyo, 1!'
VSBOABA BlANCHJ, JosJ
SasBrambfla garaBianchi, l

VeTANCUBT, AGUBTfN
531 1673 Arte de lengua Mexicana. Mexico.
Reprinted in Coleccion de gramaticas de la lengua Mexicana, 1: 539-620, supple-
ment to Biblioteca Mexicana Hist6rica y Lingulstica, Cuadernos 1-4 (1901-04).
Yillacorta C . J< >HIO
532 1933 Estudioe aobre lingufstica guatemalteca. An. Soc. Geog. Hist., 10: 41-81, 170-205,
331-73, 431-77

54
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

"Extructura [sic] de las lenguas indigenas guatemaltecas," pp. 87-132, containing

notes on Quiche and Cakchiquel. All this is reprinted in Villacorta, 1934.
533 1934 Memorial de Tecpan-Atitlan (Anales de los Cakchiqueles) por Francisco Hernan-
dez Arana Xajila y Francisco Dfaz Gebuta Quej. Texto y traducci6n revisados
con notas y estudios sobre lingiifstica guatemalteca por J. Antonio Villacorta C.
Guatemala.
In addition to reprinting Villacorta, 1933, contains "Vocabulario de las principales
voces usadas en el Memorial de Tecpan-Atitlan" (Cakchiquel-Spanish), pp. 361-78.
VlLLALPANDO, LUIS DE
534 1571 Diccionario de la lengua Maya. Mexico.
Not seen.
Voegelin, Carl F.
535 1956 Linear phonemes and additive components. Word, 12: 429-43. Limoges.
Includes phonemic inventories, for typological purposes, of Chatino, Totonac, and
Aguacatec.
Voegelin, Florence M.
See Yegerlehner and Voegelin, 1957.
Wallis, Ethel
536 1956 Simulfixation in aspect markers of Mezquital Otomi. Lg , 32: 453-59.
536a 1964 Mezquital Otomi verb fusion. Lg., 40: 75-82.
Wallis, Ethel, et al.
537 1956 Diccionario Castellano-Otomi, Otomi-Castellano. Cuadernos del Patrimonio In-
digena del Valle del Mezquital, no. 1. Itzmiquilpan, Mexico.
See also Arroyo, 1955.
Wares, Alan
538 1954 Nahuatl of Huejotzingo, Puebla. In Key, 1954, pp. 160-67.
See also Yegerlehner and Voegelin, 1957.
Warkentin, Milton
See Pike and Warkentin, 1961.
Warkentin, Milton and Clara
539 1947 Diccionario Huave. Mexico.
Revised and expanded as Vocabulario Huave, Mexico, 1952.
Warkentin, Milton, and Juan Olivares
540 1947 "The holy bells" and other Huave legends. Tlalocan, 2: 223-34. Azcapotzalco.
Texts with literal and free translations.
Warkentin, Viola
See Whittaker and Warkentin, 1965.
Waterhouse, Viola
541 1949 Oaxaca Chontal: Sentence types and text analysis. Mix. Ant., 7: 299-314.
This and the next two listings deal with the Tequistlatec language.
542 1962 The grammatical structure of Oaxaca Chontal. Indiana University Research Cen-
ter in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics, Publications, 19. Bloomington,
Ind.
Grammar and phonology.
Waterhouse, Viola, and May Morrison
543 1950 Chontal phonemes. UAL, 16: 35-39.
Watkins, Mark Hanna
See Andrade, 1946a; Instituto Indigenista Nacional, 1947.
Weathers, Kenneth and Nadine
544 1949 Diccionario Espafiol-Tzotzil y Tzotzil-Espanol. Mexico.
Not seen.
545 1956 Spanish-Tzotzil grammar. Mexico.
Not seen.

55
 1

LINGUISTICS

Weathers, Nadine
54t'. 1947 Tsotsil phonemes with special reference to allophones of b. UAL, 13: 108-11.
547 1948 Tzotzil texts and dictionary. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1948.
Texts, pp. 157-215. Tzotzil-English dictionary, not paginated.
548 1950 Morphological analysis of a Tzotzil (Mayan) text. UAL, 16: 91-98.
Weitlaner, Robert J.
549 1933 El dialecto Otomf de Ixtenco, Tlaxcala. An. Mus. Xac, 4a epoca, 8: 667-92.
Contains comparative vocabulary of three Otomi dialects.
550 1939a Beitrag zur Sprache der Ocuilteca von San Juan Acingo. Mix. Ant., 4: 297-328.
Phonetic sketch; comparative vocabulary of Ocuiltec, Matlaltzinca, and Otomf.
551 1939b Notes on the Cuitlatec language. Mex. Ant., 4: 363-73.
Contains vocabulary collected by Pedro Hendrichs.
552 1939c Los Chinantecos. Rev. Mex. Est. Antro., 3: 195-216.
Includes grammatical notes.
553 1947 The phonemic system of Chinantec, dialect of Chiltepec, Oaxaca. ICA-P, 27, 1st
;on, 2: 313-21. Mexico.
Includes text with interlinear translation.
554 1948 I'n idioma deeconocido del Norte de Mexico. ICA-P, 28: 205-27. Paris.
Unclassified language of Naolan, Tamaulipas.
Wkih.anlii, Robert J., and [bmoabd Wi hi.ani.k de Johnson
.")•").")
Acatlan y Hueyeantenango, Guerrero. Mex. Ant., 6: 140-202.
Contains vocabularies of three Aztec dialects, of Tlapanec, and of "Popoloca-
"
Tlapaneco
See also Soustelk ami Weitlaner, 1'.'

W'Ein.AM B JoHNBON, [BMOABD

i>k

Johnson and Weitlaner de Johnson, 1947 ami 1964; Weitlaner ami Weitlaner de John-
son, 194
WllORb, l',l NJAM1N I.
1946 The Milpa Alts dialect of Aztec, /n Linguistic Structures of Native America, pp.
7 97. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, do, 6. New York.
Phonology and grammar, with notes on Classical Aztec and on the dialect of Tepoz-
tlan.

Whipple, A. W.
1856 labulaiies of North American languages U. 8. War Department, Reports of
exploration- and sun mi the most practicable and economical route
tor a railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, 3: 54-103 (Wash-
ing'

rl English-Pirns word li-' ,

p 9

WlIITTAK! H, AkaIU I.I.I , AND VluI.A Wakki.niin

1906 n the supernatural. Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University
of Oklahoma, Publications in linguistics, 13. Norman, Okla.
Texts with word t'or-word translation and a Choi-English glossary.
WlLLIN BRINK, ANTONINE
Note- on the Pima Indian language. (Santa Barbara, Calif.]

Mil.grammar with extensive Pitna-English word

1 lists.

Williams, Ann, inn Bstheb I'm.i

559 1950 Diccionario Espafiol-Popoloca, Popoloca-Espaflol. Mexico.
Contains section on pronunciation.
Williams, Kinnkth and Barbara
559a 1966 Chuj. In Mayers, 1966, pp. 219-34.
Grammatical sketch with sample text.
Wisdom, Chables
51 ii 1950 Materials on the Chorti language. Mir. Coll., no. 28. Chicago.

56
INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Grammatical notes, texts, and Chorti-English lexicon. Mostly handwritten materi-

als,photographed from file cards and notebooks.
Wondkrly, William L.
561 1946a Phonemic acculturation in Zoque. UAL, 12: 92-95.
Two alternate phonemic analyses; sample texl with tree translation. Reprinted in
K. L. Pike, Phonemics, pp. 202-06 (Ann Arbor, 1047).
562 1946b Textos en Zoque sobre el concepto del nagual. Tlalocan, 2: 97-105. Azcapotzalco.
Texts on witchcraft, with free translations.
563 1947 Textos folkloricos en Zoque: Tradiciones de los alrededores de Copainala, Chiapas.
Rev. Mex. Est. Antro., 9: 135-63.
With free translations.

564 1951-52 Zoque I- VI. UAL, 17: 1-9, 105-23, 137-62, 235-51; 18: 35-48, 189-202.
Phonology and morphology, followed by text with detailed analysis.
Aschmann and Wonderly,
See also 1952.
Xec, Patricio, and Gail Maynard
5(>4u 1954 Diccionario Quiche" preliminar: Quich6-Espanol, Espanol-Quiche\ Quezaltenango
(mimeographed).
Not seen.
Ximenez, Francisco
565 1952 Arte de las tres lenguas Cakchiquel, Quiche, y Tzutuhil. Tratado segundo de todo
lo que debe saver un ministro para la buena adniinistraei6n de estos naturales.
Mic Coll., no. 36. Chicago.
Microfilm of 16th-century MS.
Ykgerlehner, John, and Florence M. Voegelin
566 1957 Frequencies and inventories of phonemes from nine languages. UAL, 23: 85-93.
Includes phonemic inventories, for typological use, of Chontal de Tabasco (by
Kathryn Keller) and of Tarascan (by Alan Wares).
Yoihison, Ruth Hitchner
557 1948 Choi texts. In Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1948, pp. 1-59.
Includes brief phonemic description. Edited by Evelyn Woodward Aulie.
XwtBRANO BONILLA, JOSE
568 1752 Arte de la lengua Totonaca. Lleva anadido una Doctrina de Naolingo, con
. . .

algunas vozes de la lengua de aquella Siena, y de esta de aca su autor el Lie. . . .

D. Francisco Dominguez. Puebla.

Grammar followed by lists of minimal pairs, kinship terms, and body parts. Ap"
pended is a comparative word list of the dialects of Papantla and of Naolingo.
Zavala, M., and A. Medina
569 1898 Vocabulario Espanola-Maya. Merida.
Zkpeda, Francisco de
570 1560 Artes de los idiomas Chiapaneco, Zoque, Tzendal y Chinanteco. [Mexico?]
Title is variously cited; apparently no copies of this work remain in existence.
"Chinantec" here means Tzotzil.
ZlMMERMANN, GtJNTER
See Seiler and Zimmermann, 1962.

INDEX to date of composition, when known, rather than

to date of publication; so that a 16th-century
The following index of languages refers to the MS first published in 1880 is listed as "Early,"

item numbers assigned in the body of the bibli- not "Late."

ography. Under each language, references are Under each historical period, references are
classified into four historical periods: Early, classified according to their content, under five
1500-1650; Middle, 1650-1850; Late, 1850-1930; headings: General, Phonology, Grammar, Lexi-
and Recent, 1930-1960. This classification refers con, and Texts. This classification reflects the

57
 LINGUISTICS

principal topics contained in each reference; Middle: Grammar, 90, 169, 435, 519
thus agrammar with only a few texts appended Lexicon, 164
would be listed under "Grammar" alone, and Late: Grammar, 492, 493, 519a

not under "Texts." Works which deal briefly Lexicon, 92, 126, 439h, 445, 447
Texts, 92, 447
with several categories, but extensively with
Recent : (Ieneral, 15, 225, 532
none, are classified as "General."
Phonology, 149a, 236, 237
Lexicon, 439a, 533
\cni
Chaneabal, see Tojolabal
Recent: Phonology, 149a
Chatino
( irarnmar, 459a
Late: (Ieneral, 69, 77
An si \ r» I
Grammar, 22
I. ate ( ieneral, 494
Recent : Phonology, 310, 535
Lexicon, 439h, 492
Grammar, 416a, 416b, 525
im,i ( Ieneral, 14
Lexicon, 311
Phonology, 149a, 304, 5
Texi*. 524
( irammar, 304a
Chiapanbc
A 1. 1 \. A I Ki II
Early (irarnmar, 570
Late: Lexicon, 4'.i7
Middle (irarnmar, 406
Vkwa'ala [set also \ \ \\w Lexicon, 164
Lair Lexicon, l^S
Late Ceneral, 284
\l. .iil'II.M
(irarnmar, 3
Late Lexicoi
Lexicon, 3, 112, 487
\\n EGO
Texts, 3
Late General
Recent Lexicon 57
Lexicon, 337 Chii'hinu.c
.hi General
Recenl (ieneral. 25, 473, 47.r>
< irarnmar, _"_'l
Phonology, 434a
\/)Y.< '.
P
Lexicon. 198
unmar, 107, 177
Gbicomi - i

Lexicon Ieneral, 441

Late (

Middle: Grammar, 6, 12 106 109, 130, 111,

Lexicon, 439h, 515
Chin ants
130, -Ml
Middle Texts, 16a
•
eral, 71, 79, 198 -
Late General, 60, 71, 96
Phonolog < irarnmar, 22
tmmar, 1 . 461
Lt rieon, 197, 186
Lex 160, 1^7
Recent Phonology, 340*, 432a, 432b, 162a, 553
Texts, BO I

Grammar, 340b, 126a, 132c, 552

Pbonolof • •
221a, Lexicon, 17(1
-
(
'in .( no
< irarnmar, 140, 141, 156 17
( ieneral, 63
110, 112 1
irarnmar, 22
Lea 207, Lexicon, 294, 186
217 261 274, ( Ihol
318 IN ii 149, Lexicon, 164
-
Middle
Lexicon, 439h, 410, 487, 492
313, ulnar, 41
111, 112 "
Lexicon, 40, 58, 59, 501, 502, 557a
HM II UI'.M
Texts, 12, 557a, 587
Li- neral l i
.
( Sholi i

Earl] 'Srammar, 348

' Mil IA Lexicon, 348
Middle < irammai l!e<-. -lit Lexicon, 359
Late i
ieneral, Z i 106 Choni m (of Oaxaca), see Tequistlate*
Lexi ( !hon i m (of Tabasi
i
• :
< ieneral, 70
PhonoL 172 Lexicon, 98, 4391.
( iramm Recenl Phonology, 248, 251, 566
Lexio d, 1-'.").
125a I 17 Grammar, 218. 247
Lexicon, 56, 250
Hlo.1 KI. Texts, 249
Early: Grammar Clinic./ I ho w
Lexicon, 516 Late Lexicon, 481
 : :: :::::
: :: :::
::

INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

ChortI Lexicon, 133, 484, 539

Late: General, 191, 192, 3(58. 440 Texts, 540
Lexicon, 55, 439h, 492 Huichol
Recent Grammar, 359a, 500 Late: General, 149, 405
Lexicon, 359, 5(50 Lexicon, 264
Texts, 500 Recent: Phonology, 204, 205, 216, 305
Chuj Grammar, 206a
Late: Lexicon, 439h Lexicon, 206, 307, 308, 309
Recenl General, 14 Texts, 306, 307
Phonology, 149a Ixcatec
Grammar, ">59a Recent Phonology, 166
Coahuiltbc (irammar, 165
Middle: Texts, 236b Lexicon, 166a
Recent :
Phonology, 523 IXIL
Grammar, 523 Middle: General, 354
Lexicon, 507,523a Late: General, 494
CochimI Lexicon, 439h, 441
Late: Lexicon, 183 Recent: Phonology, 149a
CoCOPA Grammar, 158a, 158b
Late: Lexicon, 188 Jacaltec
Recent: Lexicon, 433b Late: Lexicon, 76, 439h
Comecrudo Recent General, 14, 265
Elecenl Lexicon, 507 Phonology, 149a
Cora Grammar, 123a, 123b
Middle: Lexicon, 364 Lexicon, 15
Late: (Jeneral, 405 Jonaz, see Chichimec
Lexicon, 414, 439f Kanjobal
Texts, 414 Middle: Lexicon, 164
Recenl General, 193 Recent: Phonology, 149a
Grammar, 415 Kerch f

Lexicon, 314, 315, 416 Middle Lexicon, 164

Texts, 148, 476 Late: General, 101, 439
Cotonamb Grammar, 122, 496
Recent Lexicon, 507 Lexicon, 28, 112, 407, 439h, 443, 496
Cuicatec Texts, 439g
Late: General, 4, 70, 71
Recent General, 16
Grammar, 22 Phonology, 149a, 237
Recent Phonology, 355 Grammar, 154b
Grammar, 145 Lexicon, 458, 459
Texts, 144 KlCKAPOO
CUITLATEC Late: Texts, 245
Late Lexicon, 290
KlLIWA
Recent: General, 222, 223, 224, 551
Late Lexicon, 183, 188
Phonology, 317 Recent: Lexicon, 433b
Lacandon
Grammar, 161g
Recent General, 14
Lexicon, 161g, 317
Phonology, 45
Guaicura, see Waicuri
Texts, 44
GUARUfO, see VarohIo
Lenca
HUASTEC
Late General, 284, 369, 451
Middle: General, 511
Lexicon, 150, 226, 265, 266, 338, 482
Late: General, 7, 405
Grammar, 8
Mam
Early: Grammar, 268, 430
Lexicon, 8, 302, 439h, 441, 487, 515
Lexicon, 430
Texts, 8
Middle: Lexicon, 164
Recent General, 13
Late: General, 119, 405
Phonology, 271
Lexicon, 439h, 441, 464b
Grammar, 269 Recent General, 14
Lexicon, 270
Phonology, 149a, 237
Huave Grammar, 508a
Late: General, 66, 71, 85 Lexico i 15
Lexicon, 175, 293, 486 Mangue
Texts, 420 Late: General, 284
Recent Phonology, 403a Lexicon, 93

59
 . 1

LINGUISTICS

MABATIN0 Lexicon, 29a, 153, 154a 320, 455

Recent: Lexicon, 507 Texts. 1.54, 391, 392, 393, 394, 3<r
Matagaliwn 455
Late: General, 99, 284. 340 Ml)!' \N
Lexicon, 98 Recent: Grammar, 523b
Matlaltzinca Mo rorzix il kc
General, 212
Early: Late: General, 441
Late:General, 405 lexicon, 439h
Lexicon, 292 Nagrand \. see Subtiaba
Recent: General, 473 Nahtja, Nahuat, Nahuatl, see Axtec
Lexicon, 550 Xaoi.w
Maya (Yucatec) {See also Mopan Recent General, 554 :

Early: (iramraar, 129, 327 OcUILTKi

Lexicon, 327, 534 Recent General, 473, 550 :

Middle: Grammar, 72. 439c Oluta (Popoluca of Veracruz)

Lexicon, 46, 72 Late: Lexicon, 103
Late: General, 365, 405, 44s (3 PAT A
Grammar, 2, 115. 121, 300, 520, 621, 522 Middle: Grammar, 296
lexicon. 114, 336. 373 374. 439b 187, Late: General, 405
569 1 rammar, 467
i

cent: General, S3, 363 Lexicon, 404, 466, 467

Phonology, 396, L34d Receni General, 161h
Grammar, 17. 47. 7i. 182 158, 134b, Lexicon, 244, 258
OtohI
Lexicon, 471 Karh ( i rammar, 106
Tex 285 Middle General, 352
M n w. unidentified (aea obo "Pi pi <;rammar, 213, 301, 366
1. Lexicon, 132, 45<t Lexicon, 301, 366, 516
M \>" ->> I'aiiiti Late General, 71, 405
\1 UAHi \ Grammar, 5, 100, 162
Early General Lexicon, 100, 289, 372
Late < teneral, 106 Reeenl Phonology, 18, 238, 284h, 285, 462, 173
Reeenl < Seneral, 473 Grammar, 34, 156, 157, 178, 227a, 473,
Phono! - 178 636, 636a
Lexieoi 19] Lexicon, 1'.), 20, 75, 228, '*i<. 529, 537,
649, .550
•« il, t'.l. 71. 2S4 Texts, 155, 472, 476
Qrammax, 22 I'aj m. \ i i.

Middle: General, 236b

Reeenl < teneral, 240 Palbnc LN< i

Phonology, 131 Reeenl < Seneral, 14

Grammaj '
209 210 -
1
' \MK
399 Middle General, 626
Leadfl a Late: General. 405
rexta, :«6 Recent: General, 335, 473, 475
Mk\h \\ Phonology, 187
MlXK < iraminar, 111
Middle < Srammar, 117 Papabi I 1

Lexicon, lis Late < Seneral, 67

Gen v 71 20 I'M' v< .. . . M I'lM A I'm-aoo
< 1rammar. 24 Ptma-Pafago
Lexicon, - Middle: ( Seneral, 376
Reeenl Phonol _ -W Lexicon, 457
Gramm Late ' Seneral, 405, 465
Lexieoi .
!
( i rammar, 102, 46'.t

Texts, 423 Lexicon, 143,151,152,366, 168 557

Mi\ i
Texts, 437
Early: Grammar. 427 Recent < teneral, 259
icon, 11 Phonology, 161f, 202, 214, 214a, 331,
eral, 406 444a
( i rammar. 22 Grammar, 214, 331, 5.58
Recent: Phonolo.- Lexicon, 242, 444, 558
Texts, Ha
Grammai 1,400 101, 155 RiiMi. (set also \/
 : : :: ::: : :
:::

INVENTORY OF DESCRIPTIVE MATERIALS

Late: Lexicon, 30, 327a, 445, 446, 482, 492 SUBTIABA

Recent: General, 31 Late: General, 284, 481
Grammar, 239, 454 Lexicon, 113, 283
Lexicon, 239, 383, 434, 454, 508, 518 Tamaulipec
Texts, 454 Recent: Lexicon, 506a
Pocomam Tapachultec I
Early: Grammar, 176 Late: Lexicon, 442
Middle: Lexicon, 164 Tapachultec II
Late: General, 440, 495 Late: Lexicon, 283, 284, 441
Lexicon, 439h, 492 Tarahumara
Recent General, 16 Middle: Grammar, 514
Phonology, 149a Lexicon, 488
Lexicon, 513a Late: General, 50, 405
Pocomchi Grammar, 167, 181
Early Grammar, 176 Lexicon, 167, 168
Middle: Lexicon, 164 Recent: General, 357
Late: Grammar, 495 Grammar, 84, 517
Lexicon, 88, 439h, 445, 495 Lexicon, 229, 230, 231, 517
Recent : Phonology, 333a Tarascan
Grammar, 332, 333, 334a Early Grammar, 189, 263
Lexicon, 163, 333, 334 Lexicon, 190, 263
Texts, 333 Middle: Grammar, 49
POPOLOCA Late General, 405
Late: Lexicon, 294, 372 Grammar, 201, 353
Recent: Phonology, 382 Lexicon, 201, 286a
Lexicon, 555, 559 Texts, 201
Popoluca of Veracruz, see Oluta Satula, Recent General, 272, 303
Sierra Popoluca, Texistepec Phonology, 273, 566
"Pupuluca" (Mayan) Tepecano
Middle: Lexicon, 164 Late General, 328
Pupuluca of Conguaco Lexicon, 291
Late: Lexicon, 492 Texts, 329
Quinigua Tepehua
Recent Lexicon, 235a Late: Lexicon, 288, 486
Quiche Recent: Grammar, 81
Early: Grammar, 565 Lexicon, 82
Middle Grammar, 26, 169, 519 Tepehuane
Lexicon, 164 Middle: General, 431
Late General, 110, 405 Late: General, 405
Grammar, 2, 9, 86, 87, 120, 121 Recent Phonology, 53, 402
Lexicon, 86, 87, 439h, 445 Lexicon, 52
Texts, 87 Tequistlatec (Chontal of Oaxaca)
Recent General, 15, 512, 513, 532 Late General, 21, 64, 71
Phonology, 149a, 237 Lexicon, 98, 486
Grammar,
171a, 173, 295, 453 Recent Phonology, 542, 543
Lexicon, 157a, 286, 453, 513a, 564a Grammar, 541, 542
Saycla (Popoluca of Veracruz) Lexicon, 133
Late: Lexicon, 103 Texts, 541
Recent: Phonology, 124 Texistepec (Popoluca of Veracruz)
Grammar, 124b Late: Lexicon, 103
Lexicon, 124a Tlapanec
Seri Late: General, 294
Late: General, 227, 405, 453 Recent General, 422
Lexicon, 184, 185 Grammar, 455
Recent Phonology, 350
: Lexicon, 455, 555
Lexicon, 257, 349 Texts, 455
Sierra Popoluca (Popoluca of Veracruz) TOJOLABAL
Late: General, 76 Middle: Lexicon, 164
Recent General, 171
: Late: General, 95
Phonology, 159, 161d, 232 Lexicon, 76, 132, 439h
Grammar, 161, 161a, 161c, 295a, 299a Recent General, 51
Lexicon, 133, 170 Phonology, 504
Texts, 160 Grammar, 504
61
 :: ::

LINGUISTICS

Lexicon, 339, 505 USPANTEC

Texts, 339 Late: Lexicon, 439h, 496
TOTONAC Varohio
Middle: Grammar, 568 Recent Lexicon, 158, 229, 241, 243, 258
Lexicon, 568 Waicuri
Late: General, 326, 367, 405 Middle General, 43
Lexicon, 372. 486 XlNCA
Recenl General, 123 Late: General, 103, 284
Phonology, 35, 319. 535 Grammar, 325
Grammar, 37, 39 Lexicon, 91, 103, 324
Lexicon, 36, 38 Recent: Lexicon, 303b
1 KiyUE Yaqui, see Cahita
Lai General, 60, 62 Yucatec, see Maya
Lexicon, 4S6 Yt man of Baja California (see also Akwa'ala,
Recent Phonology. 215. 297, 298 Cocopa, Kiliwa)
Grammar, 299, 299b Late: Lexicon, 183, 185, 287
! EBLTAL Recent: Lexicon, 433b
Eariy: Grammar, 570 Zapotsc
Middle: Lexicon, 164 Early Grammar, 127
Late: Grammar, 112 - Lexicon, 128
Lexicon, 76, 108, 439h Middle: Grammar, 428, 429
Recent Phonology, 72a, 433a Lexicon, 246
Grammar, 721., 72.-. 72d,246a, 133a, 463 Late General, 60, 346, 347, 371, 405, 419
in, 464,
;i
Grammar, 22, 23
Lexicon, 477
I irlv ( irammar, 570 Recenl General, 133, 421, 425, 506
diddle < irammar, 27. 1 17 L39e Phonology, 377, 385
Lexicon, 116, 1
;
« raininar, 88b, 279, 280, 303a, 378, 379,
;

I eral, 452 381

< irammar, 112, 122 Lexicon, 10, 174. 281, 361, 363, 380, 436,
..,. 118, L82, 439h, 487 530
Phonology Texl L 125, 126
Gramn I 8 147a, 147b, 54S ZOQt
on, 1 17c, 544, 547 ( i laminar, 570
54 7 Middle: Lexicon, 164
nil. ( ieneral, 71, 131
K < irammai ( Irammar, 200, 439d
Middle: ( irammar, 169, 51 I
Lexicon, 132, 200, 326, 477, 487
Lexicon, 164 Texts, 200
1. 1
Ler,-,,! Phonology, 180, 561, 504
Re •
T ll. 15 < irammar, 101c, 299a, 564
Phonology, 1 19a Lexicon, 133, 220
Lexicon, 29 Texts, 219, 562, 563

REFEREJS
1924 Kirchhoff, 1943
, I ) , 1960 Bummer Inst Linguistics, 1960, 1964
3. Inventory of Classificatory Materials

MARlA TERESA FERNANDEZ DE MIRANDA

The following bibliographic selection com- into the bibliographic section the various
prises for the most part those works which linguistic classifications in addition to the
have permitted the establishing of the pres- bibliographic works to which we refer re-
ent linguistic classification of Mesoamerican peatedly in the commentaries, except in
languages. In order to facilitate the treat- cases which provide only special informal ion
ment of the languages which are closely about particular languages.
related to the linguistic families of Meso- The order followed in presenting the differ-
america, the northern limit of the Meso- ent groups, families, or isolated languages -

american cultural aggregate has been ex- as follows:

tended somewhat to the north until it
Hokan (Subtiaba, Serian-Tequistlatecan,
coincides with the present frontier between
Coahuiltecan, Yuman and Guaicurian
Mexico and the United States. The southern Families)
been changed.
limit has not Uto-Aztecan
No work before the second half of the 19th Otomanguean (Otomian, Popolocan, Man-
century appears in the bibliography, since guean, Mixtecan, Zapotecan, and Chinan-
tecan Families)
the norm followed for the selection of mate-
Zoquean
rialshas been that of including only those Mayan
that mark an advance in our knowledge of Misquito-Sumo- M atagalpa
the linguistic relations of the area, or which Totonacan
indicate connections meriting more thorough Tarascan
Cuitlatecan
investigations.
Huavean
For each linguistic group, the pertinent Xincan, Lencan, Jicaquean, and Payan
works are arranged and annotated in
chronological order. After each citation The which governed the prepara-
criterion
comes a partial commentary and, at the end tion of this article —
and which has obliged
of the article, a general evaluation. Cross me occasionally to be perhaps too categorical
references are frequent; they always refer to in judgments —
is that of the rigorous appli-

the place in which the complete bibliographic cation of the method of comparison and of
citation isfound or to works which are reconstruction which alone seems to have
closely related to it. To avoid the abuse of supplied so far the greatest wealth of con-
such references, it seemed preferable to put vincing proof of linguistic affinities.

63
 LINGUISTICS

Hokax Stock Kroeber, A. L.

1915 Serian, Tequistlatecan and Hokan.
Subtiaba Family
Univ. California Pub. Amer. Archaeol.
Lehmann, Walter andEthnol, 11: 279-90.
1920 Zentral-Amerika. 2 vols. Berlin. Examines comparative vocabularies of
By inspection of vocabularies forms Chontal, Seri, Mohave, and other Hokan
a group consisting of Tlappaneca-Yopi, languages. Points out some phonemic
Maribichicoa-Guatajiaguala and Maribio correspondences, in order to establish
(Subtiaba). the unity of Tequistlatecan, Serian and
Vuman.
Sapir, Edward
L925 The Hokan affinity of Subtiaba in Coahuiltecan Family
Nicaragua. Amer. Anihr., 27: 402-35,
491-527. Swanton, John R.
Establishes the relationship between 1915 Linguistic position of the tribes of
Stibtiaba-Tlappaneco and Hokan by southern Texas and northwestern Mex-
means of lexical proofs, phonology and ico. Antrr. Anthr., 17: 17-40.
especially morphology. Postulates in Examines
lexical lists of Coahuiltecan
provisional form broader relations of a languages in order to determine the pro-
possible Hokan Biouao group. portions of mutual resemblances. Swan-
ton feels that Karankawa, Coahuiltec,
Radin, Paul
Comeorudo and Cotoname constituted a
1933 Notes on the Tlappanecan language of branch of Coahuiltecan, a group which
Guerrero. UAL, 8: 46-72. appears to have had two main divisions:
By means examination of Tlap
of the Coahuiltec, Comecrudo and perhaps
1 I

panec and Subtiaba materials, pn Karankawa, with which Atakapa was

that both arc eubdialeetfl of the same most closely related; (2) Cotoname and
language. Includes liat of morpho- Tonkau a
logical similarities between Bubtiaba,
Tlappanec and Hokan
Su'iit, Bdwabd
l '»_'() The Bokan and Coahuiltecan languages.
Wbitlaneb, Roberto J., and f—«*«* Wbtt- UAL, 1:280-90.
Dl JOHNBOM
.
From
inspection of comparative vo-
I'M.' t7 Aeatlan y Hueycantenango, Gro cabularies, Bapir thinks thai the Hokan
F.I Mex. Anligno, 6: 140-604. and Coahuiltecan languages had a com
Shows by inspection of Tlappanecan, mon origin.
Popoloca-Tlappaneean and Subtiaba Bbiob i', William
vocabularies that the tWO Tlappanec A
19").")
bibliography of the Hokan-Coahuilte-
dialects, primarily the Popoloea, arc
oan languages. UAL, 21: 276-85.
more conservative than i* Bubtiaba
Supposes without demonstrating it
thai Naolan is related to the Hokan-
m {Chontal ile Oaxaca) Coahuiltecan languages and thai per-
hape 11 can Ik* identified with .lanambre
or Tamaulipeo.
1 )\mi ; I

1891 The American race: a linguistic clari- Yuman and (huncurian Families
fication and ethnographic description
of the native tribes of North and South Rrivion. I >\MI I. ( i.

America. New York EkL espanohv 1891 See Serian and Tequistlatecan fam-
ilies
Buenos Aire-, 19
By inspection of vocabularies p Bklmab, Francisco
lates a between Yuman, Beri,
relation 1912 See Qto-Astecaa family.
and Tequistlatec, and between Yuman, Include- Guaicura and Cochimi-Lai-
ind ( luaicui i
mon in the Yuman or Nahuatlan family.
and Popohicas: a contribu- Krokiu.i:, A I.

tion Mexican ethnography. 8th

to 1943 Classification of the Yuman languages.
Int. Cong. Amer. Paris pp. 556-64. .
I nir. California Pub. Ling., 1: 21-40.
Shows by inspection of a lexical com- On the basis of a comparative vo-
parison that Chontal of i re- cabulary of Walapai, Mohave, Maricopa,
lated to '!.' Vuman family. Suggests Yuman, Kahwan, Cocopan, Dieguefio,
that perhaps the Chontales of Cuerrero Akwa'ala, and Kiliwa, establishes the
mav l>e related to the same family. comparative phonetics of the Yuman

64
INVENTORY OF CLASSIFICATORY MATERIALS

languages and an outlined reconstruc- Uto-Aztecan Family

tion of the original form.
Buschmann, Joh. Carl, ed.
Massey, William C.
1859 Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im
1949 Tribes and languages of Baja Cali-
nordlichen Mexico und hoheren ameri-
fornia. SW.
Jour. Anthr., 5: 272-307.
kanischen Norden. Konig. Akad. der
Work with an historical emphasis.
Includes classifications of the Yuman Wissensch., 12: 819. Berlin.
and Guaicurian language families. By inspection of vocabularies and of
some grammatical forms, tries to es-
tablish the relations of the Sonoran
Remote Relationships of Hokan languages (Tarahumara, Tepehuun, Ca-
hita, Cora) with Aztec, Tubar, Yaqui,
Rivet, Paul Eudeve, Opata and Pima on one hand,
1926 Les Malayo-Polynesiens en Amerique. and with Ute, Comanche, Shoshone,
Jour. Soc. Amer. Paris, 18: 141-278. Hopi, Chemehuevi, Cahuilla, Gabrieleno,
By inspection of vocabulary and gram- Juanefio and Kechi on the other.
matical forms, establishes the relation-
1864 Grammatik der sonorischen Sprachen.
ship of the various Hokan languages
(Coahuiltecan, Serian-Tequistlatecan, la part, pp. 361-453; 2a part, 1869,
and Subtiaba Families) on the one hand, pp. 67-266; 3a part, 1868, pp. 23-215.
and numerous Malayo-Polynesian lan- Berlin.
guages on the other. Hokan is shown to By means of an examination of pho-
be related more to Melanesian than to netic systems and of some grammatical
Polynesian or Indonesian. formations, tries to find Aztec character-
istics in the Sonoran languages; further-
Harrington, John P. more, the study of the number system
1943 Hokan discovered in South America. induces Buschmann to infer the re-
Jour. Washington Acad. Sci., 33: 334-44. semblance of the four Sonoran languages
Quechua is compared with some with each of the languages included in
Hokan languages: Yana, Chimariko, the above work.
Choctaw, Salinan, Subtiaba, Porno,
Charencey, Hyacinthe de
Washo, Esselen, and sporadically, Shasta
1883 Melanges de philologie et paleographie
and Chontal. Presents some phonetic
correspondences and a list of common Americaines. 195 pp. Paris.
morphological characteristics. Taking off from the relationship
established by Buschmann (1859, 1964)
by inspection of lexical comparisons
The affiliation of Hokan with the Yuman, and some grammatical formations, di-
Serian-Tequistlatecan, Subtiaban and Coahuilte- vides the Sonoran languages into two
can families (Kroeber, 1915; Sapir, 1920, 1925; groups: 1) Oregonian, with Comanche,
Radin, 1933) is generally accepted. Neverthe- Gabrieleno, Shoshone, Ute, Hopi and 2)
less, the strict application of the comparative Mexican with Pima, Tarahumara, Tepe-
method and of reconstruction has been scarce: huan, Tubar, Yaqui, Eudeve, Opata,
Yuman (Kroeber, 1943) and the relation of this Cora and Aztec (pp. 3-36).
with Serian-Tequistlatecan (Kroeber, 1915) are Stoll, Otto
exceptions. 1884 See Mayan family.
The supposed relation of Hokan with Naolan Shows a relationship between Pipil
(Bright, 1955) is not proved; neither is the re- and Aztec, by inspection of vocabularies.
lationship of Tamaulipec, Olive, Pison, Janambre Brinton, Daniel G.
and Maratino with the Coahuiltecan languages 1887 On the so-called Alaguilac language of
demonstrated. Their genetic identification offers Guatemala. Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc,
great difficulties because they are extinct lan- 24: 366-77.
guages and because of the scarcity of data on Shows that Alaguilac is an almost pure
many of the languages. The inclusion of Guaicura- form of Nahuatl, by inspection of the
Alaguilac materials of San Agusiin
Pericu in the Yuman family is doubtful (Brinton,
Acasaguastlan and the Nahuatl of
1891): according to prevalent opinion it does not
Molina.
resemble either Yuman or Hokan.
1891 See Serian and Tequistlatecan families.
A possible tie of the Hokan languages with the Divides Uto-Aztecan into three
Malayo-Polynesian on the one hand (Rivet,
branches: Shoshonean, Sonoran, and
1926), and of the Hokan languages and Quechua Nahuatlan. Includes a comparative vo-
on the other (Harrington, 1943), has been pro- cabulary of Tarahumara, Pima, Nahuatl,
posed, but with no convincing proof. Ute, Heve, Tepehuan, Opata, and Cora.

65
 LINGUISTICS

Belmar, Francisco on the basis of lexical comparisons and

1912 Lenguas de la familia nahuatlana:
su establishes some phonetic correspond-
17th Int. Cong. Amer.,
ences without postulating a reconstruc-
clasificaci6n.
tion. It rejects the old Sonoran grouping
segunda sesi6n, Mexico, pp. 238-50.
of the Uto-Aztecan languages and
Examines pronoun forms of Mexican,
divides the latter into the following
Opata, Eudeve, Pima, Tepehuan, Tara-
groups: Shoshonean, Pima-Tepehuan,
humara, Cora, and Cahita, in order to
Cahita-Opata-Tarahumara, Nahuatl and
demonstrate the relationship between
a group of languages of uncertain affini-
those languages.
ties or unclassified for lack of proof. The
Sapir, Edward linguisticposition of Huichol is con-
1915 Southern Paiute and Nahuatl: a study sidered doubtful.
in Uto-Aztecan. Amer. Anthr., 17: Whorf, B. L.
98-120, 306-28; Jour. Soc. Amer. 1935 The comparative linguistics of Uto-
Paris, n.s., 10: 379-425, 1919, 11: Aztecan. Amer. Anthr., 37:600-08.
433-88. Compares similar structures of roots
In order to demonstrate the unity of in the Uto-Aztecan languages and recon-
Uto-Aztecan, the following languages are structs the proto-phonemes, demon-
compared morphologically and phono- strating their reflexes in a few of the
logically and systematic phonemic corre- languages. Recognizes the existence of
spondences are established: Sonoran, some small well-defined groups: Piman,
Southern Paiute, Shoshonean, Cora, Shoshone-Comanche, Ute-Chemehuevi,
Papago, Tiibatulabal, Luiseno-Cahuilla, and Cora-Huichol. By finding great re-
Mono, Pima, Huiohol, Cahita. Tepecano, semblances between Uto-Aztecan, Penu-
Hopi, Gabrieleno. Tarahumara, Fer- tian, Totonac, Kiowa and Mayan, Whorf
nandeno, Bankalachi, Gitanemuk, Tepe- proposes grouping these into one large
huan, Shikanvam ami Serrano. family, Macro-Penutian. However, he
presents no proof to corroborate his
Mason, .1. Aju
hypothesis.
1017 Tepecano, A Piman Language of West-
ern Mexico. .Inn. Yaw York Acad. M kfiON, J. Ai.dkn
- 25: 309-41(1
t ,
1936 The classification of the Sonoran lan-
Lexical and granitnatical inspection of guages In Bssays in Anthropology
Tepehuan, in order to demons! rate thai Presented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 183-98.
it h:u- notable similarit ieswith Tepecano Offers a classification of a geographical
! that it differs little from Upper and type of the Sonoran languages, followed
Lower 1'inian. It strin-. Mason Bl I
by a '"correction," in which Mason recti-
'hat the most distant member! of the fies his opinions (this article was written

uroup, Tepecano of Mexico and Pima of in 1023) in accord with the more recent
Arizona, have a closer relationship to studieB by Kroeber (1934), Sauer (1934),
each other than Tepecari" DM with ad and Whorf (1935). Includes appendix by
rit languages. Whorf with the corrected classification of
\I usori and with some changes made by
3, Franz Whorf himself in the terminology and in
" F.l dialeeto menoano de Pochutla, he groupings. The following groups are
I

Oaxaca. UAL, \ 9 included: Taracahit ian Coran, Nahua-

,

A
descriptive comparison which in- tlan and Piman.
cludes some lexical comparisons Iwtween
the Mexican of the Valley atici thai of Wbobm, p.. P.

Pochutls 1937 The origin of Aztec tl. Amer. Anthr.,

39:205-71
By means of a comparison of the vari-
1934 The distribution of aboriginal tribes ous Cto-Aztecan languages, proves that
and languages in northwestern Mexico. 'tie "tl" is a local development in Aztec

Ibero-Amer., no. 5, pp. 1-94. or in central Nahuatl and not an original

-'one-ally
II oriented study which sound of Uto-Aztecan.
treats of the identification and grouping
the and language! of
Whorf, B. L., and Tracer, G. L.
of tribes north-
1937 The relationship of Uto-Aztecan and
item Mexico.
Tanoan. Amer. Anthr., 39: 609-24.
Kkukber, A. L. On
the basis of lexical and phonologi-
Qto-Astecan languages of Mexico. eal proofs establish relationship between
Ibero-Amer., no. 8, pp. 1-28. Uto-Aztecan and Tanoan. The authors
Classifies the Uto-Astecan languages point out, nevertheless, that in spite of
 INVENTORY OF CLASSIFICATORY MATERIALS

the similarity of their structures, these The Uto-Aztecan family is comprised of three
languages are different in aggregate. divisions: Taracahitian, Aztecoid and Piman
This is also true for their phonetic sys- (McQuown, 1955), each with numerous members.
tems. A comparison by systematic It is difficult, however, to establish with abso-
phonemic correspondences is presented
lute certainty the relations of many of the
for the various Uto-Aztecan languages,
languages or dialects here grouped, for example
including the reconstruction of the pre-
Suma, Jumano, Lagunero, Cazcan, Coca,
ceding common stage.
Tecuexe, Colotlan, Guachihil and Zacatec, be-
Weitlaner, Roberto J., and Irmgard Weit- cause of the paucity of existing data for some,
LANER DE JOHNSON and for others there is doubt of the correct at-
1942-47 -See Subtiaba family. tribution of certain vocabularies to certain
They offer a comparative list of Mexi-
vanished tribes, and for all it is impossible to
can dialects of Acatlan, Gro., Hueycan-
obtain more data because of their complete
tenango, Gro. (Pastor dialect), and
Mexican. extinction. The analogies believed to have been
discovered between Naolan and Cahita (Weit-
Weitlaner, Roberto J. laner, 1947) have not been demonstrated.
1947 Un idoma desconocido del norte de
The attempt to create a large Macro-Penutian
Mexico. 28th Int. Cong. Amer., pp.
family (Whorf, 1935) is a very suggestive hy-
205-27.
pothesis that has not yet been proved.
By inspection of vocabularies of Nao-
lan, Pame, Hokan-Siouan languages, and
Otomanguean Group
Uto-Aztecan, finds some similarities
between the first and the Cahita sub- Otomian Family
group of the Uto-Aztecan family.
Da vila Garibi, J. Ignacio Charencey, Hyacinthe de
1951 <;Es el coca un idioma taracahita? In 1883 See Uto-Aztecan family.
Homenaje a Alfonso Caso, pp. 143-51. By vocabulary inspection establishes
the Pirinda-Otomi family, subdivided
On comparing scanty Coca case mate-
into Pirinda-Matlatzinca and Mazahua-
rial with Tarahumara and Cahita, finds
six substantives which are almost identi-
Otomi (pp. 78-88). Affirms that Pirinda
has some points of contact with the Mix-
cal semantically and structurally; too
few, it is judged, to affirm a relationship.
tec, Totonac and Tarascan languages
(pp. 3-36).
Shaw Matson, Daniel
Brinton, Daniel G.
1953 Comparaci6n lingiifstica entre algunos
idiomas de la familia
yuto-azteca.
1897 On the affinities of the Otomi language
with Athabascan dialects. 10th Int.
Mem. Cong. Cien. Mexicano, 12: 181-90.
Finds lexical and morphological re- Cong. Amer. (1894), pp. 151-62.
semblances between Nahuatl, Papago, By means of a vocabulary inspection,
Tepecano, Tarahumara and Huichol, on compares the Otomi, Meco, Mazahua,
examining the vocabularies of these Pame, and Pirinda families with twelve
languages.
Athabascan dialects. Discovers some
mutual similarities and feels that a more
intensive study may prove a possible
The linguistic position of the Uto-Aztecan
relationship.
family as the southern branch of the Aztecan-
Belmar, Francisco
Tanoan group is accepted in general by all of
1905b See Mixtecan family.
the specialists. More than a century ago, lexical
similarities were found between some of its Charencey, Hyacinthe de
members (Buschmann, 1859) and, somewhat 1906 Sur les idiomes de la famille Chichi-
later, analogies grammatical structure
in its meque. 14th Int. Cong. Amer. (1904),
(Buschmann, 1891) which permitted this author pp. 159-91.
to create his "sonorische Gruppen" with the Examines lexical and grammatical
subsequent tripartite division into Shoshonean, forms of Serrano (perhaps identical with
Sonoran, and Nahuatlan branches (Brinton, Meco or Jonaz), Pame or Chichimeco,
Otomi, Mazahua, Matlatzinca and
1
1891). The present linguistic distribution has
Tepehua of Huaynacotla, Ver. It is es-
been gradually attained thanks to various studies
tablished that Tepehua is an Otomi dia-
(Mason, 1917, 1936; Sauer, 1934; Whorf, 1936, lect,that Mazahua is somewhat removed
1937) and to a few works based on comparison from Otomi, and that Pirinda or Ma-
and reconstruction (Sapir, 1915, 1919; Kroeber, tlatzinca is apparently more different.
1934; Whorf, 1935; Whorf and Trager, 1937). The group is renamed Chichimec.
67
 LINGUISTICS

Belmar, Francisco Queretaro, San Luis Potosf). Jour.

1910 See Tarascan family. Soc. Amer. Paris, 40: 1-20.
This article contains a vocabulary of
Lehmann, Walter the Pame dialects of Jiliapan apd Ala-
1920 See Subtiaba family. quines compared with the Pame material
By vocabulary inspection, forms a of Soriano, and another of Jonaz of
linguistic group of the Otomi, Chocho-
Soriano compared with present-day
Popoloca, Trique, Ixcatec, Mazatec, forms.
Chiapanec and Mangue languages.
Weitlaner, Roberto J. (in collaboration with
Soustelle, Jacques E. Arana Osnaya, J. Hasler, and 0. Uribe)
1937 La famille Otomi-Pame du Mexique 1953 Proto-Otorni-Matlatzinca: Recon-
central. Univ. Paris, Travaux et MS-
strucciones de Proto-Otomi III. Mem.
moires de I'Institut d'Ethnologie, 26:
Cong. Cien. Mex., 12: 199-206.
16-571.
A comparison, by systematic pho-
By
a lexical inspection and inspection nemic correspondences, of Proto-Central
of si, me grammatical formations
estab- Otomian with Matlatzinca-Ocuiltec and
lishes a close affinity between Ocuiltec-
a reconstruction of the former common
Matlatiinca, Pame-Chichimec and period. Reconstructions are not in-
Otomi-Masahua. Believes Nfatlatiinea- cluded.
Ocuiltec is the closer to Otomi-Mazahua
and that both constitute a central- Barthoi.omkw, Dohis
.thern ^n»up in OOntraal to the north- 1959 Proto-Otomian-Pame. MA. thesis,
ern group formed by P une-Chichimec Inn Pennsylvania.
.

Comparison of systematic phonemic

b, Lawbsnck correspondences between Proto-Otomi
1936-39 Relationship of Mixtec to the Oto-
and Pame. Preliminary reconstruction
mian languages EH 'icuo, M \
of Proto-Otomian-Pame.
4: 209-10
: al and baric
1960 Some revisions of Proto-Otomi conso-
nant- /./. 1 L, 26: 317-29.
characteristic! of the phonetioB and
structure of Mixtec and Otomi Revision of the phonemic system of
List "f phonemic correspondencec Proto-Otomi (Newman and Weitlaner,
pmve their relationship I960 with lie addition of three other
t

Otomian dialects. It is followed by a new

WCTTLAN] K. EtOBEHVO J. comparison with systematic phonemic
j
znr Sjirache der Ocuilteca correspondences, and by a modified re-
von San Joan Aeingo. Et Mex. Antiguo. construction of Proto-Otomian,
L: :
In order to demoni •
relation- Popolacm hiviiihi
ship between Matlatsinca and Otomi,
i- M idatzinca
'
Brinton, Dami.i. < i

dialect.- of Ban Pranciaoo :m<l of Mud- 1893 On the Mazatec language of Mexico
DC Language of Sim Juan and it- aliinitie-. Proc. Amer. Phil.
Acingo and ( >t"nn SOC., 31: 31 39.
Brinton (1891) included Chocho and
- BTO J. Wkii ;

Zapotec-Mixtec
M:i/.atec within the
Centra] Otomian I: Proto-Otomi re-
uroup. Here, he rectifies this opinion and
construction- Central Otomian II: postulate-. vocabu-
\,\ inspection of
Primitive centra] Otomian reoonstroo- laries, the relation of two re- Mazatec to
! -19, 73 M.
/./.I/., L6: 1 mote and independent groups: Chiapa-
systematic phonemic
mparieon 1>\ nec and "Costarricense" (Talamanca,
correep i eleven Komi and two < Boruca, Bribri, Viceita).
Masahua dialect.- iritb the objective of
Lb6n, Nicolas
g Proto-Otomi and Proto-
Maxahuan respectively Thia u toll.. Lob Popolocas. Conferencias del Museo
by another comparison of l>oth pit V'irional de Mexico, Secci6n de Etno-
lar r the pUipOM of [xtstulat- loiria, no. 1, Mexico. Also in An. Mus.
I
ing Proto-Otomi-Masahua
a language Vat Mexico, 2a ep., pp. 103-20.
Primitive Sent ml ttomiai < < grammatical and lexi-
\- the result of
cal comparisons(which are not pre-
Soum> v.. Jacques
1. 1.
sented) the existence of a relationship
1951 Document- -ur lee langagee Paine et between Chocho, Popoloca and Mixtec is
Jonaz du Mexique central ('Hidalgo, maintained.

68
INVENTORY OF CLASSIFICATOICY MATERIALS

1912 Vocabulario de la lengua popoloca, correspondences of Proto-Mazatec with

chocha o chuchona con sus equivalentes Ixcatec, Popoloca and Chocho, in order
to reconstruct Proto-Popolocan, and of
en castellano. An. Mus. Nac. Mexico,
Proto-Mazatec with Proto-Mixtecan, in
Numero extraordinaire dedie" au 18
order to postulate the previous common
Cong. Inter. Amer., Mexico, 58 pp. stage, Proto-Popotecan. It contains,
Proves, by inspection of vocabularies,
besides, the reconstruction of some
that there is no relationship between
grammatical features of this last proto-
Popoloca of Puebla and the Popolucas
language.
of Veracruz and Sayula.
Hamp, Eric P.
Mkchling, William H. 1958 Protopopoloca internal relationships.
1912 The Indian linguistic stocks of Oaxaca. UAL., 64: 150-53.
Amer. Anthr. jn.s., 14: 643-82. Places Chocho-Popoloca last in the
By inspection of vocabularies inte- series of splits in the Popolocan family,
grates the Mazatecan family with the Ixcatec off from these at an earlier stage,
Chocho-Popolocan, Mazatecan -Ixcate- and Mazatec off from these at a still
can, and Trique languages. earlier period— these splits being deter-

Lehmann, Walter mined by inspection and structural

weighting of shared structural innova-
1920 See Otomian.
tions, innovations by addition or re-
Gonzalez Casanova, Pablo placement, rather than by loss. Hamp
1926 Los idiomas popolocas y su clasifica- characterizes such innovations as the
ci6n. An. Mus. Nac. Arqueol., Hist. "only criterion for genetic proximity."
y Etnol., 5a ep., 1: 497-536. 1960 Chocho-Popoloca innovations. UAL.,
By means of the inspection of vocabu- 26:62
laries and of some morphological forma- Emends and adds to list of common
tions, forms the Popolocan family with Chocho-Popoloca innovations presented
these: Popoloca, Chocho, Ixcatec, and in UAL, 24: 150-53, and emphasizes the
Mazatec (?) languages. futility of classifications of languages

Weitlaner, Roberto J. based on "mere appearances." Struc-

tural weighting of all criterial items is
1942 La rama olmeca del grupo Macro-
essential.
Otomangue. In Mayas y Olmecas,
pp. 33-35.
Fernandez de Miranda, MarJa Teresa, and
Examining the phonemic systems,
consonant groups and lexicographical
Roberto J. Weitlaner
similarities (which are not included, be- 1961 See Manguean family.
cause this is a summary), concludes that
Manguean Family
Popoloca, Ixcatec, and Chocho have
intimate mutual relationships and that Belmar, Francisco
Mazatec shows a close affinity with them. 1905b See Mixtecan family.
Fernandez de Miranda, Maria Teresa Examines the Chiapanec and Na-
1951 Reconstruction del protopopoloca. grandan vocabularies with the object of
Rev. Mex. Estud. Antr., 12: 61-93. showing some relations and differences
A comparison, by systematic pho- between these languages, on the one
nemic correspondences, of Ixcatec, Cho- hand, and Huave on the other.
cho, and Popoloca, with reconstruction Lehmann, Walter
of the former common stage. Mazatec 1920 See Otomian family.
was not included since it shows a more Weitlaner, Roberto J., and Irmgard Weit-
distant relationship.
laner de Johnson
Gudschinsky, Sarah C. 1942-47 See Subtiaba family.
1953 Proto-Mazateco. Mem. Cong. Cien. By the examining of semantic differ-
Mex., 12: 171-74. ences and similarities, as well as of some
A comparison by systematic phonemic mutations, postulates that the separa-
correspondences of four Mazatecan tion of Tlappaneco-Subtiaba was after
dialects and a reconstruction of Proto- that of Chiapaneco-Mangue but before
Mazatecan. the Nahuatl emigration.

1959 Proto-Popotecan: A comparative study Fernandez de Miranda, Mar!a Teresa, and

of Popolocan and Mixtecan. UAL, Roberto J. Weitlaner
Memoir 15, pp. 1-118. 1961 Sobre algunas relaciones de la familia
Comparison by systematic phonemic mangue. Anthr. Ling., 3 (7): 1-99.

69
 .

LINGUISTICS

A comparison of old (in the majority) one another. Provisionally, Amuzgo is

Chiapanec and Manguean materials, by considered connected to the languages
means of systematic phonemic corre- cited
spondences, in order to reconstruct Longacre, Robert E.
Proto-Chiapanec-Mangue, and from this Proto-Mixtecan. Indiana
1957 Univ. Re-
a comparison of the Proto-Chiapanec-
search Center in Anthr., Folklore, and
Mangue with Proto-Popolocan (Gud-
schinsky, 1959) and with Proto-Mixtecan Ling. Pub. 5; UAL, 8 + 195 pp.
(Longacre, 1957) iu order to postulate the Comparison, by systematic phonemic
Proto-Popolocan-Manguean stage. correspondences, of Mixtee, Cuicatec
and Trique (Amuzgo was not. regularly
included) and a reconstruction of Proto-
Mij-tecan Family
Mixtecan. This is the first successful re-
( 'itARENCEY, HYACENTHE DE construction of a tonal system and vari-
ous grammatical traits of a Proto-Meso-
1883 See Otomian family.
american language.
Helmar, Francisco Mak, Cornelia, and Robert E. Longacre
1905a Indian tribes of the state of Oaxaca 1960 Proto-Mixtec phonology. UAL, 26:
and their languages. IS Int. Cong. 23-40.
Amer. (1902), pp. 193-202. Comparison of 2S Mixteean dialects,
Groups the languages of Oaxaca systematic phonemic correspond-
by
within one family. Mixtee Zapotec, ences, and reconstruction of Proto-
which is divided into two branches: (a) Mixtec from the previous Proto-Mixte-
Zapotec, with Zapotec and dialects, can stage on.
Papabuco, Chatino and dialects, and
Arana Osmata, Eyangelina
Chinantec; (!>• Mivr. an with Amuzgo,
1960 Relaciones internas del Mixteco-Trique.
Ma/ate. I\ of Mazatec),
•.

.4/). Inst. Sac. Antr. Hist., 12: 219-73.

Cuicatec, Popoloca (Chocho), Trique,
and Mixtee with rarious diali Comparison In systematic phonemic
correspondences of Mixtee, Cuicatec.
1905b IiflngHM indljgenas de Mexico. Fami- Trique, and Amu/go, and a reconsituc
lia Mixtooo-Zapoteca \ bub relaciones lion of the common ancestor, in order to
• on el otomf. Fainilia Zoque-Mixe. fortify conclusions based upon lexico
C'hontal. Huave y Mexicano. .;7i siai is tics.

pp. Mexico i i;i . Robert E., am> Rene Millon

Bj mean-an examination of pho-of 1961 l'roto Mixteean and Proto Amuzgo vo-
neties, of the formation of words, of the
cabularies a preliminary cultural analy-
grainmatiral ami lexical categories, re-
-i- Anthr. Ling., 3: 1-44.
atfirms the preceding grouping, adding
Preliminary analysis of a selection of
the Otomi language to the Mixteean
the reconstructed vocabularies of l'roto-
division became of the notable analog
Mixtecan and Proto-Amuzgo-Mixtecan,
winch it presents.
for the purpose of s protocultural recon-
N -i rucl ion.
190.5 Set Popoloean family. NDi Dl Miranda, Mar!a Teresa, and
/

MbCHLINO, Wii.i.i \\t II

ElOBEBTO Wi PLANES
J. i

1912 Sir Popoloean family. 1961 8a Manguean family.

By inspection of vocab ilaries, gi
the Mixtee, Cuie Zapotecan Family
language- in a M
BeLMAB, 1'"kaN( [800
I.i iimann, Walter 1905a Su Mixteean family.
•mian family.
1905b See Mixteean family.
Gonzalei Casanova, Pablo 1910 See Tarascan.
1933 S» |uean family. '/.
i

Mh hum;, William H.
Weitlanbb rro J.
1912 See Popoloean family.
1942 v
olocao fan By inspection of vocabularies, forms
the Zapotecao family with Zapotec,
By study
of phon< con-
BoltoC, and Chatino.
ant groups, and lexicographical simi-
larities (without including theni, for this Angulo, Jaime de
- a Bummary) il is determined thai 1925 The linguistic tangle of Oaxaca. Lang.,
'

Trique, related to 1:96 102.

70
INVENTORY OF CLASSIFICATOKY MATERIALS

On
the basis of a superficial lexical equivalents in all the languages in ques-
examination and of certain traits of tion) that, semasiologically, they are too
monosyllabisra, proposes a possible lin- different.
guistic affinitybetween Zapotec, Cha- Swadesh, Morris
tino, Mixtec, Cuicatec, Mazatec, Cho-
1947 The phonemic structure of Proto-
cho, and Chinantec.
Zapotec. UAL, 13: 220-30.
Ha din, Paul A comparison by systematic phonemic
1925 The distribution and phonetics of the correspondences of three Zapotec dia-
Zapotec dialects: a preliminary sketch. lects (with sporadic examples of another)
Jour. Soc. Amer. Paris, 17: 27-76. which represent the principal divisions of
By inspection of vocabularies and Zapotec. Preliminary reconstruction of
enumeration of phonetic changes, groups the common ancestral language.
the Zapotec dialects into six divisions: 1949 El idioma de los Zapotecos. In Los
(1) Valle, (2) Tehuano, (3) Serrano, (4)
Zapotecos: monograffa historica, et-
Nexitzo, (5) Vijana, (6) Miahuatlan.
nogrdfica, y econ6mica. Univ. Nac.
Divisions 1 and 2 form a unit as opposed
to 3; division 4 contrasts also with 1 and
Aut6noma Mex., Mexico, pp. 415-48.
In the historical linguistics section,
2; divisions 4 and 5 show more points of
reproduces part of the previous work
contact with 3 than with 1.
modifying slightly the reconstructions.
Angulo, Jaime de Points out that the so-called Zapotec
1926 The development of affixes in a group —
dialects forms actually mutually unin-
of monosyllabic languages of Oaxaca. telligible—ought to be considered as
Lang., 2: 46-61, 119-33. languages.
Studies some grammatical traits of
Chatino, Mazatec, Chinantec, Chocho,
Chinantecan Family
Cuicatec, Mixtec and Zapotec. His opin-
ion is that a brief examination is suffi-
Mechling, William H.
cient to prove that these languages are
1912 See Popolocan family.
not semantically allied, perhaps not even
Chinantec, with its different dialects,
related; nevertheless, they remain joined
constitutes the Chinantec family.
as a group or family by their morphologi-
cal Inspects various com-
similarities. Weitlaner, Roberto J., and Pablo Smith
parative lists with the object of demon- 1957 Notas sobre la fonologfa del idioma
strating the semantic relation between proto-chinanteco: un informe pre-
Mixtec-Cuicatec, Mazatec-Chocho, and liminar. Summer last. Linguistics,
perhaps Zapotec-Chatino. Mexico. Unpublished.
Van deb Velde, Paul Comparison by provisional systematic
1933-34 Breve vocabulario eomparado del phonemic correspondences based on nine
idioma zapoteco. Inves. Ling., 1 Chinantec dialects and a reconstruction
251-57. of the Proto-Chinantec stage.
It comprises three vocabularies: one
apparently modern and two old ones. Although the unity of the Otomanguean group
Angulo, Jaime de, and L. S. Freeland has not yet been wholly established, there are
1935 The Zapotecan linguistic group: a now various comparative and reconstructive
comparative study of Chinantec, Cho- studies on its 6 families in addition to others on
cho, Mazatec, Cuicatec, Mixtec, Cha- interfamilial relationships.
tino and especially of Zapotec proper In the Otomian branch the Otomi-Mazahua-
and its dialects. UAL, 8: 1-38. Pame relation has been proven (Newman and
They consider the languages cited in Weitlaner, 1950; Bartholomew, 1959) and that
the title to be independent, although an of the first two with Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco
examination of their similar morpho- (Weitlaner and others, 1953). The Popolocan
logical structures would permit grouping and Manguean familes are already established,
them. These structural and to a certain as are their relationship with the Mixtecan
point semantic similarities, they think,
family (Fernandez de Miranda, 1951; Gud-
are the result of linguistic borrowing and
schinsky, 1953, 1959; Fernandez de Miranda
i>f mutual influences. Because of this
they tend not to accept the hypothesis and Weitlaner, 1961). The Mixtecan branch is
that these constitute also reconstructed (Longacre, 1957; Mak and
a "linguistic
family" in the usual sense, which implies Longacre, 1960; Arana Osnaya, 1960; Longacre
genetic relationship. They prove (in- and Millon, 1961), lacking only the determina-
cluding a list of 1(X) semantic items with tion of the exact position of Amuzgo. Some

71
 . .

LINGUISTICS

relationships between the Zapotecan languages Also Jour. Soc. Amer. Paris (1914-
have been proposed (Swadesh, 1957) and a re- 1919), 11:489-99.
vision and enlargement, including Chatino, is in By inspection of vocabularies, of some
preparation (Fernandez de Miranda). Likewise grammatical formations and of phonetic
there is an outline of Proto-Chinantecan (Smith systems, postulates the relationship be-
and Weitlaner, 1957). tween the Mixe-Zoque and Huave lan-
It remains, then, to finish the integration of guages.
this group, to round out internally the Otomian, Lehmanx, Walter
Chinantecan and Zapotocan families and then 1920 See Subtiaba family.
to test the genetic relation between them and Based on an examination of vocabu-
the unified sector laries, establishes a linguistic group with
Popolocan -Mixtecan-Man-
guean. Mixe-Zoque, Tapachultec I, Aguacatecs
II (?), Xinca, and Lenca.

Zoquean Family Radin, Paul

1924 Set Mayan family.
Charencey, Hyacinthe de Fhkeland, L. s.
1883 See Uto-Aztecan l'amil y 1931 The relationship Mixe
of to the Penu-
By
inspection of vocabularies sub-
tian family. UAL, 6: 2S-33.
divides the Zoque-Mixe family into two
Semasiologioal study and study of
groups: Tapijulapaa with two or three
" some grammatical formations of Mixe
dialects, and Zoque-Mixe (pp 69 s
and of various Pcnutian languages, to
&TOLL, < >TTO propose a connection of the first with
1884 Set Mayan family. Penul ian.
Through the examination of short Gonial] / Casanova, Pablo
vocabulary of Pupuluca oi Guatemala,
1933 I'n idioma austronesio en Mexico
Mixe, Taeltal, and Tsotsil, be points out
the possible relation of the first with
An. Mtu. Xac. ArqueoL, Hist. l!tnoi.
Zoque and Popoluc:i 4aep.,S: 203-10.
By inspection of lexical comparisons
BsiMAB, Fkancisco between the Zoquean, Trique, and Cui-
1902 Ijenguas indigena.- del estado de Os Catec languages and those of Australia,
otudio del idioma Ayook. wxiv + Polynesia, and Melanesia, shows some
205-26 pp. Oaxaca. similarities between both groups, insuffi-
.minesphonetic syetems and
the cient, he says, to establish genetic
some grammatical formations of the affinity. Suggests, as an explanation <>f
languages that he includes in the Zo- these similarities, the possible existence
quean family; divides il into Zoque of a small Aust ronesian nucleus mixed
trious dialects and ayook (Mize and with the indigenous population.
dials
McQuOH \, Norm w A.
Caldf.kon, Ehmtnoio 1942 Una posible sfntests linguistica Macro-
1908 Entodioe tmgQfsticos. Las lenj I
Mavance. hi Mavas y Olmecas, pp.
(Smca) de Yuptttepeque y del barrio 37
nortc de Chiquimulilla en (iuatemala. By lexical comparisons and by com
II. La* lenguas de Ohita, 8ayula y parison of the phonetic and morphologi-
Texistepec en d btmo de Tehuante] cal structure (which is not presented),
en Mexico. Guatemala. - imes ;i probable relationship between
bes the vocabularies ol t Ik- < Muta, Totonac-Tepehua and Mixe-Zoque, thus
ula, and Texistepec
languages creating the Totonac-Zoquean family,
S to
a the differences between them. which together with the Mayan, would
make up the larger Macro-Mayan family.
\R, FRANCISCO
1912 See Uto-Astecan family. Foster, Ibobct M.
<

Incl , e-Mixe in i be ^ uman 1912 The geographical, and cul-

linguistic
<>r Nahuatlan family. tural position of thePopoluca of Vera-
Mechling, William II
cruz. Amer. Anthr., 45: 531-45.
1912 See Popolocan family. Reviews the various relations pro-
Groups Zoque and Mixe Zo- posed for the Popoluca of Veracruz with
in the
quean family. ipeel to the rest of the languages of
the Mixe-Zoque family. Considers
Radin, Paul separate Popolucan languages those of
1916 On the relationship of Huave and the Sierra, of Texistepec, of Oluta and
Mixe. Amer. Authr., 18: 411-21. of Bayula, because of their mutual unin-

72
INVENTORY OF CLASSIFICATORY MATERIALS

telligibility. The first two, he points out, chiquel and Tzutuhil materials, points
come closer to Zoque and the last to out the diileiences among them.
Mixe. Adam, Lucien
Wonderly, William L. 1878 Examen grammatical compare de seize
1949 Some Zoquean phonemic and morpho- langues ame>icaines. 2d Int. Cong.
phonemic correspondences. UAL, 15: Amer. (1877), 2: 161-244.
1-11. Includes the examination of some
Comparison by systematic phonemic grammatical traits of the Maya and
correspondences of 10 Zoque dialects, Quiche languages, in order to test their
Tapachultec, Popoluca of the Sierra and relationship.
a Mixe dialect, in order to reconstruct Charencey, Hyacinthe de
the common previous stage. Also pre-
1883 See Uto-Aztecan family.
sents a graphic representation of the
Mentions some phonetic changes
isoglosses of some morphophonemic among the Mayan languages as well as
changes.
other modifications which distinguish
1953 Sobre la propuesta filiaci6n lingufstica the Western group (Quichd, Cakchiquel,
de la familia totonaca con las familias Pokomchf) from the Eastern (Mam,
zoqueana y mayense. In Huastecos Tzeltal, Chortf). Offers a classification
Totonacos y sus Vecinos, pp. 105-13. of the family and designates it as Mam-
Considers that a relation between the Huastec (pp. 89-121). In another chapter
Totonac, Zoquean and Mayan families (p. 122 et passim) he also calls it the

(McQuown, 1942) is not evident. Al- Tapichulane-Huastec family divided

though they share some cognates, with- into Tapachulan and Quiche-Huastec.
out the establishment of systematic Finally, studies some grammatical
correspondences it is impossible to affirm formations of Quiche, Pokomchf, Maya,
any relationship. Believes that there is, Tzotzil and Huastec.
nevertheless, a somewhat greater simi- Stoll, Otto
larity between the Zoquean and Mayan 1884 Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guate-
families. mala, ix + 176 pp. Zurich. Ed.
espanolas: Guatemala, 1938 and 1958.
The grouping of the Mixe, Zoque, Popolucas By inspection of a comparative vo-
of the Sierra, of Texistepec, of Oluta and of cabulary of lb' Mayan languages estab-
Sayula, Tapachulteca I and Aguacateca II lishes the sequence of the different divi-
languages within the Zoquean family is recog- sions of the common trunk (Maya of
nized without discussion. Nevertheless, with the Yucatan) into —
branches Huastec,
exception of a partial study based on the method branches from Guatemala (with many
of comparison and reconstruction (Wonderly,
subsequent subdivisions), Tzeltal (also
subdivided afterwards) and lastly,
1949) there is no work of a similar kind which
Mo pan.
treats of the family in its entirety and permits
proof of the supposed affinity without room for
1885 Supplementary remarks to the grammar
of the Cakchiquel language of Guate-
doubt.
mala. Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc, 22:
The relations of the Zoquean family with
255-68.
Huave (Radin, 1916), Xinca, Lenca and other
Shows certain phonological changes or
languages situated to the south (Lehmann,
retentions between Cakchiquel and
1920), although accepted by some linguists, has
Maya foreshadowing the possibility of
not been proven satisfactorily. The relationship postulating rules of change. Assumes
with the Totonac and Mayan families (Radin, that the Quiche group was one of the
1924; McQuown, 1942), besides the tie with earliest branches to separate from the
Penutian (Sapir, 1929; Freeland, 1931), well common Mayan ancestor.
enough received in general, are not solidly es- Charencey, Hyacinthe de
tablished. 1890 Etude sur la langue Mam. 7th Int.
Cmg. Amer. (1888), pp. 389-403.
Mayan Family Through the examination of gram-
matical traits and of lexical forms of
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Charles Etienne
Mam, Quiche and Maya, tries to estab-
1862 Grammaire de la langue Quiche* lish the position of the first within the
Espagnole-Frangaise mise en parallele Maya-Quiche family. Establishes that
avec ses deux dialectes, cakchiquel et Mam comes closer to the western group,
tzutuhil .... xvii -f 246 pp. Paris. the most archaic and, more specifically,
Through inspection of Quiche, Cak- to Quiche.

73
 .

LINGUISTICS

Brinton, Daniel G. Includes a classification of the Mayan

1892 See Serian and Tequistlatecan families. languages and a critical bibliography.
Indicates that the Chontal languages Radin, Paul
of Tabasco and those of Honduras be- 1924 The relationship of Maya to Zoque-
long to the Maya group Huave. Jour. Soc. Amer. Paris, n.s.,
Sapper, Karl 16: 317-24.
1S97 Das Nordliche Mittelamerika nebst By examination of some morphologic
einem Ausflug nach dem Hochland von traits and of a short vocabulary, tries to
establish the genetic relationships be-
Anahuac. xi + -436 pp. Braunsch-
tween Huave-Zoque-Mixe and Maya.
weig.
Includes a comparative vocabulary of Schuller, Rudolf
25 Mayan languages and dialects (many 1925 La lengua Ts'ots'il. UAL, 3: 193-218.
originating in Stoll) and one map of lin- Compares by phonological, morpho-
guistic distribution that covers an area logical, and lexical inspection, Maya,
from part of Oaxaca and Veracruz to El Quiche, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Huastec, and
Salvador. Mam, in order to prove that Tzotzil
belongs to the Maya-Quiche family.
Belmar, Francisco
LaFabgb, Oliver
1905a See Huavean family.
1027 \ record of the expedition to Middle
.>\pper, Karl America, conducted by the Tulane
1912 Ueber von SQdchiapas
einige Spracherj University of Louisiana in 1925.
17th Int. Cong.
Amer., pp. 29.5-.-V20 M)(hlh Amer. Research Ser., Pub. 2,
Assumes that the Chiapas Guatemala pp. 453-501.
highland- were the cradle of the Mayan Examination
of the vocabularies of
peoples and from thai area part of them Vocotan, and Chontal, on the
l'/.eltal,
emigrated to the lowland zone of the one hand, and of Charialial and Jaealtee,
<iulf of Mexico, funning the present -day on the other He thinks that Vocotan
Quests - Includes a comparative rocab is only a dialectical variant of Chontal
ulary of H i hicomuceltec, Mo and that although it can he included in
tocintlec Jaealtee, and Mam he same division BS Tseltal, its relation
i

-. W. E. ship is not BS close as the existent one he

t wee a Tseltal-Tsotsil or Tseltal-Cha
1920 Distribution of the seven] branch
riahal
the Mayance linguistic stock. Tn
Morley,
(i The [nscriptiona at
s. bulij a, Rudolf
Copan, 606 15 Carnegie 1938 Set Xincan
pp
Wash., Pub 219 Bbckbba, Mabcos l

i' ion of the M •

n».;i Los Chontales de Tabasco: estudio

family end several observations, for
etnografico v lingQfstico. Invest. Ling ,

kmplc Cholti and Chorti constitute in

2 29
neral one language only; Choi is more
By inspection, compares the languages
closely related to the Tseltal branch
of Chontalpa, Tabasco with Maya, to
StoQ'a opinion. L884); Vueatecan M
prove that it is Mayan Presents then B
is Mine- distinct from the dialec
al •• -

comparative description of Chontal,

the SOUtfa and frequently IS similar to the
('hoi and Maya and a dsssifical ion of he 1

mountain dialects of Guatemala, though

'hoi
Mayan languages
Tseltal < .

i
k. A L.
.. Eb DOLI
1930a Cultural and natural area- of native
Zur Bprachheheo Verwaadtsohafl der
North America. I'jiiv. California Pub.
Maya-Qu'rtse' mil den Carib-Aruac Aimr Arehaeai. and Ethnol., 38: 1 -242
Anlhropm, 14/15 165 91
Includes a classification of the Mayan
By inspectiongrammatical sum of
family (pp. 112-114).
lari oomparison, triet
lexical
establish the relation between the Carib- 1939b The historical position of Chico-
Arawak and Mayan languages. muceltec in Mayan. UAL, 10: 159-00.
Comparison of the Mayan languages
I >//.ER, ALFREI M in is a closer
order to establish that there
A Maya grammar bibliography with relationship between Chicomuceltec and
and appraisement of the work- noted Huastec than between Chicomuceltec
Papers Pealxxiu Mua., Harvard Ui and the rest of the languages of the
no. 9, b • 301 pp. family. Assumes that Chicomuceltec may
 ;

INVENTORY OF CLASSIFICATORY MATERIALS

have been a remnant left by the Huastecs U) simple lexical or grammatical comparisons
upon emigrating or a part of the emi- which have been used for the concoction of
grated group that returned. numerous classifications (Bourbourg, 1862;
Halpern, A. M. Stoll, 1884; Charencey, 1883, 1890; Sapper,
1942 A theory of Maya ts-sounds. Carnegie 1897, 1912; LaFarge, 1927; Kroeber, 1939).
Inst. Wash., Notes on Middle Amer. Among the principal classifications, cited in
Archaeol. ana Ethnol., no. 13. chronological order, are those of Stoll, 1884;
Classification of the Mayan family, Gates, 1920; Tozzer, 1921; Mendizabal and
based on a partial comparison of the Jimenez Moreno, 1936; Kroeber, 1939; Mason,
systematic phonemic correspondences of 1940; Halpern, 1942; Rivet, 1952; McQuown,
most of the languages which it embraces; 1956. All these exhibit major or minor differences
puts special emphasis on the reflexes of
among them, owing, evidently, to insufficient
the palatals.
knowledge concerning various members of the
McQuown, Norman A.
family.
1942 See Zoquean family.
An attempt has been made to relate the Mayan
Goubaud Carrera, Antonio languages with Huave (Belmar, 1905a), with
1946 Distribuci6n de las lenguas indigenes this tied to the Zoquean family (Radin, 1942),
actuales de Guatemala. Bol. Inst. with the Totonac-Zoquean family (McQuown,
Indig. Nac, Guatemala, 1: 63-76. 1942) and with the Carib-Arawak languages
Classification of Guatemala languages (Schuller, 1920), without achieving a satisfactory
indicating their geographic distribution.
demonstration of any of these relationships.
McQuown, Norman A. The supposition that the cradle of the Mayan
1955 The indigenous languages of Latin peoples was the region of the Chiapas-Guatemala
America. Amer. Anthr., 57: 501-69. highlands (Sapper, 1912), is suggested again in a
Comparison by systematic phonemic study on migration theory (A. Richard Diebold,
correspondences with reconstruction, of
Jr., "Determining the Centers of Language
various Mayan languages: Cakchiquel,
Groups, UAL, 26: 1-10); although enjoying
Chuh, Huastec, Mam and Yucatec.
considerable acceptance, it needs the reinforce-
1956 The classification of the Mayan lan-
ment of the linguistic test.]
guages. UAL, 22: 191-95.
Classification based on the lexical
comparison of Huastec, Mam and Yuca-
M {.squito-Sumo-M atagalpa Family
tec, languages for which there are ade- Brinton, Daniel G.
quate descriptive materials. For the 1895 On the Matagalpan linguistic stock of
majority of the other Mayan languages Central America. Proc. Amer. Phil.
the author used vocabularies he had col-
Soc., 34:403-15.
lected which permitted the formation of
Considers the proposition that Mata-
preliminary phonemic outlines.
galpa has no genetic relationships with
Mayers, Marvin K. its neighbors —
Nahua, Lenca, Ulua and
1960 The linguistic unity of Pocomam- Misquito— but that it is profoundly in-
Pocomchi. UAL, 26: 290-300. fluenced by them in its lexicon.
Comparison by systematic phonemic Lehmann, Walter
correspondences of four dialects of
1910 Ergebnisse einer Forschungsreise in
Pocomam and two of Pocomchf, with
Mittel-Amerika und Mexico, 1907-
reconstruction. (Cf. Article 4 for conclu-
1909. Zeitsch. fur Ethn., 46: 687-749.
sions based on this method.)
Establishes, by inspection of mate-
rials, the relationships among the Mis-
There are relatively few studies of the Mayan quito, Ulua, Sumo-Tawahka, and Mata-
languages to which have been applied the meth- galpa languages.
ods of comparison and reconstruction: Mam, 1920 See Subtiaba family.
Huastec and Proto-Mayan, with the occasional Reaffirms the previous relationship by
inclusion of Cakchiquel, Chuh and Yucatecan means of an examination of vocabu-
(McQuown, 1955), the first two languages named laries, and presents a subdivision of the
and Yucatecan (McQuown, 1956), Pocomam family that has been widely accepted.
and Pocomchi (Mayers, 1960) and representa- CONZEMIUS, EDUARD
tives of various Mayan divisions (Halpern, 1942) 1929 Notes on the Mfsquito and Sumo
this last is the most extensive although limited languages of eastern Nicaragua and
to reflexes of the palatals. Honduras. UAL, 5: 57-115.
On the other hand, works abound which refer Studies a comparative vocabulary of

75
 LINGUISTICS

five Misquito and five Sumo dialects to Zoqueau, Mayan, Uto-Aztecan and Penutian
show the relationship between both families (Charencey, 1883; Belmar, 1912; Whorf,
languages.
1935; McQuown, 1942) without offering, in
1932 Ethnographical survey of the Misquito any case, definite proofs.
and Sumo Indians of Honduras and Up to now the only
T
verified relationship is
Nicaragua. Smith. Inst., Bur. Amer. that between Totonac and Tepehua (Arana
Ethnol, Bull. 106, vi + 191 pp. Osnaya, 1953).
Treats of the different subtribes of the
Misquito and Sumo. Assumes that the
former were originally a Sumo subtribc.
TvK W \N

Charencey, Hyacinthe de
The Misquito, Sumo, and Matagalpa languages 1883 See Otomian family.
with their corresponding subdivisions, appear to
Belmar, Francisco
be grouped by various authorities into only one
1910 El Tarasco y sus con las
relaciones
independent family (Lehmann, 1910, 1920;
lenguas de la familia Mixteco-Zapoteca-
Sapir, 1929a; Rivet, 1952or included a* members 1

Otomf. 10th Int. Cong. Amer. (190S),

of more extensive groups such as Misquito-
pp. (ill -25.
Xinca (P. W. Schmidt, 1926), Chibcha-Mlsquito
Mendiz&bal and .Jimenez Moreno, H>. I

The linguistic relationships of Tarascan are

In spite of the almost general acceptance of
still unknown. It has been surmised, without
such relationships. Borne doubt should l>e raised
demonstrating it, that there is a possible re-
concerning the mutual internal relationship- or
lationship with the Otomian, Mixteean and
the relationship with the Chibchan group (Mason,
Zapotecan families (Charencey, 1883; Belmar
It is certain that until now there has been
L910).
no application of the comparative method which
has allowed the certain affirmation of the partial
(Tui.u |

al affinity o\ I q question, nor

of their relationship wit! Ideally nearby Wi planks, Roberto
i
J.
I Notes on the Cuitlatec language. El
Mex. Antiguo, 4: 363 73.
The inspection of Oouiltec and Cui-
tlatec materials (with the occasional in
DI elusion of Otomi, Matlatsinca, Paine,
i family .
Ma/.ahua and Chilian) SO forms) permits
Wr I ssenting evidenoi the observation of some phonetic simi-
th | family Bhowi surpn-
• laritiesand similarities in the syllabic
an:i ti the Mini Buastee famirj structure of words Morphologically, it is
and .
« ith the Chichi observed, both are quite distant; Cui
mec lar. tlatec appears to approximate the Hokan
group although lexically n has little
similarity to Tlappaneco or Subtiaba
lily.
Incl in 1 I"- gn it Viiin.in [CH8 I'f.icK/., I'i into R.
il\ 1946 I'or tierras ignmfiM Mexico, I: 2ti0,

W HOBP, B. I. 2: 253.

lily. By inspection Of materials, finds some

between 'nit later and Tlap
similarities (

\!< Ql H \
panec, Xinca and, particularly, Quiche
lily.

I OsNAI \, 1 \ \v«.i.i.i\ I Cuitlatec is, to date, an unclassified language.

totonaco In It has been that -ome analogies were
believed
Suai •

raacos ; bus vecmoa, discovered between this language and Oeuiltec

PP. 123 (Weitlaner, 1939), Tlappanec, Xinca and Quiche
-
Btematic phonemic (Hendrichs, 1946)
Hi-' -
of 1 tree Totonac dia
leetf repehua; reconstruction lit W I \N
of the corns edenl stage.
B, l'n\N( |s('o
There have been various attempts to deter- 1905a See Mixteean family.
mine precisely tie linguistic position of Totonac Through inspect inn of vocabularies
Similarities ha\ ound with the Otomian, and of some grammatical formations,
INVENTORY OF CLASSIFICATORY MATERIALS

finds relationships between Huave and of them. They have been included, for example,
the Maya-Quiche group, pointed out in a Maya-Quiche-Carib-Arawak group (Schuller,
previously (Orozco y Berra, 1864). 1928), a Mfsquito-Xinca group (Schmidt, 1926),
Radin, Paul the Penutian group (Sapir, 1929a) and a Paya-
1916 See Zoquean family. Lenca group, which includes Jicaque but not
1924 See Mayan family. Xinca, considered as "a tie between Zoque-Maya
and Chibcha-Mfsquito?" (Mendizabal and Ji-
One objective has been to establish a direct menez Moreno, 1936).
relationship of Huave to the Mayan family The relatioaship of Xinca with the Zoquean
(Orozco y Berra, 1864; Belmar, 1905a), or an family (included at times in the Mayan-Zoquean)
indirect relationship through the Zoquean family has been supported by various linguists (Leh-
(Radin, 1916, 1924), but none of these attempts mann, 1920; Rivet, 1952). The former suggests,
has had a firm basis of comparison and recon- besides, a linguistic link between Xinca-Lenca
struction. Because of this, in spite of the almost and Hokan languages. They have also found
general acceptance of the existence of this tie, analogies between Xinca-Popoluca of Conguaco
the linguistic position of Huave is still uncertain. and the Mayan family (Charencey, 1883). For
none of these relationships have conclusive proofs
Xincan, Lencan, Jicaquean and Payan been furnished.
For some, the fact that these languages are
Charencey, Hyacinthe de found in a zone of contact with other languages
1883 See Uto-Aztecan family. has favored a theory of numerous mutual in-
Without presenting proofs, places
fluences (Lehmann, 1920); for some others they
Xinca and Populuca (Conguaco) in the
are treated as true mixed languages with double
Mam-Huastec family (pp. 89-121).
or multiple roots (Mason, 1940).
Brinton, Daniel G. To summarize, one can say that the linguistic
1885 On the Xinca Indians of Guatemala. position of these languages has not yet been
Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc, 22: 89-97.
elucidated and that they ought to be considered,
Compares old vocabularies of the
for the moment, as independent languages.
Xinca dialects (Sinancatan, Jupilte-
peque and Jutiapa). Is of the opinion
that Xinca belongs to a different lin- A totalaccounting of the linguistic situation of
guistic group from Maya or Nahuatl. Mesoamerica lets us appreciate the relative

Lehmann, Walter scantiness of the advances achieved through the

1920 See Zoquean family. scientific use of the methods of comparison and
Asserts that Xinca
is related to Lenca, reconstruction. The general classification of the
Mixe-Zoque, Chontal of Oaxaca and the different linguistic groups and families of Meso-
Chumash-Salinan languages of Cali- america has remained almost static for about a
fornia. quarter of a century, though one must recognize
Schuller, Rudolf the total or partial strengthening of the postu-
1928 Las lenguas indigenas de Centro Ame- lated relationships between members of some
rica, con especial referenda a los idiomas families, and, occasionally, within the families.
de Costa Rica, xiii + 132 pp. The principal interest of scholars has been
By lexical inspection, finds close rela- directed toward the consolidation of Otoman-
tionships between Xinca and the Maya- guean, a goal which it is hoped will be reached
Quiche languages on the one hand, and in the fairly near future.
Carib-Arawak on the other. Also finds The state of the rest of the linguistic families
Maya-Quiche-Carib-Arawak elements in is not as gratifying. In Mayan, we are relying
the Lenca, Cacao pera, Pay a, Jicaque,
on some recent production which soon will be
Tlappaneco-Yopi languages, the lan-
enlarged bjr the results of investigations now in
guages of Costa Rica, of Western Panama
and, in general, concludes, that the ma- process. There are also isolated modern works
jority of the Central American languages on the Yuman, Zoquean and Totonacan families;
are related to both groups. for the rest, on the other hand, from Uto-Aztecan
to Misquito-Sumo-Matagalpa, there have been
The Xincan, Lencan, Jicaquean and Payan no new contributions in twenty-odd years.
languages are most suitably treated together, The linguistic position of the languages con-
not because their affinity has been proven but sidered here as independent —Tarascan, Cui-
because of the assumed relationships that are tlatec, Huave, Xinca, Lenca, Paya and Jicaque,
thought to have been found between all or some among others — is a«< yet not elucidated.

/ /
 LINGUISTICS

Larger groups such as Zoquean, Mayan and Polynesian or South American languages,
Totonacan, or even more ambitious ones such as although accepted by some, do not have the neces-
Macro-Penutian, which claims to encompass sary scientific backing. It remains to consider
the Penutian, Uto-Aztecan, Mayan and Toto- them as mere hypothetical areas which it would
nacan families, or such as the proposed relation- be advantageous to explore.
ships between Mesoamerican, and Malayo-

REFERENCES
Hervas y Panduro, 1800 Orozco y Berra, 1864
Ibarra Grasso, 1958 Parra and Jimenez Moreno, 1954
Johnson, F., 1940 Pimentel, 1874-75
Leon, N., 1901, 1902, 1922
Radiu, 1919, 1944
McQuown, 1960b
Sapir, 1929a
Mason, 1939, 1940
Meillet and Cohen, 1924 Schmidt, P. \V., 1926
Mendiz£bal and Jimenez Moreno. 1936, 1937, 1939 Thomas, 1902
Miiller, 1888 and Swantou, 1911
Munoz y Manzano, 1892 Viv6, 1941

78
4. Lexicostatistic Classification
r=Jr=if=Jf=Jn=Jf=Jn=]f=dr=Jf=Ji=Jf=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=ir=Jr=Jr^J Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=ir=J

MORRIS SWADESH

0. Introduction earlierspeech form, the peoples speaking

1. Antecedents and history them must have once formed a single com-
2. Over-all classification
munity or at least have had very intimate
3. Tarasco
4. Otopamean and extended contact with descendants of
5. Oaxacan that community. (2) Since degrees of simi-
6. Chinanteco larity among related languages imply de-
7. Huave grees of recency of separation or of con-
8. Subtiaba-Tlappaneco
tinued contact after separation, inferences
9. Manguean
can be drawn bearing on the time and place
10. Cuitlateco
11. Misuluan of prehistoric unity and contacts. (3) Cog-
12. Chibchan nate words, discovered in the process of
13. Yutonahuan demonstrating the common origin of two or
14. Lencan and Xincan of old culture
more languages, give evidence
15. Mayan
traits or features of the physical environ-
16. Mixean
17. Totonacan ment in their common period. (4) Some
18. Coahuiltecan words, not having cognates among the lan-
19. Procedure guages of a related set and identifiable as
20. Lists for classifying the Coahuilan languages
loans from specific sources, give evidence of
prehistoric culture contacts with other
0. Introduction. Prehistory, which has groups. The application of these principles
to be inferred from available evidence, can to prehistory depends on the linguistic
make good use of genetic classifications of determination and evaluation of genetic
language. Their special value results from affinities.

the fact that human communities normally One form of linguistic classification may be
continue in the use of traditional tongues, described as purely compartmental. The
and only rarely adopt those of their neigh- languages of a given area are divided into
bors. In any event, linguistic change is slow groups considered to be unrelated among
and follows more or less traceable norms. themselves and each containing only cognate
Four main principles can be used: (1) tongues. The cognate sets may then be
Where different languages have certain kinds divided and subdivided into mutually exclu-
of similarities which must stem from a single sive subsets, each of which contains members

79
 LINGUISTICS

considered equally divergent from all the pendently of and sometimes in correlation
members of the other parallel groupings. with lexicostatistics, is that of isoglosses.
This conception, in extreme form, is based If linguistic classification is to aid in the
on a rigid model of language differentiation. reconstruction of culture prehistory, it is

It assumes that a language is homogeneous desirable, insofar as possible, that it include

until the speech community splits, and that clues to the time depth of the divergences.
on splitting each fraction begins a period of There cannot actually be any simple measure
separate development unconnected with the com-
of time, because divergence reflects the
remaining segments. An alternate type of bined effect of duration and degree of sepa-
classification, the interlocking, recognizes ration; a given amount of difference may
degrees of affinity depending not only on the come from, say, five centuries of complete
recency of separation but also on the amount lack of contact between
two originally
of contact during the period of differentia- identical speech forms, or from a thousand
tion. This way of viewing linguistic diversifi- years of partial separation. However, the
cation is in keeping with the known fact that problem can at least be narrowed by deter-
linguistic communities develop regional mining a minimum time depth. For example,
variants, with relatively greater similarity in the hypothetic case just mentioned, it

among neighboring dialects and least simi- might be possible, from the comparison of
larity where there is the greatest geographic the two languages, to deduce that the sepa-
and social distance. Abrupt differences usu- ration could not have been less than five
ally result from the disappearance of inter- centuries. In a set of related languages,
mediate types, for example, because of the among which one can establish minimum
expansion of some at the cost of Others. divergence time between each two of them,
Those who use the first form of classifica- one knows that the group ax whole has a
tion do not necessarily deny the subtleties of time depth equal to or exceeding that of the
language differentiation, although they niav minimum separation found anywhere
-t

possibly minimize them to some extent. in To obtain an upper limit of

the complex.
Their main reason for compartmentalizing divergence time, one may compare the lan-
may \h- operational, becaUM it serin- easier guages of the immediate group with other
to make reconstruction- based on the con- more distantly related tongues. Having ob-
cept of coordinate lines of evidence pointing tained, through such procedures, maximum
toward a monolithic prototype traced from and minimum time estimates, one has some
equidistant sister languages; or because they chance of relating the segmentation of the
lack confidence in existing techniques for linguistic group to archaeologically known
subtler forms of reconstruction. Xeverthe- culture sequences.
t is important for the nonlinguist pre- Lexicostatistic glottochronology is the
bistorian to know that there has been ex- only technique BO far which gives any sort of
perimentation in procedures for evaluating a direct measure of minimum time depth.
degrees of affinity and of interconnecting Though based on long established linguistic
languages according to presumed contacts principles, it is still a new procedure, needing
through time. Lexicostatistics is one of further research and experimentation. Some
several such procedures, important at this scholars have held that linguistic change is

moment development of Middle

in the not sufficiently predictable to permit any
American comparative linguistics because it measure of time depth, and this is essentially
has been considerably used in the last eight the case with the great bulk of linguistic
years, either as a principal or a> an auxiliary material. However, "basic" vocabulary has
technique of classification. Another method considerable stability and is relatively little
which has been much used, sometimes inde- affected by cultural changes. Lexicostatislic

80
 I.KXK'OSTATl.sTIC CLASSIFICATION

divergence measures, based on this portion an independent variable. Although this

of language,have by now been attempted in second factor has been recognized theoreti-
thousands of individual cases and have pro- cally for almost a century (J. Schmidt, 1872;
duced results that relate more or less well Schuchardt, 1900) and is on occasion used in
with other evidence. In consequence, it the interpretation of otherwise conflicting
seems justified to hold that lexicostatistic comparative evidence, it has tended to be
time depths can be of value in studies of pre- disregarded in general practice.
history. It is of course necessary to use them The use of quantity of divergence, either
wiili reasonable caution and to understand as a measure of time plus degree of separa-
how they are obtained, to what degree the tion or as an aid in the genetic classification
evidence favors or leaves in doubt their was at first a matter of global
of languages,
and what are the possibilities of
reliability, judgment on the part of each scholar. In the
future improvement. These matters are con- early years of the present century we begin
sidered in the present article along with a to encounter the application of statistical
report on linguistic classifications obtained devices.For example, Kroeber, Barrett, and
with the help of lexicostatistics in Middle Dixon counted and obtained percentages of
America. cognates between each pair of languages in a
The present status and outlook of glotto- family to help determine subgroupings; that
chronology has been well stated by Hymes is, dialects showing a relative high per cent
(1960, p. 3): of cognates were considered to be closer to-
gether genetically than those with lower per-
In the last decade glottochronology has ex- centages. The same procedure applied to sup-
cited international interest and acquired a litera-
posedly unrelated languages, in the hopes of
ture of its own. To the anthropologist it promises
clarifying prehistoric contacts, resulted in
a measure of time depth for language families
without documented history, and yet another the discovery of three new genetic groups,
linguisticexample of regularity in cultural Penutian, Hokan and Ritwan (Dixon and
phenomena. Kroeber, 1919). This type of lexicostatistics
It is tempting to think of reasons why glot-
was employed from time to time in compara-
tochronology should not work, and some find it
tive works. Around 1930 it began to be used
hard to accept the fact that it can. It is tempting
for an anthropologist to use even provisional in studies of Middle American languages
findings of linguistic relationship and time depth, (for example by Weitlaner, cited in Long-
and some find it hard to not to accept them un- acre, 1957).
critically. Either may be unfortunate. Extreme
Sapir, beginning around 1915 (see particu-
skepticism delays the maturity of glottochronol-
larly 1916), applied quantitative concepts in
ogy, and of lexicostatistics, the field of which it is
so far a part. Rash use of provisional results may a very different manner. It consisted in
give way to rash disillusionment. drawing an analogy between the over-all
divergences in a set of languages being
1. Antecedents and History. From the studied with that found in historically known
very beginnings of comparative linguistics, it cases, for example, comparing the amount
has been recognized that amount of change of phonetic, structural and phonological
must be related to time, a principle which differentiation in some Amerindian group
has been well stated, for example, in Sapir's with that of Germanic, Romance or Indo-
words (1916, p. 76): "The greater the degree European, and inferring that the time of
of linguistic differentiation within a stock separation must have been equal to, greater
the greater is the period of time that must or less than these instances. Although he did
be assumed for the development of such not actually count and calculate percentages
differentiation." This formulation lacks only of agreements, his approach was similar to
a specific mention of degree of separation as that of present-day glottochronology in the

81
 LINGUISTICS

fact that it used historical control cases, and the date of the samples compared and apply-
permitted a judgment of the time-depth. ing significance tests to the results; his results
In the thirties, Czekanowski and others tended to confirm the existence of an ap-
(see Kroeber and Chretien, 1937) took up proximately constant level of retention in
the problem of the statistical measurement basic-vocabulary lists.

of affinities, using indexes of sameness and The purpose an index of

of establishing
difference, based on sets of selected phono- retention was to obtain a minimum measure
logical, structural and lexical traits. And of prehistoric separation time derivable from
Loukotka developed a lexicostatistical tech- a count of similarities and differences in
nique for the classification of South Amer- cognate historic languages. It was necessary
ican languages, which employed a standard on the one hand to determine an average or
list of 36 meanings and grouped languages normal rate in basic vocabulary, and on the
according to the percentage of apparent other hand to provide a technique for relat-
cognates. ing the languages under study to such a rate.
The impulse that led to the development The measuring instrument is the diagnostic
of lexicostatistic glottochronology came from word-list, consisting of a standardized set of
outside the linguistic field. In 1948, noting semantic items, defined in a convenient
the -access and importance of archeological operational whether English,
language,
dating by radioactive carbon, I sought a Spanish, French, Russian (to mention some
comparable technique based on a predeter- used SO Far) or any other. One obtains the
mined measure of the resistance to change in most -used everyday expression for each
The most suitable part of
linguistic material. item in each of the linguistic complexes being
language for this pun med to be vo- compared. Comparing two lists, one scores

cabulary, since it provided a large number for agreements, that is, whether they do or
of individual items, but these had to be non- do not use the same original element to
cultural elements, "basic" word-, long recog- express a given semantic item, sameness
nized by linguistic-science to be the least being judged apart from variations in

affected by the upe and down- of culture phonetic or morphologic detail that ma\ re-

lii-iory. was not expected that the index

It flect normal alternations in a given stage of
of time depth would prove even remotely a language or historic changes, as long as
accurate, but only that it would provide they do not involve the replacement of one
Borne kind of objective orientation for time essential form with another. To obtain the
estimate.-. The author supposed that there rate of retention between two stages of a
w;i- some lower limit to the rate of retention, language, one earlier and the other later.
conditioned by the fact that language is the one divides the logarithm of the per cent of
principal means of communication in every retained item- by the number of time units
society and has to -erve continuously which separate the two samples. The average
through the generations, but he believed of retention rates in all the test cases is taken
that changes sometime- occurred much as the index for determining minimum time
more -lowly. When he formed a diagnostic paration in the unknown cases. Tin
word list and applied it to BOme historically typical application to prehistory consists of
known control ca-es, that is languag comparing the diagnostic lists "I two lan-
which material was available for an earlier guages, known or supposed have once
to
and a later period, lie was surprised to find been identical. Assuming independence of
some approximate agreement in the reten- development, or, in other words, that the
tion rates (Swadesh, 1951 . La substitution- in one line of development
extended the test to several historic in- agree only by accident with those in the
stance-, using special caution to guarantee other, a minimum .separation lime is ob-

82
LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

taiiicdby dividing the logarithm of common been subjected to serious critical evaluation
retention by twice that of the unit retention. by scholars who question either the validity
In practice, to avoid laborious arithmetic of the method or specific results obtained
and mechanical errors, one uses precalcu- with it in given eases.

lated equivalence tables (see Swadesh, 1960e, The first study of Middle American lan-
p. 103). guages in the light of glottochronologic
As might be expected, the use of lexico- lexicostatistics was a brief treatment of the
statistic glottochronology has raised many Uto-Nahuan group, submitted by the pres-
questions of theory and practice, some of ent author to the Round Table Conference
minor detail, others of broad principle. Par- of the Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologia in
ticularly interesting has been the application 1951. How ever,
it was not published in its
r

of the method to many different language original form, but later expanded into some-
groups in all parts of the world, with im- what more complete analysis of the group
portant improvements in theory and tech- mentioned with a special focus on Nahua
nique coming out of this experience. De- (1954c). In the meantime there appeared a
velopments have been summarized and paper relating Jicaque to Hokan (Greenberg
analyzed by Hymes (1960). From this work and Swadesh, 1953) and another on the rela-
and from the nature of other subsequent tionship of Huastec to Yucatec in the Mayan
studies, seems evident that the scientific
it family (Swadesh, 1953). The method was
examination of the rate and nature of vo- applied to the Popolocan group by Maria
cabulary change has come to be recognized Teresa Fernandez de Miranda (1956). An
as an essential problem of linguistics and interesting study of Mazatec dialect grada-
the science of culture, and it is to be expected tion as measured by lexicostatistics was
that the future will bring better and more made by Sarah Gudschinsky (1958a).
accurate applications of glottochronology to Bright (1956) returned to the question of
the problems of prehistory. At the current Hokan-Coahuiltecan interrelation ships in

moment, comparative linguists differ con- the light of glottochronology, including a

siderably in the place they grant to lexico- consideration of the effect of insufficient
statistics in their work. Some regard it with material and inadequate knowledge of
considerable suspicion or reserve judgment phonology.
for a distant future when it has been thor- Most significant for the development of
oughly tested from every angle or when it has lexicostatistics in the Middle American field
undergone improvements. Others, like my- was its inclusion in a project of the Consejo
self,while recognizing the need for continued de Lenguas Indigenas, relative to the linguis-
study, consider it a valuable tool even in its tic complex known as "Oto-Manguean,"
present state. Needless to say, as is true of begun in 1956 in anticipation of the Oaxaca
other evidence used by prehistorians, its Round Table Conference of the Sociedad
indications need to be treated, not as im- Mexicana de Antropologia. The aim was to
mutably certain prehistoric events, but only gather materials in the field and to make the
as clues to be tested against other lines of necessary comparative study of them, in
evidence. order to confirm or correct the theory of rela-
The application of glottochronologic lexi- tionship among these languages. To this
costatistics toMiddle American languages end, several students of the Escuela Na-
began soon after its first discovery, and has tional de Antropologia did survey work in
continued to be used by a number of different various parts of Oaxaca in the vacation
scholars. In consequence this field is thus far period, December 1956 to February 1957,
one of the best studied lexicostatistically. It collecting vocabulary and grammatical
is also an area in which the technique has notes along with data on place names, kin-

83
 LINGUISTICS

ship and selected points of ethnography, in depths found are not absolute, but minimum,
towns speaking Zapoteco, Mixteoo, Chocho- measures, and (2) that the method still
Popoloca and Chinanteco. Comparable data needs considerable further research and ex-
from other areas were supplied by workers of perimentation. In other sessions of the week-
the Institnto National Indigenista and of long conference, members Oto-Man-
of the
the Summer Institute oi Linguist ies. sta- guean seminar presented on the
papers
tioned in various Oaxacan towns. These glottoehronology of Ohinanteean, "Macro
materials and published data were submitted Mixtecan" (Mixtecan, Cuicatecan, Amusgo
to comparative study in a research seminar and Trique), and Chatino-Zapotecan. These
conducted by Robert J. Weitlaner. Maria and additional lexieostatistie time depths
Teresa Fernandez de Miranda, and myself, wen. incorporated into the paper prepared for
1

in the academic year oi 1957. the Oaxaca Round Table Conference (Weit-
In July L957, the Consejo de Lenguas laner, Fernandez de Miranda, and Swadesh,
[ndtgenas heW a conference, railed the 1960). In general, the previous Oto-Manguean
Somana Week), on
Lingufstica (Linguistic hypothesis was confirmed, but it was sug-
the subject of Cdottoehronology and the gested that ami possibly
Tlappanecan
Oto-Manguean Languages. Its aims were: Buave should be included; Chinantecan ap-
examine certain criticisms which had peared to be somewhat removed from the
been made as to the validity of glotto- others, in terms oi the lexieostatistie tests
chronology, as a deciding to what made.
extent this procedure OOukl and should bo The year 1957 also saw the publication oi
in the Oto-Manguean project Mutt can by Longacre, mentioning
provide an opportunity for linguists to pre- lexieostatistie counts made by Weitlaner.
sent studies on various languages; ami (3) to Fernandez de Miranda, and Gudsehinskx ;

help bring together the conclusions to U> and the presentation of Arena's thesis

presented in the mam linguistic re|>ort for (published in 1959), giving the lexieostatistie
the Oaxaca conference. Although it wai position of a number of dialects oi Mixtecan
tended to publish the paper^ ami discussions in relation to each other and to Cuicatec,

single volume bood after the conference, AmusgO and Trique.

pan of the plan has not
this yet materialised, In 1958 there appeared Hale's study.
A Dumber of the papers Internal Diversity in Although
I'to-Aztecan.
imintM>graphed form or have been subse- it was apparently made without knowledge
quently published elsewhere. A> a ba- of the present author's previous work, the
the methodological consideration, Hymes results agree to a remarkable extent (com-
prepared a paper on Tin- Strategy of mented m Hymes, 1960, p. 23). In the
•it- on "Some Americanist Congress of that year, several
t Criti I Cdottochrono!. papers involving lexieostatistie- were pre-
Twv -
of the conference were devoted sented. In one, by Arana Osnaya (published
to tl. on oi this subject, ending with 1959b), the isolated Cuitlatec language was
statements by Pedro Bosch-Gimpera, -peak- shown to be related to Oto-Nahuan and to

ing as an archae<->log:-t. by Paul KirchhotT, as Chibchan, and more distantly to other lan-
an ethi _ st, and by William L. Womlerly, guage group>. In another, read by title and
A final resolution was then not published, Yblanda Lastra attempted
adopted, re© - _ ttochronology the placement of the Chibchan languages by
ahiable tool for prehistory, Manr.que (1958
lexieostatistie-. In a third,

even though it had to be QSed with caution; an internal classification of the <>to-
the main reservations that the time Pamean langui - - \- part of my paper on
-
LEXICOSTATIST1C CLASSIFICATION

the linguistics of the region between the tributed a specially prepared pamphlet on
high culture areas, I (1959a) attempted to the Indian languages of Mexico (Swadesh,
give an over-all classification of American 1959c), with a revised lexicostatistic classifi
languages, using lexicostatistics as the cri- cation.
terion. This classification was radically re- In a monograph on the relations of tin
vised before the publication of the paper, and Popolocan family to Mixtecan, Cuicatec,
was later further modified in three subse- and Trique, Gudschinsky (1959c) implied
quent publications (Swadesh, 1959b, 1959c, that these relations were far closer than any
1960b); an additional modification, recog- involving Zapotecan. This stimulated the
nizing the continuity of "Macro-Mayan" present author to prepare a revised syn-
and "Macro-Hokan,") appears for the first thesis and evaluation of the evidence for
time in the present article. internal grouping of the languages of the
In 1959 two conferences gave occasion for Oto-Manguean complex. Besides giving
the presentation of further lexicostatistic lexicostatistic and documentation,
figures
work. In the Chiapas Round Table Confer- it examines structural and phonetic iso-

ence, held in San Cristobal de las Casas in glosses, holding them to be in consonance
May, McQuown presented the linguistic with the lexicostatistics. Evidence, both
results of the Chiapas project of the Uni- lexicostatistic and isoglottic, was offered
versity of Chicago; in it, lexicostatistics had for the inclusion of Huave in a single con-
been employed, along with other techniques: tinuum with Zapotecan-Mixtecan-Trique-
(a) to determine whether Tzeltal and Tzotzil Popolocan and Otopamean. However, by
should be considered as two languages or as a the time the paper appeared in print, con-
continuum; (b) to place Tzeltal
single dialect tinuing studies suggested the further in-

and Tzotzil with respect to other languages clusion of Manguean-Tlap-

Chinantecan,
of the Maya family; and (c) to discover panecan, Lencan, Xincan, Mayan, Yuto-
phenomena of internal linguistic variation Nahuan and still other stocks. In a paper
within each town. Weitlaner, Fernandez de prepared for the Americanist Congress of
Miranda, and Swadesh (1959) employed Vienna and in a popular monograph (Swa-
lexicostatistics to confirm the relationship of desh, 1960b) a complex was proposed with
Mangue to the Popolocan family and to the name of "Macro-Mayan" and which
Mixtecan using the cognate percentages included the bulk of the languages of Middle
not for dating but for determining degrees America. In these same papers, a new syn-
of relationship among the reconstructed thesis was offered for all American languages,
proto languages of Manguean, Popolocan grouped into six major nets, related among
and Mixtecan. In another paper (1960c) I each other and with farther relationship
attempted to give the glottochronologic extending to all the languages of the world.
relations of all the Chiapas languages to Toward the end of 1960 a thorough lexico-
each other. One of the new relations pointed statistic study of the Mayan group was
out in this paper, that of Xinca and Lenca attempted (Swadesh, 1960d), characterized
to Mayan and to Uto-Nahuan, was taken by full or nearly full diagnostic lists for all

up in greater detail in a study by Roberto but two languages of the stock and a con-
Escalante and Lorraine Faier (1959) pre- cise technique for indicating items counted
sented before the Annual Meeting of the cognate. The data was arranged in a form
American Anthropological Association, held adapted to use in an electronic computer,
in Mexico, in December of the same year. and the calculations were made electronic-
On the occasion of this meeting, the Escuela ally. This made it possible and easy to
Nacional de Antropologia e Historia dis- include all possible correlations, since all of

85
 LINGUISTICS

the 253 pairs among 23 languages could be and numerous identified cognates; others
computed in about an hour. Since the time were more or less tentative, based upon the
factor has on occasion led to a limitation observation some of structural feature,
of the number
made, this pro- of counts supported perhaps by a scattering of lexical
cedure promises to improve lexicostatistic similarities. Moreover, quite aside from
work in the future. the amount of scientific knowledge that
had been accumulated, there were evi-
After the submission of this article and before
dently great differences in the closeness of
its publication, glottochronological studies have

produced some realignments of the relationships relationship. For example, even though
presented here. The most notable in connection both Hokan-Coahuiltecan and Uto-Nahuan
with Middle American languages is the deter- could be supported by scientific evidence,
mination of a relationship of intermediate time- it was obvious that the former was far more
depth between Tarasco and the previously recog-
diversified and, by inference, represented
nized Maya-Mixezoquean-Totonacan complex
(Swadesh, 1966). As calculated by Arana Osnaya
a great deal more time depth. In some cases
(1966), Mixezoquean, Totonacan, and Tarasco there were conflicting theories as to the
form a continuum in this order, for which she affinities of the groups, and much skepti-
__ ~ts the name Porbesoquean. Confirming cism as to relation-
the reality of certain
previous notions, Mixezoquean is the closest to
ships. sum, the theories of several gen-
In
Mayan, and Tarasco to Quechua. Mayan, Por-
erations of comparative linguists had posed
h soquean, and Quechuan are thus adjoining
divisions in the Macro-Mayan phylum. Zufii is many problems which demanded solution.
[ tund to Bank Maya as well as Tarasco, on the Ideas as to the precise mode
them of solving
if the (1 -50 mc. criterion, discussed farther varied. Some main faith in
placed their
en The regrouping
is indirectly supported by
attempts at reconstruction: if one tried to
demonstration that Zufii aligns with Cali-
reconstruct a proto language and if the
fornia Penutian (Newman, 1964) and Chipaya
of Bolivia with Mayan (Obon, 1964, L96! effort succeeded, this would obviously
Longacre 1966) baa proposed 1
realignment of indicate genetic unity. Others thought that
Amuzgo, separating it from Mixtecan and mak- the best key was provided by isoglosses
ing it just another division of Momanguean. His <

or perhaps the discovery of a Bet of common

evidt :to me to !>e based on a one-sided
-

structural feature-, or a sufficiently good

concept of common innovation, involving a re-
Liance on a very few points of phonology without list of lexical agreements. Obviously, a
i for the phenomena of i80gk>ttio areal ex- combination of these criteria was worth
tension of similar features, which so often shape more than any of them taken alone. At
the total picture. This leave- ins ease inconclu-
certain points (plant it at lve problems would
sive.
have to be considered, in order to determine
•_'. ( )V!.i; w.\ riCA iion. Before the whether greater or lesser degrees of affinity

use of lexicostatistic techniques of clasaifi- were involved.

. the languages of Middle America The use of glottochronologic lexicosta-

were divided among a broad groups, tisticsgave a new aspect to the problem of
including Macro-Penutian, Hokan-Coa- language classification. The technique per-
builtecan, Uto-Nahuan (Uto-Astecan), mitted a quick preliminary judgment as to
Mayan or Macro-Mayan, Misulpayan, the possibilties of relationship between two
ro-Chibchan, along with certain languages, obtainable by the simple com-
-.tied languages, like Taj parison of a fairly short list of words from
CuitJ Guaicura. Some of the each of them; or between two families by
groups were well established, with a more taking lists representing at least one lan-
or less developed theory of phonological guage from each of them. In this way it

correspondence among the member lan- was possible to confirm McQuown's theory
I
3, i known characteristic structure that Totonacan, Zoquean and Mayan were

86
LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

probably related to each other, and that to areas in which we now have only a
Huave, considered by some to belong with sampling, will doubtless cause some re-

Zoquean, stood at a distance from any of grouping of the families. Nevertheless, we

the other three (Swadesh, 1954b); further, are closer to a definitive over-all classifi-

that Chibchan was related to Yuto-Nahuan cation than at any time so far.
(op. cit.). However, such preliminary com- If, as the evidence I have studied seems
parisons leftopen doubts due to uncertain to show, the languages of Middle America
cognate identification. This called for care- are genetically related to each other and to
fulstudy of phonologic agreements covering those of the rest of America and possibly
not only the words contained in the 100- of the whole world, there can no longer be
item diagnostic list but also a sufficient any question as to whether languages are
amount of additional material to establish related but only as to how closely. With
or to at least make probable the historical reference to those ofMiddle America.
reality of the assumed phonemic develop- with the exception of some for which we have
ments. It was also necessary to develop a so far been unable to find the necessary
structural theory for each linguistic group, lexical data, we are able to offer a pro-
to support the agreements and to
lexical visional classification placing them all

eliminate the possibility that the vocabulary within a single continous network. Sup-
similarities might be due to lexical borrow- porting evidence has been published for
ings alone. much of the complex (see Swadesh, 1954b,
Still other problems arose from the fact 1960a, 1960c; Arana, 1959b), and some
that not all the languages of each set are additional proof is given for the first time
equally related to those of another grouping. in the present article.
Thus, Chinanteco appeared to be a long The affirmation of kinship is based on the
way from Zapotecan as long as it was com- existence of common elements far greater
pared with the Isthmus dialect, but proved than could be produced by chance and in
to be not nearly so remote from that of number and type not attributable to bor-
Ixtlan. Again much depends on the dis- rowing. If a critic (Longacre, 1961a) has
covery of the correct intermediate groups described our evidence for Zapotecan-
Thus, the comparison of Manguean with Huave kinship as "tantalizing and sug-
Mayan and Uto-Nahuan did not suggest gestive" but holds that "it may well be
itself as at all promising until each of them questioned whether or not such data . . . con-
was compared with Lencan. stitute a demonstration of the alleged re-
These facts account for the uneven pro- lationship," it is evidently because he does

gress of lexicostatistic classification of not relate the problem to the statistical

Middle American languages. The first measure of the chance factor; nor does he
efforts, aimed mainly at testing previous propose any alternate technique. For simi-
theories, shed new light on certain points of larities involving two or more phonemes
affinitywhile leaving others unchanged. pure chance would give approximately one
Gradually something like a total picture was or two instances in a list of 100 elements,
brought into focus, with some details still but the case in point shows over 20, about
unclear or distorted. Even today (1961) we 10 times more than the chance factor. Much
do not have the last word. New studies in remains to be done in the line of determining
comparative phonology and improved ety- exact phonetic correspondences, structural
mological knowledge of individual words will divergence and semantic change, in order
modify some of the present-day lexico- to make full use of the evidence for his-
statistic counts. Furthermore, the applica- torical reconstruction, but the proof of
tion of the technique in thorough fashion relationship as such is already strong. The
87
 a -

/ v_'
EURASIA NORTH AMERICA /
"> i

indoeuropeanlSO* baskodennean
-SI^ MACRO
69 90 \ MAYAN
96 ^.s

,59
59
MACRO MACRO
' j GONGOAN
—t^— 1'\8( — QUECHUAN
96
ARAWAKAN
100
67
55,
SOUTH
KOISAN MACRO *..__.-. '

CARIBAN AMERICA/
AFRICA

I—THE WORLD LINGUISTIC NET. Divergences in minimum centuries.

critic mentioned also takes exception to the The relationship among the languages
idea of "multilateral and gradient" rela- takes the form of a more or less continuous
tions as "a novel view of linguistic kinship — network. The division of the net is possible
view which all but jettisons any useful con- only if one takes, more or less arbitrarily,
cept of linguistic relationship" (op. cif.. pp. definite criteria of divergence. For the pur-
I). Actually there is nothing novel pose of fixing a limited number of major
al>out this principle, since was formulated
it groups, which may be called phyla, we have
. and has been re-empha- taken -")0 minimum centuries as the break
many time- since then. Longacre jK)int, uniting languages in one set if they
b imself recognizee the concept, for he Bays have 50 me. or less divergence with respect
(1961a, p. 106 Within a l>ona tide dialect toBOme other included language and making
. .the situation is indeed somewhat as a separationwhere all the members of one
Swadesh posits, in that dialect borrowing group show more than 50 mc. of diver-
it a relatively early stage of differentiation gence with respect to all those in the other.
often leaves its trace- in a bewildering web of This gives evidently 11 phyla in the world
Evidently the problem is not linguistic net, five in America. We break
whether "multilateral and gradient" rela- down the units of this net into major di-
hut only whether those pro]
•
.
visions using a criterion of 40 mc. The

genuine. This question we leave to classification of .Middle American languages

future scientific study, urging only that the is thus shown in figure 2. The further break-
strength of each case be considered on the down of each division is discussed in subse-
ba.-is of the actual evidence and not merely quent sections of the present chapter.
in the light of the enthusiasm of its pro- The diagrams show minimum divergence
ponent or the vehemence of it- critic. time a- presently calculated. The figures

Tentative time depths Lexicostatistically within each box represent the largest
calculated among Middle American lan- amount as between extreme languages
guages go a- high as 95 minimum centuries. within the unit. The onfigures appearing
In certain difficult extreme points, where the dividing between divisions and
lines

el Keen made to j
on the double-headed arrows connecting
determine time depth, one .-upposes that phyla represent the minimum divergence
the figure will prove higher. between adjoining groups. Inter-phylum

88
 MACRO
QUECHUAN

MACRO ARAWAKAN
Fig. 2 INTERRELATIONSHIPS OF MIDDLE AMERICAN LANGUAGES

divergences have been calculated only in a guages into the study, since one of them
few hence are not necessarily the
cases, may prove to be intermediate in the chain
only contact points among them. In all of relationship. Some day there will be
instances, the unit of divergence is the enough study of the comparative phonology
minimum century (mc), that is, we repre- and morphological detail of the cognate
sent the least amount of centuries in which languages to eliminate or at least to mini-
the divergence might have developed, as mize uncertainties in the lexicostatistic
calculated lexicostatistically. counts. For the moment our results con-
It will be seen that the divisions of phyla tinue to be provisional.
in our scheme agree in large part with the In the discussion ofmake-up of
the
old long-recognized families and stocks. linguistic groups we often have to decide
The broader groups of earlier theories in whether we are dealing with mere variants
many cases are found to constitute con- of one language or separate tongues. We
tinuous parts of one of our phyla. However, have here adopted the criterion of 5 mc;
there are also points of contact among that is, if one can pass from one speech
these continua which were not suspected type to the next without exceeding this
previous to the use of the lexicostatistic criterion, we speak of the dialects of a
method. single language. If the measure is more
It has been found in the past that a than 5 mc. but not more than 10 mc, we
re-examination of diagnostic lists after a speak of a "close complex." From 11 mc.
period of detailed study frequently gives a to 25 mc. we use as criterion of a "family."
different measure of lexicostatistic di- In giving names to the complexes we use
vergence, sometimes a little greater, often the -an ending (e.g., Popolocan, Mixtecan)
a little less than that previously found. for families and more disparate groups,
Sometimes, too, new interrelations among but not for "close complexes."
the groups are found by bringing new lan- It should not be forgotten that the sepa-

89
 BASCODENNEAN

k\\\\\\|
MACRO
QUECHUAN MACRO
ARAWAKAN
l\. l 1 unci. \ I [ONSHIPS 01 MIDDLE AMERICAN LANGU IGES. Among themselves and
with other \>w Worid languages Divergences in minimum centuries

ration of the languages into phyla is rela- venience. Vfacro Mayan. This entity con-
tive. For example, we tm<l that Taraseo- of l"> divisions which are located, in

Matlatainca is measured at only 7 mc. more their entirety or in a substantial part,

divergent than the limit of ."><)
mc, which within Middle
America; it also includes
would have led to Betting up a continuous Tucanoan South America and a number
in

phylum m the place of the present Macro- of division- in North America, including
Vlayan and Macro-Quechuan. Similarly Sapir'fi lok.ui Siouan; his IVnutian; and
I

Yutonahuan and Coahuiltecan approach his Algonkian Mosan, except for Waka-
Campan of the Macro-Arawakan net. Since shan. In addition, we have in Middle
tho counts are tentative, it is not impossible America, a -ingle language, Taraseo, be-
that corrections in the future may modify longing Macro-Quechuan, a phylum
to
the present picture. located in South America except for Taraseo
\- things stand, we find that the hulk of and Zunian (Zuni-Keres) in Mexico and
Middle American languages belong to a North America.
single continuum, called, purely for con- The comparison of the relationship dia-

'.»()
 ?

sapir's hokan-siouan \fftfA

JIMENEZ-MORENO'S ZOQUE-MAYA

sapir'.s penutian JIMENEZ-MORENO'S OTO-MANGUEAN

sapir's algonkian-mosan JIMENEZ-MORENO'S XINCA-LENCA

/ / / / / /

sapir's tano-aztecan

sapir calls doubtful ISOLATED OR NOT TREATED

IN THE TWO CLASSIFICATIONS
Fig. 4-A COMPARISON OF LEXICOSTATISTIC WITH OTHER CLASSIFICATIONS. Lexicosta-
tistic classification shown by the collocation of the boxes, as in the larger diagram.

gram, showing the order of linguistic affin- does not assume that all the linguistic
ities, with the geographic distribution of the
differentiation took place in the present
peoples in historic times, leads to some in- locations. The general scheme of affinities
ferences of prehistoric movements. One as seen here must have begun in the breadth

91
 ;

LINGUISTICS

with the aetual prehistory. In very tentative

fashion, one might suggest a reorientation
of part of the diagram, with Mixean,Mayan,
Lencan and Vutonahuan more to the
north and with languages like Oaxacan and
Otopamean in the south alongside Chibchan
3. Tarasco. Lexicostatistics confirms the

isolated status of Tarasco, for counts at-

tempted with various other languages have
shown no affinity at less than about 45 inc.
of divergence, the figure found with relation
to Zuni to the north and with Quechua to
the south. These more distant relationships
place Tarasco in the phylum we have called
YUTONAMUAN Maero-Quechuan, the bulk of whose mem
EXPANSION
bers are located in South America, with
NON -VUTONAHUAN
EXPANSION only Tarasco and Zuni-Keresan in the

Ml NTS north. The affinity of Tarasco with Quechua

Fio. 5 PREHISTORIC M()\ I OF
I \\. ,i \r.ES and Aymara is reflected also in structure,
since all of them show pronounced develop-
of the northern continent above Mexico, ment of suflLxmg and some agreement in
rather than is the narrow funnel-shaped the kinds of sufllxes used. In the field of
area of middle America. In the general phonetics, it is interesting to note that
movement southward, languages of the Zuni has globalized stops alongside the
Macro Quechuan complex must have ante- simple, Tarasco has aspirates, whereas
ceded those of .Macro-Mayan, hut Zunian Keresan, Quechua and Aymara use all
and Tarasco moved less rapidly and con- three. Presumably the triple contrast
tinued in contact with Macro-Mayan groups. archaic, whereas Tarasco and Zuni have
. ident that Vutonahuan did not change each eliminated one of the types. St rue
location t>odily hut stretched <>ut terri- tural differences of Zuni and of Keresan
torially, vanguard maintaining contact
its with respect to Tarasco and Quechua may
with Cuitlatec and Chibchan while it still be due in part to long separation and in
occupied large territoriee to the north. part to differences in trend even when they
Various groups which had been to the north formed part of a single speech community
must have by-passed a number of Vutona- in technical terms, they were separated by a

huan tribi to their present locations. structural isOgJoss.

The vanguard of Coahuiltecan langU The closesi affinity so far observed be-

intercrossed and in part went ahead of those tween Tarasco and Macro .Mayan lan-

belonging to Mixean and Mayan. guages i- that of Tarasco-Matlatzinca,

In all such attempts at inferring pre- with a count of 57 me. If this is at least

historic movements bom lexicostatistic approximately correct, the inference -

data, it should he remembered that the that Tarasco anciently was in less intimate
more distant affinities are the hardest to contact with Otopamean languages than
calculate and that, m consequence, only a with Zuni and Quechua. Presumably sonic
Bmall part of the points of minimum di- dialects now lost were located in between
vergence are as yet known. Without doubt, early forms of the languages mentioned but
future studies will make possible improved with a stronger reparation on the Macro
arrangements of the data in better keeping Mayan side.

92
 -

LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

We list below the words of Quechua and of divergence,and gives estimates of mini-
Tarasco which were counted cognate in mum (e.g., Swa-
time depth. Other studies
obtaining the index of divergence. Zuni desh, 1960a) place the group with respect
forms (marked Z.) are given where they to other linguistic entities. The lexicostatistic
appear to be also cognate. It is interesting figures which follow are based on Manrique,
to note the proportion of three-way agree- as revised in the present volume.
ments, which come to 7 per cent. With Pamean consists of Northpame and South
about a fourth cognates for Queehua- pame, which are fairly divergent and have
Tarasco and the same amount of Tarasco- to be plotted separately because they show
Zuni, one would expect one-sixteenth to noticeably different relationship with refer-
agree in all three, and the actual amount ence to other subdivisions of Otopamean.
practically coincides with the expectable. Southpame comes within 30 mc. of Matla-
tzinca, thus permitting Pame and Matla-
'what' ima emdrfka
tzinca-Ocuilteco to be joined in a single
'no' rnana dmpi
subdivision of Otopamean, which may be
'many' as-kha kani-
called Matlatzincan.
'woman' war-mi wali
The greatest internal divergence is 55
'root' saphi sirdyka (Z. lak w imo-)
mc, found between Chichimeca Jonaz and
'small' hu-c? u sapi (Z. fa-)
either Matlatzinca or Otomian. Pamean is
'skin' qara s4-k w iri (Z. fikk wa)
intermediate, showing 34-36 mc. of di-
'blood' yawar yuli-ri
vergence from Jonaz, 30-45 mc. in relation
'grease' tika tepdri
to the others. Southpame has evidently
'horn' waqra si-wayk wa
developed in closer contact to Otomian and
'tail' cupa cheti
Matlatzinca, since it shows divergences of
'feather' pura phurjk wdri
36 mc. and 30 mc. with these as against 45
'mouth' simi pen-cumi-
mc. and 40 mc. for Northpame. The internal
'tongue' qalu katdmpa (Z. hmini)
divergence of Pamean has been found to be
'teat' k ? in-cu i4u-
17 mc. That of Otomian 16; within Otomi,
'die' wanu- wdli-
dialects show up to 8 mc. of divergence.
'kilP wanu-ci- wdn-ti-ku-
Only a preliminary figure for Matlatzinca-
'come' hamu- hula- (Z. H-)
Ocuilteco divergence has been determined;
'say' ni- ali-
it is approximately 10 mc. The remaining
'moon' kila kukdla
division of Otopamean, namely Chichimeca
'star' quylur hos-k wa
? uni
Jonaz, is a single language without notable
'hot' q hole- (Z. Wali)
dialect divergences.
'burn' kana- kuli- (cf. T. khali-,
Of external divergences, the closest that
Z. k?usa 'dry')
has been observed is between Mazahua
'road' nan Isayd-ru- (Z. 9 ona-)
(Otomian) and Ixcateco of the Popolocan
(*§nan)
subdivision of Oaxacan. The measure is 49
'white' yura urd-
'night'
mc, falling below our break-point, which
tuta curi- (Z. tehli-)
'cold'
places Otopamean in the Macro-Mayan
ciri <f,ira- (Z. tefe)
network. Another outward point of contact
4. Otopamean. The unity
of Otomian, is the measure of 57 mc of divergence be-
Matlatzinca-Ocuilteco,Chichimeco Jonaz, tween Matlatzinca and Tarasco, providing
and Pemean has long been recognized. The the link between Macro-Mayan and Macro-
Manrique (1958)
lexicostatistical analysis of Quechuan, as already mentioned.
confirms the grouping, defines the relative 5. Oaxacan. We propose the name Oaxa-
position of its members in terms of degrees can for a group of languages almost entirely

93
 OTOPAMEAN

MIXTECAN TRIQUE
(39)
36
;

ZAPOTECAN n// / CHINANTECO

50 //

[NTERNAL AND EXTERNAL RELATIONSHIPS OF OAXACAN Divergences in mini-

centuries.

within the state of Oaxaca and occupying more marked. respect, Chigmeca-
In this
the bulk of its territory in colonial times. t and Cuyameealco-San
itlaii-Tlalteinpan
It includefi eight Languages or close com- Juanico stand apart from each other and
3: Mazateco, Chocho-Ixcateco-Popo- from the large remaining complex. Tims
Amuzgo, Mixteco, Cuicateco, Trique, it might be correct to recognize three Mixtec

Chatino. The unity oi various languages, but common usage applies a

and combinations among these lan- single name to all of them. A relatively close
- was recognised beginning long ago, farther relationship between Cuicateco and
but there were imoei ;<> which Mixte.o i- recognized by all scholars; Arana
and how many languages belonged together. (1959a) find- the divergence to be 2.") me.
With tin- use of the ten tic diagnostic at the closest, with roped to the Mixteco
techi possible t<> marshal] evi- dialect of Mechoacan, and at the farthest
for kinship and to define the sequence 31 inc., with respect to Tlaltempan. Based
of the m within a single network. on the -mailer figure, Cuicateco Mixtecan
Gudschinsky (1950* the tezico- may be called a linguistic family. Amuzgo
I i«- Masateco
internal div< rg of has been found to have 29 .'5.">
mc. of di-

at 10 me Fernandez de Miranda (1956) Q06 from Mixteco, showing minimum

tind- 12 me of divergence in Chocho-Popo- disparity with reference to such dialects as
m a triangle showing -V s (
'

Cuyamecalco and Huitepec, and maximum

mc, P-l 12 inc., I-C (
.» inc.; Mazatc with regard to Mechoacan; Amuzgo-Cuica-
ttla ~1h.'. 24 mc. of divergence teco divergence was found to be 39 mc.
with reference t<> the former three languages. Since no other language showed a divergence
These findings confirm the relatively dose of 30 mc or less with respect 1o any of
unity of a family of languages, including the three and since they at their closest
the four languages mentioned, which may points fall within this figure, Mixteco,
be called Chochan. Cuicateco and Amuzgo may be regarded as
Mixteco is a large network of local dia- a subdivision of Oaxacan; we call the group
.with up to 15 mc. of divergence Mixtecan.
(Arana, 1959a). From one town to the next, Slightly further removed stands Trique,
the divergence is often no more than 2-4 with 34-39 mc. of divergence from Mixteco;
mc, but at certain points the separation is 39 mc. with reference to Cuicateco and 45

94
 -

LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

with respect to Amuzgo. Its closest con- contact since the common Proto-Mixtec
tact Mixteco was found with relation
in period." Now, in the normal interpretation
to the Santo Tomas dialect, the farthest of lexicostatistical evidence, divergence is

with respect to Cuyumecalco (Arana, 1959a). precisely the product of time of separation
Ix)ngacre (1961a) strongly objects to the as tempered by degree of continued con-
"separation" Trique from Mixteco-
of tact. Hence the supposed objection amounts
Cuicatecan, even though the amount of only to a suggestion as to the specific manner
added divergence is only 6 mc. In support in which the divergences came about.
of his position, he adduces counts of com- With reference to Zapotecan, there are
mon phonetic features and of shared mean- insufficient figures on the dialects to give
ings among Mixteco, Cuicateco and Trique, an adequate picture of their cohesions. The
showing that some patterns of greater and few available scores seem to confirm the
less agreements do not coincide with those existence of three or four separate languages
of lexicostatistics. His use of this supposed in a close complex. The maximum diver-
evidence is merely negative, in that while it gence among them about 20 mc. Cha-
is

does not necessarily support the lexico- tino is separate, with from 18 to 24 mc. of
statistic findings, neither does it demon- divergence from various Zapoteco dialects,
strate his own theory. Moreover, Longacre the closest being Miahuatlan, linguistically
has himself said (1961a, p. 401): "...the as well as geographically. Chatino and
grain of truth in glottochronology is . . . Zapoteco together thus form a family of
that languages in their most intimate and languages constituting a subdivision of
and basic stocks of vocabulary TEND to Oaxacan.
change at about the same rate." But no In the totality of Oaxacan, Mixtecan is
one has ever found, and there is indeed central. It is removed from Chochan by
evidence to the contrary, that phonetic 39 mc, as scored between Ixcateco and
changes take place at anything like a con- San Miguel Mixteco. With respect to
stant rate. Hence the number of phonetic Zapotecan, 36 mc. of divergence have been
isoglosses cannot be used as a measure of found between San Miguel Mixteco and
time nor as an index of degree of relation- Ixtlan Zapoteco. The closest Mixteco
ship, except in an extremely approximate Trique figure is 34 mc, as already men-
sense. The relevance of Longacre's data on tioned. The largest internal divergence of
"shared meanings" as an index of diver- Oaxacan as a whole seems to be 66 mc,
gence lacks a definition as to the extent to found between Mazateco and Isthmus
which it mixes basic vocabulary and cul- Zapoteco. Another extreme dimension is
ture terms, and the degree in which it may that of Mazateco and Trique, tentatively
be influenced by the uneven amounts of placed at 64 mc.
material, in terms of number of dictionary The closest external ties of Oaxacan are
items and of dialect variations, used in the with Otopamean, Huave and Chinanteco,
study. In another portion of this critique as represented by: Mazahua-Ixcateco, 49
(1961a, p. 12), Longacre in effect endorses mc; Huave-Zapoteco (Isthmus dialect),
the lexicostatistic findings. Thus, while 41 mc; Chinanteco-Zapoteco (Ixtlan dia-
admitting that "Glottochronologic counts lect) 50 mc. or Chinanteco-Trique 49 mc.
have indeed established that Mixteco- 6. Chinanteco. Divergences up to 15
Cuicateco share more basic vo-
slightly mc have been found among local forms of
cabulary than do any other two of the three Chinanteco, which is apparently a close
languages," he holds that "... this is complex of several languages. Just how 7

somewhat to be expected in that Mixtec and many is not clear as yet. The group is rela-

Cuicatec have apparently been in unbroken tively isolated. Outside affinities of 49 mc.

95
 LINGUISTICS

and 50 mc. have been found for Ojitlan- Ojitlan Trique IxTLAN
C'hinanteco with relation to Trique and to 'drink' 9 IX — i9 ya
Ixtlan-Zapoteco, but the comparison is 'stand' siN 9 — 6u
phonologically difficult. It is possible that 'sand' si — yusi
future studies will show the glottochrono- 'hot' ci — ia9 a
logic relationship to be somewhat closer, or 'full' cikaN 9 — 4a?
t hat it be set a little further off. In the latter 'name' la — la 9 isiN
case,! Chilian teco would stand apart from

the present Macro-Mayan network, but it 7. Huave. Our information is that there
seems improbable that it could turn out to are only minor local dialect differences within
be far removed. Huave itself. External relations suggested
We give below the possible agreements previous to the application of lexicosta-
on which the Kexicostatistic counts were were with Mixean (Radin, 1916) and
tistics

made. with Mayan and Totonacan (Jimenez

Moreno and Mendizabal, 1930). The new
OjlTLAN Trique IxTLAN technique confirms these relations, showing
T hna yush inte 9 a divergence of ">0 mc. with respect to
'thou' *ni •o' lu 9 Zoque and somewhat greater with languages
(*li 9 wi) of the other two groups. However, a much
•«, hnya?a yu\h closer relation was discovered with Zapote-
'this' la nah 11 ui ean of the Oaxacan division, 41 mc. having
•all' lah i nr been found with Isthmus Zapotcco (Swa-
'one' ha.v ''rujo desh, L960a). Other divergencies within
"1
WO 1
Vv irinh the 11 7A) inc. range are 47 with Subtiaba
1
'man ia-ni na'n and 50 with Chiapaneco. Since the
inc.

'bark' k»©» hi division which the last mentioned lan-

to
'skin' nalu°t- nnih — guage belong- occupies an intermediate
'grease' no nami — position between Subtiaban and Lencan
•tail' ci 1 dunr (iiia and the latter stands between Mayan and
(*cul;rt( ) Vutonahuan, Huave has ties at two different
'ear' rik'a- rakih ntika (?) points in the relationship continuum. This
9
'nose' >' - if nl sina 9 phenomenon, by no means isolated and
•mouth' "<>
du*wa ru*a paralleled for example by the place of Tocha-
'knee' ci hill nth sifi rian m Indo-Kuropean, is presumably due
•heart' i'.l niimis — to a shift m the contacts among the lan-
'hear' (j-uni n/cri in i guages of a network and the establishment of
'know' hi <]-!!, — new contacts sufficiently early and of enough
•ram' 'iiwiav — duration to affect the proportion of common
'

'fin .'/' ya?a I

tf» conservation of a notable portion of basic
'burn' ko — vocabulary.
'white' [,«/<•' te In order to test the correctness of the
'night' za? — learicostatistic conclusion, an examination
that' haa — una was made of (a) general structural features,
Small' V l> — ruto 9 specific structural elements, and (d)
'seed' mi ci — fe& various joints of phonology (in part pub-
'root' lu — lu lished in Swadesh, 1960a, and in part not
'flesh' ci-hwi — citta yet ready for publication). These several
•teat' citi 9 — sicP criteria confirm the intermediate position of

96
 CHIAPANECO
TLAPPANECO

SUBTIABA

MANGUE
Fig. 7— INTERRELATIONS OF THE SUBTIABAN LANGUAGES

Huave, revealing important points of con- intermediate measures in the other two
tact in both of the implied directions. The combinations (Swadesh, 1960a). Structural
highest percentage of common structural similarities support the relationship.
features turned out to be with Otomian, Manguean. The two languages which
9.

on one side, and with Tzeltal Mayan, on make up this group, Chiapaneco and Mangue
the other. Of specific structural items, the located respectively in the state of Chiapas
greatest number of agreements was with (Mexico) and in Costa Rica, show 13 mc.
Zapotecan, and, next in order, several of divergence. This represents simply a
other Oaxacan languages. concrete measure of a close relationship
8. Subtiaba-Tlappaneco. We have here previously noted. External affinities, in

a close complex with an internal divergence addition to those with Huave and Subtiaba
of 8 mc, consisting of Subtiaba in Nica- as already mentioned, include 50 mc. be-
ragua and Tlappaneco on the Oaxacan tween Chiapaneco and Cuitlateeo.
border of the state of Guerrero in Mexico. 10. Cuitlateco. An isolated language,
The close relationship of the two languages Cuitlateeo was first placed genetically by
was noted long before the use of glotto- Arana (1959b) by means of the lexico-
chronology. As to farther connections, Sapir statistic procedure, applied with respect to a
(1925) showed a kinship with his Hokan- large number of different languages geo-
Coahuiltecan. By the glottochronologic graphically related in all directions from the
Subtiaba was found to show 49
criterion, entity in question. The were
closest affinities
mc. of divergence with respect to Jicaque, found with Paya of the Chibchan group and
47 mc. to Seri or Washo, and 45 mc. to Nahua of Yutonahuan. A reexamination
Salinan. The dispersed location of these of the test vocabularies in the light of more 1

points of linguistic contact may in part be recent new phonologic insights confirm
due to difficulties in obtaining an accurate these relationships, but reduce the di-

count of cognates, but are certainly also vergence figures somewhat, and also indi-
connected with the very evident ancient cate a connection on a similar level with
dislocation of Coahuiltecan languages, as Manguean. The divergence figures as now
willbe seen farther on. calculated are 47 mc. with Paya, 49 mc.
In addition, the application of lexico- with Nahua, and 50 mc. with Chiapaneco.
statistics has revealed a previously un- 11. Misuluan. This group consists of
suspected even closer than
relationship, the Misquito language, the close complex
that just mentioned, with another group Matagalpa-Cacaopera, and another close
not examined by Sapir, namely Manguean, complex Sumo-Ulua-Taguasca. The order
made up of Chiapaneco and Mangue. A of relationship of the three subdivisions is

divergence of 41 mc. was found between that indicated, with Matagalpa-Cacaopera

Subtiaba and Chiapaneco at the point of forming the middle link of a chain relation-
closest agreement, 54 mc. between Tlap- ship. The inner divergence of the middle
paneco and Mangue at the farthest, and complex is 10 mc, that of Sumo-Ulua-
97
 LINGUISTICS

Taguasca 11 mc. The largest divergence of manche, Ute-Chemehuevi. 19 mc.

the chain, between Mfsquito and Ulua, is between Payute and Monachi. The
43 mc. name is based on the word for "man."
Of external connections, the closest is b. Tubatulabal.
between Ulua and Paya of the Chibchan c. Cahuilla. Apparently a close-complex
division, divergent at 46 mc. of several languages.
12. Chibchan. Only preliminary lexico- 2. Hopi.
atatistic studies have been made of Chib- 3. Tamaulipeco. This entity, represented
chan. The maximum of internal divergence by a short word-list of San Maratino,
found so far is 56 mc, as between Guatuso was formerly supposed to be related to
and Cima, but it is possible that somewhat Coahuiltean, but the few items of diag-
greater divergences may be found. There nostic vocabulary place it rather in
geem to be three major
two con- divisions, Yutonahuan.
of a single language each, Paya and
si: 4. Nahuan. Maximum divergence, 45 mc.
Guatuso, while the third one embrai between Papago and Pochuteco Nahua.
fairly numerous complex of languages a. Papago-Tepecano. A close complex
tending into South America. We tentatively with 8 mc. of divergence.
i
si Raman as a possible name for the b. Sonoran: Cahita (Yaqui-Mayo),
large main subdivision, based on the first Opata, Guarojio, Tarahumara. Maxi-
language counting from the north. It shows mum divergence 24 mc. between
mtcrnal divergences at least up to 50 mc, Cahita and Tarahumara.
for I'ama-Terraba. c. Coran: Cora, Huichol. Divergence
The closest Chibchan in-
externa] ties of 1 5 mc.
clude that between Paya and Cuitlateco d. Xahua-Teco. A close complex, con-
mated at 47 mc.; 4s mc. between Kama
- sisting of: a main grouping of Nahua
and Nahua; 46 mc. between Paya and Nahua or Mexihca,
dialects; Classical
Ulua of the Misuhian division; 49 mc be- which seems to be relatively separate
D MWSCS and Colo of the Turalian from the foregoing; Pochnteco; Cax-
division. can, Teco-Tecoxquin and other forms
13. Yutonahuan. [Jto-Astecan, Yutaz- now lost, and not accurately placed.

tecan or Yutonahuan is a linguistic stock Divergence is 15 mc. for the first

spread in North America, as well as in three components.

Mexico and Central America. It has been The closest external relations include:
studied for some time, and, in consequence, Hopi with Tano 45 mc.; Xahua with Lenca
OOUntfl Can !><• made with 45 mc; Xahna with Paya of the Chibchan
onsiderable confidence. Doubtlessly be- division, 48 mc; Xahna with Cuitlateco 49
of tins, two independently made mc
studies produced almost identical figures Lbncan \m> Xincan. Lencan (Swa-
II.

idesh, L954< . Bale, L958, 1959 desh, L960c; Eecalante and Faier, 1959)
The largest divergence we have found is consists of two languages, Lenca and Chi
17 mc. as between Monachi (Northern lamia, with B divergence provisionally esti-
Payute and Nahua. On the criteria of 30 mated at 20 inc. External contacts include
mc. and 20 inc., the stock falls into four a divergence of 4o mc. between Lenca and
main branches, two of them with subdi- Xahua; the same figure between Chilanga
visions, as foil' and Xinca; 47 mc. between Lenca and
1 Yntan. Max. divergence ; ! s mc. between Quiche of the Mayan stock.
Luiseno and Monachi. Xincan has been studied in two samples,
a. Nemmean: Monachi, Shoshoni-Co- which are evidently distinct languages,
LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

divergent about 17 mc, even though they

are known by a single name. These speech
forms belong to the villages of Chiquimulilla
and Guazacapan. The only relatively close
contact so far found is with Lencan, as
already noted.
Observations of phonologic correspond-
ences of Lencan and Xincan with Mayan,
Mixean, and Totonacan, serving as a guide
KEKCHI
in the comparisons, have been published
(Swadesh, 1960c).
15. Mayan. Although there has never
been any doubt of the unity of the Mayan
stock, scholars have differed in their theories
of its internal classification. McQuown's
study (1956) based upon ample knowledge
of phonology and using the criteria of MAME
two possible arrangements,
isoglosses, offers Fig.8— INTERRELATIONSHIPS OF THE
one "cautious" and the other "less cau- MAYAN LANGUAGES. Divergences in minimum
centuries.
tious." It is evident both in the alternate
solutions and in the detail of isoglosses that
this is not an easy group to subdivide. By of the main division. The scheme is as
lexicostatistic criteria (Swadesh, 1960d), follows:
one finds an integration in every direction. I. Inik (10 mc), that
is Huasteco-Cotoque.

The largest internal divergence, between II. Winikan. Maximum divergence 30 mc

Huasteco and Mame, is 36 mc. Our usual 1. Yucateco-Lacandon or Yashke. Di-

criterion of 30 mc. as a lesser break-point vergence 6 mc.

gives no subdivision; that is, there is no 2. Yaxchean. Maximum divergence 22
language and no grouping of languages mc. between Chuh and Tzotzil. Com-
which exceeds 30 mc. of divergence from posed of: Chuh, Tojolabal, Chorti,
all others. The criterion of 20 mc. divides Chontal-Chol, Tzeltal-Tzotzil.
Mayan into two parts, a small one consisting 3. Chaxkean. Max. div. 16 mc. between
of Huasteco and Cotoque, with 10 mc. of Jacalteco and Aguacatec Consists of:
mutual divergence, and a large one em- Jacalteco, Ixil, Aguacateco, and
bracing all the remaining languages, with Motocintleco.
divergences up to 30 mc. If we then pass 4. Mame.
to 10 mc. as a norm, the result is to tie 5. Quiche complex. Max. div. 15 mc.
together a few sets of languages in close between Quiche and Pocomchf. Con-
complexes, namely Yucateco-Lacandon (6 sists of: Quiche-Uspanteco-Cakchi-
mc), Tzeltal-Tzotzil (7 mc), Chol-Chontal quel-Rabinal and Pocomam-Pokom-
(7 mc), Rabinal-Quiche-Uspanteco-Cakchi- chl.
quel (8 mc), Pokomam-Pokomchi (about 6. Kekchi.
10 mc, but the count is uncertain), but Minimum centuries of divergence of each
there remain a large number of discrete language from each of the others are given
entities. in Swadesh, 1960d. The external relation-
To obtain a useful subdivision of the ships have not yet been worked out with
Mayan stock, it is convenient to take 14 care. As mentioned, the divergence be-
mc. as the break-point for the subdivision tween Lenca and Quiche has been estimated
99
 LINGUISTICS

at 47 mc. and a similar figure has been WASHO

j45 _-- ""A
found between Tzeltal and Zoque of the
TONKAWA <r~"
Mixean stock (see also Swadesh, 1954b).
49,
16. Mixean. This group includes a \43
complex of speech forms, known as Popo- \
\
\
luca, Mixe, and Zoque in different areas. \
_34 ^CHONTAL
COMECRUDO'
It is not clear to what extent these names
correspond to notable linguistic boundaries. 39 /
/ °
\\39

They may be merely names given in each 7

region to languages of one more or less con-
/__42___ JICAQUE

tinuous family. The maximum divergence so SALINA T\ 43

MARICOPA
/
farfound is 24 mc. Besides these forms of 38 Az
43
Mixean, an evidently related vocabulary
45
was once obtained from an old woman in
47 „- ' "SERI
the otherwise Mayan town of Aguacatan
SUBTIA8A
(Lehmann), which perhaps preserve the
lastremnants of another parallel linguistic I i.. 9 INTERRELATIONS OF COAHUIL-
\\ LANGUAGES.
II .i Divergences in min-
branch. A lexicostatistic count of 35 mc. imum mnturw
obtained with reference to Zoque of
Copainala; since the measure was based on mentary data on several of the component
a very small sample, thifl figure should be languages. On the basis of available evi-
corrected to 42 mc. However, it is possible dence as thus far studied, the following sub-
that the vocabulary wa.- merely a garbled divisions are suggested:
recollection of Zoque. For to ,. we a. Chumashan, with perhaps 4(> mc. of
_-ard the tguacateco vocabulary in divergence.
Hiving th«- internal divergence of Mixean - ilina -Antonino. with t> inc. of di-

The doses! externa] contacts are with vergence.

Mayan, Bfl already mentioned, and with - nan. with 4i> inc. divergence (Ksselen-
Totonacan. In l>oth cases a divergent Beri), consisting of: Seri, Yuma, Esselen.
17 mc. was found. d. Quiriguan, with 36 mc. of divergence:
17. Tip: Thifl group, with an Quirigua, Alasapa, Cotoname.
internal diverges ited it 26 mc., e. Comecrudo.
Of two languages, TotonaCO and f. (Mamcochean, with 28 mc. of divergence:
Tepefaua. It is reported that each ha.- its Mamcoche, 'oahuilteco.
(
(

local variant.-, but there are no learico- g. Karankawa.

jtic data Bfl tO the amount of dialectal a. ( 'hontal of ( >.i\;ic.i.

ergence. j. Jicaque.
is. COAHUn/TKAN. A- hciv defined on External contact- of Coahuiltecan are
the ba.sis of lexioostatisticf Coa- with other languages belonging to Sapir's
huiltecan 'or, more briefly. Coahuilan), Hokan ( oahuiltecan, with "Otian" (Miwok-
itfl of certain language- belonging to tnoan) and with Yukian. Thus we have:
Sapir's Hokan -(
'oahuiltecan. plus Jicaque 42 between Chumash and Mariposa
inc.

and Guaicura, by him.

not considered Miwok; 47 mc between Washo and Wappo
\nart from a few count- made with al- Yukian; 43 mc. between Washo and Porno
together inadequate data, the maximal in- (our Shastan); 45 mc. between Comecrudo
ternal divergence is ^s mc. between Washo and Tonkawa; ">0 mc. between Comecrudo
and Salina. The internal make-up is diffi- and Atakap.i; 45 mc. between Salina and
cult to determine because of the frag- Subtiaba.

HM>
i.l.XH OSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

19. Procedure. The lexicostatistic pro- rate in basic vocabulary but to give some
cedure can be used as an auxiliary device at idea to what extent our present estimates
various stages of comparative linguistic anticipate those which may appear after
study, beginning with that in which data more complete study.
is scarce and theory elemental, and ad- The first step in taking a glottochronologic
vancing to the point where all possible evi- count is to collect the diagnostic word-lists
dence is in and thoroughly analyzed, with for two or more languages. Wherever pos-
a highly developed notion of phonological sible,we have tried to obtain these from
and structural correspondences and a full persons who know each language or from
compilation of etymological evidence. It field linguists in a position to make the
should be emphasized that in dealing necessary tests of the correctness of each
with the native languages of Middle Amer- word. The norm requested was that for
ica, a good part of the terrain is still in each item on the test list the common
early exploration and nowhere has a truly every-day equivalent in the language should
advanced stage of development been be given. Where two words are in use, the
reached. Before the advent of lexicosta- more common one should be given; two or
tistics, serious scholars recognized the more equivalents are to be taken only when
value of an over-all view and attempted it is impossible to make a choice. A tech-
to sketch out, as well as they could, the nically accurate translation was not called
in tcnrelations of the languages. The new for,but rather the way in which the given
technique both facilitates the enterprise concept would normally be referred to (for
and offers additional foundation for pre- example, a language uses the same word
if

liminary judgments, but the counts in for "skin" and "bark," this element should
such cases are less secure than in fields, be given in both cases and not a descriptive
like Yutonahuan and Mayan, where rela- phrase each item separately).
specifying
tively advanced knowledge exists. In When the words could not be obtained
consequence, the results obtained in first from a qualified expert, they were taken
estimates have often had to be modified from published or manuscript material.
after closer study. We take this to be an Misunderstandings and difficulties in finding
inevitable danger in all first explorations, the proper equivalent of the items some-
which does not destroy but only limits times have led to errors, discovered only
their value. The counts we have cited in later or still unknown, but this is evidently a
the present article are usually second or very minor factor. More serious is the
third efforts, representing improvements problem of defective lists, due to the lack
over initial explorations. Some perhaps of data. In various instances short lists
approach finality, others still fall far short were used in first calculations, but could
of it. In order to provide a basis for estimat- be replaced later by relatively complete
ing the value of each count, it is proposed ones. Experience in such cases shows that
to describe in some detail the procedure the short lists tend to include relatively
used, indicating what conditions make for more persistent words, and scores obtained
or impede the obtention of a firm score. from them generally give smaller divergences
We an illustration of one of the
give, as than those from full lists. In consequence,
more problems of comparison, the
difficult the practice was adopted of adding 20 per
data, procedure, and results connected cent to divergences obtained from 50 or
with the lexicostatistic placement of Coa- less word-pairs, and 10 per cent to those
huiltecan languages. The discussion is not scored with 51-75 items. This has given
aimed at proving or determining the limits better concordance between earlier and
of the tendency toward a common retention later scores, where it was possible to im-

101
 LINGUISTICS

prove the word-lists, but it is not a mathe- Middle American languages, but it is only
matically derived or accurate correction. to a limited extent that the necessary data
The second step in lexicostatistics is to is available as yet.
compare the corresponding words in each Not all languages present the same diffi-
pair of lists and judge whether or not they culties of cognate identification, since this
are cognate in each case. This step is full is dependent upon the amount of reduction,
of problems. The rest may be laborious but transposition, and fusion that has taken
involves no uncertainties: one divides the place. The more distant connections are
number of presumed cognates by the total sometimes more difficult to handle,
the
number of word-pairs to obtain a percent but not necessarily. For example, Amuzgo
of correspondence; consulting the table of is harder to compare with Mixteco than
equivalences, one converts the percentage Maya with Wintun (of California), but
into the number of minimum centuries. If the former gives a considerably higher per-
there are 7.") or less word-pairs, one adds centage of cognates once one has recognized
10 per cent or 20 per cent to the mc. for them.
the reasons already stated. As the number There has been some tendency to reject
of languages in a group increase-, there is a unclear cognates in making preliminary
geometric increase in the number of pairs: cognate counts. This inevitably leads to
thus, there are 45 pairs among K) languages, increasing tlu> divergence. When the same
but 1«K) in 20, and 435 among 30. The large counts are later made with better knowl-
amount of counting, calculating, and con- edge, a higher count results. On the other
sulting of tables can be accomplished quickly hand, a very loose criterion leads to errors
with the aid of electronic computers. of overestimation.
The agreements which one attempts to There is a technique which is convenient
for lexicostatistics arc words of com- in all cases and which helps avoid errors in
mon origin. In Borne cases they arc easily difficult counts, giving some of the ad-
-aized because of overwhelming cor- vantages of adequate phonologic and ety-
respondence of the entire Bequence of >ounds. mologic knowledge. It consists in making
Sometimes they are obscured by marked the count for a large number of languages
phonetic changes one of both languages
in together. The words for the same item in

of the comparison, by reductions and trans- all the

languages are examined together
positions, by the presence of formative and one attempts to set up common forms
affixes, the coalescence of the original com- for those elements which appear to be
mon element with some other with which it cognate. If there is more than one set of
once formed a compound but which may COgnateS for a given meaning, they are all

have become subsequently reduced to the set down and each assigned a convenient
sizeand appearance of a simple root. Two arbitrary symbol, Bay the first consonant
approaches have to be used to recognise in the reconstruction or some other letter

cognates accurately. One is phonologi if the first procedure would confuse two
work out the nil >rrespondenc< protoforms. The words in the lists are
tween the sounds of the two langu marked with the appropriate symbol. When
The othei mological: to build up a the COgnate count is made, or when the
body of information on the development of data are being prepared for processing in an
each word in each language, Using the data electronic computer, one only needs to
of related languages to provide clui note the letter symbols, cognates being
to what happened step by step insofar as BCOred where the letters coincide for a given
it may be possible. Both approaches have word. In this scheme, the same letter- may
bees used in the lea I ic studies of be used for- quite different elements in

102
LEXIC1 STATISTIC CLA88IFICA I I ( ) \

different word sets. There may be instances ourselves also by Sapir's comparisons (1917,
of the same original element turning up in 1920, 1925) and by other data in our files.

different points in the list; for example, However, it should be distinctly empha-
what is sun in one set may also appear as sized that we are uncertain about many of
the expression for moon, star, or hot. Such the cognate identifications. The aim is

cases reflect the development of the words not to set down proven etymologies but to
and help fix etymologies, but do not affect obtain a preliminary measure of degrees of
the cognate count as such, since agreements relationship among a number of languages.
are counted only when two languages use By the same token the common
forms shown
the same element for the same meaning. for each set ofwords need not be accurately
The use of this procedure of identifying reconstructed; they are merely a mode of
cognates is shown in connection w*ith the showing the possibility of common origin
problem of the Coahuilan languages, prob- in the words. In a future revision, it is
ably the most difficult in Middle America, planned to include a number of additional
not only because of phonological compli- languages, particularly Hokan and Otian;
cations but also because of the great num- to correct the phonological rules; and to
ber of languages for which only very frag- operate with fuller etymological data.
mentary materials are available. We in- The lexicostatistic measures obtained
cluded in the study languages which we among the languages are shown in the lower
presumed, from earlier study, would be- left half of Table 1. The upper right portion
long together in a single division of the rela- shows the number of word-pairs available
tional network and others which might for comparison in each combination, a
prove to be next nearest relatives. In ad- figure needed to indicate where added
dition, Campa and Nahua were taken in caution is called for. We have also put a
in the expectation that they would illustrate question mark after each score obtained
next farther relatives; and English was with 20 word-pairs or less and an asterisk
added to show how a very divergent lan- after those made with more than 20 but
guage contrasts with those less remote. not more than 40.
The results of the count changed some of An individual lexicostatistic measure
the expected alinements in a greater or based on ver}' few items is not to be relied
lesser degree. on, butwhere there are relatively con-
Word-lists were from field-
obtained an entire set of languages,
sistent results for
workers in the case of Seri from Edward this can be given some w eight. Thus Guai-
r

Moser; Jicaque from Doris Stone; Chontal cura show's notable similarities with most of
from Viola Waterhouse. In other instances the Coahuiltecan languages. Except for the
they were taken from published sources. comparison with Cotoname, where no agree-
The time of all the lists is modern, except ments were found in 8 word-pairs (the in-
that of Nahua, which is classical Mexihca finite lexicostatistic score shown in the table
of four centuries back. In the divergence by 999), and except for three other instances
scores, we have added 2 me. to all those in- in which the score goes above 100 mc. the
volving Nahua, that is, half the time differ- measures cluster around 50 mc. and are in
ence, to equalize the temporal implication. keeping with the general pattern of Coa-
It will be seen that the phonology of the huiltecan languages. Guaicura would thus
languages in our illustration is fairly com- seem to be rather definitely a language of
plicated. We have also supposed strong this grouping. Klamkosh and Coahuilteco,
reductions and fusions in some cases. which are a provided w ith words
bit better
r

In addition to the material in the diag- for comparison, give notably more con-
nostic word -lists, we were able to guide sistent evidence of belonging in the group.

103
 — it 1 ' — 1 » c

LINGUISTICS

DC
CM
C e —
1

O ~ O-
H c gs OB
»h —
00 CC
OOttNNMOOOIOOWNOOhC
"? 00 SB sa Cl >* r^ r^. tc 00
OS
< 1-1 <
Ph o
Q — —
- o 8 O X
a
o
o
O *— ~^ .-1 <
£ &
w oo
o X
~ <N r^-iMoooot^oo^c^io^xtrooc
M-tNNNOOIOXWNOO^C; r?
W *
i~ \C
i^»
(J
- £
,

< cc
—
— a C5
~ ~
re
x — c^iMccocsoooccr^oci— <j e>
— i—i

< C: i

z
US ^c
> -;
•<

O
i—
C
— — vr — ~
»—<
o —
~H
xccoo-^o
h r ,-h ,— I 1 T-H
—
»-^
-,r
*—
<
—
p-
?5
^ —
z
P-.

1^-
r-
w
e^
r^ r- •~
— M
1- —
— — 1-
-
oo X X 1- -r M Nn 00 M 00 l» .^ ; <!
— i« 1

X
*

<
H —
r~ i
-
X
-
OOCO^NhhnQN
C ^ M^ NOC K ^ CI l»
1*51
i-r
r:
p-.
^ —
- il
-«
i
-
^
>=
-*
co
-/
K
£ L — -
m* • r . *
-1
•
,*
< cc re :: :i re nm ec r^ c-l — 1/5 CC m
-
c —
~ - 3 — — t n sx -
•
~r — ri
*
o
< 7. -i
;
Tt S X K i- < r;
•—
c - us Ifl ::

2
~
rj
9
-i t-
K
M — O
y —
r- r- ri
r
M X ^ c>
r^ — ^
ri
--
-)
—
r^
i- —- ri
IT
"^
r ; - < :
g t^-

- /

-
- ^ • ^-.

s = : <-. — — — — r; I
^
c
*c i-

^
•
— O O ?• —
r
'-
I — - - -f r^
-r
r-: o — •-
r-
— i
- -
- §L
: :
• » •
/.
3
55
-
1 — _ H ~ — - — = C)vCOO — On
—
M cc
to s* CN
-
z —
- p • • • • • p.. * * «>.. • * »
a ?. _ ri
-
= —
i-
i - — — —
i- — i - ,~
i-
ri
,-
,c
.
i-
— ri eo
: r-5
-
i • ,

- — _
PC *s
- ^f-.f..»
— • • « p..•
— — — —
. p.. • • •
- 3 F, 5 s —;o.-
W — -C ia ya <e
>~ -r i-
n cr
-r o c ri i~
-
- - 1—

"
M
T — —
- ~^ ^snc-'O-xcc-
*•
•
o M —
t-

"9 «fl ~" MB -c -c

«

cc
p.
r O M «•
~ r- C C
^

7 3> >0 |- c O M «0
5 S S — M — -
J: X '
2i «2
'"=-^*C — Ci-;:-^— .£
r<-
- 9 CC

— — - ... - e
3 i

-
tt
< B = ~
*
-
*
=
•
— =: .c — — •
l~ — — fr.
— - - -
5 1
~l
-
r

cc
r

<
-
_ • • a
-
r- -
I-
o •— cr — 14
— SC O
...
- 2- c- o
-
1 i-.
— — ?J 1- -
5 I-

KM
 a

LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

Our distant control case, English, shows And Tonkawa is closest to Comecrudo and

scores of from 67 mc. to 151 mc. with respect Washo, farthest from Jicaque. Only Sub-
to the other languages. The large vari- tiaba shows disparity with geography,
ation, we presume to be due partly to the having less divergence from Washo and
difficulty of identifying cognates accurately Salina than from Chontal. This of course
in languages which have been diverging so could be due to errors in the lexicostatistics,
long and partly to the roughness of the but might also reflect a prehistoric migra-
measure at large time depths (a single pre- tion, separating it from old neighbors.
sumed cognate may make a difference of Verification or correction should be sought
10 mc. in upper parts of the scale). in comparative linguistics by continued
The divergences of Atakapa with respect study and improved phonological, structural
to Coahuiltecan, from 50 mc;. to 90 mc. not and lexical theory and in other, independent
;

counting the shortest Tonkawa,

lists, of lines of evidence for prehistory.
43-96 mc, of Nahua, 47-82 mc, and of The general pattern of affinities in pro-
Campa, 63-96 mc, are in keeping with portion to geographic location is found in

what one might be expected in next farther large measure among the languages of the
In general, the variation between
relatives. Coahuiltecan set. At points where the re-

lower and higher limits is found to be in lation departs from this form, one should
keeping with geographic position. For in- think of the possibility of population shifts
stance,Atakapa is closest to Comecrudo at rates or in directions that broke the older
and farthest from Maricopa and Jicaque. conformation.

20. Lists for classifying the Coahuilan languages

English - 'I/me' - 'you (thou)' - 'we' T 'this' T 'that'

Washo N le M mi N lem T witi TH hati

Tonkawa - saaya N naaya K kewsaaka T tee HW wee, he? e

Atakapa - wi N na Y ynkit H a Y ya

Karankawa N nay W awa — T tat —

Klamkosh — — — — —
Coahuiltec — M hamin — — T tu
Cotoname — — — — —
Comecrudo Y yen N nana Y yeynam T tokom T torn

Seri Y ?e M me Y ?e — ?lp-kix N ?in-kix

Maricopa N na M maana — T vada- N naa-
Esselen N ene NM nemi N le?e — NH haynihi
Chumash N no?o P pi?i K kiku H kay, he H ho
Salina - ke? N no? K ka ? N na HW wa, he
Guaicura - be WT tey, ew K ke- T ha-tupe Y eyri

Chontal Y iy<5? M imd? NY iyank T tyd ? a T till'

Jicaque N naum P hip K kup H huk H hup

Campa N na- W awi- N na- H oka H ora

Nahua N ne- T te- T te..-n N iniin N inoon

Subtiaba N ik-u, -lu - ik-a N hece-lu N ka-la W ka-wi

Common N *?e-ne M *?e-me-na N *?e-ne T *to/te T *to/te
Y *? e-ya T *te K *ke N *ne W *we
P *hi-pi Y *?
e-ya H *he-ka H *ho
N *na N *ni
W *a-we Y *ye

105
 ' , , p '

English Q 'who' Q 'what' - 'not* Q 'all' M 'many'

Washo Q khutina Q khunathe S es M mile - fiekyu
Tonkawa s sik C hecuu K kapay - lumbal - haa?as
Atakapa s .«a - sok K ha M mon W hew
Karankawa — — MK kom — W wal
Klamkosh — — — — —
Coahuiltec — Q pin M -aham T tawahayo WP apaw, ohaw
Cotoname — T tea S xa — —
Comecrudo T tan, wawtek T tele MK kam YM mawel, - yawet
yawet
Seri Q ki 9 ya C ?aka\r6?eya M m- Q k-oo\o K kat\o
Maricopa Q makye- -
av- - icalya — —
Sen — — — — —
Chum ash - ayi — — Y yula W u/iu
Salina T la T hu- K ko S k-isili'* K kaya, kax"en
Guaicura — — I! -ra P pu —
Chontal N nee T les M mat P pU-ki W atdhu
Jicaque Q pak C ruin I!M amat P pona P peinfc

pa N h&nikn Q paita UK ka, < ro, U M mdroni - oeeki

N'ahua - oak T \e MK /.;'' S ijjfetc M mteA:

Suhtiaba - - K a T /mm P 6a -fin

-non T •la r K 'ijhilli P *pol p«i P */W
- *so/se q 'cfe M *ma M *mor W */lf-l<v/

q *q"e ! -pa U • - Vse M *rnel niol

N c *he-cu - •' T •fowa K *ka
Y '

q \//i»o/

Jish - '
t WO P - long' 'small
'•'
N J
/-"
W 1 t ' pe/u .

Tonkawa Q Jh (} \ \\ ;
awa \V wisFan
\ t'lllltk - K he. -
monk C /n <<)/»

SN .
\ Q k",ni,
niktam
Khtmkosh —
i 'oahuiltec P pil Q
— (' fan
lIllO K ka — i^ kfoeam
rudo P -
K 1 \\ woel c^K fcwoa;
''

q kokx K ktikt'j K kaoktxax K /./. >,/'. ' ke

'

- \V nqol
q i <2

>n P kulah {} ulcus

( 'h'lrnash P paka q K xflX
— —
~-
;i T q K I oka <} ski/ nl Inn/'
—
r

—
: 1 1 1

ura — *•} "/

( hontal . W ''aw, ilnki \V <iwd
;'1P P q q ;
,
" K ka 1 YV i
//,- iooj/

pa P npite - d" antiam rifmni

' - - \\ \\ weya-k - tepi -ton

- \ atpu - -wi>,i. -dagv — C r I *l ,

nil

mon N <•<!
' W •

(l
*q n

P *paki (I 'qh-nl W *'

V 'yan
T K *qhet K *kis

I (Hi
LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASS! FICATION

English - 'woman' - 'man' - 'person' - lish' - 'bird'

Washo K t-hamomo VVK t-heliwhu N 9

t- anu T at'
f
api T sisu

Tonkawa - k waan K haa^akoon T lickan W nes-wal 9 a-n KQ kool 9 a

Atakapa K kis Y sak-yol S isak - nti T soksos

Karankawa — - usi — - am Q &u<n

Klamkosh — K ahaks — K kiles Q A^e
Coahuiltec T tayaw, taw W /iau> P pil — —
Cotoname K katam W wawnahe - hayma — KQ komyom
Comecrudo K kem K &nax TS estok T at iv is, pak K xam
Seri N nwam K fctam N nwike S .st'xkdm - stTb

Maricopa T dena^aka - ?iipda P pa?iipaa T 9 acli T cisa

Esselen T tanuc K Zienoc — S isalul —
Chumash N eneq - o/io?/ - ku - alilimu T su>iw
Salina N leae? N luway T tarn N swa 9 n T saaxe
Guaicura N anay — T ti — —
Chontal K akdno 9 - akwe? S asdns T atyu K afcd?
Jicaque K kep Y yom - mahaieesii K kul T cepay
Campa - cindme - sirdmpari s asdninka S sima - wdnkitdcari
Nahua - siwaa- K ofczc- T \aaka- - micin T tootoo-

Subtiaba - rab-agu N rabu N rabu K eki T dim, rau^u

Common K *qhem W *hawen T *tami K *qel T *tow/e'ow
N *?eneqh K *g/ien S *9
ese W *wan K *go?n
T Hen Y *2/oZ P *pen T *?atew Q *& u,e
N *new N *new S *sey

English - 'dog' - 'louse' T 'tree' S 'seed' N 'leaf

Washo C suku — T twetis Y yaka —

Tonkawa Q ?ek wan - hankapowelp Y heeylapan K xeel S xaa-sey
Atakapa C sul N nin - nes S so W te-was
Karankawa K kis — Q ak wini — —
Klamkosh — — — — —
Coahuiltec — — — — —
Cotoname Q k waw — T dopah — —
Comecrudo K klam Y ak Y hay K hekel S sel

Seri K ?ax h - ^ask, ?ai Y 9 e9 e C si\i 9 ik S istx

Maricopa K ahara N ke 9 el(D) Y 9 a 9 ii — WS wal(D),
saq(D)
Esselen C so ? o£o — Y ii — —
Chumash C /«w, s£*n — - pon — - kap
Salina CK xutfay Y ike Q kelpa - tanat S sta
Guaicura — — — — —
Chontal - milya Y ayk w ix Y 9 eeh - erne's P ipela

Jicaque C cio T tut Y yo S -setel N lohan

Campa C ocita' N ine - incdto S -iioki S -se-

Nahua C czci T atemi- Q k w dwi- - ac- PS -iswa-,

hapal-
Subtiaba - ruwa Y yaha - isi Y yaha N zna
Common C *c«2M Y *yakha Y *9
e-yaqh S *sew S *selta
Q ^eq^ew N *yine T *tew Y *yakha W *wah'
K *?ege* T *tem Q *qwe K *qhel P *pela
N *new

107
 , '

LINGUISTICS

English N 'root' P 'bark* - 'akin' P 'flesh' - 'blood'

Washo W itewia — Q -ayike P apsi K t-alan

Tonkawa — — Q ? e)fc W ?awas - ?oon

Atakapa \V tail T tal T til - al - posk
Karankawa — — — — —
Klamkosh — — — — —
Coahuiltec — — — W ahaw K hat
Cotoname — — — M fcewww S seh
Comecrudo Y yemo T paketle s emol W atoam K fcyai

^eri - ^e^e-x&i - -na// - ^a-nail P "'apx**51 K 9 ait

Maricopa S <amaa — Q
9
aA:"W;/ M /uwai K -iix v et

Esselen — — — — K mah?ana
Chumash N alu — — - soman K axulis
Salina tepaso — IT xpnat, 7 ni M ma 9 t K aaA-at
i
luaicura — — — — —
Chontal Y - estnl 8 aa m ; V ISlk K ahwaf
Jicaqiif^ - si I P polnh- P polok P bt'j a a.s*

Camp i par (n t - fa** -

meHna W -n-df* - -irdha

Nahua N 1' -sipeual- P ewa- N naka- s 88 -

Subtiaba - ahmn - otto s N nay KS f° cdi , rru

< '.>riir!inn > ' i vw P M '({heiiuit K ^aq^hat

W *wil I '
* T •tel P *pafcAi s *° f.sC

N '• - mr \ •no*
- •
Q
•9
e<r<l \\ •"„»«

Engliah P 'bone* l\ pi q - - 'horn' T 'tail'

u tab P ,' i pi< - f i [ink ul S • •

—
Took K x<m N haalol — T tan

\ akapa l -
Q ku - mill T tt'tr

Karankawa — T daho — —
Kl iin - — — - Irkt-iinlnii —
,ilt<*< — — — —
:une — — \ yomo B nsrhuka
i
lomecrudo K 1 1 P i'p

Sell Kl Hx-Uak BE t 9
&x P ipx
— P ip
\liri' K 3( ., l> -
tkawa l
q P he
— — — —
< Shumaafa T — —
Salina l\ ninl T tr, t,
— P like* p
CUM — — — —
Chnnt:tl K •
onteka P apt? < knacu P Ifpo
iqua 1' p-
<
'
icel l'\ nayjntk pac - nan
a pa - - -ftiki -

\ abua i
ctya T (.,» I:"nk '•! P Jb"tXa i>il

Subt i K - f/a-su N rapa W(D) 8 XI If II

K *ikh C Vf| q i *yam P "hrpnir

P >, K •kh* T Hen Q 'rfrtr T *te
-
T •
Y *ya *?asey
N *nak
P •pek
108
LEX1COSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

English P 'feather' K 'hair' K 'head' K 'ear' Q 'eye'

Washo — - l-ayus K t-ihep P -phisew - wiki

Tonkawa - ?e?eyon K z^aaA; KT toafcer/ N henicxay? an L -yoxl? oolok

Atakapa - naw T tes - isa< N am" L wol

Karankawa
Klamkosh M am-dolkok K ekya-aykuy K okea Q ikus
Coahuiltec
Cotoname - kray Q mak uat Q mak wat arok^an
Comecrudo M ham N eia/i N eZaft N aii huy
Seri S Hkina K -kopx* N ?oW M *>ds& T 9 dto

Maricopa K «?« - ti^ M ismdlyka T u'drf

Esselen K khataseh K khataseh T tuksusu

Chumash Q oq won N no/cs T <u T *uA;u,hutas
Salina S asax, syet K s-poket, - oophak K *Wo/(D) - sokenet
-kiht
Guaicura — — — — —
Chontal M imi Q awdh M asmds 6?u
Jicaque M mik N Za/a Q bis P beram P pep
Campa - -wdnki C -«t T -ifo - -yempita Q -ki

Nahua P i?vri- C ffon- Q k waai- N nakas- P Us

Subtiaba - gidusi TC su/m, tasu T ecu M nati> T st'fu

Common M *hemik Q *ai u,a< Q *ax u'a( M *asmalk P *pos

P *pet/pel C *con N *noqh T *<ufc T *to
S *?asey N *laqh K *g/iep N *hane Q *qwe
T *<es T *?e*u P *pe* L *wel
K *qha K *gor

English N 'nose' - 'mouth' T 'tooth' T 'tongue' - 'claw'

Washo S suyep K haya Y t-iyek - matut —

Tonkawa Y yam^acxan K kala YT hentaycan N netxal C s 9 aac

Atakapa Vfuc K &a< T oc N ne£ C coh

Karankawa — — Y e — —
Klamkosh N -alwak - -ak"oy T dolonakin N £ean —
Coahuiltec — — — — —
Cotoname Y yah — — — —
Comecrudo Y yah K hal Y iy, heywuy P ehpen c esok,
xayepo

Seri 9 af T ?a<en T ?afcis< P ?apZ —

Maricopa Y iihii - n't/da TY iidoo P iipaly —
Esselen S hosts — — — —
Chumash SN noxos K ik S sa N eZew - exway
Salina N enenat L eh'A; S suluknay P ipai —
Guaicura N -namu — — — —
Chontal N layn'al K afco Y a?dy P apal anelux
Jicaque N mik L Zaia - bis P beram . pep
Campa W -wdnfo - -wdnte Y -dhi N -ne"ne s -setdki

Nahua Y yaka- K k ama- T X.an- NP nene-pil- s iste-

Subtiaba - dako lH danwa S sifiu T du/ia c snano

Common Y *yaqh K *qham T *<en P *nel-pel c *coqh
N *nem-yaqh L *Ze Y *heyaki N *ne/ s *set

S *hesu T *ten S *sen T *fon?"

W *wonc
109
 m u -

LINGUISTICS

English - 'foot' K 'knee' K 'hand' V 'belly' N 'neck'

Washo - mayop M rnokho T t-alu K tikuhus' P i-tpu

Tonkawa N naatan K yacicxeeloon T hityan S 9 asoy - yakl 9 axan

Atakapa K hikat M te-rnak - wos K kom N n<e

Karankawa K kekeya M ec'ma

Klamkosh E -eham K -Has M sumahaha - -luk P -seoeA
Coahuiltec M mote
Cotoname E ayesem K koh
Comecrudo E emi P yapo M mapt - wah M omo
Seri K 9 atoaxdtx 9 anopx -
9 aydx P 9
ayap
Maricopa E iintf P meme-puka - isolya T iito MP mipuk
K-.-elen N luluseh
Chum ash K tern, Hernia" T stuko - pu SK aA-setre Nm
Salina KE isxeep — M menen PK i&a, cpen N e^Vn/, /<(A'rn/

Guaiaura — — — — —
Chontal 1: K ankonni M amdaru K aku'u N anukiiid
Jicaque i: nam - dile M mas K go/ M men
Campa K -iti - -ytrito K -dfco - -motiha - -t'<i»<)

Nanus K ikh -
T \ank'-'ai- M maai- T <?<e- - A-ec-

Subtiaba X nahkn T t ago miic M fiaw, r~mrui S ssmnbo P hap

Common E *.-em M *moqho M 'men K *
7 Ao N *neg ,r
K *qeti K •km K *qem S *" P *ya-pitk
N *na 1 'tuko T •hitali P *p«« M *wio
V 'ya-puka T Vfr
glial] K heart' L 'li\ - 'drink' - V.,

T M t-emli L <-</eA- M iftM M emlu, iir

Tonka \ <uin man - teyey M sane- Y yaxa-

At:ikap N nik B K keck M 0//1 Y yah
kawa K kantn - lahama — Q ak^eli K akniwtas
Klamkosh — — — i-l k»ay —
Coahuiltec T tarn asal — — M ham
Cotoname K jbunn — — - wahe M haharru
Comecrudo K knrm KB kayasel - am M tarn K kay
Son — M ^dmoii V 9 iyas S k-lsi Q fcd?j'<

Maricopa KN ''a- 1 > - - liwda - Hpri(D) s art. M amd-

'en — — — S eke 9 vne M ama
Clmmash K kutet K ay apis s sal M agmtl S aJSun
Balina — K eexiway s tux S -IS 1 III QS isx, lam,

khutex
Guaicura — — — — —
9
Chontal pdal 9 e - &ahima cntedn naife- S saago
iue T 804 - fos s sem S senibii - laa

Campa T - asdnkani Y -ydrirc - ire - -a

Nahua T ciciual- - yoollo 9 - L el- - aaKi Q k"a

Subtiaba T dudu-, eiei K giga K gikn 8 -na S -su
Common K *kan K 'qhaysel S •sel (,> *x"an M *qhama
T '
S *sel K *qe S *.sen Q u
*fl 'e

N M * 9 emali m9 elek M Y
*nay L *qhama *yaqhti

Y *yac K *
9 /ia
S *seg
110
LEXK OSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

English - 'bite' S 'see' K 'hear' K 'know' - 'sleep'

Was ho K kithi K ikhi T tamal S asasesi M elsumi

Tonkawa - nace- Y yaace- K soskoona s katxese- - coxana-

Atakapa C caw K hu K naks K uhc W oy

Karankawa — - ca — . k was M im
Klarnko8h — — — — M neyanama
Coahuiltec — — - cey — —
Cotoname — — — — M mackuka
Coinecrudo Q k wam - mah - ye Y yanam M emet
Seri K kasni Y
t>
6?o K x ii Y iya K kim
Maricopa C cakyew Y ayuu - ?a?avk- Y uyax"(D), M asmd
$po
EDsselen — — — — - acinisi
Chumash — K qoti — — W we
Salina T -itpetmak V yam- - pesnoxo Y yum K kaw
Guaicura — — — — —
Chontal T tex- S sihy- T tayk- s isifiak M sma-
Jicaque Q k vakusi K kunuka - mapokas - wiskoskreye K -kakoha

Campa C -dcikakiro - -niri K -kamdkero - -ioti.ro M -mdhi

Nahua K -kefoma - itta K -kaki M mati K koci

Subtiaba - -uyu Y -yanga T -daco M -manu K -gapu, -gu

(
'otiimon K *ket Y *yam K *na-qaq M *men-t M *ese-nma
Q *q u e K *qo T *ta Y *yenm W *wey
C *cak S *se S *?ese K *ko
T *te K *qen

English - 'die' K 'kill' S 'swim' P 'Ay' W 'walk'

Washo - yuli Y yatki S yesuka Y yesuwa KY iye

Tonkawa W hewawa- Y yaaloona- S sooya- Y yoxa- K ha-

Atakapa K kaw - nima N lul K kaw W wank

Karankawa M mal - ahuk N natawa — Y ye
Klamkosh — — — — - sotah
Coahuiltec K hum - cap — — —
Cotoname W watho W wathu-ka — — —
Comecrudo P plaw K kamaw K akikete K kolrnas KY kiye

Seri K ^akxkml? - aok w K kdkat K kap K ki^tim

Maricopa P ^ apooy- P tapuy — Y ayer W av^dak
Esselen P tepoSke — — — N neni
Chumash K A; Ian - siniwe - pakiwkuin P ahulpet, —
skoyoyu
Salina K axaptep, K okoro, wile N -lapatene - mal - isa
sitip
Guaicura P pibi — — — —
Chontal M m&rha P pilk- S soyy- - fiujk- W wa-
Jicaque P nipi - tinan K kopoydeska - vianarteme W wiska
Campa K -kamdki K -dkiri M -amdti - -drandki N -anite

Nahua M miki - mik-tia M -maneh P paXaani Y yaw

Subl iaba K -ganu - -d-eria - -wengu K -hka K -hka, -cu

Common P *pol P *pol S *swey Y *yex Y *ye

M *mor K *qe M *man P *pet/pel W *wan
W *wey Y *yal K *ka K *kaw N *nen
K *qa N *nel K *kha

111
 ,

LINGUISTICS

English Q 'come' N 'lie' C 'sit' T 'stand' K 'give'

Washo P ipi - m«l-om YK kekel Y j/aZ S -eiJ

Tonkawa - haa-ta- - hecne- Y yela- P V yalapa K ?eJfce-

Atakapa Q m-ok - ti Kke T *a< M mis

Karankawa Q gas K hakes Y ye^o P iotous
Klamkosh —
Coahuiltec - a
Cotoname P pau'e P pawya
Comecrudo Y kye, nak YP el-paw YP nelpok Y -yema
Sen Q kafp T 'anifcta: K *# SM ? os, rmJSi
Maricopa - adit W hiv^awm K fc'ti-
Esselen Y eyo^ene Y yu&,

Chum ash — N Ze&en - nowo K xt'fcs

Salina Y yax C asel? T etafrox - anikho'^

Guaicura K fcen, titewrt-

Chontal P pa* pa N noy- P panp- K fcuuy

Jicaque Q k w asu P pews C ha4e K kiibuhus K^a*
Campa Q koake P -pondke C -fointa K -kdtia P -phnpiro
Nahua W u-aallau ,
K koliwki T -\alia K /
9 A-aA- M -maaka
wiic

Subtiaba (^ -ca, -kin/, K <7«//o T -taw, Jfeamo \V -tpiftt SM -sno

-mada
Common S •ye P •yd P 'pa V "ye* M *men
W *wan K '90 C T K *
9 e«
Q
P
*qwem
9
pe
N *IM Y V*
T
*ce

*tel
K
P *pa
V
*ten
S
P
*5eJ
*pe
K *qtl Y *yeii;

English - '-. - sun' M 'moon' T 'star' - 'water'

Washo t a P I - t-tpt M rnalosarj - (-imi

Tonkawa - new-, ht pi 1 ruaxas N na? as 9 oo'* out T tawsew K ?aax

Atakapa - U'on K kakaw - ili-yUt K kakaw hicon K kawkaw
Karankawa K kawpn K fcky
Klamkosh W avfl K A:f«v
Coahuiltec K ka N anu'a N n»
Cotoname N K a/i
Comecrudo K kiwa, ekna N aZ K kan K kttek*i PK ah, papal;
Son K Icdilon S ? akoxkanox K?a x
Maricopa - Vi N 'any da K xa/yd M harnuse K axd
Esselen N asi 1 \1 ainutatay K asanak
Chumash N alixap W awaya K aqewo K
Salina K heka> N na ? T Taiwan K 4xa?
Guaicura K hake
Chontal K ko- N >/
? dra M miiui^a annd
Jicaque K kubereka T cio ? *aA: M mumi - pul K isii

Campa K -kantero TP pdioa K kaZin. - impukiro N niha

Nahua T i?«xi T tocnatiw M m«€^- T siikalin P oa-

Subtiaba T -<ia/a K -ahka- K ufcuu T caa^aN(D) K iya

Common K *he-qa N ,? ant«c M *mo/-l K ^aJfcfoi

T *cto
T
KV 'ten
N
K
*?
a?i(
*(7agan M *hamo
P
N
*pei
*ne
P *pe W?atr

112
LEXICOSTATISTIC CLASSIFICATION

English - 'rain' T 'stoue' S 'sand' - 'earth' - 'cloud'

Washo T lek M ijawa T tawmahun

Tonkawa yoom?a T yatexan K zees - hoar - yoom^am-
eykew^an
Atakapa K kawkawk W way - yew T itans

Karaakawa
Klamkosh K kohon
Ooahuiltec T <ap
Cotoname - pen
Comecrudo - mapel W woyek wel W trawen M kamla PM mapel
Seri K ipka K ?a.s* K ikx M ? am* - ''o&ax
Maricopa K ik v e W ?ai>ii S 6aly?ay M amar - ^aA^e
lOsselen K .se/e M maia M mec
Chumash - tuhuy K x »/> K /ias S Sttxp - siksi
Salina N lesxay? K sxap S #n# S sxo''' P pa>y^
Guaicura T atem-ba
Chontal K akri P ap?7t - antomdj M amdy T icimhma
Jicaque K hive P pe S stts M amara M mo/
Cam pa N inkdni P wdpi - impaniki - kipdci M menkori
Nahua K kiyawi- T /e- S SaJ- T Xaa/- M mil-
Subtiaba N d-undii-lu K sunu W hwilu M umba T duiv(/))

Common K *khewke T *te-qhep S *saZ M ? a-ma*

*
M *mel-c
N *?
ene K *qliaphi K *afces T *<a P *pe*
W *?«a?/ W *hewen S *.SOX0 T *tom
P V
English M 'smoke' - 'fire' - 'ash' - 'burn' P 'path'
Washo - t-^iyu P caphuL T ftolhika N inahaletia
Tonkawa K hakocan N naxcan - keewan N nawa- N naaz
Atakapa P puh Q kicons T /emon N iaw N wank-ne
Karankawa N anawa Q humhe, k waci
Klamkosh - ahoma Q k woylsem
Coahuiltec
Cotoname M man
Comecrudo K kom NQ klwen, len S -semel - -met N a/

Seri N ?ank&xat M 9 amdk - ^antimak Q fci/ax W?d?o

Maricopa K axway W ?a?aw - k wax?6o W urn, yim,
way
Esselen - huma N ana/t
Chumash T tow N n* P alspawa
Salina T rate* W r^ow T ron ? - take 9
Guaicura
Chontal K ikuHs WQ un£ wa P api? N ndaloo- N dne
Jicaque M mus W at;a P peu> T topes W ahumuk
Campa K kdca T cici S samdmpo - amorekdke W awoci
Nahua P pok- T Xe- - nes T -\a-tia P o?-(*po ? )
Subtiaba K guni W aau T id* Q -aamo - gamba
Common P *pok W *?aw;a P *peu> N */aw P *pe<
N *?
ane N ? ane
*
T *?ete T *to N *?ana
K *qo M ? ama
*
S *sem Q *ow a W *ha-wanki
M *me Q *fc
wa
T *to

113
 -

LINGUISTICS

English - 'mountain' - 'red' K 'green' K 'yellow' Q 'white'

Washo - haya S -iosoyi C -cadami - -iadami P -phophoy

Tonkawa T naatoon S samox TK x?aton M makik M maslik
Atakapa - ne-mak - kuc T ta* - tat Q fcop

Karankawa — •nnoyika — — P peka

Klamkosh — — — — —
Coahuiltec — — — — —
Cotoname — M rruay — — M mesoy
Comecrudo W way M pamsol Y yaluij 1. yaluy P pepuk
Sen °ast - ki°w, k? el Y yailk u vil, - n wdsol Q fcoxp
xpandms
Maricopa W avi N y'iihwitk K xasami K khwesam - niily-
Esselen — — — — —
Chumash T tuptup, - (astn — — - owon-
oslomol
Salina T loyam. - fk(iten'
>
— K xawai M marat
Topic
Guaicura — — — — —
Chontal \V iwdalay M muT - t'frd* - amariyo P fuh
Jicaque N IM N niA:jp C fu L In P pe
Campa T Urrfkdri, - kird, K ben&fi- K kiteri- - kitamaru-
OtlSl l
i(ionka

Nithua T tepee - .trtl-tik T (en-M K kox-tik S z'sfau -k

Subtiaba N arm (j \ :nij(i C -ola \! -ohmo S -i$a, tirn

Common U 'way \l Sum C Va I. *;/«/« P *phek

T •» bum K 'yen K *g/ieu'e M *mrs
N 'neir N 'r,ek T 'ten M moqhma K *q-oi{'p <i'ij

English P bl ight
1
K hoi' K Cold' P 'full'

Washo 1 T taphawit - yaxaykn M methu P -iphulu

Tonka K A.';. K x<i/a/ K koowa- P ha-pec nn

capieu-

\1 :ikapa M mel T «/. N >/u K nkc aw P puA:

Karankawa MP ma, pal — — — —

Klamkush — — - dr/m —
Coahuiltec im — — —
Cotoname P |
P pay — - hewes —
(
'omecrudo MP ."I - A-/u* -au'fti/air S <ekyaw - kam

Sen P k-opol - (''dmoA; K kmtke V 'aapl —

Mario >[>.! T tinam T tiham - ?apihi — —
ilen — — — —
(
'hiimash K aktrnt - sulkunu — — —
Salina - tmakhay 9 — P8 >"pfa, ^nefeJ P apeun
Guaicura — — — — —
ipugi? N v - -H»a lamda
ChontaJ - tirni 1' .nti -

Jicaque T b IP pu.«te - ehaun. S cose P pit

tyampe
Can K 1 - osdite K kdcininkd- • -kdcinkd- - -hdka

Nahua VI' ya-pal- - youal - toton-ki - rk"l8- - ten -to k

Subtiaba T -dogma T -du ? u K -M-a M ma - -ahni

Common P 'pa' T *teM N 'net/ -

- 'sati P *pol
T *fmi P *phel K *kar K *kel
Y 'i/atr M *me
M '
P *p«*

114
 LEXICOSTATIBTIC CLASSIFICATION

English N 'new' Q 'good' - 'round' 'dry' N 'name'

Washo M t-ayaw T -tfye-

Tonkawa S hosas - henos PT talmay,

kopul
Atakapa N il T tol T koctols caA: N enA
Karaukawa - pla - laakum
Khunkosh Q k^ial-baha
Coahuiltec MQ kapan, W aw;
manam
C'otouame Q Arna/i
Comeorudo N -lex - -iex, -sex P -wapel PW -plaw, -wel N Ze&aw
Seri N nwaki? Q kipe Q k w 6lix T ?a*dsi
Maricopa Q oxo^A; Y yeryer(D) - amuly
Esselen
Chumash C surna. co^o T <u
Salina S stik w aw CM makrfep
Guaicura T didi

Chonlal S tee? - hikdta - redondo Q xulkuk W ilftine

Jioaque S sassway - uk P pa N Ja

Cam pa N irodkera M kamb<f.a P -pdnkati P pirihdtahi W -wdhiro

Nahua - yankw i-k Q fc
u aZ- Y yawal-tik W waaki T -tookaa

Subtiaba N nusi M -/ma — - SO N gi-nihka

Conitnon N *new Q Vel Y *?/ew;Z W *w;e T *teu>
S *s'e T *ter T *toZ P *pe N *ne
M *qhame P *paZi Q *Jt»oJ
C *ceu>

REFERENCES
Aranu Osnaya, 1959a, 1959b, 1964, 1966 McQuown, 1956
Bright, 1956 Manrique Castaneda, 1958
Dixon and Kroeber, 1919 Newman, 1964
Esoalante and Faier, 1959 Olson, 1964, 1965
Fernandez de Miranda, 1956 Radin, 1916
Greenberg and Swadesh, 1953 Sapir, 1916, 1917, 1920, 1925
Gudschinsky, 1958a, 1959c Schmidt, J., 1872
Hale, 1958, 1959 Schuchardt, 1900
Hat tori, 1960 Swadesh, 1951, 1953, 1954b, 1954c, 1956, 1959a,
Hymes, 1960 1959b, 1959c, 1959d, 1960a, 1960b, 1960c, 1960d,
Kroeber and Chretien, 1937 1960e, 1960f, 1962, 1964a, 1964b, 1966
Lees, 1953 Weitlaner, Fernandez de Miranda, and Swadesh,
Longacre, 1957, 1961a, 1961b, 1966 1959, 1960

115
 .

5. Systemic Comparison and Reconstruction

HO BERT WNGACRE

0. Introduction 4.2. Popolocan sub-families

1 Comparative method (as illustrated with 4.3. Uto-Aztecan sub-grouping
Mixtecan materials) 4.4. Zoquean sub-classification
1.1. Sound correspondences (Mixtec:Cuica- 4.5. Mazatec dialects
tec:Trique) 4.6. Mixtecan sub-grouping
1.2. Reconstruction 5. Summary and implications for classifica-
1.3. Apparent exceptions tion of Middle American languages
1.4. Patterns of phonemic substitution in the
Appendices:
proto-language
A. Proto-Mixtecan *am
1.5. Analogical change
B. Proto-Otomi-Mazahua tones
1.6. Lexical borrowing
C. Pre-Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan deictics
1.7. W orter-und-Sachen analysis of the recon-
D. Proto-Zapotec geminate clusters
structed corpus
E. Proto-Otomanguean isoglosses
2. Phonological systems reconstructed for
F. Linguistic Map of Middle America
Otomanguean language families
2.1. Proto-Mixtecan 0. Introduction. The systemic com-
2.2. Proto-Popolocan
parison of languages and reconstruction of
2.3. Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean
2.4. Proto-Otopamean earlier stages has been pre-eminently suc-
2.4.1. Proto-Otomian cessful in the field of Indo-European studies.
2.4.2. Proto-Otomi-Mazahua In spite of limited application to other
2.4.3. Proto-Otomi-Pame language groups (noticeably Semitic, Finno-
2.5. Proto-Zapotecan
Ugric, Bantu, Sino-Tibetan, and Algon-
2.0. Proto-Chinantecan
2.7. Proto-Otomanguean quian), the accomplishment of Indo-Euro-
2.8. Proto-Popo-Manguean pean comparative reconstruction still

2.9. "Macro-Mixtecan" remains unparalleled. Nevertheless, over the

2.10. Proto-Otomanguean*//; past several decades the comparative recon-
3. Phonological systems reconstructed for
struction of American Indian languages,
other Middle American language
families especially those of Middle America, has
3.1. Proto-Uto-Aztecan gone forward at an ever accelerating rate.
3.2. Proto-Zoquean Whorf's Uto-Aztecan reconstruction of 1935
3.3. Proto-Mayan was not only the first piece of systemic re-
3.4. Proto-Totonacan
construction involving Middle American
4. Diffusion phenomena and linguistic
family trees languages, but remains a model of craftsman-
4.1. Mayan sub-families ship in respect to its sensitivity to basic

117
 ;:

LINGUISTICS

considerations of linguistic structure. Its All told, the above makes an imposing
only defect is its brevity. Other serious com- tally. Notice that
branches of the so-
all

parative studies did not follow until the called'Mexican Penutian' (excluding Huave
latter the next decade when
part of whose affinities to Zoquean, Mayan, and
Swadesh's on Proto-Zapotecan (1947)article Totonac-Tepehua are doubted by both
and Wonderly's article on Proto-Zoquean McQuown and Swadesh) have been subjects
(1949) The Newman and Weit-
appeared. of some systemic comparison and recon-
laner on Proto-Otonu and Proto-
articles
phonology, (doctoral dissertation, Univ. Penn-
Otomi-Mazahua (1950) provided an aus- sylvania, 1966).
picious start for the pasl decade which >aw The following articles have appeared (also not
included in the main bibliography of this volume)
the appearance of Arana's article on Proto-
Maurice Swadesh, "The Oto-Manguean hypothe-
Totonac-Tepehua iI^'m 1

. McQuown's tenta- sis and Macro-Mixtecan" {UAL, 26 79-111, I960) :

-ketch of Proto-Mayan (1956), and Longacre, "Swadesh's Macro-Mixtecan hypothe-

sis" {UAL, 27: 9-29, 1961); Wigberto J. Moreno,
volumes by Longacre (1957) and Gud- "Estudios Mixtecos" (reprinted from the intro-
sky (1959c) on Proto-Mixtecan and duction to the facsimile edition of Yocabulario en
•'-Popolocan. In this decade has ap- Lengua Mixteca of Fray Francisco de Alvarado,
Mexico City, 1962); Longacre, "Amplification of
peared a sketch on Proto M xtec by Mak Gudschinsky'a Proto Popolocan - Mixtecan"
-

and Longacre m article of Bartholo- {UAL, 28: 227-42, 1962); Norman Nordell, "On
mew 's n . . < ttomian consonants the status of Populuca in Zoque-Mixe" (UAL, 28:
1In 19, 1982 Longacre, "Progress in Otoman-
and
,

I960), an ethnolinguistic article of

guean reconstruction" (Proc, Ninth Int. Cong.
Millon and Longacre which incidentally Linguistics, Cambridge, Mass., 1962 [1964]);
sketches a few features of Proto-Amuago- Ronald Olson. "Mayan affinities with Chipaya of
Bolivia L correspondence" (HAL, 30: 313-24,
(l'.M.i . The present backlog of
"Mavan affinities with Chipaya of Bolivia
unpublished include- Arena's II: cognates" {HAL, 31: 20 38, 1965); Kaufman,
h of Proto-Amusgo-Miztecan; Fer- "Materiales lingufsticos para el estudio de las
relacionee internas y externas de la familia de
nandez de Miranda and Weitlaner's volume
idiomas mayanos" (in DeearroUo cultural de loe
on Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean (1961); a iiayae, pp. 81 136, F. Z. Vogt and A. Rua L.,eds.,
very brief Bketch "i' Smith and Wcitlaiier Mexico City, 1964); Longacre, "On linguistic af-
Amusgo" </./.!/., 32: 46-49, 1965); B. W.
finites of
(L957 on Proto-< h oanfc can; and an article
Upson and Longacre, "Proto-Chatino phonology"
of Bartholomew's 1959 on Proto-Otomf- {IJAl 31 312 -

Pame A signii study now m progr It evident that the volume of study Completed
is

Since wrote this article considerably exceeds the

1

Fernandez de Miranda's 1960 revision and 1

work summarised here. To take account of the

Scation of Proto-Zapotec which was recent work would require rewriting the entire
first reconstructed by Swadesh almosl a article \ recenl summary which takes account
of most of the above is found in Longacre, "Coin
quarter of a century ag
parative reconstruction of indigenous languages"
(Curreni Trend* in Linguistics, vol. I),
In the
1
i was written, this article importanl shift in my own position is thai
further comparative bare appeared • - I now regard Amusgo as constituting a seventh
main bibliography "f thii language family within Otomanguean, This is re-
(
' I Voegelin, F. M Voegelin, and Kenneth Hale, flected in the classification embodied in the lin-
rramma guist ic map App. F), but is not reflected elsewhere
|

Memoir 17. I
in t his article.
Calvin I: - Chinantee phonology Some other article- of possible relevance here
•
iv Pennsylvania, but not mentioned in the body of this article are:
Kaufman, iiixt Bright L956; E< ker, 1939; ernandez de Miranda,
I

(unpublished, 1963); All.-m Wares, A comparative 1951; Greenberg and Bwadesh, 1953; Hale, L958;
etoral disserta- 1959; 1942; Mason, I952j Mayers, 1960;
McQuown,
Dniv. Texas, 1964): Burton W. Bascom, Jr., Eiadin, Ravicz and Elomney (unpublished
1916;
Proto (Tepehuan-Piman) (doctoral dis- MS); Sti ideeh, 1956; Weitlaner, 1942; Wonderly,
sertation, Univ. Washington, l%t>i, Paul Kirk, an be added an unpublished file of
Proto doctoral dissertation, Univ. Wash- DtO-Aztecan cognates prepared bv Wick J.
•

, 1966); Calvin Rensch, Proto-Otomanguean Miller.

L18
systemic comparison & reconstruction

struct ion. The time would soon be ripe, it Meanwhile Gudschinsky's comparison of
seems, for comparing Proto-Zoquean, Proto- Popolocan and Mixtecan (1959c) and the
Mayan, and Proto-Totonac-Tepehua, and Fernandez- Weitlaner common reconstruc-
demonstrating the assumed relationship of tion of Popolocan-Mixtecan with Chia-
the three to each other — if, indeed, it be panec-Mangue (1961) amount, in effect, to
demonstrable. 11
The chief difficulty at two approximations to Proto-Otomanguean.
present would seem to be the lack of exten- When reconstructed with detail and care, the
sive published ensembles of cognate sets in latter may give us a piece of Middle Ameri-
each of these language families. A further can linguistic reconstruction approaching in
consideration will then be the possible af- depth and diversity the accomplishment of
finity of the Mexican stock to Penutian of Indo-European scholarship, although the
California.Each of the six branches of work will long be hampered by the skeleton
Otomanguean (Mixtecan, Popolocan, Chia- crew manning Middle American comparative
panec-Manguean, Otomi-Mazahua-Pame, studies as compared to the more favorable
Zapotecan, and Chinantecan) has been re- number of scholars in Indo-European.
constructed either in published or unpub- In this we sketch (1) the operation
article
lished studies. Some of these reconstructions of the comparative method (as illustrated by
(noticeably Chinantecan) are indeed most Mixtecan materials) along with factors ob-
sketchy. Two others (Mixtecan and Popolo- scuring regular sound change, with mention
can) are extensive. For Chiapanec-Mangue of some important ethnolinguistic by-
we have all we can ever hope for, because the products of the comparative method; (2)
two languages are extinct and exist only in reconstructed phonological systems involv-
rather fragmentary records. Although ing Otomanguean languages with mention of
Swadesh's Zapotecan sketch does not give a any grammatical features that have also
very extensive body of cognate sets, the emerged in the course of such work, and
present studies of Fernandez de Miranda with attention to approximations already
should supply what is lacking here. The com- made to the reconstruction of Proto-Oto-
bined efforts of Newman and Weitlaner plus manguean itself; (3) reconstructed phono-
Bartholomew readies Otomi-Mazahua-Pame logical systems involving other Middle
for comparison with other branches of American languages; (4) problems arising
Otomanguean. The time is therefore very from "diffusion" versus "family tree" con-
near when Proto-Otomanguean may itself cepts.
go onto the drafting-board, if Otomanguean 1. The comparative method as worked
proves to be a valid genetic grouping. 2 out on the terrain of Indo-European studies
is "comparative" in a very specialized sense
la
Terrance Kaufman has assembled evidence
(unpublished cognate sets) to substantiate this of that term. We are not here comparing
grouping. gross similarity of shape and function (as in,
2
With the completion of Pensch's dissertation
say, comparative anatomy). Linguistic ty-
(of footnote 1) Otomanguean is now firmly estab-
lished. In this massive work (427 cognate sets), pology in the latter sense has been slow
every phase of comparative Otomanguean pho- developing, although this may be a fruitful
nology (consonants, vowels, laryngeals, tones,
development in this decade. Rather we are
consonantal alternations) is carefully considered.
Every constituent family of Otomanguean is given concerned with the discovery of systematic
chapter length treatment. This study modifies
some details of my Proto-Mixtecan reconstruction of two laryngeals for Proto-Mixtecan rather than
and replaces entirely my speculations regarding my one laryngeal (*?). Kirk in Proto-Mazatec and
the probable structure of Proto-Otomanguean. Bartholomew in Proto-Otopamean likewise recon-
In particular, Rensch reduces drastically the num- struct systems of but four vowels. Rensch also
ber of vowels reconstructed for Proto-Otoman- rejects the whole system of postposed deictic
guean and for Proto-Mixtecan as well. The latter particles first suggested by Gudschinsky (1959)
reduction is made possible by the reconstruction and further developed in Longacre 1962 and 1964.

119
 -

LINGUISTICS

sound correspondences between languages. (1) M ~ s C d ~T c as in M m/

In the application of the comparative 'sweet', nduil 'honey'; C na-dl ? l
method several stages may be noted: (a) By 'honey', cyddde 'sugar'; T z&ciPi*
systemic comparison regular sound corre- 'candy', gahPi^ 'honey'.
spondences are noted, (b) An attempt is then There is also a further sound correspond-
made to discover which sets of sound corre- ence observed before back vowels and a:
spondences are in contrast in the same or (2) Ms~Cf/-T/asinM fi-sad, C
similar phonological environments, and ?ydddd, T zaHaha* 'bird'.
which sets are in noncontrastivc distribution
These two sound correspondence are
(i.e., occur in mutually exclusive environ-
partially similar in that the Cuicatec reflex
ments or in free variation). In this fashion
is identical in both cases while Mixtec s and
the number of reconstructed phonemes is
Trique c could be considered to be palataliza-
ascertained, (c) The reconstructed phonemes
tions of Mixtec and Trique t respectively.
s
:ire then assigned symbols according to
Since reflexes Mixtec & and Trique c occur in
phonetic plausibility, i.e., in terms of the
environments which may exert palatalizing
phonetic nature of the reflexes (the present
influence (before front vowels) while Mixtec
day phonemes which have developed from
S and Trique / occur in nonpalatalizing en-
the reconstructed sounds), in terms of the
vironments, it seems plausible that we have
geographical distribution of those reflexes,
here not two contrasting reconstructed
and according to then- possible placement in
phonemes but simply one such phoneme with
the emerging phonological system. U\) Once
reflexes distributed in mutually exclusive
the phonological system is tentatively
and DOncontrasting environments.
worked out for a proto-language (i.e.
However, in contrast to these two sound
"parent" language), we are in a position to
correspondences the following sound corre-
mise other features (grammatical and
spondences occur:
lexical innovation-) which in part obscure
the regularity of appearance of the postu- (3) M / - C t - T < as in M kata, C
lated reflexi s. These latter features may have l.natn, T i/a ra :l 'to sing'.

riderable ethnolinguistic import. (4) M 6 - C / - T c as in M (JOd)

'I'll- se stages in the application of the

i/uci 'alligator', C "yddle 'lizard', T
-rale-'.
comparative method are illustrated with
some detail in the following section. Illus- These two sound correspondences
latter

trative data are drawn from the reconstruc- arc also found to be in complementary dis-
tion of Proto-Mixtecan (by comparison of tribution relative to one another: (4) is
Mixtec, Cuicatec, and Trique). Hut here let found in ultima syllables before front vowels
noted that, beginning in the most in all three languages; and in Mixtec before

strian fashion with a search for regular a and after i or >/; (3) is found elsewhere.
sound correspondences, systemic reconstruc- L.2. Reconstruction. Prom the above
tion eventually leads to the uncovering of Bound correspondences in which (1) and (2)

facts which relate not only to the phonologi- contrast as a pair with ('A) and (4) we recon-
cal history of a language family but also to struct two phonemes. What phonetic values
al and lexical history B8 well. may be assigned to them? For sets (3) and
1.1. Sound cobbsbpondkncxs. For Mixtec (4) we a— nine a Proto-Mixtecan voiceless

San Miguel el Grande), Cuicatec (of alveolar Mop, viz. *t. For sets (1) and (2) we
Conrepcion Pdpalo>, and Trique (of San need to reconstruct another sound which is
Andres Chicahuaxtla) the following sound presumably also alveolar; *s, *d and *0 are
correspondence is observed before front likely choices. The option *s is not so
first

vowels: likely in view of the Mixtec dialect evidence

120
Yuman
Serian
 :

RECONSTRUCTION
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON &
vowel phoneme, e.g. *o. Such a phoneme was
Choice of symbol
in section 4.5.
summarized reconstructed inProto-Mixtecan study.
my
reconstructed Proto-Mixtecan
our a post-
for
I have At the same time I reconstructed
ph oneme is arbitrary as to *e or *rf.
occurred with
vocalic *-m, which evidently
chosen the former in that
two other spirants, was the main
considerable frequency, which
w seem to be witnessed to in the Mixtecan
*x and *x ,
nasalized vowels in the
source for
choosing *6 we obtain a
three languages. By to this day in
languages, and which survives
*d *''
* xW wnich P arallols the l '
well as in Mixtec
closelv related Amuzgo as
'
eries
*"9 W pre-
•«- stop Beries, and the *"d, *"g, vowel.
dialect forms that have added a final
nasalized series. Apparently this *-m patterned as
some sort
to the ap-
* Apparent exceptions Consequently the oc-
of suffixal element.
1

reflexes may
pearance of regularly postulated colored by
currence of a given vowel reflex
features. Some such
be occasioned by various old post-posed *-m versus reflex uncolored
need for recon-
aberrances mav indicate the unpredictable. Thus in the
phoneme or may indicate by *-m is largely
structing another and un-
same language may occur nasalized
previouslv postulated phoneme in a in etymological
a realized vowel reflexes
position (i.e. forming a
hitherto unsuspected to the same
cluster, or some doublets that seem to stem back
consonant cluster, a vowel Proto-Mixtecan root plus or minus *-m. I
element coloring
post -vocalic consonantal occasion, the *-m
vowel). Thus^, had also realized that on
the quality of the
preceding
not only resulted innasal coloring of the
encountered
from the following frequently vowel, but in raising and backing of
the
sets of sound
correspondences six Proto- *nam > M nu).
(a num- vowel as well (e.g. PMx
Mixtecan vowels are reconstructed failed to realize was that the raising
reflexes are What 1

ber of specially conditioned the post-posed

backing influence of
reflexes and
omitted here; but some alternative to account
bilabial nasal was general enough
are indicated below
without statement of
entirely for the aberrant
set of reflexes, M
conditioning factors):
u/o ~ Cu/o~T a. It now seems
plausible

M C T PMx that every instance of reconstructed^ *o

simply as *am.
(I) I r^> i <~*> i
vowel may be reconstructed
(2) i/e ~e ~ e
In brief, instead of reconstructing
a further

(3) I ~ i/e ~ i vowel phoneme, we simply expand the dis-

(4) a r^> ~a
a tribution of post-vocalic bilabial nasal to a
r
(• >)
u/o ~ u/o ^ o number of sets where its presence was previ-

u/'i ~ u/e ~ u ously unsuspected.

(6)
Thus, sets 167 and 222 of
my Proto-
these
Nevertheless, having reconstructed parallel, but
on the basis of the Mixtecan study are remarkably
Proto-Mixtecan vowels reconstructed *yo?no?'>
for the former set I
above sound correspondences, there yet latter set I
'network bag', whereas for the
remains a further sound correspondence *k™ofrio'* 'to weave'. The
reconstructed
(7) M u/o ~ C u/o ~ T a latter we now reconstruct simply
represents
as
a
*k™o?no?ni>. Thus, set 167
correspondence is
While this further sound root 'to
Proto-Mixtecan noun built on the
partially similar to numbers (4) to (6), it
post-posed
weave' and not characterized by
contrasts with all three. 3 It
apparently has the post-
only course *-m while the root 'to weave'
would seem, therefore, that the both the Proto-
further posed nasal. Notice that
open to us is that of reconstructing a as to
Mixtecan noun and verb correspond
dispose of syllables, as to tone
'Swadesh and Arana's attempt to the vowel of their first
as an assimilation of
Proto-Mixtec *u/o ...
presence of final glottal
this
mass of data. class *22 and as to
a > u ... u or o ... o ignores a
121
 LINGUISTICS

stop. Similarly, my set 223, formerly two paradigms. Such overlap as occurs pre-
thought to witness to *ud in its last syllable, sumably reflects a mixture of nouns harking
is seen to witness to *nam instead. back to */- versus *d- paradigms but built on
Such a restatement typically leads to ad- the same Proto-Mixtecan root.
justments all along the line. However, the The scheme
Proto-Mixtecan con-of
post illation of *am rather than *j not only sonantal above is, of
gradation sketched
obeys the law of parsimony in avoiding course, an end product of comparative re-
reconstruction of further phonemes, but con- construction. It affords a systematic ex-
stitutes a more adequate explanation for planation of many apparent exceptions and
several apparent anomalies of phonological anomalies of phonological development.
development Appendix A).
(see Therefore, we summarize and illustrate here
1.4. Patterns of PHONEMIC SUBSTITU- some of the problems encountered at this
TION in THE photo-language. Another point in the course of reconstructing of
factor apparently interfering with regular Proto-Mixtecan.
appearance of postulated reflexes may con- In reconstructing *CVCV forms, both of
sist phonemic substitution in
of pattern- of the vowels as well as the second consonant
the proto structure. Once such patterns are reconstruct quite regularly- although not
goized, it is seen thai they do not con- without problems oi the sort illustrated
stitute exceptions to regularity of sound above in reference to the reconstruction of
development; the developments are regular *am versus *.>. In the second consonantal
enough, but a cognate in one language may position phonemes *0 and *t are recon-
not hark back to exactly the -anie form as structed from the -ound correspondences
a cognate in another language. Granted already presented and exemplified. In this
slightly different j
points, it is not second consonantal position we also cata-
surprising that the end jx>inN differ also. logue such additional correspondences as:
Thus, in Indo-European languages vowel
M C T PMx
gradation has played an important part and
results ;n apparent anomalies of phonoli i
(1) -o < *l)

development until it- role is understood. In (with Mixtec n reflex conditioned by oc-
the Mixtecan langu - msonanl gradation currence of another nasal in the ProtO-
sort may be postulated for Mixtec form, and Trique zero reflex condi-
the parent structure. The patterns of con- tioned by following
Bonanl gradation were primarily of two -on-,
with Proto Mixtecan **•-, *y *k-,
ii ~n~n < *n

and
'

_ verb paradigms with

.

6«TM*t) ~n~n < *"d

four •

ius allomorphs (Mixtec reflex i occurs intervocalic; other

of the and fourth aspects
second and , conditioned reflexes, including "d occur
*t- *0-, *
ami *n- marking nouns.
. elsewhen
bly the *y- of the noun paradigm Hut although these reflexes and recon-
dicated nUe (which became Trique un- structions are clearly established m refer-
and Amusgo plural), whereas
. ence to the second consonant of *CVCV
*t- *0- marked rhich became form-, they do not ,-eem directly applicable
Trique p and Amusgo singular A .
to the first consonantal position. Further-
noun reconstructs with etiht more, we experience the same difficulty in re-

paradigm involving H- <>r with a par constructing the consonant of some *CV
involving *6-. In the cognate Bete of my form-. Evidently something has disturbed
Proto-Mixtecan study there i.- alino.-t no the regularity of anticipated reflex for the
overlap (total of only four cases) of these first consonant of many forms, whether

1 22
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

disyllabic or monosyllabic. Thus, from such often obscures regular sound correspond-
sets as 97, 98, and 171, we can abstract the ences between languages may be analogical
sound correspondence: change one language. In such circum-
in
stances we suppose the phonological develop-
M n (PM *y)~Cy~Tt; ment to have been originally quite regular,
from such sets as 277 we can abstract but subsequent grammatical and/or lexical
developments have obliterated the regular
Mn(PM *y) ~Cd~Tt; reflex (as "foots" may be substituted for
and from set 178 we can abstract "feet" in a child's language).
In Trique the fortis phonemes t and A: are
M n (PM *i/)-C^T». restricted to word-final syllables where they
Taking these sets at their face value, we contrast with lenis d and g. In non-word-
could reconstruct three additional Proto- final syllables this contrast does not occur;
—
Mixtecan phonemes albeit phonemes of rather there occur somewhat colorless
very limited distribution: t v dv and n d y But
, , .
alveolar and velar stops (varying to spirants)
positing these three additional phonemes which we assign to the lenis phonemes. In
would be but a beginning, in that inspection that word stress typically falls on the word-
of further sets would necessitate the recon- final syllable, it seems possible that the
struction of more such phonemes of re- fortis-lenis contrast in alveolar and velar
stricted distribution. This would be espe- stops was originally a phonetic distinction
cially true in regard to sound correspond- correlating with onset of stress or lack of
ences abstracted from the first consonantal onset of stress. However, some instances of
position of CVCV forms. Here, for example, d and g in word-final syllables do occur and
Arana and Swadesh reconstruct *r from the phonemic contrast is not to be doubted
M?/~Td (with inconsistency of C d versus in modem Trique. Spanish loans such as
V reflex; why not postulate r versus /"?). In na2 du 3 'soldier' are possibly too few to have
brief, postulation of such further phonemes played a very significant part in the lenis
on the basis of these apparent irregularities stops becoming phonemic. A few native roots
in the first consonants of forms rapidly works
in the direction of reducing our proto struc-
display g in second
perhaps in syllable —
forms that hark back to Proto-Mixtecan
ture to the status of a phonological waste- * w
x or *ngW ^ j3 ut j t j s striking that the
basket choked with an abundance of clearest fortis-lenis contrasts in word-final
phonemes of very restricted distribution. syllables involve a morpheme d- (replacive
However, consonantal gradation may be of first consonant) and g- (likewise replacive)
posited as lying back of all these apparently with the former indicating possessed status
irregular and haphazard sound correspond- on nouns and the latter indicating punc-
ences. It then becomes unnecessary to posit tiliar aspect of verbs. Note, e.g. the follow-
a host of further phonemes of restricted ing minimal pairs:
distribution. 4
1.5. Analogical change. A factor which t% 3 ni3 'their blood'

4
d% 3 ni 3 'their palm-trees'
Telltale traces of the old alternation survive
in the form of etymological doublets in all three
(with yqf 'an unpossessed palm-tree')
languages. Thus we find Cuicatec nq?q 'firewood'
side by side with yq? q 'stick' as are Mixtec vlsi
'sweet', and "dust 'honey'; Cuicatec da-ka&ci 'to
kq 3 'squash'
boil'and ?yuuci 'to fry'; Cuicatec (ddlyd) deeno
gq 'she dug
3
'granddaughter' and (ddlyd) hiino 'grandson'; (it)'

Mixtec ?ini 'afternoon, early evening', and slnl

'supper'; Trique ga 3 nq 2 h 'to weave' and zi znq n (with wq? continuative aspect, 'she's
'loom'. digging it')

123
 .

LINGUISTICS

In this first pair, presumably Froto- seems best to assume that du s cP 'blind' is a
Mixtecan *dom lies baek of the Trique form Mixtec loan word in Trique. We note that
possessed palm. However, the regular reflex both these items presumed to be Mixtec
of Proto-Mixtecan *d in ultimate syllables is loan words refer to pathology. Knowing
not d, but t. Nevertheless, since bisyllabic that the Mixtecs were culturally dominant
stems with initial y- alternate to d- in the over the Triques before and after the eon-
possessed forms of such nouns, it seems quest, we might wonder if these two borrow-
plausible here to believe that (a) regular de- ings (and a few other items) do not reflect
velopment of Proto-Mixtecan *6 to Trique a cultural situation involving Mixtec
/ took place in an earlier stage of Trique; but shamans and Trique clients. 6
(b) analogical extension of d- sign of 1.7. WoHTKK-t \1wSaCHEN ANALYSIS OF
possessed to monosyllabic nouns has ob- THE RECONSTRUCTED CORPUS. Ill the above
literated this earlier t reflex. Similarly, in sections we have illustrated the nature of
re8pec1 second pair, we assume that
to the systemic comparison and reconstruction by
regular development of Proto-Mixtecan *k to vise of Mixtecan data. We have noted that
Trique ft first took place, but that this apparent exceptions to regular phonological
regular reflex was obliterated by later ex- developments do not lead us to abandon tin
tension of a morpheme for punctiliab assumption of regular sound change. On the
aspecl contrary, by taking account of these excep-
1.6. LEX* \i. BORROWING. ( K-her ap- tions we bring into better focus the recou
parent exceptions to regular Bound develop- StniCted phonological system with possible
ment may be attributed to lexical borrowing discovery of some facts about t ho grammar
at atune when certain BOUnd developments as well. We may also uncover some lexical

had already taken place and were DO longer borrowings that can be recognized as such
operative. Thus, 88 WC h:i\"e Stated, M fl only by the application Of systemic recou
T i < PMx *0, but then- i- no regular >t ruction. Nevertheless, analysis of such
correspondence M a *» T a Neverthel borrowings may have considerable el line

ccurs exhibiting this apparently anom- linguistic value.

alous correspondence: M
•deaf - i
'deaf. In that the M * In this respect i1 ii interesting to cote two

and Trique forms are (T has other Trique lexical items which may belong to the
bo very similar
same Lexical domain. Ui'kira* 'lame' from m\ Bel
lenis phoneme in penultimas, and z 142 ud la 'IPe*S 'mucus' from set 127 These items
versus iorti> a only in ultima- we suspect involve the Onlj occurrences in our OOgnate Beta of
penultimate I- in Trique form-; penultimate /-
hen- a Mixtec loan wonl in Trique. This
is somewhat more common in Mixtec dialects.
.suspicion is reinforced by noting another Furthermore, we can in set 127 match the Trique
\1 duel 'bean-'. </<'<'
'blind' ^ form Itrkirr'h 'mUCUS with Mixtec lak'°u 'pus
1

although we have DO Mixtec form with initial to

regularly T nfne 'beam
t<>
1 ;

ycf
match the Trique word "latkwq* 'lame' (and. in
/

|
•
PMx ••./»/ <i,\ Bet 16). Hm there w
fact, the Mixtec OOgnate yak a simply means
Trique form duir 'blind' which is •crooked',) However, it il not impossible that
these two Trique terms mighl also be Mixtec
phonologically quite different from the in-
If so, then Trique has borrowed them from
herited item - mi it
Mixtec at a comparatively early period- earlier
than the Trique shift of (k w )a(h) to c. Moreover,
Tin- assumption is not wholly gratuitous An we have evidence thai the Triquea who are
old Proto-Mixtecan root meaning 'hard' and later rather conservative about linguistic borrowing
'metallic' is Been in Trique bard' and borrowed the Spanish word cojo lame' in the
le (of rattlesnake)'. But in a
-
form g(i'ro i some tune m the past when tin
liable following a syllable with phrase their Mixtec overlords) were in contact with a
we find forms with A: weakened to Q du'Awo'- Spanish dialect m which j was pronounced as an
ga'a** 'jail ( = 'house of iron')' arid IU / ua^-ga** alveopalat.il sibilant (no such Spanish dialei :

'rat tleenake'. exists in the region today).

124
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

One further possible ethnohnguistic by- *2 mid-high register

product of systemic reconstruction consists *3 mid- low register
in the application of a Worter-und-Sachen *4 low-register
analysis to the reconstructed corpus. Thieme
Of the consonant phonemes only * 9 and
(1958) has done some work of this sort in
*m occur final in forms; *m? could occur
Indo-European studies. Millon and Longacre *?
final as well. The glottal stop could occur
(1961) have made such a cultural analysis of
in medial or initial cluster with possibly any
the reconstructed Proto-Mixtecan and
consonant. Aside from these considerations
Proto-Amuzgo-Mixtecan vocabularies. In
the canonical forms are *CVCV and *CV
attempting to guard against some of the
with no other consonant clusters, and no
pitfalls inherent in a Worter-und-Sachen
vowel clusters.
approach, we sought for evidence of the
The semi-vowel *y apparently had a
existence of whole cultural complexes rather
variety of allophones. A lateral allophone
than merely isolated traits. Thus, on the
*[/] occurred before *i and *u but its oc-
Proto-Mixtecan horizon (some 3000 years
currence is partly conditioned there by dis-
ago?) there seems to be clear evidence for *
tribution of 9 It is possible that a phoneme
.

the following cultural complexes maize com- :

*l of limited distribution (as I posited in

plex,masa preparation complex, agricultural
1957) should be retained. 7 A further na-
complex, maguey complex, and weaving
salized allophone of *y, i.e *[y] occurred at
complex.
least in the Proto-Mixtecan dialects that
2. Phonological Systems Recon-
structed for Branches of Otoman- became Mixtec and Cuicatec; occurrence of
the allophone was contingent on occurrence
guean. In this section we present in sum-
of a nasal consonant (often final *-m) some-
mary form phonological systems recon-
structed for the six language families
where in the form.
comprising what used to be called 'Macro- Of the last vertical column of consonants,
only *kw and *w occurred in penultimate
Otomanguean' but what we will refer to here
simply as Otomanguean. These six families syllables. Furthermore, *m is extremely rare
in pre-vocalic (but frequent in post-vocalic)
are Mixtecan, Popolocan, Chiapanec-
*?
except in the cluster m. Of all the con-
Manguean, Otopamean, Zapotecan, and
*n
sonants the alveolars *0, d, and *n are the
Chinantecan.
least restricted in distribution.
2.1. Proto-Mixtecan, used illustratively
in the preceding sections, has the following
Of the vowels, *e and *o do not occur in
penultimate syllables nor before post-posed
phonological system:
*-m.
Consonants In regard to the tones: One tone or two
n *k *k w *? non-identical tones occurred on *CV forms,

*e zj. *<yV> while two tones, identical or non-identical,

*"rf
* Uq * "/j'0 occurred on *CVCV forms. Basic tone pat-
*n *m tern *4(4) did not occur, while tone patterns
*y *w involving tone *1 were restricted to sandhi
variants. The occurring basic tone patterns
Vowels
and tone sandhi variants are here listed:
*i *'i *u
*
*e *a *o
"21
*2Ii
Tones
7
At any rate *l was apparently phonemic in
1 high register (restricted to tone sandhi Proto-Mixtec from which Trique possibly bor-
variants) rowed such /- initial forms as are mentioned in 1.6.

125
 LINGUISTICS

*S3\
*88)
~ *n For Proto-Popolocan,
Mixtecan, no regular patterns of consonantal
unlike Proto-

*34 ~ *14 alternation may be posited in reconstructed

*43 ~ *13 nouns. Rather, various elements occur which
*42 ~ *4l Gudschinsky considers remnants of a former
*32 ~ *31 *31 (in the dialect which be- system very similar to that found in Proto-
came Mixtec) Mixtecan. The various preposed elements in
*32 ~ *12 (in the dialects which be- both nouns and verbs are, on the whole,
came Cuieatec and Tri- similar to preposed elements (consonantal
que) alternates) in Proto-Mixtecan with the
striking exception of Proto-Popolocan */-,
Proto-Popolocax, as reconstructed
2.2.

by Gudschinsky (1959c) has the following *tY-, and

which are alveolar elements of
*c-
a sort not found in Proto-Mixtecan verb
phonological system:
paradigms (although /- occurs in verb
Consonants paradigms of Amuzgo).
* u
t * *9
Regarding the reconstructed Proto-Po-
*(
polocan Gudschinsky remarks, "*1
tones,
*h was almost certainly always a sandhi variant
n rather than a 'basic' tone," and "a dispro-
*w portionately large number of items are re-

Vowels constructed with */ as one alternant,

possibly because *4 w as also a sandhi
variant." 9
*e *o
Apparently the labiovelar and labial
consonants *k"\ *//'•', *m and *ic, did not
Tones occur before *o and *tt. Among the vowels
*l high register (restricted to tone Bandhi *<> is apparently rare (reconstructed in three

varum' Sets on the basis Of the correspondence

*j mid-high register v — ^
// o // ,, and in three Other sets on
mid-low register the uniform o reflex, Gudschinsky, 19"> (Jc, p.
* ; low register

Clusters of two and three consonants oc- In monosyllabic reconstructed items Gud-
curred, but no vowel clusi 3 nee these Bchinsky reconstructs forms on all four
clusters occurred initial in forms, and display contrasting pitch levels. But while Proto-
some phonological variety, no sequence of Popolocan items on pitch level *2 recon-
nasal plus stop need be interpreted as a struct solidly enough, such items do not

single prenasalized phoneme (as is, by con-

by Chocho only. she reconstructs *lihi,
In Bel 3.">4

iv in Proto-Mixtecan). Gud- 'nf'ihi 'pasture', with only the Huautla

'graee'
schinsky lists (1959c, p. 21) *l as a Proto- dialed of Masatec witnessing to Hihi. In set 355
she reconstructs *la*a 'dancer, singer' with
Popolocan phoneme but this phoneme does
[xcatec and Huautla Mazatec witnessing to the
not appear on any subsequent chart nor initial */.

come in for comment in any of her expository 9

Gudschinsky cautions: 'A tentative recon-
struction of PPn tone structure is postulated in
—
paragraphs although her statement to the
spite of severe difficulties' (p. 38). These diffi-
effect that Proto-Popolocan has one liquid cult ies arise from the fact that only for two dia-
is probably a reference to */. s
lects of Mazatec have definitive tone analyses
been published. Tones are not recorded on the
In her set 248 Gudschinsky reconstructs *la
• Chocho forms and tone analyses of Ixcatec and
as a further alternate along with *na, *nta, *ya Popoloca are 'in tentative phonemicization' (p.
'tree', 'stick', "wood'; the *la form is witnessed to 38).

126
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

seem have been involved in tone sandhi

to ml. *n
d *"y
variation. Furthermore, pitch levels *1 and *m *n *n(?) *M
*4 are suspect of being only tone sandhi *w *y
variants. I therefore venture to suggest that */(?)
in Proto-Popolocan all monosyllables sort *r
essentially intotwo broad tone classes: (1) r
owels ; Vowel Clusters
those with invariable tone *2; and (2) those
f
ll
f
uu
with basic tone *3 which varied to *4
"aa
and/or to *1. However, the latter broad
"a i "au
tone class may possibly have had three sub-
classes: (a) those varying only to *4; (b) Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean *n and */ are
those varying only to *1 ; and (c) those reconstructed by Fernandez de Miranda and
varying to both *4 and *1 (Gudschinsky, Weitlaner with some hesitation. Reflexes of
1959c, pp. 39-40). *n overlap with reflexes of *n; the former
In disyllabic reconstructed items Gud- may be posited only on the strength of four
schinsky reconstructs five basic patterns sets. Reflexes of *l overlap with reflexes of
(including *44) with sandhi variants (p. 40). *r in such a fashion so as to suggest that
Actually, I believe that the underlying pic- these two were the same phoneme at an
ture is simpler than her summary might earlier stage. Fernandez de Miranda and
indicate. I therefore venture to restate Weitlaner also characterize the vowel
Proto-Popolocan tone in disyllabics as clusters somewhat dubious. The
as being
follows: (1) Basic tones *42 and *32 are consonants and * n d had palatalized al-
*t

witnessed to by one set each with *42 ~ lophones *[ts] and *[nz] before *u, while *s is
*44 ~*14, and *32 without sandhi varia- considered to have had an allophone *t lie-
tion. (2) Aside from these rare reconstructed fore *u also. 10 The velar stop *k had a
patterns there are four tone classes deter- palatalized allophone before *i and *e. The
mined by types of possible sandhi variation phoneme *M is posited rather than con-
to higher and lower pitch levels. Common to sonant group *hm. Presence of phonemic
all these tone classes are *33 and *44'- pitch seems probable but the sources do not
mark this feature well enough to permit,
(3) Class A: *33 ~ *34 ~ *44 ~ *13 even the most general sort of speculation.
(4) Class B: 38 *R'. "44 *31
Nasalization is marked in some of the
"11
sources but was probably conditioned by
(5) Class C: *33 ~ *43 ~ *44 ~ *13
(6) Class D: *3S ~ *43 ~ *44 ~ *31 ~ contiguous nasal consonant.
2.4. Proto-Otopamean as such has not
*4l
been reconstructed at the present time.
Conspicuously lacking in theabove are *21, Instead we have: (1) Proto-Otoml, first
*22, *23, and *24, all of which are possible reconstructed by Newman and Weitlaner
in a four-level system (cf. 2.7. below). (1950) and recently revised by Doris Bar-
Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean, as re-
2.3. tholomew. (2) Proto - Otomf - Mazahua
constructed by Maria Teresa Fernandez de ('Primitive Central Otomian') by Newman
Miranda and R. Weitlaner on the basis of and Weitlaner (1950); (3) Proto-Otomi-
written records of these two extinct lan- Mazahua tone tentatively reconstructed
guages, has the following phonological in an unpublished paper of Stewart (1957);
system:
Consonants 10
The seeming overlap between phonemes *t

*? and not serious in that *[tV] (not *u) con-

*s is
*p *t *k
trasted with *[sV] (not *u) while *[tsu] contrasted
*s *h *h w with *[lu].

127
 —

LINGUISTICS

and (4) Proto-Otomi-Pamc (not taking Proto-Otomi- Mazahua. Some of these diph-
into account Mazahua) by Bartholomew. thongs they reconstruct simply as a device
2.4.1. Proto-Otomiax. Bartholomew's to handle certain Otomi-Mazahuan vowel
revision of Proto-Otomi consonants 11 gives correspondences. In respect to these 'diph-
us the following system; postulated pho- thongal formulas' they comment: 'In view
netic qualities of consonants are indicated of the progressive assimilatory influences
in brackets in that phonetic features can- that have operated upon Mazahua it is
not be readily inferred from the phonemic likely that this type of diphthong formula
symbols: represents an assimilatory factor, giving a

*p [hp\ *t [fit] *c [tits] *k [hk\ **- [Wc»; f

*b [p] *d [t] *z [ts] *9 [A-l *w [fc-]

*m [-*] *n [
n
d] *y *s

I'roto-Otomi vowels arc reconstructed as high or front vowel reflex in PMz, rather
follows according to Newman and Weit- than a genuine diphthong in the parent
laner: language. But, because the conditioning
factor cannot be determined from the data
. we must symbolise these
. . special Otomi-
•a *<>
Maxahua correspondences as distinctive
V *a *j
vowel combinations at the PCO level.' (p.

2.4.2. Photo - Otomi Mazahua. Masa- 78

lnia and Otomi arc closely related. It may For another sort of diphthong more his-

therefore be expected that most or all of torical reality is claimed by Newman and
the revisions of the sort that Bartholomew Weitlaner. This latter sort of diphthong is

made in the Newman -Writlaiier inventory posited on the basis of such correspondences
of I'roto-Otomi conaonantfi might hold as as POt ViVt - PMz VitnVt, e.g. V is

ucll for Otomi-Masahua. We omit here posited as POt *$i~PMz the basis of
the Ncwman-Weitlancr line up of Otomi- *rnit; *ji, OH the basis of POt Vt PMz ~
Vfazahua consonants pending re-examina- *jni>\ and *ui, on the basis of POt *ui ^

i
on by Bartholomew or aomeone else. PMz *um>. Similar are cases with *h inter-
The I'roto-Otomi Mazahua vowel inven- posed between the two members of the
tory is identical with that reconstructed posited cluster: *<tfli is reconstructed from
tor Proto-Otomi. POt *<;/// ^ I'.Mz *ahma. Commenting on
Newman and Weitlaner also reconstruct these cases Newman and Weitlaner write:
a considerable Dumber oi diphthongs for 'Since most of these diphthongs have a
nasa] vowel as the first element in PCO and
>neonan1 dusters are of four aorta (Barthol- POt, the I'M: *m in such cases is obviously a
omew, p. 35 », *y,ox
*w in cluster with *h, which follows I be -tops, but reflex of the vowel nasalization' (1950,
precedes the other DOM l'he same p. 77 1. I suggest here an alternative hy-
*
conaoi in eluatei with which
',
pothesis, viz. that the Mazahua -m- is not
follows the Btopa, but praoedee the other con-
sonants, (c) *m or *n preceding any other eon- an innovation but an archaism, and that the
il not in cluster with each other); *m nasal vowel quality in corresponding Otomi
preceded 'p and *b, while *n preceded all others. forms the older post-posed
is a vestige of
(d) (lusters of three consonants involving com-
binal i th(c), raeh as *mph, *nhy, nasal It seems quite plausible to take the
'nk', *n'n and an additional two clusters *'t'
and *V\ Bartholomew discus-e- some systematic u Newman and
Weitlaner abbreviate Proto-
features in the patterning of these clusters in refer- Masahua and I'roto-Otomf-Mazahua
as I'M/.,

ence to the concept of phonetic rank (Eunice Pike, which thev term 'Primitive Central Otomian' as —
and simulfixation in Otomi 'Wallis, 1956). PCO.

L28
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

Mazahua witness here as basic and explain *ph *th *ch *kh
the Otomi form by loss of *m with resultant *mh *nh *lh 14
*
development of diphthong. Furthermore, t? *c?
such a suggestion is in line with the role of *9
m *? n *p
*m in other branches of Otomanguean (cf. *m?m *n 9 n
2.10.)- If my explanation of the Otomi-
Proto-Otomi-Pame vowels are likewise
Mazahuan reflexes is correct we can prob-
fewer in number than Proto-Otomi-Maza
ably assume (a) no vowel clusters in Proto-
hua vowels: */, *e, *e, *a, *o with the cor-
Otomi; and Proto-Otomi-Mazahua post-
(b)
responding nasalized phonemes. Bartholo-
posed *-mV and *~hmV elements similar to
mew comments: 'A number of cognate sets
certain postposed deictics suggested by
indicate proto vowel clusters. These clus-
Gudschinsky for Proto-Popoloean-Mixtecan.
ters are the probable source of the Otomi
Proto-Otomf-Mazahua tones as recon-
extra vowels. Though the data enable us to
structed by Stewart on the basis of three
make this basic assumption, the actual
Otomi dialects and one Mazahua dialect
correspondences do not permit us to trace
include high, low, rising, and falling tones
the precise development from the proto
(Appendix B).
clusters to Otomi' (Bartholomew, 1959, p.
2.4.3. Proto - Otom! - Pame. Bartholo-
30).
mew's unpublished reconstruction of Proto-
Pame has three phonemic tones which
Otomi-Pame presumably has to do with an
occur on stressed syllables: high, low, fall-
earlier layering than does the reconstruc-
ing. It is evident here that we have a tone
tion of Otomi-Mazahua. As such, Otomi-
system which invites comparison with the
Pame probably is more indicative of the
four tones reconstructed by Stewart for
structure of Otopamean as a whole al- — Otomi-Mazahua.
though definitive statements regarding the
2.5. Proto-Zapotecan as reconstructed
latter must await the common reconstruc-
by Swadesh (1947) and currently under
tion of Otomi-Mazahua, Matlatzinca-Ocuil-
modification by Fernandez de Miranda has
teco, Chichimeca, and Pame.
the following inventory of consonants:
The inventory of consonant phonemes for
*?
Otomi-Pame is a small one (noticeably *P *t

absent are semi-vowels). *c

*9
*P *k F
m
F
m *h
*l

But these nine consonants occur as

'ir
geminate clusters and in clusters with
*h, *m, and *? 13 :
These consonants may appear geminated
*??
with the exception of *k w * 9 *r, *rr, and , ,

PP -cc *kk
*y.
*hh
Vowels, as reconstructed by Swadesh
13
Pame has other consonant dusters not in- 14
Notice that a further consonant *l is recon-
dicated here; some such clusters occur word-final structed as occurring in clusters *lh and *U In .

as well. Some of these clusters correspond to CV that *sh and *.s^ do not occur, *l and *s are in
elements in Otomi. Thus Otomi -di or -de Pame ~ complementary distribution. Underlying the *lh
-dn in several sets while Otomi gi Pame -grj in ~ reconstruction is Otomi th ~
Pame lh; and under-
two sets. Bartholomew gives no source for Pame lying the *l ? reconstruction is Otomi t? Pame ~
d or g; I conjecture that these correspondences U The possibility of considering *s and *l to be
.

may hark back to Proto-Otomi-Pame *-tVn and but one Otomi-Pame phoneme should be con-
*-kVn elements. sidered.

L29
 LINGUISTICS

are: *a

(with all corresponding nasalized vowels

as well).
The pairs of contrasting phonemic en- Noteworthy in the above is the recon-
tities reconstructed here as single con- struction of *rj, in that a velar nasal is

sonants versus geminates could alternatively reconstructed for no other branch of Oto-
be reconstructed as lenis versus fortis manguean.
*?
consonants. But Swadesh's arguments in Consonant clusters with and *h are
favor of the former reconstruction appear posited: *hg, *?g, *hl, *V, *hm, *?m, *kn,
*? *hy, *°//. The restriction of these
on the whole to be valid. He argues that n,

there is some evidence that other clusters clusters to those with *g, */, or a nasal

existed of a non-geminate variety in Proto- consonant as a second member is a curious

Zapotecan. In addition, some present-day feature here; it Leads one to suspect that
dialect- have phonetically geminated versus Proto-Chinantec *g in such clusters (where
phonetically single consonants. In the no other stop occurs) is a reflex of some
rials of Fernandez de Miranda there Proto-Otomanguean semi-vowel such as

is considerable phoneme substitution be- *y or *u\

tween a reconstructed single consonant and A quantity ^i vowel clusters is posited.

. geminate (for a possible In Proto-Chinantec, the absence of semi-

historical explanation, \2 10 vowels together with the presence of many
Swadesh does uol reconstruct *m and VOWel clusters the bulk of which involve
*mm for Proto-Zapotecan. In vie* of the *i or *(/ (whether nasal or oral) make it
fact that apparent reflexes of bilabial Dasal probable that Proto-Chinantec vowel
are very rare, he 9 i we have no clusters arose from *VyV and *VwV se-

ace that aecessarily i«'.iit- to an *m quences in ( Itomanguean.

in Proto-Zapotec, we have to assume a Proto Otomanguean. A first

secondary development of mm from *np approximation to Proto-Otomanguean has

in en even though mm been made by Gudschinsky (1959c) in her
or m is found in all the dialects.' (p. reconstruction of Troto-Popotecan,' i.e.
Fernandez de Miranda icts i *mm Proto -
Popolocan - Mixtecan. She recon-
and *m a- rare Proto-Zapotecan phoni structs the following phonemes11 for Proto-

Photo - Chin;.\n i bi w. The pre- Popolocan-Mixtecan (abbreviated PPMx):

liminary reconstruction of Proto-Chinan- Consonants
teean made by Smith and Weitlaner L957
*t *fl *k */."' *9

exhibits the following inventory:

*e *x *x w

msonants have modified Gudschinflky'a reconstructed

11 I

/' *t */,• *9 slightly here by subtracting *a which

n —
-mi 'I'd for Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan
*c largely on be supposed - rengt h of nay reconstruc-
t ;

% •d *g tion of such a vowel in Proto-Mixtecan. Proto-

Popolocan-Mixtecan *t" is rare; Gudschinsky, in
•a *h
fact, reconstructs it from but three sets in which
*l PPn *P - PMi •< (her sets 34, 36, and 42). She
V mentions in a footnote (p. 44) a number of residue
sets in which PPn *c or *t" corresponds to PMx *0.
r/i •ll *n
It is possible that both Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan

Vowels *P and *d* should be reconstructed. Gudschinsky

is uncertain about the status of *ny as a phoneme
*/ *v
or cluster in Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan.

130
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

*n v *m terpreted as unit phonemes. (3) PPMx

*y *w *mw > PMx *m.
In tone systems Proto-Popolocan and
Vowels
Proto-Mixtecan are very similar. Both are
four-level systems with *1 restricted to
sandhi variants. Either tone pattern *44
did not occur at all in Proto-Popolocan-
Mixtecan (it is clearly witnessed to in Proto-
Some of the more noteworthy phono- Popolocan but absent in Proto-Mixtecan),
logical developments from Proto-Popolo- or it was possibly restricted to tone sandhi
can-Mixtecan to Proto-Popolocan are (1) variants. A portion of Gudschinsky's sum-
PPMx *yk or *ky > PPn *V (before PPMx mary and related considerations
of this
*e), thus augmenting distribution of this follows: 16 'For
PPtn, I postulate the occur-
presumably rare phoneme; while before rence of all the possible sequences, with
other reconstructed vowels the PPn reflex loss of *44 in PMx, and the augmenting
was *c. (2) A three-way split of PPMx of the frequency of *44 in PPn by special
*6 into PPn *s, *s, and *c. It seems to me sandhi development. The sequences with
to be plausible that *s and *s were freely *2 on the initial syllable may have been
varying allophones in early Proto-Popolo- lost inPPn, but it is more likely that they
can, but that contrast arose in late Proto- are hidden by the inadequate analyses of
Popolocan when considerable dialect dif- the living languages. This hypothesis is

ference had already arisen. The third Proto- supported by the fact that PPn has a
Popolocan reflex of Proto-Popolocan-Mix- much larger inventory of alternations and
tecan *6, viz. Proto-Popolocan *c, occurred variants than PMx, and it seems probable
in cluster with *h or *n —
but these latter that some of these should rather be re-
two elements, especially *n, have been in constructed as basic sets with *2. For ex-
many instances lost in all Popolocan lan- ample, PMx has *43 ~ *1S and *42 ~
guages except Mazatec. Gudschinsky pos- *41. PPn has *43 ~ *13 in some sets, and
ited *c as another Proto-Popolocan reflex *43 ~ *41 in others. The obvious conclu-
of Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan *6 but pos- sion is that *43 ~ *41 reflects PPtn *42 ~
sibly Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan *dv might *41- Unfortunately it has not been possible
be reconstructed here instead. (3) Proto- to match the majority of the PMx recon-
Popolocan-Mixtecan *mn cluster was re- and exact cor-
structions in this fashion,
duced to Proto-Popolocan *m by loss of respondences are too few for any definite
second member (unpublished Popolocan- conclusions' (Gudschinsky 48-9). 17 It also
Mixtecan sets).
16
Some noteworthy phonological develop- Gudschinsky labels what I here term Proto-
Popolocan-Mixtecan as 'Proto-Popotecan' and
ments from Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan to abbreviates to PPtn.
Proto-Mixtecan are: (1) Unconditional 17
But just as Gudschinsky conjectures that one
merger of Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan *t class of Proto-Popolocan *43 stems could actually
reflect Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan *42, it could
and *P into Proto-Mixtecan *t. (2) Develop- similarly be suggested that one class of Proto-
ment of a Proto-Mixtecan prenasalized Popolocan *S4 could be Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan
series
*n
d,
*n
g,
*n w
g from fusion of stop *84 (PPn *S4 ~
*1S versus PPn *S4 *S1; see ~
Section 2.2.)- Similarly there are classes of Proto-
and/or spirant with preposed nasal. This Popolocan *SS stems which may possibly mask
development came about by reduction of *22 versus *23. Gudschinsky reconstructs Proto-
other Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan clusters Popolocan *S2 in one set with no witness to sandhi
*? variant. Proto Mixtecan *82 is peculiar as well, in
in initial position (exclusive of C), so
that it has two sandhi variants: *81 in the late
that the three surviving clusters were rein- Proto-Mixtecan dialect that became Mixtec, and

131
 LINGUISTICS

seems plausible, by way of more general and as Proto-Trique *-a 3 end of noun
observation, that Proto - Popolocan - Mix - phrase. But she postulates that this deictic
tecan had sandhi variation both to higher particle is a Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan
and lower tone patterns. The latter sort of development antedated by an older deictic
sandhi variation was dropped in the transi- layer which was already losing deictic
tion to Proto-Mixteean (with concomitant significance and fusing with the Proto-
disappearance of pattern *44 in Proto- Popolocan-Mixtecan stems. These 'inner
Mixtecan as well). layer' deictics she reconstructs as: *xmV,
Gudscbinsky reconstructs for Proto-Popo- **mV, *xV, and *?V. It seems likely that
locan-Mixtecan two noun declensions very these reduce essentially to two forms plus
similar to those I posit for Proto-Mixtecan: or minus *m, i.e. either to *xV(m) and
*?F(m) or to *x(m)V and *?(m)F. 18
*t declension: % *y, *n, *nt, *x As a first approximation to Proto-Oto-
*B declension: *8, *//, *ny, *nd manguean, Gudschinsky's 'Proto-Popote-
can' may prove to be (a) actually on the
ooun declensions with Borne modi- Proto-Otomanguean horizon of reconstruc-
fications survive as declensiona in Proto- tion, as a reconstruction based upon but

Mixtecan, I >ut only as fragments in Proto- two language families and needing to be
Popolocan. Possibly tin- three-way split of amplified by taking account of further
Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan *tf into late Pro language families; or (b) slightly more re-
to-Popolocan **, *S, and *c (not t<> men- cent than the Proto-Otomanguean horizon

which shattered the H declension of reconstruction, in that these two families

into bits -had something to do with the may prove to constitute a group more
ppearance ol aeatly delineated noun closely related to each other than to other
declei d Proto Popolocan. < ho the <
ttomanguean lang^ng
*
J ix tecan Bide, where H does do! undergo 2.8. Proi'ii I'oi'u .Mwiil'K.W. A second
split :in<l merger with other phonemes, the approximation to Proto-Otomanguean has
declei re retained. been made by Fernandez de Miranda and
[terns proposed to verbs are more Mined Weitlaner in their reconstruction of 'l'roto
on the Proto Popolocan Mixtecan horizon Popo Mangue' on the basis of Popolocan,
than on the Proto-Mixtecan horizon. Even Mixtecan, ami ( 'hiapaliec- Man.nuean (19(51).
on the Proto Popolocan horizon we do not The Following phonological system is

find anything as neat and regular a.- the four

of Proto Mixtecan. Notice-
I
urthermore it Beemi plausible to me thai ii

v\ ill alao eventually necessary to reconstruct

!><•

ably, */ and *B figure in Proto-Popolocan- either *-m or * mV (possibly *-Vrn) in seta that
ind Proto Popolocan verb form-. poeribl] Bho* influence of a bilabial nasal but no
not evidence of *s <<r *'. Thus, *.> on the Proto Mix
but in Proto-Mixtecan verb forms
horizon has been eliminated in favor of *am.
<
rudscinsky p. 58 Hut Proto-Popolocan a versus u reflexes of my
Gudschinsky reconstructs postposed deic- former!] postulated *' are similar to a versus u
l'roto l'o|M)locan.Mi\teean. An reflexes of Proto Popolocan-Mixtecan *am versus
for
*am. Fun hermore, ( ludschinsky hae expressly
outer layer deictic has survived onlj formulated thai '*a haf reflex *u iK'fore *m or *w
Proto-Mazatec *-V ' I
marking end of in some eUalecti of PPn' (p. 4f>). If we eliminate

noun phrase and slightly deictic in function.

'inn both Proto-Mixtecan and Proto-Popolocan-
Mixtecan horisons, then it seems simplest to at
tribute Proto-Popolocan reflex *u of reputed *.> to
the late Proto-Mixtecan dialects 'hat be- *n plus postposed bilabial nasal which disappeared
Cuicatec and Trique I' is therefore possible early and without trace (except vowel nasaliza-
thai Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan was rare and ' '•'.
tion?) in ProtO-Popolocan. (ludschinsky at-
had no sandhi variant, and thai such variants de- tribute- reflex *i< of reputed *0 to a preceding
veloped only in later Proto Mixtecan diahx nasal.

L32
SVSTK.MIC COMPARISON A KKCONS TKUCTION

reconstructed for Proto-Popo-Manguean: number of consonant clusters. However, a

* v */>•"' *?
possibility suggested by Swadesh (1960a, p.
*t t *k
96) should be investigated here, viz. the
*c *h *h"
possible presence of back
front versus
*n *m
velars. For the moment the presumption is
*l *y *w
against this suggestion in view of the fact
Vowels that clear evidence has not yet been pre-
*,
*i *i sented to substantiate presence of this
*e *o sort of phonemic contrast
Otomanguean. in
*a *n Nevertheless, the presence of two A--posi-
tions in Mayan and Totonacan should alert
The reconstructed consonants comprise a
us to the fact that contrasts of this sort
system which resembles that projected for
are found in Middle America as a possible
Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan in respect to
areal feature of the sort sometimes found
absence of *p and presence of series *c,
to transcend genetic groupings.
*h, and *h w which resembles the Proto-
Besides the clusters *kh and *kh w just dis-
Popolocan-Mixtecan series of spirants (*0,
cussed, Fernandez de Miranda and Weit-
*x, *x w ). However,within the realm of
it is
laner posit
*nt, *nt v *nk, and *hm. It
,
possibility that Proto-Popo-Manguean *p
seems to me that their data also suggest
could be reconstructed rather than *kw .

*mw, *mn, *mp, and/or *nk w Furthermore, .

The latter is attested to in but one set where

there is some evidence that the forms with a
on the Mixtecan side presence of consonan-
preposed nasal alternated grammatically
tal alternation (PMx *u\ *"g u> ) further
with forms without a preposed nasal.
weakens the witness to the postulated *k w .

Perhaps Proto-Popo-Manguean *hm harks

Furthermore, on cursory examination it
back to an earlier *mh. The following Pre-
appears to me to be possible that some of the
Popo-Manguean scheme might be sug-
Fernandez- Weitlaner reconstructions with
gested :

Chiapanec-Manguean *p may prove to be

cognate with sets with Proto-Mixtecan *t/*nt
*t v /*nV
Fernandezde Miranda and Weitlaner *k/*nk
reconstruct consonant groups *kh and *kh w *c/*nc
in contrast with *k and *k w on the one hand *n/*mn
and with *h and *h w on the other hand. *w/ *mw
Leaving aside the more dubious recon-
To this we could probably add *y/*ny
struction *kw just discussed, the pertinent
sound correspondences are:
(as underlying PChM *n) and either *p/
*mp or *k w/*nk w (or both?). To this gen-
(1) PChM *k ~ PPMx *k < PPM *k eral pattern of consonant alternating with
(2 PChM *h ~ PPMx *x < PPM *h
(3) PChM *h» ~ PPMx *£" < PPM *h" nasal plus consonant, might be added a
(4) PChM *p/ m b ~ PPMx < PPM *h»(i)
*x'° more specialized alternation *t v /*y of
(5) PChM*/i ~PPMx*A: which there appear to be traces.
(6) PChM *h" ~ PPn *k/zero - PMx *k»
Certain preposed elements in Proto-Popo-
For correspondences (5) and (6) Fernandez Manguean verbs are similar to those posited
de Miranda and Weitlaner reconstruct for Pro to-Popolocan- Mixtecan verbs (espe-
*kh and *kh w respectively. This is a plaus- cially if PChM *p ~
PMx *fc"). Proposed
ible reconstruction in the light of Gud- *ti-/*tu- for Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean
schinsky's Popolocan-Mixtecan reconstruc- past tense and *ta- for future tense have
tions which indicate a considerable similar *tV- elements in Proto-PojK)locan

133
 '

LINGUISTICS

and in Amuzgo, but no parallels in Proto- plus initial *w-). (3) Proto-Mixtecan and
Mixtecan. For discussion of some postposed Proto - Chiapanec - Manguean prenasalized
Proto-Popo-Manguean elements see Ap- stops originated from such clusters as
pendix C. *mtj *md, *m( y ,
*mk, *mx, *?nk w and *mx w ,

Macro-Mixtecax. Swadesh has re-

2.9. which fell together in various ways with
centlymade several suggestions concerning concomitant reduction of other *-mC- or
what I continue here to call Otomanguean *mC- clusters. (4) As postposed *-?nV
phonology in spite of his attempt to ex- and *- 9 mV elements that fused into the
punge Chiapanec and Manguean from this stem (with loss of *m in Otomi leading to
group and to rename the whole Macro- development of vowel clusters), the pho-
Mixtecan. One suggestion of his— that neme *m played an important role in Otomi-
bly Mixtec is the most typical lan- Mazahua phonology and possibly in gen-
guage of this family — must await evalua- eralOtopamean phonology as well. (5) In
tion until we have a better picture of Oto- the development of Proto-Zapotecan from
manguean structure. However, two >ugges- Proto-Otomanguean it is possible that
tious of Swadesh Beem to me to be worthy —
*m which all but disappeared in that
of special mention: (a) Both *p and *Jfc" branch— played a crucial role. I offer here
may need to be reconstructed for Proto- somewhat diffidently a hypothesis which is
Otomanguearj with these both falling outlined below.
together as *A-f in Proto-Mixtecan and Many Proto-Otomanguean *mC clusters
Proto-Popolocan. Note the possibility that became Proto-Zapotecan *CC (geminate)
these both fell together as *p in Proto- by assimilation of the *m to the following
Chiapanec-Manguean. (b) It may even- consonant. Thus, the Proto Zapotecan gem-
tually prove Qecessary to reconstruct mate clusters developed from what seems
front versus hack velar positions. to be a prevailing type of Proto-Otoman-
_M(). 1
Otom \n«.i kw *m. ( >rie of guean non-geminate duster, viz. *mC.
the most interesting features of Otoman- The fact that the 'fort is and lenis' (i.e.

guean Btructure may well prove to be the geminate versus simple) are often some-
consonant •m.11 While possibly Bomewhat what confused in Zapotecan reflects Proto-
rare in steins, this phoneme was apparently anguean *mC versus *(', pursuant to a
quite frequent as a proposed and postp frequent pattern of consonantal alternation
element (possibly with an as-onated VOWel). testified to in such an early layer as Proto-
(1) In Proto-M xtecan stems, *m is rare Popo-Mangue (cf. under 2.8). Thus, such
hut *°m *m is fairly frequent. It i- possible forms as *CVCV and *C\'mC\', as well as
that ultima *-°m\' syllables m ProtO- '('\ and *m('\' existed side by side for
Mixtecan may hark back to a ProtO I many Proto-Otomanguean roots; haphazard
mammean *-°mV which
postposed deictic survival of forms with or without *m-
eventually became part of the stem (cf. accounts for a certain inconsistency in
*-' }
various V and *-hY elements in Proto- fort is versus lenis' (i.e. geminated con-
Popolocan). (2) In the Po{>oloean langu sonant versus single consonant) reflexes in

ace of m
stems has been augmented
in Proto-Zapotecan. The fact that *m is very
by the development of older *mn cluster scarce in Proto-Zapotecan is due precisely
(from preposed *m- plus initial *n-) to *m to this wholesale assimilation of that con-
in Proto-Popolocan. Similarly, some cases sonant.
of Proto-M ixtecan *m in stems hark back A detail of Isthmus Zapotec morpho-
to older cluster *mw (from preposed *m- phonemics is possibly explained by such a
hypothesis, viz. Ci- or Ca- prefix before a
Cf. Appendix D. lenis consonant alternates to Cu- prefix

134
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

before a fortis consonant in causative para- reconstructed for branches of Otomanguean

digms. We may assume here that the Ci- and with Proto-Otomanguean itself be-
and Ca- basic forms of the prefixes hark ginning to take shape, I now turn to the
back to Proto-Otomanguean *CV- syl- summary Middle
of reconstruction in other
lables not followed by *m- of the succeeding American linguistic There slocks.
first

syllable, while the Cu- forms of these same follows a sketch of Proto-Uto-Aztecan of
prefixes hark back to Proto-Otomanguean the Aztec-Tanoan phylum; then follow
*CV- syllables followed by *m- in the suc- Proto-Zoquean, Proto-Mayan, and Proto-
ceeding syllable. The bilabial *m presum- Totonacan, which are usually considered
ably leaves a trace in labializing i and a to u. to be related to each other and have some-
Note the following Isthmus Zapotec times been termed '.Mexican Pcnutian'.
data: 20 We do not have materials available for
Proto-Hokaltecan (or for Hokaltecan plus
giju 9 uni 'It's going to be fried'
Jicaque and Yurumangui). 21
gucu 9 uni 'Fry it'
3.1. Proto - Uto - Aztecan. In a pithy
rizi 9 ide 'I learn'
little nine-page article written in 1935
rusi 9 ide 'I teach'
Whorf gave us an excellent sketch of Proto-
nizi ? idikabe 'they did not learn'
Uto-Aztecan phonology with some atten-
nusi 9 idu 'you do not teach'
tion to structural features of the recon-
riji 9 icibe 'she gets angry'
structed language as well. In Whorf 's words:
ruci ? ime 'he makes (me) angry'
'The comparative linguistics of the Uto-
(na9 a)
Aztecan stock is now entering upon its
nizale 9 'this did not come open'
second stage. This first stage may be
. . .

nusaletu 'you (pi.) did not open it'

described as finding out what we had to
zado9 oni 'it will sell'
deal with. One of its leading ideas was classi-
zuto 9 olu 'you will sell (something)'
fication of the stock into sub-groups and
In the two examples we suggest the
last attempts to grade degrees of linguistic
following development: Proto - Otoman- kinship. ... If the key word of the first

guean *dat- > PZ *sat > IZ zad-; Proto- stage was classification, that of the second
Otomanguean *6amt > PZ *sutt > IZ zut. stage has become structure. In the first

We hasten to add that it is by no means stage we compared words willy-nilly, look-

true, either internally in Isthmus Zapotec ing for resemblances to appear. On the
or in Proto-Zapotec, that instances of basis of much rough and quick comparison
fortis consonants are regularly preceded we attempted to arrange our hodge-podge
by vowel u. Nevertheless, we have cited a of facts into something like order. Even-
tendency in this direction. Our observation tually a feeling for the basic structure of
offers an explanation of occurrences of i Uto-Aztecan speech emerged; these lan-
and a alternating with u where observed; guages had a characteristic structure of
it does not attempt to explain parallel word and stem, as Semitic and Bantu have'
cases where such a development might be (p. 600). The above quotation describes
expected but does not occur. For further well the genesis and growth of a compara-
Zapotec data of possible relevance here tive reconstruction project, which begins
see appendix D. with desultory comparisons and ends with
3. Phonological systems recon- systemic comparisons, reconstruction of
structed FOR OTHER MlDDLE AMERICAN proto-forms, and some awareness of the
language families. With various systems structure of the reconstructed layer.

20
From a problem of Velma Pickett's included 21
Cf. Greenberg and Swadesh, 1954; Bright,
in Nida's Morphology (1949, p. 262 ff.). 1956.

135
 LINGUISTICS

Whorf gives the following inventory conditioning factor or factors disappeared

of Proto-Uto-Aztecan phonemes: with the result that the stop/spirant alter
nation became phonemic. There are, how-
Consonants
ever, certain Uto-Aztecan stems with
*t *k *?
medial consonant which appear to be re-
*m *n sistant to spirantization. Whorf shrewdly
*r reasoned that such consonants were not
w V originally intervocalic, but that another
Vowels consonant occurred in cluster before the
consonants that proved resistant to spiran-
tization — so that no spirant allophone oc

'ci-
curred in these Proto-Uto-Aztecan stems.
Whorf further noticed that there was a
ln up the Proto I'to-Aztecan
setting nasalizing influence associated with some
consonants Whorf postulated *p *r, i.e. instances of occurrence of consonants re

*p as a stop phoneme and *v as a spirant sistant to spirantization. lhittm£ all these

overlapping distributional!? with the stop and other data together, Whorf formulated
to such an extent that it is very difficult to the hypothesis that the medial clustei
separate with certainty reflexes of the One which spirant allophones did not occur
versus reflexes of the other. Whorf simi- consisted of stop preceded by nasal con
larly postulated a relationship of *>n *IJ U
'

sonant or by a limited (las- of other con-

v related
('rj , in some similar hut not <|iiite sonants 'perhaps */, *r, possibly no more.'
the suae way to »' p. 606). Regarding *fi (p. 606). His -pliant proof unnasahzed
Whorf commented Possibly n should be Bet' * />. *'/, *v, •
/,. W,\ and *'A"' pre
added to the list' (p. I Bumably are clusters consisting of stop
Several morphopbonemee are recon- preceded by 7 or V; while his nasalized
* *'J
-t rutted which can he better summarised *'7,\ 1J
k, /," are to be
by fir>t sketching briefly Whorfa picture interpreted -imply as nasal plus stop
of Proto-Uto-Astecan structure. Stem- are clusters.
primarily of CVCV -tincture with a small Furthermore, Whorf seems to indicate
minority of CV stems. CVCV stems oc- that */, *r, and nasals could also appeal
curred ill patterns of derivation and iii- as final consonants in :i CVCVC sub-type
flectiorj that involved suffixes, a limited of the broad CVCV pattern. In short,
Dumber of prefixes, 'changes in and a] syllable pattern- CV and CVC occurred:
patioii of the second stem vowel', and re- when CVC occin red the final C was */, *r,

duplication. In addition to these uuain- or a oasal. Combinations of these two syl-

1 devices, Pro I tatecan was lable patterns give "CI CI . *CVCVC, and
also characterised by the alternations •Mr, IV.
*> v
*/> and *nt *ij . In regard to the relative chronology of
Whorf appears to have fell thai alterna- the above, Whorf i- Bomewhal vague. He
tion between *p and *v in Proto-Uto Aate- d to hmt that these clusters existed
can stems involved interchange of full in Pre Proto Uto-Aztecan, in that he re

phonemes harking hack to an earlier period constructed Proto Qto Aztecan morphopho
when */> had a stop allophone *\r] occur- neme- with antispirant izing and nasalizing
ring in intervocalic position. But apparently tendency rather than the consonanl clus-
\ bo-Aztecan stops in genera] had ters as BUch which he may have wanted to
spirant allophones in intervocalic position; relegate to an earlier Btage. Bu1 this hardly
in many of the daughter languages the seems possible. Either the clusters still

L36
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

ex sled in Proto-Uto-Aztecan,
i and spirant f
m n V
allophones were in complementary dis- y >w
tribution with stops; or the clusters had
Vowels
already disappeared from Proto-Uto-Azte-
*i *a *u
ean, and the spirant allophones were already
*c *o
separate phonemes. There scarcely seems to
*d *a
be room for an intermediate stage when
'anti-spirantizing and nasalizing influences' Of the above phonemes, *k w is set up on
existed, while the clusters had nevertheless the basis of the correspondence Zoque and
disappeared and the spirant allophones were Popoloca k° ~ Tapachulteca and Mixe
not yet phonemic. p in one set; it is thus not well attested.
Whorf seems to feel that vowel length The vowel set up on the basis of (lie
*d is

characterized Proto-Uto-Aztecan, but re- correspondence Mixe-Zoque-Popoluca a ~

constructs only *a versus *cr with the com- Tapachulteca e. Although its reconstruc-
ment 'Varied reflexes of other vowels may tion might be questioned in view of the
also be a function of length but this has poor quality of the Tapachulteca data, it
not yet been worked out' (p. 606). Here can probably be regarded as solid.
we probably would do well to trust Whorf s Wonderly reconstructs a morphopho-
appraisal of the situation. Nevertheless, neme *W which deserves special comment.
as his reconstruction of vowels now stands, It is reconstructed on the basis of Zoque
it could be restated as follows: Converting morphophoneme X~
Sierra Popoluca mor-
Whorf's *e to *i (by far the commonest phophoneme V. In Central Zoque, X has
reflex is i), and interpreting his *a as *d and the following phonological characteri sties;
his *a' simply as *a we obtain: (1) -hC +X> -CX > C since X itself is

phonologically zero. (2) -Vy + X > -Vw.

(3) -Vh -f X > -Yy (if V is a, e, i, or a)
The only regrettable feature of Whorf's and -Vw (if V is u). In Northern Zoque,
study is its brevity. We could wish for a morphophoneme X does not include h > y
catalogue of cognate sets appended to this when preceded by a, e, i, or a as in (3) above,
most useful and provocative article, but but includes the other morphophonemie
this apparentlywas beyond the scope of changes. In Sierra Popoluca — in suffixes cog-

Whorf's intentions. nate with Zoque suffixes containing morpho-

Proto-Zoquean. Wonderly has re-
3.2. phoneme X—there occurs a morphophoneme
constructed Proto-Zoquean by the com- V which is actualized phonologically as fol-

parison of Zoque (4 dialects), Tapachulteca, lows:

Sierra Popoluca, and Mixe (1949). In
(1) CVC- stem + morphophoneme V >
regard to Tapachulteca, Wonderly com-
eve-
ments: 'Materials on the extinct or nearly
(2) CV ? C- stem + morphophoneme V >
extinct Tapachulteca are scanty and not
too reliable, but are included where pos-
CVVC-
sible' (p. 2). He postulates the following
spite of its well-nigh universal presence) in that
reconstructed system:
he feels there is ample cause to believe that those
Consonants 22 phonemes have arisen 'from an alveolar phoneme
palatalized by a contiguous y or i'. It seems safe
T

P *t */c *fc" to infer that palatalized allophones were present

*h in Proto-Zoquean, and have independently be-
come phonemic in the various languages and di-
22
Wonderly does not reconstruct an alveo- alects by break-downs in the pattern of comple-
palatal series *t», *£, *J, *n for Proto-Zoquean (in mentary distribution.

137
 -

LINGUISTICS

(3) CYCC- or CYCCC- + morphophoneme tion in available reconstructions, and the

V> no change curiously defective distribution of *w as
just mentioned all combine to make it
Wonderly's choice of symbol *W is based seem very plausible that *W was simply an
on the following argument: (a) The Proto- allophone of Proto-Zoquean *w.
Zoquean phonological feature here sym- 3.3. Proto- Mayan, as reconstructed by
bolized seems to have been a semi-vowel. McQuown (1955) has the following phono-
Thus, PZoq *W > SP V which acts like a logical system:
'.
in that Sierra Popoluca V > V' while
p> y r'M'; but acts like a consonant in
Consonants
*k *k *?
that, given a CC or CCC cluster in Sierra *c

Popoluca, this V morphophoneme is not *'k

* ,.

actualized at all (thus V figured as a con- V

sonant which in
is eliminated in reduction of 'J

certain clusters). On the Zoque Bide, Proto-

Zoquean *W > X which acts like a semi-
*/

vowel in that it conditions h to 10 apparently *r

in most if not all Zoque dialects; and con- Vowels

ditions /; to y a.- well after certain vowels 7 *u
In Central Zoque. But, again, Zoque -V -
*a *o
like a consonant in that its presence
A slightly more recent work of McQuown's
results in loss of h from final -he clui
(1956) p08itS not live but six Proto-Mayan
But if this Proto-Zoquean morpho-
vowel positions, p<>-n- presence of two
phoneme were a -<ini-vow«-l. a bilabial
contrasting pitch-accents, and adds *<; to
Bemi-vowel Beems indicated. Crucial here
the reconstructed consonants.
is the Fad that in Central Zoque and m
'i'lir consonant Bystem exhibits sym-
Sierra Popoluca W "doe- not appear m WOrd-
metrical series () t stops and glottalized
final position, and appears in syllable-final
Stops including the affricates *r and *C
on in a very limited number of inter-
(and *Y and *V) as well as fronted and
vocal clusters m08t Of which are
backed velars */.• and *k (and *'k and *'k).
Spanish loan-.' But *'• up in ProtO-
A- less extensive .-inc.- occur spirants,
Zoquean ifl apparently syllable-tinal or at
na-al-, semi-vowels, Consonant and liquids.
post-vocalic. Wbnderly - - that
clusters occurred as follows:Ci&, with Ci
'.<
}|g l'ne,. Zoquean * and l
*W
Consisting of the semi-vowels *ij and *10;
wire in complementary distribution. His
and (\ consisting of any consonant except:
only hesitation Beems to be as to whether
the liquids
Proto-Zoquean V was actually lacking m
tin-

and
bilabial-
the
*/>,

seini-vowels
*'/>, *»t,

themselves.
*/, *r,

syllable final. Nevertheless, in the data of

3.4. Puoto-Totonacan, as reconstructed
rticle, pOSt-VOCalic *M is clearly lacking,
by Anna (1953) on the basis of three
and Wbnderly apparently knew of no ex-
Totonac dialects and one Tepehua dialect,
ception- or he would have included them.
ha- the following phonological system:
Furthermore, *h, * 9 *s, *y, *m, *n, and ,

*)] all appear in syllable final, i.e. every Consonant

non -top phoneme except *tr; while in *p *t *c *c *tl *k *k *?

ocalic position preceding a final C, *s *§ *l *x

both and *y occur but not *w. The
*h m ~n
apparent phonetic similarity of *w and *\V, .'/

their situation in complementary distribu- *l

te
 —

SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

Vowels contain a small number of related languages

which may be symbolized as 1, m, n, and o
respectively. The 1 languages which com-
prise group X are related primarily to
Initial clusters of spirant plus stop each other, as are the m languages of group
occurred: *sk, *§k, *st, *§k, *lk, *lt. In Y, the n languages of group Z, and the o
medial position, syllable-final consonants languages of group W. The linguistic groups
(e.g. *t, *k, *s, *n, and *y) followed by X, Y, and Z (but not including group W)
syllable-initial consonants or clusters con- comprise a broader grouping, and are mu-
stituted clusters of two or three members. tually related in a fashion analogous to
Proto-Totonac was characterized by con- that in which 1 languages of Y are related
sonantal alternation in the following pat- (or the languages of group Y, Z, or W).
terns: *k/*k; *c/*c/*tl; *s/*s/*L There is There is a given language a among the 1
also some suggestion vowel alternation.
of languages of group X, and a given language
In the list of phonemes, * ? is included in 7r among the m
languages of group Y.
the stop series, perhaps for want of a better Relationship of a to t is by virtue of the
place. Arana actually reconstructs glot- broader relationship of group X to group Y
talized vowels in preference to either a rather than by direct relationship of a to
separate glottal stop phoneme or a series r as such.
of glottalized consonants. In keeping with the above assumptions,
As a whole, phonological developments we entertain the following questions: (1)
from Proto-Totonacan Totonac and to Since in group X, languages a, (3, y, and
Tepehua are rather regular and pedestrian. 8 are found, what are the internal relation-
Evidently the dialects have not diverged ships of the four languages? Are they four
far from each other. There is clear evidence coordinate off-shoots of one parent stock,
in the Totonac dialect of San Pedro Petla- or do two or three of the languages con-
cotla of considerable lexical borrowing from stitute a sub-group? (2) Is a language c

adjacent Tepehua. reputedly of group X—actually found to

4. Diffusion phenomena and linguis- belong to group Y or Z? Similarly in keeping
tic family trees. Against the background with our assumptions, we consider the fol-
of the above summary of reconstructed lowing to be non-fruitful lines of inquiry:
systems in Middle America I now discuss (3) Which language, a or /3, of group is X
certain matters having to do with diffusion the most closely related to language t
of features versus 'family tree' relation- of group Y? (4) May not the linguistic diver-
ships, and with classification into sub- gence between a and y of group be greater X
groups within a language family. than the divergence between y of group X
The position here taken is that an in- and t of group Y? To answer the last
telligible and useful concept of language question affirmatively seems to this writer
relationship must retain the notion of lin- to lead either to combining groups X and Y,
guistic 'family' in the sense of (a) an in- or to scrapping the very concept of linguis-
ternal relationship of peculiar relevance tic family. Therefore, if we grant the validity
for the languages included within a family; of group X versus group Y this question
(b) external relationships of less relevance may not be answered affirmatively. 23
with languages of related families; and (c) 2S
The above attempt to make explicit what we
related versus non-related languages and mean by linguistic 'family' is not simply a the-
language families. This we explain in a oretical construct. It attempts to give weight to
some known facts of language history and de-
hypothetical situation below:
velopment. For example, we know that the Ro-
Linguistic groups X, Y, Z, and W each mance languages have developed from a somewhat

139
 LINGUISTICS

However, the family-tree concept may grammatical features in the Balkans;

be criticized on the grounds that it does French-like phonemic systems in the Breton
not permit us to give adequate weight to dialects of France; and presence of domal
r semblances between certain languages. stops in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent).
What if, e.g., a given language a assigned On finding a language <x of genetic group
to group R does as a matter of fact appear R which is resemblant to another language
to be very resemblant to a language of r of genetic group T, we can assume one of
sroup T? What of resemblances between two things (other than fortuitous coinci-
apparently unrelated languages? Or to ask dence) and maintain the concept of lan-
another question of a slightly different guage family: (a) We can assume a strong
sort: Why are Family-tree genealogical diffusion of a to t, e.g. influence of French
-chemes within a language family or among on English; or (b) we may re-examine the
major branches of a stock often so inde- scheme of genetic relationship itself. We
terminate? may, e.g., find that language a forms a one-
Resemblances between languages can be language group Q which is coordinate with
one of three sources: (1) genetic rela- groups R and T. Or we may find in struc-
tionship; (2) chance parallelism of develop tural resemblances between supposedly
ment; and (3) diffusion from one language unrelated languages significant clues to
or language group to another. In respect to unsuspected genetic affinities which are
the third consideration, several conclusions nevertheless demonstrable by the com-
seem possible. seems that
Fir-i of .-ill, u parative method. We may, finally, find thai

ning is on the whole mosl frequent the resemblance is simply an area! feature
and uninhibited between two mutually of no relevance to genetic grouping.
intelligible dialects of the -.inn language. Sonic Middle American problems of lhi>
But borrowing ike place between any general nature (i.e. problems m sub-group-
two langU '1 a situation of con ing and considerations of diffusion) are
with som*' bilingualism Finally, Ian- now discussed here.
_ ographical area 1.1 \l w w bi b families. Reconstruct
icnd to I
•
note common 1 1 1 Li. Proto Mayan <>n the basis of Mam,
Huastec, and Yiicatec, McQuown (1956)
homogeneoui ran te ilai Latin spoken in the firal
classified the Mayan languages on the basis
Bnturiai of the Chriatiai also have
i"<-umenta tosul I
.reek.
of shared retention of seven features as
Germani - • re can with Mimed to be Proto Mayan.
lera Slavic,
».
VfcQuown be oul that Huastec
( (iso
m<l [ndie (or Indo-Iranian) m
language families
Mayan and lying to
Mm these familii lated from the rest of
are considered to be
1 qua fanulie.- in 'he [ndo-European stock the northwest), Yucatec (in the Yucatan
rning internal rehi- peninsula), and the Highland Guatemalan
. ps wit hi ermanic ><r Romance We
entertain similar <i iboul mutual rela-
languages form three points of a triangle
tionship among the branches of II! We maj also which 'may !><• thought of as lonjz; estab
tin question- concerning the linguistic lished differentiated blocks' to which may
family into wh poorly attested language
D€ added the -oinewhat cent lal-wotei n
at we have DOt entertained questions BUCfa
is Which Gen. . _ losely re- Mayan languages of Tabasco and Chiapas
lated to French'-' N"r are we aecustomed '" con- Choi, Tzeltal-Tzotzil), Chico-
(Chontal,
g that the d:~ '\<>" Germanic

ges cou! iter than 'he distance

muceltec and Motocintlec (toward.- the
•n some Germanic language ami sumo Slavic Pacific Coast) and Chorti (southeast of the
ige. We do not attend to the last two con-
Highland Group). He points out that there
siderations simply because we believe m the hi-
orical validity of language families within Indo-
arc special connection- between Huastec
Ijiropean. and Chicomuceltec (which share particular
140
 —

SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

lexical items found only in them), between impressionistic sampling of the lexical
Mam and Chuh (which share survival of *y material' (p. 194), McQuown
emerges with
although they differ sharply in most other the following 'cautious sub-grouping of the
aspects), and between Choi and Chorti Mayan languages' (our summary here omits
(which are separated phonologically only a few details): (1) Huastecan; (2) Cholan
by the line between a six-vowel and a five- (Chontal, Choi, Chorti); (3) Tzeltalan
vowel system). (Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Toholabal); (4) Chuh;
Against this general schematized back- (5) Kanhobalan; (6) Motocintlec; (7)
ground McQuown notes: (1) Certain iso- Mamean (Mam, Aguacatec, Ixil); (S) Qui-
lated archaisms survive at the points of the chean (Rabinal, Uspantec, Quiche, Cakchi-
triangle: (a) lexical tones (high and low) qucl, Tzutuhil); (9) Kekchian (Kekchi
in Yucatec; (b) k versus k w in Huastec; and Pocomam - Poconchi); (10) Mayan
and (c) k versus k in the Guatemalan high- proper (Yucatec, Lacandone). He men-
lands. In addition, 6 versus c survives in tions thatby 'less cautious sub-grouping'
some of the Highland languages (Mam, we could combine Cholan and Tzeltalan,
Aguacatec, Ixil, and Kanhobal). On the Chuh and Kanhobalan, Motocintlec and
western edge of the Highlands n versus y Mamean, Quichean and Kekchian.
survives 'in a fully exploited form' only 4.2 Popolocan sub-grouping. Using at
inChuh but is also present word-final in first the Proto-Popolocan reconstruction of
Mam. In the central-western belt the old Fernandez de Miranda and later Gud-
six-vowel system survives in Choi and schinsky'smore extensive treatment of the
Chontal — which are in this respect western same, Hamp has attempted to clear up cer-
outliers in reference to the languages of tain problems in the mutual degrees of
Highland Guatemala and Yucatec. To affinity within the Popolocan family. Hamp
this picture of scattered archaisms surviving at the outset of his first treatment of the
at the fringes of the Mayan region may be subject (1958) makes very clear the prin-
added the common survival of vowel quan- ciple on which he feels genetic proximity
tity in Huastec, Yucatec, and Highland should be based: 'The only criterion for
Guatemala. Thus, in terms of dialect genetic proximity consists in the recognition
geography, the general picture of surviving of a decisive set, whether in number or in
archaisms is a plausible one, with the Guate- structural placement, of shared structural
malan highlands (especially Mam, Aguaca- innovations; and these must be innovations
tec, and Ixil) emerging as the most conserva- by addition or replacement, rather than by
tive block of languages. loss.' (p. 150). On these grounds he rejects
The languages found along the northwest both Fernandez de Miranda's belief that
edge of the Guatemalan highlands and in Popoloca and Ixcatec are especially closely
the Chiapas highlands extending on down related and Gudschinsky's belief that Popo-
to the coast Chuh, Toholabal, Tzotzil,
(i.e. loca, Chocho, and Ixcatec are coordinate,
Tzeltal, Choi, Chontal) are the more inno- in favor of a belief that Chocho and Popo-
vating. To these could be added Chorti loca are especially closely related. (See fig.

which has a special affinity with Choi al- 1, which reproduces these alternative stem-
though found at the eastern fringe of the niata from Hamp, 1958.)
Mayan region. Kanhobal shares some In his more recent treatment of the prob-
characteristics both of the conservative lem Hamp (1960) abandons five of the
block (retains k versus k and 6 versus c) seven significant Chocho-Popoloca common
and also of the innovating block (loss of innovations that he at first posited. How-
quantity). ever, he adds two more shared innovations
Combining the above insights with 'an involving these two languages; and further

141
 LINGUISTICS

Fernandez de Miranda treatment of *s before back vowels (>

Proto- Po polocon Popoloca s and Chocho s and r).
Hamp closes with the caution: 'Finally,
it is worth pointing out how misleading it

would be if one were to classify languages

on the basis of mere appearances; a glance
at the superficial agreements between Ixca-
tec and Chocho in Gudschinsky's chart 11
Mazotec Chocho Popoloca Ixcattc
should satisfy anyone on the futility of such
an approach' (p. 62).
Gudschinsky
Proto- Popolocon 4.3 Uto-Aztecan sub-grouping. In con-
cluding his sketch of Proto-Uto-Aztecan,
Whorf was pessimistic about the validity of
sub-grouping within that family: 'In time
past some of us hoped that the stock could
be classified in such a way that we could
summarize the situation by stating gen-
Mazatec Chocho Popoloca Ixcotec
eralized reflexes for sub-groups such as
"Shoshonean", "Piman", "Sonoran", from
Ho m p
Proto- Popolocon which the reflexes of the individual tongues
in these groups could be derived as a second

step. This hope is vain. No such groups

exist. The nearest thing to one is Piman,

but it is unsafe' to generalize about even so

small and compact a group of dialects as
Piman.' (p. 606).
Mojaii: Chocho Popoloca licotic
In such a classification as McQuown's
Fig. 1—THREE PROPOSALS REGARDING
AFFINITY IN POPOLOCAN. (From Harap, (1955), UtO-Aitecail languages of Mexico
1958.) are divided into three groups: (1) Taraca-
Mayo-Yaqui, Tarahumara,
hitian (including
clarifies and .strengthens one of the shared and a host of extinct languages); (2) Az-
innovations at first posited. By comparison tecoid (including Aztec, Cora-Huichol, Pipil
with these Chocho-Popoloca shared inno- of Guatemala, and a number of extinct
vations, the I\< at ctPopoloca and Chocho- Mexican and Central American languages);
[xcatec agreements do not BOC m to Hamp (3) Piman (Papago, Tepecano, Northern
to carr>- so much import in that these latter Tepehuan, Southern Tepehuan, and a num-
agreements are fewer and ooi BO strategically ber of extinct languages). The first group
placed structurally. may be largely a grouping of geographic
The Chocho-Popoloca shared innovations convenience; the largenumber of extinct
that Hamp considers of abiding importance languages in makes extensive investiga-
it

are: (1) loss of *s and *i from clusters *§t, tion of the group qua group impossible.
*sk, *i$kh, sh, and *sk (as opposed to reten- But it would be worthwhile to inspect
tion of reflexes of *s and *s in Ixcatec). (2) Mayo-Yaqui and Tarahumara to see what,
parallel treatment of allophones of *c in- if any, common innovations are shared by
cluding a three-way split into Chocho and them. In terms of Whorf's reconstruction
Popoloca c, c, and r. (3) parallel merger of of Uto-Aztecan along with his listed reflexes
*tv before *h with *t inChocho-Popoloca in eight languages, it is difficult to make out
(and with r as well in Chocho). (4) parallel a good case for special Cora-Huichol and

142
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

Aztec affinities (Cora and Huichol admit- guage to language are rather pedestrian.
tedly are close but the question here is rela- For example, Wonderly writes, "PZoq stops
tion of the two to Aztec). Thus, if Whorf's in word initial position remain unchanged
l'r. ito-Uto-Aztecan *e be reconstructed as in all dialects, except that *c > c before
*i (which seems probable) we note that *i in Popoluca, and before *i, *d in Tapa-
Cora and Aztec share a common innovation chulteca" (p. 3). The relative closeness of
(> A c, Cora e, i). But, unfortunately, Zoquean languages is indicative of the tact
Tarahumara also shares reflex e so we do that they are relatively less removed from
not have here an exclusively shared Aztec- the period when they were mutually in-
Cora innovation. Slightly better is Aztec- telligible dialects than are languages of
Cora treatment of *u which goes to i only families that show greater diversity. Two
in these two languages in the eight languages things therefore may be expected: (1) Ex-
for which Whorf lists reflexes. It perhaps tensive dialect borrowing in late Proto-
does not detract too greatly from the evi- Zoquean and in early stages of each language
dential value of this that Cora also has a may leave its trace in a web of mutually
reflex v (of *u) shared with Southern Paiute. inconsistent isoglosses that may even cut
Lastly, Aztec and Cora possibly share a across language boundaries. (2) Many
similar handling of the bilabialphonemes loans — even of fairly recent date may be —
*/; and *v: PUA *p > Aztec p or zero, and indistinguishable from inherited stock in
to Cora p and In/ zero; while PUA *v > view of the rather non-distinctive nature of
Aztec w or zero, and to Cora w, v, or zero. Zoquean phonological developments.
Whorf does not give us the data to discover Considering the last point first, it is in-
whether the pi zero and w I zero reflexes are structive to note a comment of Wonderly 's:
phonemic splits under parallel conditions in "In SP, M, 24 there is a tendency toward
Aztec and Cora. intervocalic voicing of stops, with at least
For Piman we get somewhat better traces of 'Verner's law' inM. In XeZ, the
results —
as Whorf's comments might lead stops *-p-, become -&-, -(/- (-?•- in Cha-
*-t-

us to believe in spite of his pessimism re- pultenango) in most words there is a residue
;

garding sub-grouping. Thus, for the two of apparent exceptions which may be due
Piman languages (Tepecano and Papago) to dialect borrowing or other factors" (p. 3).
whose reflexes are listed by Whorf we note In other words, while -6- and -d- are reflexes
that: (1) PUA *c > T,P s/S (split under of *-p- and *-t- in Northeast Zoque, borrow-
same conditions?). (2) PUA
> T,P b. *k w ings from adjacent dialects with reflexes
(3) PUA *"s > PUA *s >
T,P h/f. (4) -p- and -t- may be one factor obscuring this
T,P h/9 (thus merging with *"s). (5) PUA picture.
*y > T,P d. (6) PUA *w > T,P g. Note Notice that this tendency towards voicing
that peculiar reflexes of *k w , *y, and *w of intervocalic stops is found at three of the
apparently yield a Proto-Piman voiced stop extremities of the Zoquean area, viz. Sierra
series *b, *d, *g not found in Proto-Uto- Popoluca at the north, Mixe on the west,
Aztecan (but data should be checked from and Northeast Zoque on the east; its dis-
other Piman languages). tribution is that of an archaism rather than
4.4. Zoquean sub-classification. In the that of an innovation. Probably, therefore,
last section of his Proto-Zoquean study Proto-Zoquean stops had voiced allophones
Wonderly (1949) draws some Zoquean iso- in intervocalic and the loss of these voiced
glosses that deserve extended comment.
Zoquean is not internally as diversified as, "Abbreviations: SP: Sierra Popoluca; M:
Mixe; CZ: Central Zoque; NZ: Northern Zoque;
e.g. Mixtecan. Indicative of this is the fact
SZ: Southern Zoque; WZ: West Zoque; NeZ:
that phonological developments from lan- Northeast Zoque; T: Tapachulteca.

143
 LINGUISTICS

allophones in the rest of Zoque and in

Tapachulteca is an innovation. 25
A Zoquean phenomenon is voicing
similar
of stops after nasals; Wonderly summarizes
this as follows: 'In SP and WZ, stops remain
voiceless after nasals. In CZ, NZ. NeZ,
stops are voiced after nasals. In M, stops
are voiced after nasals except when the
cluster is word final. In T
and SZ, stops
arc voiced after nasals in some words and
voiceless in others. (In some of the dialects, Fig. 2—MAP OF UNVOICING OF OLD VOICED
the voicing is probably allophonic rather STOP ALLOPHONES. Broken line (short
dashes): area where voiced stop allophones in
than phonemic.)' (p. 6). Since voiced allo-
intervocalic are completely eliminated. Broken
phones of intervocalic stops seem to have line (long dashes): area where there is complete
been a Proto-Zoquean feature, it seems elimination of voiced allophones after nasals.
Solid line: area where there is partial or complete
probable that voiced allophones of stop
elimination of voiced stop allophones after nasals.
after nasal were also Proto-Zoquean and Line of \'s: area where unvoicing occurs only
that Sierra Popoluca and West Zoque reflect following nasals in word final

an innovation by which voiced allophones

were eliminated. This same innovation has
Wonderly is entitled: 'Metathesis of *y
with a following consonant' (p. 7). That the
spread to South Zoque and Tapachulteca
but has affected only certain morphemes;
metathesis of *yC > Cy is in reality an
end product of palatalisation is seen in the
as such this may be a resull of dialect
varied Zoquean developments: PZoq *//('
borrowing. Thus South Zoque emtak 'pine
forest' exists side by side with cindak which
> M
yCy whm word-medial and Cy when
word initial. In CZ, NZ, NeZ, *yC > Cy
may be a borrowing from Central Zoque.
luit traces of an curlier *yC% occur in CZ
Mixe -hairs the unvoicing innovation to the
extent that word final consonants preceded
where *yt > yty. I assume, therefore, that
PZoq *y(' was phonetically *\yCy\, that in
by nasals are voiceless. Figure 2 summarises
many areas the palatalized allophones be
unvoicing of old stop allophones.
came phonemic, and that in some areas the
One type of palatalization sketched by
preceding *// was entirely lost. In still other
M Another probable archaism found only in
the palatalized allophone after *y did
Northeast Zoque ifl indicated by some pussling
reflexes of the nasals. Wonderly says 'In inter-
not become phonemic (and possibly dis
vocalic position the picture is somewhal 001
'

appeared).-'' This is summarized in figure •!.

in the NeZ dialer'- r in some Loss of hword final cluster is described

in
ITOrdfl M nasals, in others a> ps, in -'ill
.

a- follows by Wonderly "Word-final PZoq

nasal; the conditioning
:
others as voioeli
factors can probably \>o found only after more •
hC always loses the h in CZ, NZ, SZ, WZ,
work i- dot - "ii the structure of the NeZ dialects,
and in some of the- he PZoq form will !S
Palatalization <>f V to c before i takes place
probably have 10 tx> set up with an intervocalic in Sierra Popoluca and in Tapachulteca but
consonant cluster1 (p. 5). It' reference to the ^mp nowhere else m the Zoquean area. In Sierra
phonemes in word-final Wonderly continue- 'hi Popoluca type of palatalization extends to
this
certain words in the NeZ dialects, they correspond other alveolar phonemes. In Tapachulteca pala
to -p. i. /•; m certain other word- of 'he same talization of *e occurs not only before *i but. also
dialect they c The corre- before V. Wonderly correctly infers that the two
spond' all the same for all NeZ dia- developments are independent of each othei
but the tendency is for the correspondences However, it is possible hat Proto-Zoquean *c had
t

with -p, -t, -k\' (p. 5). These peculiar correspond- a palatalised allophone before front vowels and
of Northeast Zoque are as a whole un- that this allophone lias become phonemic in Siei I i

paralleled in any of the other languages and Popoluca and Tapachulteca independently and in
dialects. different manners.

141
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

x
SP / SPi >

,SP2

NZ
\wz
cz Ne Z
\ wz
sz

Fig. [i—Solid line: areas where yC" and/or O

are found. Broken line: area where *[yC"\ remains
phonemically yC with loss of *\C"\ allophone.
t y
Fig. 4—STAGE I. Broken line incloses central
area where late PZoq *h was lost from *-hC in at
T, SP. In certain words the *h is also lost least some words.
in M. In words the *h is also
certain other
lost in the Chapultenango dialect of NeZ . . .

Map IV leaves part of the Popoluca area

outside the main isogloss, as preliminary
data collected by Elson indicates that the
*// is not lost in the Texistepec dialect of
Popoluca" (p. 8).
In accounting for the loss of *h the follow-
ing scheme seems plausible: (1) Proto-
Zoquean *h was not lost from word-final
clusters in such late Proto-Zoquean fringe
dialects as those which eventually became
Northeast Zoque, and in a part of the dia-
lects which became Sierra Popoluca. (2) Fig. 5—STAGE II. Broken line incloses area

Proto-Zoquean *h was lost from word-final where loss from *-hC clusters continued to be
of *h
extended until all such clusters were affected.
clusters in central late Proto-Zoquean dia-
Solid line indicates bundles of isoglosses which
lects (including what became West Zoque, came to distinguish early stage of SP, M, Z, and
Central Zoque, North Zoque, South Zoque, T. These latter isoglosses are at cross purposes to
the earlier isogloss, which represents an early-
and Tapachulteca as well as part of what
dialect boundary which later became of less im-
later became Sierra Popoluca) but prob- — portance.
ably only in certain words at first. (3) Loss
of *-h from such clusters was universalized seems that the two developments do not
in the central dialects which now were split, represent archaisms (as their fringe position
along with the contiguous fringe dialects, might indicate) but rather a late spread
into early stages of the four languages. The from the contral innovating area. This de-
progressive elimination of *h could now velopment is sketched in three stages in
proceed somewhat independent \y in the figures 4-G.
four proto-languages following the drift Plotting all the above features on the
that set in late Proto-Zoquean — but loans same map-like figure we obtain figure 7.

from language to language could still have which represents the late Proto-Zoquean
figured in the process. (4) Elimination of dialect situation in reference to the central
*h from final clusters then spread sporad- innovating area (involving loss of voiced
ically into Mixe and into Northeast Zoque allophones, loss of palatalized allophones,
as well. In that the words affected are dif- and loss of h) versus east and west fringe
ferent in Mixe and in Northeast Zoque, it conservative areas.

14.',
 :

LINGUISTICS

of primary character; (b) one point for

participation in an isogloss of secondary
character. We will not score both participa-
tion in a primary isogloss and participation
in its corresponding secondary isogloss for
the same language, since this would amount
to scoring the same feature twice. Scores
follow
WZ participates in 1, 2, 3, 4 and
scores 8.
SZ participates in 1, 2A, 3, 4 and
score- 7.

Fig. 6 —STAGE
III. Line of crosses: later exten- SPi participates in 2, 3, 4 and scores 6.
sions of area in which *h was lost from *-hC in
some words. Broken line and solid line as in Stage
T participates in 1, 2A, 4 and scores 5.

II (fig. 5). SP 2 participates in 2, 3 and scores 4.

CZ participates in 1,4 and scores 4.
NZ participates in 1, 4 and scores 4.

M participates in 2A, 4A and scores 2.

NeZj participates in 4A and scores 1.
NeZ8 participates in no innovations and
hence scores zero.
Weel Zoque seems to represent the center
of innovation in Late Proto-Zoquean. South
Zoque represents an area very close to the
center of innovation, with Sierra Popollica
(exclusive of Te\i>tepec) only slightly less
removed and Tapachulteca still further
removed. Sierra Popollica (Texistepec),
Central Zoque, and North Zoque are about
equally innovating, but even further re-
Line ol
7 l. mi
in which it
moved from the center of innovation than
calic voiced stop allophonM are completely
eliminated. Lii 2, area in which \
Tapachulteca. The conservative areas are:
atop allop] r naaala are completely elimi- Mixe (on the west and Northeast Zoqne on
)

Line of \ 2 \ area in which voiced stop

-
the east, with the latter almost completely
allophonee after oaeabi are completely <>r partly
eliminated. Dotted line: 3, area where *[j/C*] insulated from the innovation center. Notice
remained phonemically '/'' with lose of *[C v allo- \
that in terms of the features here considered
phone. Solid line: 4, area where *k ia completely Central Zoqne and North Zoque are one
lost from *-hC el latere Broken line: IA. later e\-
which *-hC WM lost (bul dialect area.
Dfl of the area in

only in certain words). The Proto-Zoquean dialect situation

late
is representedin figure 8. in which the con-
Id terms of the isoglossee plotted in the centric circles represent units on an eight-
accompanying figure, we note the primary point scale which marks off the coefficient
character of } 1, 2, 3, 4, and the of innovation.
adary character of 2A and 4A which \.~>. Mazatec Gudschinsky
dialects.
represent later extensions of 2 and 4 respec- (1958a) has given us a careful study of
tively. We can obtain a coefficient of inno- .Mazatec dialect history. She constructs a
vation by BCOrmg each dialect as follows: plausible family tree for Mazatec dialects.
(a) 2 points for participation in any isogloss Dividing High Mazatec (HM) from Low

146
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION*

into Lowland and Highland 'kingdoms'.

Furthermore, at an earlier period (ca. 890-
1170) there was a Mazatec nation
single
concentrated apparently what is now
in
Valley Mazatec — which would account well
for the unity of Valley Mazatec.
NeZz
Nevertheless, as Gudschinsky points out,
there was some spread of innovations across
dialect boundary with occasional consequent
shift of dialect boundary. Noticeable here is

the spread of features from High Mazatec

into contiguous portions of Low Mazatec.
Thus, the dialect of San Miguel can be
classified as Low Mazatec in that it shares
the typical *t v (i/e) > t innovation of that
8—SCHEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF
Fig. dialect group. But the dialect of San Miguel
LATE PZoq DIALECT SITUATION IN RE- is also characterized by the *t v k > sk inno-
GARD TO LINGUISTIC DISTANCE FROM
CENTER OF INNOVATION IN WEST ZOQUE vation which is diagnostic of High Mazatec.
(WZ). Here we have an apparent option; in that
either isogloss can be considered to be the
Mazatec (LM) (with common innova- HM older development, it could be argued (1)
tion*t v k > §k and common LM innovation that the Mazatec of San Miguel is a High

*t"(i/e) > t) she then further subdivides dialect that was invaded by spread of an
HM Western (common innovation:
into innovation from Low Mazatec; or (2) that
*tk > sk) and Eastern (common innova- it is a Low dialect that was invaded by
tion: *tk > hk); while LM divides into San spread of an innovation from High Mazatec.
Miguel and Valley Mazatec (common in- Gudschinsky adopts the latter alternative in
novation of Valley Mazatec: *Vhna/u > that there are other clues (lexical isoglosses)
Vhna/u). Valley Mazatec in turn divides which seem to indicate spread from such
into Southern (common innovation: *t y k > High Mazatec dialects as Huautla to San
tk) and Northern (common innovation: Miguel. Furthermore, this is supported by
*cha > cha). Further subdivisions occur: (1) what is known of the present cultural situa-
eastern High Mazatec divides into Huautla tion (Huautla is a dominant center) and
(*t"hf > §V) and Jiotes (*k w > k). (2) Low past history (formerly the Valley dialects
Southern Valley Mazatec divides into were culturally dominant; later two centers
Mazatlan (*tk > hk) and Jalapa (*hnd/u > of cultural dominance emerge in Low and
hya/u). (3) Low Northern Valley Mazatec High Mazatec respectively). The Mazatec
divides into Soyaltepec and Ixcatlan (*t vk > Mazatlan reflects a similar spread
dialect of
tik; *tk > tuk). of a High Eastern Mazatec feature (*tk >
The picture thus obtained is a plausible hk) into a Low Southern Valley dialect.
one both in terms of present day geographi- Gudschinsky also traces a number of lexi-
cal distribution (valley versus highlands, cal isoglosses. She writes: 'A number of the
and dissection of area by rivers) and in lexical isoglosses closely approximate the
terms of what is known of Mazatec history. dialect boundaries established by the phono-
In respect to the latter, Gudschinsky points logical isoglosses, except that there is more
out that from around a.d. 1300 on, the diffusion of lexical items especially from the
—
Mazatec area either under native rulers High dialect to Mazatlan and San Miguel'
or under Mixtecs or Aztecs was divided — (p. 474). The reference to diffusion of High

147
 )

LINGUISTICS

Mazatec lexical items to Mazatlan and San

Miguel correlates with shifting of dialect
boundaries noticed above whereby each of
these dialects came to share a phonological
isogloss with High Mazatec (or at least with
Eastern High Mazatec).
There is another phonological isogloss
which Gudschinsky mentions but does not
put on her maps: sh in the dialects of k

Huautla and Jiotes (of the High dialect) and

of San Miguel, Jalapa, and Ixcatlan (of the MIXTEC
Low Dialect) corresponds to rh in the dia- ENCLAVE
led > of Tecoatl, Eloxochitlan, and San
Fig. 9- T E (Eloxochitlan); SM (San
(Tecoatl);
Mateo); H(Huautla); SJ (Jiotes); Maz (Maza-
Mateo (of the High dialect and of | Mazatlan tlan); M (San Miguel); S (Soyaltepec); I (Ixca-
and Soyaltepec (of the Low dialed).' (p. tlan); J (Jalapa) I1 Boundaries of High

474). Gudschinsky comments that this

Mazatec according to primary dialect differen-
iso-
tiation. 2 2 Later extension of certain High
gloss 'seems to contradict the family tree Mazatec features (hut Mazatlan shares more
jusl outlined'. She mentions that both sh features with Low Mazatec than does San Miguel
3 3 ('(Mitral innovating area where PMaz
and eh are reflexes of ProtO-Popolocai) *ch
*c (h) > s (h) Vertical lines: Mazatec-Bpeaking
but does not describe for us the situation in region from which no data are available.
Proto-Masatec as such. But, considering the
geographical distribution of *c(h) (on the Among the lexical isoglosses other in-
Western and Northeast fringes of Mazatec stance occur which, in common with the
speaking territory) she recognises tins as an above phonological isogloss, show survival
archaism as opposed to tin- Central area of archaisms on margins as opposed to ail
where passage of v to t(h) is an innovation innovating central area. Tims, (Judschinsky
'spreading from a central area and leaving (p. 477) notes he following restricted dis-
i

conservative islands on the margins'.91 tributions of lexical items which arc pre
Figure 9 illustrates this central innovating Bumably archaic survivals:
area as well as the shifting <>f the boundary fl Mazatlan. Soyaltepec, and Ixcatlan
Of High Mazatec B8 lllll.-trated above. Mazatlan, Tecoatl and Soyaltepec
1
iudschinsky'a projected course of develop- (,\) Mazatlan and Jalapa
ment for I'roto 1'opolocan V a.- posited in her (4) Tecoatl and EloxochitlaD
Proto-Popotecan docs sol agree with the de- Tecoatl, Eloxochitlan, and Mazatlan
(5)
velopment is sketched in her Maastcr Disleel
History On chsxl 15 (p. -Si of Proto-Popotecsn (6) Tecoatl, Kloxoehitlan and Ixcatlan
she trace- Proto-Masatec reflem si follows I'l'n (7) Soyaltepec
v > PMai '- hi ami to PMsj *' elsewhere. On (8) Tecoatl and Kloxoehitlan
charts :; t. .")
pp. 8 in -he projeetfl the following
,

developments in Jiotes, Masstfln, snd B03 sltepec

These dialects may be arranged as follows
PMSJ *«(/ > iking I'l'n *c(h) develop in order of decreasing frequency of mention
and then, in turn, to e(h) oiice in the above list: Tecoatl, M :r/,at Ian, Kloxo-
to I'Ma/. ' k)
Furthermore, the projected I'M , '

Bex of Proto-Popolocan *c(h) is, a.s we have

chitlan, Soyaltepec, Ixcatlan, Jalapa. The
found only in central dialect- where it looks like four mosl mentioned dialects
frequently
an innovation rather than an archaism. I. there- are also within the archaizing area defined by
fore, -
the following reformulation: (1)
1*1*11 V > I'Ma/ V everywhere (including Hunters retention of *c. With less frequency do
with h Gudschinsky'a chsxl 15 needs to be modi- Ixcatlan and Jalapa align themselves with
fied by striking out the special reflex PMsj *s(h). the western archaizing fringe along with
J I'Ma/ V remained e in certain archaizing
fringe dialed-, and C3; I'M.-- nt to s(a)
-
•
Soyaltepec. An eastern fringe including
in the cent ral dialects. Tecoatl, Mazatlan and Eloxochitlan is ap-

148
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON A KECONSTIU < HON

parently a more extensive and better de- in the elimination of bilabial *w from veil)
lined archaizing area. paradigms.
summary, Gudschinsky's study of
In The shared (
'uicatec-Trique innovations
Mazatec dialects is an excellent example of are: (1) After e/i, T e. (2)
*'<(, PMx *t > C
the manner in which insights of the com- After *n, PMx T i (C has no
*i > C o/u, ,

parative method may be combined with phoneme). (3) After *n, PMx *e > C, T i.

those of dialect geography. We need not op- (4) After *w, PMx *e > C a, T i (also after
pose the 'family tree' concept of linguistic *x w and *"d, *e > C a). (5) Before labials,
relationship to 'wave' phenomena of dialect PMx H > C, T u. (6) It is of some interest
diffusion. We
need not deny the second in also that Cuicatec and Trique share a re-
order to establish the first, nor need we constructed *12 sandhi variant of basic tone
abandon the first in order to do justice to the pattern *32, while Mixtec reflexes seem to
second. indicate a *S1 sandhi variant. 29 Notice that
4.6. Mixtecan sub-grouping. In refer- Cuicatec-Trique isoglosses (l)-(5) indicate
ence to shared innovations, the isoglosses a common Cuicatec-Trique treatment of
plotted for the Mixtecan family (exclusive of front vowels, just as the Mixtec-Cuicaie.
Aniuzgo whose precise placement is still isoglosses (l)-(4) indicate a common Mixtec
doubtful) 28 pattern as follows: (a) strong Cuicatec treatment of labial consonants.
Mixtec-Cuicatec isoglosses; (b) strong Cuica- By contrast the shared Mixtec-Trique in

tec-Trique isoglosses; (c) weak Mixtec-Tri- novations are but two: (1) Proto-Mixtecan
que isoglosses. Nevertheless, in spite of the *t is palatalized in Mixtec and Trique (>
relative weakness of the Mixtec-Trique iso- T c uniformly; > M dialect reflexes, such as
glosses, they are important as vestiges of a tv , c, c, s or modification of following vowel
former dialect division not correlating well *a to e — with a few Mixtec dialects showing
with the subsequent (and more relevant) none of these developments). (2) Proto
separation into the three languages. Mixtecan *d splits into two reflexes condi
The shared Mixtec-Cuicatec innovations tioned by front versus back vowels (T every-
are: (1) *x'"a > vaa. (2) *"g"a > vaa. where; M
in all but fringe dialects). Both

(3) *k w V > ku vowel

(with loss of the above reflexes are peculiar in that each
and vocalization of labial component) under of them divides the Mixtec-Trique area in
varying conditions. (4) Mixtec and Cui- two in such a way so as to include Trique
catec eliminate w from present-day verb with some Mixtec dialects but not with
paradigms but preserve reflex of pardig- others. This is reminiscent of the Zoquean
matic *w in fossilized fragments (while isoglosses presented above in that the iso-
Trique preserves *w in present-day verb glosses fail to conform neatly to the lan-
paradigms). (5) Mixtec and Cuicatec merge guage boundaries. However, we need to ex-
Proto-Mixtecan tones *2 and *3 thus be- — amine in detail the Mixtec dialect evidence: :,u

coming three-level tone systems. (6) Proto- (1) Proto-Mixtec *t(i) is palatalized all ov< i

Mixtecan *o > Mixtec and Cuicatec o/u the Mixtec region except for a block of
(versus consistent reflex o in Trique). The coastal dialects in the southwest corner of
first four isoglosses group together; thus 29
The Popoloean evidence suggests that in
Mixtec and Cuicatec show parallelism in the Proto Popoloean - Mixtecan (= Otornanguf an
-

treatment of labialized phonemes, as well as also?) basic form *32 had no sandhi variants. We
suggested above in Sec. 2.7. that possibly *32 also
28
Swadesh (1960) has argued in favor of re- had no sandhi variants in early Proto-Mixtecan,
taining Amuzgo as Mixtecan. I have raised the but that these variants developed in late Proto-
possibility that Amuzgo may form along with Mixtecan dialects. If so, then the Cuicatec-Trique
Mixtecan proper a broader 'Amuzgo-Mixtecan' sharing of variant *12 of basic *S2 is another
grouping (Longacre, 1961a; Longacre-Millon, shared Cuicatec-Trique innovation.
1961). But, cf. note 1.
80
As summarized by Mak and Longacre, 1960.

L49
 LINGUISTICS

Oaxaca.
(2) Proto-Mixtec *t(i) is palatalized Mixtec northern innovating area and the
only on the northern and northeastern second innovation with the Mixtec central
fringes (dialects of Puebla, and Mixtec en- innovating area. It seems plausible to assume
claves in Mazatec) plus the somewhat north- that in late Proto-Mixtecan there were two
western dialect of Juxtlahuaca, Oax. (3) isoglosses delimiting areas where Proto-
Proto-Mixtec *t(a) remains unpalatalized Mixtecan *t and *6 had palatalized allo-
in the southwest coastal block noted above; phones (possibly at first only before front
goes to te (with *t unaffected but with palatal vowels). The isogloss for *[t y included what ]

influence on the vowel) in northern and became Trique and some adjacent northern
northeastern fringes and in a sizeable block Mixtec dialects (assuming that Mixtec did
of north-central dialects; and goes to ca or not extend as far north as at present). From
tya in the intervening region. (4) Proto- this view, Mixtec palatalization of *ta to
Mixtec *0 apparently goes to d in fringe ca or tya in the central innovating area is

dialects on the north, northeast, and east as more recent than *ta > te, which is more
well as in one dialect of the southwest coastal characteristically northern. The isogloss
block. Elsewhere, apparently *0 split into for *[d v ] included late Proto-Mixtecan di-
s/s according to back versus front vowels. alects that became Trique and certain ad-
To summarize, There is a note that (a) jacent western and central Mixtec dialects
southwest coastal block enclosed by iso- (assuming that Mixtec did not extend west-
glosses and (3) above with one dialect of
( 1 )
ward into Guerrero as at present).
this block involved in isOgl088 (4) as well, (b) It is probably best to assume that Proto-
There is a northern innovating area as seen Mixtecan *0 was phonetically [0] and [$"] in
in palatalization of *t{i), in *ta > te (as difi late western Proto Mixtecan dialects that
tinct from *t itself being palatalized), and in became Trique and west -central Mixtec,
palatalization of */(/>. In that the palataliza- but was phonetically \d] in the late eastern
tion of *t(i ) occurs in the northern and north- Proto Mixtecan dialects that became Cllica-
phi- Juxtlahuaca, while *ta tec and the present Mixtec non-western
becomes te in these Fringes phis part of the fringes. I >n this assumption the phonological
central area, and palatalization of */( developments in the various languages and
• ins everywhere except in the BOUthwest dialects m08l easily explained. Thus,
are
conservative coastal block, these isoglossee western Proto-Mixtecan *|0] gives Trique

-how a common tendency in that they in- / and Mixtec s, while its palatalized allo-
close the and northeast fringes
northern phone *[0 V ] gives Trique c and Mixtec §.

plus varying amounts of the central area. Eastern Proto Mixtecan *[d] gives Mixtec
c There is a central innovating area in and Cuicatec '/. It Beems clear that but one
which *((a> is palatalized to ty or 6a (and in Proto-Mixtecan phoneme is involved, while
which take place other varied developments it seems plausible that it varied pho-
also
beyond the scope of this paper). Develop- netically from west to east in late Proto-
ment of a I reflexes of Proto-Mixtecan and Mixtecan dialect areas.
Proto-Mixtec *0 patterns as one of these The above postulated development di-
central innovations which has spread over vides late Proto-Mixtecan into two dialect
much and leaves reflex <l only in
of the area areas (West PMx versus East PMx) de-
northern, northeastern, eastern, and south- lineated according to distribution of vari-
ern fringi ant- of *0. Division according to distribution
Trique, which palatalizes all */ to ( and of variants of *t yields further dialect areas
splits *0 to t/c (before back and front vowels in which Pre-Proto-Cuicatec and a portion
ectively in a manner quite parallel to of southern Pre-Proto-Mixtec pattern as
Mixtec) shares the first innovation with the fringe areas while Pre-Proto-Trique and

150
 —

SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

northern Pre-Proto-Mixtee pattern as an

innovating central region. Both isoglosses
draw a line of separation between dialects
that eventuallybecame Cuicatec versus
those that eventually became Trique. But
within what eventually became Mixtec, the
dialects are variously grouped, some with
what eventually became Cuicatec, others
with what eventually became Trique.
It is postulated here that the two innova-
tions common to Trique and some Mixtec
dialects reflect an earlier period of dialect
divergence than do the Mixtec-Cuicatec
and Cuicatec-Trique shared innovations,
which appear to be more numerous and
Fig. 10— STAGE
1. The late Proto-Mixtecan
carry greater weight. In that the Mixtec-
dialect situation shows no Mixtec-Trique dialect
Trique shared innovations are few and do boundary according to the two isoglosses plotted,
not correlate well with the present boundary but delineates Cuicatec from Trique. Line of X's:
presence of allophones *[t\ and *[<"] of *t versus
between the two languages it is assumed presence of only allophone *[t}. Broken line:
that (a) Trique, while maintaining contact presence of allophones *[0] and *[6 y of *8 versus
]

with Cuicatec, separated geographically presence of allophone *[d].

from Mixtec at a relatively early period

possibly at a time when early Proto-Trique shared innovations —
which do not appear to
and early Proto-Mixtec were still mutually be of any more consequence than the Cuica-
intelligible dialects, (b) This separation tec-Trique shared innovations. Nevertheless,
created a Trique-Cuicatec-Mixtec dialect the continued Mixtec-Cuicatec contact may
chain. Consequently, shared innovations be reflected in the Mixtec-Cuicatec lexico-
between Trique-Cuicatec and Cuicatec- statistic count which
is apparently con-
Mixtec continued to develop while shared sistently higherthan that for Mixtec-Trique
Mixtec-Trique innovations ceased to de- or for Cuicatec-Trique. 31 In reference to (d)
velop. It is necessary to carry out the above it may be noted that the belated renewal of
scheme further by taking into account Mixtec-Trique contact did not result in
present-day separation of Trique from further shared phonological isoglosses, but is
Cuicatec, as well as the present-day position nevertheless reflected in presence of Mixtec
of Trique as a language island surrounded by loans in Trique.
Mixtec. In doing this I assume (c) that These four hypothetical stages of develop-
Trique and Cuicatec lost mutual contact ment are illustrated in figures 10-14.
some time after they had ceased to be mu- 5. Summary and
implications. Systemic
tually intelligible dialects while Mixtec comparison and reconstruction of Middle
and Cuicatec continued to maintain con- American Indian languages has been carried
tact in spite of the continued eastward drift forward to the point where there is promise of
of Cuicatec; and (d) that Mixtec, in its considerable pay-off in the near future. Part
period of expansion finally flowed around the of this pay-off will consist in the evolution of
Trique-speaking area and engulfed it on
all sides. In reference to (c) it may be noted 81
For lexicostatistic counts involving Mixtec-
that development of an effectual language Cuicatec, Cuicatec-Trique, and Mixtec-Trique,
see Swadesh, 1960 (which evaluates previous
barrier between Cuicatec and Mixtec finally
counts by Gudschinsky and Arana) Longacre ;

checked further development of common 1961a; Millon and Longacre, 1961.

151
 LINGUISTICS

Pig 11— STAGE 2. Mixtec Triqunfljaogloeaea ceaaelto develop after Trique pulled away from Mix-
tee Mixtec-Cuicatec and Cuieatec-Trique isoglosses continue to develop. Line of crosses: separates
early Proto-Trique from early Proto-Mixtec and early Proto-Cuicatec which share a common treat-
ment of labials. Line of circles separates early Proto Mixtec from early Proto-Cuicatec and early
Proto-Trique which share a common treatment ofjfront vowels Line of \'s and broken line: as in
fig. 10.

I 12 BTAG1 J contact t>otween

!
md Proto-Cuicatec is severed.
and ProtO-M
1

now mu-
i i illy most further isoglosses
unintelligible;
developed between the two are lexical. Proto-
Fig. 13 BTAGE 4. Period of Mixtec expansion
results in Trique being engulfed by Mixtec on all
is pullinp off eastward.
-iiles with consequent cultural domination (late
Mixtec loans in Trique). Cuicatec is off to the
nit still in contact with Mixtec.
a in' tctory classification of Middle
American Indian languages. For example,
careful reconstruction of Proto-Otoman- Otopamean; some preliminary specula-
for
guean will make possible some careful tion^ along this line see appendix F. Mean-
judgments as to relative degrees of affinity while, a somewhat agnostic classification of
between Mixtecan, Popolocan, Chiapanec- these languages that simply lists them as re-
Manguean, Zapotecan, Chinantecan, and lated families is preferable to one that at-

152
 —

SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

construction has yet been offered to validate

this. 3 - Nevertheless, if this grouping be valid
such work is entirely possible and needs to
be undertaken.
—
Two languages Huave and Tarascan
remain mavericks. Hauve was classified by
Radin (1916) with Zoquean-Mayan-Toto-
nac, but this relationship is now separately
questioned by McQuown and Swadesh.
Swadesh (1960) has in turn suggested that
Huave fits into his 'Macro-Mixtecan' (i.e.
Fio. 14 INFERRED SHARED INNOVATIONS Otomanguean minus Chiapanec-Mangue).
IN OTOMANGUEAN AS NUMBERED IN THE But, here again, his evidence, like Radin's
TEXT. Abbreviations: PPn (Proto-Popolocan); for Mayan-Huave affinities, is not con-
IWlx (Proto-Mixtecan) ; PChM (Proto-Chiapa-
ncc-Manguean); POp (Proto-Otopamean); PZ clusive. Swadesh also cites resemblant forms
(I'roto-Zapotecan); PChin (Proto-Chinantecan). between Tarascan and other American In-
dian languages involved in vague, quasi-
tempts to sub-group them as, e.g. the universal relationships.
dubious sub-grouping 'Otomanguean' (Popo- The above considerations are embodied in
locan, Otopamean, Chiapanec-
Mixtecan, a linguistic map
of Middle America which is
Manguean) versus 'Macro-Otomanguean' presented Appendix F. On this map
in

(Otomanguean' plus Zapotecan and Chi- Hokaltecan, Uto-Aztecan, Mayan-Zoquean-

na utecan). Such a classification as Lamb's Totonacan, and Otomanguean are posited as
(1959) is, therefore, quite satisfactory in this broad groupings, each involving a number of
respect.Within each family comprising languages. The reality of the Uto-Aztecan
Otomanguean, systemic comparison will grouping has been demonstrated. Current
eventually elucidate the relationships in work in various branches of Otomanguean
terms of such schemes as those here sketched brings ever nearer the day when the reality
for Mixtec, Cuicatec, and Trique in 4.5. of this grouping (plus or minus a few lan-
above. Some detailed problems which should guages or language families) will be demon-
be cleared up in the near future are: (a) strated. The other two groupings— Hokalte-
precise position of Amuzgo (within Mixte- can and Mavan-Zoquean-Totonacan may —
can proper or in some more remote relation- be regarded simply as probable. Tarascan,
ship to Mixtecan within Otomanguean?); Huave, and Xinca-Lenca are considered to
(b) sub-groupings within Otopamean; (c) constitute three further groups of limited
|X)sition of Chatino (assumed to be Zapo- membership. Extinct languages are included
tecan). in the classification whenever identification
For criticism of existing classifications of the affinities of such a language seems to
within Uto-Aztecan, see Section 4.3. above. be probable; otherwise, extinct languages are
In view of the perennial interest in this plotted geographically without inclusion in
language family, it is hoped that someone the classification.
will soon take up Whorf's work where he Systemic reconstruction, vigorously pur-
left off and give us a basis for clarifying
32
Swadesh's 'proto-Penutioid' sketch (1956) is
problems that he raised.
on much too broad a front (his 'Penutioid' in-
'Mexican Penutian' is still largely in the cludes, among other languages and families, Zuni,
speculative stage. While it is generally as- Totonac, Huave, Tarascan, and Quechua-Aymara)
to afford systemic and detailed validation of such
sumed that Zoquean, Mayan, and Totonac-
a less ambitious (but still problematical) grouping
Tepehua go together, little systemic re- as 'Mexican Penutian.'

1 53
 LINGUISTICS

sued, will be successful hi demonstrating *wam (sets 226-8). Furthermore, in set 183
some relationships, but will have to leave I had a troublesome residue which is now
other relationships unproven or doubtful, seen to be perfectly regular. This set ap-
i.e. thresholds will be encountered beyond parently was to be reconstructed as a set
which systemic reconstruction does not with ultimate *wa in that the Mixtec vowel
yield results. But, far from being a draw- reflex was a and the Trique vowel reflex was
back, this will constitute a criterion for i. Nevertheless, there was a possible Cuicatec
identifying relevant and demonstrable re- cognate with vowel reflex i. Leaving aside the
lationships. Within the proper sphere of ap- Trique reflex, I could have reconstructed
plication the comparative method will lay a *o on basis of M
a <~ C i. The Cuicatec and
basis for sub-grouping and proper evalua- Trique reflexes offered contrary witness in
tion of the results of such methods as glotto- regard to *a versus *j, and yet I had no evi-
chronology which are in danger of being run dence anywhere in Mixtecan of vowel grada-
into the ground by free-lance practitioners. tion in general, nor of vowel gradation *a/*j
Ethnolinguistic implications in terms of re- in particular. Now, however, by recognizing
lated languages, in terms of identification of that *wa(m) underlies this set we may at-
the nature and direction of diffusions versus tribute the Cuicatec form to *wam and the
inherited items, and in terms of Wdrter-vnd- Trique form to *wa without the least diffi-
Sachen interpretation of reconstructed vo- culty, in that presence versus absence of
cabularies, will probably be forthcoming as *-fH is a familiar phenomenon. Furthermore,
well. Some such preliminary results are 1 had another such anomaly in my set 188
already in (Longacre-Millon, L961). In where apparently the correspondence a M ~
brief, systemic comparison and reconstruc- (
</'
^ T a appeared after *w but where the
tion ofMiddle American Indian languages Trique reflex 'should' have been e/i. Here
l-about to put into orbit a satellite or two we now attribute the Trique reflex to *am
with considerable pay load. This is there- which regularly gives Trique a after *w.
tore, no time to discourage, or discontinue,
rch. B. Otomi-Mazahua tone correspondences
and Proto-Otomf-Mazahua tones (as re-
AFPENDH 1
- COnstmcted by Donald Stewart).
(1) Two Otomi dialects cited have tone
A. Some apparent anomalies of phonologi- systems with high pitch, low pitch and rising
cal development resolved by positing Proto- pitch; a third Otomi dialect has high, low,
Mixtecan *am rather than *j. and falling pitches. (2) These reconstruct as
I had postulated a special Trique reflex follows:
r i of *a after *w (giving sound correspond-
O x 2 0« POt
ence M a ~^C a "* T f'i) in my sets 179 s 7.
high high rising *high (disylla-
I had also postulated a special Cuicatec
bic)
reflex j of *j after *io (thus giving BOUnd
(mono-
correspondence Ma^Ci^T a) in sets
high high low *high
syllabic)
226 v These Bets may now all be considered
low low falling *low
to be reflexes of Proto-Mixtecan *u'a(>>> .
[\
rising rising low *rising
is not at all strange that reflexes of *wum are
rare in that there is tendency in this lan-
:t (3) Mazahua has high, low, rising and falling

guage family to avoid two bilabials in the pitches. (4) These Mazahua pitches recon-
same form. Therefore we have more sets struct with the Proto-Otomian pitches as
witnessing to *wa (sets 179-87) than to follows:

154
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON" & RECONSTRUCTION

POt Mz POMz posed elements all of which figure promin-

*high high *high (before Mz h or vl. ently in Popolocan-Mixtecan as well.
cons.)
*high low *high (elsewhere in Mz) D. Further Zapotec data of possible corrob-
*low low *low orative value in reference to the posited
"rising high *rising (before Mz h or development: Proto-Otomanguean *mC
vl. cons.) cluster > Proto-Zapotec *CC (geminate)

*rising falling "rising (elsewhere in Mz) cluster.

*high falling *f ailing Another datum further points in the direc-

tion of supposing that Zapotec geminated
consonants came from Pre-Proto-Zapotec
C. Possible Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean re- (presumably Proto-Otomanguean) *mC clus-
flexes of 'deictics' posited by Gudschinsky ters. Fernandez de Miranda reconstructs
for Pre-Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan. *ll and "7 for Proto-Zapotecan. It may be

Postposed elements *-me and *-mu, which significant, however, that while there is a
appear with great frequency in Proto- uniform reflex I for *l in all dialects, there is
Chiapanec-Manguean form an interesting the following set of reflexes for *ll (abbrevia-
parallel with Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan *-m tions A, VA, M, Cu, Co, It, and I are for
or *mV (see above, Sec. 2.7.) ; and may con- Zapotec dialects cited in Fernandez's study;
stitute archaic survivals of a similar early I represents Isthmus dialect of Zapotec):
feature in Proto-Otomanguean. Gudschin- II in A, VA, M corresponds to I in Cu, Co,
sky's Pre-Proto-Popolocan-Mixtecan deic- and R; and corresponds to nd in I. (e.g.

tics *-xV and *- 9

V minus *-m) seem
(plus or 'stinky': A rillda 9 , VA jlla-, M lla-, te-la 9 ,

witnessed to as well. Thus, postposed -hV Co laa9 , R rila9 , I rinda 9 ; and 'snake' A
elements are fairly common in Chiapanec- bella, VA bell, M ball, Cu mbel 9 , Co m bal 9
, R
Mangue where their archaic nature is seen bdla, I be 9 enda9Here it seems plausible to
.

in the fact that they have often come to suppose that the Proto-Zapotecan opposi-
function as stems or parts of stems. Such a tion was not *ll versus *l (the latter is men-
Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean form as *ai tioned above without illustrative cognate
'sick, pains' seems to be cognate with Proto- sets), but rather *nl versus *l. Swadesh
Mixtecan *(k)a?i (Mak-Longacre, p. 38). (1947) posited cluster *nl as well as*//, but

The state of the Chiapanec-Mangue re- both do not seem to be necessary in the light
corded data is such that nothing can be in- of further data. Thus, while most Otoman-
ferred as to presence or absence of Chiapanec guean *mC clusters were reduced to gemi-
and Mangue 9 At any rate, whether or not
. nates in the transition to Proto-Zapotecan,
9 was found in Chiapanec and Mangue forms was not
at least *nl (originally *ml) so re-
for 'sick', it is possible that Proto-Chia- duced, and remains as an indication of the
panec-Mangue *ai witnesses to an earlier original state of affairs.
*a plus postposed *- 9 i (Gudschinsky's *- 9 V Another isolated datum occurs to lend
In one of the sets of Fernandez de
deictic?). plausibility to the above hypothesis: Thus,
Miranda and Weitlaner there is a postposed Fernandez de Miranda reconstructs Proto-
Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean *-Mi (PPM Zapotecan /ttuttu ca ~
*ttatla wica 'daily' on
*hmi) while in other sets this element seems basis of A tutu cd, VA toto zd, and It tutuja
to have become part of the stem. Putting to- versus Cu atata wiz and Co td wiz 9 It seems .

gether these various scattered clues, it ap- clear from other Otomanguean language
pears possible that Chiapanec-Mangue wit- families that there is a definite tendency to-
nesses to *-mV, *-hV, *- 9 T and *hmV ward dissimilation of labial consonants in
post-

155
 LINGUISTICS

the same form. Supposing, therefore, a (6) Disappearance of *w and *y in Proto-

final *-m on the Proto-Otomanguean form Chinantecan and Proto-Otopamean
lying behind Proto-Zapotecan *ttatta (prob- with consequent development of a
ably itself a reduplication) we obtain *t(uttu considerable number of vowel clus-
ca from a Proto-Otomanguean form with ters.

final *-m and *ttatta wica from a Proto- (7) Development of *r (in contrast with
Otomanguean form with final *-m reduced to both */ and *y, or with a phoneme of
zero before following *u\ which *l/] and *[y] are allophones) in
Proto-Zapotecan and Proto-Chinan-
E. Some possible isoglosses conjectured for
tecan. (Swadesh, 1960, reconstructs
Proto-Otomanguean. 33
Proto-Otomanguean *r on what seem
It is not possible yet to draw definitive iso-
to me
be insecure data.)
to
glosses for Otomanguean as a whole in that
(8) Development of contrasting geminated
shared innovations can not unambiguously
consonant versus single consonant
be distinguished from shared retentions until
(by assimilation of *mC > *CC?) in
Proto-Otomanguean itself is reconstructed
Proto - Zapotecan and Proto Oto
in some detail. Nevertheless, we liere suggest
pamean. Possibly parallel is develop-
a few possible shared innovations obtained
ment of voiced versus voiceless con
on comparing qua systems, the six phono-
sonant series in Proto-Chinantecan.
logical systems reconstructed for the various
(Swadesh, 1960, posits Proto Oto- -

families of Otomanguean.
Consequently,
manguean geminated consonants; 1

these inferred shared innovations arc not

do not believe that this will prove to
based on systemic reconstruct ion of Proto-
be valid.)
Otomanguean itself, but on extrapolation
(9) Disappearance of *i (assuming its
from reconstruction in less depth. As such,
existence in Proto-Otomanguean I
in
the suggestions of this section involve con-
Proto- Popolocan, Proto-Zapotecan,
siderable speculation and conjecture.
and Proto Otopamean.
Some inferred Otomanguean shared inno-
(10) Disappearance of *k v in Proto-Chia'

vations are:
panec -Manguean and Proto-Chinan
l Disappearance of *p in Proto Mixtecan
tecan. (Swadesh, 1947, does not re
and Proto-Popoloean (by merger
construct *k u in Proto-Zapotecan,
with */.
but this phoneme is reconstructed by
('2) Development of a prenasahzed >ene> of
Fernandez de Miranda.)
consonants Proto-Mixtecan and
in
inferred
It is interesting to note that
Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean (by re-
Proto-Otomanguean isoglosses (l)-(4) ap-
duction of other *mC and or *n('
parently group Proto-Mixtecan, Proto
cluster-
Popolocan, and Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean
(\i) Development of *ity or */< in Proto-
while (5)-(s) apparently group Proto-Zapo
Popolocan and Proto Chiapani
tecan, Proto-( hmantecan, and Proto-Olo-
Nfanguean (may be .-imply a Bhared
pamean. Number (9), however, groups
retention
Proto - Popolocan with Proto Zapotecan
-

Merger of and *t in Proto-Mixtecan

*t v
and Proto-Otopamean; while number (10)
and Proto- Chiapanec- Nfanguean. groups Proto Chiapanec - Manguean and
Disappearance of *i- in Proto-Zapo-
Proto-Chinantecan. This preliminary ex-
tecan and Proto-Chinantecan (cf.
ploration suggests the possibility thai
also thedisappearance of *x in Proto-
Mixtecan, and
Proto - Popolocan, Proto -

Zapotecan).
Proto-Chiapanec-Manguean may form a
" cf. note 1. group a< over against Prolo-Zapotecan,
156
 1

SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

Proto-Chinantecan, and Proto-Otopamean. McQuown's maps treat not only Mexico

But the latter two isoglosses listed, if rein- and Middle America but South America as
forcable by other similar features, could re- well; like Johnson's map they are accom-
sult in a pattern of mutually conflicting panied by a helpful discussion. All three
isoglosses which would make any such di- maps embody linguistic classifications which
chotomy artificial. The isolation of Chia- agree in broad outline and diverge in details.
panec-Manguean from the rest of Otoman- The map here presented includes most
guean within historic times, i.e. at least from languages referred to in any source as spoken
1525 on, is at all events, not to be considered in the area at the time of the Conquest . 1

as indicative of any necessary remoteness of includes more languages than are found on
relationship within Otomanguean. Oto- either the Mendizabal-Jimetiez map or the
pamean lies to the northwest of the mass of Johnson map. McQuown lists along with
Otomanguean languages. It is therefore his map some additional extinct languages
plausible to expect that Otopamean is more not included here, while Arana and Swadesh
Mixtecan and Popolo-
closely related to the (1959) in their series of linguistic maps
can languageswhich lie geographically (based on glottochronology as well as en
nearer, than to Chinantecan and Zapotecan former classifications) list still more lan-
which lie more to the east (with Mixtecan guages than McQuown. The sources con-
and Popolocan intervening). Nevertheless, tain, in fact, a welter of names and labels
we must follow the evidence wherever it for various peoples and languages. It is by
leads —when that evidence is finally in. It no means uncommon to find the same lan-
may eventually be established that the guage or dialect referred to by several names
placement of Otopamean is with the eastern or to find the same name apparently applied
rather than with the western languages. Res- to quite unrelated languages. In letting the
olution of this problem must await detailed map reflect a level of medium complexity we
reconstruction of Otomanguean. We have have hoped to avoid the diminishing returns
gone about as far as we can go until this fur- which might result from further cluttering
ther step be taken. At any rate, we must be with names of doubtful linguistic import. In
prepared for some surprises. Thus, while I deciding which 'languages' to include we
would personally be inclined to consider have followed the rule of requiring inclusion
Zapotecan closer to Mixtecan and Popolocan on two of the previous maps on which the
than to Chinantecan or Otopamean, never- present map is based. Practically, this has
theless it may be that the extensive cultural meant inclusion of any 'language' mentioned
contact of Mixtec and Zapotec has resulted by either Mendizabal- Jimenez or Johnson
in certain diffusions which obscure the origi- since McQuown's rather full listing scarcely
nal picture of dialect split and development. ever omits what either of the other maps
mention.
map of Middle America. The
F. Linguistic The geographical limits of the map are
accompanying map indicates the probable meant to correlate roughly with the geo-
distribution of speakers of various Indian graphical delimitation of Mesoamerica as a
languages as spoken in Middle America at cultural entity. A
broken line is given on the
the time of the conquest. It is based on the map to the northern frontier of
indicate
previous linguistic maps of Mendizabal and Mesoamerica as indicated some time ago by
Jimenez (1936, 1941), Frederick Johnson Kirchhoff (1943). On the south, the frontier
(1940), and McQuown (1955). Johnson's of Mesoamerica seems to be at once a lin-
map is accompanied by a helpful discussion guistic and a cultural line of demarcation.
of the sources for such a map and of the Beyond Maya, the Lenca, and the
the
problems encountered in drawing it. southern outliers of Otomanguean are groups
157
 LINGUISTICS

which seem to have South American affinities of boundary lines between individual lan-
both linguistically and culturally. Beyond guages of each family will not only spare my
this line the only linguistic group which we making further arbitrary decisions but will
indicate on the map is the Jicaque which we amount to an overall simplification.
include because they seem to be related A few specific points in which the present
linguistically (but not culturally) to Ho- map differs from one or more of the previous
kaltecan. On the north, the cultural line maps are here mentioned: (1) Classification-
delimiting Mesoamerica cuts across lin- wise I leave Guaycuran unclassified; refer
guistic lines.Thus, while most of Otoman- to Mayan-Zoquean-Totonacan as Macro-
guean Mesoamerica, Otopamean splits
lies in Mayan rather than as 'Mexican Penutian' or
with Pame and Chichimeca-Jonaz lying out- as 'Macro-Penutian'; reject the sub-group-
side Mesoamerica. Each of the main divi- ing 'Otomanguean' within 'Macro-Otoman-
sions of Uto-Aztccan (Piman, Taracahitian, guean' in favor of a more agnostic grouping
and A2tecoidan) are found on both sides of of the six families 34 concerned into a stock
the boundary. Of the Hokaltecan languages, termed simply Otomanguean; retain Coca
Yuman, Serian, and Coahuiltecan are found and Tecuexe as Aztecoidan (Mason and
outside the northern boundary of Meso- Johnson) in spite of the doubts of Mendi-
america, while Tequistlatecan and Supane- zabal- Jimenez and McQuown; do not at-
can are found well to the south within tempt to set up sub-groupings within
Mesoamerica. Because of the linguistic rela- Mayan; classify Jicaque as Hokan; consider
tions involved we have, therefore, included the 'Mazatee' of Jalisco, Guerrero, and
<«u the map the area up to the Mexican- Tabasco to be three unclassified languages
United States border. which possibly share only a name in common
In plotting the languages geographically with Mazatee within Otomanguean; con-
we have followed Mendi/.abal-Jimenez more sider the 'Ghontal' of Guerrero to be an un-
closely than the other two previous maps known language not necessarily related to
but have occasionally modified Mendizabal- the Chontal of Oaxaca (Tequistlatecan);
Jimenei in the direction of distributions In- consider Tapuchultec and Aguacatec II
I

dicated by the other two cartographers. to be Zoquean; follow M end izabal- Jim&iez
Methodologically, the present map is a in leaving Pison-Janambre unclassified
Compromise between Met id izabal- Jimenez rather than as Coahuiltecan (McQuown and
and McQuown. The former attempt to mark Johnson, but see Mason's accompanying
boundaries not only between language discussion of the problem, 1940, pp. 02-63);
families and stocks but between the indi- reject Mendizabal-Jim6nez's classification of
vidual languages as well; the latter indicate- ( ( !oahuiltecan but follow John-
(Uachichil as
no boundary lines as such but simply plots son and McQuown it as Uto-
in classifying

languages on the map by mean- of code Aztecan (Aztecoidan). Apache, TobOBO,

(2)
numbers. In the pre.-ent map I use hatch- and Olive are eliminated from the map of
lines, and shadings to mark off lan- Mexico on the supposition that they came
guages of different >to<-k- and families but into Mexico after the conquest (Mason,
:;lv code number- to indicate indi- 1940, pp. CO, 02). (3) A few Mendizabal-
vidual languages within a family (paren- Jim6noz distributions .ire modified as fol-

theses inclose code numbers referring to low-: (a) The area of Tepehuan-Tepecan is

extinct languagee It is hoped that the

boundaries shown even if often arbitrarily u As stated in note 1, I now regard Amuzgo as
drawn —
and groupings indicated will con- constituting a seventh branch of Otomanguean.
Although Amuzgo i.s so represented on the map I
tribute to the intelligibility and usefulnc
have not tried to bring the body of the article in
the map; while it is also hoped that absence line with the map in this regard.

158
SYSTEMIC COMPARISON & RECONSTRUCTION

enlarged somewhat at the expense of Cozcan son distributions are modified also: (a)
(following Johnson) on its southern bound- Maribichicoa put in Salvador (following
is

ary, (b) The Guachichil enclave in Tamau- McQuown) rather than in Nicaragua.
lipec, a Southern Tepehuan enclave in Cora, A complete key for the map is given in the
and a Chiapanec enclave in Zapotec are caption to figure 15.
omitted following Johnson. (4) A few John-

REFERENCES
Arana Osnaya, 1953, 1957 Kroeber, 1960a
Arndt, 1959 Lamb, 1958, 1959
Bartholomew, 1959, 1960 Longacre, 1957, 1961a, 1961b
Bernal and Davalos Hurtado, see Huastecos, McQuown, 1942, 1955a, 1956
Totonacos y sus Vecinos Mak and Longacre, 1960
Bright, 1956 Mason, 1940, 1952
Dahl, 1953 Mayers, 1960
Ecker, 1939 Millon and Longacre, 1961
Ellegard, 1959 Newman and Weitlaner, 1950a, 1950b
Fernandez de Miranda, 1951, 1960 Pike, E. V., 1954
and Weitlaner, 1961 lladin, 1916
Gamboa, 1942 Ravicz and Romney, n.d.
Greenberg and Swadesh, 1953 Smith, P., and Weitlaner, 1957
Gudschinsky, 1955, 1958a, 1959c Stewart, 1957
Haas, 1959 Swadesh, 1947, 1956, 1959b, 1959e, 1960a
Hale, 1958, 1959 Tax, 1960
Hall, 1958 Thieme, 1958
Hamp, 1958, 1960 Vivo, 1941
Hay, see The Maya and their Neighbors Wallis, 1956
Hoeningswald, 1960 Weinreich, 1958
Hymes, 1959, 1960 Weitlaner, 1942
Johnson, F., 1940 Whorf, 1935
Kirchhoff, 1943 Wonderly, 1949, 1953

159
6. Environmental Correlational Studies

SARAH C. GUDSCHINSKY

1. Introduction torically and geographically conditioned

2. Middle American studies dialects; and any study of language-in -cul-
2.1. Geographical dialects
ture must deal with at least some kinds of
2.2. Languages in contact
2.3. Nongeographical dialects environmental correlation. The problem is
3. Strategy of environmental correlational complicated by the paucity of specifically
studies correlational studies in the literature on
3.1. Geographical-historical dialects
Middle American languages.
3.1.1. Identification of innovations
I have chosen to solve the problem by
3.1.2. Mapping of innovations
3.1.3. Interpretation of isoglosses as indicating focusing on two unifying topics: geographi-
dialect history in terms of splits and con- cal dialects und nongeographical dialects. 1

tacts see these as ideally two complete studies,

3.1.4. Interpretation of isoglossesin terms of
each drawing on the full range of recent
diffusion, resistance, and migration
theoretical and technical advance.
3.2. Nongeographical dialects
The geographical-historical study of any
1. Introduction. Since environmental language group would include the interior
correlational studies do not constitute a history of its linguistic structure through
traditional field of research, it is necessary successive dialect and regroupings,
splits
to begin this article by delimiting the scope and its modifications by borrowed elements;
of its subject matter and defining its aims. an exterior history of its geographical loca-
The term 'environmental correlational' im- tions, its various centers of prestige, its

plies the entire gamut of 'speech varieties' shifting lines of and

communication, its

or 'dialects' or 'styles' in their correlations contacts with other languages; and a cul-
with geography, history, social class, age, tural history of its speakers in terms of
sex, role, cross-cultural or cross-language cultural traits that can be reconstructed at
contacts. Such a broad definition poses a each horizon, and in terms of the weakening
severe problem, however, in that it over- and restructuring of various aspects of the
laps — if indeed it does not include — the culture, especially under pressure from out-
material of the other chapters of this vol- side sources.
ume: descriptive studies include special Goals similar to these have been proponed
styles, men's and women's speech, baby before, but they contrast sharply with much
talk, and the like; lexicostatistical and of the present emphasis in historical studies
genealogical classifications deal with his- on the larger classifications and on statistical
161
 LINGUISTICS

or computer-programmed methods for prov- 2. Middle American studies.

ing relationship, sub-grouping, and esti-
mating time depth. The two points of view 2.1. Geographical dialects. Included
are complementary rather than mutually within survey of Middle American
this
exclusive, however. The classificatory stud- studies of geographical dialects is a variety

ies might be expected to provide both the of articles which make some correlation of
basis for choosing particular language groups linguistic variation with geography.
for detailed study, and also the initial The most extensive dialect survey is that
working hypotheses. Conversely, a care- of the Tzeltal-Tzotzil area in Chiapas,
fully planned detailed study of this kind Mexico, made as a part of the 'Man-in-
should serve to confirm or modify the larger Nature' project of the University of Chi-
hypotheses and to refine and develop theory cago. 2 (For a preliminary report, see Ale
and technique. Quown, 1959a.) This study establishes the
The nongeographical dialect study of any major dialect areas and correlates them
speech community would include the syn- with geographical, ecological, cultural, and
chronic description of all the various sub- historical features.

dialects, styles, or varieties whether con- The data include word-lists collected
ditioned by social class, role, or special from 139 informants in 19 communities
literary use- and a correlation of these with (now 480 informants, 47 communities; see
the total socio-cultural environment. McQuown, 1962). The large number of
These goals contrast with the tendency informants from each community permitted
of some descriptive studies to attain rigor the analysis of internal divergence and
or elegance statement at the cost of
of social dialect winch is discussed in §2.2, as

restricting the data to a single speech vari- well as the external divergence discussed
ety, perhaps even one particular speech here.

style of a single informant. Phonemic analyses are made of the data

Although there are DO Complete Mudies from each local community, and some of

of either type in any Amerindian language, the grammatical features are noted. There
there are a Dumber of articles illustrating are not yet (1960) complete structural
individual facets of the problems. 1
Section analyses of the entire speech of any of the
2 provides a survey of selected sourcema- communities (see now, however, Berlin,
terial from the Middle American langU L962a; Hopkins, L962a; Kaufman, 1961,
loosely grouped under the heading '<;..> 1962; Kadhaknshnan, 1962; Itobles, 1962;
graphical 'Languages in contact,'
dialect.-,' Barles, L962), but the materials so far avail-
and 'Nongeographical dialects.' The pur- able have proved sufficient for the prelimi-
pose, conclusions, and method of each nary -tudy. (See Mayers, Hajda, and
article are briefly described. Section .'! McQuown, m
presents the proposed studies as a Berii Lexicostatistical counts are recorded for
procedures for research. A -elected bibli- each pair of word-lists. For the geographical
phy of theoretical articles and data- dialect study, lexicostatistical distances,
oriented examples is included with each expressed as centuries of divergence between
procedure. communities, are marked on a schematic
1
The most extensive Middle
dialect study in
map with dialect distance rather than
America is a part of the Man-in-Nature' project geographic distance indicated by space.
of the
University of Chicago. As reported by (See Mayers, 1959; Mayers and McQuown,
McQuown (1950s) it includes interlocking studies
This initialmapping is used as
L959a,b.)
of geographical and Dongeographica] dialect with
reference to historical and cultural features and the basis of a dialect classification, and is
language contact. Each aspect of the study is re-
viewed separately where it is relevant. 1
See note 1.

11.2
 —

ENVIRONMENTAL CORRELATIONAL STUDIES

also used, in its implication of actual time, differs from the Mazatec studies in using
to confirm or modify hypotheses made from shared retentions rather than innovations.
archeological and historical data. (See The paper presupposes at least a tentative
Adams and McQuown, 1959.) The phono- comparative reconstruction of Proto-
logical, grammatical, and lexical isoglosses Mayan; seven of the reconstructed elements
are on the basic lexicostatistical
plotted are used by McQuown as diagnostic. He
diagram to show the types of dialect varia- maps the areas which retain these elements.
tion. As might be expected, there is little He then superimposes on the map dotted
concordance in the occurrence of the various arrows, indicating three closer relationships
isoglosses. In general the grammatical and based in part on other criteria which he
phonemic isoglosses are taken to reflect the assumes may indicate immigration. From
older divisions and historical dialects. The the resulting map, he deduces a tripartite
phonetic and lexical isoglosses represent grouping, but his proposed classification is
newer trends and the results of contact. somewhat more conservative than this,
(See Nash and others, 1959; Hajda, 1959a, having ten major divisions. The point of
b, c, d, e; McQuown, 1959c). particular interest here is his use of mapping
Gudschinsky's study of the Mazatec and geography to postulate immigration
dialects (1955, 1958a) is on a much smaller lines that simplify his ultimate classfication
scale, but includes considerable detail. The and make it more plausible geographically
ultimate purpose of both articles is to re- and historically.
construct linguistic history on a family-tree Wonderly's Zoque article (1949) is ba-
model. The basic data are a reconstruction sicallya historical study. His §1 is wholly
of Proto-Mazatec, and a lexicostatistical historical,dealing with the reconstruction
comparison of 13 Mazatec dialects. In the of the proto-Zoquean stops based on data
earlier article the historical development of from five dialect areas of Zoque and one
the existing local varieties of Mazatec, as each of Popoluca, Mixe, and Tapachultec.
implied by the lexicostatistical counts, is It is the second section that has relevance
mapped as successive stages of differentia- for this article. In it Wonderly arrives at
tion from a postulated homogeneous be- historical-geographical conclusions as to the
ginning. This is then compared with a innovating centers and areas of resistance of
somewhat different order of development certain morphophonemic alternations. He
implied by the sound changes. It is con- does this by mapping (1) the larger area in
cluded that the phonological history indi- which the morphophonemic alternation
cates the basic dialect development, and (voicing of stops following nasal, metathesis
that the lexical history —where it differs of y, loss of h from clusters, palatalization
indicates a more recent cross-dialect contact. of c) occurs in any form; (2) the two areas
This history of split and regrouping is within (1) in which the alternation is partial
further developed in the second article by occurring only in some words, or only in

the careful mapping of the phonological some phonological environments. He then

innovations and a small group of lexical assumes that the area of (1) which is ex-
innovations. From thismapping a detailed cluded from (2) marks the area of innova-
linguistic history is deduced and correlated tion where the new morphophonemic alter-
with what is known of the political history nation first occurred and from which it
of the tribe. spread to the other areas, and that the
McQuown's classification of Mayan lan- areas of (2) are peripheral areas where the
guages (1956) uses mapping of shared fea- phenomenon has not yet been carried to
tures to give historical implications, but completion.

163
 LINGUISTICS

Key (1952-53) has made a preliminary They include bilingualism in its social
study of four dialects of Nahuatl. It is very setting, modification of linguistic structure
tentative both in its historical aspect (he by loanwords, and the historical and cul-
notes the phonological correspondences but tural implications of loanwords. 4
does not attempt to reconstruct the proto- There are two authors whose work has
forms) and in its dialectal aspect. The sets emphasized especially bilingualism in its
of correspondences, with accompanying social setting. Waterhouse (1949a) has pro-
comments, provide descriptions of the vari- vided us with a brief note concerning the
ous dialects studied. Three of the sets are rather special case of the Oaxaca Chontal
mapped to show their geographical distribu- who as children are monolingual speakers of
tion, but this is too few to show bundling of Spanish, but learn their 'native* Chontal in
isoglosses from which dialect boundary evi- adolescence and use it as their preferred
dence could be deduced. Xor is there any language as adults. She cites reasons for this
clear evidence of innovating versus resisting order of language learning, and describes
areas. the language behavior of individuals of
Easier (1954-55a, b, c) has also made a various ages.
preliminary contribution toward the dialect In addition to the social factors, there is

study of Nahuatl. His article includes a brief mention of the linguistic effects of the
brief note on the method of ascertaining bilingualism, notably the loss of a phoneme
dialects by the use of Bete of correspond- in the speech of the younger people causing
ences from the historical -tud\ a change from phonologically conditioned to
Holland (1959) has made a brief study of morphologically conditioned allomorphs in
Mixtec and Cuicatec dialect variation based certain classes of verb stems. The final
on lexicostatistics. He correlates the leori- paragraph indicates some reciprocal modi-
costatistical groupings with the geographic fication of the Spanish used with and by
let- and adduces evidence :i- to the place the children.
of origin and migrations of the Mixtec, K.L. Pike, in a series of four text studies
dating these with reference t<> the ( lonquest. illustrate- problems of partial bilin-
the
U hmann (1956) has provided compara- gualism a- Been by the Mixtec themselves.
tive word list.- of two dialect- of Totonac, In each of the four articles he presents a
with preliminary comments on the dialect Mixtec text with Knglish translation. His
differenoi introductory remarks and appended com-
2.2, I.anoi \..K- in con i \( i In the i, ment- explain the nature of the conflict
of Weinreich (1953) languages are 'in con- between the Mixtec and Spanish systems,
tact' if they are used alternately by the and its relevance to the point of the text.
Same person. This COntacI may range from Two of the
texts (1945a, 1946b) involve
the unique bflingualism of a single individ- Spanish speakers whose intonation distorted
ual in a community, widespread bilin-
t<> the lexical tone of their Mixtec utterances so
gualism of a large group with resulting that they were misunderstood. Another
modification of linguistic and socio-cultural (1945b) involves the mimicking of Spanish
patterns. Although there are a number of 4
The studies reviewed here are all drawn from
trays in which these phenomena might be the past two decades or so. Among the older ma-
studied, only a few of them have been at- terials there are a large number of etymological
studies of Indian loans in Spanish, a smaller num-
tempted in Middle American languages.
ber of studies of loan words from Spanish to the
Indian languages, some studies of place-names,
5
This article was completed in Brazil without and a few comparative word lists. These are
- to some of the relevant literature. Hasler's omitted here as peripheral to the main point of the
materials in particular are inadequately reported chapter; additional bibliography may be found in
from secondary sources. Marino Flores (1957).

164
KNVIKONMKNTAL CORRELATIONAL STUDIES

intonation by a monolingual Mixtec in Spanish, but no distinctive features that are

order to impress his neighbors. The fourth not used also in Spanish. The total system
( two Mixtec
1047) relates the predicament of draws its distinctive features and its con-
men who got themselves into trouble by trasts from both sub-systems so that it has
using a few mechanically learned Spanish some new pairs of contrasting phonemes
phrases without understanding either the that do not occur in either sub-system.
questions which they were asked or their and Pike (1949) reach quite a dif-
Fries
own replies. ferent to a similar problem in
solution
There are three studies that deal with the Mazatec the —
occurrence of [nt] in un-
theoretical and descriptive problems of a assimilated loans in contrast with the nor-
phonological structure modified by loan- mal [nd] in native words. Since their paper
words from another language. is theory rather than data oriented, they
Wonderly (1946) deals with a problem of deal with only this one facet of the Mazatec
partially assimilated Spanish loans in bilingual problem as a part of the larger
Zoque. The body of his paper consists of a problem of coexisting systems. Arguing
comparison of two alternative ways of primarily fiom the evidence of native reac-
handling this data. The first is separate tion they conclude that two or more con-
analyses of the native Zoque vocabulary flicting systems or parts of systems may
and the lexicon of Spanish origin. He dem- coexist in the speech of a single monolingual
onstrates that the two bodies of data differ individual. They suggest detailed procedures
in both phonemic inventory and distribution for discovering such systems, or demon-
of phonemes, but that there is some ambi- strating their occurrence.
guity in assigning specific words to one There are three languages, Yaqui, Tzeltal-
category or the other. The second alterna- Tzotzil, and Huichol, in which loanwords
tive is a single analysis of all the data. This have been studied specifically to discover
yields a large inventory of phonemes and a historical and/or cultural correlations.
more complicated distribution pattern than There are two studies of linguistic accul-
either of the separate analyses. Comparing turation in Yaqui (J. B. Johnson, 1943;
these results,Wonderly concludes that: (1) Spicer, 1943). Spicer uses loanwords to gain
the separate analysis of native Zoque ele- an insight into the nature of Yaqui accul-
ments is useful for historical and compara- turation in general. He first culls from the
tive purposes in that it conserves the basic total Yaqui vocabulary the names of cul-
phonological structure and distribution; (2) tural items not native to preconquest
the separate analysis of Zoqueized Spanish Yaqui culture. He notes that this list of
is useful for showing the extent of assimila- words consists almost entirely of loans from
tion to the Zoque pattern, but that (3) the Spanish; there are few invented words with-
single analysis of both sets of data fits the out at least one element of foreign origin
language as a whole best, as it avoids the and few non-Spanish loans. To find cultural
ambiguities permitted by the double analy- correlations, he calculates the percentages
sis, and also because it reflects the genuine of loanwords in each of several cultural
assimilation of the Spanish loans to the new classifications such as household items,
Zoque patterns. ritual vocabulary, kinship terms, sponsor
Garvin (1947) restates Wonderly 's ma- terms, and names and titles in ceremony. He
terials in terms of the occurrence of dis- finds that Spanish loans in Yaqui are, for
tinctive features in Zoqueized Spanish, in the most part, terms for material items new
native Zoque, and in the total Zoque system. to the culture, or they correlate with areas
He notes that the Zoqueized Spanish has of the culture where the old system was
some contrasts that do not occur in normal dislocated under Spanish pressure, as was

165
 LINGUISTICS

the kinship system, the political organiza- and the borrowing, or resistance to borrow-
tion, etc. ing, of other culture items at each period.
To find historical correlations, he dates These are mapped as follows: (1) the smallest
the loanwords as old and new. This done is percentages of old loans are mapped against
on the basis of a phonological comparison the retention of preconquest culture traits;
of the original word in the lending language (2) the percentages of later loans are mapped
with the new form in Yaqui. The forms against cultural borrowings that date from
showing certain regular phonetic and mor- the early colonial period; (3) recent Spanish
phological modification are assumed to have loans are correlated with the current Mexi-
entered Yaqui prior to the 19th century can cultural (See Nash and
borrowings.
and to have become fixed before the majority others, 1959; Mayers, Hajda, and Mc-
of Yaqui speakers had occasion to learn Quown, 1959; Hajda, 1959f; Hajda and
Spanish phonetics. It is noted that not all Verbitsky, 1959a, b, c.)
words can be so dated, as many entered Grimes' Spanish-Nahuatl-Haichol Mina-
Yaqui without modification and that there tory Terms (1960) is a very brief note, but
has been some recent replacing of old loans it has importance as an example of the
with new ones. The various loans are ten- tracing of an intervening
loans through
tatively correlated with the known periods language. His comparable
data include
of historical Spanish contact and domina- lexical items from Huichol, Nahuatl, and
tion. Spanish. Huichol has two sets of monetary
.1. Johnson (1943) adduces evidence
B. terms. The older terms, now going out of
that the whole ofYaqui linguistic structure Use, are nontransparent phrases in Huichol.
has been affected by Spanish loans. He On analysis with reference to current
gives the (valence from vocabulary, pho- Nahuatl dialects they turn out to consist of
nology, and grammar. He finds these ele- Nahuatl numbers combined with the old
ments t<> be more recent than the loth Spanish hmun 'real' or 'bit'. This fact sug-
century since they do not occur in early that the money system was first
grammars. (Tor a comparison of Yaqui adopted by the Nahuatl from Spanish and
acculturation with Tewa acculturation see taken over bodily into Huichol from Na-
huatl. The newer Bet of monetary terms
Loanword studies in Tzotzil and Tzeltal consists of Huichol numbers with Spanish
are used by NicQuown (1959 i
discover coin names, showing direct borrowing from
the degree of acculturation at different his- recent Spanish contact.
torical periods. The loan-, especially the -.'.',.
NONGEOQRAFHICAL DIALECTS. The
Spanish loans, are divided into historical term nongeographical dialect is used here
groups largely on the basis of phonemic ver all the speech varieties that corre-
accommodation to Tzeltal and Tzotzil. This late with features of the sociocultural en-
first assumption of chronologica] layers of vironment rather than with geographical
loans supported by the fact that Borne
is distribution. This includes the phenomena
communities have lost old Spanish loans which are discussed by Sapir (1915) under
that are current in other communities, and the title 'abnormal speech types', as well as
reborrowed a newer layer of Spanish loans the social dialect- discussed by Bloomfield
with less phonemic accommodation. Scales under the label 'non-local' (1933, ch. 3).
of the percentage of each kind of loan in The studies surveyed here fall into three
each community provide indices of accul- groups: studies of status dialect, of baby
turation at different historical periods. talk, and of social dialect. The status dia-
There is a high degree of correlation (shown ue special usages conditioned by the
by mapping) between these linguistic indices status or rank of the person addressed, or

166
KWIUONMENTAL COUHELATIONAL STUDIES

more accurately, by his status relative to parents in talking with their children, and
(he speaker. Three of these illustrate some- analyzes some of the more interesting ones.
thing of the range of possibilities. Grimes (1955), on the other hand, is

Jane Nellis' study of Sierra Zapotec primarily concerned with style and its place
(1947) is primarily a listing of the greetings, in the linguistic system. He begins with a
titles, and endearments used in the village phonemic analysis Huichol as a whole, in-
of
of Atepec. The social conditions in which cluding phonemes (first noted by Mcintosh,

each of these is used are briefly described. 1945, notes 2,3, 4) that occur only in words
Law (1948) similarly describes the greet- which were felt by the informant to be the
ing forms of Gulf Aztec. This system ap- 'same' as corresponding words with different
pears to be more extensive than that of the phonemes. A study of these extra phonemes
Zapotec, with different greeting phrases revealed that they occur only in baby talk,
specified for a large number of relationships. songs, or in a context involving diminution,
The most unusual feature is the use of endearment, or cuteness. In an attempt to
formal dialogues as greetings between per- fit the phenomenon into the structural
sons of certain special relationships (e.g. the system of the language, four hypotheses
ceremonial co-parent relationship of natural were rejected: style as a nonstructural
patents to godparents or godparents of the feature; style as part of the phoneme sys-
same child to each other). The formal tem; conditioning by a styleme; phonemic
linguistic behavior is accompanied by special contrast. The hypothesis accepted by
handclasps. Grimes is that of coexistent phonemic sys-
Pittman (1948) reports the complex tems, based on the theoretical materials of
system of honorifics used in the Nahuatl of Fries and Pike (1949). He includes as co-
the village of Tetelcingo, Morelos, Mexico. existent systems two other speech styles,
The article constitutes a morphological used for secrecy and excitement, which are
analysis of the affixes belonging to this sys- characterized respectively by special pho-
tem. They include an honorific noun suffix, netic qualities of breath iness and falsetto
second and third person possessives, second articulation of the voiced sounds.
and third person pronominal forms, and Social dialect, in the sense of local dialect
several devices for distinguishing honorific vs. standard language, has been under atten-
verbs from their nonhonorific counterparts, tion for a long time and has provided much
with further complexity resulting from the of the impetus for the early dialect geogra-
combination of honorific and nonhonorific phy work Indo-European languages.
in
subjects and objects. These honorifics may More recently there has been emphasis on
be combined to give exceptionally reveren- the direct tie of dialect with status or role.

tial forms. The article closes with a glossary The outstanding study of this kind in

of affixes. Middle America is a part of the 'Man-in-

There are two articles on baby talk that Nature' project of the University of Chicago
deal, not with the imperfect control of the (McQuown, 1959a). The data for this study
adult code incidental to speech develop- consist of the word lists collected from 139
ment, but rather with the special speech informants in 19 dialects which were also
style used by adults in talking to babies, used for the study of geographical dialects.
and them to talk. Such baby
in teaching The informants were carefully chosen to
talk may from 'normal' adult speech
differ represent a variety of social class and role,
in lexicon, in phonemic pattern, or both. as well as a geographical spread of com-
K. Larson's study of Huastec baby talk munities.The internal diversity of each
(1949) focuses on the lexical aspect. She community is studied by much the same
presents a list of special words used by techniques as the external diversity.

167
 LINGUISTICS

First lexicostatistical distance is com- section, we have looked briefly at the various
puted and mapped for the individual in- kinds of environmental correlational studies
formants on charts in which space indicates to be found in the literature on Middle
lexical difference. 5 Then the phonemic and American Indian languages. The studies are
the lexical isoglosses are mapped on the in general fragmentary, tentative, or pre-
lexicostatistical charts showing the com- liminary in nature, and much of the newer
plicated picture of the relative closeness of theoretical advance, based on research in
the idiolects within the communities. The other parts of the world, has not yet effec-
idiolects are grouped on the basis of quan- tively touched Middle America.
tity of shared features. These idiolect groups seems appropriate at this point, there
It
are compared with cultural phenomena in fore, to suggest a program of further re-
order to find correlations (see McQuown search. The wide variety of theory and
and others, 1959). There is not the close method can be unified into two main topics:
agreement of linguistic clustering with (1) geographical-historical dialects, and (2)
socio-cultural clustering that had been nongeographical dialects. Included under
hoped for, but some interesting results are each of these headings are a discussion of
reported: (a) There tends to be idiolect the aims of such a study, a set of suggested
clustering within barrios of the various procedures for a unified program of planned
communities. At least one apparent excep- research, and selected bibliographical refer-
tion to this turned out to be a case of in- ences to theoretical materials and examples
formants who had changed barrio in young of studi'
:idulthood. (b) The difference between core No attempt is made here at a rigorous
and periphery of the social group has its definition of 'dialect'. It is used in the very
origin in ethnic difference, bo thai it corre- loose sense of any speech variety that is

lates closely with linguistic difference, (c) structurally different from other speech
There is correlation of dialect with kin varieties under consideration. The notions
group through the mother's line, demon- of structure and system are basic to the
Etrated by a mapping of lexical diveiL discussion, however, and unstructured etic
against surnames of mothers of informants. variations in speech are not considered.
(d) People who have held political office (for discussion of the place of structure in

(hut not religious office) in their local com- dialectology, see Weinreich, 1954. For the
munity tend to be linguisticallymore like problem of terminology, see Martinet, L954.
each other across community boundaries For dialect definition by quantification of
than people who have not (see McQuown, J resemblance, see Swadesh, 1954b.
1959b). For a test of mutual intelligibility, see
3. The btbatbgt or environmental Voegelis and Harris, 1950; but see Wolff,
CORRELATIONAL BTUDIE8. In the preceding 1959a, for a critique of the test.)

'This is a useful way of quantifying lexical

3.1. GeOQBAPHICAL-HIBTOBICAL DIALECTS.
difference. seems to the reviewer, however, that
It It is the purpose of this section to suggest
the notion of time depth is nut of place in dif briefly procedures for recovering the history
ing completely mutually intelligible varieties
within a single community. More appropriate
of a language, and of the people who spoke
might be some non-temporal unit, as for example it.This requires the exhaustive application
the 'dip' of ( iudschin.sk;. BD the raw- of the techniques of dialect geography and
percentage scores.
loan word study to data obtained from
would also seem a bit dangerous to compute
It
lexical distanceon the basis of single lists, since comparative as well as descriptive study.
the competing forms almost certainly occur in the Such an historical study includes both the
understanding vocabulary of each informant, and
successive splits of the original genealogical
may even occur in his speaking vocabulary on
other occasions. stock, and the various contacts with othei
168
ENVIRONMENTAL CORRELATIONAL STUDIES

languages or dialects. These data are eliminate aberrant idiolects, which can be
mapped to show the geographical location of more effectively studied as nongeographical
the earlier stages of the language, the lines dialects. In practice, first approximations
and the direction of migrations.
of diffusion, may be obtained with less than the ideal
The relative time of various changes and quota of data; these may then be used as a
contacts can be ascertained, and all of this guide for further more detailed studies.
can be correlated to give a history, not only (See Swadesh, 1954a, for a description of a
of the language itself, but also of the cul- method for the rapid collection of prelimi
ture, the movements, and the cultural con- nary data.) Since the specific techniques of
tacts of its speakers. (For discussion of the both descriptive studies and historical re
relationship of geneological development construction may be found elsewhere in
and diffusion, and their relationship to this volume they are not discussed here.
classification, see McQuown, 1955b; Hymes, 3.1.1. Identification of innovations.
1959, pp. 57-59. For the relationship of The first procedure is the identification of
linguistics to prehistory, with special refer- innovations in the grammatical, phonologi
ence to Indo-European, see Tovar, 1954. cal, and lexical structure. In general any
See Swadesh, 1952, for an example of the item or any feature that cannot be recon-
interplay of inheritance and diffusion.) structed for the proto-language may be
The proposed procedures for a historical- taken to be an imiovation.
geographical study are: (1) identification of In the grammar, the more regular features
innovations with reference to a recon- are apt to be recent levelings or analogic
structed proto-language, (2) mapping of the changes, whereas the irregular forms arc
innovations, (3) interpretation of the iso- likely to be relics of an older layer of struc-

glosses as indicating dialect history in ture. Plausibility in the order of develop-

terms of successive splits and renewed con- ment may also be helpful in screening out
tacts, and (4) interpretation of the iso- the grammatical retentions.
glosses as indicating dialect history in In the phonology, the phonemes that are
terms of centers of diffusion, areas of re- most like the environments in which they
sistance, and extent and direction of migra- occur are most apt to be recent develop-
tions. ments, since phones tend to become more
This set of procedures presupposes an environments. If, for example, in
like their
adequate body of data of two kinds: de- a voiced environment, a voiced phone in
scriptive studies of the relevant languages, one language corresponds to a voicclc-s
and a reconstruction of the proto-language phone in another language, it is most plausi-
of the languages or language groups under ble to reconstruct a voiceless proto-phonc,
attention. It is the possibility of recon- and to posit the voicing as an innovation,
structing a proto-language that may deter- since voicing is a far more likely develop-
mine the size of group chosen for an initial ment in such an environment than unvoic-
study, though two or more such studies may ing.
provide the basis for later investigation of If there appear to be two different groups
more remote layers. of internally consistent sets of correspond-
Ideally the descriptive data should in- ences that conflict with each other, it is

clude complete descriptions of all of the possible that one group represents the in-
languages presumed to belong to the given herited material, and that the other repre-
language family, with at least their principal sents material borrowed at a very early
local variations, and also of all the pre- stage, so that the modifications in the dif-
sumably nonrelated languages found in the ferent dialects correspond to each other in
same area. Care must be taken, however, to much the same way as the sound changes in

169
 LINGUISTICS

the inherited material. One criterion for most any set of isogloss maps is the lack of
deciding that one group of sets is inherent congruence of the individual isoglosses.
rather than borrowed is its occurrence in a Except in the presence of the most formida-
large part of the core vocabulary — that part ble natural or political barrier, there are
of the vocabulary that is least subject to few if any really sharp dialect boundaries.
loss. (See Dyen, 1956a, for an example of If every shared innovation implies shared
the application of this principle.) history, there must have been in most
Lexical innovations may be borrowings languages, shifting groupings at different
from another language or dialect, or they points in history and/or there must have
may be neologisms or semantic shifts within been transition areas receiving traits by
the inherited material. Borrowings that are diffusionfrom two or more innovating cen-
transparently similar to the lending lan- probable in most cases that both
ters. It is
guage may be recognized easily. Older of these hypotheses fit some part of the
borrowings may be sufficiently acculturated history, and the problem becomes one of
as to be nearly unrecognizable, except that dating the isoglosses and turning the appar-
they do not tit the reconstructed patterns of ent confusion into a record of consecutive
the more remote proto-language. Xeologi>m> events. (See Davis and McDavid, 1950;
may be reconstructable for the more recent Reed and Spicer, 1952, for special methods
proto-language of a group of dialects, but of mapping and interpreting the confused
not for the more remote layer. In this case, isoglosses of a complex transition area.)
it may be almost impossible to guess which 3.1.3. Interpretation of isoglosses.
of apparently competing reconstructed The third procedure is the interpretation of
forms was the original and which was the the isoglosses as indicating dialect history
innovation (if indeed they were no: in terms of successive splits and renewed
exi.-ting forms with different meanings in Such a history
contacts. of splits is usually
the original language). Decisions in such diagrammed as a family tree, although it is

cases must often delayed until after the

hi' trite to note that no perfect family tree
mapping, when the older form may be found exists in development by suc-
languages
occupying 'relic areas' and the newer forms . r dialect always accompanied
splits is

showing a typical pattern of recent diffu- by continued or renewed contact which

moii. (See Salsman, 1954, for a suggestion blurs the dialect boundaries and give rise to
for a uniform test li.-t for eliciting loanword-, the "mesh" described by Swadesh (1959e).
so that cross-cultural studies of resistance A quantification of features shared by
to or acceptance of loans can be i two or more speech communities may be
Chretien, 1966, for a study in which borrow- used at an early stage of research to provide
ings are separated from inherited material. ) an estimate of dialect subgrouping, which
3.1.2. Mapping of innovations. The would in turn be useful as a guide for fur-
second procedure is a mapping of the inno- ther studies. Lexicostatistics uses a quanti-
vations, by enclosing within a single line on fication of shared lexical retentions to arrive
a geopolitical map communities
all the at Bub-grouping with estimated time depth
which Bhare one specific feature (one sound of separation. This may not always provide
change, one grammatical feature, one lexical the best possible guess as to historical sub-
item). There will be a separate isogloss for groupings of dialects for two reasons: first,

each feature mapped. (For examples of such the lexicon is the part of the linguistic
mapping in Middle American languages, see structure most subject to chance change
Wonderly, 1949; Gudsehinsky, 1955, 1958a; and, second, as Brugmann pointed out as
McQuown, 1959a.) early as 1884, retentions are often shared
One of the most striking features of al- by widely scattered dialects, whereas shared
170
ENVIRONMENTAL CORRELATIONAL STUDIES

innovations of a nonlrivial character This is not, of course, an infallible test, as

strongly imply a period of common history some words require little or no modification
or close contact. (See Hymes, 1960, for a to fit the system of the borrowing language.
complete discussion of lexicostatistics and (d) Borrowed lexical items may be roughly
bibliography. See Gleason, 1959, for a some- dated by what is known of cultural, political,
what different way of arriving at a family or linguistic history from outside sources.
tree by counting likenesses.) Direct loans from Spanish, for example,
Sub-groups may be arrived at by a
also could not include in the same period both
detailed chronological ordering of the peri- tomin 'real', 'bit' and radio, since the former

ods of common history implied by the shared term had disappeared from Mexican Span-
isoglosses. A useful initial hypothesis is that, ish usage before the invention that gave
other things being equal, the bundling of rise to the latter term.
grammatical and phonological isoglosses (e) Lexical items having their origin in
represents older developments, and the close-knit phrases may sometimes be roughly
lexical isoglosses represent the more recent dated by the degree of fusion or internal
developments. This is due to the fact that sound change; transparent compounds or
borrowings and diffusion in general affect locutions are usually of more recent origin.
the vocabulary of a language most easily (f) The borrowing of lexical items may
and the grammatical structure least easily. be judged as early if the modified form
'Other things' are seldom equal, however, presupposes the phonologic system of an
and it becomes necessary to look for other earlier stage of the lending language.
ways of dating the isoglosses. The following In sub-grouping the assumption is made
is a suggestive list of techniques by which that larger groupings are older than smaller
relative chronology can be assigned to ones unless there is clear evidence that the
specific innovations. As can be seen, there is isoglossesmarking the smaller grouping are
considerable interplay between the lexical, older than those marking the larger group-
grammatical, and phonological develop- ing. When
a given speech community shares
ments, so that it is not profitable to discuss features with more than one postulated
these separately. dialect group, the older features are taken
(a) A sound change involving modifica- to indicate the original affinity; the newer
tionby its linguistic environment must be features are taken to indicate a later contact
presumed to be older than the loss of the across old dialect lines. (For a discussion of
modifying environment. sub-grouping, see Dyen, 1953; for a sample
(b) In a series of sound changes such that study in Polynesian, see Grace, 1959.)
a becomes b, and b becomes c, and the It is convenient to reconstruct inter-
contrast between a and b is replaced by a mediate stages in the language history (i.e.
contrast between b and c, the change from the proto-language of the major dialect
b to c must be presumed older than the groupings) so that changes can be discussed
change from a to b, or the contrast would in terms of system. A vital part of the struc-
have been lost. (Such a change in all the tural change is the effect of contact with
allophones of two phonemes would be a other languages. The most obvious effect of
trivial phonetic shift, if not accompanied borrowing is in the lexical structure; as new
by related effects in the phonological struc- words are added, old words are dropped, or
ture.) there is a shift in their area of meaning.
(c) The borrowing of lexical items from Grammatical changes may be traceable to
other languages may be judged as early or borrowings, either to the direct borrowing
recent according to the degree they have of morphemes with grammatical function,
been modified by the borrowing language. or to analogical restructuring triggered by

171
 LINGUISTICS

the borrowing of a large number of items 3.1.4. Interpretation of isoglosses.

with a similar structure, or the breakdown The fourth procedure is the interpretation of
of older patterns due to the influx of new the isoglosses as indicating dialect history
forms that do not fit. In phonological in terms of centers of diffusion, areas of
change, it is often the sounds of unassimi- resistance, and the extent and direction of
lated loans which provide new contrasts and migrations. This is in the nature of an ex-

give phonemic status to earlier phonetic planation of the isogloss divergence which
shifts. (For the whole problem of bilingual- mars the perfection of the family tree study.
ism, including a consideration of both the In general an innovating area will appear
social and the linguistic factors, see the on the map as the center of concentric
theoretical formulations of Weinreich, 1953, isoglosses, and the most resistant areas will
1957a; Haugen, 1949, 1950. For the details appear bounded by a Crosshatch of isoglosses
of structural change, see especially Vogt, that center elsewhere —
though the facts are
1954. Examples of studies of bilingualism seldom quite that simple.
may be found in Weinreich, 1957b; Haugen. The spread from the innovating centers
1953, 1954; Casagrande, 1954-55. For a may be by migration or by diffusion. In
bibliography and for suggestions for research general, spread by migration results in more
in the Americas, see Haugen. 1956.) or less homogeneous groups with fairly
The effect of language contact is not all in sharp borders, while a long history of spread
one direction, and a study of the lending by diffusion results in series of concentric
language as also a borrowing language would isoglosses. Further, the innovating center
be m order here. In Middle America this from which migration came is likely to be
would involve the study of local variet. more diverse dialectally, whereas the area
campesmo Spanish, and the comparison of settled by migration tends to be linguis-
\ho>o with each other and with the Indian tically rather uniform, with new dialects
languages.Then a -tudy of regional dialects only beginning. (See Dyen, 1956b, for a
might answer the question of which Indian statement of migration theory; Sapir, 1916,
language was the most influential in the ior the older concepts on which he built;
area B8 a whole —
not just in terms of loans, Diebold, 1900, tor an application of this
but in terms of phonetic and phonemic in- theory to Mayan and Salish; see Pulgram,
fluence. for a contrast of migration with diffu-
might be noted, parenthetically, that
It sion or 'infiltration'; Chretien, 1956, for a
ana studies are one way of describing thi- migration inferred from word distribution.)
nt.raction of various languagi n lin- Reference to the relative chronology of
guistic border-. These constitute descrip- the isoglosses that indicate diffusion or mi-
tions of language typologies occurring in a gration, will establish the relative dates at
specific geographic area of linguistic diver- which the various centers of innovation
sity. (See Emeneau, example of
1956. for an were expanding and important.
this kind of study. lor area study and its To[>onymy might also be expected to give
relation to genetic studies and dialect a due to migration according to the follow-
geography see Voegelin, 1945. Wolff, 1959b, ing hypotheses: one would not expect
(a)
provides a sample from Nigerian languages, that a place name would spread by diffusion
and discusses the relationship of area studies to a location where the lending language
to typology. For various theories of typol- had never been spoken. Presumably, then,
ogy, see Ullmann, 1953; Wells, 1954; Hock- the language of origin of a traditional place-
ett, 1955; Voegelin, 1956; Greenberg, 1957b, name was at one time spoken in that place;
1960; Kroeber, 1960a, 1960b; Householder, (b) one would expect the speakers of a
I960.) language to have had at some time at least

172
KNVIRONMENTAL CORRELATIONAL STUDIES

some contact with every place for which proto-languagc, for example, there are some
they use a native name; (c) place names cultural terms that can be reconstructed
which are clear loan-translations of names with considerable certainty. These give an
originating another language, indicate
in insight into the nature of the cultural
that the contact of the borrowing language horizon under attention. This is not in-
with this place is more recent than that of fallible, of course, since the meanings of

the lending language. None of these hy- words may change with the changing culture
potheses has been thoroughly tested. in such a way that the original forms may
From the total material on diffusion and have had quite a different meaning from
migration, it should be possible to chart a that which they bear in all of the daughter
history of the movements of the early languages. (See Millon and Longacre, 1961).
speakers of the language, the periods of Something of the history of the culture
prominence and prestige of various areas, can be known by the nature of the loan
and the shifts in the lines of communication words from outside languages that can be
and resistance. The information about inno- ascribed to each layer. This lexicon repre-
vating centers and shifting lines of com- sents cultural change or accretion and so
munication can be correlated with a history also implies the weakening or restructuring
of contacts with other language groups. of earlier culture patterns. The adoption of
The direct contacts can be seen by the new kin words, for example, suggests a
geographical distribution of direct loans at breakdown in the older social structure;
each level, either in terms of the dialects the adoption of new religious terms suggests
sharing such loans or the location of centers a restructuring of the religious system; the
from which the loan words diffused. These adoption of new political terms suggests the
data will indicate whether there was wide- adoption with it of elements of a new politi-
spread contact in a large area, or a small cal system. If the outside forces which
point of contact from which loans spread. caused these weakenings and breakdowns
(This technique, however, cannot recover are known (as for example in the case of the
contact which involved little or no borrow- Spanish conquest), the loans and the struc-
ing.) tural changes which accompanied them can
Indirect cultural diffusion across language be dated. (For discussions of language and
boundaries may sometimes also be inferred cultural change see Hoijer, 1948; Herzog,
from the shape of loan words, if they can be 1941.)
demonstrated to have passed through an 3.2. NONGEOGRAPHICAL DIALECTS. It is

intervening language or languages. In order the purpose of this section to outline the
to demonstrate that a word passed from content of a complete synchronic descrip-
language a to language b, and subsequently tion of the speech of a given community,
from b to c, it is necessary to discover three including a description of all the various
sets of modifications: that of loans from a subdialects, styles, or types —whether con-
to b, that of loans from a to c, and that of ditioned by social class, sex, age, commu-
loans from b to c. Presumably then, some nity role, or special literary use— and a
items in c that do not fit the patterns of correlation of these with the total soeio-
direct loans from a to c can be reconstructed cultural environment.
as having come from a given form in b, The existence of such sub-dialects be-
which in turn is the normal correspondence comes evident early in the descriptive study
to a source word in a. as the researcher finds that he has conflicting
Not only a history of cultural contacts, data from different informants, or that m
but something of the culture itself can be the speech of a single informant there arc
recovered from linguistic study. In each elements that do not fit neatly in a single

173
 LINGUISTICS

system. It is customary to handle this prob- the structural differences in phonology,

lem in descriptive statements either (1) by grammar and lexicon between the dialects.
normative analysis with aberrant detail Once a fairly full list of dialect differences is

relegated to footnotes, (2) by limiting the available, it is possible to augment the data
description to one style of one informant, or readily by eliciting crucial test items and
(3) by concentrating on one of the less text from additional informants in addi-
''normal" dialects. tional contexts.
The dialects proposed for study are The speech varieties may be correlated
highly complex with interlocking distribu- with classes of informants based on social
tions, since a single individual may control class, status, age, sex, kinship, occupation,
a number of sub-dialects and use them in- etc. (For studies correlating speech phe-
terchangeably or with special conditioning nomena with social class or status see:
factors and since in a society of any great McDavid and MeDavid, 1952; Atwood,
complexity, no two informants may be 1953; Ferguson and Gumperz, 1960; Klaus-
presumed to use precisely the same group ner, 1955. For a study correlating speech
of subdialects. (See K. L. Pike, 1960, ch. 15 phenomena with socio-economic factors, see
on interlocking systems.) Sapon, 1953. For dialect correlated with
The method of study, however, is basically sex. see Sapir, 1929b.)
simple. It consists of plotting t lie dialectal Speech variety may also be correlated
difference.^ against the possible conditioning with cultural occasions such as religious
factors. This plotting may be either a map- ceremonial, political gathering, or recrea-
ping on a geographical map or stylized tional event, or with cultural activities such
chart, or it may consist of statistical correla- as .storytelling, education of children, sing-
tion. (See McQuown, 1959a, for charting ing, etc.These are not rigid categories, but
and mapping of lexical distance as measured have considerable overlap. (For dialects used
by lexiooetatistics; Fischer, 1958, as an in ceremonial or myth, see White, 1944;

example of statistical method; Pries and Newman, L955; French, L958; Byrnes, 1958.
Pike. 194!», for procedures for discovering For dialect used by parents to babies, and
coexisting systems in the speech of a single by babies in learning to talk, see Casa-
informant grande, 1948; Voegelm and Hobinett, 1954;
The completeness of the study depends Ferguson. 1956. For linguistic play, see
on the amount of data plotted, and the Conklin, 1956, and 1959. For warpath lan-
variety of hypotheses considerecL The bask guage, see pier and Hoijer, 1940. Ferguson,
(

data are of two kinds: (a) descriptive studies, 1959, discusses the cultural setting for the
with copious text, of the speech of a large use of prestige and nonprestige dialects by
number drawn from a wide
of informants informants who control both.)
variety of social levels and cultural roles A large number of correlations should be
within a single community, and (b) com- used to he sure that no useful ones are over-
parable studies of the speech of the same looked. As in the case of the geographical
informant- on a wide variety of occa>ions ;
mapping described in §3.1 it is unlikely that
including the more highly structured events the isoglosses, whether drawn on a map or
in the culture. implied by statistical measurement, will be
This provides two dimensions so that it is exactly congruent. Therefore, the dialects
possible to compare the speech of different implied by bundling of isoglosses must be
informants in comparable social context, described in terms of an obligatory core and
and also the speech of the same informants permitted variation, and the exact range of
in different social contexts. Both sets of their occurrence stated in socio-cultural
comparisons should be made, to discover terms. Unexpected deviation should be in-

174
ENVIRONMENTAL CORRELATIONAL STUDIES

vest igated for interfering factors such as casual language used for everyday purposes.
recent change of status of an informant or a Such sub-dialect fragments might be de-
previously unexplored correlation. It is to scribed as deviations from the more "nor-
be expected that some of the 'dialects' may- mal", or statistically more frequent dialects.
be fragmentary rather than complete sys- (See also K. L. Pike, 1960, pp. 75-76, for a
tems. They may, for example, consist of a discussion of systems as topologically re-

special set of lexical items whose phonology lated.)

and grammar are like that of the more

REFERENCES
Adams and McQuown, 1959 Law, 1948
Aschmann, 1956 McDavid, 1946, 1951
At wood, 1953 and McDavid, 1952
Merlin, 1962a, 1962b Mcintosh, 1945
Bloomfield, 1933 McQuown, 1955b, 1956, 1959a, 1959b, 1959c, 1962
Casagrande, 1948, 1954-55 and others, 1959
Chretien, 1956 Mandelbaum, 1949
Conklin, 1956, 1959 Marino Flores, 1957
Davis and McDavid, 1950 Martinet, 1954
Diebold, 1960 Mayers, 1959
Dozier, 1956 , Hajda, and McQuown, 1959
Dyen, 1953, 1956a, 1956b and McQuown, 1959a, 1959b
Emeneau, 1956 Millon and Longacre, 1961
Ferguson, 1956, 1959 Nash and others, 1959
and Gumperz, 1960 Nellis, 1947
Fischer, 1958 Newman, 1955
French, 1958 Opler and Hoijer, 1940
Fries and Pike, 1949 Pike, K. L., 1945a, 1945b, 1946b, 1947, 1960
Garvin, 1947 Pittman, 1948
Gleason, 1959 Pulgram, 1956
Grace, 1959 Radhakrishnan, 1962
Greenberg, 1954, 1957b, 1960 Reed and Spicer, 1952
Grimes, 1955, 1960 Robles Uribe, 1962
Gudschinsky, 1955, 1958a Salzmann, 1954
Hajda, 1959a, 1959b, 1959c, 1959d, 1959e, 1959f Sapir, 1915, 1916, 1929b
and Verbitsky, 1959a, 1959b, 1959c Sapon, 1953
Halle and others, 1956 Sarles, 1962
Hasler, 1954-55a, 1954-55b, 1954-55c Spicer, 1943
Haugen, 1949, 1950, 1953, 1954, 1956 Spier, Hallowell, and Newman, 1941
Herzog, 1941 Swadesh, 1952, 1954a, 1954b, 1959e
Hockett, 1955 Tovar, 1954
Hoenigswald, 1960 Ullmann, 1953
Hoijer, 1948 Voegelin, 1945, 1956
Holland, 1959 and Harris, 1950
Hopkins, 1962a, 1962b and Robinett, 1954
Householder, 1960 Vogt, 1954
Hymes, 1958, 1959, 1960 Waterhouse, 1949a
Johnson, J. B., 1943 Weinreich, 1953, 1954, 1957a, 1957b
Kaufman, 1961, 1962 Wells, 1954
Key, 1952-53 White, 1944
Klausner, 1955 Wolff, 1959a, 1959b
Kroeber, 1960a, 1960b Wonderly, 1946, 1949
Larson, 1949

175
Type Linguistic Descriptions
 .

7A. Classical Nahuatl

STANLEY NEWMAN

Introduction 8.5. Irregular verbs

1. Sources 8.6. Verb-forming derivations
8.6.1. Derivational suffixes
Phonology 8.6.2. Compounding
9. Particles
2. Phonemic units
2.1. Vowels Syntax
2.2. Consonants
10. Utterance types
2.3. Stress
10.1 Non-verbal utterance
3. Phonemes
Distribution of
10.2. Verbal utterance
4. Morphophonemics
11 Components of the sentence
4.1. Automatic changes
11.1. Predicate
4.2. Selective changes
11.2. Substantive
4.2.1. In prefixes
4.2.2. In suffixes Introduction
4.2.3. In stems
Sources. The first grammar of Na-
1.

Morphology huatl, that ofPadre Fray Andres de Olmos

5. Types of processes (1547), was published only 26 years after
6. Morphological categories Cortes shattered the power of the Aztec em-
6.1. Inflectional word classes pire by capturing the city of Tenochtitlan.
G.2. Derivations During the century that followed, four more
6.3. Stem types
Nahuatl grammars were composed by Span-
7. Nominals
7.1. Nouns ish friars who were serving their church in
7.1.1. Stem modifications and the possessive the New World.
singular This linguistic activity stemmed from a
7.1.2. Reduplication European tradition which was scarcely a
7.1.3. Inflectional prefixes
half-century old. Antonio de Nebrija's Gra-
7.1.4. Inflectional suffixes
7.1.5. Noun-forming derivations matica Castellana (1492) was the first treat-

7.2. Pronouns ment any European vernacular. Only

of
7.3. Postpositions Latin, Greek, and Hebrew had previously
8. Verbs been worthy of the attention of gram-
8.1. Stem modifications and the preterit
marians. So unprecedented a venture as
8.2. Reduplicated stems
8.3. Inflectional prefixes Nebrija's needed justification. When Queen
8.4. Inflectional suffixes Isabella, on being presented with the Gra-

179
 LINGUISTICS

matica Castellana, inquired with some puz- From the point of view of modern lin-
zlement what its purpose was, Nebrija is guistics, the early grammars of Nahuatl
said to have replied that language was al- were most deficient in their treatment of
ways "the companion of rule"; foreign peo- phonology. Sounds were conceived in terms
ples under Spanish rule must be given the of orthography. Nearly all the discussions of
language of Spain along with its laws (Trend, Nahuatl sounds began with a list of the let-
1953, p. 118). To argument
this political ters missing in the language of the Aztecs,
was added a humanistic one, potent at a and careful attention was paid to the spell-
time when Spain was seething with patriotic ing rules derived from Spanish orthography.
and religious zeal. Nebrija's grammatical The few attempts to describe sounds were
procedure of comparing Spanish with Latin, largely based on likenesses to other lan-
point for point, was an attempt to deter- guages: Xahuatl tz was like the Hebrew
mine wherein the language of his country Tzade\ Xahuatl -//- was like the Latin rather
had resources comparable to Latin and than the Castillian -U-. Fortunately, the
wherein it lacked the expressiveness of the sound system was relatively simple and
Roman tongue. Only by being measured transparent. The Spanish orthography,
against the Latin standard could a vernacu- though not an ideal script for Nahuatl, con-
lar be sufficiently ennobled and enriched to veyed most of the phonemically relevant
make it a worthy vehicle for the expression distinctions, and the combined efforts of sev-
of lofty thoughts. eral missionaries served to direct attention
It was in this linguistic climate that the even to such unfamiliar features as vocalic
friars dedicated their grammatical efforts to quantity and the glottal stop. From their
the glory of Spain and the spread of the faith. discussions of spelling and pronunciation,
Even before the first grammar appeared, and from the modern dialect data, it lias
some Xahuatl sermons had already been been possible to arrive at a fairly reliable pic
published. The guidance of a grammar,
1
ture of Classical Xahuatl phonology.
wrote Molina, would enable other servants Morphology was treated more adequately.
of the church to learn the language of the It was presented, of course, in terms of a
aborigines and thus to confess them, to preconceived scheme. For example, the en-
preach to them, and to administer the holy tire morphological description was organized
sacraments to them. He also gave recogni- by discussing in turn each of the eight parte
tion to the humanistic motive. Like any of speech. Similarly, the conjugation of the
other vernacular, he stated, the Xahuatl verb tended to follow the classical cate-
language was spoken badly bj some natives gories: in order to tailor Nahuatl to fit such
and perfectly by others; bia grammar, I categories :is the future perfect or the pres-
on the -pooch of the most teamed Aztecs, ent subjunctive, the grammarian might state
•ted a language that was rich and elo- that the future perfectwas the same as the
quent (Molina, 1571a. p. 222 When he preterit might illustrate the
perfect, or he
and other grammarians discussed the Na- present subjunctive paradigm with a phrase
huatl principles in -dus (i.e Xahuatl forms . containing the present indicative verb forms
functioning somewhat like Latin amandus, preceded by :i particle meaning "if." Despite
they were following the humanistic these and other reflections of a classical
precepl of measuring the Indian vernacular model, the outlines of Nahuatl morphology,
against the Latin standard (Olmos, 1547, p. particularly its inflectional system, could
53; Molina, 1571a. p. 189; Galdo Guzman, not fail to emerge. Most
grammarians of the
p. 355). knew the language through long and in-
S bagtin'i Bermonei en Mexic&no were pub-
timate contact. With a laudable respect for
I in 1540, according t<> Vifiau (1892, p. 3). examples they provided copious illustrative
180
 .

CLASSICAL NAHUATL

material. Most of them, also, tried conscien- Phonology

tiously to convey the fine shades of meaning 2. Phonemic units. The following sym-
expressed in the examples, for such nuances bols are employed to represent the 23 *$>,
were matters of primary importance to the mental phonemes of Classical Nahuatl: a,
writers of the early grammars. a-, ch, cu, e, e' i, r, k, I, m, n, o, o-,
} p, 8, t,
They did not regard the mechanics of sen tl, tz, w, x,y,
? The heavy stress is indicated
.

tence building as a rubric of grammar. by only when it occurs on the final syllabic
'

Forms larger than words or phrasal inflec- of the word, but it is unmarked when it falls
tions were discussed in terms of idioms and on the penult; the weak stress is always
styles of expression, in brief chapters entitled unmarked.
"On the Mexicanisms Which Are Some 2.1. Vowels. The eight vowel phoneme-;
Ways of Speaking the Language Properly" were patterned in a system of four positions.
or "On Some Ways of Common Speech." Up each containing a short and a long vowel:
to the present time the syntactic structure high front position, short i and long v mid ;

has been given less attention than the other front, e and t'\ low central, a and a and -

aspects of the language. The body of Classi- mid back, o and o\

cal Nahuatl texts still remains to be analyzed Apparently the quality of most of these
syntactically. vowels fluctuated only slightly or not per-
From the middle of the 17th century until ceptibly. The i and v were both close vowels,
nearly the end of the 19th, this grammatical having the quality of Spanish mi or English
tradition continued with little change, meet. The short e may have varied between
though with diminishing activity. Beginning a close vowel, as French fie, and the more
in
in 1885 the re-publication in Mexico of the
open sound of English bet; but e- was always
early Nahuatl grammars was symptomatic close. Both the a and a- were unvarying
of a new and revitalized interest in la lengua open vowels in the low central position, as in
mexicana. The European tradition of liter- Spanish lana. The o and o- probably fluc-
ary scholarship, primarily in its French tuated between the close mid quality of the
version, became merged with the older gram- vowel in French beau and the open high
marian tradition. The new approach pro- vowel of English put.
duced Nahuatl specialists whose broad field
of interest encompassed Nahuatl antiquities, (1547), Molina (1571a), Rincon (1595), Cialdo
Guzman (1642),and Carochi (1645). These mate-
history, and literature as well as language.
rials were supplemented by modern studies, both
This trend is represented in the twentieth of the classical language and the present-day dia-
century scholarship of D&vila Garibi (1938, lects, and my own work with a Nahuatl dialect of
central Mexico during the 1940's.
1948) and Garibay (1940a). 3
Olmos and Molina employed the five vowel
Finally, the tradition of structural lin- letters of the Spanish alphabet in writ ing Nahuatl
guistics was brought to the study of Na- Both noted that the Indians made very little
differentiation between the o and the u, sometimes
huatl in Whorf's sketch of the Milpa Alta
confusing these letters in the same word. But
dialect (1946). Other structural descriptions these two earliest grammarians of Nahuatl un-
of modern dialects are those of Croft on doubtedly contributed to the confusion by using
the letter u to represent, not only o and o- on
Matlapa (1951, 1953a, 1954), Harold and occasions, but the w consonant phoneme as well.
Mary Key on Sierra Nahuat (1953, 1960), Their practice, however, suggests that the o and
Pittman on Tetelcingo (1954), Hasler on o- vowels must have been higher than the Spanish
o phoneme. Whorf described the short o in the
dialectology (1954-55a,b,c), and Law on 1 sth-
Milpa Alta dialect, one of the dialects presumably
mus Nahuat (1958) .
2
close to the classical language, as sometimes
"open, but less open than [o]"; he indicated that
2
The basic sources used for the present article both o and o- were close vowels, under some condi
were the dictionary of Molina (1571b) and the five tions o being "very close, practically [u]" (194(' P
,

grammars written between 1547 and 1645 Olrnos p. 372).

L81
 LINGUISTICS

The phonemic distinctiveness of the two in English cats, and the alveo-palatal affri-
quantities is illustrated in the following word cate ch, like the ch in English church. The tl

pairs: xiwitl 'year', xi-witl 'comet'; metztli was always a voiceless lateral affricate.
'leg', me-tztli 'moon'; tlatia 'to burn', tla-tia The nasal consonants were invariably
'to hide'; toka 'to follow', to-ka 'to bury'. 4 voiced. The m was always bilabial. The n
Consonants. Among the stop con-
2.2. was articulated as a velar [rj] before k or cu,
sonants the bilabial p, alveolar t, and velar k like the first-syllable n in Spanish cinco or
were unaspirated voiceless sounds, like the cincuenta; it was alveolar elsewhere. The I
Spanish p, t, k in pelo, tiro, kilo. Following was a lateral consonant, voiced in syllable
n, was sometimes voiced to [g]. The
k initial position, like the I of Spanish lana;
labialization of the phoneme cu was voiced but it was voiceless when it appeared in syl-
or partially voiced in syllable initial posi- lable final position preceding a consonant
tion, like the Spanish cu in cuarto. But in other than /. Similarly, the semivowel w
syllable final position cu was pronounced as was voiced beginning of a syllable, as
at the
a voiceless labialized stop, paralleling the in English water, but it was voiceless in syl-
pattern of to. The pronunciation of 9 , the lable final position. There appears to have
glottal stop, when it appeared within the been a difference bed ween men's and women's
word, seems to have been a glottal closure speeeli in the syllable initial actualization of
followed by an aspirated release. But in id: men pronounced it as a bilabial, women
word final and especially in utterance final a- a labiodental. 6 The semivowel y was in-
position the glottal catch was only partially variably voiced.
actualized or was omitted entirely, leaving
main perceptible Olmos used the letter h for tfds phoneme, ap-
the aspiration as the fea-
parent ly perceiving the aspiration of the pre-
ture of thisphoneme.1 eonsonantal " as its most characteristic feature.
The and affricates were con-
fricatives He related this phonetic feature to the voiceless-
sonants with no clearly variant pronuncia- preeonsonantal / and w, which he wrote lh
:

and ith. He also added an at the end of certain

/(

tions. The was an alveolar fricative, as in

.v
plural forms, in most cases where the plural mor-
9
English see; the r teas an alveo-palatal, pro- pheme ((8.42o) would be expected; but he
-

that he followed this practice in order to

nounced like the sh in English the. Cone :

distinguish the plurals from the singulars, even

sponding t«> these fricatives in position though the natives might not pronounce the h.
wen the alveolar atfricative (z, like the t.s With evident asperity he observed that the In
dians sometimes pronounced this letter forcefully
Rineon
*
mu
the first to report the quantital ive and at other times seemed to swallow it (1547,
distinctions in Nahuatl vowels. Although ho did p. 11)7).

not mark theM distinctions in his transcription, Kincon reported that the saltillo was pro-
the final chapter of his grammar contained a nounced differently in various parts of Mexico; he
list of word contrasts, illustrating forms which. noted that the Tlaxcalans gave it a particularly
though spelled identically, differed in "accent." Strong and harsh pronunciation (1595, p. 204).
Etincon's five accents attempted to cover the phe- Caroehi, phonetically the most perceptive of the
nomena of stress and the glottal stop as well as earl\ grammarians, used the grave accent to indi-
quantity. Caroehi provided a much clearer treat 6 distinct closure of the ' in word medial
ment of vowel quantity. His accents, recorded in position; he wrote the circumflex accent for the
his transcription, were confined to showing (plan pre pauaal } to indicate its weaker closure and
tity and She glottal stop. For a recent discussion more aspirated pronunciation (1645, p. 402). These
of the accent problem, see Barrett (1966) and were essentially the phonetic features of the
Bright (1960). glottal stop phoneme in the Milpa Alta dialect, as
4
There can be little doubt concerning the ibed by Whorf (1946, p. 372).
phonetic character of the glottal stop in Classical The first of the Nahuatl grammarians, Olmos,
Nahuatl, for nearly all of the early grammarians reported the difference between men's and wom-
attempted to describe the sounds of this phoneme, en's pronunciation of w (1547, p. 107), an observa-
which became known as the saltillo. »Some of the tion repeated by the remaining early writers. His
writers, like Olmos, treated it as a consonantic lh spelling of t he voiceless allophone of / was not

phenomenon; others, like Kincon and Caroehi, in followed by subsequent grammarians, but hie
eluded it among the syllabic accents. convention of writing w as syllable initial hu

182
CLASSICAL NAHUATL

2.3. Stress. Except for nouns in the voca- 4. Morphophonemics. Several types of

tive (see §7. 1.5.2a),which were stressed on phoneme changes took place. Only a few
the final syllable, words of more than one changes were automatic throughout the lan-
syllable took the heavy stress on the penult. guage (§4.1). Others were applied selectively
A weaker degree of stress characterized the to the phonemes of certain prefixes (§4.2.1),
remaining syllables. suffixes or stems (§4.2.3). There
(§4.2.2),
Distribution of phonemes. Only the
3. were also unique changes affecting only one
following four combinations of consonant (C) morpheme; these will not be discussed here
and vowel (V) formed the syllable unit. but will be described under the appropriate
V : a 'ah !' the first syllable of ramaw morpheme. Besides these phonologically de-
'his book' termined changes, stems underwent addi-
VC: ok 'yet'; the first syllable of ompa tional alterations determined by morpho-
'there' logical conditions (§6.3).

CV : ka 'with' the ; first syllable of teo-tl 4.1. Automatic changes. The nasals, m
'god' and n, were in contrast only before vowels.
CVC:wan 'and'; the first syllable of Under other conditions n became m before
tlaxkalli 'bread' p, and m became n before all other con-
Words were composed of any combina- sonants and in word-final position: rm-
tion of these syllabic structures. The word 'their' in i>n-a-maw 'their book' but vn-tlan
unit, consequently, could begin in a con- 'near them'; nemi 'to live' in ni-nemi 'I am
sonant or a vowel and could end in a con- but o--nen 'he lived'.
living'

sonant or a vowel. Sequences of vowels could The sequence / and tl became I and I:

occur anywhere in the word, each vowel tlachia 'to see' in ni-tlachia T see' but xi-wal-
The combination of
counting as a syllable. lachia 'look this way'.
syllables permittedno more than two con- 4.2. Selective changes. More common
sonants to be juxtaposed within the word; than automatic changes were the changes
elsewhere, in word initial or final posi- which, under given phonological conditions,
tion, consonants appeared singly, never in selectively affected certain morphemes but
clusters. not others. For example, many prefixes end-
On the basis of the consonant allophones ing in a vowel elided their final phoneme be-
determined by syllable position, such as the fore the initial vowel of the following mor-
voiceless I or w in syllable final position, it is pheme (§4.2.1). But the vowel of ki-, 3rd
possible to describe the division of the word person object, was dropped under unique
into structural syllables. When two con- conditions (§8.3.5), and tla- 'something,
sonants were juxtaposed, the syllable divi- things' did not undergo elision under any
sion was always made between them. A con- conditions (§8.3.1).
sonant occurring intervocalically belonged 4.2.1.In prefixes. In some prefixes hav-
When two vowels
with the following syllable. ing the shape CV-, the vowel was dropped
appeared in sequence, a syllable division was before a following vowel. This change ap-
made between them. plied to the possessives (§7.1.3), the subject
In word initial position any phoneme prefixes (§8.3.6), and the reflexives (§8.3.2):
could occur except I or ? . In word final no- 'my' in no-tlatki 'my household goods'
position any phoneme but m was permitted. but n-i 9 iyo 'my breath'; mo-, reflexive for
second and third persons in tik-mo-machiltia
'you know it' (reverential) but o-ti-m-a?xitiko
'you arrived' (reverential). The elision of
(sometimes merely u between vowels) and syllable
the prefix vowel was cancelled, however, be-
final uh has become part of the literary tradition
of Xahuatl. fore a stem beginning in i- followed by two
183
 LINGUISTICS

consonants, for under these conditions the preceding s to x: -lia, applicative, in nik-
stem vowel was dropped (see §5.2.3a). wetzki-lia T am laughing at it' (wetzka 'to
Thei vowel of subject prefixes was assimi- laugh'), tine-ch-noxhi-lia 'you are calling
lated to 9 before on- 'thither': m'-T in him for me' (no-tza 'to call'), nimitz-machi-
ni-kochtika 'I am sleeping' but no-k-on-ittatiw lia 'I know about you' (matt 'to know').
'I am coming to visit him'.
4.2.2. In suffixes. Some suffixes begin- Morphology
ning in y- assimilated their initial consonant 5. Types of processes. Classical Na-
to / after a stem terminating in / (§7.1.5.2d, huatl was primarily a suffixing language. A
7.1 .5.2f, 7.1.5.3c): -y<r, abstract noun, in large part of the inflectional system (§7.1.4,
ta?-yo--U 'paternity' (ta° father') but tlakael- 8.4) and most of the huge derivational ap-
hr-tl 'anxiety'. paratus (§7.1.5.1-7.1.5.4, 8.6.1) were con-
4.2.3. In stems. In contact with certain trolled by suffixes. Prefixes also carried part
prefixes or suffixes, the initial or final pho- of the iiiflectional load (§7.1.3, 8.3): pro-
aemes of the stem underwent the following nominal both for noun and verb,
inflections,
types of change: were expressed by prefixing techniques. Com-
(a) -VizCC. The stem initial i was zeroed pounding (§7.1.5.5, 8.6.2) was extensively
if it was followed by a consonant cluster. used, it was one of the formal resources of
This change took place after prefixes which the language which became elaborated in
dropped their final vowel (see §4.2.1) in the poetic style of religious discourse that
contact with other types of vowel-beginning flourished in early post-conquest times.
stems. Examples of this process of stem Besides these additive processes, redupli-
1
elision are: no-sti 'my fingernail (isH 'finger- cation of stems (§7.1.2.1, 8.2) and of one
nail')i lik-mo-tztili°tit:a 'you are looking at group of suffixes (§7.1.2.2) was also em-
him' (re verential) {itztffiftika 'to be looking ployed. All reduplicative patterns repeated
the initial consonant, if any, and the first

: tain suffixes the final VOWel of the morpheme.

-tern vowel in a two vowel cluster was Internal change was another process af-

zeroed: -lis, abstract noun, in tia'cuilo-lis-tli fecting stems. Contraction and augmenta-
writing' (tla
9
cuiloa 'to write, to paint \ tion produced modified stem types which,
'ln''tla-tiawti-li.s-tlr "an oration' (lln tlntlnwtia though distinctive in function for the noun
to orate'). (§7.1.1) and the verb (§8.1), were somewhat,
r- . The final vowel of the stem was alike in form for the two word classes (§6.3).
lengthened before certain suffixes: -ni, im- 6. Morphological catbgobhss.
perfective agent, in Uaeua'-ni one who is 6.1. [nflbctional word classes. On the
eating' (tiacua 'to eat' 1
, UoPtiakoa'ni sinner' basis their inflections, words could be
of
(tta'tfakoa 'to make a mistake, to commit ed as DOminals, verbs, or particles. De-
a BU pending on their subclass, nominals were
d V'Vz-. In a tWO-VOWel cluster at the inflected for number (singular or plural),
end of a stem the final vowel was zeroed and or status (absolutive or possessive), or both.
the preceding vowel lengthened before cer- Verbs were inflected for tense, aspect, mode,
tain suffixes: -•% future, in ni-tcmachlr I and subject or subject -object. Particles were
will preach' (te-machtia "to preach'); -*kia, iininflected words.
conditional, in mokoko--skia 'he would be The inflections were formed by prefixes
sick' (mokokoa 'to be sick'). and by those suffixes on the outermost layers
(e) CyYi-. Before certain suffixes the final of the inflected word.
vowel of the -tern was changed to /, and a 6.2. Derivations. In contrast to inflec-
ding tz or t was palatalised to ch, a tions, the derivations were inner formations,

184
 — -;

CLASSICAL NAHUATL

produced by the compounding of stems or 'to leave'). The non-final alternants of some
by the attachment of suffixes close to the noun-forming suffixes required the addition
stem. The addition of one or more deriva- of -ka--. -e ? varied with non-final -e ? -ka-
4
tional layers resulted either in a complete 'possessor of,' as in /opj/-e? constable' (to-pil
word of the particle class or in a noun or 'the staff of office'), to-pit-e 9 -ka--tlalia Mo
verb stem which required the necessary in- appoint ... as constable' (tlalia 'to place,
flectional treatment for completion us u to appoint'), to-topil-e ? -ka--w 'our consta
word. ble' (to- 'our', -w, augment for possessive)
Derivations were often marked by the in- -wa ? varied with non-final -wa 9 -ka- 'owner
clusion of -ti or -ka-, termed "ligatures" in of, as in axka-wa 9 'person of property'
the grammatical tradition of Classical Na- (a-xka- 'property'), a-xka--wa 9 -ka--tzin-tli
huatl. The conditions determining the usage 'the person of property' (reverential) (-tzin,
of these morphemes cannot be precisely de- reverential, -tli, singular absolutive), a-xka-
fined, for in some derivations the ligatures wa ? -ka- -ka-wa 'to leave ... as a person of
were among the optionally varying elements property' (ka-wa leave'). Other noun-
'to
in Nahuatl morphology: tla-l-pan or tla-l-ti- forming suffixes had non-final allomorphs
pan 'on the ground'. In other derivations, manifesting a fusion with the -ka- ligature:
however, they appeared consistently. They -k varied with non-final -ka-, qualitative,
were employed in derivations of all kinds as in chipa-wa-k 'clean (thing, person)'
those formed by suffocation or by compound- (chipa-wa 'to clean'), chipa-wa-ka--yo--tl
ing, and those resulting in derived nouns, 'cleanliness' (-yo-, abstract noun, -tl, singu-
verbs, or particles. lar absolutive); chika-wa-k 'strong' (chika-wa
The ligature -ti was used in verb com- 'to strengthen'), chikawa-ka--tlaso 9 tla 'to

pounds before certain stems, such as ka 'to love deeply' (tlaso 9 tla 'to love'); -ki varied
be' or nemi 'to go about', which were highly with non-final -ka', perfective agent, as in
frequent and sometimes semantically spe- teo'-pix-ki 'priest' (teo- 'god', pix-, modified
cialized as second-position stems: koch-ti-ka 'my
stern of pia 'to have'), no-teo- -pix-ka- -w
'to be sleeping' (kochi 'to sleep'), patlan-ti- augment for possessive).
priest' (-w,
nemi 'to go about flying' (patlani 'to fly'), 6.3. Stem types. An inflected word was
ki's-t-e-wa 'to start to leave' (ki-sa 'to built upon any one of the four structural
leave', -t contracted from -ti, e'wa 'to start, types of stem, as illustrated in the following
to rise'). The same ligature appeared be- table.
tween a noun stem and certain derivational
Simple Modified :

suffixes, as in te-ti-k 'hard' (te 'stone', -k,

Basic paki 'to be happy' pak-
qualitative). It also occurred before cer- teo- 'god' teo-w-
tain postpositions when they were combined
with noun stems though not with pronom- Thematic pa-k-tia to make pa-k-ti '-

happy'
inal elements: tepe- -t-ikpak 'on top of the teo- -pia 'to have god 1
teo- pis-
mountain' {tepe- 'mountain') but no-kpak
'on top of me' (no- 'my'), xa-l-ti-pan 'on the The basic stem, or base, contained only one
ground' (xa-l 'ground') but r-pan 'on it' morpheme; the thematic stem, or theme,
(v- 'its, his, her'). was polymorphemic. Either of these
The -ka- ligature joined two verb stems types could occur in the simple (unmodified)
in which the first functioned as a modifier of form or in the modified form proper for that
the second: cuala-ni-ka--itta 'to look at . . .

angrily' (cuala-ni 'to be angry', itta 'to look

7
In the presentation of stems throughout this
grammatical description, a modified stem will be
at'), tlatziw-ka--ka-wa 'to leave . . . through identified by the terminal hyphen. A stem pre-
negligence' (tlaiziwi 'to be negligent', ka-wa sented without a hyphen will be the simple stem.

185
 '

LINGUISTICS

base or theme. The modifications added no the singular possessive (§7.1.1), and some
increments of meaning to the stem: the nouns underwent reduplication for the plural
simple stem was used for certain inflections absolutive (§7.1.2.1). Also selective were the
and derivations, the modified stem for others. singular (§7.1.4.1) and the plural (§7.1.4.2)
Some modified stems were formed by con- absolute suffixes.
traction, as pa-k- from pa-ki; others were Other inflectional features of the noun
augmented, as teo-w- from teo-; and others were uniform. All consonant-ending nouns
underwent more complex types of change, appeared in the simple stem for the singular
as pa-k-ti 9 - from pa-k-tia or tecr-pix- from possessive. To form the plural possessive,
leo--pia. The forms of the modified stem one plural suffix was added to the simple
will be described separately for the noun stem of all nouns (7.1.4.2e). And the same set
(§7.1.1) and the verb (§8.1.1). of possessive pronouns was prefixed to all

7. Nomin'als. Of the three subclasses of nouns (7.1.4.1).

nominals (nouns, pronouns, and postposi- 7.1.1. Stem modifications and the pos-
tions), nouns had the most extensive set of sessive singular. Noun stems underwent
inflections. The following forms of petla the following two types of modification for
'mat' will illustrate the four inflectional the possessive singular:
categories of the noun: (a) The contracted stem. Some vowel-
ending nouns dropped their vowel: final
Singular 1'l.lRAL
amo-cuik 'your (plural) song' (cuika 'song'),
Absolutive petla-tl 'm&t' petla-met 'mats'
Possessive no-pctl 'my no-petla-wa n irn-pan 'their flag' (pani 'flag'), r-toka 'his
mat 'mv mats' name' (tokai 'name').

Nouns, then, were inflected for number and (b) The augmented stem. Other nouns
endingin a vowel were augmented by -w to
status, the pi status being further
form the possessive singular stem: no-tew
inflected for the person of the possessor.'
pronouns wen- 'my stone' (te 'stone'), to-teow 'our god'
Independent inflected for
(Uir 'god'), te-tlakaw 'someone's slave', lit-
number only in the absolutive Some pro
nominal forms took singular and plural
man' (tla-ka 'man').
erally 'someone's

endings similar to those of the noun. Post-

Some vowel ending nouns and all con-
sonant-ending nouns used the simple un-
positions, expressing relational concepts pri-
modified stem for the possessive singular:
marily, had only the HV6 inflection.
mo-chi°chi 'your (singular) saliva' (chi?chi
The pronominal elements prefixed to post-
positions were the same 'saliva')i no-tlaxkal 'my bread' (tlaxkal
a- those appended
'bread').
to the possessive stems ot now
7.1.2. Reduplication. Initial reduplica-
7.1. Nouns. Among the selective, or vari-
tion could be applied to basic stems of the
able, features of noun inflection were those
affecting the stem: vowel-ending nouns noun or to one group of derivational suffixes
occurring in thematic stems of the noun.
formed various types of modified stem for
This process expressed either the plural or
8
Olmos and subsequent ^rammariaus I
the distributive.
that in some provinces, though not in others,
nouns referring to inanimate objects lacked the
7.1.2.1. Two reduplicative patterns af-

plural (Olmos, lot?, p. 20). Such forms should be ter ted noun stems:
classed as defective nouns, in that they did not (a) (C)V--. Repetition of the initial con-
take plural suffixes. However, these nouns did not
sonant, if any, and the first vowel of the
lack the number category, for they carried the
formal mark of singular number: to illustrate the stem, with lengthening of the vowel, formed
absence of a plural noun in a context requiring a the plural absolutive stem of some nouns.
plural meaning, Olmos used the example uapalli
'board,' which contained -li, one of the singular
To thisstem was added one of the plural
absolutive suffixes. absolutive suffixes (§7.1.4.2). In most in-

1M-.
CLASSICAL NAHUATL

stances the reduplicated stem took the pipil-tzitzin-tin, plural of pil-tzin-tli 'dear
plural - 9 : cue-cueya- 9 'frogs' (cueya 'frog'), little boy'. The diminutive of scorn or con-
mo-moyo-- 9 'mosquitoes' (mo-yo- 'mosquito'). tempt, -to-n or -to-n-tli, had the plural form
In some instances this formation was a vari- -toto-n or -toton-tin: chichi-toto-n, plural of
ant plural of the simple stem with the suffix chichi-to-n 'puppy', atoya-toto-n-tin, plural of
form -me 9 ko-koyo-- 9 or koyo'-me 9 'coyotes'
: atoya-to-n-tli 'rivulet', pvpil-toton-tin, plural
(koyo- 'coyote'), o-ose-lo-- 9 or oselo--me 9 'oce- of pil-tu-n-tli 'mischievous little boy'.
lots' (oselo- 'ocelot'). The reduplicated stem The other two affectives occurred without
occurred with other plural suffixes, which the absolutive suffixes. The pejorative -pol
also formed variant plurals with simple appeared as -popol in the plural: tlawelv-
stems: vichka-me 9 or ichka-me 9 'sheep' loka--popol, plural of tlmaelvloka- -po'l
(plural) (ichka 'sheep', singular), cuaxuaw- 'rogue'. The diminutive of approval, -pil,

tin or cuaw-tin 'eagles' (cuaw 'eagle'), was reduplicated to -pipil for the plural:
ka-kalpix-ke 9 or kalpix-ke 9 'majordomos' siwa'-pipil, plural of siwa--pil 'beautiful
(kalpix-ki 'majordomo'). woman, fine woman'.
(b)(C)V 9 -. Repetition of the initial con- 7.1.3. Inflectional prefixes. Only one
sonant, if any, and the following vowel, with group of inflectional prefixes was employed
shortening of the vowel and insertion of a with nouns. The singular (§7.1.1) and plural
glottal stop, formed a special derivation ex- (§7.1.4.2e) possessives were formed with
pressing the distributive. This type of re- prefixes indicating the person and number of
duplicated stem was inflected only in the the possessor: no- 'my', mo- 'your (singular)',
singular, for both the absolutive and the v- 'his, her, its', to- 'our', amo- 'your (plural)',
possessive: a?a-wil-li 'various acts of levity' vm- 'their', and te-- 'someone's'. These pre-
(a-wil 'act of levity, frivolity', -li, singular fixes were also appended to postpositions
absolutive), ka9 kapolla?-0 'cherry orchards (7.3).
here and there' (kapolla? 'cherry orchard', 7.1.4. Inflectional suffixes. The suf-
-0, singular absolutive), mo-xi 9 xicuinyo fixes marking noun inflections indicated the
'your various gluttonies' (mo- 'your', singular (§7.1.4.1) absolutive and the plural
xicuinyo 'gluttony'), vn-cha?cha-n 'their sep- (§7.1.4.2) absolutive and possessive.
arate houses', i.e., each of the houses belong- 7.1.4.1. The following suffixes of the singu-
ing to each one of them (vn- from vm- lar absolutive, added to the simple stem,
'their', cha-n 'house'). were selectively distributed among nouns:
7.1.2.2. In thematic noun stems contain- (a) -li (after I), -tli (after other con-
ing one of the affective suffixes, the suffix it- sonants), -tl (after vowels). Examples are:
self was reduplicated as part of the plural kal-li 'house', tla-ko9 -tli 'slave', siwa--tl
formation. The reduplicative pattern, CV-, 'woman'.
involved repetition of the first consonant (b) -in, as in to-tol-in 'hen', mich-in 'fish',
and vowel of the suffix, with shortening of to-ch-in or to-ch-tli 'rabbit'.
the vowel. Of the four affectives, two could (c) -0. The absence of an overt suffix was
appear with or without the absolutives, -tli characteristic of the singular absolutive of a
in the singular and -tin in the plural. The few noun bases, especially quantifiers such
reverential -tzin or -tzin-tli, expressing re- as miek-0 'much' or we-y-0 'large'. This in-
spect, affection, or compassion, was plural- flectional category was also marked by the
ized as -tzitzin or -tzitzin-tin: ilama-tzitzin, zero suffix in noun themes derived by certain
plural of ilama-tzin 'respected old lady', suffixes: -k, qualitative, as in toma-wa-k-0
tla-ka-tzitzin-tin, plural of tla-ka-tzin-tli 'poor 'fat (animal, person)' (toma-wa 'to fatten');
little man'; reduplication of the stem as -wa? 'owner of, as in a-xka--wa 9 -0 'person of
well as the suffix could take place, as in property' (a-xka- 'property'); -e 9 'possessor

187
 LINGUISTICS

of, as in kal-e 9 -0 'one who possesses a (§7.1.5.2), to either verb or noun stems
house' (kal 'house'); -ki, perfective agent, (§7.1.5.3), and to either nominal or particle
as in kokox-ki-0 'sick person'; -tzin, rever- stems (§7.1.5.4). Derived nouns were also
ential, as in ta?-tzin-0 'father' (reverential) produced by compounding (§7.1.5.5).
(ta 9 'father'). Although these words were 7.1.5.1. The following suffixes converted
not overtly identified for the absolutive verbs into nouns:
singular, they were marked like other nouns (a) -ni, imperfective agent, as in kochi-ni
for the possessive and plural inflections 'one who is sleeping' (kochi 'to sleep'),
(§7.1.4.2d). tla-ka-wapa-wa-ni 'one who rears human
7.1.4.2. Plural suffixes could be attached beings' (tla-ka 'person, man', wapa-wa 'to
either to the reduplicated stem (§7. 1.2. la) or rear, to nourish').
to the simple stem. Like the singular ab- (b) -9
, imperfective agent, as in tla 9 cuilo- 9

solutive suffixes, the plural absolutives were 'one who is writing' (tia 9 cuilo-, YVz- stem
selectively distributed among nouns: (4.2.3b) of tla 9 cuiloa 'to write', to paint'),
-9 as in tlaka- 9 'men', siwa-- 9 'women', te--yo-lla-li- 9 'that which consoles people'
(a) ,

poxhte-ka- 9 This plural oc-

'merchants'. (te--, indefinite personal object, yo-lla-li-,

curred only with vowel-ending stems. Wz- stem of yo-lla-lia 'to console').

(b) -me 9 as in pitzo-me 9 'pigs', ichka-rruP

, (e) -ki, perfective agent. This suffix indi-
'sheep (plural)', cui-cuitzka-nu'' 'swallow-'. cated the agency of a completed action or
This suffix was attached primarily to vowel- the habitual agency of the specialist; it also
ending steins. referred to the quality or result of a com-
(c) -tin, as in la?-tin 'fathers', okich-tin pleted action. Examples are: pala-n-ki 'rot-
'males', cuaw-tin 'eagles'. Principally con- ten, which is rotten, that which has
that
sonant-ending stems took the -tin plural. rotted' (]>ala-n-, modified stem of pala-ni 'to
Some nouns had variant plurals with either rot'), mik-ki 'corpse' ( mik-, modified stem of

-me 9 or -tin: totol-nu'' or tolol-tin 'hens', miki 'to die'), kak-chi'w -ki 'shoemaker' (kak
tepottcP-me* or tepciztP-tin liunchbac] 'shoe', rhiic-, modified stem of chiwa 'to

(d) -k*'' , BS in toriurwa k>° "fat (animals, make').

people)', a-xkawa' k>'' 'people of property', / (after some stems ending in a vowel)
kale 9 -ke 9 'people who have houses', kokox-h
''
or -0. Because this morpheme expressed the
'sick people*. This plural was used with passive agent, or recipient, of the verb ac-
derived nouns whose .lingular absolutive was tion, it was added only to transitive verbs.
-0 (§7. 1.4.1c). Somewhat like the -Jbo* liga- Most of these formations contained one of
ture (§6.2), the -ki° plural was Fused with the indefinite object pronouns, either the
derivatives in -k, qualitative, and -/;/, per personal te-- or the non-personal (la- (§8.3.1).

fective agent; it was simply added to other Examples are: pixki-O-tl 'the harvest'
derivational suffix (pixLi-, C//17- stem of pixka 'to gather the
Only one unvarying suffix, attached to harvest', -//, singular absolutive), tla-v-l-li or
the simple stem of nouns, was employed :"<»r tla-v-O-tl 'a drink', such as pulque or wine
the plural possessive: (» 'to drink', -li or -tl, singular absolutive),
-wan,
(e) as in mi>-ti>-tol-wn-n, 'your hens', U 'inachH'-Uli 'thai which is taught to people'
rm-pil-wan 'their - - .me derived nouns (/nachti--, V'Vz- stem of machtia 'to teach'),

took the ligature -ka- before -wan: no-cua- tla-ken-0-tli or tla-ke-mi-tl 'clothes' (ke-n-,

cuawe -ka-wan 'my cows' (cuaxuaw-e 9 modified stem of ke-mi 'to put on clothes'),
'cow', literally 'one who possesses horns'). tla-ina-x-O-tli or tla-vna-ya-l-li 'that which
7.1.0. NOUN-FORMING DERIVATION'S. Suf- is hidden' (i-na-x-, modified stem of vna-ya
which formed nouns could be added to
fixes 'to hide').

verb stems (§7.1.5.1), to noun stems (e) -ka, verbal noun, as in v -tzope-li-ka 'its

188
 CLASSICAL NAHUATL

sweetness' (»•- 'its, his, her', tzope-li-, VVz- quality or an entity characterized to an
stem of tzope-lia 'to sweeten'), to-pala-n-ka intensive degree by the reference of the
'our rottenness, our corruption' (to- 'our', underlying noun: svtlal-lo 9 'starry, some-
pala-n-, modified stem of pala-ni 'to rot'). thing full of stars' (si-llal 'star'), a--yo 9 'wa-
(f) -ya, instrumental, as in no-tlachia-ya tery, something which contains much water',
'my vision' (no- 'my', tlachia 'to look at'), such as soup (a- 'water'), ti-naka-yo9 -ke 9 'we
no-tla-teki-ya 'my knife' (tla-, indefinite non- (are) things made of flesh' (ti- 'we', naka
personal object, teki 'to cut'). 'meat', -ke 9 ,
plural absolutive).
(g) -lis, abstract noun, as in yo-li-lis-tli (e) -tla 9 , intensive locative, as in te-tla 9
'life' (yo-li 'to live', -tli, singular absolutive), 'stony place' (te 'stone'), xo-chi-tla 9 'flower
tla-cua-lis-tli 'the act of eating' (tla-, indefi- garden' (xoxhi 'flower'), xal-la 9 'sandy
nite non-personal object, cua 'to eat'). place' (xal 'sand').
(h) -ya'n, locative, as in no-kochi-ya-n 'my (f) -lo (after l), -yo (elsewhere), inalien-
sleeping place' (no- 'my', kochi 'to sleep'), able. This element was used only with the
tlaxkal-chrwa-lo--ya-n 'place where bread is possessive forms of nouns: no-naka-yo 'my
made' (tlaxkal 'bread', chvwa 'to make', -lo-, flesh', i.e., the meat of my body, in contrast
passive). to no-nak 'my meat' (no- 'my', nak-, modi-
7.1.5.2. The following derivational suffixes fied stem of naka 'meat'), v-xo-chi 9 cual-lo
were added to noun stems: 'its (the tree's) fruit' (r- 'its, his, her',
(a) -e, vocative. This morpheme, always xo'chi9 cual 'fruit').
the final syllable of the word, was given the (g) -tika, distributive, as in se-sen-meiz-tika
heavy stress. Examples are: siwa'-tl-e 'every month' (se-sen-, reduplicated stem of
'woman!' (siwa- 'woman', -tl, singular ab- sem- 'one', metz 'month'), ma-ma- curl-ilwi-
solutive), te-machtia-ni-me 9 -e 'preachers!' tika 'every five days' (ma- ma- curl-, redupli-
(te-machtia-ni 'preacher', -me 9 plural absolu- ,
cated stem of ma-cui-l 'five', ilwi 'day').
tive). The vocative suffix could fuse with (h) -ko (after consonants), -k (after vow-
the absolutives -li or -tli to form -le or els) 'in, into', as in a-kal-ko 'in the boat'
-tie", and with the reverential -tzin to become (a-kal 'boat'), ko-mi-k 'inside the pot' (ko-mi
-tzi: pilto-n-tU 'boy!' (pilto-n 'mischievous 'pot').
boy'), no-pil-tzi or no-pil-tzin-S 'my son!' (i) -tew 'in the manner of, as in cha-lchiw-
(no- 'my', pil 'boy, son'). tew 'in the manner of jade' (cha-lchiwi 'jade'),
(b) -e 9 'possessor of, as in yo-li-lis-e 9 'one ketzal-tew 'in the manner of beautiful feath-
10
who has life' (yo-li 'to live', -lis, abstract ers' (ketzal 'beautiful feather').
noun), tla-ltikpak-e 9 'the one who possesses 7.1.5.3. Only a relatively few suffixes
the earth', one of the names given to Our could be added to either noun or verb stems.
Lord (tla-ltikpak 'the surface of the earth'). (a) -ka n,
m
locative, as in mich-wa 9 -ka-n
(c) -wa? 'owner of, possessor of, as in 'place where people have fish' (mich 'fish',
ilwika-wa9 'owner of the sky', one of the -wa9 'owner of), ye-k-ka-n 'a good place'
names given to Our Lord (ilwika 'sky'),
10
tilma?-wa9 'one who owns a cloak' (tilma9 In the traditional treatments of Classical
Nahuatl, -ko and -tew were classified with the post-
'cloak').
positions (§7.3), which they resembled in being
(d) -lo9 (after I), -yo9 (elsewhere), in- attached to noun stems and in expressing rela-
tensive descriptive. This suffix indicated a tional, or "prepositional," meanings. The present
classification, however, is based upon inflectional
features: the postpositions took the prefixed pro-
9
Because the vocative was loosely attached to nouns to form the same possessive inflection as
the outer layer of nouns, following the inflectional nouns; -ko and -tew, on the other hand, manifested
suffixes, it could be classed as an enclitic rather the structural characteristics of suffixes, in that
than a suffix. However, no other morpheme seems they formed words in conjunction with noun
to have behaved in this enclitic manner. stems, not with pronominal or other prefixes.

189
 LINGUISTICS

(ye'k 'good (thing)'), te--pa 9 pa-kUti 9 -ka-n xiwi 'green', tlapal 'red', tla 9 cuilo-l 'painted',
'place which brings happiness to various with automatic change of tl to I after I,

people' (te--, indefinite personal object, a-mox 'book', -tli, singular absolutive).
pa 9 pa-kilti 9 -, modified reduplicated stem of 7.2. Pronouns. The independent personal
pa-kiltia 'to cause ... to be happy'), ko-n- pronouns were inflected for number in the
chvw-ka-n 'pot-making place' (ko-n-, modi- absolutive. The pronouns included abbre-
fied stem of ko-mi 'pot', chi-w-, modified viated or short forms which lacked the in-
stem of chvwa 'to make'). flectional suffixes of number. But the full
(b) -A;, qualitative, as in tlil-ti-k 'black' form for each person carried the singular -tl
(tlil 'dye', 4*, ligature), ista-k 'white' (ista or the plural -tin, which were among the
'salt'), chipa-wa-k 'clean' (chipa-wa 'to absolutive suffixes also appended to nouns.
clean'), tla-namaka-k 'one who sells things'

(tla-, indefinite non-personal object, namaka ne ? , ne 9 wa, or ne9 wa-tl T

'to sell'). te 9 , te°wa, or te 9 wa-tl 'you' (singular)
(c) -lo- (after I), -yo- (elsewhere), abstract ye9 ye9 wa, or ye 9 wa-tl 'he, she,
,
it*

noun, as in tlil-hr-tl 'blackness' (tlil 'dye', te 9 wa-n or te 9 wa-ntin 'we'

-tl, singular absolutive), teo--yo--tl 'divinity' ame 9 wa-n or ame 9 wa-ntin 'you' (plural)
(teo- 'god'), yo-l-ka- -yo- -tl 'the sustenance ye 9 u-a-n or ye 9 wa-ntin 'they'
necessary for living' (yo-l-, modified stem of
yo-li 'to live', -ka-, ligature), teopix-ka- Using different absolutive plural suffixes,
yo--tl 'priesthood' (teo-pix-, modified stem of the indefinite and interrogative pronouns
teopia 'to have god'). were also inflected for number: aka? 'some-
7.1.5.4. The reverential -totn was distinc- one', aka°mc 9 'some people'; a-kin 'who?'
tive in its distribution, for it could be at- (singular), aki^kc 9 'who?' (plural).
tached to particles and independent pro- 7.:i Postpositions. Limited to the pos-
nouns as well as to nouns: krtna'-tzin 'no' aoesivo inflection, postpositions employed the

(reverential) (ke-mn° 'no'), t'°wa-tzin 'you' same set of pronominal prefixes as nouns.
(singular, reverential) (te^wa 'you', singu- Some postpositions could appear either with
lar), ame 9 wan-tzitzin 'you' (plural, reveren- these prefixes or, as second-position stems, in
tial) (<im<°ir<rn 'you', plural), ikrvr-tzin composition with nouns: to-tza-lan 'between
'orphan' (reverential) (ikmr "orphan'). For us', kal-tza-lan 'between the houses'; v-pan
additional cxampl' .7.1:2:2 and 9. 'on it', tla- 1 -pan 'on the ground'; amo-tlan
Derived nouns could be formed
7.1.5.5. 'near you' (plural), a--tlan 'near the water';
by combining noun stem>; in noun com- i-m-i 9 tik 'inside them', teo-pankal-i 9 tik 'in-
pounds the final stem functioned as the head side the church'. Other postpositions oc-
term, the preceding stems operating as curred only with the possessive prefixes:
modifiers. Compounds consisting of two no-pal 'for my benefit', mo-tlok 'near you',
nouns were extremely common: trpos-mcka-tl te-ikampa 'behind somebody'.
'iron chain' (tepOB 'metal', nieka 'chain, 8. Verbs. The selective features of the
rope', -tl, singular absolutive), tea- -tla 9 tol-li verb, like those of the noun, included inflec-
9
'divine word' (teo- 'god'. tla tol 'word', -li, tional modifications of the stem (§8.1); for
singular absolutive). In the elaborate re- the verb these modifications were primarily
ligious style developed after the conquest, associated with the preterit. In addition, the
longer compounds were favored: tla-ka- verb was selectively identified as either
tzintilis-tla 9 tlasol-li 'the original sin' (tlaka transitive or intransitive: the intransitive
'man, person', tzintilis 'beginning', t}a°tla.so-l was limited in its pronominal inflection to
>
'sin'), xiw-tlapal-la cw.lnl-a-moi-tli book'a the subject prefixes (§8.3.6); the transitive
painted in colors' (xiw- y modified stem of was inflected for object (§8.3.1., 8.3.4.,

190
 :

CLASSICAL NAHTJATL

8.3.5), or reflexive (§8.3.2) as well as for teach, to cause ... to know'), o- -ni-tekipano 9

subject pronouns. 'I worked' (tekipanoa 'to work').

Most of the inflectional machinery of the (d) The augmented stem. Some verbs
verb, however, revealed a striking uniform- augmented the simple stem with 9 to form
ity. same pronominal
All verbs took the the modified stem: o- -tla-cua 9 -ke 9 'they ate
paradigm of subject prefixes. There was something' (tla-, indefinite non-personal ob-
only one set of object pronouns and one of ject, cua 'to eat'), o--ni-no-soma 9 'I frowned'
reflexives. With the exception of the preterit, (no-, 1st person reflexive, soma 'to frown').

all tense, aspect, mode, and subject-number 8.1.2. For some verbs the preterit was
inflections (§8.4) were constructed in the formed from the simple stem, to which was
same manner for all verbs. added -k, preterit subject singular (§8.4. lb),
8.1. Stem modifications and the pre- or -ke 9 ,
preterit or future subject plural
terit. Unlike the noun, whose simple stem (§8.4.2b). Alternative preterit formations oc-
could end in either a vowel or a consonant, curred for some verbs: from sella 'to sprout',

the simple stem of the verb always ter- preterits could be based on the contracted
minated in a vowel. The verb underwent sibilant stems, selis- or selix-, or the suffixed
modifications of contraction and augmenta- simple stem, selia-k; from toto-nia 'to be-
tion which were comparable, therefore, only come hot', preterit formations could be con-
to those of the vowel-ending noun. For the structed from the contracted sibilant stem,
noun these modifications formed the stem of toto-nix-, or from the suffixed simple stem,
the possessive singular; for the verb they toto-nia-k; from no-tza 'to shout at', preterits

resulted in the stem of the preterit; and the could be formed from the contracted stem,
possessive singular and preterit functions, no-tz-, or from the suffixed simple stem,
associated with the modified stem of some no-tza-k.
nouns and verbs, were performed by the sim- 8.1.3. In addition to the preterit forma-
ple stem of other nouns and verbs (§7.1.1). tion, the modified stem was used in several
8.1.1. Verb stems underwent the following derivational formations. The perfective
types of modification agent, -ki (§7. 1.5.1c), was added to modified
(a) The contracted stem. To form the verb stems: ichtek-ki 'thief {ichtek-, con-
modified stem, the final vowel of some verbs tracted stem of ichteki 'to rob'), teo'pix-ki
was zeroed: o'-ni-kis 'I left' (o--, past, ni- 'priest' (teo-pix-, contracted sibilant stem of
T', kisa 'to leave'), o--n-a-n T hunted' (a-mi teo-pia 'to have god'), te'-yo-lla-li 9 -ki 'one
'to hunt'). who gives people consolation' (te--, indefinite
(b) The contracted sibilant stem. Some personal object, yo-lladi 9 -, contracted glottal
verbs whose simple stem ended in -ya or -ia stem of yo-lla-lia 'to give consolation').
dropped the final syllable —the syllable
total Before the ligatures -ka- or -ti (§6.2), the
-ya, the final -a of -ia — and added sorx: modified stem of verbs having such a stem
o--istas 'it became white' (istaya 'to become was employed in derivations formed either
white'), O'-ni-k-yo-kox T invented it' (k-, 3rd by sufnxation or compounding: koch-ka--
person object, yo-koya 'to invent'), o--ti-sis- yo--tl 'supper, that which permits sleep'
ke 9 'we agreed' (ti- 'we', sia 'to agree', -ke 9 ,
(koch-, contracted stem of kochi 'to sleep',

preterit subject plural), o'-ni-k-pix 'I held yo--, abstract noun, -tl, singular absolutive),
it' (pia 'to hold, to have'). ni-no-kokox-ka- -neki T imagine myself sick'

(c) The contracted glottal stem. Some (ni- 'I', no-, 1st person reflexive, kokox-,
verbs with their simple stem ending in two contracted sibilant stem of kokoa 'to be
vowels dropped the final vowel and added sick', neki 'to imagine, to want'), xi-k-mo-
9 : <y-ti-te--machti 9 -ke 9 'we taught people' cui'li 9 -ti-wetzi 'take it quickly' (reverential)
(&•-, indefinite personal object, machtia 'to (xi-, imperative subject, k-, 3rd person ob-

191
 LINGUISTICS

ject, mo-, 2nd or 3rd person reflexive, cuvli 9 -, 'to walk up and down, stopping intermit-
contracted glottal stem of cuvlia 'to take', tently' (nemi 'to walk'), m-a 9 a 9 a-wiltia 'to
reverential, wetzi 'to do quickly, to attack'), amuse oneself in various places' (m-, con-
tia-sese'x-ti-mo-tla-lia 'it is getting cool' (tla-, tracted from mo-, 2nd or 3rd person reflex-
indefinite non-personal object, sese-x-, con- ive, a-wiltia 'to pass the time in levity').
tracted sibilant stem of sese-ya 'to become Inflectional prefixes. Verb inflec-
8.3.
cool', tla-lia 'to put'). Similar derivations tions expressed by prefixes were concerned
were constructed with the simple stem of primarily with pronominal references; they
those verbs which, lacking a modified stem, included, in addition, one tense element and
formed their preterit with the simple stem two morphemes indicating direction. This
and -k or -he 9 tla-yowa-ti-mo-mana 'it is
: system of prefixes occupied seven positions.
getting dark' (yowa 'to become night', mana 8.3.1. In the first position adjacent to the
'to lie on the ground'). stem were two indefinite object pronouns:
8.2. Reduplicated stems. Reduplication the personal tc-- 'someone, people' and the
of the verb stem, like that of the noun, in- non-personal tla- 'something, things.' These
volved the repetition of the initial consonant, indefinites were either used in place of the
if any, and the first vowel. Unlike the noun, definite objects of the fifth position (§8.3.5),
which used reduplication for the plural in- or, with verbs taking two objects, they
the verb employed reduplication
flection, Functioned as secondary objects in conjunc-
solely for derivational functions. The follow- tion with the definites: ni-tc--a 9 wa 'I am
ing reduplicative patterns were applied to scolding someone' (a'\ca 'to scold, to quarrel
verb Btems: with'), Jii-tla-cua 'I am eating something'
(a) Simple reduplication of the first
(Y')l'-. (cita 'to eat'), ni-k-tc--maka 'I am giving it to
mant and vowel of the stem occurred somebody' (k- 'it, him, her', maka 'to give'),
only in conjunction with the Frequentative ni-k-tia-maka 'I am giving something to
suffixes, fed and -tza (§8.6.1.1 : popUo-ka to him', H(-tla-cuittawi--lo 'one is on one's
1
speak barbarously (polo 'to stutl guard against things' (nc-, indefinite reflex-
kokomn-tza 'to clatter with one's feet' {komo ive, ruillawi--, V'Vi -tem of niitlawia 'to
'to fall with a thu guard', -l<>, passive).
(b) (C)V -. Verbs with thk
m
reduplicative 8.3.2. The following reflexive or recipro-
pattern, which included vowd Lengthening, cal pronouns comprised the prefixes of the
expressed an intensive, habitual, oroontinua- ad position: no-, first person singular,
tive action: rhirrfurkn "to weep loudly' ti>-, first person plural, mo-, second or third
(cho-ka 'to weep' i, i'ichteh 'to roh b place on singular or plural, and ne , indefinite
1
habitually' (ichUki 'to rob , ifteki 'to slice' singular or plural. Examples are: ni-no-cuepa
(tcki 'to cut with a knife' i, mtHUmtrtoa "to 'I am turning around' (ruepa 'to turn'),
consult with one another' (tTUh, reciprocal, ti-to-tlaso 9 tla- 9 'we love one another'
rurtza to shout at (tiaacPUa 'to love', - 9 general subject plural),
,

9
(c) (C)J' -. Reduplication with an in- ne-powalo 'one becomes proud of oneself
serted glottal stop indicated B distributive or (po-walo 'to become proud). Besides convey-
interrupted repetitive action: Pichtel ing a reflexive or reciprocal meaning, these
rob several places' (ichteki 'to rob'), U pronouns were also used with reverential
'to cut something up into pieces' (teki 'to cut forms (§8.6. 1.2c): o- -mo-mikili 9 'he died'
with a knife'), cho 9 choka 'to weep repeat- (reverential) (o--, past, mikili 9 -, modified
edly' (cho-ka 'to weep'). stem of mikilia, reverential of miki 'to die'),
(d) (C)V°(CV>-. A doubling of the glot- ti-m-a-mikvtia 'you are thirsty' (reverential)
tal reduplicative pattern expressed an inten- (a-miki-tia, reverential of a-miki 'to be
tion of the repetitive notion: n^nc^vemi thirsty'). As the examples indicate, subject

192
CLASSICAL NAHtTATL

pronouns (§8.3.6) accompanied reflexives ject plural was indicated by suffixes: ti-

referring to the first or second persons. tlapo-wa 'you (singular) are counting'
8.3.3. The was filled by the
third position (tlapo-wa 'to count'), ti-tlapo-wa- 9 'we are
directionals, on- 'thither, away, go and do' counting' (- 9 ,
general subject plural),
and wa-l- 'hither, come and do': no-k-on-itta tlapo-wa 'he is counting', tlapowa- 9 'they
'I am visiting him' (no-, from ni- (§4.2.1), T are counting', xi-tlapo-wa 'count!' (singular
itta 'to see'), xi-wa-l-lachia 'look this way' imperative), xi-tlapo-wa-ka-n 'count!' (-ka-n,
(xi-, imperative subject, lochia, from tlachia imperative subject plural).
'to look').
11
8.3.7. The outermost prefix position, the
8.3.4. The plural third person object, seventh from the stem, contained only one
im-, was the sole member of the fourth posi- morpheme, the past tense o--. This prefix
tion slot. When the verb had only one was used most frequently with the preterit
object, im- was attached to a preceding k- formations (§8.1) and the remote past suffix,
(§8.3.5) to form the plural of the third -ka (§8.4. la): o'-ni-tlapo-w T counted'
person object: k-im-pa-ktia 'he makes them (tlapo-w-, modified stem of tlapo-wa 'to

happy' (pa-ktia 'to cause ... to be happy'). count'), o- -ni-tlapo-w-ka T had counted, I

When two objects occurred, one could be used to count'. The past prefix also oc-
expressed by im- and the other by any fifth curred, though rarely, with the imperfective
position pronoun: xi-ne'ch-in-maka 'give -ya (§8.4. Id): o--ni-tlapo-wa-ya or ni-tlapo-
them to me' (ne-ch- 'me', maka 'to give'), wa-ya was counting.'
'I

ni-mitz-im-pialia 'I am keeping them for Inflectional suffixes. The verb

8.4.
you' (mitz- 'you', singular object, pialia 'to complex ended in two inflectional layers of
keep for'). suffixes.

8.3.5. The fifth position from the stem 8.4.1. The first position after the verb
was occupied by the definite object prefixes: stem was filled by suffixes of tense (remote
ne-ch- 'me'; mitz- 'you', singular; te-ch- 'us'; past, preterit, future), aspect (imperfective),
amexh- 'you', plural; ki- (preconsonantal or mode (conditional). The absence of a
in either word initial or in postconsonantal first-position suffix indicated the present
position), k- (elsewhere), third person. Exam- tense, the simple stem of the verb being em-
ples are: o'-ti-ne-ch-curli 9 'you took itaway ployed for this function: ki-paka 'he is

from me' (o--, past, cuvli 9 -, modified stem washing it' (paka 'to wash'), ni-nemi T am
of cuvlia 'to take away from'), n-amexh- living' (nemi 'to live').

miktia T am beating you' (plural) (miktia (a) -ka, remote past, attached to the modi-
'to beat, to kill'), an-ki-miktia- 9 'you (plural) fied stem, if the verb possessed this stem

are killing it' (- 9 ,

general subject plural). type: o--nen-ka 'he lived long ago' (<r-, past,
8.3.6. In the sixth position were the sub- nen-, modified stem of nemi 'to live'), o'-ni-
ject pronouns: ni- T, ti- 'you', singular, ti- tlacua 9 -ka 'I had eaten, I had been eating'
'we', am- 'you', plural, and xi-, imperative (tlacua 9 -, modified stem of tlacua 'to eat'),
subject. The absence of a pronoun in this o- -cuicawitz-ka 'he came to sing' (cuicawitz-,
slot indicated a third person subject. Sub- modified stem of the compound cuica 'to

11
Although Carochi included examples to illus- sing' and witze 'to come'), o--ni-k-paka-ka
meaning of on-, he noted that
trate the directional 'I used to wash it' {paka 'to wash', the sim-
in some expressions it merely "serves as an orna- ple stem of a verb having no distinctive
ment and adds a certain gravity to one's speech"
modified stem form).
(1645, p. 445). Wherever this prefix is found in
modern dialects, it most commonly carries a di- (b) -A;, preterit, with the simple stem of
rectional denotation (Croft, 1953, p. 275; Whorf, verbs which had no modified stem: o--ni-k-
1946, p. 384). In Sierra Nahuat, however, Key
identifies on- as a prefix indicating respect (1960,
itta-kT saw it' (itta 'to see'), o--se-wa-k 'it
p. 139). was cold' (se-wa 'to be cold'). For verbs having
193
 LINGUISTICS

a modified as well as a simple stem, the count'), tlapo'wa-s-ke 9 'they will count' (s,
preterit was constructed with the modified future). When added to verbs which formed
form instead of the preterit suffix (§8.1). their preterit with the simple stem and -k
(c) -s, future: tlapo-wa-s 'he will count' (§8.4. lb), this suffix coalesced with -k to
(tlapo-wa 'to count'). Verbs ending in two result in -ke 9 rather than the expected
vowels used the V-Vz- stem with the future *-k-ke 9 : o--ti-k-to-ka-ke 9 'we buried it' (to-ka
suffix (§4.2.3d): ni-tlatekipano--s 'I will work' 'to bury').
(tlatekipanoa 'to work'). (c) -9 general subject plural, added to
,

(d) -ya, imperfective, referring to an in- verbs in the present, remote past, imper-
completed or durative action in the past: fective, or conditional: t-a-miki- 9 'we are
ni-nemi-ya 'I was living, I have been living' thirsty' (a-miki 'to be thirsty'), o--ti-k-pix-
(nemi 'to live'), ti-no-tza-ya- 9 'we were call- ka- 9'we used to have it' (pix-, modified
-9
ing' (no-tza 'to call', ,
general subject stem of pia 'to have', remote past), -ka,
plural). an-po-walo--ya- 9 'you (plural) were being
(e) -skia, conditional: ayak miki-skia 'no- counted' (po-walo- 'to be counted', -ya, im-
body would die' (tufts 'to die'). Like the perfective), no-tza-skia- 9 'they would call'
future, the conditional was suffixed to the {no-tza 'to call', -skia, conditional).
V-Vz- stem of verbs terminating in two 8.5. Irregular verbs. A few verbs had
vowels (§4. 2. 3d): ni-mitz-tlaxtla-wi--skia '1 stems and inflectional formations which did
would pay you' (e.g., if you would serve me), not follow the prevailing patterns. The
'I would have paid you' (e.g., if you had verb 'to be' was inflected with the suppletive
served me) (tlaxtlawia "to pay'). Although stems if- and feat-, the latter giving rise to
this suflix expressed a conditional event in several irregular variations: n-ie-s 'I will be',
the past or present, the prefixing of o-, past, katki "he is', ti-kate- 9 'we are', an-katka- 9
resulted in an unambiguous past conditional: 'you (plural) are'. Other irregular verbs had
o-ni-mitz-tlaxtlaici-skia 'I would have paid unique though obviously related stem forms,
you'. such as i 9 ka- and i 9 kak 'to be standing',
9
B. 1.2. The second and final position of the /a -, ia*-, iaw-, and wia- 'to go'.

inflected verb was occupied by suffix With the irregular verbs should be classed
pressing plurality of the subject; each of the two directional auxiliaries, which were
these suffixes wai kted with certain employed only as final-position stems in
or mode categories of the verb. verb compounds. A defective paradigm of
(a) -kan, imperative subject plural: xi- inflections as well as unique stem forms
ntrtza-kam 'call!' (plural imperative) (ntrtza characterized these auxiliaries; the present
11' i. The
stem of verbs ending in
V' Vz- tense was based on ti- 'to go in order to' and
two vowels was employed with this suffix: ki- 'to come in order to', the preterit on to-
xi-iemachtv-ka-n 'preach'.' (plural impera- and ki-, and the future on ti'w- and kvw-,
tive) (temachtia 'to preach'). The suffix singular subject, and tvwi- and kvwi-, plural
-ka-n always formed the plural of verbs con subject. The general subject plural, - 9 was ,

taining xi-, imperative subject, but it was in all inflections of the auxiliaries:
also used with other subject prefixe- to ti-tlapo-wa-to- 9 'we went to read' (tlapo-wa
convey a hortatory force as well as to denote 'to read, to count'), ti-tlapo-wa-ki-wi- 9 'we
a plural number: ti-tlapowa-ka-n 'we must will come to read'.
count' (tlapo-wa 'to count'). 8.6. Verb-forming derivations. Verb
(b) -ke 9 , preterit and future subject plu- themes could be constructed by the addi-
ral: o--an-tlapo-w-ke 9 'you (plural) counted' tion of suffixes to verb stems (§8.6.1.1-
(tlapo-w-, modified stem of tlapowa 'to 8.6.1.3) and to noun or particle stems

194
 :

CLASSICAL NAHUATL

(§8.6.1.4). In addition, compounding (§8.6.2) verbs, and although the simple unchanged
was a productive process in the formation stem of the verb was employed most com-
of verb themes. monly, many verbs had optionally variant
8.6.1. Derivational suffixes. Of the forms of stem and suffix entering into the
enormous range of suffixing processes which transitivizing derivations: e.g., the causa-
produced derived verbs in Classical Nahuatl, tive -tia was suffixed to the unchanged stem
only a highly selected sample can be pre- of yo-li 'to live' in yo-li-iia 'to give life', to
sented. Many of these processes were clus- the CyVi- stem of icusi 'to get cooked' in
tered into derivational subsystems. icuxi-tia 'to cook', and to the modified con-
8.6.1.1. One subsystem was composed of tracted stem of paki 'to be happy' in
the following three suffixes, added to verb pa-k-tia 'to cause ... to be happy', the latter
stems which referred to specific kinds of varying optionally with pa-ki-ltia as a causa-
sounds and movements tive.
(a) -ni, medio-passive momentaneous, at- (a) -a, -wia, -tia, -Itia, causative: koto-ni-a
tached to a V'- form of the stem: tecui'-ni or koto-n-a 'to break' {koto-ni 'to be broken'),
'to burst into flame', tzaya'-ni 'to rip' (of temo-wia 'to take down' (temo 'to go down'),
cloth), polo--ni 'to stutter'. pa? v-tia 'to give medicine to drink' (pa ? v
(b) -ka, medio-passive frequentative, 'to drink medicine'), chvwa-ltia 'to cause . . .

added to a reduplicated stem (§8.2a): to make' {chvwa 'to make'), miki-tia or

tetecui-ka 'to rush noisily' (of a river), 'to mik-tia or miki-ltia 'to kill' (miki 'to die'),

make the noise of a blazing fire', chichipi-ka itti-tia or itta-ltia or itzti-ltia 'to make . . .

'to fall in a large quantity of drops' (of any see' {itia 'to see').
liquid) {chipi 'to fall in drops'). (b) -lia, -wia, -Iwia, -alwia, -ilwia, appli-
(c) -tza, active frequentative, added to cative. This morpheme, when added to an
the same type of reduplicated stem as -ka: verb, produced a transitive
intransitive
tetecui-tza 'to make a clattering noise with which demanded an object; when suffixed to
one's feet'. Of the three suffixes, -tza was the a transitive verb, it directed the verbal pred-
only one forming transitive verbs which re- ication to a second object. Examples are:
quired an object: xi-k-kakapatz-ti-wetzi 'make miki-lia 'to die for' {miki 'to die'), chvwi-lia
the tortillas rapidly', literally 'make frequent 'to make . . . for' {chvwa 'to make'), tla ? cuil-

slapping sounds on it rapidly' (xi-, impera- wia 'to write to' {tla ? cuiloa 'to write'),
tive subject, k-, 3rd person object, kakapatz-, tlapo-lwia 'to open . . . for' {tlapoa 'to open'),

modified stem of kakapa-tza, containing the i 9 t-alwia 'to talk about' {i ? toa 'to talk'),
reduplicated stem of kapa 'to make a slap- pach-ilwia 'to press . . . for' {pachoa 'to

ping sound', -ti, ligature, wetzi 'to do . . . press').

rapidly, to fall'). (c) -a, -lia, -wia, -tia, -Itia, -alwia, rever-
8.6.1.2. Several sets of transitivizing suf- ential. The reverential formation always in-
fixes comprised another subsystem of verb cluded the reflexive prefixes (§8.3.2), a pat-
derivations. This was a formally intricate tern indicated by mo-, second or third per-
subsystem. Each transitivizing morpheme son singular or plural reflexive, in the illus-

had several allomorphs: e.g., the causative trative examples below. Apparently the
was formed by -a, -wia, -tia, or -Itia. Similar transitivized manner "you of expression,
allomorphic forms overlapped different mor- cause yourself to do so-and-so" or "you do
phemes: e.g., -wia was one of the allomorphs so-and-so for yourself," conveyed respect for
of the causative, the applicative, and the the person addressed or spoken about.
reverential. Although the suffix allomorphs Examples are: mo-kalaki-a 'to enter' (rever-
were selectively distributed among most ential) {kalaki 'to enter'), mo-cho-ki-lia 'to

195
 LINGUISTICS

weep' (reverential) (cho-ka 'to weep'), mo- tla-ka-ti 'to be born' (tla-ka 'man'), ne-n-ti
chi-walti-lia 'to cause ... to make' (rever- 'to be frustrated' (ne-n 'in vain'), te-tia 'to
ential) (chvwalti-, modified stem of chi-wa- become hard' (te 'stone').
Itia, composed of chi-wa 'to make' and -Itia, (b) -lia, -tia, -wia, transitive verbalizer:
causative), mo-chvwili-lia 'to make . . . for' o-me-lia 'to make two from' (o-me 'two'),
(reverential) stem of
(chi-wili-, modified tla-ka-tia 'to give birth to' (tla-ka 'man'),
chvwi-lia, composed of the CyVi- stem of po ? -tia 'to make . . . similar' (po 9 'like'),
chi-wa and -lia, applicative), mo-tla 9 pal-wia ista-wia 'to salt' (ista 'salt'), achtopa-wia 'to
'to greet' (reverential) (tla 9 paloa 'to greet'), be first in doing' (achtopa 'first').

mo-nemi-tia 'to live' (reverential) {nemi 'to Compounding. A compound was

8.6.2.
live'), mo-tolo-ltia 'to swallow' (reverential) identified as a verb by the presence of a verb
(toloa 'to swallow'), on-m-e-wi-tia or on-m- stem in the final stem position. In special
e-wa-ltia 'to depart' (reverential) (on- usages, certain verbs required inflectional
'thither', e-wi-, the CyVi- stem of e-wa 'to between the compounded stems: verbs
affixes
rise'), i 9 t-alwia 'to talk' (reverential) (i 9 toa preceding neki 'to want' took the future
'to talk'). suffix, -s, as in ti-tlani-s-neki 'to want to
(d) -tzinoa, reverential for reflexive verbs: send' (ti-tlani 'to send'); when employed as
mo-teo-chi-w-tzinoa 'to pray' (reverential final-position stems with specialized mean-
(mo-tco- chi-wa 'to pray'), mo-tlalu 9 -tzinoa 'to ings, some half-dozen verbs, among them
run' (reverential) {mo-tlaloa 'to run'). Unlike tla-lia 'to put', were inflected with reflexive
the other suffixes of the transit ivizing sub- prefixes, as in scsc-x-ti-mo-tla-lia 'to get cool'
system, -tzinoa occurred as a single allo- (of the weather) (.sv.sr.r-, modified stem of
morph and was consistently added to the
it a 'to get cool', -ti, ligature, mo-, re-
modified stem form of the verb. In phonemic flexive second or third person singular or
shape it also differed from the other rever- plural). Outside of these special instances
ential suffixes, which it resembled in func- compound verbfl were inflected as units, the
tion. It constituted a minor subsystem with prefix inflections appearing before the first

-poloa, pejorative, which was likewise added stem and the Buffix inflections after the final
to modified verb stems: i to°-po-loa 'to con- stem, as in o-ni-mitz-mik-ka--toka-ka 'I had
fess one's sins' (i°toa 'to talk'). Both -tzitma imagined that you were dead' (o--, past,
and -poloa had a formal resemblance to two ni- T, mitz- 'you', singular object, rnik-.
of the affective -affixes added to nouns modified stem of miki 'to die', -ha-, ligature,

(§7.1.2.2). toka 'to imagine', -ka, remote past).

8.6.1.3. Somewhat like the transitivizing In verb compounds the final stem could
elements, a set of passivizing allomorphs, he preceded by a verb, a noun, or a particle.
-o-, -lo-, -wa, was suffixed to variable verb Verb-plus-verb combinations were freely
stems to form derived verbs: tex-o- be 'to formed niila-witze 'to come to sing', tlaokox-
:

ground' (te-si 'to grind'), machti-lo- to be cuika 'to sing sadly' (llaokox-, modified stem
taught' (machtia 'to teach'), axi-wa 'to be of tlaokoya 'to be sad'). Some verb stems
reached' (a-si 'to reach'), a-n-o- or a-na-lo- assumed specialized meanings as second-
'to be taken' (ana 'to take';, Uk-ur or position elements in compounds: mati 'to
itki--wa 'to be raised' {tiki 'to raise'), so-lo- know' meant 'to think that, to seem' in
or so-wa 'to be punctured' (so 'to puncture'). compounds; wetzi 'to fall' took on the mean-
8.6.1.4. Verbalizing suffixes were attached ing 'to do rapidly'; ewa 'to rise' could
. . .

to nouns or particles to form either intransi- mean 'to try' as a second-position stem.
tive or transitive verbs. Xoun stems were incorporated within the
(a) -a, -ti, -tia, intransitive verbalizer: verb compound. Before transitive verbs the
tfjiyo-a 'to become famous' (te-nyo- 'fame'', incorporated noun stem functioned as an

196
CLASSICAL NAHUATL

object or as a verb modifier: xochi-pe 9 pena tzin 'yes' (reverential) (a 9 m<r 'yes', -tzin,

'to pick flowers' (xoxhi 'flower', pe 9 pena 'to reverential), achti 9 -tzin-ka 'in a little while'
pick, to select'), tle-watza 'to roast, to dry (reverential). The analysis of many derived
(e.g., meat) in the fire' (tie 'fire', watza 'to particles was obscure, particularly the groups
dry'). With intransitive verbs the noun of particles which were formally related and
stem acted either as subject or as verb modi- had similar meanings, such as achto, achtopa,
fier: kech-koto-nalo- 'to be beheaded' (kech akachto, akachtopa, akatto, yakattu, yakattopa,
'neck', koto-nalo- 'to be cut'), tle-watzalo- 'to all meaning 'first'.

be roasted' (tie 'fire', watzalo- 'to be dried').

Particles having a modifying function were
Syntax
also compounded with verbs: a?kopa-tlachia 10. Utterance types. In Classical Na-
'to look upward' (a?kopa 'upward, above', huatl an utterance could be formed with or
tlachia 'to look'), ne-m-pe-waltia 'to abuse without a verb.
without cause' (ne-m- from ne n m
'in vain, 10.1. Non-verbal utterance. A noun in
without cause', pe-waltia 'to abuse'). the vocative (§7. 1.5.2a) or a single particle,
9. Particles. The lexicon of Classical such as iyo 'alas' or ke-ma9 'no', constituted
Nahuatl was rich in particles, whose nuances a complete utterance. Morphemes or words
of meaning intrigued the early grammarians joined in a copular relationship also formed
(Olmos, 1547, pp. 98-106; Carochi, 1645, utterances without verbs. One of these con-
pp. 493-529). The expressive force of the structions was the combination of a subject
numerous particles was augmented by the pronoun prefixed to a noun: ni-tla'ka 'I am
stylistic device of using clusters of them in a man' (ni- 'I', tla-ka 'man'), ti-no-pil-tzin
syntactic combination (§10.2). 'you are my son' (reverential) (ti- 'you',
Among their derivational potentialities, singular, no- 'my', pil 'son', -tzin, reveren-
particles shared only a few of the deriva- Another type of copular utterance was
tial).

which formed nouns (§7.1.5.4)

tional suffixes the sequence of two or more nouns, with
and verbs (§8.6.1.4). They had no unique or without modifying particles: nakatl in
derivational morphemes of their own. Re- i-tlacual cuawtli 'meat is the food of the
duplication was applied to some particle eagle', literally 'meat the its-food eagle'.
stems: se-sen-yowal 'every night' (se-sen-, 10.2. Verbal utterance. A sentence was
from se-sem-, reduplicated form of sem-, an utterance containing a verb. The minimal
combining stem of se 'one', yowal 'night'). simple sentence was composed of an inde-
The particle we 9 kaw 'a long time' occurred pendent clause expressed by a single verb
in a reduplicated form in we-we 9 kawtika (§11.1). When two or more independent
'from time to time'. clauses were closely linked, they comprised a
Particles were profusely compounded. Two compound sentence. The complex sentence
particles with similar meanings were often was made up of one or more dependent
joined: ok 'yet', no 9 ma 9 'yet', okno 9 ma? clauses in addition to the independent clause
'yet'. Modifications of meaning were con- or clauses.
veyed by the compounding of particles: In the great majority of instances the
intla- -k-ay-avk 'if never until now' (intla- status of the clause was overtly marked by a
'if, -k, elided from -ka-, ligature, ay-, elided particle functioning as an introducer. Among
from aya 'not yet', ark 'never'). Some par- the many particles signalizing the inde-
ticles appeared either in compounds or in pendent clause were: aw 'and', axka-n 'now',
syntactic combinations of the same type, kil 'it is said that', ma-, affirmative with the
such as ka, a particle having reverential imperative form of the verb, ma-ka or
force, in ke-ma 9 -ka or ke-ma 9 ka 'no' (rever- ma-kamo', negative with the imperative,
ential) (ke-ma 9 'no'), ka a9 mo- or ka a 9 mo-- niman 'then', san 'only, but', ye 'certainly,

197
 LINGUISTICS

already'. Some of the subordinating parti- Parallel predicative constructions, particu-

cles which introduced dependent clauses larlythose composed of a redundant se-
were: inik 'in order that', intla- 'if, intla-ka or quence of verbs with similar meanings, were
intla-kamo- 'if not', i 9 cua-k 'whenever, at the a favorite stylistic device of Classical Na-
time that', vman 'when', ipampa 'because', huatl: wewenton i-pan mocuep i-pan mixew
manel 'though', okik 'while'. Each of these i-pan mokixti o'welkoliw o-welkaistak o-mo-
particles had a wide range meanings and
of cuastapon 'he changed himself into an old
usages, which were further extended by their man, he transformed himself into one, he
frequent occurrence in compounded forms took on the appearance of one, he became
(see §9) and in syntactic sequences, such as completely bent, he became completely
san achi 9 ton 'nearly', san cue-l 'in a very white-headed, he became completely gray-
short time', san ika in 'in a short time, pres- headed'. Parallel verbs were sometimes
ently', san i'pan 'moderately', san rnach linked with the conjunctive particle i-wan
'not only that', san sen 'together', sari wel 'and': intla- likmi-ti-s motech kisas i-wan
achi-k 'almost', san ye 'on the contrary', kiyamawili's in monakayo 'if you will drink
sa san 'anyhow', sa sankenin 'more or less'. it, it will enter and heal your flesh', literally

Although the clause was often formally 'if you-will-drink-it into-you it-will-enter and
labeled as dependent or independent by the it -will-heal the your-flesh'.
introducing particle, it could also appear In addition to parallel linkages, the predi-
with no formal indication of its status. cate was also expanded by subsidiary modi-
Juxtaposed clauses might be implicitly in- fying words and by complementing words or
,
dependent or dependent: nn^s<'ntlalik(' rnorit)- phrases. Innumerable particles and particle
notzke 9 in teteo' 'the gods assembled; they combinations functioned as adverbs of time,
deliberated', literally 'they-assemhled they- place,and manner: yivlwa 'yesterday', awi-k
deliberated the gods'; a wel onmomayow in "here and there', iw 'thus', iw in 'in this
thkn iie was unable to throw himself into the way", He <>n 'in thai way', wei iwi 'in an ex-
literally 'he-was-unable he threw lniu treme manner', san ye noiw 'in the same
self the into-fire'. way'. Another form of adverbial modifier
11. Coupon n i bn< b. The Was composed of a noun, usually a noun hav-
sole obligatory component of the sentence ing a qualitative reference, followed by the
the predicate. The substant ive, func- particle ik: rualli ik 'in a good manner, well'
tioning as a subject or an object, W&B an op- (cualli 'good, good thing'). Many kinds of
tional unit of sentence structure. A predicate complement ive expansions could be formed.
or a >ub>tantive occurred either in the sim- One commonly used type was the secondary
pleform of a single word or in the expanded verb which followed the nuclear verb:
form of several words. The words of an ex- oiiipt-w nitiacua T began to eat', literally

panded were linked either in a parallel

unit 'I-began beat'; /tikmati nitla 9 cuilo-s T know
construction or in a complex construction how to read', literally T-know-it I-will-

made up of a nuclear term with its modifyng read'. When the complement followed a
satellites. nuclear verb of thinking or believing, or
11.1. Predicate. The minimal sentence when it was a direct quotation after a verb
was the independent clause containing a one- of saving, it was introduced by the linking
verb predicate: ocliikawak 'it was -trong', particle ka 'that': sekintin momaike 9 ka
o-nikcuik T took it', in such sentences the miktlampa in kisaki-w 'some thought that it
subject and the object could be expressed (the sun) rises in the north', literally 'some
by inflectional prefixes (§8.3) or by in- they-thought that from-the-north the it-

corporated noun stems (§8.6.2). comes-to-rise'; kilwi in wewenton ka nika-n

198
CLASSICAL NAHUATL

katki in pa'Hli 'the old man said, "Here is the in cuikatl, literally 'the flower the song',
medicine" ', literally 'he-said the old-man meant 'the poem'.
that here it-is the medicine'. Expanded substantives were also com-
11.2. Substantive. Independent personal posed of a nuclear noun with its modifier
pronouns were employed as substantives or its complement. The head noun usually
with subject or object functions, but their followed its modifying term, which was a
occurrence was rare. They appeared pri- particle or another noun: wel a 9 mo- cualli
marily in copular expressions, with or with- 'it's not a very good thing', literally 'very not
out verbs: cuix a9 mo- te 9 'might it not be good-thing'; in cualtin tlaka? 'the good
you?' literally 'maybe? not you'; ka9 ne 9 wa-tl men', literally 'the good-ones men'. The
'it-is I'. Elsewhere they served to emphasize sequence of a nuclear term preceding the
the pronominal references expressed in the modifying noun, however, was the normal
verb complex: ka a9 mo- o-nimitzmikti9 ye 9 possessive construction. In this type of syn-
te 9 watl o-tinexhmikti 9 'I certainly did not tactic construction a possessed noun or post-
hit you; it was you who hit me', literally position was followed by a noun functioning
'certainly not I-hit-you it you you-hit-me'. as the possessor: i-tzacual tonatiw 'the pyra-
The interrogative and indefinite pronouns mid of the sun', literally 'its-pyramid sun';
also functioned as substantives: a-ki9 ke 9 i-nmasawa-n in te-teo- 9 'the gods' deer', liter-
o-walla?ke 9 'who came?' literally 'who- ally 'their-deer the gods', a metaphor mean-
(plural)? they-came'. ing 'the Spaniards' horses'; i-kampa in
In most instances the simple substantive tepetl 'in back of the mountain', literally
was a noun in the role of subject or object. 'its-rear the mountain'; i-pan kalli 'inside
Although word order was flexible, a subject the house', literally 'its-interior house'. The
substantive usually followed the predicate complementive type of expanded substan-
verb and preceded an object substantive: tive was composed of a nuclear noun fol-
kicuito in askatl in tlaolli 'the ant came to lowed by a relative clause, usually with the
take the maize kernel', literally 'it-came-to- intervening particle, in 'the, this': totechiwka--
take-it the ant the maize-kernel'. wa-n in o-nemiko9 in tla-ltikpak 'our ances-
Nouns in parallel construction, represent- tors who came to live on the earth', literal^
ing a type of expanded substantive, were 'our-ancestors this they-came-to-live the on-
either linked with vwan 'and' or were merely earth'. A relative clause could also function
juxtaposed: va-matzon vwan ra-maneapanal as the complement of a subject or object
'his-paper-mitre and his-paper-stole'. The expressed, not only also by a
by a noun, but
juxtaposition two nouns was a meta-
of pronominal prefix: kinmotlaso 9 tilia in tote--
phorical device, which produced new lexemes cuiyo dios in kimotlayekoltilia 'Our Lord God
by attaching extended meanings to certain loves those who serve him', literally 'he-
combinations: noma- noksi, literally 'my- loves- them- (reverential) the our-lord god
hand my-foot', meant 'my body'; in xo-chitl this they-serve-him- (reverential)'.

REFERENCES
Barrett, 1956 and Key, 1953
Bright, 1960 Law, 1958
Carochi, 1645 Molina, 1571a, 1571b
Col. de gramaticas, 1904 Nebrija, 1492
Croft, 1951, 1953a, 1953b, 1954 Olmos, 1547
Davila Garibi, 1938, 1948 Pittman, 1954
Galdo Guzman, 1642 Rinc6n, 1595
Garibay K. 1940a
(
Schoembs, 1949
Hasler, 1954-55a, b, c Trend, 1953
Hoijer and others, 1946 Vifiaza, 1892
Key, 1960 Whorf, 1946

199
7B. Classical Yucatec (Maya)

'F^F^t 'r=^r^r^^r=Jf=Jf=Jf=Jr=Jr=Jr=iir=Jr=Jr==Jr=Jt^Jr=Jf^Jr

NORMAN A. McQl'OWN

0. Introduction 2.3.2. Transitive verbs (roots an< 3tems)

1. Phonology 2.3.3. Voice
1.1. Phoneme inventory 2.3.4. Aspect
1.1.1. Consonants 2.3.5. Mood
1.1.2. Vowels 2.3.6. Verb complex
1.1.3. Prosody 2.3.6.1. Conjunct I
1.1.3.1. Tones 2.3.6.2. Conjunct II
1.1.3.2. Junctures 2.3.6.3. Auxiliary I
1.1.3.3. Intonations 2.3.6.4. Auxiliary II
1.1.3.3.1. Levels 2.3.6.5. Subject pronouns
1.1.3.3.2. Terminal contours 2.3.6.6. Reduplication
1.2. Orthography 2.3.6.7. Root 11

1.2.1. Consonants 2.3.6.8. Root I

1.2.2. Vowels 2.3.6.9. Stem formatives
1.2.3. Prosody 2.3.6.10. Statuses
1.2.3.1. Tones 2.3.6.11. Voices
1.2.3.2. Junctures 2.3.6.12. Aspects
1.2.3.3. Intonations 2.3.6.13. Moods
1.3. Phoneme variants (allophones) 2.3.6.14. Object pronouns
1.3.1. Consonants 2.3.6.15. Subject pronouns I

1.3.2. Vowels 2.3.6.16. Subject pronouns II

1.3.3. Prosody 2.3.0.17. Terminals
1.4. Phoneme distribution 2.4. Nouns
1.4.1. Initial consonants 2.4.1. Noun roots
1.4.2. Initial consonant clusters 2.4.2. Compound stems
1.4.3. .Medial consonant clusters 2.4.3. Complex stems
1.4.4. Final consonant clusters 2.4.3.1. Deverbative noun stems
1.4.5. Vowel clusters 2.4.3.2. Desubstantive noun stems
1.4.6. Tone sequences 2.4.4. Noun inflection
1.4.7. Morphophonemic alternation 2.4.4.1. Nominal possessive affixes
2. Morphology 2.4.4.2. Suffix -il

2.1. Morpheme shapes 2.4.4.3. Suffix -ak

2.1.1. Types 2.4.4.4. Attributives
2.1.2. Examples 2.5. Particles
2.2. Morpheme classes 2.5.1. Particle conjugation
2.3. Verbs 2.5.2. Particle compounding
2.3.1. Intransitive verbs (roots and stems) 2.5.3. Prepositional particles

201
 LINGUISTICS

2.5.4. Demonstrative particles relatives of the Yucatec Maya are the La-
2.5.5. Adverbial particles
candones, who still live in the jungles of the
2.5.5.1. "Partfculas del presente"
Mexican states of Chiapas and Tabasco. The
2.5.5.2. "Partfculas del preterite- imperfecto"
2.5.5.3. "Partfculas del pluscuamperfecto" Yucatec Maya numbered among them the
2.5.5.4. "Partfculas del futuro imperfecto" Itzaes who were long resistant to the Spanish
2.5.5.5. "Partfculas del futuro perfecto" conquest, whofrom Cbichen Itza in
fled
2.5.5.6. "Partfculas del imperativo futuro"
Yucatan Tayasal on the Lago de Flores in
to
2.5.5.7. "Partfculas del optative-"
the Peten, ami who there maintained their
2.5.5.8. "Partfculas del subjuntivo"
2.5.5.9. "Partfculas del futuro" independence for more than a century after
_ " 10. Particles of time and place the conquest.
2.5.5.11. Particle tak 'al punto' The speakers of Yucatec are surrounded
5.12. Particle u> 'en haciendo,' etc.
by speakers oi other languages of the Mayan
Conjunctional particles
2.5.6.1. Dubitative particles
family (McQuown, 1956): by the Chontal
_
"
B.2. Modal particles of Tabasco, the Choi, the Tzeltal and the
_
"
6 3. Causal particles Toholabal, the Kekchi, and the (Cholti-)
1. Instrumental particles Chorti. They came under the influence of
Particle- of quantity
Xahua-speakiug Toltecs and Aztecs in the
itive particles
millennium preceding the Spanish conquest,
7. Others
"Partfculas intensivas" and under the influence of Spanish-speaking
2 5 v "Partfculas disyuntivas" priests, soldiers, and landlords thereafter.
The Yucatec language is genetically related
0. [ntrodi i
tion. ( llaasical Yucatec Maya io and to other Mayan languages
rluastec,
the language spoken by the inhabitants Spoken in the Mexican state of Chiapas and
of the peninsula of Yucatan from the middle in the highlands of ruatemala. Although the
<

of the 15th to the middle of the 17th ecu time-depth within the Yucatec branch of the
tunos. Conquered in the middle of the 16th Mayan family is only about 1200 1500 years,
century by the emissaries of the Spanish the family as a whole began to diverge
crown, the speakers of this language were WOO 1500 Near- alio. The identity of the
provided with all alphabet based on the con nearest relatives of Yucatec within the
temporary Spanish usage of the Latin let family is uncertain.
ters. The literature which constitutes our The language of the Yucatecs constituted
corpus of Classical Yucatec was written the medium for the culture of the ancient
down by a few gifted native speakers trained Maya i.Morley Plained, L956) both Old
in members of the
the USe of the alphabet by and New Empires, both iii the Peten and in

Roman Catholic Cl< rgj The Same alphabet Yucatan. Its earlier Btages undoubtedly sur-
ami derivatives of the >ame written tradition vive in copious glyphic materials, for the
survive to the present day; Modern Ylicatec, pari in Btone inscriptions, but also in

differing minimally from the language of the three known tig bark-paper codices (the
classical period. BUrvi me fairly uni- Madrid, the Paris, and the Dresden) Bras- (

form language with but minor dialect \ BeurdeBourbourg, 1869 70, and Rada, 1892;
tiODS. I' is spoken at the present time by Roeny, L887; and Fdrstemann, 1880, 1802,
several hundred thousands of modern Maya respectively). The glyphic materials have
in tl of ( lampeche, Yucatan, ami i only in small part been deciphered
Quintans Roo in the peninsula of Yucatan (Thompson, 1002). Its later stages survive
in Mexico, in portions of neighboring British in numerous chronicles, set down in Latin
Honduras Belice and in the Department
. letters after the conquest, but recording in
of the Peten in Guatemala, ("lose linguistic fair part preconquesl events. Some aspects

_>0.»
CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

of the preconquest culture of the Maya may tween 1930 and 1940 by Manuel J.Amdrade,
be studied in lexica of the type of the Motul in pari in phonetic transcription and in part
dictionary. Present-day literature is living, phonographically recorded on aluminum
both viva voce and in print, and constitutes disks, and in 1949 by Norman A. McQuown.
an inexhaustible source of Yucatec linguistic The phonetically transcribed Chicago ma-
and cultural materials. terials are in partavailable (Lacandone) in
Information on the Yucatec Language of Xo. 10 of the University of Chicago 's Micro-
the classical period is available in the Arte film Collection of Manuscripts on Middle
de Lengua Maya by Fray Juan Cornel (Mar- American Cultural Anthropology, lor Mod-
tinez Hernandez, 1929) printed in Mexico ern Yucatec we have a grammar by Manuel
for the first time in 1620, and in the Dic- .1. Andrade (1940) as Xo. 41 (l<)f><i) of that
cionario de Motul written in the last quarter series. The grammar contains numerous fully

of the Kith century in all likelihoodby Fray analyzed short utterances, these being ex-
Antonio de Ciudad Real and printed for the tracted from modern texts not yet incor-
first time in Merida, Yucatan, in 1929. Other porated into the microfilm series. Other
grammars bearing on the language of the sources of text materials, both classical and
classical and later periods, as well as other modem, are listed in the References.
dictionaries, both published and unpub- This outline is to be viewed as a guide to
lished, are listed in the References at the the Motul dictionary, to the Coronel gram
end of this article. mar for Classical Yucatec, to Andrade's
Texts in Yucatec are to be found in the grammar forModern Yucatec, with the ca-
Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel (edited tegories rearranged in such a manner as to
in original Maya and English translation make the gaps in these treatments more
by Ralph L. Roys; (1933) and in numerous apparent, and to make the rich content of
other chilam balames available in manuscript all three sources more readily available to the
collections and in photocopies of such manu- serious student. A grammar in conformity
scripts. Modern Yucatec texts and vocabu- with the norms of modern descriptive lin-
laries are available in the University of guistics has yet to be written.
Chicago collection. These were gathered be- References to the Motul dictionary (M)

1. Phonology
1.1. Phoneme Inventory
1.1.1. Consonants
V t
4 c k
V i 4 c

b (d) (9)
s s X
m n n (v)
w y
I

(r)

1.1.2.

// uu
ee oo
aa
1.1.3. Prosody

203
 » —

LINGUISTICS

1.1.3.1. Tout's
d d
1.1.3.2. Junctures
A — * #
1.1.3.3. Intonations
1.1.3.3.1. Levels
>' )
• l

1.1.3.3.2. Termina 1 Com ours

— » * •—*

1.2. Orthography
1.2.1. Consonants
P t (: ch c ( ),\ {V)v,;j,
PP th ch k
b (9)
: x h, h

in n (n) (n)
r, u y, i

1.2.2. Vowels
i u II, IJ II u
• <> 00
a 11(1

Prosody
1.2.3.1. Tones
a d
1.2.3.2. Junctun
space) edial Bpa
(initial Bpa< (final Bp
(after punctuation |

1.2.3.3. Intonations
— , . £? ; ! (marks of punctuation i

L.3. Phoneme Variants (Allophom

1.3.1. Consonants

are to folios, except where pages are Bpec junctures and before close ( a ) juncture. Be-
ified. The latter are to the pages of the fore the open junctures (— ^ #) b occurs
Coronel grammar. Eleferences to Andrade's in its pre-glottalized voiced nasal followed
grammai \ to paragraphs. by voiceless nasal alloplione. d and g occur
The voiceless Btops and affricates (excepl
'

only in words of Spanish origin and in those

arc slightly aspirated prevocalically and be- only in their Btop .dlophones. The sibilant .s

fore open junctures (— ^ f). The Becond is <lcntal and apical, the shihilant s is palatal,
ic glottalized in all posi- the x is a velar fricative, and the h a voiceless
tions, are lenis medially between vowels, sound identical in timbre
frictionless vocalic
fortis elsewhere. TTie voiced pre-glottalized with the voiced vowel which follows it. The
stop allophone of b occur- after the four m is bilabial, the n is dental (except, in

204
 .

CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

Classical Yucatec? before velars, where it is of English LATER. The double vowels rep
velar [//]). The ij occurs in Modem Yucatec resent elongations of the simple vowels if

in pre-junctliral position in contrast with // they are alike in tone, reart iculat ions if

in this position. The W and y are high-back they differ.

and high-front semivowels respectively, 1.3.3. Prosody. Except for the tones (low

tending to devoice before ?^, but voiced unmarked, high with the acute accent '

elsewhere. The lateral / is palatal. The tap /•

occasionally marked in the Classical Yucatec
is dental. texts) (both well established in Modern Yu-

1.3.2. Vowels. The simple vowels have catec), the other prosodic features are for
the values of the syllables of English BEAT, Classical Yucatec conjectural and for Mod
BET, hot (fly), moat, hoot (or Spanish TIRO, ern Yucatec as yet not definitively estab-
PERO, PARO, TOKO, PURO), except that the lished. The distinctions here indicated (four
vowel a tends occasionally to rise to the junctures, three pitch levels, and three ter-
position of the vowel in English hit, and minal contours) are not unlikely.
the vowel e before the semivowel y to the 1.4. Phoneme distribution. 1

position of the syllabic of the first syllable 1.4.1. Initial CONSONANTS.

i e a u a ee aa 00 uu
p
p
I

k
k
i

9
s

X
h
m
n
w
y
I

The blanks in the grids which follow may bo

1
course, be systemic gaps in distribution, but these
(in part) filled in as the particular combinations will not appear until the grids have been reason-
are encountered in lexical materials. There will, of ably well filled out

20*
 LINGUISTICS

1.4.2. Initial consonant clusters. Ini- Some clusters (the geminates) are ex-
tial consonant clusters in Classical Yucatec tremely common, others less so. Parallel to

arc extremely rare. Noted are initial gemi- the vocalic clusters with smooth transition,
nates cc in cSaki 'habil' and ccanuuk 'con- hiatus, or rearticulation are sequences of
jeturar' (Motul 151r) and initial k? in k? otoc V9 V. Whether the latter are ever in free
'nuestra casa' (Motul 58r) alternating with variation with the former, either in Classical
ka?otoc "id." In Modern Yucatec initial clus- or in Modern Yucatec, is uncertain.
ters of h or £ (from Classical Yucatec 9 ax L.4.6. Tone sequences.
or °is) and stem-initial consonant occur. CV
1.4.3. Medial Consonant Clusters. CV

V P t i t i c k k t b 8 S i' h m n w y I

V
p
t

c
i
c

k
k
t

X
A
m
n

J
w

t.4.4. Pinal consonant clusters. Final Cvv

consonanl elm Noted <VV
! in maki (Motul 281) '^quien?' and I 11
ns in kimi Motul 90) "put'-.'.
I
civ
1 . 1.5. V"W EL ' i.i -1 !
eve
<
{(•
i e a o u 'i 'a to 'u (Vic
1
cvvc
e cvvc <uiis
a cvvc
c\(V
u CVCV
206
 c

CLASSICAL S I < LTBC ( MAY \

CVCV kirn) cvccvv

cvcv cvccvv
CVVCV cvccvv
cvvcv cvccvv
CVVCV cvccvv
cvvcv pii ro cvccvc
cvvcv cvccvc k&kdl
cvvcv CVCCVC sdstAl
cvvcv cvccvc
cvvcv cvvccvc
cvcvv CVVCCV
cvcvv CVVCCYC
cvcvv cvvccvc
cvcvv cvvccvc
CVCVV cvvccvc
CV( VV
1

CVVCCVC
cvcvc CVCCVVC
CVCVC CVCCVVC
cvcvc 'nCvn (Motul 209r CVCCVVC kdnhddl
cvcvc kim&n CVCCVVC
cvvcvc CVCCVVC
cvvcvc CVCCVVC
cvvcvc cfcctct
CVVCVC maal.r' cvccvcv
CVVCVC nddkdl (Motul 316) cvccvcv
CVVCVC CVCCVCV kdmpdnd
CVVCVC cvccvcv
CVVCVC kdkal{ (Motul 150r) etc.
CVCVVC Those sequences which appear in Classical
CVCVVC Yucatec grammars, texts, and dictionaries
CVCVVC (and even a thorough search will reveal
CVCVVC only a small functionally loaded sample)
CVCVVC lubdan willneed to be completed by a thoroughgoing
CVCVVC investigation of living Modern Yucatec in
cvccv order to make a beginning toward filling-
cvccv out the above chart. Portions of the chart
CVCCV hdntd will remain blank even after such investiga-
CVCCV libro tion, since there will be systemic gaps in
CVVCCV distribution. The examples listed are illus-
CVVCCV trative only. Among minimally different
CVVCCV pairs might be listed xdwdn 'cosa que esta
CVVCCV boca arriba' and xdwdn 'suegra (madre del
CVVCCV yerno 6 de la nuera)'.
CVVCCV 1.4.7. MOKPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATION.
CVVCCV Morphophonemic alternation is of relatively
CVVCCV minor importance. It is treated for the most
cvccvv part under the heading of particular mor-
cvccvv pheme combinations in the morphology. Al-

207
 : | 1

LINGUISTICS

ternation of vowels (which may reflect dia- The 'V shapes are common, the CVV shapes
(

lect variation) is to be found in some forms: much less so. Examples, by way of illustra-
i
-* a siyab ~ 6'a//a6 (Motul L03) tion are (numbers refer to folios in the Motul
xacim — x< cv'm (Motul 171) dictionary):
a "^ o niacin -* moxon (Motul 285)
o "-• e koyem ^ A (Motul 250r) t < a u a ee aa 00 uu
u >- o kudom -> kocom (Motul 87) p 162r 162r
2. Morphology. V 226r
2.1. Morpheme shapes. t 395 t.'ti

2.1.1. Types. i

A. derivational (and inflectional) t 129 113

prefixes t >/l22

B. Ci(Vi) reduplication (with vowel c I38r I46r

syncope c n [50

C. Ci7, reduplication 70r 74r - 70,

I), cv N. V. P; \ N. \ Y. v/P; k 230i 249 251i

•

inflectional prefixes 221 li.n, 1 340 436

E. CVC N. V. P; \ N. \ Y. \ P; 6 "•I 38 V5Tr I'.n

inflectional prefixes lOlr 91r

V. C derivational Buffixes
G. H' derivational (and inflect:. 180 170 188 193
-

Buffixes
C II. derivational Buffixes J 77.

2.1 ._. Ex wn'i.i - n U4i

2.I.2.A. Derivational \\i» inflection \i.

prefixes. The prefixes of the C -type are few J 17' 210

in number. We li>t
_•-.! 231

Modern Yucatec from ( !lassica]

Vucatec '; :
'hembra' 2.I.2.E. Words
roots (N V P) (N V P),

lerivational l Motul 2 INFLECTIONAL Of 1200 possible PREFIXES.

h Modern Vucatec from
i. Classical monosyllabic morphemes of the shape CVC,

YUC&tft I'l'm* 1279 actually OCCUr in the citation entries in

vational I I Motul 3r) the Motul dictionary. Of these L279, L038

10 (Claasical Vucatec) 'mi' (inflec contain simple vowels, although 2100 CVC
tional) (Motul 12 Bhapes are possible, and only 241 contain
d Vucatec) W (inflec- vowel clusters, although -Moo CVVC shapes
are Likewise possible. The L279 occurring
tioi

2.I.2.B. RED! PLICATION (with vowel >vn Bhapes follow:1

cope The C\{ IV type is also rare. Already
.

cited are \ki) I

Motul L51r Motul
<• numbers refer to folios of tin 1
dic-
2.1.2.C Reduplication. The CxVi-type t ionar) . Thej arc frame which
sel in posil ions in a

is quite common. We mighl cite papaal correspond to the positions occupied by the con
.-.in ant the chart in § 1.1.1. The letter
phonemes in
'andar muchachos, muchacheando'
entre number here indicates the
r following B folio
(Motul 367) based on poul 'muchacho o reverse side of the folio, which in ordinary biblio
muchacha de poca edad' 'Motul 3< graphical practice is .shown by V, verso. Folio
for example, represents the syllable pip,
2.I.2.D. Words (N V P NVP),
A77r the syllable pii, and bo on. The blanks may
inflectional prefixes. The V in the CV- be filled in from sources other than
the Motul in
type may be simple (V) or complex VV so far as the morphemes occur.

208
 r

pi pii

376r 376r : 375r 374r :

;
•
375r •
376 : 370 :
i

374r : :

:
375 • 377r

371 ir i 370c

„ i i
[ i

; 1

pe pee

374 373 369r •

369r 373r :

372 373 j
373 J
j 372 j j
:

:
371 r ! !

357r

373r
rz I i ;
374r i
i
\
j

pa pa a

367 307 357r j 358 354r 353 r j

• : 351

357r j 359 363r

i
j
357 309 359 \ 359 :

366r

300 360 j

366

po poo
'

381 ! 381 379r 378r i 381 j

379 | 379r 380 :

379 i 382r : 382 •

i

380r 380r

IZIZII i i
:

[
380 r
!... [ L !

pu pun
386 ;
383 ;
383r •
380 j 383 r | 382
i
u * "mf
383 383r 384

! ' 1
382 r : ! : 384 :

'
J J

••-•[••—]
!:::: 1 i

:
384 r
:

209
 —

pi pu
: 390 r : 389r
> <
:

389r ;
391 390 !

•"

j
)
i

L
:

."<<

- :

^v :;ss :

1 -i h
:

cznznij t=t:::::::::t

—
:

187

--<
•»

•t r-

i
l tZE

:
:
392i :

•» <---•-

t I

:
: :

394
j

210
 '

ti Hi

I23r : 121 121 I2()r : U8r

I23r i : 121 I21r ! ;

120 J

424 i 122 i : i

I22r i 423r ;
>

i i
1 [ i

;
422 1 ! ! i 1

tc tee

417 : 417r : 11 or •

417r :
i
;

; :
U5r i

lie. 416r

416
I r"T""" 410
I | ; i

tn tan

ill i ill 402r 397r 395 402r :

4- 1
i

: \" I
402 401 102 :

395r 395r

!
401r nir 102r S

408r • 410 410

l
i
414r
i
t 1
400

to too

426r • 127 425 124 r ! 424r 420r •

424r:
426r i
;
125i 426r :

i 42 Ir :

427 425 :

426 : 426
: ;
425r
1 I i

i j

/// /»//

I29r : 430r i 12V 127r 427r 2

428
430r : 428r 428r 428r j

427 | 127r

428 131 428 •

424 429r

428r
::::
42!) :

;
1
AJso 3 95r.
2
Also 1 18r. in
 t'i hi

432r :

433 !
;

432r : : |

:
432r
I
432r

:
433
:

i
r * i

tee

432r :

f
•-* < •—

I
I32r
i j ! ;
t=t
la

131

i.;.'r 1 j

131
*
\

\:.\v

1
III:
» » i »
':

I
i : :

•t t r
:

:
t <
•
( lit ;

t >

t:;i 1

! i.;i
tzt

1 1 1-

•
"
5

• :
IZXIJ
2\2
 #i Hi
! 119 : 118

;
:

U8r !

I ::::::::t
~T
:

r
:
1 lSi : :

[ !

H fee

118 : 117 U6r 117

V---
; 1
:
11T \

: ;

U7r 118 i

^z: i
117r |~ •

117 i j

fa /ao

116 114 113r ;

114
j
115r !

113r
-i-
:
!
;

: 116 116 :
•

U6r
115r
114r

116
~T~ 1... i

io ^00
:
120 '
30r

: : :

; :

11 Or : ;

119
""tr :

119r ; ;
lid

III!
fa if

121r : 120r :

i
• i i :

-j
120'
[

: i
j

121r
::::::.]
121r
•
121r
r i -j

i
1
Also 1 20r.

213
 h fit

131 131 130 131 : 130 •

..........
|
|
;

129r

131

130r
i :::.: t=t
h tee

129 : I28r
•> •{-

I28r j
> <

L28r :

I28r
r\ i
•

tt
b,

I27r j

• ; ! •

L23

I26i

_'.".
1

I25r

'

: I

: j

i : !

: : i.;ir

132 L32

i .j
132
t :

!
tu
/

•
: 183 : :

••» + r
i
133 : 133 I

; ;

L32i | i 132] :

1 ;-:

-i

: 133
i

t=t
21 1
 1

<i

112 1 1 1 1 l()r I I2r : 1 Hi-

|
144 :

1 11 K)r

; j | 1 I3r |

in ! nir
•+ <

;
1 II
1

• SS!
1 i

re

I38r 138r : 13Sr

: • : I39r L38r :

;
:
13!) : : 13!) :

11(1 138r
-\

i=t:
139r 13!)r

CO

• 135 •
133r 133r 133r
i—
136

I33r

: 1351- j
i 135r
137 i
137 137 : 13;

138 136
i :
136r 136r

a>

1 If) 1 15

! i lie.

145

i I45r j

1 Kir j
146r

146
:::.:::::
j

;
t=t:

cu

149r : 147r 146r 1 Kir 147

* <•—
1 ISr :

; ; ;
:

lis 1
•
: 1 18

11!) ; 149

MS]
•» <
148r ;

1
Als<, 1 ISr.

215
 1

1.
CI

: 228 : 156 i 150

: 156 •
:
i

i .......
I55r
; ;
: lotir '. '• i

: 156r ! ;

t
L.. \
;
I56r
:
i

156r
:
[ ::t
• >

i I55r : :

-i
|
i
154 j

153r :

; ;
! 154 j

I54r : 1 55 i 154 r

i ! :iz"i ;
]

;
I54r !

*
i mi

153 j :

153 :
I51r 1 152 j
i

150
'
.
i l.Mi •

I52i I52r| I52r

T
:

151 i

zt'.:.::
: : 152 :

: *

I57i ! 158 157 |

157 ! 1 57 i

158 I57i

M
i :

I57r •
I57i

I57i ; j
i
!

:
160 i • •
I58i
\ \
I58i i ;

I58r
•

160t • l

159

160
| _l
; ; ;
i

2r.

216
 r ,

I:i kit
"™™"~— i

71 : : 7h I
72 : 70r' 70r • 71r

i i 74r i i !

70r
:
71 1-
I
7 If j 72r
:
73 • 73r i

i I i I
r
;
72 r 72r :

i L I

/'<
ke

70 ; 70 70 j 69 68r
!

68r

2 * j 69 i 69

69r 69r !

:
I i
[ [:::::::.
li!) (i!)
|

ka kaa
66r j 67r ! 60r i
60 59 68 60
:

07 :
i 60r

09
J I
: 68r i 61 :

in.- 65 • 65
liS 62 62
':

03 69r
1

ko koo

82 • 82r 83 : 77r i 75 '.

75 i 82r 83 !
:

82r 83r :

75 75 :

; ;
77r •
83r •
78 77r : 78

SI SI 81
:
79 ; ':

:::: 1

1
80 ; ;
80r i

A-// kun
90r 1
90r 90r •
85r \
83 i 90r • 85r 83r
1 •••• •

; j

•••i
•

85 •
89r | :

'
89r

A Is,, 7
•

[.
90

SS
:.:.:: 88
: :
90

= i
j

217
 1 1 t

& kii

- s ; 248r : 248r i 246 ;

2 in |

>
\
246 ;

;
245r : :
i 249
: 246r :

'
f

,
246r
E
244r 243r i 249r
s

243
:

243r 245 21 1

2 1 1 r

245 244
"

r~r !

2 Hi

ka i

-' 1! 1 : 232 232

:

231 • : :

241 211 2.;:; 233 1

i
j i

: —
.

240i 2: ; 1 :

; ;

; 25 i i 283 • :

• i :

251 25

» •
•

255 252
:
•

254i

* i
i

Jls
 1 1

' '
1 1

226r : 227 •
222 :
223 221 v i 221r

226r ; 222 i 22 Ir 22 Ir ;

221r
:
222 :
227 j 224r j : | i

22( ir i •
;

i [ i

;
225 1 1 i !
L ;

.'< /( i

I65r L65r i
L62r In] 101
;
L61r j |
L62r 1 i
I62r

161

:
Hilr i 170 I62r j

nil : hilr
.. ... <
1
[::::t:::: 1 t
j
I63r : •
j

fa .'an

37 37r 3r Ir : :
i

37 : 3r 33 j

1
l

t
I

3 i 38 3r •

36r 36r :

33
:
33 i i

34 r 1

to too

351 r •
352 344 r • 315 340 352 • ; 345r \

351r 352r 345 :

317
: '
S S

|
3 1 1 353 345r :

350r 360r 350r

352 r 346 j
:

::::: ::::::: 1 i

:
349 j
349r
!

|
1 [ i !

.''/ .'// //

452 113 :
111

1-
151 1 1 1 445 Illlr 111 i

A
143

113 i
452 1

: : :

,47 Il7r :

::::; |

15:)r • :
:

1
Also li

219
 53 5] 5]

:
•> t—
53 53 52 52
i

:>i

51r 53 52

.VJ i
j

52
i

: :
j

:
t=x
bet

I9r :

: ci, •
50

I'll (Mr

t=L' t=t:

III isi :
: ii ir : 39r •

I I
'
19 : 13
»

H
+

m
in.

I ! 50r j ;
: >'ii :

i=i .">
I r

•» <•

H 1 h

•I <

220
 81
-i r
loir •
i
L02 lOlr
;
l()lr I05i I05r L03 ; i(i..i

lllli lllll •
:
| !

102 I02r •
L02

101 101 i ; ;

•
103 :

1
1

: :
103r ]

LOlr lOOr

lOOr
-»-

101 • loi :

: loll

tm t=t

98r 99r : 91r : oh : 99r

-• <

99 100 : • 96r
i •

91 r

: 95 in :

97r

loo 95r

96r 96r

107 I 107r : io7r : i

107 :

•t ^•
in: L07r :

101)
t i

ion ; LOG I i
lOOr •

>

107 L07 : 107

LOG lOlir 107r L06r

in:

112 112 ; i L08r : 108 i 113 ! L08r :

112 : 110 : : ill no

-;

ins
t H »-

lOOr • • HOr I
lOOr : ; HOr •

-+-
liir : 11 li-

HOr
111 in

221
 .

V •

"
| I58r • 460 :
4 lS i

;
i (tin ! : I58r 159 • itui
•*••"•«
458
; j
: 460 i 459 ; ;

159 : I59i : ; ;

160 :

1 1 t~I
: I.")
1
'

* cz±
5f
se<

456r •
I56r 156 15i.
>••-
;

: i." :
i
I56r \ :

:
t.")

I56i
i
tz |
lit~i ....

sa baa

I53r
• ^ •*

I55i • •

• 230 i

I."..-, :

t"_1
':

t .V) i

:
'-' :

J63 i

; !
:
|60i

i i
I

:
i
:
! r L 1... J

: :

: : 164 :

1 : 1

! ! | j

164
':::::: L_4 L
 ./"/ .;'//

I86r i I85r |
185 : 184 i :

187 185 • L85r : L85 :

:
L84r : :

; ;
•
187 ,

|
L86

•
!

I'll;
•

: .86r I ! ! ]
:

<

Xi .,;i

: I83r 180 L80r • L80

L83r 180. 181 lsi 1

•4
: L83r i
j
i
| {
ISO

;
184 181 :

L83 : L83r

L83 ]
; j

j
181 r
i ;
! :
;
.. . >. .... ....•

.in .ran

! 17S i
171 171 r •
170
J •
-r i •! i
178 178 j 171 J
171r j 170 j

170 170 :

i 170 i 172 •
: I70r :
j

17fir I76r :

:
178

.76 1
173
i r'::;;j

.ro xoo

193 1 I88r ! I88r : : 188r •

j L89r j 190 ; I88r \

188 i : :
:

; ;
188r i 193 : 189r 188r i : •

i
192 193
! !
188 ls'.n :

1 I

; I90r ; • • !
101 :

III sun
202 •
202 193r j L93r :
: ;

••*!

i
202r : 193r : L93r : 194 ; j

• ! : j

i
202r ;
!

L95 • 195 i :

I93r \
:
1
1 i •<

101 |
\
I i-
1
Also 1 33r.

223
 . 1

hi

207 :

...{

207 : 207 i

i r
21 17

t=t
'

206r 205i _'i 15

•| i <
21 N i 206 i 21 N i
:
: 206

205i 205i

206 j

i
ZZ 1 ""! t=t

2 : Ji 15 :

: 203 :

202i 203

203
i
j

_iiv : :

•I ^•
2 3 : 207i :

t=t

t v
: : : 209r :

i i
1-

_'i i
: K

t±=t t=t • <

 mi uiti

i
306 :

: • 306 ;

;
300 :
;

306 i
; :

I I b::::t_j.....„.
:
i [ r
tn< mee
: 305r : 303 303 ;

: 305r 303 j
303 r : ;

:
303 r j
300 !

304r 305 ;

r i

ma liuiii

209 285 • 28 5r 281 \

285r | 281r

302 285r j 285r 289 285r i : 289

278r 287 r
! !
285 302r 280 :
i 302 i

292 293 ;

I
287 1 1 1
|

291 294r
1.

mo mou
308r 307 300 300 i ! :
i
3(m,i i

308r 307

306

306r i

308 ;

[
307r
307r

;
308
i
T^ _I i !

mu mu u
313r 1
310r 309 i
308r :
:

309
.........
310r 311 j
312

31 Or 314 311

313 313r

31 2r
31,
i
313r

1
ill!
225
 ni
I I

327r 326r
i- > <•
328r 28 328 • 32s 328r
1-
-j
326r

1 328r

328r

328r
i
rz :

325r 325 225

-v <•

326r 32.3 r j 32.") r j

32.". r :

326

« <

326

:.:.:.']
|
:

nzt:::i:

- •
! 317 315r : 324r :

I
[17 j I18i 321i

315

! 318i :

323

1 >

: 12 !

H 1-

i 331

-
2 334i | 332r
).
5 334r :

:
"
t=t -» -t

•
\

226
 wi

• *: it'.ir •
j
1 is

J
: I49r •

lis

148 ll'.lr :
i
li'.u i lis 1

: 1 !\r

i 1

:
,.* ISl

: I Hi : ll.Jr

: ii: lllir

4(i •
i 146 :

1
I 1-

JNir

IH.

IKii

442 • 438r •
I38r : 437r •

: 438r : 43Xr • 440r

i i 1

i:'w
+
138 i 442r : 43Nr I

I i >

: 142

43<> 439 1

44()r

45]

> >

i 451 •

451
t=t. t=r

443

444

H 1-

t=t
Also 439r

227
219r :

> I—
219

218r

219 : 219 i : 219 :

: <

::t=t:x: tzxztiii
i:

: 218i :

•J- <•
: -Mm : •J lv

217r

» t

nrr
216i 211 • 210

: 217 : 212 !

•j ii

21 1 :

>] tr

'

219i

2,s")

t=i t=t

-t 1 I

221

•» <

-
\
 h In
:
207 1-
•
207 r i
267
:

|
2i is
:

-•*

! • :

; j

269r
I
lZT i

;
[ L
It let

265r 200 r 265 20 lr 264 200 r i

266 200 r
i ! 1
- i

264

264r i

265 205 r •
;

!zz ;

:::::::j i
; j

j
265 • ;

la 1(1(1

262 257 202 258r i

257
| *•
262r 2(13 261 j

256r

258 r j
25! lr •

;
:

261r

261r
200

;
201
lit |
i i

lo loo

273 273 271 271 271 272 273 27 lr

273 273r 27 lr i
Wr :

270

238r 271 27 lr 271 i

272. •

273 r

:
i i
::::::::
272 i ! i 1

In IllH

277 27.-) 275 275 i

;

277 275r j i
;

274 : j

276r
[::::
:
277

III! :

:
: i

229
 : : '

LINGUISTICS

2. 1.2.1". Derivational SUFFIXES. The ('- verb mark its subject or object. Those of
type of derivational suffix is not common. the noun mark its possessor.
The following have been noted: p (Andrade Verbs. Verbs are divided into two
2.3.
,*(A3.26 A .;. 27 ./..
.
U(A3.37),
,

major classes, intransitive ami transitive. In-

- A A 3.24),
3.25 A 3.34).
. i
I transitive verbs take pronominal subject
Derivational 'and inflec-
2.I.2.G. endings:
tional) suffixes. The rC-type is common. Sg. L) en PI. 1) oon
Examples follow: 2 ) i
('
2 ) -

3) oob
Transitive verbs take pronominal subject
i e a u it ee an ou UU
117r 64 64r 113
affixes (prefixes for person and number) (suf-
V
fixes for number)
P
105 68r 98r lllr ^_ Hn before
t
L) (', w before I' (.Modern
i
Yucatec ''ii/wi
t 2 'a 'aw
i 'u i/
| Modern Yucatec ' uy)
c
PI. I) k{a
2 'a 'aw eei
71 k
!/ oob
105 k
111 t Transitive verbs take pronominal object Buf-
-
146 b
fixes identical in form with (he subject suf-

241 s fixesof intransitive verbs [...en,... <<\. . . r\),

244r •
. . . "<>tt. . . . eel, ... oob), but preceding the

261 X
subject Buffixes within the verb complex
160 llOi Ulr m Ebcampli
71r 73 107 n ndak-en 'i went up'
222 w 'in liimhi sa.r O "i taught him'
HOr ' n-xoc vn oob i
'
'they hit \n.'

-
LOO I
''/ ci util. turn ,
1 1 'you (pi. ) have to
1
feed I
B
2.1.2.11. Derivational buftlxes. Word Intransitive verbs in conjunct constructions
ior utterance- final C type derivational Buf-
1 require the transitive Bel of affixes, and
fixes are very rare. Only -y (from n'< has transitive verbs in conjunct constructions,
been noted (Motul 21 since they already have the transitive set of
2.2. Morpheme classes. There are three affixes, add the BUffix -//.'-

major morpheme verbs, nouns, and (intr.) (on tunoxodtaloooet 'they are
Verbs are distinguished from nouns
particles. :

ting large'
by the fa«t that there is il Bet of (tr.) ('""/ Hmoeetik 'I hail done it
verbal derivational Buffixes followed by Bpec l. Intransitive verbs (roots and
cial verbal inflectional Buffixes. The deriva- STEMS). Some verb roots are inherently iv-
tional suffixes mark the status, the inflec- TR INSITTVI : XOTl 'eat ' in general )', Hex laugh',
tional Buffixes mark the voire, aspect, and sit 'jump', kim "die' (Motul 177, 1 :'>'.), I05r,
mood. Nouns take neither of thee and 7:; respectively). Some intransitive verb
suffixes. Particles tak< iffixes or pre- Btems arc desubstantive:
fixes For person and number, whereas both winik 'hombre' iwinikxal 'hacerse hom-
verbs and nouns take both. Those of the bre'
 ' : : ' )

CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

nifan ' cerca' '.nefanxal 'acercarse' 2.3.3. VOICE. Transitive verbs (whose use
nod 'lejos' inadxal 'alejarse' in the active voice and indicative mood is

scb 'presto' '.sebxal 'hacerse presto' indicated by the suffix -ax-) may shift from
These make use of the intransitivizing suffix active to passive voice by replacing -ax-
-xal. Others are deverbative (?): lemba(n) with the suffix <iub (Andrade 3.9).

'shine', kdlba(n) 'thunder', ?alba(n) 'soften Hnkaxoltax Hnsuyem 'conoci mi capa'

up (in the heat)', kulukba 'be seated', kaxolt-aab-i 'it was recognized'

lelemankil 'lighten' (Motul

35 265r, 72r, Transitive verbs (whose use in the active
(Solis 520], 265 respectively) (based on verb voice and indicative mood is indicated by
[?| roots lent, kil, ?al, kul(uk), and Ion). the suffix -ax-), when used in conjunct con-
These make use of the suffixes -ba-n-, -(///,) structions, replace the -ax- by -ik (with no
6a-,and -an-k-il, the latter in combination shift of function).

with reduplication (lc) in this example. All of ?u£uukaxen Juan 'cogiome Juan'
these are complex and the verbal nature of l;oosduukik 'vainos a cogerle'
the roots (lem, kil,
}
al) or of the stems 2.3.4. ASPECT. Both intransitive and tran-

(kul-uk: possibly nominal? from the verb sitive verbs manifest two aspects, COMPLE-

root kul 'sit') is in doubt. Examples: TIVE (-AM and incompletive (17 and -al)
kat xan-aken 'despues corner^' (for the intransitives)

winik-x-i tumexen dyos 'se hizo hombre (intr.) xan Q sun <il 'cat
el hijo de Dios' (intr.) ieex-Q ceex el 'laugh'
lemoa-n-i ?ukukutil kaxloxil 'resplan- (intr.) winik-x-Q unnik-x-al 'become a man'
(intr.) kulukb<i-ty kulukb-al 'lie seated'
decio el cuerpo de nuestro redentor' (intr.) pu#-6) puf ul 'flee'
2.3.2. Transitive verbs (roots and
stems). Some verb roots are inherently tran- and completive (-Q) and incompletive (-—
sitive: kuc 'carry', 6uk 'seize', pul 'throw'
(for the transitives) (Type I):

(Motul 85r, 146r, and .^84r respectively). (tr.) kucax-t} kuc-— 'cany'
Some transitive verb stems are desubstan- (tr.) cukax-Q cuk— 'seize'
(tr.) pulax-Q pul-— 'throw'
tive:
buk 'ropa de vestir' :bukin(t) 'vestirse and completive (-6)) and incompletive (-Q)
ropa' (for the transitives) (Type II)
maldisyon '(a) curse': ma Idisyont 'curse
(tr.) kanibesax-($ kambesax-ts} 'teach'
(someone)
(tr.) bukin{t)ax-Q bukin(t)ax-Q 'dress'
nombrar 'appoint (ment)' no?nbrart : 'ap-
point (someone)' and completive (-$) and incompletive
These make use of the suffixes -in- (Classical) (
) (for the transitives) (Type III):
with (Modern), or of -/- alone (this lat-
-I-
(tr.) kandntax-fi) kandn- 'protect'
ter for incorporating Spanish verbs in the
infinitive and for making Yucatec verbs from The passives follow the intransitive pat-
Spanish nouns). Others are deverbative: tern for the incompletive 1
(in Modern Yu-
xan 'eat (in general)':. van-t- 'eat (some- catec the ending appears as -aal \-a'al\ rather
thing)' than -ab-al which appears in Classical Yu-
l
pw# r\ee'\ pu<f,-es- 'cause to flee'
,
catec).
These make use of the suffixes -/-, and -es- Transitives occasionally have a PERFEC-
which here transitivize intransitive verb TIVE -ma (A3.21) (Motul 278):
in

roots. Examples: 'inhub-maT have delivered it'

biikin ?anofi 'ivistete tu ropa!' Since this suffix is not obligatory, and since
'u-pufes-axen 'he chased me away' it does not always occur in the position in

231
 1

LINGUISTICS

which the completive and incompletive 2) CONJUNCT II

occur, it may be derivative rather than aspec- 3) AUXILIARY I
tual in nature. 1 AUXILIARY II
2. Mood. Intransitive verbs in
:•>."). the im- 5) SUBJECT PRONOUNS
perative mood add the suffix -en to the 6) REDUPLICATION
root or stem: 7^ ROOT II
xan-t u. ' vat !'
8) ROOT I
cuyl-in! 'hang!' 9) STEM FORMATIVES
The personal pronominal suttix for the sec- 10) STATUSES
ond singular is -(). The second plural adds 11) VOICES
after the modal suffix: L2) ASPECTS
hul-< it >t s.' "sit down (all of you)
!'
13) MOODS
Transitive verbs in the IMPERATIVE mood l l OBJECT PRONOUNS
add the Buffix -0 to the root or stem (occa- L5) SUBJECT PRONOUNS I

sionally followed by the terminal -f> when If. SUBJECT PRONOUNS 11

it ends in a single ( '. or -< when the stem ends 17) TERMINALS
in twi 2.3.6.1. Conjunct 1. Among the par-
o7, O! 'obey!' riCLES which appear in this position are the
kanani-i .'
'proted
'.'
following:
Intransitive (and passive) verbs form their /,• A 2.13 (plus 4k- in position 11)

OPTATIVE mood by adding the sullix -Vk '(habitual action)'

(or ill \
(the tii— t after roots, the Becond ma\ ') A L24, M 277 and 277r (plus
after -•
4k- in position 11) '(negative; pro-
//, i ill I
die' hibitive)'
akoon 'we will talk' hi A 2.14, M 205 (plus 4k- in position

,,L 'when they

l> I will) lie down' 11, and i
' m position 17) 'certainly'
mil ah Sill OS nOSOl POS lu< - kooh (kooneei) (morphologically not a

Transitive verbs form their optative mood particle, l>ut a verb form) A l.Jl

in three u - ne replace the active voice ( plus //, in position 1 1 ) 'let's'

indicative mood mark' by -Vo, BOine 'uh'.il A 1.23, M 119 (morphologically

by O. -.cue by i of these three apparently not a particle, hut a noun form) 'in

only the lasl has survived in Modern Yu order that, so that ' (phis 4k- in po
rate, \ ,
21 Bition 1

,h I
shall) obey
1
iui/n'l„l A
220 (morphologically
1.23, M
I, -'I ahall teach' not a a noun form) 'in
particle, bul
thin I 'inkanante I (shall protect' order that, so that' (plus Hi in po
wa 'ukute 'if he wants it' (Modern Vu sit ion 1 1 )

cat Of these only rnai '

i occurs regularly in

Wfl 'lunnte "you will eat it' (Modern Yu ( la>-i<al Yllcatec.

cat 2.3.6.2. Conjunct II. Among the par-

The passives follow the intransitive pat- IH LE8 which appear in this position are the

tern for the optative :ii Modern YlKatec following:

the ending appear- as -oak \
-afak] rather / A 2.9 (not really conjunct, since it

than -uh-al which appear- in Classical Yu does not require 4k-, hut it is limited
cate to use with transitive verbs) '(past

2.3.6. Verb « omplex. The following po- completed)' (Modern Yucatec only)
sitions are recognizable in the verb complex: (//)///.' M pp. 31 2 (plus 4k- in position

1 CONJUNCT I 11) 'while . . . ing'

232
CLASSICAL YTJCATEC (MAYA)

2.3.6.3. Auxiliary I. ceded in position (4) by other verb forms

tan A 2.10 (plus -tfc- in position 11) provided with such subject pronouns. Ex-
'(continuing action)' A 4.14 (incom- amples :

pletive indicative) Hnkat ('im)pdtal waye } 'I wish to stay

hoop A 2.11, (plus -ik- in position 11) here'
'(action which began in the past)' ndaken (Hr))wen4l 'I climbed up to
A 4.17 (incompletive indicative) sleep'

jfook A 2.12 (plus -ik- in position 11) Sometimes position 5 pronouns are omitted
'(action which was, is, or will he over)' after forms in preceding positions even when
A 4.15 (incompletive indicative) these latter are not verb forms or are not
bin A 2.16 '(action which may occur)' provided with subject pronouns. Examples:
A 3.18, A 3.11, A 3.12, A 3.49 (in- ma ( } u)kakih 'he can't find it'
completive optative) ten (
?
in)hantaal 'it is I who am being
Of these verbal auxiliaries, tan, hoop, and eaten'
(took are used only in Modern Yucatec, fook (
}
u)bectaal 'it was done'
arc conjunct (that is, require -ik- in transi- 2.3.6.6. Reduplication. Occasional C\V\
tive main verbs and transitive subject pro- reduplication of the first part of the verb
nouns for intransitive main verbs), and re- root found (see 2.1.2.C).
is

quire the simple incompletive indicative 2.3.6.7. Root II. In position 7, one of
form main verb. Only bin is found
of the two roots (either verbal or nominal) may
both in Classical and in Modern Yucatec, occur. With the root appearing in position 8,

is not conjunct, and requires the optative it may form a compound stem:
forms of the main verb. fob 'paint, write' (with Vol 'heart') (plus
2.3.6.4. Auxiliary II. -t- in position 10) tfib?olt- 'imagine'
(6m) Vinkax A 2.15 (plus optative forms 2.3.6.8. Root I.

of transitive main verbs, preceded by (with men 'work') yax 'abundant' (plus
the transitive subject pronouns, the -n- in position 10) menyax (Modern
simple incompletive indicative forms Yucatec meyah) 'work' (menyaxn-)
of intransitivemain verbs with no (Modern Yucatec meyahn-)
subject pronouns, and the passives (with puk 'bend over') lah 'all' (plus
in -bit) A 4.56, A 4.55 'be going to -Q- in position 10) puklah- '(all) bend
over'
This construction is found only in Modern In position 8, if position 7 contains a
Yucatec. Other inflected auxiliaries also verbal root, a nominal root may appear.
occur in this position: If nothing appears in position 7, then posi-
hopcn M 208r, p. 30 (plus optative etc. tion 8 is occupied by a verbal root, or by
as above with Hnkax) 'began to . . .
.' various stems, verbal or nominal. The types
token M 131r, p. 30 (plus optative etc. as are the following:
above with finkax) 'finish .... ing' CV '4a 'give', ca 'take, bring', bo 'satisfy
These constructions are found very rarely oneself, se 'vomit', xo 'grind (fine)',

in Modern Yucatec, having been replaced xu 'fall (on one's face)', xe 'abrir
by the conjunct forms in position 3 (Aux- (puerta o ventana)', wa 'mentir,
iliary I) (Classical Yucatec hopi, Hold). trampear', le 'enganar'
2.3.6.5. Subject pronouns. The subject CVC wi? 'comer (generalmente)', 9uk
pronouns for transitive verbs (see 2.3. 'be thirsty', .so/ 'poner firme, apoyar',
above) or for conjunct intransitive^ occur in ceex 'laugh', xan 'eat', cak 'cocer en
this position. Occasionally subject pronouns agua', kim 'die', lop 'double up' 'xak
in this position (5) are omitted when pre- 'comer con golosina', cuk 'seize', sit

233
 LINGUISTICS

'jump', caf 'let go', hok 'come out', quently reduplicated, see 2.3.6.6)
fern 'come down', xa# 'strike', kite (base for intransitive stem) tan 'u-
'carry', pul 'throw', lorn 'stab', kon si-sit-an-k-il 'he is jumping' (A 3.16)
'sell', tok 'enter', sut 'return', keb -Yk- (deverbative suffix) (base for in-
'belch', fud 'happen', kub 'deliver', transitive stem) kul-uk-ba-l 'he is
bin 'go', >aal 'say', kits 'live', mei, seated' (A 4.49 Form 7)
'hug', kat 'want', Ink 'leave', loc -el- (derverbative suffix) w-oxel-maxec
'twist', lub 'fall' 't£ngote conocido':wamoA' fox-maik
CYC «nT) Pi(i) 'see' (<V-Z-), •ninguno lo Babe' (M 345r, 346)
h<(6) 'spit' («tt*-6-) (complex bases') -8(c)- (deverbative suffix) (base for tran-
CY{C) «CYn, CVl) bi(s) 'take' sitive stems) ma sah-b-esken 'don't
(<bin-s-),ta(s) 'bring' (<tal-s-) (com- frighten me', } }
uti al
}
akin-b-es 'so
plex bases) that you may hurt him'; (desubstan-
CVV(C) «CVVl) bec(t) 'do' «6eel-t-) tive suffix) (base for intransitive
(complex base) stems) kuci(')-b-al 'it is barking', tan
C(VQ (<CaI) t(ak) 'come (optative)' 'utui^-b-aal 'it was being spat out'
(<tal-ak) \ 3.29)
CVVC (<('VC) kuub(ul) 'be delivered' -b(a)- (deverbative suflix) (base for in-
(<kub 'deliver') (passive stem, A transitive stems) kuluk-ba- 'be seated',
18) 'al-ha-n-ak 'is soft', ci!:-ba-nakoon 'so
CVC-aan (pasl participle, A 3.47) hul- that we can converse'; (base for tran-
aan 'that which has arrived', kim-en sitive stems) cik-\>a-t-ab 'he was no-
'that which has .lied', 5oon 'that tified'

which is carried' -kin- i-kun-) (deverbative suflix) (base

(
'VC-W (supine, A L5! mo lie for transitive stems) ku jfookol 'idcus-

flogged', hutUil 'to be done' kin-tilu '

'after he revived him', tanili
Other nominal stems: '<-/;-<./ 'dan
'
nril-ktin-taal 'immediately he was
'an- at "cry', '<//,•<//> 'night' caused to lie down' (A 3.23)
Spanish roots: '< nlnntar 'enchant', - -ka(p)- (deverbative suffix) (base for in-
follow', maidiayon 'curee' transitive stems) /; iikitl-ka(b)-t(i)k

2.3 9 m form kTTVES. In position '.»

'uha 'at once she sat down' (A 3.33)
verb-stem formativea appear, some deverba- -Ian- 'deverbative suflix) (base for tran-
tive ito transform simple verb roots into \ 3.36) / ukcs-lan tax
derived verb otive 'they exchanged (clothes) with one an-
• to transform nouns appearing in position other'
S into vei _'.:;.!'•. lo. Statuses. In position 10, stntus
<) (mOBl frequent desubstalit ive BUffix ) markers (transitive or intransitive) and
I
}
OK-Oi ()-n-ax-()-i> ) 'okntimri 'he status changers appear.
danced', tar, 10 0-t-al> ) nknh- -n- (intransitive marker) (with Spanish
tal 'it is becoming night', tan 'in- Stems, and with some monosyllabic,
( )t-al>)n<>xn('tal I am getting and nearly all polysyllabic Maya
W
-

hi- A 28 - steme \ 3.24) binak pribar-n-aki

-in (desubstantive suffix I (base for tran- 'maybe she will faint', 'awat-n-axi 'it

>iti .
ka 'ir-in-sah 'and he was cried out', kap-n-axen 'I knocked' (A
bathed', 'uti'al 'nbuk-in-t 'so that he 3.53)
puts on clothes', kooi han-in-til: 'let's -(r)s- (transitive marker) (changes
make him our son-in-law' (A •'!
- monosyllabic stems (intr.) into tran-
-an- (deverbative suffix) (verb root fre- sitives) (A 3.25) xoLsabi 'they were

234
CLASSICAL YUCATEC (iMAYA)

brought out', han fookes 'hurry up 'you threw me into the cenote', ka t

and finish it' ukublant-ax 'and he delivered them',

-p- (intransitive marker) (A 3.37, 3.31, 'Hnwil-ax-ma 'I have seen it', bin-
4.49) tan k kin-p-axal 'we are getting ax-aan 'he has gone', ^uk'-ax-en 'I
hurt', toc-p-axen 'I tripped', tok-p- was thirsty', wit-x-en 'I was hungry',
alak 'it is fragile' ka segirn-ax ?ubin 'and lie kept on

-c- (intransitive marker) (A 3.27, 3.31, going', yanc-ax-i 'it came to pass',
3.54, 4.49) k'oxaan-c-axen 'I got sick', t uyub-ax 'he felt it'
noxoc-c-axi 'he grew large', binak sas- -{a)b- (passive voice marker) (A 3.9,
c-axaki 'perhaps it will dawn', ?ot- 3.49, 4.10) bis-ab ti? 'itwas taken to
c-alak 'is dropping' him', kaxolt-ab-i 'he was recognized',
-k*- (intransitive marker) (A 3.37, 3.31, ka fa-b-al 'it is given', ka xant-ab-ak
4.49) tod-K-axen 'I tripped', kuk-k-alak 'it will be eaten', kub-ab 'it was de-

'turns over repeatedly in bed' livered', ka maldisyont-ab-oob 'and a

-I- (intransitive marker) (A 3.34, 3.52, curse was uttered against them'
4.49) hek-l-axi 'he rode', kus-l-aki 'he -(i)k- (conjunct transitive marker) (A
will live', tan Vusimba-l 'he is walk- 2.10, 11, 12, 3.20, 4.13 ff.) (A 2.13, 14)
ing', kaxakba-l 'he resides in a village' tan ?imbeet-ik was (am, will be) doing
'I

-k- (intransitive [?] marker) (A 3.16, it', hoop Vubeet-ik-oob 'they began to do

4.54) tan ?ukakatan-k-il 'he is crossing it', <f,ook ?abeet-ik 'you had (have, will

(the street)' have) done it', kbeet-ik-ees 'we (you

-t- (transitive marker) (with Spanish plur. and I) do it time after time',
stems, and with some monosyllabic he tintas-ik-e? 'I will (certainly) bring
and most polysyllabic Maya stems) it', koo$ beet-ik 'let us do it', yan
(bound to some roots) (required with Vuxant-k-oonoob 'they will surely eat
some compound stems) (A 3.26, 4.50) us up'
tin nombrar-t-ax 'I appointed him', 2.3.6.12. Aspects. In position 12, aspect
ka maldisyon-t-aboob 'and a curse was markers (completive, incompletive, and
uttered against them', wa ka ?inxan- perfective) appear.
t-e 'if I eat it', cek'-t-abi 'he was -ty- (completive marker) (A 2.9, 4.9)
stepped on', ?an-t- 'help', bee-t- 'do', (A 3.9, 10, 4.10) t abeetax-Q-ees 'you did
tu cinpol-t-ax 'he bowed his head', it', lub-Q 'he fell', ?ilab-Q-ec 'you are
kaxetcin-t-ik 'you throw it with all seen', tuSlnb-Q-ec ?akinsen 'you were
your might'; (intransitive marker) sent to kill me', t in$onax-Q xuntul kex
(A 3.26, 3.51, 4.49) tan ?usas-t-al 'it 'I shot a deer', tal-Q-ec 'you came'
is becoming dawn' -VI- (incompletive marker) (A 3.48,
2.3.6.11. Voices. In position 11, voice 3.14, 3.57, 4.13, 4.49, 4.52) (with
markers (active and passive) and the con- intransitive stems) tan ?inlub-ul 'I am
junct transitive status marker appear. falling', tan ?intal{el) 'I am coming',
-(a)x- (active voice marker) (transitives kabet ?inndak-al 'I need to climb'
A 4.9) (intransitives A 3.51 ff.) (A - — - (incompletive marker) (with transi-
3.10, 4.66, 3.47) t ubeet-ax 'he did tive stems) (Type I) tan ?abis-( — )ik
it', t apul-ax-e ? 'you threw it', t telo? 'you are taking it there', yan
ulomxoob 'he stabbed them', t ubeet- ?ukins-(— )ik 'she has to kill it', ka
( )oob 'they did it', kain-ax-i 'he sang', yanxi Vuca-{ — )ik 'and he happened to
hekl-ax-eni 'I rode', wal-ax-i (wal-x-i) pick it up'
'he stood up', ka t utfutf-ax-oob 'and -Q- (incompletive marker) (with transi-
they kissed him', t apul-x-en <tonote? tive stems) (Type II) kambesax-Q

235
 LINGUISTICS

'inkax yo enseno', xantantax-Q 'ukax had better deliver it', le kan tanal:< ',
t unib 'pagado va lo que ha merecido k anukik-Q 'when she speaks, answer
(he is eating his just deserts)' menyax her!', ma (*a)xantik-Q 'don't eat it!',

xanal 'inkax 'cstoy guisando de }

xunpit ha? 'drink a little water!'
uic-<y

comer' -e (imperative mood marker) (A 2. IS,

(incompletive marker) (with some 4.37, 38) (with transitive stems of
transitive stems) (Type III) kanan Type III in Classical Yucatec, and
'inkax 'yo guardo', payalci' with all stems in utterance final in
'inkax T am praying' (M p. 16) Modern Yucatec) fa-e 'give it!', xant-e
-a/- (incompletive marker) (A 3.14, 3.49, 'eat it !', kec ha? ka ?awuk-e 'drink
4.52) (with complex intransitive baa -
at least some water', xoyat-c 'in way
pclak 'ucanart-al-( '
'as soon :is he ';riega mi celda!' (M p. 16)
retires', tends 'ukiilt-al 'first he sits 1
1") (imperative mood marker) (M pp.
down' 16 17) (with transitive stems of Type
17- (incompletive marker' (A 3.9, 14. I in utterance final, that is, aftei
49, 4.13) (with passive roots which simple roots with -Yb optative mood)
have high tone on the root, and fre- (in Classical Yucatec only) <tf.L i

quently double the root vouch faab- 'fobedece tii!', kup-u 'jc6rtalo!'. mdl-o
al (or better -al below?), kuub-ul 'it is 'jvintalo''
delivered', k upwue-td 'it is stirred up' a (imperative mood marker) (M p. 17)
(a)-ul) (incompletive marker 1

(A 3.9, (with complex transitive bases) (Clas

14, 1."), 4!), 4.13) (with passive steins) sieal Yucatec form surviving in Mod.?)
(Classical Yucatec ab-al i> Mod. 'il-d -mini!' (Solis 398)
-a-al) fa-ab-al 'it is given', 'uti'al sn(-) (imperative mood marker) (A
'u/ncnt-a-al 'in order that it be made', 2. IS, 4.37, 38, 57) (with intransitive
/.• uyrns-a-al 'it is being brought stems or roots) ?em-en-ccx 'you (pi.)

down', /; uyant-a-al 'he is being come down!', 'come out!',

xoh-en-ty
helped', (01 xant-a-al 'it is I who am 'go!', hot-en 'come!', kul<u.>^
being eaten', tan 'obis n-al Ui<>' 'you you (pi.) sit down!' (A 3.19)
are being taken there' Yb (optative mood marker) (M pp.
ma(x)- (completive [?| perfective II 1.")) (with transitive verb rools ol

marker) (with transitive -terns or Type I) (Classica] Yucatec only)

roots') (sometimes follows active voice bin 'incik-tb 'yo obederere", bin
ax-, sometimes is attached directly 'ainul i>b 'tii juntaras', bin hat up nb
to the base \ 3.21, M 278 \ L66 apagaremos'
'uurilax-ma 'I have seen it', I: bat -ma O (optative mood marker) (M pp. 9, 14,

"we have made it', kin/ilik 'nmuii-ma 25, 26) (A 2.15, 16, 18, 20, 21, 23,
when I ha1 her eyes 3. IS, 49, 4.37 ff.) (both Classical and
are closed', w on i-ma 'sabido lo tengo', Modern Yucatec) (with transit ive

ten 'nx-ma-ik 'yo lo >e (tengo libido)', stems of Type II in Classical, and
'«/; 'ukuc-ma-x a' the hay he has with those of Types I, II, and III

carried' in Modern) bin ?akambcs-fy-ecs vo

2.3.6.13. MOODS. In position \A. mood 90tros ensenareis', 6m HriKU8oa-ty 'lo

markers (imperative and optative appear. aborrecere', lay kuciyo bin ?akims-0 ik
-0- (imperative mood marker) (A 2.18, ieien 'este es el cuchillo con que hag
4.37, 38) (with transitive stems) Ha-Q de matar puerco', bin Hnkax
el

ti' 'give it to hi: you (pi.) 'inLubO l/c i am going to deliver

turn it loose!', mas k nl;>ii,-() 'you it to von', mas k akub-Q 'you had
CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

better deliver it', ka hokok 'uyuk- pronouns (A 2.5, 3.8) appear in position 14

Q-oob 'they come out in order to (see 2.3. above). The third person object is

drink', baa& k awaal tie? 'whatever always -Q. The marking of plurality in the
you tell him', ^ahancak-Q ?asiees 'you third person object is optional: 6a~Q-e 'take
will cut your wood in a hurry', 'akat him (them)'.
ka ?in$a-Q tec* 'do you want me to 2.3.6.15. Subject pronouns I. The sub
give it to you?' ject pronouns appear in position 15 (see 2.3.
-e (optative mood marker) (M 12, 14, above). In Modern Yucatec in the first

16) (with transitive stems of Type III person plural (A 2.5) subject pronoun for
in Classical Yucatec, and with all intransitives and passives the form -oon
stems in utterance final in Modern either excludes the listener or includes only
Yucatec) (A 3.18, 50, 4.40, 4.41) bin one listener (?). A plurality of listeners re-

?axant-e 'you will eat it', bin ?in- quires a second suffix in position l(i. The
kanant-e 'yo guardart?', bin Hntoxl-e third person subject pronoun is always (V

'lo desterrar^', luttfal yaal-e 'in order The marking of plurality in the third person
that he may say it', Hnkat ka ?uxant-e subject is optional: ?u-#onik 'he (they)
'I want him to eat it', ka bin telo? shoot (s) it'.

Vukast-e 'and he went there to look for 2.3.6.16. Subject pronouns II. The only
it',ka bin ?ucukte-e ?u0al ka yil-e wa element to appear in position 16 is -eek added
k upahtal tufyonik 'and he went to lie after -oon of the first plural to indicate a
in ambush to see whether it was pos- plurality of listeners:
sible to shoot it' lub-oon-ees 'you (pi.) and I fell'
-Vk- (optative mood marker) (M pp. 2.3.6.17. Terminals. In position 17 vari-
8-9, 13) (with intransitive roots) (A ous terminal suffixes appear:
2.16, 18, 20, 23, 3.11. 49, 4.41) (A 3.11) -e?, -a?, -o? (terminals suffixed to the
(also with passive stems with double finalelement of a phrase introduced
vowel and high tone) bin kim-ik-ec by bei 'thus, just like', he(l) '(demon
'you will die', bin lub-k-ees! 'don't you strative)', te(l) 'here (there)' wai 'here
(pi.) fall !', wa ka t-ak (tal-ak) 'if he had (abouts)') (A 4.51)
come (and he had not)', ken t-ak-ene? -a? '(nearer to the speaker)' (A 3.5)

( tal-ak-en-e?) 'when I come', waalen bey-a ? 'in this manner, like this". l>< t

telo?, ka fikban-ak-oon 'stop there so kubeetaal-a? 'this is the way it is done',

that we may talk', ka hofc-ok ?ukikel heel-a? 'here it is, here they are', lit

'so that the blood may come out', ka le pok t immanax-a? 'here is the hat 1

kuub-uk 'that it may be delivered' bought', lel-a? 'this (one)', le pel: -a'

( )-ak (optative mood marker) (A 3.11, 'this dog', teel-a? 'here', way-o' 'thk
49) (A 3.12, 13) (A 4.41) (with intran- way', le ha-a? 'this water', Ik I

sitive and passive stems, these high- "Hmnmhna{ ) 'look I am holding it'

toned) ka kontestart-ak 'she will be (-a? omitted)

answered', ka kins-d-ak 'he will be -o? '(nearer to the listener)' (A 3.5)
killed', wa ka bis-a-ak-en 'if I had been bey-o > 'in that manner, like that, by bo
taken', ka manlah-ak 'that all be doing, that, being the case', Oct kan
bought', toone?, ma kkat ha kins-a-ak- ?abeet-o > 'that is the way you are
eci$ 'we did not want you to be killed', going to do it', heel-o? 'there it is,

tu yo?lal ka tas-d-ak 'so that, he would there they are', helec-o? 'there you
be brought', bik ?alkabn-ak-ees 'don't are!', leel-o* 'that (one)', le pel

you (pi.) run!' 'that dog', le pcK ^amacma-o' 'thai

2.3.6.14. Object pronouns. The object dog you are holding', tee\-o- 'there'

237
 LINGUISTICS

-e? '(in the neighborhood of or toward 2.4. Nouns. Nouns are of three kinds
the speaker)' (A 3.6) heel-e? '(it will) (1) roots, (2) compound stems, and (3) com-
certainly (be done)', way-e? 'here', plex (derived) stems. Derived or complex
koten way-e? 'come here!', wai stems, in turn, may be divided into two
cemal-e* 'here in Chemax', beorita-e? major classes, the desubstantives, and the
'right away', wai banda-c ) 'in this deverbatives.
region' 2.4.1. Noun roots. There is a great va-
-ef '(clause terminal)' (A 3.6, 4.10, 4.44, riety of noun roots: kax 'village', /an 'day',
4.58) he
)
awilik-e ) 'ya veras', he na 'house', mak 'person', &ab 'hand', paal
hibeclaal samal-c' 'it will be done 'child', &j£ 'fire', ce* 'tree', to 'thorn(s)',
tomorrow', wa k aicolt-c*, he
}
atal kiwik 'market', yum 'father', tzo 'belly', luum
>
a-can ) anien-e >
you were willing,'if 'earth', tod 'opossum', mf 'nose', mees
you would come and help me a little', 'beard', hool 'head', poop 'mat', tfuk 'gizzard',
wa ka kinsaal:-e' 'if he had been kop 'hoop', haf 'water', kal 'throat', bub 'tad-
killed', le ka kuc-c' 'when he arrived' pole'
-i(t) '(utterance terminal)' (A :;.7. 4.59) Most of these are monosyllables. Some are
kimi 'he died', luKOO&i 'they left', ma unanalysable polysyllables.
bineci? 'you did not go', ma 'ilabeni 'I 2.4.2. Compound stems. Nouns combine
was not seen', jna faab tent* 'it was not with nouns to form compound noun stems:
given to me', ma 'hjwohli 'I don't kan 'four', titf 'corner' '.kantitf 'cosa cuadrada'
know', ti' k u 'enl:an(artal maki?' there >ms 'green', <\ '
'tree'://a&V 'ceiba (bombax
is where people are enchanted', ceiba)', km 'blood', roc 'iripe'itnkcod 'piles',
raimni? -turn us loose', ZOKok .run tuli luum 'UvYVA'Uuumluum 'cosa terregosa (Uena
}l
'let one conic out', mas tuuni' "who. de tierra)', poop 'mat', te tree' ipoopte?
then?', 'aa'i/osnsi? goodbye, you- 'bridge', toot 'dust', ha' 'water' itoosha?
all!', dyot bootik te&* 'thank (God re- 'mist'.
ward) you!', sun pnli 'at once', tanili? Some of these initial elements may not be
first', ka kinsubi le '<>k<>l,,' 'and the substantives in the narrow sense (that is,

thief was -finally killed', hvlili k tal may not accept the possessive affixes nor the
'okkiru'-' *we will Burely oome this plural suffix), and yet be subject to some type
evening' of derivation associated neither with verbs
When the constructions in an utterance (a lior with particles (such as the ability to com-
complex verb form alone or with satellites) bine with classifiers, characteristic of the
require more than one terminal, -a' takes numerals).
precedence over all others, -' '
takes prece- 2.4.3. Complex stems. Complex noun
dence over -o>, and all three of these take stems may be deverbative or desubstantive.
precedence over 4f. 2.4.3.1. Deverbattve NOUN STEMS. De-
lr nao? (that house' :ka '<>k 'iril le nat> ? verbative noun stems may be divided into
'when he went into the 00086' two groups, (1) those which function as
ma 'ickinaki? 'they have not bathed':/,, DOUnsof action (or, with 'ax- as agents), . . . ,

fa n mil 'irl:innl:e ? 'those who have not BS nouns results of action ('that which has
bathed' . .', 'that which lias been
. ed'), or nouns . . .

All may be omitted under certain conditions of future action ('that which is to be ed', . . .

(U libra 'that book', he Hniama 'here I have 'that which may be. ed, is worthy of being
. .

fetched it', le bakoob 'those bones', omitting . ed'), and (2) those which function in a
. .

-"' after o, -a' after a, and -<>' after ->>ob re- variety of other ways (adding a number of
•ively). different -VC suffixes). Deverbative nouns of

238
CLASSICAL YUCATEC (.MAY A)

group (1) may be formed freely from any ing taught (it)' (M p. 11) (Classical
verb. Those of group (2) tend to be frozen Yucatec only?)
forms, and their suffixes (except for -il) to be (-db-il)-fy (based on the transitive pas-
limited in the number of verb roots to which sive perfective stem)(?) kambcsdbil
they are applied. 'having been taught' (M pp. 18-19)
2.4.3.1.1. Deverbative noun stems (pro- (Classical Yucatec only)
ductive). •bil (based on any transitive verb stem)
{-Yl)-Q (based on the intransitive active (A 3.17, 4.55) (with a variety of mean-
incompletive) kim-il-Q 'dying', tikimil ings, most of them projective, not ret-
'to (be) dy(ing)', ?ax-kimil 'person rospective) (Modern Yucatec) fcat-

(who is) dying'; ?em-el-Q 'descending', bil-oobe? 'they should be asked', bin
ti ?4mel 'to (be) descend (ing)', ?ax- 'ukax xant-bil 'it is going to be eaten',
Umel 'person (who is) descending'; kastbil 'it should be looked for', xaif.

xdn-al-Q 'eating', sen ti xdnal 'jvete a bil 'he should be flogged', bin fukax
comer! (to be eating)' — (or on the beet-bil 'it is going to be done', tin
transitive passive incompletive stem) tustah cd-bii-ec 'I sent for you (I sent
lox-ol-ty 'being rescued', ti loxol 'to be someone you were to be fetched)',
(being) rescued', ?ax-loxol 'person fam-bil bdlcc? 'soaked balche', hum-
(who is) being rescued'; kuub-ul-Q pel mentbtl cic" 'an artificial bird'
'being delivered', ti huubul 'to be (- — )-(? (based on transitive active in-
(being) delivered', ^ax-ituvbul 'person completive stems, Type I) (M p. 12)
(who is) being delivered' 4ik —
-Q 'obeying (him)', ti <f.ik 'to
(-al)-ty (based on the intransitive active (be) obey (ing) (him)', 'hombre ?ax-<?ik
incompletive stem) cdnact-al-Q 'retir- cort£s y cortesano (person (who is)
ing', ti cdnactal '(be) retir(ing)' ?ax- obeying) (him)'
cdnactal 'person (who is) retiring' (-ax-Q)-Q (based on transitive active in-
(-d-al)-Q (based on the transitive pas- completive stems, Type II) (M p. 11)
sive incompletive stem) ment-d-al-Q (A 3.10, 4.9) kambes-ax-Q-Q 'teaching
'being made', ti mentdal 'to be (being) (him)', ti kambesdx 'to (be) teach (ing)
made', ?ax-mentdal 'person (who is) (him)', ?ax-kambesdx 'person (who is)

being made' (Modern Yucatec only) teaching (him)'

(A 3.15, 49, 4.13) (- )-Q (based on transitive active in-
{-db-al)-Q (based on the transitive pas- completive stems, Type III) (M p. 12)
sive incompletive stem) kambes-db- (Solis 312) kandan -Q 'guarding
al-Q 'being taught', ti kambesdbal 'to (him)', ti kandn 'to (be) guard (ing)
be (being) taught', ?ax-kambesdbal (him)', ?ax-kandn 'person (who is)

'person (who is being) taught' (Clas- guarding'

sical Yucatec) (M p. 11) (-ik-ty)-ty (based on transitive active
{-iil)-Q (based on the intransitive active (in)completive stems in conjunct con-
perfective stem)(?) nak-l-il-Q 'having struction) (see 2.3.6.11 and 2.3.3
gone up', ti have gone up',
nakiil 'to above) (M p. 12) (Type I) {ik-ik-Q-Q
?ax-naklil 'person (who is) having '(while) obeying (him)', ti fikik '(while
gone up' (M p. 9 nacijl only occurs, in a position) to (be) obey (ing) (him)'
other forms analogical?) (Classical (-ik-Q-)-ty (based on transitive active
Yucatec only?) (in)completive stems in conjunct con-
(-dx-il)-Q (based on the transitive active struction) (see 2.3.6.11 and 2.3.3
perfective stem)(?) kambesdxil 'hav- above) (M p. 11) (Type II) kambes-

239
 LINGUISTICS

ik-Q-Q '(while) teaching (him)', ti pa ;

-«7 'quebrado', #/c-f/ 'lo obedecido',
kambesik '(while in a position) to (be) que ya ha pasado'
mal-el 'cosa
teach(ing) (him)' -#/ 'worthy of (A 3.45) fik-fil 'worthy
{-ik-Q)-Q (based on transitive active of respect' (M 118r)
(in)completive stems in conjunct con- -ben 'worthy of, -able, -ible' (A 3.41)
struction) (see 2.3.6.11 and 2.3.3 iik-ben 'worthy of respect', ca-ben 'ac-
above) (M p. 12) (Type III) kanant- ceptable'
ik-Q-Q '(while) guarding (him)', ti 2.4.3.1.2. Devekbattve noun stems
kariantik '(while in a position) to (be) (non-productive).
guard (ing) (him)' -Vb xatf-ab 'stick, club', cmj-ub 'hanger,
(-a(lf)-an (based on intransitive active rack'
incompletive stems) (M pp. 9, 18) •41 kuc-il 'burden', kim-ll 'death'
A 3.46, 4.53) 'that which is . . . ed' -dl xan-dl 'food'
nak-d-an 'cosa que esta subida (levan- -/}/ mcyh-ul 'task'
tacla)' (M p. 9, 316), nn-d-an "cosa 2.4.3.2.Desubstanttve noun stems.
que se ha abajado' (M lt>4), bin-dn Vb >ak-ab 'night'
el (iuo es (6 ha) ido' (M. p. 18, 52r), -Vm 'ul-um 'turkey', kit-dm 'wild boar',
man-d-an 'cosa que ya ha pasado" iel-em 'hornet'
M p. 18, 294r), kimi-n cosa muerta' IV 'ot-oc "house', tun-id 'stone', bek-cc

I <is)-an (based on (inHransitive active 'lizard'

(inW-ompletive stems) iM p. 11, 18) -d bak-cl 'hones', joj-d 'hair', baK-el
\ 3.47, 4.53) 'that which is . . .
,,1" 'meat'
kamb<sd-an 'lo ensefiado' (cf. kambes- 2.4.4. X « > i n inflection. Nouns are op-
ab a eneefiada', I M p. 18) tionally inflected for plural (suffix -O0&) and
(?), binah-don 'he has gone' (A 3.47), may !>•• possessed (affixes are the same as the
lilatax-iian 'cosa que estA rociada'. subject pronouns for transitive verbs, see 2.3
ma- i cumplida', kal- above). Some nouns are inherently possessed,
dan-ed 'you arc drunk'. knl-dnn> I that is, do not appear in their simple form
am locked up', lut>-iiiin cosa qU€ without the possessive affixes. When such
caida' (M -'Tin 'il is fallen' \ I
nouns stand alone, they take the suflix -il as
If mak koh-dan-n' the man who is a mark of their independent status. Nouns in
sick', KOhrdan U i/Kiki'' 'thai man is -il have many other functions. Some derived

sick', ci- - a obedecida', ken-aan nouns are frequently used in attributive

'ooea adornada'. A lA cosas function. Of these, those in -til: have special
echadas' functions.
baaed od transitive paaaive in- 2. L.4.1. Nominal POSSESSIVE AFFIXES. Be-
completive stems) t.M p. 19) 'that fore sterna beginning in infirm f (Spanish
which is...e«r lub-ul-(} 'oosa caida', vowel initial loans have firm ') and in infirm
rut- U-0 'ooea despegada', iax-dl ooea ft (not all instances of // are infirm) the follow-
contrahecha', imf;-di 'ooea hendida', ing set appe

Sg. if... Pi. li fc(a) . . . wok ( 'itjimL) kn '<>k ?ok 'foot'

2) 'aw . . . ee§ 'a wok 'awolci i s
}
;... , . . . 000 yok (tuyok) yok oob ( uyokoob)
'

we? {'iijwr') kahi he? 'egg'

?awe? 'awn
ye? (?uye?) too (?uye?oob)

L'«)
 : : :

CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

Before stems beginning in any other conso- lob "cosa mala':/o6i/ 'maldad'; '
u<f
nants the following set appears 'cosa buena':?w#! 'bondad'

Sg. 1) fin PL 1) ka . 'Hnyum kayum yum 'father'

2) fa. 2) fa.. . ee& fayum fayumees
3) tu. Z)tu., , . oob fuyum fuyumoob
The possessive affixes, when attached to (6) characteristic illness: ya 'okil J
ini.m
the stem ba form combinations
'person', 'tengo enfermedad de pi(>s": ya
which serve as pronominal objects which are ' i<"U fukax padre 'est:i enfermo <lc

(in Classical Yucatec) independent of the los ojos el Padre'; ya fSmU Hnkaa
verb. In Modern Yucatec these objects are 'tengo mal de pecho'
usually phonologically fused with the verb. (7) proper for . . .
,
characteristic of . . :

Sg. 1) Hmba PL 1) kaba ';/(' nok mania

ti ?6cHl 'bucna
2) faba 2) f abates para pantalones'; mandn fiHm ti
3) fuba 3) fubaoob man il' no hay malz para comprar';
For the fused form note matnb ffflum ti kiceil 'no se hallan
I: it wdlkatkuba 'right away he stopped gallinas en parte alguna'; foki It

(himself)' {wal-ka{b)Mi)k-(Sf ?u-ba) winikil

l
en ser entr6 hombre
2.4.4. Suffix -il. This suffix has a wide (hizose hombre)'; foki ti tuni&il
variety of uses: ?u6uplil lot 'hfzose piedra la mujer
(1) possession by a thing (rather than de Lot'
by a person): fintdsa 'mi taza': (8) material of which something^ is
futasa-il refektoryo 'la taza del made: maskabil 'cosa de hierro',
Refectorio'; 'Hmpoop 'mi petate': katil 'cosa de barro', maskabil bat
fupoopil finkama 'el petate de iiacha de hierro', faseroil bat
mi cama' fusiwil kaknab 'la yerba
; 'hacha de acero'
del mar'; fuyaweil finway 'la Have (9) from such and such a place: kak-
de mi celda' nabil cic 'pajaros de la mar';
(2) what is proper to someone: yu?un wi0 tunic 'piedra de la sierra';
padre 'la carta del Padre' :yu?unil ndcil winik 'hombre de lejos, ex-
padre 'la carta del Padre (la que tranjero'; kdxil winik 'hombre del
envfan a 61)'; fusaxal xwan 'el pueblo'
temor que tiene Juan' ?usaxalil
el : 2.4.4 3. Suffix -ok. This suffix (A 3.12,
xwan 'el que se tiene de el'; 9 uyail 4.48, 49) characterizes past or present result
dyos yetel lakbil 'el amor que se lukak (lukuk) 'he has left', fucak (fucuk,
tiene a Dios y al projimo' fucik) 'it has (had) happened', sdbadoak
}
(3) specified object of possession : inya- 'last Saturday', talak 'he has come', sistak
mexenil 'mi amado hijo', ?in- 'it has subsided', hehetek 'it is cracked in

fikftlyumil 'mi reverenciable several places', sahak 'he is afraid', &usuk

Padre', 9 immatdnhuunil 'mi reci- 'it burns', pooUik 'it is full of blisters', lelem-
bida carta' nak 'it is brilliant', pucalak 'it is shredded',
(4) specified object among others :£bal kuslik 'he is alive', tokpalak 'it is fragile,'
?
ti SefU /o?: 'what tree is that?' fakaknak 'it is slimy', kopokbal 'it is coiled',
(5) abstract characteristic: winik takaanak 'it is stuck', cukaantakoob 'they are
'hombre' :winikil "humanidad' trapped', wai kaxakoalen 'I live here', nta?
(kawinikil 'nuestra h.'); feem sahaken tii } 'I am not afraid of him', t\f
'cosa flaca':^eemi/ 'la flaqueza'; tucaanak le ran kuukdf tu kab ce' 'there was

241
 —

LINGUISTICS

the little squirrel sitting up on the branch of nefan 'estando cerca', ti lob ?ubeel 'siendo
the tree' malas sus obras', ti yan 'habiendo', ti kuldn
2.4.4.4. Attributives. Some nominal de- 'estando en casa', ti ya hipol 'dolieudole la
rivatives (as well as some nominal roots) are cabeza', ti kimil Hnkax 'estando yo enfermo',
used primarily in attributive function. ti tax yol 'estando sano', ti capaxdn 'estando
le noxoc kaxdf 'this large town' enfermo', mdni uyam winikoob 'paso port

le he* kacale* 'the broken" egg' entre la gente', ka tan umoi le basal taiiino* t

le cakbil ka56' 'the cooked chicken' 'she was called by the gambler', t inwikndl
le hac }
olcil 'the poorest one' 'near me'
2.5. Particles. Although particles are not Other prepositional expressions are de-
and nouns are, they may be
inflected as verbs rived from nouns or verbs, although they
conjugated (with an intervening zero cop- may be used analogously as particles: ?
icil le

ula), and they may be compounded, often kciakD' 'into the fire', yoKol le pilao? 'over the
multiply. basin', ka bin yetel pi'dro 'and they went with
Particle conjugation. The inde-
2.5.1. Pedro'
pendent pronominal subjects or objects con- J.-"). 4. Demonstrative particles. De-
tain a particle (t- or /-, la-) combined with the monstrative particles arc various. Some are
intransitive subject pronouns: independent. Others are linked to an enclitic

Sg. 1) ten(i) PL 1) toon 'nosotros (somos)'

'\
2) ted 'tti _'
u I oso1 roe wis)'
'

loci "ellos (SOD

pnaki batai ..mien es goberna- which marks clause-end: lie lik 'utunlik
doi aqui?', tern 'yo soy', ten t inxafax »•', lay bin bootabak lot 'el que sirve a
'a mi me licri'. trr I; imptviil; 'a ti tc Di08, BSE sera pagado', laylaf 'eSTO es', he
del he' -vWliebe' 'eso'

2.5.2. Particle i ompoi nding. Numeral The function of the -i(') is to mark utter-
particles may be compounded with nmacral ance (clause?) final: menttix 'inkdxi 'ya lo
das-. ily tt> be considered as . inn' 'iinmentei 'aiin no lo he heeho',
nouns?) and with other particles: xuinpil teni l>>' 'yo soy esc de quien se trata', ma }

out' (pin-- '.

Im pro
,<• piece)', <-- hay 'no es asf', Day b, 'asf es eso', 'axkimi-
'

•three (piece '.

xunxvniul 'de uno en uno', looni 'cierto es que nemos de morir', lafi l»'
kd'kii'tul '
uitmoai pddreoob 'de doe en doe 'aqual es', hoont hat ide* makal 'somos como
t

andan los Padres', jxaytenxi apoak } el agua en la boja del macal'

Veuantas vercs menosprt't liasl e la misa?', The particle le functions together with the
(
ka nxi 'inkusik sukin dofl races he que- terminals -a' 'this' and -<>' 'that' with the
brantado el ayuno' noun and its modifiers in between: le hoi
•_\.
">.::. Prepositional particles. The only haaa&f 'the worst one'
prepositional particle is ti. It has multiple The particle '// -formally identical with
meanings: ti '" taatd to the father', ti xwntfel the third person (singular) possessive prefix
'
'on a stool', ti h haanffl 'hi the ham- functions as a kind of weak demonstrative in
mock', t(i hr }»n' 'by the road', t'ili n ti a fashion similar to that of the articles in
yotoe feu Vengo de la [glesia', fa ti pddre English or Spanish: 'u nuukul 'the tool', ?u
'dalo al Padre', benel 'inkax ti nn 'voy a hdol 'the head', 'u kol 'the neck', ?u y ok 'the
}
'con palo", mdni ti wotoi 'paso foot', hi lak ( u hel) 'the one, the other,
por mi casa', t in' \ in mi parecer (por another'
mi palabra)', ti nor tali 'viniendo de lejos', ti Together with the -il of proper possession

242
CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

(see 2.4.4.2 above), it has a similar function: beeltik 'no lo suelo hacer', taac
?u kahloob 'the chickens' ?inkantik xalac winik 'acostumbrado
Occasionally the numerals function in a estoy de hablar con el gobernador'
inannor similar to that of the indefinite latulax 'hasta que' '.ma? ?abenel latulax
articles in English or Spanish: hum-pel kax 'a walik tec 'no te vayas hasta que te lo
village', huntul can paale? 'a little boy' diga'
The particle tax (Classical Yucatec, M ?ucebal 'para que, en que, con que' Udnle
402r, 403) (Modern Yucatec tahtiali, Icti?, dyos 9 ucebal 9 abenel ti kaan 'sirve
Solis 179) serves as a demonstrative with a Dios para que vayas al cielo'
relative function equivalent to English xunak 'infinitas veces' :*una/c walik ti?

'whose' or Spanish 'cuyo': lay tax grdsya 'digoselo infinitas veces'

ydnak I apisanees '6ste es cuya gracia more en ?amal 'todas las veces que' 9 amal
\

vuestras animas', lay tax nok lo? 'aqu61 es wubik iel , woktik Hnkeban 'todas las
cuya es maks lax iimin lo? '<<cuyo es
la ropa', veces que oigo sermon, lloro mis
este caballo?', ma? mak tax li?ali 'no tiene pecados'
dueno (no hay quien cuyo dueno aquel)', baili 'ordinariamente':6aifi ?uxa#iken
imaks tax kaxloxil xesukristo?? ',;cuyo hi jo es wican 'ordinariamente mc azota mi
nuestro Redentor Jesucristo? (preguntando marido'
por su madre)' bay 'asV'.bay bin ?ukibik dyos tecs 'asi

2.5.5. Adverbial particles. Among ad- lo hara Dios con vosotros'

verbial particles are these: 2.5.5.1.2. INCORPORATED.
tif, la?, tun 'then, there' (Modern Yuc- yas 'primcro' iHnyasbeeltik he? '6sta
atec) (ti? and tun also Classical) es la primera vez que hago eso', ma?
napulak 'right away', sam 'a while after', ?ayas?ilikees 'no es la primera vez
tak 'until', nac 'far', na# 'near', seb que veis' (requires conjunct -ik-)
'soon', seb tdakene? 'I will come soon' susu 'a menudo':6zn ?asusubeelte 'ha-
(Classical napul, M 324, sam, 98r, raslo con continuacion' (does not re-
tak, M 397r, nac, M 317, naty ibid., quire conjunct -ik-)
seb, M lOOr) 2.5.5.1.3. Others.
Among adverbial particles there are those k(ax) 'actualmente' lhalmax ?inkax tees
which are associated specifically with verbs 'os estoy diciendo', xanal ?ukibax
in conjunct form (see §2.3, 2.3.3, 2.3.6.11), 'estaba (estuve) comiendo', xanal bin
those which are incorporated into the verb ?ukib 'estare* comiendo', kambes ?in-
complex (position 7), and those which re- kibax ti paalaloob 'enseiiando estuve a
quire no specific linkage with the verb but los muchachos' (this is actually a
are associated in phrase construction with verb used in a phrasal construction)
it. bal 'estar a pique' talbaloob 'ya quieren
:

2.5.5.1. "Particulas del presente." venir', kucbaloon ti kax 'ya queremos

2.5.5.1.1. Conjunct. llegar al pueblo'
(li)k 'su£lese':iifc yalik sam pdblo 'dice 2.5.5.2. "PARTfcULAS DEL PRETERITO IM-
San Pablo', lik ydlabal 'dicese', ximak PERFECTO."
lik ?usukintik xandle? , ?usukinte ?uba kaci 'el mismo dia' \ itabec yan kaci/
ti que ayuna la comida,
sipile? 'el '<;d<5nde estabas?'
que se abstenga de pecar', ?ink'eban kuci 'antes del dia' \woxel kuci 'sabfalo
lik woktik 'lloro (actualmente) mi (pero se me ha olvidado)'
pecado', bal k awofaik '^que* lloras?', 2.5.5.3. "PARTfcULAS DEL PLUSCUAMPER-
tec k impayik 'a ti te llamo' FECTO."
taac 'tener costumbre' :ma? taac ?im- ?ili . . . kudi 'ya' '.bin Hli padre kuci, ka

243
 LINGUISTICS

I uken 'ya se habia ido el Padre, cuando I cuando pagaras tu deuda?', bikini
me parti', kimen ?ili kuci, ka lukoon huluk pedro '^cuando vino Pedro?'
'ya se habia muerto, cuando partimos' tab(§) 'donde': tabs ?in#aik ViHm '<id6nde
2.5. 5.4. "Particulas del futuro imper- he de poner el maiz?'
FECTO." Among the answers to these questions are:
l

bin '(verb go') :bin nakaken 'yo subir6\ kabxa 'antes de ayer', kabes 'despues de
bin ?inkambes-Q 'yo lo ensenar^' manana', ?osex 'de aqui a tres dias', ?o§xe
2.5.5.5. "Particulas del futuro per- 'tres dias ha', hones' 'de aqui a cuatro dias',
Kl (TO." konxe 'cuatro dias ha', hobiS 'de aqui a cinco
'Hi . . . kucom (koconn 'ya': 'okdn }
ili dias', hobisi 'cinco dias ha', xolxe 'ayer',
kin kocom, ka bin lukukoon 'ya se same 'rato ha', heleben paal 'muchacho de
habra puesto el sol, cuando nos par- hoy (que nacio hoy)' xolxeben 'cosa
1
tamos', bin wu4kin kocom 'yo lo har£ de ayer', ti 'alii', waye? 'aqui'
habre" hecho) (si no hay algo que lo 2.5.5.11. Particle tak 'al punto.'
impida)' Sen tak 'rvtite al punto!', ti? tak ?uxa#ax
1.5.6. "Pakticilas del IMl'EKATIVO FU- luego alii al punto lo azot6', ma? tak
TUKo.'' ' ukambesikcn padre 'nunca me ensefia
hoi despues':/;a/ nakaken 'suba yo des- ol Padre', may tak baxun ?uyakun-
pues', Real kakamoet 'ensefiemoB no- kioon dyos 'amanos Dios sin numero'
Botroe despues' 2.5.5.12. P\KTICLE to 'en haciendo,
5.7. "PakTICILxs DEL OPTATTVO." menu Qi i bba; aun.'
kaxi 'ojala' :Av/.n tibilal: taoealeel 'ojala hid uk to padre 'viniendo (venido que
que sea buena (la manera en que) sea) el Padre', ?injokes to laye? 'en
cainineis' acabando csto (hecho esto)', ma?to
a 'ojala' ka yna :
f
atanb 1 1 dyot 'ojala siik pddn 'aun no se ha ido el Padre',

sirvieseis a Dios'. 'in<i 'oj:ila y':yolte 'nbi to 'aun oye', Hntukle to 'pen-
'irxi dyot 'muinb '<it<>.r' dial 'ojala y te aaiio hi-'

ayude Dios que do que tongas Balud' 2.5.6. Conjunctional pabticleb. Under
_' ">
5 A "PABTfcULAS DEL Bl 1U! vrivo." this head, we find dubitative, modal, causal,
;// 'twould . . .)':xm When ti so', ka i nst ruinoiit :il , and negative particles, par-
fdnak 'ir'timut 'yo iria a Menda, si ticles of quantity and price, and others.
buvieae caballo (hubiera mi caballo)' 2.5.6.1 Dl MITATIVE PARTICLES.
wil '(would . . .:':iii wil 'nttmdnab im r
quicn Babe c(')ino? ^acaso? ^tal vez?
Km, ka ydnak 'intaktn 'yo oom (follows bik 'c6mo', bal 'qu6', baxun
praria mail, si tuvicra dinero' 'cuanto', bikin 'cuando', mak 'no')
,

inl '(would .. .) '.bincn iril no truil, ka ffnk bin 'abentbal? '^como vas a ir?':
Lintiktc Hcil ?akeban iiubieras ido al bikwa 'no lo s£ (<;qui6n sabe c6mo?)',
infierno, 9 hubieraa muerto en tu gmaki bin siikf ',.;qui6n va a (ha de)
pecado' ir?':maib wa 'no lo s£ (<;qui6n sabe

5 5.9. "P\UTlYl LAS DEL rUTUBO." qui6n?)', ;ti bini wa ?ayum? '<<(que)

hoy na8XDO $ '.kaioHikel 'iwale* se fue tal vez tu padre?' :bik wa 'no
'te irafl todavia hoy inisino', bik wa lo se. (,.;quien sabe c6mo?)', itec wa/
hin manebal kin ten 'iwal loc' '(como ,rres tu?', (la wa lo } / ,cs aqu61?',

talvei ir a pasar el dia yo este mismo ,hr wa Hnf

la 6 es aquel?'
'<;eres tii

de hoy i
do Be* cdmo me ini este dia' wa . . . (preceding bikin 'cuando', baxun
2.5.5.10. Pabticleb oi time \m> place. cuanto', bik 'c6mo', bal 'qu6', tab

bunn 'cuando' '.bikin abootik ?

apa£ f
'donde') ',;...?', ma? woxel wa bikin

244
 :

CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

'utdlel padre 'no s6 cuando viene el luianil 'donde falta'; 'con que . . .
':

Padre', ma? woxel wa baxun wayb? 'tihtk'd 'abootik 'apa$ 'con que puedes
'no ae" cuanto (dista) de aqui' pagar tu deuda'; 'donde ':?uj . . .

'cbald? 'no s6 si ... ':?in#ibtax htifun ?uluumil yolaxil kaxtal ?inyum 'buena
tec' fyaabi ?ebald? 'te escribi una carta, cs la tierra donde quiere morar mi
no s6 si te la dieron' padre'; 'por . . . ':lay ?okomil wol 'por
xi 'no s6 . . . ':xitab ti bint pedro 'no s6 esto estoy triste'; 'es . . . que': lay
d6nde se iue" Pedro', xurik ted 'iwaU? 'ucun 'unaxil benel 'por esta causa
1

'no sabes que sera de ti hoy', fakes es conveniente que te vayas'; 'como
xi bal (wa bal) ydlax pddre tec 'haz . . . do' '.bay halanil 'como esta man-
lo que te mando el Padre' dado'
xiS 'quizas' ::m tecaki 'quizas eres tu', 2.5.6.5.Particles of quantity.
xi§ ma?aki tan ?abenel 'quizas no baxun '<ipor cuanto?' '.ibaxun ?amdnki
iras' ?asuyem? 'dpor cuanto compraste tu
wil 'debe de'iti? mil ydni 'alia debe de manta?', ibaxun winik yan ti yotoc
estar', la? wil siikie? 'aqueJ debe de ku? '(jcuantos hombres hay en la
ir alia', ma? wil huluki 'no debe de Iglesia?'; '<;de qu6 tamafio' :<?6azim
haber venido' 'ukax ?amexen? '^de qu£ tamafio es tu
'ol 'casV'Jol Hmil ?ukax xwan 'casi se hijo?'
esta muriendo Juan', ?ol kimi xwan 6a 'como' :6a ?ukax paal loe? 'como del
'ahinas muri6 (poco falt6 que muriera) tamafio de aquel nifio'

Juan', ?ol ?ubenel 'ahinas no se fuera', 2.5.6.6. Negative particles.

'olak kimiken 'ahinas me muero' ma? (ma)(maa) 'not' '.ma? Hlaabi 'he
2.5.6.2. Modal particles. was not seen', ma tec '(emphatically)
bik{s) '
<;c6mo?'': ibiks ? am en tiki? '<;c6mo not (lit. not, you!)', ma tec ?uktmil
lo haces?' '^como lo hiciste?', links' 'he is not dead', ihaas' ten maa t

bin ?amentik? '<;c6mo lo has de hacer?', abeetik? 'Why don't you do it?'

ibikS ?abinki? '<;c6mo te fuiste?', mabaxun 'nunca' (plus optative) ma- :

links' ?akimsiki tul?

'
;como mataste
r oaxii,n ?incocob ?insipil 'nunca me
el conejo?', xulbil ?inkimsiki 'flechado desato mis pecados', mabaxun wildbec
lo mat6' 'nunca te he (has sido) visto (por ml)',
bay 'asV'.ma bay ?ukdti 'no quiere eso mabaxun Hiken kampec 'nunca he ido
asf, cuybil ?ukdti 'cosido lo quiere' aCampeche'; 'infinitos, -as':raa6a.Tim
2.5.6.3. Causal particles. ?unumyail mitnal 'infinitas son las
bal ?ucun ^porquG?' ibal ?ucun
'
: penas del infierno'
'axatfki? '^porque (lo) azotaste?', ibal maxaykun 'sin duda' (plus optative) xac
'ucun ?apwf,ul? ',;porque te huyes?' yaab Hmpdyma tec, maxaykun ?im-
qu6 moWvoV ibal
bal tax ?o1dal 'ipor : boote'H 'muy mucho te debo, no es
tax ?oklal kimki ?umexen dyos? <;por posible que yo lo pago'
que motivo muri6 el hijo de Dios?' bah ma? 'ipor qu6 no?': <
?6a.s ma 9 tan
bal ?uwilal '<;para que7': ibal ?uwilal ? abend? ',{por que no vas?', /6a.s

'akimsik ?ulum? '^para qu6 inatas las ma? 9 awdlax ten?

'<ipor qu6 no me lo

gallinas?' xanal ?uwilal 'para comer', dijistc?'

bal ?uwilal ka "Hnkimsax 'para comer ti ma? qne'ima? ? abenel ti ma*

'sin

la mat£' ?awdlik ten 'no te vayas sin que me lo

2.5.6.4. Instrumental particles. digas'
-il 'donde . . . 'lyanil 'donde hay', ma- ma?il 'antes qne^.hdlees ti pddre mafil

245
 LINGUISTICS

siik 'decidlo al padre antes de que kill 'still, and'

se vaya' yetel 'y'ipay pedro yetel xwan 'llama a
ft maf 'que (comparative)': pa ynum Pedro y a Juan', sen yetel 'v6te con
'inyamailee, immexen 'mas ti maf ?
eT, witel 'conmigo', ?awetel 'contigo',
yo te anio que (no) a mi hijo' yetel xwan 'con Juan', sen ycteloob
masamak 'en ninguna n\iu\e\-y :masamak 'vete con ellos'
pujuken 'en ninguna manera me huire' yetun 'con £V:wetun 'conmigo', *awetun
xik maf 'mira no dejes de (plus . . .
'
'contigo, en tu casa', yetun bdtab 'en
optative) '.xik rna' 'awalab ti padre la casa del cacique', yetun krus 'junto
'imira, no dejes de deeirlo al Padre!' a la cruz'
ka(is) maf ok 'por que no' :lik yilik kais 'v': 'ukeyaxen xwan kais fyxdflaxen
}
dyos ?utumtum 6ltabal winikdb lumen 'rinome Juan y azotome'
kisin, ka maf ok 'ucik fvbaoob, kalis' katun 'y despu£s:? ukeyaxen wicam, kais
ma'ak ftmoxkink(i) fvbaoob 'permite 'uxdaixen, katun pufitun 'rinome mi
Dios que sean tentados los hombres marido, y azotome, y despues se huy6'
por el Demonio, por que no so me- k 'y': 'ukeyaxen pddre ken tuxdjlax
joren, por que no so ensoberbezcan' 'rinome el Padre y me azot6'

bakak 'aunque' (plus optative) :bukakis k Yuando' :l;on bini 'cuando me fuf
Siik 'aunque Be vaya' kun's '<;>•?' ijtox wa fawolt '^estas bueno?',
xik 'mira no, aim no' (plus optative): tax wol 'bueno estoy', ;kuns tayumt
xik luouket 'aun do caij Vy tu padre?', ;kuns 'ana'.' ',jy tu
'

ikuni kt c
iio scni bueno?' ijkuni k madre?'
awalab li pddref ';no sen! bueno que ma 'is 'tampoco': maf 'abenil mafiS
lo digas al Padn tvbenel 'alak 'no te vayas oi tampoco
tan ti 'no':&m ti '<>k<>l 'no (lores', ion vaya tu companero'
* awalab ti pddre 'no lo digas al Padre' hum 'pues' :kunre 'pues tii', ;kunen ira
baki (no):oa&t abend
* 'no te \a\ maf tan Hntdlel? Vpues yo do he de
oakitd 'dejalo por ahora', bakildf ir?'

'd(''j:ilo del todo do lo bag / umen 'because' :< umen 'dalab tsntf
"sin que': ma' 'abmel, 'because I have been told'
'au-iilab li pddre 'no te v 2.5.7. "PARTfcULAfl OJTENSIVAS".
que lo digas al Padre' xumbak 'four hundred', xunkrl 'junta-
'sin': 'urakiii "sin nu". '<irak>r >\u mente', xunmol 'juntos', ket 'junta-
ti', mafoaloon 'oral: dyos 'no Bomos inente', / ulakul 'todo', pakte 'todo

oada sin I ): junto': 'iic yuekinki t ulukal 'bene om-

'arak 'si BO'lOUl Xofak, '<i<'ak 'u/rn-id nia fecit', bin t'm ti pakteil 'fufmonos
Yuera azotado, si do se huyi juntos'
kais 'lit'ak 'no' ://•</ maf 'ak'ili f» ml, 2 5 s "PartIculas distuntivas".
kais 'linil; 'si do quieres irte, do te wa 'whether, or, iV:wa ?aHxo wa ?awa-
Va\ tdn 'whether your son or your wife',
mii mak 'no one, nobody 1
wa kawolte 'if you wish'
mis baal 'nothing' lak, lawak '('). ii':'-'' ca 'idum, lak he?,
1
mii bikiu 'never lak wax, lawak 've, trae gallina, 6
minaan 'not to have; not to exist' huevo, 6 pan, u otra cosa'
7. Others, bas, u'Uak he 9 bas wax, basan
basan '6, ,

ka 'and' 'vengan huevos, 6 pan, u otra cosa'

fan 'also, and' lawak, lawkinak ti '6, otra cualquiera':

246
CLASSICAL YUCATEC (MAYA)

sen pay pedro, lawak xwan, lawak law- lakec 'lY'.ma' toad Hnkol, lakec tumen
kinak ti winikil 've\ llama a Pedro, 'unbend ti xo } , lakec tumen fim-
6 a Juan, 6 a otro cualquiera hombre' mdxantabal, tumen batab, lakec Hn-
lawak ti 'eualquier':Sen ca lawak ti lakil
kandn meson 'no suelo hacer milpa,
'v6, trae cualquier plato'
6 por ir a la ciudad (de M^rida), 6
fukinaki 'cualquiera que sea'':? ukinaki
ce? ?acabi 'toma de ahi un palo cual- porquo me oeupa el cacique, 6 porque

quiera que sea' soy mesonero'

REFERENCES
Andrade, 1940 Pachcco Cruz, 1920, 1939, 1948
Beltran de Santa Rosa, 1746, 1859 Perez, n.d., 1866-67, 1898
Brasseur de Bourbourg, 1869-70 Pike, K. L., 1946a
Cacalchen, Libro de, 1647-1826 Rada y Delgado and L6pez de Ayala, 1892
Calkini, Chilam Balam de Romero Fuentes, 1910
Chicxulub, Cronica de, 1542-62 Rosnv, 1887
Ciudad Real, 1600, 1929 Roys, 1933, 1939, 1944
Coronel, 1620 San Buenaventura, 1684, 1888
Forstemann, 1880, 1892 San Francisco, Diccionario de, n.d.
Gates, 1938 Seler, 1887, 1902
Chilam Balam de
Izil, Solfs Alcala, 1949
Lopez Otero, 1914 Sotuta, Libro de, n.d.
McQuown, 1956 Thompson, J. E. S., 1962
Martinez Hernandez, 1926, 1929 Ticul, Documentos de, 1642-1761
Maya Society, 1937 Tizimin, Chilam Balam de, 1870
Mediz Bolio, 1943 Tozzer, 1921
Mena, n.d. Vienna, Diccionario de, n.d.
Morley and Brainerd, 1956 Xiu Chronicles, 1608-1817
Nah, Chilam Balam de, n.d. Zavala, 1898
Nida and Moises Romero, 1950 and Medina, 1898

247
 . 1

7C. Classical Quiche

Ml'NHO S. EDMONSON

0. Introduction 2.3.6.10. AdverbiaLs

1 Phonology 2.4. Nouns
1 . Phoneme inventory 2.4.1. Noun roots
1.1.1. Consonants 2.4.2. Compound .stems
1.1.2. Vowels 2.4.3. Complex stems
1.1.3. Prosody 2.4.3.1. Deverbative noun stems
1 .2. Orthography 2.4.3.2. Desubstantive noun stems
1.2.1. Consonants 2.4.3.3. Phrase-compound noun stems
1.2.2. Vowels 2.4.4. Noun inflection
1.2.3. Prosody 2.4.4.1. Pronominal nouns
1.3. Phoneme variants 2.4.4.1.1 . Polite usage
1.3.1. Consonants 2.4.4.1.2 Reflexive
.

1 .3.2. Vowels 2.4.4.2. Nominal prefixes ax- and (t')s-

1 .3.3. Prosody 2.4.4.3. Reduplication

1.4. Phoneme distribution 2.4.4.4. Plural
1.4.1. Initial consonants 2.4.4.5. Suffixes -al and -il

1 .4.2. Consonant clusters 2.4.4.6. Suffix -ax

1.4.3. Vowel clusters 2.4.4.7. Adjectival suffixes
1.4.4. Morphophonemic alternation 2.4.4.7.1 . Suffix -a
2. Morphology 2.4.4.7.2 Suffixes -ik
. and -ak
2.1. Morpheme shapes 2.4.4.7.3 Suffix -I 'lax
.

2.2. Morpheme classes 2.4.4.8. Restricted noun suffixes

2.3. Verbs 2.5. Particles
2.3.1. Intransitive verbs 2.5.1. Particle inflection
2.3.2. Transitive verbs 2.5.2. Particle compounding
2.3.3. Mode 2.5.3. Prepositional particles
2.3.3.1. Modal deverbatives 2.5.3.1. Postpositions
2.3.4. Aspect 2.5.4. Pronominal particles
2.3.5. Mood 2.5.4.1. Interrogative pronouns
2.3.6. Verb complex 2.5.4.2. Demonstrative pronouns
2.3.6.1. Aspect 2.5.4.3. Pronominal compounds
2.3.6.2. Mood 2.5.5. Adverbial particles
2.3.6.3. Object 2.5.5.1. Conjunctive particles
2.3.6.4. Subject 2.5.5.2. Temporal particles
2.3.6.5. Root II 2.5.5.3. Modal particles
2.3.6.6. Root I 2.5.5.4. Particle complex
2.3.6.7. Intensive 2.5.5.5. Locative particles
2.3.6.8. Status 2.5.5.6. Quantitative particles
2.3.6.9. Mode 2.5.6. Interjectional particles

249
 LINGUISTICS

0. Introduction. Classical Quiche was 1

city). Northern neighbors of the Quiche are
spoken in highland Guatemala, principally Aguacatec (in Aguacatan), Ixil (in Nebaj
in the departments of Totonicapan, El and Chajul), and Uspantec (San Miguel
Quiche, and parts of Baja Verapaz, Solola, Uspantan). Historically the Quiche were
and Quezaltenango in the centuries preced- also in contact with the Kekchi and Poko-
ing and following the Spanish conquest in mam to the north and east. To the south
the 16th century. Modem Quiche, differing they colonized the Pacific slopes to the
mainly in its incorporated neo-Xahuatl and vicinity of Retalhuleu and Mazatenango,
Spanish elements and in the degree of its but they never settled the coastal plain.
municipal differentiation into dialects, is All the neighbors of the Quiche were thus
stillspoken by nearly half a million Indiana speakers of highland Mayan languages,
in the same area. Apart from municipal dif- which diverged from the lowland ones at
ferentiation, which dates largely from the about the beginning of the great lowland
last four centuries. Classical Quiche was a Maya civilization in the last centuries B.C.
quite homogeneous language, most of the By around the 5th a.d. they had further
speakers of which were unified around the Beparated into eastern (Kekchi, Pokonchi,
14th to the Kith centuries in the most im- Pokomam), central (Quiche, Cakchiquel,
portant native state in the highlands, with Tzutuhil, Uspantec) and western (Mam,
its (bimarcaah (Utatlan), Deal
capital at Aguacatec, Ixil) groups. Uspantec diverged
the modern Santa Crux del Quiche. The from the other central highland languages
Quiche lineages disputed control of the around the L3th century, and Cakchiquel-
central highlands with those of the Txutuhil Tzutulul from Quiche in the 15th. In the
and Cakchiquel, who are also the cloeesl central highlands the Lineage wars of the
linguistic relatives of the Quiche, and they ruling dynasties were probably a decisive
never completely subjugated the Itahinal factor in these subdivisions. During the
lineage of Baja Verapas. Rabinal is the most period prior to the Spanish conquest (per-
divergent of the Quiche dialects, and has haps in the 14th century) the central high-
often been considered a separate language. land- were exposed to extensive Nahuatl-
The expansion Quiche state pushed
of the Pipil influence, possibly by conquest, since
westward the Main-speakers in the areas of the leading lineages of the Quiche state ap-
Quesaltenango ami Quehuetenango to about pear to be at least partly identified with the
the present linguistic boundary (a north- Aztecs, and persona] names of some of the
south line about 10 miles west of the former Quiche kings were Xahuatl. This influence
is in any case reflected in a sprinkling of
an amatol!! in what is perhaps the most
-

technical of the fields of anthropology, I should naturalized loan words of Xahuatl origin.
like to acknowledge the gene* inoe of Dr. A larger number of Xahuatl words was in-
Norman A. McQoOWD in furnishing me an ad-
troduced after the conquest, mainly via
vance draft copy of his "Outline of Classical
Yucatec," on which I have leaned very heavily Spanish.
in preparing this corresponding sketch of Quiche. Missionaries early trained Indian assist-
I have even made a deliberate attempt to parallel
ants to write Quiche, a tradition which then
Kl in the hope that this would illuminate
similarities and differences between two well- me partly autonomous until at least the
known related languages. I am also indebted to l)r 19th century, and the most valuable part of
MeQuown for access to Theodore Ebneter's "Re- our corpus of Classical Quiche materials
port on Classical Quiche" (mimeographed) and
other materials. I am indebted to Prof. Adrian I. comes from this source. The most outstand-
Chavez. President of the Acadcinia Maya-Quiche ing document in this corpus is the Popol
of Quesaltenango, Prof. Anibal I: Garefa of Vuh, the Longest and one of the best pre-
Cantel, and Mr. Antonio Saquic of San Andrei
Xecul for their patience in instructing rne in served of nearly a dozen lineage histories
Modern Quiche. known to have been written in the 16th
2.50
CLASSICAL QUICHE

century in a modified Spanish alphabet. materials are at the universities of Chicago,

Three more of these are published in Quiche Princeton, Tulane, and California.
and Spanish (Recinos, 1957). One or two 1. Phonology.
more may be extant in manuscript collec- 1.1. Phoneme Inventory.
tions. The others are lost or known only in 1.1.1. Consonants.
Spanish translation. Post- 10th century docu- p t 4 c. k q
'

ments almost invariably reflect the massive p t if, c k q

influence of Spanish which justifies their S S X
classification as Modern Quiche. A note- m n
worthy and puzzling exception is the 19th- w V
century Rabinal Achi, which is remarkably I

close to the Popol Vuh in language and in

style. Partial exception may also be made of 1.1.2. Vowels.
a manuscript divining calendar of the 18th i u ii uu
century from Quezaltenango (Choi Poval — e o ee oo
Ahilabal Q'ih). Three missionary grammars a aa
of the 16th century by Fathers Vico, Anleo Prosody. No close study has been
1.1.3.
and Martinez, and other works by Father made of Quiche prosody. The following
Vico are extant in manuscript and are useful features may be considered plausible guesses.
for the study of Classical Quiche. 1.1.3.1. Tones. Quiche does not appear
Textual materials for the study of Modern to use tone segmentally.
Quiche include the books of at least two 1.1.3.2. Junctures. Close juncture is
17th-century and one 18th-century cofradia, distinguished from open by a strongly
a collection of 18th-century wills and land marked stress accent on all syllables pre-
titles that appears to come from Rabinal or ceding open juncture. Intermediate and
vicinity, some late 18th-century "docu- terminal open junctures are probable.
ments" from Totonicapan, a calendar from 1.1.3.3. Intonation. There is extensive
Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan, and the Zaqi suprasegmental use of tone in Modern
Q'axol (a play about the conquest of Mexico), Quiche, probably involving at least four
both of 19th-century date. Important 20th- phonemes: steady, rising, falling and steady-
century materials in Quiche include the falling: a, d, a, ad.
publications of Father Teletor from Rabinal, 1.1.3.3.1. Levels. This would imply
Schultze Jena from Chichicastenango, and three levels: 3 2 1.

the Burgesses from Quezaltenango, as well 1.2. Orthography. Although it is clear

as the extensive recordings and transcrip- that both Classical and Modern Quiche had
tions of Andrade in manuscript at the Uni- both short and long vowels, as well as a
versity of Chicago (see References) Nothing . glottal stop, since neither of these features is

of consequence appears to have been written consistently indicated in the orthography, we

by the Indians themselves in this century. can here only note the fact, and shall be un-
The principal grammars of Quiche are able to write these features in this grammar.
those of Xim6nez (?1722), Brasseur de 1.2.1. Consonants.
Bourbourg and Friedrich (1955).
(1862), p t tz ch k k, q ( ), h,
'

The principal dictionaries and vocabularies b th tz ch g g

are Basseta's (?1698), the Anonymous Fran- z, s, c x h
ciscan's (1787), Brasseur de Bourbourg's m n
(1862), Schultze-Jena's (1933), Teletor's v, u V,hJ
(1959) and Xec and Maynard (1954). The
primary collections of Quiche manuscript

251
 LINGUISTICS

1.2.1.1. Alphabetic
variants. Several talized series is often lenis intervocalically
other have been used for
orthographies and often fortis in initial and final positions.
Quiche, differing mainly in their treatment Palatalization of the palatal stops occurs
of the consonants. Principal of these are before at least a and e in some words and
Father La Parra's (16th century), Schultze may be both modern and dialectic. The
Jena's, that of the Institute Indigenista de sibilant 8 is apical tmd alveolar; the shibi-
(luatemala and that of the Academia Maya- lant s is palatal; the x is a strong-velar
Quiche. The following table summarizes fricative. The m is bilabial; the n is alveo-
their correspondences. lar, shifting morphophonemically to m
Academia before close junctures followed by bilabials
Maya- Instituto La Schultze- and phonetically to rj before palatal stops.
Quich£ Indigenista Pabra Jena
The 10 is a high back semi-vowel; the y is
fc
<V qu c, qu c, qu k
high front; both tend to be devoiced under
X k 5 9
> >
the strong prejunctural aspiration already
?
noted. The lateral / is palatal, and is also
P b b b b
markedly devoiced in prejunctural aspira
i 4 i th
tion. The r is an alveolar tap intervoealically,
< i tz 4, ft
*
becoming devoiced and aspirated pre and
<'•
ch 4 ch'
X
pOStjuncturaQy. In this position the r be-
i y c\ qu g A- comes almost a shibilant.
7 O a Jj
k \M:2. VOWELS. The simple vowels corre-
sh j .r spond well to those of English beat, bet, hoi
j-
i j h h (fly), boat, boot or Spanish tiro, pcro, paro,
w gui w w V w torn, puro. The double vowels are simple
elongations of them, normally with smooth
Publications of the Instituto Bfblioo de
articulation. All single vowels are markedly
Que/altenango use the orthography <>i" the
weakened when occurring in unstressed
Instituto Ir but substitute '//•'

syllables and may be heard as shwa (.>,

for k to mean q.
English thus). The diphthongs implied by
\:1:1 Vowi
the orthography of Classical Quiche (in
u n, ij, iff in which a C\\ element is followed by
o tt (' one)
\ are not heard in the modern
a aa
language, in which the first vowel is always
1.2.3. PROSODY. Prosodic feature- an- assimilated to the second.
quite irregularly represented in Clai l..;:; Prosody. Except for the primary
Quiche document.-, most of which are distinction between close and open juncture
characterizedby BOmewhal erratic word by a very marked prejunctural stress

and little or no punctuation.

division I accent, the prosodic features of Classical

documents or published text- apply the and Modern Quiche remain to be established
canons Spanish punctuation in a manner
of 1.4 I'honemk distribution.

h may have little to do with Quiche I 1.1. Initial consonants.

ody, Cla.-sical or Modern.
a e i o a aa ee n 00 u ii

1.3. Phoneme vabias

p 83* :\r> :58 41 38 1 2 1 1
1 .3.1. Consonants. The unglottalized
58 19 41 39 42 1 1 4 1
f
and arlricate> (exce] I
-: t 32 80 44 55 — 2 1 2 1

")

before open junctures, and there particu- 1 3 5 9 1 1

ia i

( 152 10 23 22 21 1 2 — —
larly .-trong aspiration of u\ */, I and r in
\
17 12 5 7 — — — —
the same position. Articulation of the glot- ! t:» 15 51 32 25 2 4 1

252
 :

CLASSICAL QUICHE

a e t u "> i
- /( 00 ux Examples of inversion of both consonants
c 30 2 14 14 17 1
— — — — and vowels can be found in Modern Quiche:
k 87 21 29 47 46 — 2 — — 1
— — — — n oroxel - (for Classical:) r enoxel 'all (of it)'
k 21 5 7 5 5 1

6 14 35 27 kixap' - (for Classical:) kaxip' 'four'

37
<I

46 10 19 39 18 1 — 2 —
1 2. Morphology.
9
9 — 5 2 5 — — — — — Morpheme
s 47 27 60 36 41 1
— 1
— 1
2.1. shapes.
$ 40 18 28 24 32 — — —
1 1 2.1.1. Types.
X 53 21 30 45 54 5 2 — 2
1 A. C P; suffixes (rare)
rn 58 25 18 26 42 — —1 1
V
n 54 18 33 15 17 —1 1 1
B. 1'; suffixes (rare)

w 45 11 25 19 4 — — 2 2 — C. CV NT, V, P; VN, y/V; (about

V 49 17 14 39 38 2 — — — — 10 per cent)
I 39 18 27 29 18 — — 21 1
D. VC N, V, P; VN, W; pre-
r 20 22 21 22 18
fixes (about 5 per cent)
* Numbers refer to frequency of occurrence of
reduplication (about 4 per
E. V\C\
these CV combinations in Edmonson, 1965.
cent)
1.4.2. Consonant clusters. Consonant F. V\C% reduplication (rare)
dusters occur in Quiche only as a result of G. CiViCt reduplication (very rare)
close juncture mor-
between separable H. CVC N, V, P; VN, y/V (about
r
phemes. In initial position this is almost (). > per cent)
exclusively a matter of the use of the com- I. VCVC N, V; VN, VV (about 5
pletive particle S, which can be followed by per cent)
any other consonant. J. CVCVC N, V; VN, VV (about 5
In medial position (-C close juncture C-) per cent)
ii is probable that all combinations occur, K. Foreign Loan Words (about 5 per cent)
though not all can be readily documented. Hnamital 'lineage' (Nah. chinamitl)
Final consonantal clusters do not occur. tekpanir 'multiply' (Nah. tecpan)
1.4.3. Vowel clusters. Vowel clusters kaSlan 'Spanish' (Sp. castellano)
are very rare in Classical Quiche orthog- animd 'soul' (Sp. anima)
raphy, and are articulated in Modern L. Unanalyzed Compounds (rare)
Quiche as a single elongated vowel assimi- waxsak 'eight'
lated to the value of the second of a given 2.2. Morpheme classes. Quiche mor-
pair. It is not impossible that the original phemes may be broadly classified as nouns,
form of these clusters was that of diph- verbs and particles. All three classes may be
thongal Vi'Vz sequences; such articulation compounded. Nouns and verbs may take
morphemes involved is
of the occasional in prefixed pronouns indicative of number and
Modern Quiche. Geminate clusters are persons and denoting possession in the case
perhaps historically long vowels; diph- of nouns, subject and object in the case of
thongal clusters appear to result only from verbs. Nouns may additionally be combined
the combination of separable morphemes, with a particular set of affixes, and verbs
e.g., ka-ip' 'two'. with a different set of suffixes.
1.4.4. MORPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATION. 2.3. Verbs may be transitive or intransi-
Alternation of vowels is found in some words tive. Intransitive verbs take the prefixed
and may be dialectic pronouns:
i - a sinik - sanik 'ant' Sg. 1) in PI. 1) ox
e - a senayep' - sanayep' 'sand' 2) at 2) U
o - a mop - map 'palm tree' 3) 3) e
e - i mep' - mip' 'poor' Transitive verbs beginning with a consonant
o - u ox - ux 'we' take the prefixed pronouns:

253
 LINGUISTICS

Sg. 1) nu PI. 1) qa Examples:

2) a 2) i #ip 'writing' : <j,ipanik 'to be writing'
3) w 3) fci fix 'word' : fixonik 'to be speaking'
Transitive verbs beginning with a vowel winaq 'man' : winaqirik 'become a
take the prefixed pronouns: man'
Sg. 1) w PL 1) q naxt 'distant' : naxtirik 'recede'
2) aw 2) itc These make use of the desubstantivizing
3) r 3) fc infix -Y-, and require the intransitive ter-
Transitive verbs may take both subject minative -i-k, whatever the intervening
and object prefixes, in which case the object inflection. Transitive verbs may also form
prefixes are identical with the subject pre- intransitives by means of the intransitrviz-
fixes of intransitive verbs, and always ing suffix -i-k.
precede the regular transitive subject pre- Examples:
fixes.(For numerals see §2.3.6.) loq 'love : loqonik'be in a loving state'
Examples: (some-
1
k 2 i& qa* sac 6 wi 10 iw onoxd 'we shall
forget about all of you' cue 'soften': vucunik 'become soft'
<0> 3 r4 il
6
o 8 'he saw it' pan : panolik 'having acted'
3
aP oj" ft" 'they were born'
.s
1
' i 'make, do'
0* 'he had to cry'
1
c- - of}
6
tis 'sew' : tisominik 'be sewn'
The suffix -V- aervee a- a transitive marker kol 'rescue': kolotaxik 'escape'
for transitive verb Btema and roots, a iq 'sur- : iqowik 'be excessive'
transitivizer for intransitive verb stem- aiul pass'
roots, and a transitive desub-tantivizer for All complex intransitive verb stems, whether
noun stems and roots. The sutlix -i- \< the desubstantive or detransitive, require the
OOrresponding intransitive marker. intransitive terminative -i-k when they arc'

Examples: employed as verbs, though they may omit

pet 'come* : pti>.r 'to oome through this sufiix with or without the substitution
(someth of other- when used part icipially. The
pan 'do' : pani,.r 'to do, act of suffix -i-k is occasionally found as an in-
doing' transitivizer of simple transitive verb roots.
ffoiaJ to be done' 1 txamples:
paml: to be acting' pan 'make, do' : panik 'act'
Cix 'word' : Ci.mx 'speak' jot 'cut* : ^otxk 'be cutting'
kam 'die' : kamifxx 'to kill' 2.3.2. TraNSITTVE VERBS. Some verb
2.3.1. Intkavmi l\ K VERBS. Some verb roots are inherently transitive: qam 'take',
are inherently intransitive: (jus 'tat'. eg 'carry', moq 'seize', ray 'hit', tik 'plant'.
4e 'laugh' oq weep', knp 'sit', kam 'die'. These require the transitive suffixes -V-(x)
These require the intransitive suffix -f-jfc or -a when they are utterance terminal, but
when they are utterance terminal, but may may stand alone when they are followed by
stand alone when followed by other ele- other elements within the utterance.
ments within the utteran Examples:
Examples: &
3
u* pan6
l 8
ri cak 'he did the job'
.s
1
in 3 id 6 pa xa T arrived at the house' S1 3
u* pan6 o 8 'he did it'

P in 3 id 6 ik89 'I arrived' 1

k2 3
u* tik6 a 8 'he will plant it'
3
Sl e kam 6 ft" they died' S e3 lix 6 cik 10 'they
1
tried it again'
Some intransitive verb >tems are desubstan- Some verb stems are desubstantively transi-
tive: tive:

254
CLASSICAL QUICHE

Examples: with the -(a)-0, and all transitive

suffix

afiiyak 'clothes' : afiyakix 'to clothe' stems an inchoative (-r-), progressive

'4ip 'writing' : fopax 'to write' (-?/-), passive (-s-) and active (-/-) mode.

saq 'white' : saqix 'to whiten' All of the transitive stem suffixes except
4ix 'word' : iixox 'to say' -m- (definitive) may be followed by intransi-
These make use of the desubstantive transi- tive suffixes in -i- and -e-. The transitive

tive suffix -V-, and require the transitive stems in -w-, -n-, -m-, -p- and -t- may take
marker -x. The same forms appear as transi- other transitive suffixes. All intransitive

tivizers of intransitive verb stems with a suffixes may be followed by transitive

variety of stem inflections: suffixes in -V-. The intransitive stems in

Examples:
-p- and -n- may also take intransitive
suffixes in -i- and Combinations using
-e-.
mxowik 'dance' : Zaxowisax 'to cause
to dance'
up to five successive modal suffixes are
found. (See §2.3.6.9.)
cutinik 'dwindle' : cutinarisax 'to
Examples:
cause to become
panopex 'to (intend to) do' (transitive
small'
purposive transitive):

kamik 'die' : kamipex 'kill'

kotfapa 'put to bed' (transitive pur-
anik 'run' : anomax 'flee from'
posive-inceptive : transitive)
Some complex transitive stems ending in
petipex 'to (intend to) come' (intransi-
-V-p- require the transitive terminal -a; all
tive purposive : transitive)
other complex transitive stems require the
fopanik 'to be writing' (transitive
transitive terminative -V-x when they are
indefinitive: intransitive)
used as verbs, though they may omit this
xunamatax equalize' (transitive
'to
suffix and substitute others when used
definitive-causative : transitive)
participially. The suffix -V-x is occasionally
qatox 'to cut' (transitive infinitive)
found as a transitivizer of simple intransi-
pinik 'to walk' (intransitive infinitive)
tive verb roots.
panatanik 'to be having things done'
Examples: (transitive causative: intransitive)
pet 'come' : petex 'come through (some- kamisax 'to cause to die' (intransitive
thing)' causative: transitive)
pe 'go' : peex 'go along (something)' saxowik 'to be dancing' (transitive
2.3.3. Mode. Various distinctions equiv- extensive : intransitive)
alent to voice, aspect, mood, tense and pinixeyik 'to be walking along' (in-

participial construction in other languages transitive extensive-progressive : in-

are expressed in the Quiche verb by what transitive)

may be called mode. At least six modes are axawax 'to need' (transitive extensive:
common to transitive and intransitive verbs transitive)
(roots and stems): purposive (-p-), in- 2.3.3.1.- Modal deverbatives. A great
definitive (-n-), definitive (-ra-), infini- wealth of participial deverbatives is gener-
tive (transitive -x, intransitive -k), causa- ated by the system of modal suffixes in
tive (transitive -t-, intransitive -s-) and Quiche. All transitive verb stems ending in
extensive (transitive -w-, intransitive -x-). consonants other than -p-, -w- and -t- may
Intransitive verbs (roots and stems) form be used as nouns. The intransitive indicative
deverbatives with the suffix -e- in the agen- in -i-k may also be employed as an infinitive.
tive (-1) and abstractive (-m) modes. Any intransitive verb (stem or root) may
Transitive stems in -p- and transitive verb take the deverbative suffixes -(e)-/ (agen-
roots may additionally form an inceptive tive) and -(e)-m (abstractive). A few transi-

255
 i

LINGUISTICS

tive form an agent ive-abstrac-

roots also therefore come to resemble tense prefixes:
tive in -{o)-m. Transitive and intransitive s, past, A- (a), present and c(i), future,
purposive stems (ending in -p-) form a probably as a result of Spanish influence.
present participle in -a-l which has instru- The primary expression of negation in
mental meaning. Intransitive indefinitives Classical Quiche employed the particle
(in -i-n-) form a past participle in -a-k. m(a) alone or compounded with other
Examples: adverbial particles preceding the aspective
panox 'to do' (infinitive) particle. In Modern Quiche this has become
winaqir 'becoming a man' (inchoative) a conjunct construction, the negative
#ipam 'written' (defmitr. particle before the verb complex requiring
tanapay 'stopping' (progressive) the negative (formerly optative) particle
loqos 'loved' (passive) tax among the terminal adverbials.
panol 'doer' (active) Examples:
polon 'rolled' (indefinitiv $* qo* 'it was'
ulik 'to arrive' (infinitive) ma°& - (/e
l
"it wasn't* (Classical Quiche)
tisominel 'one who is sewing things A.'- in 3 pin* ik* 9 'I am walking'
up' (agent ive) ka 2 nu* pan'' e
s
'I am doing it'
(uawarem 'government' (abstractive) ma° na° An- nu* pan* o* tax ]0 'I am not
iyom 'grandmother' (abstractive) doing it' (Modem Quiche)
oqepal 'lamentation' (purposive par- (Y- ki* pan* o* 'they must do it'
s9
ticiple) f )na'
2
war 6 /7 'blindness'
kaminuk 'dead' ( indelinitive partici- & k- <7
6
ik s9 he was going along'
ple) P r- in
3
pis* on* 9 /A-89 T must have been
rbatives are subject to normal noun singing'
inflection (see $2.4.3.2 2.3.i>. Verb complex. The following
2.3.4. ASPECT. All finite verbal phi positions are recognizable in the verb com
(transitive roots in -0 and rare tive roots t plex:
and steins in -Y-x, -V, and -a, intransitive (1) ASPECT
roots in -0 and intransitive roots and -
(2) MOOD
in -i-k) require introductory particles of (3) OBJECT
aspect, mood subject and (in the cast- of (4) SUBJECT
transitive verbs) object. The BSpective (5) ROOT II
particles are § t
OOMFLSTTVI and 0, incomple- (6) HOOT I

n VK. 7 [NTENSIVE
Bxampli - STATUS
¥ 0- 0* ton' ik*>
1

far
1 0* tan* ik* (9) MODE
"he died' : 'he ifl dying' (10) ADVERBIALS
Ppptfya* (rk-0 :
u*ya* 2.3.6.1. Aspect. The only particle which
'he gave it' : 'he gives it' can occur in position 1 is n, indicating the
2.3.5. Mood. The mood particles are COMPLETIVE aspect. Its alternative is 0,
-'>
k(a), INDICATIVE, . NECE88TTATIVE and, [PLETIVE. (See §2..'^.4.)

very rarely m(a NEGATIVE, all alternating

. 2.3.62. Mood. The particles which can
with 0, DECLARATIVE. A finite verb may occur in position 2 are k(a), INDICATIVE,
not take the zero forms for both aspect and r(i),NECEBSrrATrvE and very rarely m(a),
mood. In Classical Quiche aspect and mood NEGATIVE, all alternating with 0, DECLARA-
particles were frequently compounded; in TIVE (which requires the completive S in
Modem Quiche they are not and have position 1 I. (See §2.3..",.

256
 :

CLASSICAL QUICHE

Object. The intransitive subject

2.3.6.3. pit 'break' : pit
6
ip7 oS 89 9
ik* 'broken
(and transitive object) pronouns occur in to bits'
position 3. (See §2.3. For polite usage see puq 'belch' : puq 6 uq 7 'growl (of stom-
§2.4.4.1.2.) ach)'
Subject. The transitive subject
2.3.6.4. nus 'slither : nus-* nus1 'whoosh like a

pronouns occur in position 4. (See §2.3. For like a rocket'

polite usage see §2.4.4.1.2.) snake'
2.3.6.5. Root II. Compound verbs are 2.3.(3.8. Status. The suffixes occurring in

created by the appearance of simple verb position 8 are transitive (-F-, -a- and -o)
and noun roots in position 5 in combination and intransitive (-i- and -e-) markers. A -0
with inflected ones in position 6. In Modern suffix in this position serves to leave in

Quiche the second verb is frequently the transitive verb roots intransitive and
Spanish infinitive. transitive ones transitive. The suffix -V- is

Examples: occasionally found as a transitivizer of

intransitive verb roots, and the suffixes -i-
O l
k2 3
u4 xal- s wac 6 ip 69 ex* 9 'he trans-
figures it'
and -e- are occasionally found as intransi-
tivizers of transitive verb roots. The suffixes
()
l
ka2 3
nu 4 qas- h qoop* it*
9
ax 89 'I
-V- (commonly) and -i- (rarely) are en-
endure it'

9
countered as transitive and intransitive
(P ka2 3
4al-
h
qat 6 ik* 'it wobbles'
3 4 6
desubstantivizers, respectively. The position
s
] 2
in (u) pan suprir 'it pained me'
8 suffixes are also extensively used in con-
(Modern Quiche)
junction with those of position 9 in the
2.3.6.6. Root I. The primary verbal root
composition of complex verbals.
occurs in position 6. A noun root may also
Examples
occur in this position provided it is followed 6 89
tfal e:r 'to return (something)'
by the transitive desubstantive -V- in
6 8
fox a 'is about to ignite'
position nouns arc
8. Inflected also oc-
qin 6 om*9 'rich'
casionally found as verb roots. 6 89 'to
qol ifc be'
Examples: 6
his il*
9
em* 9 'life'
89
*' 2
ox3 u4 h
war 6 a/ is*
9
ax 89 'he put A;
2 3
u4 qam 6 'he takes it'

us to sleep' A;
2
ox 3 ox 6 'we go'
4 89
l
k2 ox3 (J)
h
winaq 6 is*
9
/A; 'we are pin 6 ix* 9 'to walk (something)'
enslaved' qam 6
ik* 9 'to be taking'
O l
ka2 3 4
0* zaq 6 ir* 9 ik* 9 'it is bright- pan 6 el*
9
'doer'
ening' ('good morning' in Modern al
6
ax* 9
'to bear a child'
Quiche) cut 6 ik* 9 'to be small'
1
ka2 3
u4 b
saxap 6 ix*
9
'he is making 2.3.6.9. Mode. Seventeen consonantal
shoes' suffixes of mode occur in position 9. They
l
k2 3 4 b
kap 6 iy*
9
ax 89 ?7c
89
'he is stand in a complex relationship to the
repeating' position 8 suffixes which they follow, be-
Intensive. Three types of re-
2.3.6.7. cause they serve as stem-formatives which
duplication may occur in position 7 as can then go back and take a fresh position
intensive markers. The commonest type is 8 suffix and a new suffix from position 9.
-VxC\. Somewhat rarer is the form -V1C2. Examples are found in which this deriva-
Very rarely one encounters syllabic redu- tional process may take place up to five
plication: -CiVid. times. The relationship of the evolving stem
Examples: to the status suffixes of position 8 which

257
 LINGUISTICS

can precede and follow the modal indicators The suffix -(T)-0 may only follow transitive
is indicated in the following table. verb roots. Its meaning is finitive and it

Suffix Position Mode Function

8 9 S
-A- perfective
-0 inceptive
-0- { -0 finitive (utterance medial)
-0 finitive (utterance terminal)
•I- active
-y- progressive
-r- inchoative
-s- -i- passive
-V -X- -€- infinitive
-t- causative
-w- extensive
-P-) -a- purposive
-n- > -V- indefinitive
j
-m- definitive
s- causative
-X- J extensive
-k infinitive
fS]/lV -e- -I live
-
-o- « -m abstractive

The suffix -(a)-k (perfective may only may be utterance terminal. It may not be
follow the suffix -(i)-n-, thus fonnii |
further inflected.
INDEPLNIT1 VE-PKRFJBCT1 VI deverbative fre- Examples:
3 s9
quently described as a "past participle." It k- u* jus 1''

u 'he is igniting it'

cannot be further inflected except as a noun. /.<;-' 3

nu* yuq 6
u*
9
'I am stretching it'

Examples: The suffix -(a) -I (active) must follow the

kanr 1
m 'death' purposive -/)- tO create an ACTIVE-PURPOSIVE
P*t 'come' deverbative which has frequently beeu
e
pan <f 'done, arranged' called "instrumental."
pe* m 89 ak* 9
'gone' imples:
1 kun' nfr'
/'/* -
aJb* 'surpassed, excessive' a<~ '
'cure, medicine'
The suffix -(a)-0 may only follow certain rue" ii i? 9 a/89 'step-mother'
common transitive verb root-, and stems U we& ij? 9 a/ 89 'blessing'
ending in the suffix V ]>-. Its manning is war* ap* 9 aP' 'blanket, bedroom' 1

ENCKPTTVE and it may not take further The BUffix - V M.m iive), -(V)-y- (PRO-
inflection. QBBBSrvE .
-I V r- (inchoative) and -(V)-
Examples: s- (passive) may follow the roots or stems
/;-' 3
)/
4
Mm! Of* "he is about to take it' of transitive verbs or transitivized nouns.
k1 3
a* tis' n" -you are going to BOW* As terminals they are deverbatives, and
The suffix may only follow transitive they may further take the -/- and -e- suf-
and intransitive verb roots. It> meaning is of position 8 and the corresponding
FINITIVE and it cannot stand as utterance modals of position 9.
terminal nor be further inflected. Example.-:
Examples: kid 'grinder'
ka 2 3 k* cur
6 M ki wa 'they want their patidhk 'act'

tamales' kamisay 'killing'

89
A:
2
if pe 6 pa ri pe 'you (pi.) are com- piniwyik 'walk along'
ing down the road' qequmar 'darkening'

258
 :

CLASSICAL QUICHE

oxoparik 'cough' suffix form the "instrumental"

-a-l to
axawaS 'needed' (purposive-active), and the indefinitive -n-
loqoHk 'be purchased' may take the special suffix -a-k to form the
tixokel 'student' "past participle" (indefinitive-perfective).
The suffix -(V)-x- is employed and inflected Stems in -p- may also take the inceptive
in the same manner as the preceding suffixes. suffix -a-0.

It has both finitive and infinitive func- Examples

tions, and may stand as utterance terminal. xor 6 op 89 is
89
ax89 'to chill, cool'

It is mandatory for verbalized noun roots kam 6

ip 89
ex 89
'to intend the death of
used as finite verbs, optional for transitive cut 6 in89 ar89 is89 an89 em89 'humility'
6 89
verb roots and rare as a transitivizer of ox op 'a cough'
intransitive verb roots. As the infinitive of 4ix 6 on 89 'speech'
6 89 89
simple transitive verbs, it is rarely further fop an ik 'to be writing'
inflected, but as a suffix to more complex xol ox89 op89 ik? 9 'give up the ghost'
6

stems it is very commonly employing the

so, pet 6 ip89 ex89 ik89 'to be coming'
-?'-
and -e- suffixes. Extremely rarely it may koif,
6
ap89 a89 'to be about to put (some-
be found compounded with a -V- suffix. one) to bed'
Examples: qet
6
on 89 el
89
'choker'
2 3 4 6 89 89 89
A; u 4ix ox 'he says it' tas 6 op al 'savings'
6 89 6 89 89 89
kumatf ix 'to bewitch' tix os in ofc 'taught'
xaq 6
at 89
ax 89
in 89
ak 89
'opened, cleared' The suffix -m- (definitive) is usually based
89 89 89
rix 6
ow ox ik 'finish off, become ob- on a -V- transitive stem, but also occurs
solete' occasionally on an -i- intransitive one. It
pan at 6
ax 89 89
el
89
'something that must may stand as a deverbative without further
be done' inflection, but may also occasionally take
The suffixes -(V)-t- (causative) and -(V)-w- transitive suffixes in -V-.
(extensive) follow transitive or transi- Examples:
tivized stems and roots, and require further cun 6 am 89 'whitewashed'
inflection in -V-, -i- or -e-. The latter inflec- xun 6 am 89 at89 is 89 ax89 'to have some-
tions are, however, very rare with the causa- thing equalized'
tive -t-. xi 6 im 89 'groaned'
Examples: il
6
om 89 'seen'
pan 6 at 89 ax89 ik 89
'to have something an im89 'hastened'
6

done' 'tis
6
om89 in89 ik89 'to be sewing'
89
89
suffixes -(i)-s- (causative) and -(i)-x-
6
tax ow ik 'to be (or go on) dancing' The
ax 6 aw 89 ax89 'to need' (extensive) are formed from intransitive
6 89 89
te et ifc 'to open' roots and stems. Both require additional
na 6 ot
89
is 89 at 89 ax89 'to have someone inflection in -V-.
enlightened' Examples:
qas 6 ow 89 em 89 'suffering, pain' pin 6 ix89 ey89 ik? 9 'to be walking on and
The suffixes -p- (purposive) and -n- (in- on'
definitive) may follow either transitive fak
6
at89 is
89
an89 ik?
9
'to be adjusted'
-V- stems or intransitive -i- ones. Stems in The suffix -(i)-k is both finitive and
-p- rarely and those in -n- rather commonly infinitive of intransitive verbs. It can
occur as deverbatives. Both suffixes may be stand as utterance terminal and may take
further inflected by suffixes in -V-, -i- or -e-. no further verbal inflection.
The purposive -p- may also take the special Examples:

259
 -

LINGUISTICS

? » qo 6 of89 /I-89 'it was' variety of noun roots:

u pan 6 ik* 9 'his action' ax 'ear of com', xa 'water', xaa 'house',
#« ox* 9 ik* 9 'get dirty' qaq 'fire', paa#' 'spider-monkey',
tip 6 is*
9
ik* 9 'be threatened' uleiv 'earth', winaq 'person', annua
The suffixes -(e)-l (agentive) and -(e)-ra 'soul (Sp. anima)', tinamit 'town
(abstractive) occur with intransitive roots (Pipil ehinamit)'.
and stems. Occasionally the -e- in position The great majority of Quiche noun roots
S detransitivizes a transitive root. Further are of the type CVC. Some proportion of
verbal inflections of these forms are ex- the remainder are probably unanalyzed
tremely rare, though they may be inflected compounds. Numerals, colors and similar
as nouns. Transitive verbs may form an elements may not behave as typical nouns
abstractive in -(o)-m. (for example in relation to pronominal
Examples: possession), but are subject to inflection of
sim 6 on 69 er89 'jailer' nominal type in one or another connection
ya 6 a.? 9 el*
9
'receiver' (plural -V-p for numerals above one, or
yat 6em S9 'tied bundle' generalizing a-l for colors, for example).
k ik ot* 9 em 89 a/89 'happm
6
2.4.2. Compound stems. Noun roots may
qaxol 6 ora 89 'man who has engendered combine form compound noun stems, but
to
sons' the process seems to be very rare:
Adverbials. A number of modal
2.3.6.10. waxiak 'eight1 , : waxSak-laxux 'eight
adverbial particles appear in position 10 in laxux ten' een'
the verb complex. Some of these also function al 'woman's : al-qual 'child'
as independent adverbial particles, though child',

some of them do not. They are structurally qaxol

unusual is that they are in close juncture 'man's son
with the preceding verb (the stress accent jan "yellow ',
: qan a 'bile'

normally Bbiftfl them from the preceding

to XQ "water'
syllable), but commonly bring about vowel ai fellow'. : ar-alip 'co-parent in

or consonant clusters, an Otherwise rare ahp 'in-law' law'

phenomenon in Quiche. Mosl of thesi par isiniial "hair', ! isutna-ci 'beard
tides have been discarded e>r considerably ri 'mouth'
modified in Modern Quiche. 2.4.:*. Complex stems. Most complex
Ebcampl* noun stems are deverbative. A very few may
in 'then' be desubstantive. A quite exceptional one
na "still iv' in Modem or two are apocopated phrases.
Quiche) 2.4.3.1. DEVERBATIVE NOUN STEMS.
<</,• 'according Twelve suffixes serve as the terminations of
la 'indeed
1
deverbative noun stems. All of them may
occasionally be inflected as nouns.
1
on 'already (See
la 'perh §2.3.0
ta(.: ly' (*no1 ' in Modern -(\')-x (transitive infinitive)
•///"' plant com', ux*9
Qui ap' '' raw//
nit meanwhile' 'to bury', at in 6 w89 ax89 'to have
gain' (someone bathed)'
2.4. NOUNS. Nouns are of three kind -(i)-k (intransitive infinitive)

'ompound stems, and

_ complex '•'!
1

r id* ik"' 'his arrival', w ax 6 aw* 9 a? 9 ik* 9

(derived I
stems. "my need", qa loq 6 on 89 ik69 'our
2 I 1 Noun boots. Then - great loving'
 : :

CLASSICAL QUICHE

-(V)-r (inchoative) oxer 'formerly'

kaq 6 er*° 'reddening', kex 6 ur*'J 'becoming inter 'formerly'
89
(or imitating) a deer', cut 6 in* 9 a/- 2.4.3.3. Phhase-compound noun stems.
'becoming smaller' An interesting and exceptional compound in
-(V)-l (active) Modem Quiche has been formed from ele-
a/ 89 'leaning', ax 6 9
pad 6 r il* 'the price', ments which are neither substantival nor
tux 6 ul* 9 'sweat-bather' inflective:
(V)-m (definitive) pa 'on', a 'his', wi 'head':nw pu-u-wi
e #ap 6 m 89
'captives', ffa/
6
am 89 'plank', 'my hat' (the form nu pa-nu-wi can
qox 6 am 89 'drum, marimba'. also be heard)
-(V)-y (progressive) A similar formation is indicated by the
u tan 6 ap* 9 ay89 'his stopping', r Classical Quiche
ul 6 iy* 9 'the overthrowing', al 6 at/ 9 ci 'by', u 'his', wi 'head':c-w-ttrc 'tribute,
'bearing, giving birth' load of cacao'
-(V)-n (indefinitive) 2.4.4. Noun inflection. Nouns are op-
kol 6 on 89 'saved', uc 6 an* 9 'oration', tionally inflected for plural (suffix -V-p) and
mes 6 on 99 swept' may be possessed (prefixes are identical with
-(Vpa)-l (purposive active) the subject pronouns for transitive verbs;
6
p in ip* 9 al 69 'gait, walk', cap 6 op89 see §2.3). Since the copulative verb is com-
al*
9
'fastening', qol 6 ip* 9 a/ 89 monly omitted, nouns may also stand in
'cauldron' copula construction with the intransitive
-{ina)-k (indefinitive perfective) pronouns am a man'). In this
(in ac.iy 'I

xaq 6 at69 ax89 in 69 ak* 9 il*

9
'clearing of usage the demonstrative pronominal particle
6
the land', k'is in* 9 ak* 9 'finished', (are 'that one, he') takes the place of the
et
6
am 99
in 69
ak* 9
'known' form in the third person singular. Nouns are
-(e) -I (agentive) additionally inflected by means of two pic
wor 6 el*
9
'hole', tix 6 on* 9 el* 9 'teacher', fixes (ax- and is-) they may be reduplicated,
;

tewec 6
in* 9 el*
9
'blesser' and they may take one or more of thirteen
-(e)-m (abstractive) suffixes (-Vp, -el, -cm, -en, -um, -Vm, -Vlax,
axaw 6 ar* 9 em* 9 'government', ok 6 em* 9 -al, il, -ax, -a, -ik and -ak).

'entrance', xa 6 ar* 9 is
89
an* 9 em99 2.4.4.1. Pronominal nouns. Three nouns
'irrigation' have essentially pronominal use: la(l) you
-(o)-ra (abstractive) (polite singular)', alaq 'you (polite plural)'
al 6 om* 9 'bearer, mother', ap 6 is*
9
and ip (self).

om* 9 'corn farmer', qin 6 om* 9 al* 9

Polite usage. Polite usage is
2.4.4.1.1.
'wealth' well established in both Classical and
Desubstantive noun stems. It
2.4.3.2. Modern Quiche. It employs the normal third
is possible that a desubstantivenoun stem person singular forms of verbs with the fol-

formation is indicated by the suffixes -(i)-x lowing (grammatically singular) nouns la(l)
and -{i)-r in certain temporal expressions: or alaq in the normal position of nominal
Examples: subjects, immediately following the verbal
ipir 'yesterday' complex. Polite form possession of nouns is

kapix 'day after tomorrow' indicated without pronominal prefixes.

kapixir 'day before yesterday' Examples
9
osipix 'three days hence' s
1 2:!
pet* ik* alaq 'you (pi.) came'
xunapir 'last year' 1
ka2 3
kam 6 la(l) 'you will die'
Two apparently inflected particles in lal axaw 'you are the lord'
-(e)-r may be related. (See §2.5.1.) ulew la (I) your land'

261
 LINGUISTICS

Polite usage in Quiche is found from in- A special case of reduplication of the third
feriors and is almost never
to superiors type is characteristic of numerals:
mutual. In Modern Quiche younger brothers xun 'one' \xuxun 'each one', dixuxunal
employ polite usage to older ones. 'individually'
2.4.4.1.2. Reflexive. The noun ip 'self kap 'two' ikakap 'each of two'
is used to express reflexive action. It follows os 'three' :osos 'by threes'
the verb but precedes a nominal subject, a r o§ 'third' :r os r os 'three times'
departure from normal word order (verb, 2.4.4.4. Plural. A number of nouns may
subject, object). form plurals in -V-p. Never universal, this
Examples: usage is somewhat less common in Modern
i
u a ai 6 ^88 w than in Classical Quiche. It may be followed
;.i
fjj i bathed myself
1
A'
2
u* sik 6 r ip r isoq 'the woman by the additional abstractive suffix -a-l.
called to herself qaxolap 'men's sons'
;i i
^ T
( a fi
£ £ j^i ^ ^ ^] iev <;poke to kupulep 'people of Cubulco'
each other' kaxip 'four' (Modern Quiche: kixap)
2.4.4.2. Nominal PREFIXES ax- and (i)$-. oop 'live' (Rabinal dialect : xoop)
The prefixes OX- and (i)s- indicate respec- icukup 'seven'
tively the masculine and feminine agentive xuyupal 'mountain range'
or possessive: 'one of...' or one who...'. A ran 1
suffix -om is used to pluralize a few
They appear before both simple and complex nouns.
noun stems. In Classical Quiche the prefix I Examples:
(t)i- carried implications of diminution; in ala pom 'boys'
.Modern Quiche it has Lost even its femininiz- alitom 'girls'

iiitf and a^entive-possessive function and ap- Certain nouns, usually of adjectival quality,
pears as a largely meaningless clement in distinguish singular from plural by the
archaic compound-. suffixes -/- and -a respectively. (See §2.4.4.
Examples: 7.2 J
n.r-M i/pn A 'person from Totouicapan' Examples:
p<>p 'king' Cik "one sharp pointed thing'
ns-pup '(blowgUD I
hunter' { pical; 'tWO or more sharp -pointed
. / 'traveller' things'
Kantd "Santa Maria Volcano' 2.4.4.5. nl and -//. The suffixes
Sui i
tXBS
1
ii-kaqap' 'rainbow -al (ABSTBAl CTVE) and -// (oENEBALIZEB)
is-knlop 'gul are the commonest and most characteristic
j
Vi:i\\ -' of noun derivations. They are closely re-
•
'lizard' lated in form and function and may be com-
"/) "colander (strainer for leaching pounded in either order.
'

corn dough Examples:

2.4.4.3. Reduplication. Reduplication of niintil 'size'

noun roots takes the Bams forms as the redup- alal 'weight'
lication of verb roots and has the smic inten- qou-il 'strength'
sivizing function. It is particularly common urinaqQ 'population'
in relation to nouns of adjectival quality. m'liai 'goodness'
The types are: -ViC\, -ViCt and -CiFiC*. rppalil 'spirit'
I ,\ an] 2.4.4.6. Suffix -ax. The suffix -ax serves
tipit 'hitter' (1 1 as an indicator of measure, and (2) as a
qeied strutter (bird OENEBALIZEB for nouns referring to body
taq Very white' part-. The second usage, relatively rare in

262
 : :

CLASSICAL QUICHE

Classical Quiche, has largely disappeared tepetak 'coarse' (plural)

from the modern language. In both uses the fafakirinik 'crow (of a cock)'
suffix may be compounded with the following nimakU 'enormity'
suffix -il. 2.4.4.7.3.Suffix -Vlax. The intensive suf-
Examples: fix -Vlax occurs commonly with both adjec-

xu perax 'a sheet of tival and non-adjectival nouns. Like plurals

xu qolax 'a cake of in -Vp, this form may also be serve as a base
xu colax 'a row of for verbs.
xu qetax 'a pinch of Examples
iamax 'nose' kiqelax 'bloody'
pamax 'belly' iailax 'salty'
qataxil 'a minute' nimalax 'lordly, grand'
komaxil 'blood, serum' tewilax 'cool'
2.4.4.7. Adjectival suffixes. Nouns of pokolax 6 ix89 'make dusty'
89
adjectival quality cannot normally be pos- pokolax 6 zV 'crumble to dust'
sessed nor pluralized. They will usually take qecelax 'forest'
the typical nominal suffixes -at (abstrac- 2.4.4.8. Restricted noun suffixes. A
tive), -Vx and -Vr (desubstantive) and -il number of noun suffixes are apparently re-

(generalizer). In addition, however, they stricted to certain classes of nouns. Most of

may be derived by the suffixes -a, ik, -ak, them are sufficiently rare to render an inter-

and -Vlax. Only the last of these finds any pretation of their structure and function
extensive use in relation to non-adjectival difficult. These include the suffixes -VI,
nouns. -el, -um, -it, -Vy, -on and ?-Vm.
2.4.4.7.1. Suffix -a. The suffix -a is com- Examples:
monly appended to many of the more fre- isumal 'hair'
quent adjectival nouns when they stand in qequmalax 'very dark'
the normal position immediately preceding kaley 'pebble'
the noun they modify and when the noun kacay 'incense'
begins with a consonant. The suffix may also tiyoxital 'fleshly'
be combined with the generalizer -il. Its laxuxitakil 'one tenth'
inflective meaning is not clear. qeqel 'avarice'
Examples kiqel 'pool of blood'
qana poot 'a yellow blouse' 'a&el 'chickenish'
rasa 'the blue bowl (heaven)'
<(,el rason 'blue-winged dove'
mepa 'poor' 'akem ('akam) 'squash'
mepail 'poverty' 2.5. Particles. Particles are not in-

2.4.4.7.2. Suffixes -ik and -ak. The suf- and nouns are, but they may
flected as verbs
fixes -ik (singular) and -ak (plural) occur be compounded. They may be classified as
with great frequency as adjectival forms, pronominal, prepositional, adverbial or
particularly with reduplicated stems. More interjectional in function.
occasionally they may occur in relation to Particle inflection. A few par-
2.5.1.
simple adjectival nouns, or rarely in the com- ticleshave forms suggestive of inflection,
position of desubstantive verbals. They may but may equally well be archaic compounds.
be followed by the generalizing suffix -il. Examples:
Examples: waral 'here'
a<f,ik 'older brother' kamik 'now'
comak 'thick' oxer 'formerly'
tepetik 'coarse' (singular) mier 'formerly'

263
 . '

LINGUISTICS

upik 'there' possess' (in Modern Quiche this

lanik 'how much?' often takes the form 6 e)
tasek 'even if smut '(?)' :c u smut kax cu Smut ulew
2.5.2. Particle compounding. Adverbial 'between heaven and
and certain pronominal (demonstrative and earth' (rare)
interrogative) particles are commonly com- Of these elements, e(c) often and se rarely
1

pounded (in close juncture ). may appear without the preposition ci.

Kxamples: Examples:
(x)a(n)-pa-cinaq who?' w ec 'mine'
xa-wi 'where?' sc tinamit 'below the town, Lower Town'
naki-la-lo'who might it be thai ...?' q ec 'ours'
ica-kamik 'today, now' ec la(l) 'yours (polite singular)'
we-ta 'if Certain postpositional nouns never appear in

ma-xa 'there isn't one which ..." conjunction with prepositions.

ma-na 'not (yet)' Kxamples:
ra-e 'that one, this one' uq 'friend' :iw uq 'with you (plural)'
la-e 'that one, this one' umal 'source' it umal 'through it, be-
2.5.3. There
Prepositional particles. cause of it'

ate two prepositional particles: c% and pa. usli p '(?)' :/• uslip hex 'under the
Both have multiple meanings and there is no deer' (rare)
clear contrast in their usag A similar construction representing non
Exampi positional relationships occurs with certain
pa tinamit 'in the town' nouns.
<i xuyup 'in tin- country, on the moun- Examples:
ihV r onorel 'all of it

.
;
m ul pareached the house
r odoi, 1
1
U lukrl 'by itself
(>a niqaxaripal ipx at noon' 2.5.4. Pronominal particles. The uses
I a xnnap "two yean later' of pronominal particles in relation to verbs
3.1. Postpositions. Precise positional and nouns have already been treated (see
inshipe an- expressed by a limited 52.3, _' II A certain number of other
number of postpositional noun-. Most <»: particle.- function as interrogative or demon-
may function m tin- connection only strative pronouns.
bjeotfl of the preposition ,' i 2.5.4.1. [ntkrrooative pronouns. The
I
:
principal interrogative pronouns are xa
mouth 'before me' 8a(£) 'what?', rin(aq) 'who?' and
1
'.ct nu .'/
'what?',
m front of you' naki "who?'.
Examples:
x 'hack' :ii r u Hon 'behind the /kii'i imi/ /, // pano.' 'who is doing
u.-.ir it?'

'/•; 'head, i wi >

zuyuf 'on top mil, i pa s petikf 'who came?'
tip' of the mountains' M /. i biixt what are you (plural)
pa{m) 'hilly,:'' u pom Hnamii 'inside the Baying?'
womh' city' 2.5.4.2. Demonstrative pronouns. The
:es qa Sol 'among us, be- principal demonstrative pronouns are: are
tween us' 'that one', la-t 'that one', 100-6 'this one' and
•oot, :,' n mder the tree' r(i) 'the'.

bat I . u
cat, 'by means of it' are ri u- aqcm 'that is my foot'

264
CLASSICAL QUICHE

r it qap r aciy 'the man's hand' pronominal particles may precede adverbial
are ri § ki pano 'that's what they did' ones of any class. Particles of location and
/ ax-coqe ri xaa 'the owner of the house' quantity are not bound to any particular
wa-e r ihoqil ax-qix 'that is the wife of position, and frequently occur postverbally.
the sun-priest' Of the major classes of morphemes in Quiche,
The particle r(i), in addition to serving as a it is the adverbial particles which have si it

weak demonstrative rather like the definite fered the greatest change and differentiation
article in English or Spanish, may also since Classical times. In many modern locu-
function as a relative pronoun. tions they are almost wholly replaced by
Examples: Spanish phrases, conjunctions and adverbs.
are ri ri $ ki pano 'that's what they did' 2.5.5.1. Conjunctive particles. The
/ aciy ri qo iila 'the man who is there' principal conjunctive particles are: Sa 'only,
2.."). 4. 3. Pronominal compounds. Pro- but', kale 'so, then', qa 'since', ta 'if, when',
nominal particles may be compounded with lal 'like', kexe 'like, as', qu(t) 'and, so', we
each other and with other particles. 'if, whether', (nay)-pu(c) 'and, or', ni 'thus',
Examples: and nox-nc 'whether'. Except when pre-
(x)a(ri)-cin(aq) 'which?, who?' ceded by pronouns, they stand in the initial
xa-sa(c) 'what?' position in a clause. They may be com-
ri xa 'that one' pounded with one another and with other
are la-e 'there' adverbial elements.
naki-iak 'whichever' Examples:
xa-ta 'perhaps' ha-ta 'whatever'
are-ta 'hence' sa-pa 'wherever'
xa-ni 'when?' sa-et 'a little'
ri-nu 'similarly' sa-wi 'truly'
ri-qu(t) 'after' sa-tax 'soon'
wa-kamik 'today' ni-qut 'this way'
xa-pa 'whither?' kate-na 'later'
xa-wi 'whither?' ta-ki 'when'
xa(n)-pa 'how much? when?' ta-zek 'if ... then'
xa-na 'perhaps' ta-qu 'and then'
(ka)t-ok 'then' ta-on 'well'
naki-pa 'what is?, who knows?' ta-na 'first'

xa-nik 'how far?' ta-la 'whither away?'

xa-qin 'often' kexe-wa 'at this time'
xa-la 'what's that? somewhere' kexe-ta 'thus'
naki-la 'who?, someone' kexe-qut 'so'
2.5.5. Adverbial particles. Adverbial kexe-wi 'thus'
particles are conjunctive, temporal, modal, qut-wa-e 'now this'
Locative and quantitative. The first three 'now then'
qu-ri
classes can occur almost exclusively as part way'
qu-la 'this
of a preverbal complex in which they may we-pu 'or'
be compounded in that order (except that we-ta 'whether, perhaps'
the negative modal precedes the negated we-pa 'some'
element and certain modals may also be used 2.5.5.2. Temporal particpes. The prin-
as verb-terminal particles. (See §2.3.6.10.) cipal temporal particles are: kamik 'now',
Elements of each class of adverbials may be mier 'formerly', oxer 'formerly', nape 'at
compounded with one another as well, and first', mi 'already', and kan 'then'. In the

265
 : '

LINGUISTICS

absence of preceding pronouns or conjunc- In addition to combinations of pairs of ele-

tives, these frequently initiate clauses. They ments, prepositional and adverbial particles
may occasionally be compounded with fol- may combine with other morphemes or with
lowing modals. each other. We may distinguish (1) pre-
Examples: verbal phrases composed exclusively of
wa-kamik 'today' particles from (2) those in which nouns or
oxer-ok 'before' verbs also enter. Particle phrases appear to
2.5.5.3. Modal particles. The modal be the more characteristic.
particles include negatives, affirmatives, in- Examples
terrogatives, dubitatives, continuatives (and pa-sa la 'what."
discontinuatives). Those in commonest use pa-su waral 'what?'
are: ma 'not', pa 'interrogative', Si '?ever\ oxer kan-ok 'formerly'
xu 'how', na 'yet', xe 'indeed', sas 'absolutely', ma sa-ki 'than not?'
le 'perhaps', ok wi 'then (Spanish pues)
'still', ', sa-ta pa 'maybe, still then, in a moment'
cik "again', an 'meanwhile', ki '(?)', and on 8-ta wi 'then ... please'
'(?)'. Most of them compound-
are subject to sa-pa wi 'wherever'
ing with one another and with preceding 3o& ma-wi 'absolutely not'
conjunctive particles. Most of them (na, lo, 80& pa-su wa 6 wi 'it is something'
ok, wi, cik and on) are also used as verbal ku kexe-wi 'it must be thus'
terminals. (See 52.3.6.10.) kexe-fiut we 'so if
Examples: naki-la lo 'perhaps something, who
pari •where?' mighl it be that ... ?'
pa /( i) 'where?' xan-cin la h> "who might it be that ...?'

pa-su -what for?' ma-wi naki-la 'nothing'

na-ri 'alwa;. ma nay puc- 'neither'
xa (ma-xi) 'without, before, 1- XO-nik an 'how far?'
akan-ok "hereon' Sima-xa <>k 'before'
apon-ok 'finally, enough' ma-xa na 'not yet
pa -wi 'when ma-xa ni "not the ... '

Si-lo 'more or L< 'ni: la on 'whichever'

xu-pa 'how?' la-na pa-la 'at long last'

a "how?' la pa -till then'

xu-cin 'often' }>a la 6inaq 'whichever'
Q 'that way' wt pa in 'someone'
pa-la "which' Si-la apon-ok 'farther on'
xu-la "how?" (xui -pa Sinaq 'which?'
xu-max 'every where' mi 'somewhat later'
apan-ok "directly' xn-ni pa 'when?'
... tin 'absolutely' xa-wi ci 'where?'
ma-wi 'not' xa-la sac 'something else'
ma-na 'not J
xa-la wi 'sometime, someplace'
kan-nk ?'
'still' xa-sa lo 'what might it be that ...

kan-na 'yet' xa-cinaq a xe tak 'each one'

'
($a)s-ma 'not at all' ma-xa pi Si 'there's nothing that ...

2.5.5.4. PaBTICLIJ complex. The elements .s xa-nik pa in what condition?'

in the particle complex which typically ini- xu-la 'a 'how?'
tiates a Quiche utterance may combine to xu-pa ca 'how?'
form phrases of considerable complexity. ma ta-qu wi 'not already'

266
 :

CLASSICAL QUICHE

may kan-ok 'formerly' nox r e 'whether, all the more'

la ... nox-ne 'whether ... or' pa-su r umal 'what for?'
nox-ne ... mi 'whether ... or not' pa-su wa r umal 'what for?'
nox-ne ... nox-ne 'either ... or' 6 u wi ci-qut 'after'
we... mi 'either.. .or not'
nox-ne 2.5.5.5. Locative particles. The princi-
pa-su wa c 'what's that?' pal locative particle is la 'here, there'.
pa-su wa lo 'what might it be that ...
?'
Others appear to be compounds: ci-la 'here,
pa-su wa ri 'what is it that ... ?' there', ci-ri 'here', waral 'here', upik 'here,
are ta-la 'wherefore' there, outside', ulok 'there, hither'.
are qu-la 'that's what it was' Examples:
qut wa-e 'now this' qo la 'there are'
ma sa-ki 'than not?' ci-la pa tinamit 'there in town'
xa ri pa 'how much?' ma n(a) qo tax ci-ri 'there aren't any
pa-su qu ri 'why, then?' here'
xe (a)re ri 'that is, quite' s el ulok 'he went there'
la ki la 'however' A; in pet upik 'I'm going out'
ma are la 'I don't know what ...
'

2.5.5.6. Quantitative particles. One

In a few cases nouns or verbs enter inti-
somewhat rare particle expresses quantity:
mately into these combinations: even
so 'very, much'.Other quantitative expres-
though the structure then changes, some of
sions employ nouns or verbs.
uses are of interest in this syntactic context.
Examples
Examples:
so qatan 'it is very hot'
ci k ix kan-ok 'back then'
kiy kiy 'very sweet'
na xun cik 'not another one'
kiy 4ix 'really'
nim ri qa^ 'it is a bad pain'

qas <f.ix 'really'

2.5.6. Interactional particles. Prin-

ma-wi hun 'not one' cipal interjections include: o 'ouch!', a 'aw!',

xa-cin r uq 'with whom?' i 'hey!', oy 'psst!', ay 'ow!', er 'uh!', and ow

s ka qin cinaq 'in a little while' 'hi!'. Classical Quiche also includes others:
xa r(i) mul 'how many times?' yexa, ula, ax-kar-rok, all with the meaning
nox ft(x) 'truly' 'hail!'.

REFERENCES
Andrade, 1946 Goubaud Carrera, 1946a, 1946b
Aleman, 1884 Halpern, 1942
Anleo, 1865 Hernandez Spina, 1932
Anonymous, 1838, 1902, 1950 Lewy, 1937
Barberena, n.d. Lopez, 1892
Barrera Vasquez, 1940 McQuown, n.d., 1956
Basseta, ?1698 Mason, 1940
Blomme, 1884 Recinos, 1916, 1917, 1957
Brasseur de Bourbourg, 1861, 1962 Rodas, n.d.
Burgess, D. M., 1946 Scherzer, 1855
and Xec, 1955 Schuller, 1920
Burgess, P., n.d., a-d, 1924, 1925 Schultze-Jena, 1933, 1944
Cadena, 1892 Squier, 1861, 1865
Charencey, 1883 Stoll, 1884, 1913
Ebneter, 1960 Teletor, n.d., 1942, 1943, 1949, 1959
Edmonson, 1965 Villacorta C., 1934
Fernandez Ferraz, 1902 Wick, 1951
Friedrich, 1955 Xec and Maynard, 1954
Gates, 1920 Ximenez, ?1722

267
 .

7D. Sierra Popoluca

r=Jr^r=^r^r^i=^i^r=Jr=Jr=^r=^r^f=^r^i=^r^i^r^r^

HEK.IAMIN F. ELSON

0. Introduction 3.2.3. Location phrases

1 Phonology 3.2.4. Temporal phrases
1.1. Segmental system 3.2.5. Instrumental phrases
1.2. International system 3.2.6. Accompaniment phrases
1.3. Phoneme distribution 3.2.7. Simile phrases
2. Morphophonemics 3.2.8. Endocentric verb phrases
2.1. Within the phonemic phrase 3.2.9. Interdependent verb phrases
2.2. Within words 4. Morphology
3. Syntax 4.1. Inflection
3.1. Clause types 4.1.1. Inflection of substantives
3.1.1. Independent clauses with verbs 4.1.1.1. Subjects or objects
3.1.1.1. Intransitive declarative clauses 4.1.1.1.1. Nouns
3.1.1.2. Transitive declarative clauses 4.1.1.1.2. Pronouns
3.1.1.3. Intransitive indefinite clauses 4.1.1.1.3. Numerals
3.1.1.4. Transitive indefinite clauses 4.1.1.1.4. Adjectives
3.1.1.5. Intransitive imperative clauses 4.1.1.1.5. Location substitutes
3.1.1.6. Transitive imperative clauses 4.1.1.1.6. Nominal and verbal participles
3.1.2. Stative clauses 4.1.1.2. Comments of stative clauses
3.1.3. Interrogative clauses 4.1.1.2.1. Nouns
3.1.4. Relative dependent clauses 4.1.1.2.2. Pronouns
3.1.5. Time dependent clauses 4.1.1.2.3. Numerals
3.1.6. General dependent clauses 4.1.1.2.4. Adjectives
3.2. Phrases 4.1.1.2.5. Location substitutes
3.2.1. Substantive phrases 4.1.1.3. Location tagmemes
3.2.1.1. Simple phrases 4.1.1.3.1. Nouns
3.2.1.2. Count phrases 4.1.1.3.2. Pronouns
3.2.1.3. Modified phrases 4.1.1.3.3. Location substitutes
3.2.1.4. noun phrases
Stative 4.1.1.3.4. Possessed directionals
3.2.1.5. Nominal participle phrases 4.1.1.4. Time tagmemes
3.2.1.6. Verbal participle phrases 4.1.1.5. Instrumental tagmemes
3.2.1.7. Possessed noun phrase 4.1.1.6. Verbal number tagmemes
3.2.1.8. Coordinate phrase 4.1.2. Negatives
3.2.1.9. Appositional phrases 4.1.3. Inflection of verbs
3.2.1.10. he 9 m iga 4.1.3.1. Intransitive declarative predicates
3.2.1.11. m6$-,mdske 4.1.3.2. Intransitive indefinite predicates
3.2.1.12. Locational noun subject tagmeme 4.1.3.3. Transitive declarative predicates
3.2.2. Comment phrases 4.1.3.4. Transitive indefinite predicates

2<i<)
 LINGUISTICS

4.1.3.5. Intransitive imperative predicates influencing the morphological section as

4.1.3.6. Transitive imperative predicates
well) is the tagmemic model originally formu-
4.1.3.7. Time subordinate
clause predicates
4.1.3.8. 'when' mu lated by K. L. Pike (1954, 1955, 1960).
4.1.3.9. General subordinate clause predicates Pike's formulation has been revised some-
4.1.3.10. Intradependent verb phrases what by R. L, Longacre (1960). In empha-
4.1.4. Suffixed universally (except to particles sizing clause structure and using it as the
in §4.1.5)
beginning point of analysis and description,
4.1.5. I'ninflected particles
I have followed Longacre rather than Pike.
4.2. Derivation
4.2.1. Substantives The tagmemic model has not, however,
4.2.1.1. Substantive stems been used for discussing the morphology.
4.2.1 .2. Compound sterna 1. Phonology. SP contains two pho-
4.2.2. Verbs
nological subsystems: segmental and in-
4.2.2.1. Transitive and intransitive stems
tonational.
4.2.2.1.1. Affixation
4.2.2.1.2. Derivation 1.1. The segmental system consists of
4.2.2.2. Intransitive sterna 30 phonemes. Of these 21 are consonants,
4.2.2.2.1. Affixation 6 are vowels, and 3 are suprasegmental
_ Compounds phonemes. The suprasegmental phonemes
4.2.2.3. Transitive >tem-
are closely related to the vowels.
4.2.3. Temporals
4.2.4. Nominal participles The 21 consonants are presented in the
Verbal participle- following chart.

V t (" k
It.[NTBODUCTION. Sierra Popohica (SP
b (I (/"
9
i- spoken by approximately 10,000- 12,000
c r
people in Boutheastera Veracrus, .Mexico.
s i
SI' - the most northern dialect of the Zo
m n n V
quean family, which includes Zoque and
.'/ w
Mixe.
I
The DUipOSe of this article i- to present a
r
balanced picture of ihe phonology, mor-
phology', and syntax of SI', but, obviously, The principal allophonic variations of
is not exhaustive for any of these aspen the consonanl are given in the following
SI' grammar. There is only a limited state- ments:
ment of phonemic distribution. Clause and l Voiceless -top- are imaspirated when
phrase structure have been presented in the immediately followed by a vowel or by
main, but practically oothil - been another consonant of the same point of
indicated of sentence structure. Emphasis articulation (except nasals), otherwise they
h
in the morphology section i- on inflectional are aspirated: p&kuy kuyY\ 'broom',
[pel

affixes; the methods of stem formation have ikehakput kdwah h

[ikebak put h kdwah\ 'he
been illustrated rather than discussed in chased away the horse', huW [hwt vh \ 'where',
detail. In addition, many SP-speakeiS are l^irki [firki9 ] 'turtle', ikkd [ikkd 9 ] 'he killed
quite bilingual and frequently introduce it'.

Spanish words and phrases into their speech. When voiceless -tops are followed by
1 have included only those Spanish borrow- nasals of the same point of articulation, the
ings which are used by monolingual* as aspiration is released through the nose and
well and thus have become a part of genera] has the phonetic character of a voiceless
SP structure. nasal: wiVne [wifXne 9 ] 'he has walked',
The descriptive model used for the analy- peine [petNne 9 ] 'it is swept', inep mtme
ntation of the syntax (thus [inepMme-me 9 ] 'he stepped on a butterfly'.

270
SIERRA POPOLUCA

(2) Nasals and y have voiceless off-glides 1.2. The intonational system consists
in phrase-final position: kom [kornM] 'corner of 9 phonemes: primary stress /"/; f° ur
post', pon [ponN] 'soft', cd-fi [cd-nN] 'snake', pitches, from low to high /l/, /2/, /3/, /4/;
kd-rj [kd-y jy] 'jaguar', My [kuyY] 'tree, three terminals /[/, /]/, /|/; and a feature
wood'. of fade or final voicelessness / v /.
(3) The phoneme h has the voiceless An intonation contour defines the limit
character of the preceding nasal or y when of a phonemic phrase. It consists of a mini-
immediately following these: kd-mho-m mum of primary stress, one pitch, and one
[kd-mM&mM] 'in the cornfield', anhd-tuy terminal: i"ko3l 'his hand' (matter-of-fact
[anNd-tuyty] 'my father', inhon [inNonN] answer to a question). The maximum num-
'your bird', sarjhd'm [sdyfyo-mM] 'fiesta ber of phonemes in an intonation contour
time'. is five: primary stress, two pitches, a termi-

The six vowels form a three by two system. nal, and fade. These are distributed as
i a u follows: primary stress and one pitch occur
e a o early in the phrase; the second pitch occurs
The high vowels are quite high, while the on the last stressed syllable (i.e., the last
low vowels are relatively low, approximating syllable with secondary stress); the termi-
ff|, [a], and \o\. The range of phonetic nal, which is rising, falling, or steadiness of
variation for the vowels is relatively small. voice, follows the and
last stress; fade,
The three suprasegmental phonemes func- which involves an unvoicing of the final
tion (morphophonemically) with the vowels syllable or syllables, is phrase final. Pri-
and may be said to constitute a part of the mary on vowels that
stress usually occurs
vowel system. They are length /•/, glottal otherwise have secondary stress, but may
catch / ? /, and secondary stress /'/: pok also occur on vowels that would not carry
'tecomate', pfrk 'cornstalk', kuVu 'person secondary stress in that morpheme sequence.
with a harelip', ku-suh 'lame person', ipelpa Examples are: he 9 m"pa-Hn3\ i"ha 9 mpa-
'he sweeps it', ipe 9 tpa 'he places them side he 9 mip6opo33l* "nnkpaid 9 m23\ i"t vuciku 9 -
by side', ikapun 'he castrated it', ikdpun dayneumSll" 'The man set his shrimp trap.
'his barrow'. He went to look at it; someone else had
Although glottal catch occurs (phoneti- eaten their tails'.
cally) in various positions, it is contrastive In the above examples the first number
only after vowel and before consonant in indicates the pitch that occurs on the vowel
the same syllable. It will be indicated in with primary stress, the second number in-
the phonemic transcription only at this dicates the pitch that occurs on the last
point. Glottal catch occurs noncontrastively vowel with secondary stress. Between these
in the following environments: phrase two points the pitch may (nonsignificantly)
finally after short vowels dgi suVu [dgisuVu 9 ] either be sustained, or may drop or rise.
'it very small'; between vowels phrase
is 1.3. Phoneme distribution will be dis-
medially kdak [ki 9 ak h 'huarache'; and, ]

optionally, phrase initially before vowels

ika 9 ikd 9 or [M9 'his hand'. the same vowel: /pd 9 't,i/ [pd 9 ata 9 'find it!' Al-
]
[ ] ]
though this analysis allowed concise morpho-
Length and glottal catch may not occur phonemic statements, in certain cases the pho-
with the same vowel at the same time. 1
netic material was treated inconsistently. In this
paper, we treat all instances of vowel-glottal
Elsewhere (Elson, 1961a), I proposed a pho-
1
catch-vowel as vowel clusters. This will necessitate
nemic interpretation of glottal catch and vowel additional morphophonemic statements, but will
length similar to the one presented here, but give consistency to the phonemic interpretation
which was inconsistent in its treatment of the of the phonetic facts. This interpretation also
phonetic material. That treatment allowed glottal coincides with the practical orthography currently
catch and length to occur together as features of in use.

271
 LINGUISTICS

cussed in terms of the occurrence of pho- following rules apply regardless of word
nemes within the phonemic phrase. boundaries.
(1) After silence and before the first (1) When any morpheme which ends
vowel all consonant phonemes occur except (otherwise) IT (where V is any vowel and T
rj. Voiced stops, except d y occur , in this po- is any voiceless stop) precedes a morpheme

sition only in relatively recent Spanish which begins V, the phonemic form of the
loan words. Also, except for recent Spanish sequence is VDV (where D is the voiced
loan words, no consonant clusters occur in counterpart of the voiceless stop): 2 vpok
this position except and kr; words with //• iVuhkuy / ip.igifuhkuy/ 'he took his gun',
these clusters are rare. hwV i 9 nis /huud y i? ni$/ 'where did you see
2 All vowels occur initially. it', inip.a?y /inibd 9 y/ 'he planted it for
(•'5> After vowel and before silence all him'. J

consonants have been observed except voiced (2) When a morpheme which ends (other-
-tops, though w is exceedingly rare in this wise) VL (where V is any short vowel, and L
position. Even recent Spanish loan words is any voiced consonant) precedes a mor-
do tiot retain voiced stops in this position. pheme beginning V, the phonemic form is

Two phrase-final consonant clusters occur: I'-'/.b: hiytfy ku 9 yd 9 y/ 'he has wood',
Is and ps. hon ih.ip ho'nih.ip/ 'bird's bill'.

\ All VOWelfl, long and -hort, stressed (3) When a morpheme which ends (other-
and unstressed, occur in phrase-final posi- wise) V'L (where V' any long vowel and L is

tion. is any voiced consonant) precedes a mor-

5 Between vowels, consonant clusters pheme beginning l\ the phonemic form of
usually consist of two consonants. Where the sequence is YYLV (where VV is a se
three consonants are found, the hrst
p is quence of identical short vowels): ina-l iwat
or k and the BBCOnd t or I. Voiced stops b /mdaliicdl 'he did wrong', ca-n it v u 9 c

and have not been observed

'/ m dusters t<i(init u u''<- 'snake's tail', kain.a 9 y /kdamJ 9 y
except in Spanish loan WOlds, though d v he has a cornfield 1 .

and <i occur as the tinal member of clusters. (4) When a morpheme which ends (other
Clusters of four
consonants possible are u ise) V'T (where V' is any long vowel and T
hut the 1 1 member will be p or /;, the
r-t i- any voiceless stop) precedes a morpheme
second S, the third or and the fourth r.
t /.-, beginning l', the phonemic form of the se-
rs of up to four vowels have quence is VVDV: pop.ap /pdobd'p/ 'it

been observed. Only short, stressed or un- whiten.-', ihark ikawoM ihaagikdwah/ 'he
stressed, vowels may OCCUr initially and pulled his hor-e along', hut" i\jy /huud"i,ir//

medially in clusters, though long vowels where did he go'.

may occur as the final member. (5) morpheme which ends (other-
When B
Vowel plus glottal catch or.-urs only im- V' morpheme beginning V,
precedes a
mediately preceding a consonant. the phonemic form of the sequence is VV:
When a vowel is long, secondar} - anakpa'.a*ypa anakpadfypa/ 'I'll fatten it

also occurs. There is no limit on the number for him'.

of secondary stresses that may occur within a
Four suffixes -t, -.», -'/-a, and -urn do not follow
1

phonemic phr this and the other statements of this section.

2. MORPHOPHONEMICS. A- morphemes
1
For illustrating morphophonemic changes, we
separate word- b> spaces and morphemes within
follow one another, some morpheme- have by dots on the line. The morphophonemic
-

phonemic shape- in different oc- rules l>eing stated apply at those points. The
currences depending upon the phonemic phonemic form follows between solidi.
Phonemic fonxu will be cited without the pho-
environments in which they occur. nemes of the intonation system, since many alter-
2.1. Within the phonemic phrase the native contours would be possible.

272
SIEKKA POPOLUCA

(0) Morphemes having the shape CV have petkuy /impitkuy/ 'your broom', in way
alternants with the shape CVV when /irjwdy/ 'your hair'.
stressed and occurring before a consonant: (6) When the person prefixes co-occur
he nakpa /heendkpa/ 'he is going', ca.yukma with prefixes ak-, ay-, and na- a number of
/cdayukma/ 'upon a rock', naknakne.ba variations result. These are presented in 1h<
/ndkndkne'eba/ 'he goes over and over'. 4 following chart.
2.2 Within words the morphophonemic
rules listed below apply: Pers.
*RE FIXES ak- ay- iid
(1) When a morpheme ending with an
an- anak- anarj- mid
alveopalatal consonant V, d", c, I, n, y, the
tan- tanak- tanay- land
vowel i, or the sequence ih precedes a mor-
pheme beginning (otherwise) with an alveo- in- inik- iniy- mi
i- ik- vn- in/
lar consonant t, c, s, n, in the phonemic form
a- ak- ay- ana
the alveolar consonant is palatalized:
ta- tak- tay- tana
kuy.cecpa /kuyce'cpa/ 'he planes wood',
mi- mik- miy- mini
wiV.ne /wtPne"/ 'he has walked', in.sospa
/iiisospa/ 'you cook it', ci.ta- /ciiVd-/ 'it was
given to him', incih.ta?mpa /inciht vd ? mpa/
Where n occurs in the above combina
tions, it alternates freely with r: anaho-ypa
'you are hitting it'.
or araho-ypa 'I take him for a walk'.
(2) Suffix morphemes, indicated by hy-
phens preceding them, whose vowel nuclei Where they are pertinent, other morpho-

contain length or glottal catch when stressed,

phonemic changes will be discussed as the
occur without length when unstressed, and
morphemes are considered.
In the examples cited throughout the rest
without glottal catch when unstressed ex-
cept when a vowel follows: ammac-a?y-
of the paper, except where otherwise indi-
cated, spaces occur between words and the
ta?mpa /ammdcayt vd ? mpa/ 'we grabbed it
for him', anak-tam-to-ba /andktamtooba/ 'we
phonemic form of each word is given as il

want to go', ko? c-ta--ta ? p /ko 9 ctatd ? p/ 'some-

would be pronounced in isolation. This is
one hit him without result', imak-o9 y-a?y
done as a convenience to the reader in fol-
lowing the examples. Intonation phonemes,
/imdgo9 yd ? y/ 'he lied to him'.
however, are not included since for almost
(3) Suffix morphemes ending V- occur
without length if the next following syllable
any sequence of morphemes several com-
begins with a consonant: yo-s-a--p-Vim
binations of intonations phonemes are pos-
sible. In order to approximate the pro-
lyo-ldpViml 'he is working also', ko? c-ta--
nunciation of most of the examples, the
fim /ko 9 ctdt v im/ 'he was hit too'.
reader should apply the morphophonemic
(4) Prefix morphemes ending (otherwise)
rules of §2.1. and use a 31\,^ intonation
n have alternants ending m when a bilabial
contour.
follows, n when an alveopalatal follows, and
3. Syntax. A sentence in SP is defined by
y when a velar follows: an-petkuy /ampit-
a combination of phonological and gram-
kuy/ 'my broom', an-yo-mo /anyd'mo/ 'my
matical criteria. An independent Bentence
wife', an-kawah /aykdwah/ 'my horse'.
contains at least one independent clause
(5) Prefix morphemes ending (otherwise)
and usually contains an intonation contour
n have alternants ending m when a bilabial
of the final type. A dependent sentence does
follows, and y when a velar follows: in-
not contain an independent clause. 5
SP clauses are defined as any sequence
4
The morpheme -ne optionally, in some situ-
ations, does not occur in the shape I am indebted to Viola Waterhouae for the
6
-nee:
/nakn4l v im/ or /nakn4et v im/ 'he went too'. terms "independent" and "dependent" sentences.

273
 LINGUISTICS

which upon analysis consists of or contains a function in different ways in forming sen-
predicate or predicate-like tagmeme. Items tences.
which function as predicates, i.e., words and These criteria include independent vs.
phrases which manifest predicates, are verbs. dependent clauses, intransitive vs. transitive
In other words, each verb or verb phrase clauses, declarative vs. imperative vs. in-
taken together with the non-verbal elements definite vs. interrogative clauses, clauses
related to it constitute a clause. There are with verbs vs. clauses without verbs. Obvi-
also independent clauses which do not con- ously, these criteria crisscross with one
tain verbs. In such clauses nouns and adjec- another.
tives function as a kind of predicate. Clause-level tagmemes are the constituent
An independent clause is one which con- units of the clause. A discussion of the mor-
tains no subordinating verb affixes or pheme classes which give substance to the
particles, while dependent clauses do con- structure is given later.
tain such subordinating elements. 3.1.1. Independent clauses with verbs.
When
one or more clauses occur in se- Clauses of this type consist of a predicate
quence an independent sentence is formed tagmeme around which other tagmemes
1 f then- are one <>r more independent nucleate. Although we consider these tag-
clauses, and (2) if there is a final intonation memes to be all on the same level, future
contour which coincides with the end of the analysis may show groupings which will
clause. It is possible for more than one final cause some of these tagmemes to be sub-
intonation contour to occur within a single ordinated, i.e., included in the analysis of
clause, hni only one sentence if formed if phrases rather than clauses.
there is only one clause: his.ujam 3.1.1.1. In ik LNSrnVB DECLARATIVE CLAUSE
kon lit'' in "ill. Then he hit him with I 1 1 M '
-. The minimum structure of IDC con-
the thorn-vine". The opposite is true as well: sists of a single intransitive declarative predi-
i "n.ihpi; "tumtum kukei cate tagmeme manifested by an intransitive
"ku'tiiftdu-uii 'And 1 declarative verb (§4.1.3.1) or verb phrase
look at it each morning; .-oineone has eaten (§3.2.8): andkpa 'I'm going', pdypa hikskay
the Bhrimp'. Here two independent clauses 'he runs fast*. Other tagmemes which may
occur hut only one final intonation contour occur with the predicate tagmeme are: sub-
i- present, consequently, only one sentence ject, location, time, instrument, accompani-
is formed. ment, BUnile, verbal number; sequence,
Dependent sentences are re-; introducer, exclamatory, vocative. The
ingS, and the like: "il'n!^ 'no'. predicate is the nucleus of the clause; the
This section i- limited to the discuBBioo of first seven tagmemes mentioned above are
clauses and phrases. The description i-^ in central, while the last four are peripheral.
terms of the constituent tagmemee found at The subject tagmeme is manifested by a
these levels. substantive (§4.1.1.1) or a substantive
3.1. Clause ttpeb. We recognise 13 phrase (§3.2.1 The subject may either pre-
(.

basically different clause types: eight are cede or follow the predicate; a subject pro-
independent and live are dependent. The noun almost always precedes: mlnpa he ? m
criteria used for distinguishing these are pe-toh 'Peter i- coming', he roko9 yd-p imin
primarily internal, i.e., differences in the he is coming -lowly'.
structure of words functioning as predii The location tagmeme is manifested by a
and difference- in tagmemes which may co- locational word (§4.1.1.3) or locational
occur with these different predicates. It is phrase (§3.2.3). The location tagmeme may
assumed that these different types will also either precede or follow the predicate, though

274
SIERRA POPOLUCA

a location substitute usually precedes the The above seven tagmemes each have a
predicate. When the predicate is first the corresponding interrogative form: i- ndkpa
location tagmeme follows the subject if 'who is going?' hv-V ndkpa 'where is he

both are present: himak ndkpa he 9 m siwan going?' huca§ndkpa 'when is he going?'
'John is going over there', dcaoy kd-mhfrm tH-yukma ndkpa 'on what is he going'?
T have been to the cornfield', ndkpa Hwan huuc wiVpa 'how does he walk?' hu-le-n
d-tebet 'John is going to Soteapan'. oyydh 'how many went?'
The time tagmeme is manifested by a The tagmemes
following four peripheral
heterogeneous class of substantives (§4.1. are not manifested by interrogatives.
1.5), temporal particles (§4.1.4.6), and spe- The sequence tagmeme is manifested by a
cial idiomatic time clauses (§3.2.4.3). These small class of Spanish conjunctions (§4.1.4.
may grouped together into phrases
be 1): i ndk 'and he went', peWo sfrt 'but he
(§3.2.4). In addition, certain subordinate returned'.
clauses may manifest the time tagmeme. In The introducer tagmeme is manifested by
general, the time tagmeme precedes the a small temporal substitutes
subclass of
predicate, though it may follow as well: (§4.1.1.5): hesak ndk 'then he went', okma
yd 9 p hd-ma iandkpa 'today we will go', put ifdkhfrm 'later he went out of his house'.
pos he 9 m cuuytHm putum iVdkkdam
pd-sin The exclamatory tagmeme is manifested
'well, the man very early left his house', d v d by a small number of SP words plus several
mow mu-macuu 'he didn't sleep all night'. Spanish loan words (§4.1.4.9): bweno dc
The instrumental tagmeme is manifested andkpa 'Well, I'm going', yuli waste" 'n 6y
by instrumental nouns (§4.1.1.4), and in 'I think two went'.

the intransitive clause by a few otherwise The vocative tagmeme is manifested by

locational nouns (with the suffix -yukma an appropriate uninflected noun: siwan dc
§4.1.1.3), orby instrumental phrases (§3.2. andkpa 'John, I'm going'.
5.1). The instrumental tagmeme usually fol- The IDC may be said to consist of a predi-
lows the predicate: ndk puyma 'he went on cate tagmeme plus one or more of the above
foot', ndk ikd-mh&m kdwahyukma 'he went mentioned optional tagmemes. An examina-
to his cornfield on horseback'. tion of 200 typical IDCs selected at random
The accompaniment tagmeme is mani- from text material recorded by tape re-
fested by an accompaniment phrase (§3.2.6). corder indicates that two or three tagmemes
Tbe prefix waga- 'together with' is often are the usual number per occurrence of this
present in the verb when the accompani- clause type; instances of more than four
ment tagmeme occurs: dc andkpa kon siwan tagmemes occurring are rare. The subject
'I am going with John', he ndk tu-hi kon tagmeme is present approximately 50 per
icimpa 'he went hunting with his dog', cent of the time, the location tagmeme about
awdgandkpa kon pe-toh T am going with 40 per cent, the introducer about 15 per cent
Peter'. and the sequence tagmeme about 10 per
The simile tagmeme is manifested by a cent. All other tagmemes were present less
simile phrase (§3.2.7): aywehpa komo y&ya than 10 per cent of the time.
'he made a noise [shouted] like a pig', 3.1.1.2. Transitive declarative clause
wiVpa huuc pd'sin 'it walks like a man', (TDC). The minimum structure of TDC
wlt vpa huuc iga pd-sin yo 9 ypa 'he walks like consists of a single predicate tagmeme mani-
a man jumping'. fested by a transitive declarative verb (§4.1.
The verbalnumber tagmeme is mani- 3.3), or verb phrase (§3.2.8) anko 9 cpa
: T am
fested by verbal numbers (§4.1.1.6): a6y hitting him', pd-mi iVdnpa 'he chops it

tumkay T went twice'. rapidly'. In addition to differences in the

275
 LINGUISTICS

predicate, TDCs are also distinguished by horse with a stick',antdypa he9 m kuy kon
the potential occurrence of object tagmemes. a?ndcah 'I'll chop the tree with my ax'.
Three different objects are recognized: direct The accompaniment tagmeme is mani-
object, indirect object, and causative object. fested by only certain accompaniment
All of these tagmemes are manifested by phrases (§3.2.6, subclass a). Usually the pre-
appropriate substantives. fix waga- 'together with' is present in this
The direct object may occur with any situation aywdgako 9 c he9 m pa-Hn kon Hwan
:

transitive verb: ayko 9 cpa siwan I hit John', T hit the man with John, John and I hit
tf.'ujpa kuy 'he is cutting wood', siwan the man'. It should be pointed out that this
ihdkspa he 9 m kdrna 'John is hoeing the construction is fairly rare in this clause
ornfield'. type, and is definitely the result of Spanish
The indirect object may occur when the influence. The normal SP method of encod-
predicate tagmeme is manifested by Si 'to ing the same message is: Hwan anako 9 c he9 m
give something to someone' or by certain p.'rsin caused John to hit the man with
I

transitive stems with the suffix -a 9 y 'indi- me'.

rect ive-benefactive': anciiha siwan y,i
9
p TDCs may be said to consist of a transi-
turn in 'I'll give John this money', mic tive tagmeme plus any of the
predicate
manam&fUPy yX>p pdsurj 'I brought you above mentioned optional tagmemes. The
l his squash'. average number of tagmemes occurring in a
Although -a 9 y function- as an indicator of TDC is three to four, though up to seven
i fie indirect object in a few situations, its have been observed.
normal function is to indicate that the direct An object (usually the direct object) oc-
object is possessed by Bomeone other than curs most Frequently of the optional tag-
the subject: \h&t ikdwah 'he hit his (own) memes. In a random count an object was
horse', iko'ai'y ikdwah 'he hit his (the present 60 per cent of the time, while the
other's) hots subject was present only 17 per cent of the
The causative object may occur with tune. Other optional tagmemes occurred less
transitive stems which an- further derived often. The location tagmeme, which was
by the causative prefixes <ik 'causativi present Frequently in IDC occurs here less
- i
•dative-causative' (4.2.2.3.2): sdmni than 10 per cent of the time. Some optional
il:ku"t ht''m yomu 'he U'ii the woman ba- tagmeme accompanied the predicate about
nana-', hi''m siwan anakriiha iha'yuk he 9 m S.S per cent of the time.
cause John to give his brother the
I'll \- with IDC the order of tagmemes is not
-tick',anahokspa siwan }u''in kdrna 'I'll though peripheral tagmemes and tag-
fixed,

cause John to hoe the cornfield with me'. memes manifested by substitutes usually
Uthough the above is observed SI', normal precede the predicate. When both subject
Style tO have fewer subject- and objects
ifi and object are present the subject tends to
tally only one) present in a clam precede the predicate and the object to fol-
In addition to the three object tagmemes low. Otherwise the central optional tag-
discussed above, all of the central and memes tend to follow the predicate: i hisak
peripheral tagmemes which are found in the he 9 m Hwan iko 9 c he 9 m iPfcwa kuyma 'and
II)(' also occur with Tin However, with then John hit his brother with a stick'.

certain tagmemes there are difference- in 3.1.1.3. Intransitive indefinite clause

the manifesting class. (IIC). IIC is manifested by an intransitive

The instrumental tagmeme is manifested indefinite verb. Such verbs always contain
hv nouns (§4.1.1.4) and by
instrumental the suffix -na-m 'intransitive indefinite'
certain accompaniment phrases ($3.2.6, sub- (§4.1.32): ri-ynena-m 'someone has been
class b): iko 9 r hf°m ikdwah kuym 'he hit his I bathing, there has been bathing'. A subject

276
SIERRA l'OPOLUCA

tagmeme is not possible with IK' and other these substantives are not directly related to
optional tagmemes occur rarely. Possible the predicate as subject or object: he 9 m
optional tagmemes are: sequence, intro- pd-sin toba 9 yayPd- he 9 m iwaco-mo 'as for the
ducer, exclamatory (rare), location, and man, someone took his wife from him', i

time: piro yd 9 m pwtndmpa 'but someone he 9 m ttwan <1 v d ndk he 'and as for John, he
appears here', bweno cu 9 mak wd-nruvm 'well, did not go'. 6
last night there was singing'. 3.1.1.5. Intransitive imperative clausk
3.1.1.4. Transitive indefinite clause (IMC). The minimum form of IMC con-
(TIC). TIC consists of a transitive indefinite sists of an intransitive imperative predicate
predicate tagmeme manifested by a transi- tagmeme manifested by an intransitive im-
1 ive indefinite verb. Such verbs always con- perative verb. Verbs manifesting IMC'
tain the suffix -ta- 'transitive indefinite' predicates always contain the imperative
(§4.1.3.4): ko 9 ctd- 'someone hit him, he was morpheme -a (§4.1.3.5): po-ya 'run! flee"
hit'. The
tagmeme is not possible in
subject puta 'go out'' Other tagmemes which may
TIC, though object tagmemes occur fre- accompany the intransitive imperative tag-
quently. Other tagmemes observed are: meme are: introducer, exclamatory, voca-
sequence, introducer, exclamatory (rare), tive, location, time, and the auxiliary im-
location, and time: i hesak he9 m ttwan perative. The only word which manifests the
?
k/)' ctd- kd-mhd'm 'and then John was hit in latter tagmeme is impd-mi 'hurry' [lit. 'your
the cornfield, and then someone hit John in strength, might']. The auxiliary imperative
the cornfield'. may sometimes occur in place of the predi-
The TIC occurs frequently since it seems cate tagmeme: ttwan impd-mi 'John, hurry
to be a feature of SP style to have only one up'. Examples are: hesak mic nd'ka kd-mhorn
subject or object tagmeme per clause. Since hoyma 'then you go to the cornfield tomor
the order of tagmemes in TDC is not fixed, row', ko-na ko-fikuyyukma 'sit on the chair',
ambiguity may arise. This ambiguity is re- snap mi-fia mihe-hi kompa 'now come and rest
solvedby subsequent occurrences of TIC compadre'.
and IDC. For example the clause i hemak 3.1.1.6. Transitive imperative clausk
he 9 m ttwan iko ? c pi-toh may either mean 'and (TMC). The minimum form of TMC con-
there John hit Peter' or 'and there Peter hit sists of a transitive imperative predicate
John'. The ambiguity is resolved by ko9 co ? y tagmeme manifested by a transitive impera-
pi'toh, ko ? ctd' siwan 'Peter did hitting; John tive verb. Verbs manifesting TMC predi-
was hit'. cates always contain the imperative mor-
In addition to the tagmemes discussed in pheme -a (§4.1.3.6): kooca 'hit him'. Other
the above clause types, there appears to be a tagmemes which may accompany the transi-
position of emphasis or focus. When the sub- tive imperative predicate tagmeme are:
ject, object, time, or location is manifested introducer, exclamatory, vocative, direct ob-
by a noun or noun phrase and occurs first ject, indirect object, causative object, time,
in the clause, it is emphasized or in focus: location,and the auxiliary imperative: soap
hr'
,
m ndk pe 9 mam pldya 'the man
pd'ttn arjmiicd i 9 ni§kuy 'now close your eyes',
[what follows is about him] went to the kompa nanagdaya ttwan yd 9 p tumin 'com-
beach', kuyyukma cinne 'to the tree it was padre take John this money', akkuuti he9 m
tied', he?m kdwah ttwan ipd?t 'the horse, yd'ya 'cause the pig to eat it'.

John found it'. 3.1.2. Stative clauses. There is one

I besides the position of emphasis for the
• This tagmeme, if it is the same, has also been
various central tagmemes of the clause, there
observed following the clause: he krikma ndkpa
appears to be an emphasis-referent tagmeme
he?m pd'sin d"dpak wad'p 'he went in the middle,
which is manifested by substantives, but the one who couldn't do it'

277
 LINGUISTICS

independent clause type which does not cate and the other in which the verb mani-
contain a verb: the stative clause. It consists festing the predicate contains suffixes -pam
of two principal tagmemes, a subject (which or-wd-m (§4.1.3.7).
is optional) and a comment tagmeme. Verbs manifesting IDC, TDC, or TIC
Classes which manifest the comment tag- predicates may occur with a preceding
meme are discussed in §4.1.1.2. Other ob- particle mu 'when'. The result is that the
served optional tagmemes are sequence, in- entire clause is subordinate and manifests
troducer, and location: kdwah 'it is a horse', the time tagmeme of the adjacent clause.
ac a$ut'J up,ik ap.'rxiii T am a little person', Intransitive verbs and transitive indefinite
pero iko-bak pa-sin 'but his head was [that verbs are inflected only with set II person
of] a man', cam misut y u 'you are very small', prefixes (§4.1.3.7). The tagmemes already
hi'iunu ant.ikm.i 'my country is far away', discussed may occur with the three subtypes
yd 9 in d u d hihuru anLikklwi 'at my house is of this clause: hesdk mu a?n&y diebct, ampdk-
not far from here'. corj he9 m tumiii 'then when 1 went to Sotea-
The stative clause may also be subordi- pan, I received the money', mu ils if.iwd,
nated with a clause subordinator (§4.1.4.7): d"d ihdijpa't 'when he saw his brother he
anhuypa he°m kdwah porkc u\r 'I'll buy the didn't speak to him', mu iko 9 c(d-, akL'itj

the horse because it is good', put iga pd'ho 'when he was hit, he fell down'.
'he came out in order to be a coyote [i.e., The Becond type of time subordinate
In- became a coyote].' clause functions similarly. Verbs manifest-
3.1.3. INTERROGATIVE CLAU8E8. A- men- ing IDC, TDC. or TIC predicates may occur
tioned above, there are interrogative substi- with the subordinating suffixes -pa-m or
tutes which may manifest the central tag- Warm. The entire clause is subordinate and
memes of the clause. When these an- pn manifests the time tagmeme of the adjacent
in a single, Bentence-forming clause, the re- clause. Intransitive verbs and transitive
sult is an interrogative clause: i- nil: pa 'who indefinite verbs are inflected only with set
is going?' tH' it* 'what is there?' hti'P mi- II peTBOn markers (§4.1.3.7). Most of the
I 'where are you going?' hue. is mimlnpa clause level tagmemes already discussed
'when are you coming?' hutiC ir/wat 'how did may occur with the three subtypes of this
you do it?' tHiga mini/ 'why did you clause: lu's.ik atin.tkpd-m, a'' fits m.'ia 'as I was
firm iko'c 'with what did he hit him?' fcon going along, I saw a deer', ikd^cwd'm if'vwd
I- mioy 'with whom did you go?' fcoil W' iis ihd-ttui 'when he was hitting his brother
itjkn°r 'with what did you hit him?' hu'etnj he >aw hi- father*, ikd^ctawd'tn, akt'uj 'when
inrwa 'how much is the price?' he Was being hit, he fell down'.
3.1. L. I!ki.\ i ivk DEPENDED i < LAI 3.1.6. General dependent Clause.
Four of the above-mentioned interrogative There are two types of general dependent
Words are also Used tO introduce relative clauses: one in which the verb inflection is
Clauses. Relative clauses always manifest ihe sune as that of independent clauses, and
clause-level tagmemes: an.ikpa hut'J ii y the other in which the verbs are inflected
anhdtmj 'I am going where my father is', with -in 'obligatory'. Both types follow sub-
anhuypa y it v am iu-Jaijhd-m 'I'll buy him
t ordinating particles (§4.1.5.7).
whatever he wants', an.ikpa hurts keh 'I'll The first type includes subordinate varie-
go anytime [lit. I'll go when it appears]', ties IDC, TDC, IIC, and TIC which
of
anarukpa U v am n.'ikpa I'll take whoever manifest the object tagmeme, or add state-
wants to go'. ments of cause or purpose. The constituent
3.1.5. Time DEPENDENT CLAUSES. There tagmemes are as described above. Such
are two types of time dependent clause, one clauses may manifest one object tagmeme:
in which the particle mu occurs in the predi- a?nlspa iga poypa he 9 m pd-Mn T see that the

278
 :

SIERRA POPOLUCA

man is running'; or may add a statement of below this count phrase functions as a
cause or purpose: andkpa iga anhuypa am- numeral: twm kdrga 'one load', siykoh he-pe
puktu-ku 'I'm going so that I can buy my 'five cups'. The determiner may also occur:
clothing', apoy porke hemagam pu-tnd-mpa he 9 m dyes kmt yat 'the ten sacks'.
I ran because there is appearing there [i.e., 3.2.1.3. The modified phrase consists of
spirits appear]', poy he 9 m Hwan porke three tagmemes, all of which are optional,
ko 9 ctd- 'John ran because someone hit him'. but two of which must occur for the modified
The second type includes subordinate phrase to be present. The tagmemes are
varieties of IDC, TDC, and TIC, but the count, quality, and specific. The count tag-
verb is inflected by -in (§4.1.3.9), and the meme may be manifested by a numeral, a
negative particle used is odoy rather than simple numeral phrase, or by a count
the normal d yd. Otherwise the clause func- phrase. The quality tagmeme may be mani-
tions as the one above described: anandkpa fested by a nominal participle (see §3.2.1.5)
ya?p cd-si iga icigin mok 'I'm taking this or a simple nominal participle phrase. The
child so he can pick corn', wd- iga mindgin tagmeme is manifested by a noun
specific
'it would be good if you could go', isunpa iga or noun phrase. The theoretical
simple
Hit y din hd 9 yay 'he wants a lot to be given maximum, i.e., a simple phrase (see §3.2.1.1)
him', ndmpa iga odoy mindgin 'he said for manifesting each tagmeme, has not been
you not to go'. observed. Rather when the quality and
The second type is much less used than the specific tagmemes are both present the de-
first type, and probably has stronger force. terminer occurs preceding the combination
3.2. Phrases. In general, phrases are no matter which is first. Examples are:
expansions of words which manifest clause- tii-m mdhpak pa-sift 'a big man', he9 m waste-n
level tagmemes. A phrase is considered to he9 m pok 'the two tecomates', tu-m kdrga
consist oftwo or more words. 7 sdk 'one load of beans', he9 m kd-y mdhpak
3.2.1.Substantive phrases. Substantive 'the big jaguar', waste-n he 9 m mdhpak 'two
phrases are those phrases which manifest big ones'.
subject or object tagmemes. 3.2.1.4. The stative noun phrase con-
All phrases which manifest subject or sists of a noun plus an adjective modified by
object tagmemes may contain the determiner an adverb (usually cd-m 'very'). This
as one constituent. The determiner is mani- phrase has been observed only at the end of
fested by an article (he 9 ?n 'the') or by a a clause: 9 kuuta yd 9 p ku-ma cd-m wd' 'eat
subtype of pronoun (pe 9 m 'that', yd 9 p these very good plain nuts', iniiV ikuci-yu
8
'this'). cd-m cu-pa 'he has his very sharp knife'.
3.2.1.1. The
simple phrase consists of 3.2.1.5. Nominal participle phrases are
the determiner plus a head tagmeme which derived phrases for which see §4.2.4. Such
is manifested by a noun, numeral, or nomi- phrases occur with the determiner tagmeme
nal participle: yd 9 p pd-Hn 'this man', he 9 m he 9 m cd-m pd-mi mdhpak 'the very, very big
waste-n 'the two', pe?m mdhpak 'that big one', he 9 m kd-mho-mpak 'the one from the
one'. cornfield', he 9 m dvdpak huuma 'the one not
3.2.1.2. The count phrase consists of a from away'.
number plus a small subclass of nouns which 3.2.1.6. Verbal participle phrases are
are in some way receptacles. As will be seen derived clauses for which see §4.2.5. Such
phrases occur with the determiner tagmeme:
7
This from Longacre's definition of
differs
phrase. For him one word may constitute a phrase 9
It should be noted that this sequence could
if it is expandable. be considered as a stative clause with the noun in
8
There are two rare forms which apparently double function as object of one clause and subject
substitute for he?m: here 'that', hi- 'the'. of another.

279
 LINGUISTICS

he9 m oyw.'uip huuma 'the one who went far 3.2.2. Comment phrases are those sub-
away', he? m dv dp.ik iko 9 c iP&'wa 'the one who stantive phrases which manifest the com-
did not strike his brother'. ment tagmeme in the stative clause.
3.2.1.7. The possessed noun phrase (1) Noun comment phrases contain the
consists of noun inflected by set II person elements of the modified phrase (§3.2.1.3)
markers (§4.1.1.1.1) and usually preceded, without, however, the determiner: he 9 m
but occasionally followed, by a noun or pro- Siwan mdhpak pd'Hn 'John is a big man'.
9
noun or any of the above phrases (except y'i p kdwah idd'wa ti'rm kdrga sak 'the price
§3.2.1.4), or by another noun inflected by of this horse is a load of beans'.
set II (i.e., a possessed noun): ht°m w.ihp.ik (2) Adjective and directional phrases man-
pd'Sin iyo-ya 'the big man's pig', he*m dyw.iap ifesting the comment tagmeme consist of
huiun.r ikdwah 'the horse of the one who adverbs (§4.1.4.5) plus adjective or direc-
went far away', he°m a^nnkhdtuij ibwroh tional: cd'tn ydgac 'he is very tall', ht 9 m
'my god-father's burro'. d'Ubel caw huitnu 'Soteapan is far away'.
3.2.1.8. The coordinate phrase consists 3.2.3. Location phrases are those phrases

of a list of nouns or simple noun phrases each which manifest the location tagmeme. These
of which refers to different things. Coordi- phrases are similar in structure to phrases
nators may or may be present: anhnypa discussed in §3.2.1. Place names and loca
ampuktu-ku ancuhwit" ammoH'Pi 'I'll buy tion nouns (§4.1.1.3) may occur in possessed,
my clothing, my blanket, my machete'. modified or simple phrases: hc 9 w pldya 'the
n.lkpa siivan etttrc p('t"h 'John and Peter arc beach', fu
9
m mdhpak t.ikk.'unn 'at the big
going*. house', Hwan ikdrnhd-m 'in John's cornfield'.
: 1.9. AppoernoNAL phrases consists of There is s group of direction words thai
a scries of nouns, or simple noun phrases, all always occur possessed: Uk iwe-fWaij 'he
referring to the same thing. They are similar yond the house," kdwah ikundhoili 'below
to coordinate phrases but coordinators do the horse'.
not occur: htrruyam ipd°l lt<"m p There is a morpheme he 9 p which oceans
h.imfupisin higdnteh 'there Ik- found the with location substitutes: hPp ya 9 m 'nearby
man, a mountain man, a giant*. here'.

3.2.1.10. hc°m iga. Occasionally, a sub- AppoMtional phrases usually involve a lo-

ordinate clause containing the subordinates cation substitute or a directional phi-

itja may occur with hi''m resulting in a kind word or phrase, or clause introduced by
of substantive p! .: pa (anre 9 k hi°w hwl y hew dn'htl 'there in Soteapan', hew urn
:

iga mit y ipne 'we will no and pay back that ikainlu'rw 'there in his cornfield', huuwj
you were shot'. la'cf unit ikdma 'far away where he made

3.2.1.11. mi I ertain emphasis his cornfield'.

particles (§4.1.4.4) may precede some of the Any of the above may occur with data 'as
1
phrases above described: m&l ke*tn Htoon far as or dinde 'from': dsta he-rn hu-f &y
rukpa 'John, too, is going*, mdske drift far as there where he turned and
iki'Stpa 'he eats only tortillas'. came back', amlh dende siwan ikd-wkutih/
3.2.1.12. LOCATIONAL NOUN SUBJECT TAO- T came from the road to John's cornfield'.
mkmk. In addition to the phrases indicated
.•indpoaseesiye types, which contain two "major"
al>ove, t he subject tagmeme may in restricted
elements, may occur split or in reverse order.
circumstances be manifested by locational Such arrangement* usually coincide with features
nouns, for which 1 .1.3: arjkdmh<rm of emphasis within the clause: piyu anail" biynii
'I have twenty chickens,' dros antuk tu-m k/irun
U" fiHum.i 'my cornfield is far'.
10
'I harvested a load of rice,' he 9 m
pi'Mi ndk ibHroh
'the man's burro went away', n6k ibv.ro h lu?m
10
Certain phrases, particularly of the modified pd'isin 'the man's burro went away'.

280
SIERRA POPOLUCA

.'5.2.4. Temporal phrases manifesting the stuck out his tongue a long way', ana 9 r)d-katii
time tagmeme are modified phrases con- dsan he 9 m po-ktak 'we fought some over the
sisting of a time noun modified by an article unused field', iko 9 c wd'wd' 'he hit him really
or numeral: yd?p hdma 'today', tamtam well',pa-mi ndkpa he 9 m
cd-H 'the child is
kuke-ha 'each morning'. A second type are going very fast', eybuktHm ndkpa 'he is going
appositional phrases consisting of an SP time again', d"d aoy 'I didn't go'.
indicator plus a Spanish one: hesak komo a A second type of verb phrase consists of a
las kwdtro 'then about four o'clock', sthbam verbal particle plus a verb: anakpa idvak
el dos de noby&mbre 'now the second of No- 'I was going to go', wdap putpa 'he might
vember'; or two or more SP elements: sd-bay get out', mdarn nandktd- 'suddenly he was
hesak cuuyam 'later when it is dark'. taken'.
Certain clauses seem to have solidified 3.2.9. Interdependent verb phrases are
as time idioms: ikukeh hd-ma 'at dawn' [lit. composed of two verbs. Their structure is
'the sun made it all appear'], kugdp cu 'mid- discussed in detail in §4.1.3.10.
night' [lit. 'the night halves'], kugdp hdma 4. Morphology. In the presentation of
'noon' [lit. 'the sun halves']. the morphology, inflection is discussed first

Instrumental phrases manifest

3.2.5. and then derivation. The discussion of in-
the instrumental tagmeme. flection, and to some extent that of deriva-

(1) In IDC the instrumental phrase is tion, shows the relation between the syn-
the same as the location phrase except that tactic function and the form of the word
only the suffix -yukma 'upon' occurs with or morpheme classes.
the noun: anakpa kdwahyukma 'I'm going Inflection. Although the decision as
4.1.
on the horse', 6y Hwan ikamydnyukma 'he to whether certain individual morphemes are
went in John's truck'. derivational or inflectional is difficult, then 1

(2) In TDC the instrumental phrase con- is clearly a difference between the two sys-
a phrase introduced by kon 'with'
sists of tems in SP.
and with nouns referring to things: ikkd 4.1.1. Inflection of substantives. Sub-
he ? m mda kon iVuhkuy 'he killed the deer stantives constitute a large group of words
with his gun'. which exhibit certain similarities of inflec-
3.2.6. Accompaniment phrases are sub- tion, derivation, and syntactic function.
stantive phrases introduced by kon 'with': 4.1.1.1. Subjects or objects. The inflec-
anakpa kon he 9 m siwan imdat 'I am going tion of substantives functioning as subject
with John's son-in-law'. There are two sub- or object.
classes of accompaniment phrases (a) those 4.1.1.1.1. Nouns functioning as subjects
with nouns referring to persons: kon siwan or objects may be inflected with the follow-
'with John'; and (b) those with nouns re- ing affixes:
ferring to things: kon iVuhkuy 'with his an- '1st per.' -tarn '1st and -Vim
gun'. These manifest different tagmemes in 2nd pi.' 'just'

TDC. tan- '1st and

2nd'
Simple phrases are substantive
3.2.7. Stem
in- '2nd -yah '3rd pi.'
phrases introduced by huuc or komo: wiVpa per.'

huuc twm ku-Suh 'he walks like a lame i- '3rd -ayhoh 'mass -gakVi
per.' pi.' 'again
man'.
C HART I
3.2.8. Endocentric verb phrases con-
sist of verb plus an immediately following The prefixes mark Without the
possession.
(usually) or preceding adjective, adverb or possessive markers the noun may function
negative. The negative always precedes the as specific in the modified phrase, and with
verb: ikyo 9 npa ydgac iVoc uspin 'the alligator the possessive markers in the possessive

281
 LINGUISTICS

phrase: tikgakVi 'a house again', kdwahyah iPumpay 'all of them' have somewhat dif-
'horses',yfrmtam 'women', antiktam 'our ferent syntactic possibilities: hd 9 yant y im
house', inyo-mofim 'just your wife', inyo- 'many also'.
yayah 'your pigs', cadyhoh 'a pile of rocks'. Numerals inflected in this way manifest
4.1.1.1.2. Pronouns functioning as sub- the count tagmeme in the modified phrase
jects or objects may be inflected as follows: (3.2.1(3)), except inflection with possessive

Pronoun stems
a- '1st per.'
ta- '1st and 2nd' di T
-tarn 1st and 2nd pi.'
2nd per.' mic 'von'
-Pirn 'jnst, also'
hi 'he, she, it'

-yah '3rd pi.'

pt^in 'that' -am 'now'
y\° p 'this'

-gakfi 'again'

C'n u;i II

The chart includes all SP pronouns as well prefixes has not been observed in this posi-
as pronoun inflection. pe 9 m 'that one' and tion,
"this one' have certain different i.i.i.l.i.Adjectives may function as sub-
syntactic function. Examples arc: a.'u'Vam jects or objects when they are inflected by
1
'«'i', us (excluaiv< Fam *we, us' (in- asive prefixes: ir.r irdlxir 'its redness is

clusive), mimiZfam 'you all'. Ugakfi I. too,'

yfibam 'this one now", hieyah 'they'. 4.1.1.1.."). Location substitutes may
4.1.1.1.3. Numerals functioning as sub- function as subjects or objects when they
>r objects are inflected as follow.-: are inflected by possessive prefixes: tnypn
anyX'm T hurt righl here' [lit. 'my here
'

nn - ist per pirn 'jusl hurts'], ik&cdPy ihrm 'he hit him right
tun- '1st ami nam 'still
1

there' [lit. 'he hit his there').

2nd'
in- per
-211(1
'

•gakfi 'again' 4.1.1.1.1.. Nominal and verbal parti-

i- '3rd pei ciples ftlso function as subjects and objects.
Cnvui III Nominal participles may be inflected by
-t-irn, -nam, and -am: /ir
9
m mJhp.igam 'the
The suflix 4tm is obligatory with num- one now \>\<r\ Nominal participles may, with
bers two through five and with the word these affixes, manifest the quality tagmeme
for 'how many': icistrnijakfi 'two also', in the modified phrae
tukntrnnam 'three still'. Other numerals are Verbal participles have been observed only
not inflected with -Urn. The p pre- with -t' im
J
'just': he 9 m ik6 9 cwaapt v im 'just
fixes occur with some numerals: affWuUm the one who hit him'.
'my two'. The number 'one' is infli The formation of nominal and verbal par-
by -fim and -nam only: tn-mPim 'just one', ticiples will be discussed in §4.2.
tirmnam 'one still'. Spanish numbers are in- 4.1.1.2. Comments of stative clauses.
flected occasionally: xiykohVim 'just five'. The inflection of substantives functioning
Two non-count numerals hd°ynrj 'many' and as the comment of the stative clause.

282
 ;

SIERRA POPOLUCA

4.1.1.2.1. Nouns functioning as comments in Chart VI: dc d vd ahemak 'I am not there',
may be inflected as follows: huumatamnam 'they are still far away'.

a- '1st per.'
and 2nd'
(a- '1st -Vim 'just'
mi- '2nd per.' Stem -tarn '1st and 2nd pi. -am 'now'
an- '2nd to 1st' -yah '3rd pi.' -nam 'still'
man- '1st to 2nd'
Chart IV

Examples are: apvsinVam 'we are men', 4.1.1.3. Location tagmemes. The inflec-

micJsiPamnam 'you are still children', tion of substantives manifesting the loca-
kdwahyah 'they are horses', y&yatHm 'it is tion tagmeme.
just a pig', manhd-tuy 'you are my father'. 4.1.1.3.1. Nouns manifesting the location
4.1.1.2.2. Pronouns functioning as com- tagmeme may be inflected as shown in Chart
ments may be inflected as indicated in VII, page 284.
Chart II, with the following revisions: -gakVi Locative suffixes are normally obligatory
does not occur, and a- and mi- may occur the other affixes are optional: aykd-mh&m
with hi: adcam 'it is I', d vd ahe 'I am not tarn 'in our cornfield', ndakdamgak 'at the
he'. next river', iVdkkdamyah 'at their house',
4.1.1.2.3. Numerals functioning as com- me-sahkukdam 'under the table', kuyyukma
ments are inflected as follows: 'in the tree', kdwahayh&m 'among the
horses', pd-si 9 nayku ? k 'in the midst of the
a- '1st per.' -tarn '1st and
people', tdgaynd-ka 'beside the house'.
2nd pi.'
-na'
ta- '1st and 2nd' Stem In a few cases the plural indicator may
mi- '2nd per.' -yah '3rd pi.' precede the locative suffix : it v d-wata
? mayho-m
Char' v V 'among his brothers'.
Certain place nouns do not occur ob-
Examples are: awasnd-tam 'we are two',
with locative suffixes when mani-
ligatorily
tukund-yah 'they are three'.
festing the location tagmeme: d-tebet 'Sotea-
Spanish numbers and hd ? yay 'many' fol-
pan, city', pldya 'beach', lu-rnuh 'hill'.
low the same pattern but -na- is never
Certain noun-like formations occur with
present: mihd 9 yaytam 'you are many',
-ma to manifest the location tagmeme:
seysyah 'they are six'.
antdkma 'my country', aywd-sd-wma 'north'.
Numerals tu-m 'one' and iWumpay 'all' do
4.1.1.3.2. Pronouns may occur with one
not function in this way.
of the locative suffixes to manifest the loca-
4.1.1.2.4. Adjectives functioning as com-
tion tagmeme: dckdam 'at my place', micWa?
ments may be inflected as follows:
mayho-m 'among you'.
a- '1st per.' -Vim 'just' 4.1.1.3.3. Location substitutes may be
la- '1st and -tarn -am 'now' inflected with -Vim 'just', -am (now', -nam
Stem
2nd' 'plural'
'still': hemagam 'right over there', h&mVim
mi- '2nd per' -nam 'still'
'just there'.
Chart VI
Possessed directionals. There
4.1.1.3.4.
Examples are: mdham 'it is big now', is a group of possessed directionals which are

misuWutamnam 'you are still small', cdbac- always inflected by possessive prefixes:
tamVim 'they are just red'. ikusdywin 'above it', iykundSwin 'below you'.
4.1.1.2.5. Certain location substitutes 4.1.1.4. Time tagmemes- Inflection of sub-
also function as comments and may par- stantives manifesting the time tagmeme.
ticipate in the inflectional system set forth Such substantives are nouns and time sub-

283
 LINGUISTICS
on- '1st per.' -horn 'in'
-kaam 'at' -tarn '1st and 2nd pi.
tan- '1st and 2nd' -yukma 'upon'
Stein -kukaam 'under' -t'im 'just'
in- '2nd per.' -aohom 'among' -yah '3rd pi.'
-aoku^k 'in the midst'

i- '3rd per.' -n.ma-ka 'at the side' -gak 'again'

Chart VII
stitutes. These are inflected with -Pirn certain similarities of inflection, derivation
'just', -am 'now', and -nam 'still': sd'baynam and syntactic function.
'still later', SOapPim 'right now'. The time We first present a composite chart of
tagmeme is also manifested by temporals verbal inflection, then each kind of verb is
for which see §4.2.3. discussed. Morphemes which change intran-
4.1.1.5. Instrumental tagmemes. Inflec- sitive verbs to transitive and vice versa
tion of substantives manifesting the instru- are considered to be derivational rather than
mental tagmeme. Such substantives are inflectional.
nouns. They participate in the inflectional
system presented in Chart VII except that The meaning of the morphemes below is as
ma occurs instead of the locatives suffixes: follows: Order I prefixes indicate person but,
lkuynu 'with his stick', puyma 'on foot, with BS trill be seen, have different functions
his foot'. when occurring with different verb types;
4.1.1.6. The verbal h\ mbeb tagmeme waga- 'together', arm- 'very'. Suffixes are
is manifested by verbal numbers. These arc n''i henefactive-mdirective', -nr 'durative,
inflected by -Pim 'just', -am 'now', and -nam ta'm ist and 2nd pi., -yah, '.'>rd pi., -to-
'still': tu-mLvjpim 'just once', wttk&yam transitive indefinite', -rum 'intransitive in-
•
t wi( definite', (ink 'repetitive', -to 'desiderative',
4.1.2. Negatives are inflected with -Pirn t.i'
,
/> 'Irustrative', -pa 'incompletive', -urn
-am 'now', and -nam 'still': d*dnam definite completive', -a 'imperative', -in
riot yet', odoyPim 'don't'. Negatives OCCUT 'obligatory*, -fMffl 'incompletive time sub
io endocentric verb phrasi ordinate', warm 'completive time subor
u
i L.3. [neudcttom or verbs. Verbs con dinate', -t im 'just, also', -am 'now', -nam
9titute a large else trdfl which exhibit 'still', i meaning undetermined.
I il M Ill IN V VI VII VIII
-

a-

. -to -pa

nn- -ta'p -um

trim
Stom -gak
t- -a
-in
K\ 3

-par»
-wa-m
an- -i

Chak VIII
"These suffixr* hav-p been previously considered derivational Both participate in certain idio
matic formation?
SIKKKA POPOLUCA

Intransitive declarative pred-

4.1.3.1. (b) is possessed and the possessor is someone
icates. Verbs functioning as intransitive other than the subject: anko 9 cd ? y Hwan
predicates may be inflected as follows: ikdwah 'I hit John's horse', Siwan iko 9 cd 9 y

II II III VI VII VIM

-Vim
a- -nam
1,1 waga- -gak -to -pa -am
ca'in- Stem -yah
-ta 9 p -HID -t»im
-nam
Chart IX

Examples are: awdganaktd 9 mpanam 'I'm still ikdwah 'John hit someone else's horse', but
going with him', midyneyahtd 9 p 'you all went Hwan iko 9 c ikdwah 'John hit his own horse',
in vain', cd-m hd-yyahtoobam 'they like to Siwan anami 9 nd 9 y yd 9 p koon 'John brought
walk a lot', poyn&um 'he fled', nakgdkpa 'he me this basket'.
is going again'. Other affixes function as illustrated for
Intransitive indefinite predi-
4.1.3.2. intransitive declarative verbs.
cates. Verbs functioning as intransitive in- Transitive indefinite predi-
4.1.3.4.
definite predicates are inflected always with cates. Verbs functioning as transitive in-
the suffix -na-m. Other affixes which may definite predicates are inflected always with
occur are -ne, -pa, and -um: ci-ynend-m -tar. Set I person markers occur, but not
'someone is bathing', pu-tnd-mpa 'someone sets II and III. Other affixes of the transi-
comes out'. tive declarative system occur except -to and

Transitive declarative predi-

4.1.3.3. -ta?phave not been observed: ako 9 ctamtd-
cates. Verbs functioning as transitive de- 'someone hit me', ko 9 caynetd- ikdwah 'some-
clarative predicates may be inflected as fol- one hit his horse'.
lows: 4.1.3.5. Intransitive imperative predi-

I II I II III V VII VIII

a-
la- -Pirn
rrn- -am
-to -pa -nam
an- waga- -ta9 m
tan- Stem -a?y -ne -gak
in- ca-rn- -yah
i- -ttvp
-(torn
man- -navi
an-

Chart X

Set II prefixes indicate subject: anko 9 cpa cates. Verbs functioning as intransitive im-
'I hit him', i 9 nisgdkum 'you saw him again', perative predicates are always inflected with
iSunydhpa 'they want it'. Set I prefixes in- -a. Other affixes which may occur are: waga-,
dicate object: Hwan ako 9 cpa 'John is hitting -ne (with certain stems only), -ta 9 m, -gak,
me', milsgdkpa 'he sees you again'. Set III -Vim, -am, -nam: mi-na 'come!' wdgapoy-
prefixes indicate both subject and object: fdama 'run away together!' w&neaVim. 'just
mawk6 9 cpa 'I hit you', mic arjkd 9 c 'you hit lie down!'
me'. 4.1.3.6. Transitive imperative predi-
The suffix -a 9 y indicates that the object of cates. Verbs functioning as transitive im-
focus either (a) is an indirect object, or perative predicates are always inflected with

285
 LINGUISTICS

-a. Other affixes which may occur are as mdhum we- hi 'he began to weep', dyne hfryi
follows: 'he went for a walk'. The plural indicating

I II I II III V VI-VII VIII

-ta?m -t»i»i
u-aga- Stem °y -ne -gak -a -am
-yah -nam
Chart XI

Examples are: ayu-Spdati 'help me!' wdgako?c suffixes occur after -i: 6y miho-yiVam 'you
yd-h.i 'both of you hit them!' Other mor- went for a walk'.
phemes function as illustrated in the above This set of auxiliary verbs functions simi-
sections. larly with transitive declarative verbs, ex-
4.1.3.7. Time subordinate clause pred- cept that -i is not present on the main
icates. Verbs functioning as predicates of stem: 6y id 9 m 'he went to look at it', mdhpa
time subordinate clause's (when mu is not antiik T began to pick it'.

present) are inflected always with either When a member of this set of auxiliaries
-pam or -warm. Set II person markers occur occurs with a transitive indefinite main verb,
when intransitive stems are used. There is the same suffixes occur with the auxiliary
no restriction on affixes except as presented and set II person prefixes occur with the
in Chart VIII: ifukwrtn 'when he went main stem: mlnpa ik6 9 cUv 'someone is com-
along', ansetpdm 'as I return'. ankofewdrm ing to hit him'.
"when I was hitting him'. When a member of this set of auxiliaries
4.1.3.8. mu 'when'. When rati is present, occurs with intransitive imperative verbs,
intransitive verba are inflected with set II •a occurs with the auxiliary and -i occurs
prefixes, and suffixes beyond Order V do with the main verb which is also inflected
not occur (see Chart VIII |: rati aTndy "when by the person marker mi-: vii-fu miwliki
I went', rail ikn°rydh 'when they hit him'. 'come and eat n.'rk.i mih<>!/it u am 'you all go
!'

4.1.:;.'.*. General bubordinati clause take a walk:'

predicates, Verbs Functioning as the pred- When a member of this set of auxiliary
icate tagmeme in a genera] subordinate verbs occurs with a transitive imperative
clause may he inflected with -in. < )ther affixes verb, -./ occurs with both verbs: na-ka dam.i
occur except for the restrictions indicated in 'go and look at it I* The verbs may be further
Chart VIII, and as discu.-sed in the sections inflected as discussed above.
above: w.l Iga min.hjin 'it is good that you There is a hortatory phrase which consists
go*. of one of the auxiliary verbs with no inflec-
4.1.3.10. K
rBADEPXNDENT VERB PHRASES. tion plus a main verb (transitive or intransi-
Certain modifications of inflection take place tive) inflected by tan- or ta-\ mtn tayku 9 t
in intradependent verb phrases. There are dni 'come let us eat tortillas,' nak taho-yi
two types of such phrases. One type con- 'letus go for a walk'.
sists of a small class of auxiliary verbs In the second type of verb phrase, a
(about 6) plus main verb. When the main fully inflected intransitive verb may func-
verb is intransitive and the phrase manifests tion an auxiliary followed by a main
as
a tagmeme, then suffixes of
declarative verb inflected only for person and number.
Orders V and VI occur with the
II, IV, Main verbs which are intransitive occur
auxiliary verb and the person prefixes, Order only with set II person markers. When -pa
III suffixes, and -t, which is obligatory in does not occur with the auxiliary verb, mu
this situation, occur with the main verb: occurs between the auxiliary and the main

286
SIEHHA POPOLUCA

verb: wehpa iU-t 'he returns weeping', wdnpa (11) Contrary-to-fact particle: id"ak.
iVuk kdpel 'he sings as he picks coffee', (12) Time subordinator: mu.
weh mu iU't 'he returned weeping, he wept (13) Locative particles: dsta 'as far as',
as he returned'. deride 'from'.
4.1.4. Suffixed universally. There is a 4.2 Derivation. There are two major
set of inflections that occurs with all words, methods of deriving stems: affixation and
except some of those mentioned in §4.1.5.: compounding.
-wey 'I said', -un 'he said', -hak 'Oh, I see', 4.2.1. Substantive derivation.
-kip 'you see': ndkpaun 'he is going he said', 4.2.1.1. Substantive stems. Affixes occur
kdwahwey 'horse I said', cdbachak 'Oh, I see, with various kinds of roots to form sub-
red', d vdgip tH- 'you are welcome'. 12 stantive stems.
4.1.5. Uninflected particles. These are (1) Two suffixes are used to derive place
classified in terms of their syntactic func- names: -ko-m 'place of, -pak 'arroyo':
tion. tdsko'm 'Ocosotepec', suVuciykfrm 'Ocotal
(1) Coordinators: entre 'and', ni 'nor', i Chico'; kd-ypak 'Tilapa River', e-spak 'So-
'and'. chapan River'.
(2) Conjunctions: i 'and', pero 'but', (2) There are three suffixes which occur
heevim 'and'. 13 with nouns to form other nouns: -twku 'old,
(3) Articles: he
? m 'the', yd 9 p 'this', pe ? m valueless', -Va-ka 'without', -te-ro 'pertain-
'that', here 'that', hi- 'the' (the last two are ing to' (-te-ro also occurs with verb stems).
very rare). Examples are: taktwku 'an old house',
(4) Emphasizers: me- 8 'also', mdske 'only', yuktwku 'orphan', puktu-ku 'clothing', kdaV-
solo 'only'. d-ka 'armless person', yo-yat&ro 'hog dealer'.
(5) Adverbs: cd-m 'very', dgi 'very'. (3) There are six suffixes which occur with
(6) Time particles: ydkin 'just now', verb stems to form nouns: -kuy 'instrument',
agorita 'right away', indendnte 'this morning', -i 'resultant', -a/ -a 'resultant', 17 -kaawin 'plu-
md ? k 'a bit ago', mdaksi 'earlier today', ral actors', -te-ro 'actor', -pay meaning un-
md 9 kmdagam 'a bit ago'. determined. The latter also occurs with a
(7) Clause subordinators : iga 'that, 14 in numeral. Examples are: petkuy 'broom',
order that', porke 'because', komo 'since', hdykuy 'writing instrument', pi-hi 'heat',
auyke lb 'even though', meiga 'if. hdapi 'corn dough', dk§i 'shelled corn', mo-ya
(8) Exclamatory particles: yuli 'I think 'flower' (cf. moy 'to foam), puuka 'tropical
so', bweno 'good', yabes 'you see'. ulcer' (cf. pu ? k 'to rot'), kuyu-hkdawin 'learn-
(9) Pseudo-verbs: teh 'let's go', tdamu 16
ers', yo-sakdawin 'workers', yo-satero 'a

'let's go'. good worker', hayVtro 'one who talks a lot',

(10) Verbal particles: wdap 'possibly', te-fipay 'the height of a man' (cf. te-n 'to
mdam 'suddenly'. stand'), it v u-mpay 'all of them' (cf. tu-m
'one').
12
Twoother morphemes have been observed
(4) There is a suffix -ay which occurs with
that are perhaps part of the system: -sal) and -koy.
They are both very rare. one verb and two neutral stems to form
13
htePim is an inflected form but functions substantives: hipsay 'live coal', ydksay 'like
idiomatically as 'and'.
u iga may function as an inflected particle
this', hesay 'like that'.
in
response to the sentence Wiiga mindk-pa 'why are (5) There are five prefixes which occur
you going?' igaPim 'just because'. Elsewhere it is with noun stems to form other stems, ku-,
not inflected.
15
ay-, na-, ak-, and waga-: kuto-Wi 'brains',
This Spanish particle does not have glottal
catch between the vowels. 17
There is a possibility that -i and -t/-a are
16
tdamu occurs with the suffix -am. allomorphs.

287
 :

UNGUIS IK'S

kukutna 'ring;', kupo^k 'runt', ku.rsi foolish', something' (pat "to take something'), kupuh
beard', optic 'tooth of a comb', 'to defend someone' {puh 'to come out in
a''tjd[, 'page of a book', inimi-?it y .iu\i 'his large numbers' V arjweh 'to shout' (weh 'to
follow Oaxaquefio*, dbcd testicles', trdya- weep'), 09*031 'to make a loud noise' {kiy
IffHno 'twin girls'. ku- also occurs with nu- 'to speak'), an pah 'to close the dot
merals to form nouns which are always pos- something' {pah to pen something up
•i: ihut*u-m 'by himself, he alone,' J Practically every SP verb root, as
ikuw.ixt.ik 'both of them', ikusirjkoh 'the rive as some larger forms, may occur with the
of them'. reduplicative suffix. Stems with the redupli-
There is a pretix-suthx combination, cative suffix must be immediately infle
ku-..-an, which occurs with some verbs to by -rte, or they must have a derivational
form DOUriB; such nouns are always possessed ailix or another root following. Examples
ikuhdaarj "a broken pure of it' tcf. Ibi are: n.ikrukneeba 'he goes again and ag
break'), ikuc&yat) 'what remains oi it' (ef.
'
jpa 'he is able to see'. iPArjUrjhdkva
to remain'). 'he cuts it all apart by chopping' (cf

itive to chop something', hak 'to break 9

stem- formed by compounding other thing' \ v ekt?kt*ek$ekneeba t 'he wiggles
stems. There are two typts oi compounds: lower jaw'. p6yt*tJcp> pa, 'he runs
normal and loot hrst involves a shift about the village' icf. peg 'to run, flo
- ot. DbBITATIOM HY COMFOUMHNt;
J

norma] compour a In addition to the compounds of root plus

1
pak 'needle sewing instru- reduplicative affix plus root (an example is
ment'. pdk 'bon< there are four types of com-
', pik 'body hair pounds distinguished.
sticks unds involve a p: •

"pun root combination occurring with am

nxu : kui they all went away'.
mountain ma: small house'. W§me?*';H'\ t«> .
lose it by making a w.,

root combination, tcf. mees 'to make a wall', arjnu'k 'to close
! verb stems something"!, atjh.ujhak 'to calm someone
rm noun si - rater that down' icf. h. ak', arjhak 'to lead'
rh«\l in
1
. na : ^ular compounds involve two
stems. The m< - I the first steins appear*
to precede the meaning oi the second stem
in tr - logically" prior to it: ispik
5. Derivation common to l>oth fci *to be acquainted with someone' (cf.
and intransitive ste: - something*, pik 'to take someth _

j j l i Dbutat to look up' (cf. a9 m 'to look at

re two prefixes used to 6V thing*, fcsHi to go up'), hi°kka to
verb ithoul regard U) whether they drou hoke', ka 'to di<

- uve or intra I ku- and an-. B >stantive-verb compounds: MS

ur with some roots that an - nething' (cf. mtr 'good', cak to
other b: something*)! kobakpih 'to annoy
thing irjmat
" kolnik 'head', pih 'to heat,
- '. They occur with heat something'', k.uiput 'to escape' ((

other roots which are ale 'hand', put to go OUl

slee] to believe inds involve a small

28S
SIERRA POPOLUCA

number of verb steins which occur with intransitive verb stems to form transitive
large numbers of roots and stems, including ones, ak- 'causative', and na- 'associative-
other compounds. When so used they fre- causative': aknak 'to send something' (?iak
quently have a slightly different meaning 'to go'), aktogoy 'to lose something' (togoy

than when occurring alone: wi 9 knas 'to eat 'to be lost'), akka 'to kill something' (ka 'to

first' (cf. go by'), hoksket 'to finish

nas 'to die'), nannk 'to take something', natogoy
hoeing' (cf. ket 'to go down'), nu 9 nmago 9 y 'to 'to be lost with someone'.

nail temporarily' (cf. mago 9 y 'to lie'). 4.2.3. Derivation of temporals.

4.2.2.2. Intransitive stems. Derivation (1) There is a prefix ma- 'past': matak
which results in intransitive stems. 'yesterday', mawdSki 'two days ago', mad-m-
4.2.2.2.1. Affixes. Vayma 'last year'.
9 9 9
(1) There is a suffix -a y/-u yu y 'direc- (2) There is a suffix -ma 'future': hoyma
tional' which occurs with a few stems in- 'tomorrow', wastdkma 'day after tomorrow'.
volving motion he-m ndgu 9 yd 9 y 'he went that
: (3) There is a prefix -suffix combination:
way'. kuhd-msar) 'dry season' (cf. hd-ma 'sun'^

There are two

(2) suffixes which occur kutuhka 'wet season' (cf. tuh 'rain'), ku-
with nonverbs to form intransitive stems, sagdrfka 'time of beans'.

-a- 'factive', -a 9 y 'possessive': kua-sa- 'to act (4) There is a special compounding form
foolishly' (kua-si 'foolish'), hooga- 'to smoke' muma- 'all': mwmahd-ma 'all day', mu-
(ho-ko 'smoke'), taga 9 y 'to have a house' macuu 'all night'.
(tik 'house'), hemaga 9 y 'to go there' (hemak 4.2.4. Nominal participles are words or
'over there'), ku 9 ya 9 y 'to have wood' (kuy phrases which, when -pak is affixed to the
'wood'). Some verb stems derived by -a?y head word, function as substantives. Nomi-
are also transitive: ikv?yd 9 ypa 'he puts nal participles also manifest the quality
wood on it'. tagmeme of the substantive modified phrase
9
(3) There is a suffix -o y which occurs (§3.2.1.2). Certain nouns (especially place
with transitive stems to form intransitive nouns), pronouns, adjectives, classes which
ones: cago 9 y 'to shake' (cak 'to touch some manifest the location tagmeme, and certain
thing'), ko 9 co 9 y 'to hit, be wont to hit' (ko 9 c items which manifest the time tagmeme
'to hit something'). may occur with -pak resulting in a nominal
4.2.2.2.2. Compounds. Many transitive- participle: he 9 m d-tebetpak 'the one from
verb-direct-object combinations may be Soteapan', he 9 m depak 'the one that be-
transformed into intransitive stems by com- longs to me', he 9m cam pd-mi ydgacpak 'the
pounding the noun object with the transi- very, very long one', he 9 m huumapak 'the

tive verb stem: amokme 9 cpa 'I am looking one far aw ay', he m .ttwan ikd-mhirmpak 'the
r 9

for corn' (cf. ammi 9 cpa mok 'I am looking one from John's cornfield', he 9 m sdappak
for corn'), misakfilppa 'you are planting 'the right now one'.
beans' (cf. innippa sdk 'you are planting 4.2.5. Verbal participles are clauses,

beans'). IDC, TDC, and TIC, which, when -waap

4.2.2.3. Transitive stems. Derivations or -paap occur on the verb instead of the
which result in transitive stems. tense-mode inflection, function as substan-

(1) There is a suffix -ka instrumental tives manifesting subject or object tag-
which occurs with intransitive stems to form memes. If there is already a noun subject or
transitive ones: imd-ckdaba 'he plays with object then the verbal participle is in apposi-
9
it', ante-nkdaba 'I stand on it', antd yoykdaba tion to it: he 9 m nakwdap aktdij tuyho-m 'the
'I chop with it'. one who went fell in the road', amme 9 cpa
(2) There are two prefixes that occur with amme 9 cpdap 'I'm looking for the one I'm

289
 LINGUISTICS

looking for', he 9 m iko 9 cit\up ihd-tutj tikho-m ent in the verb phrase -p.ik occurs with the
se-t one whose father hit him in the
'the negative: he 9 m d y dpjk oij yPm IP 'the one
house returned'. \Yhen the negative is pres- who did not go is here'.

REFERENCES
Elson. 1947a, 1947b, 194S. 1951, 1954, 1960a, 1960b, Hockett. 1947
1961a Longacre, 1960
Foster, G. M., 1943, 1949 Pike, K. L., 1954, 1955, 1960
Foster, M. L., and G. M. Foster, 1948 Wonderly, 1949

290
7E. Isthmus Zapotec
r=ir=ir=ir=ir=ir=ir=if^ --

VELMA B. PICKETT

0. Introduction 2.2.1. Declarative verbs

0.1. Language and dialects 2.2.2. Stative verbs
0.2. Method of presentation 2.2.3. Imperative verbs
1. Phonological hierarchy 2.3. Phrase level
1.1. Phonemes 2.3.1. Noun phrases
1.1.1. Consonants 2.3.2. Independent pronoun phrase
1.1.1.1. Fortis consonants 2.3.3. Verb phrases
1.1.1.2. Lenis voiced -voiceless consonants 2.3.4. Other major phrases
1.1.1.3. Lenis voiced consonants 2.3.5. Minor phrases
1.1.1.4. Lenis voiceless consonants 2.4. Clause level
1.1.2. Vowels 2.4.1. Independent clauses
1.1.3. Tone phonemes 2.4.1.1. Declarative clauses
1.2. Syllables 2.4.1.2. Imperative clauses
1.2.1. Syllable-initialmargin 2.4.1.3. Minor clauses
1.2.2. Syllable-final margin 2.4.2. Dependent clauses
1.2.3. Syllable nucleus 2.5. Sentence level
1.2.4. Rare syllable patterns 2.5.1. —
Independent sentences nonclause
1.2.5. Consonant and vowel restrictions 2.5.2. —
Independent sentences clause
1.3. Phonological words 2.5.2.1. Independent sentence type 1
1.3.1. Consonant cluster distribution 2.5.2.2. Independent sentence type 2
1.3.2. Vowel cluster distribution 2.5.2.3. Independent sentence type 3
1.4. Phonological phrases 2.5.2.4. Independent sentence type 4
1.5. Phonological sentences 2.5.3. —
Dependent sentences nonclause
1.6. Hesitation pauses 2.5.4. Dependent sentences —clause
2. Grammatical hierarchy 3. Lexical hierarchy
2.0. Introduction 3.1. Morphemes and morphophonemics
2.0.1. Hierarchy 3.1.1. Morpheme classes
2.0.2. Limitation of scope 3.1.1.1. Bound roots
2.0.3. Identification of terms and symbols 3.1.1.2. Prefixes
2.0.3.1. Slot, filler, and tagmeme 3.1.1.3. Clitics
2.0.3.2. Formulaic representation 3.1.1.4. Free roots
2.1. Morpheme-cluster level 3.1.2. Morphophonemics
2.1.1. Plural imperative cluster 3.2. Words
2.1.2. Ambulative cluster 3.2.1. Words and word classes
2.1.3. Causative cluster 3.2.1.1. Independent and dependent words
2.2. Word level 3.2.1.2. Distribution classes

291
 LINGUISTICS

3.2.2. Words and tagmamorphemics grammatical hierarchy includes

level"; the
3.3. Word clusters
both morphology and syntax; the lexical
4. Text
hierarchy singles out those parts of mor-
phology and syntax which treat morpheme
0. 1 . Language and dialects. The presen-
classes, word classes, and morphophonemics.
tation of the structure of any one of the so-
1. Phonological hierarchy. The pho-
called dialects of Zapotec cannot fully rep-
nological system of Isthmus Zapotec is
resent the language group as a whole, for
viewed as composed of at least five levels
it includes at least seven mutually unin-
ranging from lowest to highest as follows:
telligible "dialects," more properly called dif-
phonemes, syllables, phonological words,
ferent "languages." In an article of this
phonological phrases, phonological sentences.
nature, therefore, it is impossible to do more
1.1. Phonemes. Isthmus Zapotec pho-
than cover in broad scope the structure of
nemes include fortis and lenis consonants,
only one of these languages. The present
simple and rearticulated vowels, and three
sketch is of Isthmus Zapotec, which
spoken is
tones.
inan area bordering the Pacific coast in the
1.1.1. Consonants. The consonants are
Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and specifically of
divided into two major eontrastive groups:
the dialect spoken in the largest town of the
fortis and lenis. The fortis group comprises
area. Juchitan. In a few details m the
stops and fricatives which are always voice
phonemics and lexicon, the dialect differs
less (p, t, c, k, g, .s). The lenis group is
somewhat from those spoken in other towns
further divided into those which freely vary
of the area. For greater detail on the struc-
from voiced to voiceless (stops and frica
ture of Isthmus Zapotec, and for comparison
tives b, (I, j, (j, z, z) and those which are
with other Zapotec languages, the leader
regularly voiced (resonants m, n, rj, /, W, .//,
may consult the monographs and articles
flap r, and apical trilled r). In addition, there
included in the bibliography.
is a glottal stop phoneme and two rare voice-
o.2. Method of pubentation. Zapotec
lesi consonants, / and h, all of which have
grammar is here presented in terms of three
limited distribution.
interlocking hierarchies 1
— phonological,
In other Zapotec languages there are both
grammatical, and lexical each with its
fortis and lenis resonants. In Isthmus Za-
levels of structure ranging from the lowest
potec the resonants have a phonetic dif-
(least inclusive) to the highest (most in-
ference between short and long, but the long
clusive'. The hierarchies are interlocking in
resonants are more limited in distribution
that they are dealing with the same body of
than they are in the other languages of the
data, but they are distinct in that each has
family. The phonetically long resonants have
its own separate set of criteria for distin-
previously been analysed as fortis con-
guishing coutrastive units. Kven units given
sonants in Isthmus Zapotec, but the de-
similar names (words, phrases, and -en
scriptionis somewhat simplified by consider-
fcences) are distinguished differently in each
ingthem to be clusters of like consonants.
hierarchy, with criteria which relate only
Note the following eontrastive; pairs: /'Sana/
to the particular hierarchy under attention.
['sn-ru'r] •eight': 'runna/ fewru] 'three;';
The phonological hierarchy presents the ma-
/'gela/ {'g*-l<i\ 'new corn plants':/'/" 'Ue/
terial related to the traditional "phonological
['bel-e] 'flame'.

l.l.l.l. Fortis consonants. Fortis con-

'The model used baaed on tin- trimodal
i.s

Structure theory set forth by Kenneth L. Pike

(1954, 1955, 19(50). There are some differences, 1
Except in the section dealing specifically with
however, in the application of the theory h.^ to tone (fl.1.3), phonetic illustrations are written
details and terminology. with phonemic ton-
 /

ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

sonants are always voiceless. Of these, the 1.1.1.4. Lenis voiceless consonants.
stops are frequently slightly aspirated and Three phonemes of limited distribution arc
the fricative & is slightly retroflexed, varying lenis and voiceless: /, h, and glottal stop.
to clearly retroflexed in some idiolects. Illus- When h precedes vowels it varies freely
trations in initial position: /'pe 9 pe 9 / 'a wild with a light velar fricative. When in clusters
fruit'; /'tappa/ 'four'; /'Hi/ 'ten'; /'ho*/ (preceding m, n, or /), it has allophones of
'no'; /'saa/ 'music, fiesta'; /'So 9 / 'odor'. voiceless nasals and lateral, correspond! u^
1.1.1.2. Lenis voiced-voiceless conso- to the contiguous voiced phonemes, e.g.,

nants. Lenis consonants which vary from /'hmd/ ['Mmd\ 'more'; /'hneza/ ['Nne-za\
voiced to voiceless are the stops and frica- 'fine'; /'hluuna be/ ['Lluuna bS\ 'his/her bed'.
tives corresponding to the fortis series. Glottal stop occurs only following vowels,
The stops b, d, and g tend to vary slightly e.g., /'ho 9 / 'no'; /'bi 9 ku 9 / 'dog'.
toward a more fricative articulation in me- Illustrations of/ and h in initial position:
dial position and are more frequently voiced /'few/ 'ugly'; /'hdnna/ 'let's'.
than the affricated stop / and the fricatives 1.1.2. Vowels. Vowel phonemes are of
z and z. Velar stop g is especially fricative and two types: simple and rearticulated. Each
somewhat fronted before high front vowel i. type has five qualities; high front i, mid
Illustrations in initial position: /'be/ front e, low central a, mid back o, and high
'mold'; /'daa/ 'mat'j/'j*/ 'day'; 'gu/ 'sweet back u. /e/ and /of freely vary from open
potato'; /'gi/ \'gi) 'fire'; /'zee/ 'fresh corn'; to close, /if and /a/ have rare nasalized
/'za?na 9 / 'underneath'. 3 allophones which occur immediately follow-
1.1.1.3. Lenis voiced consonants. The ing /nw/, or as phonetic manifestations of
series of lenis voiced consonants comprises /Vn 9 /, e.g., /nan'wi/ [nan'wl] 'in very small
three nasals (bilabial, alveolar, and velar), pieces'; /'Spdn 9 / ['Spd. 9 ] 'my bread'.
an alveolar lateral, two semi-vowels (w and Simple vowels have lengthened allophones
//), flap r, and apical trilled r. The trilled f
which occur in the nuclear syllable of pho-
and the velar nasal are both rare phonemes nological phrases, under the following con-
and have limited distribution. The two r ditions: in open syllables and syllables closed
phonemes are in contrast in utterance initial with I 9 / but which have an up-glide tone.
and medial positions only. In final position Rearticulated vowels are always stressed and
they do not contrast but vary from flap
are long.
to trill and from voiced to voiceless. In this
Rearticulated vowels freely vary from re-
position, only the symbol r is used. In utter-
articulation with no glottal closure to weak
ance-initial position the flap r is accom-
glottal closure in normal speech and heavy
panied by a vocalic onset. The velar nasal
glottal closure in special emphatic style. The
occurs only utterance medial and final and
rearticulated vowel, although a single pho-
contrasts with /n/ only in medial position
nemic unit, is symbolized in this paper by
and in very limited distributions.
a digraph of two like vowels.
Illustrations (in initial position where pos-
Illustrations of both simple and rearticu-
sible): /'mani 9 / 'animal'; /'naa/ 'me';
lated vowels: /"bi/ {"bi-\ 'wind'; /"de/ ["de-j
/'pdn/ 'bread'; /'lari/ 'cloth'; /'waga/ 'rat';
'ashes' ;/"na/ \"na-} 'says'; /"to/ ["ro-\ 'eats';
/'ya/ 'yes'; /ru'zaa/ [^ru'zaa] 'passes (some-
/"tu/ ["rw] 'a cough'; /"rii/ 'water jug';
thing) through'; /ru'zaa/ 'medium ripe'.
/"zee/ 'fresh corn'; /"naa/ 'me'; /"doo/
3
Certain example speakers
subdialects, for 'rope'; /"cuu/ 'let's go'.

from Tehuantepec, do not seem to have a contrast 1.1.3. Tone phonemes. Phonemic tones
between $ and z. But compare the following con-
are high (written with acute accent), low
trast in the Juchitan dialect: /ru'siji/ 'plays':
/ru'ziji/ 'laughs.' (unmarked), and up-glide (written with a

293
 LINGUISTICS
v
wedge / / on single vowels and with grave (last tone slightly lowered) 'I'm hungry'.
/w
plus acute accent / on rearticulated vow- 1.2. Syllables. There are four common
els). syllables patterns: CI*, CCV, CCCV, and
Illustrations: /ti'lezu/ 'a rabbit'; /ne C\'C. Each of these is divided again into
'beenda 9 / 'and snake'; ti'ncza 'a road'; /ne those which may occur in either stressed
'beela 'with meat'. or unstressed position — those with simple
High tone has three allophones: high, vowels — and those which occur in stressed
slightly lowered, and high-gliding-down
A
position only — those with rearticulated
(written [ ]). In a series of high tones, the vowels.
last is slightly lowered. High tone tends to 1.2.1. Syllable-initial margin. In the
glide down when it occurs on the nuclear single (' syllable-initial position, any con-
syllable of a phonological phrase (§1.4), es- sonant may occur except glottal stop. Con-
pecially when these syllables are open or are sonant clusters which may occur in syllable-
closed with a resonant consonant. initial position are listed individually and
Illustrations: /i'riitti 9 / (last tone slightly illustrated under two headings: major and
lowered) 'no one'; 'iuppa ":d ['cuppa "zCr\ minor, according to their Frequency of oc-
'two clouds; "U;u {"U'-:u) 'rabbit'. currence.
"bennye/ [nt "be*n-yt] 'with mud'. Major monosyllabic consonant clusters:
Low tone has three allophones: mid (writ- ipi 'fpiin >" "servant'
ten with a macron low, and mid-gliding- 1
, *t: 'staaul 'her blouse'
down (written
-*). Like the high sk: 'Ocaanda* 'dream'
lophones, their distribution relates to the mb: 'mbdoln 'very big'
'

nuclear syllable of the phonological phrase. nd: /'ndr 'this'

The nuclear syllable itself lias a down glide yj<j: '')</) 'that'
when the word including it is final before by: /'byaji 'plum'
and alternates Freely between down- dy: 'dyaga 'ear'

glide and low when medial. The low I

hove, north'
. _ such a low tone nucleus are n y-' /'nyee/ 'foot'
phonetically mid; those following such a ry: "rys/'gO
nucleus and those m other distributee Minor monosyllabic consonant clusters: 1

low. '<lu:n 'maguey fiber'

111k- 'iflj't IV'irU-] $n: (idiolectal variant of hn, but in some
'work . -hi 'Id/ [Vilddu 'ld\ - \"hVuh\ idiolects contrasts with hn) /'sneza/
'Id] W; 'Mb "u-iini 'yaase 9 / \
road
'his
1

"w7 little black d fl: /'jUko- loud whistle'

led allophones of both high and hi: 'hlaza 'scales'
9 very
very short in closed syllables. py: '

'/>.v' "a little bit'

In syllables cloeed by a resonant, the glide 8y: vyd'do* 'morning'

endf oonsonai Sy: /'iyaa 'his wing'
# much
/ &i
Illustration: T/r'u] 'th: zy- I'zyn" 'deep, (liquids)'

Kesonanl consonants carry the pitch of 'zyad/ 'cotton'

surrounding vowels: syllable-final they have my: 'myattP/ 'unidentified person, one's

the pitch of the preceding vowel with glides self

ending on them as illustrated above; syl- jfy: 'jya -griddle'

lable-initial they have the pitch of the fol-
4
In :i<i.|iti(.fi to thoSe listed, there ;ire ;i few
lowing vowel.
miner found only in unassimilated Spanish
Illust rat ion : hdn 'dddnd* [kdt, 'dddnd 9 } g . tr/ and /yn/ in /'trtynta/ 'thirty'.
 :

ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

tw: /na'twi 'lu/ 'is embarrassed' nuclei contain only a single vowel. There an;
kw: /'kwe 9 / 'next to, side' also six vowel cluster-, :.ll of rare occurrence,

bw: /'bwi 9 / 'guava' all including an /%/ or /u/, and all having a
dw: /laji'dwd 9 / 'my heart' limited tonal pattern. The bu clusters are

gw: /'gwe 9 / 'drank' /iu/, /iaa/, /lee/, /iuu/, /ma/, and /id/.

sw: /'§waa 'liji/ 'daughter-in-law' These are in contrast with the combination
sw: /ru'swi 9 / 'extinguishes' /yV/ and are also in contrast with the two-
zw: /ru'zwi 9 'lu/ 'imagines' syllable combination /CVyV/, as seen in the
/'ryaa/ 'feds at
zw: /'zwaana 9 / 'person in charge of a fiesta' following illustrations:

cw: /na'cwi 9 / 'slippery' home'; /ne'rlaa/ 'and feels at home';

jw: /ri'jwi 9 / 'burns oneself /'nydd 9 / 'I should have gone'; /'ma/ 'I have
rw: /'rwa 9 / 'carries' with me'; /bi'yaa/ 'danced'.
nw: I'nwh 9 1 'is carrying' 1.2.4. Rare syllable PATTERNS. In ad-

yw: /ka'ywi 9 / 'is being extinguished' dition to the patterns thus far presented,

mp: /'bladu 'sa 9 mpa 9 / 'clay plate' there are the following rare patterns: those
The clusters of three consonants are like- which include a final consonant cluster and
wise considered to be minor, since they are of those which are composed of or begin with a
limited distribution in terms of dictionary vowel.
count. The following combinations have The syllable-final consonant clusters are

been noted: limited to /w 9 /, /I 9 /, and /y 9 /, and these

strom' pi 9 pi 9 kapok are very limited in occurrence. Only the fol-
str: / / 'fruit of the tree
when still green' lowing syllables of this type have been noted

spr: /'sprimu/ 'his/her cousin' Cow 9 Cal 9 Cay 9 and CCay 9

, , ,
.

Illustrations: w 9 syllable final: /'tow 9 /

spy: /'spyaani 9 / 'his/her intelligence'
'turkey'; I 9 syllable final: /'Ml 9 / 'my shawl';
My: /'stijd 9 ya 9 / 'my aunt'
9 syllablefinal: /'spay 9 / 'my bread'.
hny: /hnydd/ 'his/her mother' y
/stwi/ 'embarrassment (a sickness)' Syllables consisting of or beginning with a
stw:
skw: /'skwassa/ 'temples' vowel are very rare in words of native origin;
ryw: /rywi 9 / 'is extinguished' they occur principally in free alternation
byw: I'bywi 9 / 'was extinguished'
9
with the syllable gV e.g., /gi'rd /
, /i'rftty ~
nyw: /'nywi 9 / 'should have been extin- 'all'; /genda'ro/ ~
/enda'ro/ 'dinner'. This

guished' alternation occurs only on unstressed syl-

lables. vowel syllables occur in
Stressed
gyw: /'gywi 9 / be extinguished'
'let it

zyw: /'zywi 9 / 'it will be extinguished' Spanish loan words such as /'ora/ 'hour,
The 'extinguished' verb has the only oc- when (relative)'; /'dna/ 'Anna'.
currence of the Cyw clusters listed above. 1.2.5. Consonant and VOWEL restric-
1.2.2. Syllable-final margin. In syl- tions. A few restrictions have been noted
lable-final position, only the following single on the occurrence of specific vowels and of
consonants may occur: lenis voiced conso- tone in relation to specific syllable patterns.
Syllables including a rearticulated vowel
are
nants (m, n,y,l, w, y, r), fortis stops and
either open syllables or are closed with a
fricatives (p, t, c, k, s, 8), and glottal stop.

The consonants occur final only in

fortis
glottal stop. When closed with glottal stop,
/'cad 9 /
stressed syllables which are simultaneously
only the up-glide tone occurs, as in

the nuclear syllable of a phrase. Glottal stop T'm going'. Unstressed syllables closed by a
not
this same dis- glottal stop have only high or low tone,
most frequently occurs in
the up-glide tone, e.g., /'jiinya 9 / 'work';
tribution.
1.2.3. Syllable nucleus. Most syllable 'nappd 9 / T have'.
295
 1 ' '

LINGUISTICS

Phonological words.1 The phono-

1.3. n.t: ri gin yen' tad' 'throws or drops on the
logical word includes an obligatory stressed floor'
syllable (indicated by preposed to the syl- '
n.k: 'rhjke 'a turn on the heel'
lable) and optionally one or more unstressed n.c: nin'caa 'large jar'
syllables. (The maximum number noted is n.j: zin'jd 9 / 'fever'
six.) Illustrations: /'gye° 'flower'; raka'la 9 - Glottal stop plus consonant or consonant
jikabcni/ 'They want it'.
cluster, e.g., 9 .k:
/Wku'/ 'dog';
'
?
.nd:
The placement of the stressed syllable is
/ba'kdfnda? These clusters occur
shade'.
contrastrve.' Note, for example, the follow- only between a stressed and unstressed syl-
f
ing contractive pairs: riga "shell, rind': lable and occur most frequently when the
ri'ga/ 'is cut'; f'nagd twisted': na'gd 9 / stressed syllable coincides with the nuclear
a'; 'bifju 'turtle': bi'gu 'erumfai syllable of a phonological phrase.
The obligatory feature of the stressed syl-
1.3.2. Vowel cltjbtbb distribution. A
lable of a word ls greater intensity than that
few vowel clusters occur between syllables
oftheUDBl -vllables. In addition, there
within the phonological word which do not
an- certain optional features which, when
OOCUr within the syllable. Since syllable-
.t, help to identify the stressed syl-
initial vowels are very uncommon in words
lable, since these features occur only in a
of native origin (see $1.2.4), only a few
-\ liable; presence of a glottal -Top in
random clusters have been observed, in-
utterance initial or medial position and pres-
cluding the following:
ence of s rearticulated vowel
t U nru'ruwkt'i 'with that woman'
.3.1. BTEB M-i BJBTJTION.
an
i
1 (

laA'koa 'write (plural imperative)'

in of the monosyllabic consonant
'ha'' 'sky, heaven'
clusters I
taj also be ami a nni'j,
-
'and different
tabic when medial in s phonological word.
i.'i: liu'naa 'a woman'
are tr , st6 . nd . nn , and " and all'
<
tther consonanl clusi
</ // pad'jt 'if different
They include the follow
"nla'm 'and dinner'
mud'
ml at that tune'
rmn'iri 'm verv small pie
>ir f ,
beren dni) 'ant lion* 'This dni
I i Phonological fhrasbb. The phono
r
syl-
logical phrase has an obligatory nuclear syl
lable, which OCCUrs only in this one
table (indicated by " preposed to the syl-
word, varies phonetically to [<r7]and
lable:, which coincides with the stressed
[f>\. bilabial trill, but even
1

syllable of a phonological word. In addition,

in the.- and
carries a hu?h tone.)
it may include one or more optional words.
The number of words included in a single
r the relationship <>i" pK
phrase varies with the speed.
i\ i I

In 1 be higher levels of phonology, Illustrations: "nidi/ 'skin'; /'gidi 'ladi

'atiori with Eunice 1'ikr I v<tv '.in l.odv tree (=bark)'; /'gfdd
helpful.
\-
g&'naa '(each time) comes some
1
indicated at rowele in
syllable! are phonetically long An nit. woman'.
'">i eonei length to
I I

The features described (§!.'*) SB some-

be phonemic iu.'I makes nonphonemic
."• tally i>n this length T>. times present in the stressed syllable of a
prefer ibb •
i it mora easily in- phonological Word are intensified here, and
rapidly inert irord
increased length on the
i

in addition there is
coord with tho description of
the higher |>l levels vowel (§1.1.2).
ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

In song, where musical rhythm is substi- may also include more than one grammatical
tuted for the spoken phonological phrase, phrase and are often a full grammatical
these identifying features are eliminated. clause. Only one grammatical phrase, the
Even songs of native origin are sung without noun compound, includes more than one
glottal stops and without rearticulated phonological phrase. Each co-ordinate part
vowels. Any vowel length which is present is of the compound phrase may be a complete
determined by the rhythm of the music phonological phrase.
rather than by the place of the syllable in Phonological sentence. A phono-
1.5.
the corresponding spoken phrase unit. composed of one or more
logical sentence is
There are two contrastive features of the phonological phrases bounded by pauses.
spoken phrase which include more than the Within a running text, the phonological
nuclear syllable: (1) presence of geminate sentence frequently coincides with gram-
consonant clusters at the border between the matical sentence boundaries, but it may in-
nuclear syllable and the one following and clude more than one grammatical sentence,
(2) allophonic tone distribution. —
and in one instance dependent clause fol-
Geminate consonant clusters occur only —
lowed by pause it is part of a grammatical
in this position in the phonological phrase, sentence.
and they include only fortis consonants and There are at least three ways of ending
resonants. Illustrations: /"gittu 'nga/ 'That's sentences. These are a combination of gram-
a squash'; f'sti "binnini/ 'It belongs to the matical form and a pitch contour which
people'. affects the pitch of the tone system. These
The phrase nuclear syllable carries the are listed and illustrated below.
phonetic down-glide of high and low tones, (1) Sentences ending with the dependent
and the mid and low allophones of low have marker /'Id/ (closing certain grammatical
their distribution in relation to this syllable. dependent clauses and sentences) usually
The details of these alternations and illustra- maintain their regular tone relationships.
tionshave been given above. The pitch of the /'la/ morpheme coincides
The placement of the phrase nuclear syl- with the height of the regular high tone or
lable is contrastive. When it is in the first (freely variant) the up-glide tone. Illustra-
word of the phrase, the identifying features tions: /pa"geeddbe 'la/ 'if he comes, .' (de- . .

of a stressed syllable are more frequently re- pendent clause); /'kumu "rlkku 'laabe 'Id/
tained on the nonnuclear words than when 'Since he is rich' (dependent sentence).
the nuclear syllable is in a later word. (2) Sentences ending with the interroga-
Illustrations: /"ba 9 du 'laadu/ 'We were tive marker /'Id/ or the parenthetical inter-
children'. (Here the rearticulated vowel is re- rogative marker /"hdn 9 / have an extra -high
tained in the nonnuclear word.) /'japa pitch on these morphemes, a pitch which
"wiini 9 / 'little girl' (Here the nonnuclear does not correlate with the high of the tonal
word /'japa/ has an vowel instead of the
oral system. Sometimes the interrogative /'Id/
rearticulated vowel it has in nuclear po- tends also to gradually raise the "key" of
sition. Compare /'badu "jaapa 9 / 'young the tones of preceding words, but without
lady', in which nonnuclear /'badu/ has lost affecting the relative pitch of the tones them-
the stress-identifying medial glottal stop, selves. Illustrations: /nan"dd 9 'Id/ (the /'Id/
but nuclear /"faapa 9 / retains the stress- is higher than the /a 9 /) 'Is it hot?; /nan" da 9
identifying rearticulated vowel not present in "hdn 9 / (the /"hdn 9 / is higher than the /d 9 /
the above illustration.) 'It's hot, isn't it?
Phonological phrases are frequently (3) Phonological sentences which are
equivalent to grammatical phrases, but they grammatically independent and declarative

207
 LINGUISTICS

tend to have a general down-drift of pitch, Discourse level

lowering the key oi the tone registers gradu- II

ally but leaving the relative pitches of the Utterance level

tones unaffected. Accompanying the down- II

drift of pitch there is also a tendency toward II

a relaxed quality, a fade in intensity, some- Sentence level

times even to voicelessness -completely un- II

voiced unstressed syllables, voiceless off- Clause level

glide on the vowd of final I syllables. II

(This relaxed quality is less, however, if the Phrase level

sentence ends with a syllable including V* II

with high tone.") Frequently such declarative Word level

- are followed by a step-up in pitch II

at the beginning of the next sentence unit. Morpheme-cluster level

Both the down-drift and the Step-Up m pitch The constructions by each represented
are more frequent on i than level contain one or more units which func-
- orter <" tion as nucleus, and one or more modifica-
1.6. H» Extra systemic tion forms, which are here labelled satellites.
to the phon hierarchy described The kmd of structure at one level is differ-
-
the hesitation p use 1
-
entiated from that at another level by the
break into any of the al ribed functional relationship of nucleus and satel-
grou] or sentence). It is lite Constituents, by their potential com-
marked I
[uality, ehanf plexity, and by their potential distribution
.
-
is larger i

Inn the genera] kind of structure repre-

lib; rked :
le\ 1 1. '
'•'
re ire further di-
with - hen. this, ato construction "types" which
•
of the final syllable of th< differ from one another in their composition
1
1
j > iili« 1«* or in tin position and external dis-

tlly ;it a tribuf

level I !i higher-level construction is po-
brother lib - from • tentially d of a sequence of con-
two low t«. structions of the level next lower ill the
(hesitation w< I phoneti- - indicated
by the connecting
cally low-low rather than I n tin- diagram above. Tin- diagram is
low; the final i of this word is length rited wi'h the levels in schematic,
sued -
sharply differentiated form for introductory
the purposes. The description of tin- various
MM IK \I. BU\ I
levelsmust likewise be presented in order,
tion. the same dat livided into gram- as though they were completely mutually
•

mctional pai i than pi exclusive unit- with step by step inclueive-

The fact- presented in the description,
1.11 mi; via in. The - however, will reveal that a particular text
[sthmus Z canm rily be successively segmented
en structural levels, into SUbleve] I C, not all sentences of
ranking from to the low* •
any one utterance can be segmented directly
folio into successive layers of clause, phrase, and
ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

word. Clauses, for example, are determined 2.0.3.2. Formulaic representations.

not simply by the fact that they are com- The following conventions are used to repre-
posed of phrases and are the basic compo- sent tagmemes and morphemes.
nents of sentences but also by their particular Tagmemic formulas include the fol-
(1)
kind of internal structure. In terms of their lowing representation for each tagmeme:
distribution, certain types of clauses may Slot-name: Slot-filler name, e.g., -(-asp '.asp
occur as part of another clause construction +nucl:v-stem, to be read "plus (obligatory)
or even as part of a (lower-level) phrase con- aspect slot by aspect prefixes, plus
filled
struction. nucleus slot by verb stems." Explana-
filled
Limitation of scope. The various
2.0.2. tion of the abbreviations and details regard-
grammatical hierarchy provide
levels in the ing the are given in paragraphs labelled
fillers

a framework for a complete description of below each formula.

"slot fillers"
the grammar of the language. Lack of space (2) Braces are placed around a name-
{ }

in the present paper, however, precludes a form of morphemes which have more than
thorough, detailed description of all of the one allomorph of nonautomatic alternation.
levels. Morpheme-cluster-level and word- 2.1. Morpheme-cluster level. Slots in
level constructions, since they relate to only word-level constructions are filled either by
one word type and since they have not been singlemorphemes or by mor- clusters of
previously described in tagmemic terms, are phemes which function as units. These
described completely with formulas to show clusters of morphemes, although below word
their tagmemic structure. At phrase, clause, level, have their own tagmemic structure.
and sentence levels, however, only repre- 2.1.1. Plural imperative cluster. The
sentative patterns are described and presen- plural imperative morpheme cluster is com-
tation is in summary statement form. Utter- posed of two obligatory tagmemes: +imper:
ance and discourse levels are not included. A la- +asp:{<7U-}.
brief survey of these two higher levels and Slot fillers. Each of the two slots is filled

details of phrase, clause, and sentence levels by only one morpheme. The prefix la- occurs
are given in Pickett, 1960. only in this construction. The aspect prefix
Identification of terms and sym-
2.0.3. {gu-\ isthe potential aspect, which may also
bols. In addition to those which are con- occur alone in the verb aspect slot of verb
sidered to be traditional, the following terms words.
and symbols are used. Illustration7 la —gu (
r
kaa) 'plural-impera-
2.0.3.1. Slot, filler, and tagmeme. The tive — potential (write)'.
constructions at each level of the hierarchy Ambulative cluster. The ambula-
2.1.2.
are viewed as composed of a sequence of tag- tivemorpheme cluster has a meaning of
memes, i.e., a sequence of emic units com- movement or repetition in performing an
posed of a functional "slot" and the class of action. It is composed of two obligatory tag-
forms which "fill" that slot. A clause con- memes: +amb:k- -f-sta :na-.
struction, for example, includes a predicate Slot fillers. The ka- prefix which fills the
slot filled by a verb phrase, and hence a
predicate tagmeme. The phrase filler is like- 7
In §2 and 3, the tagmemes of the level under
wise composed of tagmemes (e.g., the head discussion are separated by dash both in cita- — ,

tion form and English literal translation. Spaces

slot filled by a verb) but at the next lower
between words in the citations indicate gram-
level. The terms used here are taken from matical word boundaries. Phonologically, words
Kenneth L. Pike, but with certain differences are written as in slow speech, i.e., as though each
word were the center of a phonological phrase.
of interpretation. (See Pike, 1954, 1960; The nuclear syllable is indicated by the word-
Longacre, 1964; Pickett, 1960.) symbol '.

299
 LINGUISTICS

ambulative slot is one specific allomorph of are: declarative verbs, stative verbs, and im-
the continuative-aspect prefix. The na- prefix perative verbs. Another classification, based
which fills the stative slot is one specific primarily on external distribution, criss-
allomorph of the stative prefix. An alternate crosses this classification and the classifica-
form (depending partially on the verb stem tion of verb stems — that of transitive vs. in-
38, partially on idiolect) adds the po- transitive. Since the transitive-intransitive
tential aspect prefix in the second slot. Illus- distribution does not parallel either the stem
trations: ka —
na ('yubi) Yontinuative sta- — classification or the word level tagmemic
tive (search)' — ka — na-u {'yubi) 'continu- structure, it is treated in the lexical hierarchy
ative —stative-potential — (search) ( = goes under distribution classes.
around searching)'. 2.2.1.Declarative verbs. Declarative
2.1.3. Causative cluster. The nuclear verbs include two obligatory tagmemes: a
slot of verb words may be filled by single- satellite tagmeme of aspect and a nuclear
morpheme stems (roots) or by morpheme tagmeme.
clusters. The causative cluster is con :
Formula. + asp: asp + nucl: v-stem
of two obligatory tagmemes: -fc&US: Slot fillers. The verb stems which fill the
+core:v-root C. nucleus slot include verb-stem clusters and
Slot tillers. The prefix [»'-] has a meaning active-verb roots. The aspect slot is filled by

of causative action. Verb roots which till the a class of seven aspect prefixes and the am-
core slot are those of the ( ! claSS cau>ative- bulative morpheme cluster.
forming rot)- -
ill
Babitual aspect [ru-| : nif 'tin 'gives'
Illustration- habitual
(lomplel ivc aspect :
M 'du 'gave 'will have
atisative run ( = mak' -
|W-| given'
runs'. [ncomplel ivs aspeel 'du 'will give'
M |fM
.
i.. < irammatical wordi ; |

Continuative Upecl : ku 'du giving'

singlemorphemei <>r combinations <>f bound \ku-\
and free morphemes which till slots within cil aspect \gu-\ '<ln 'w ill give
should give'
ructions at phnse (the anon I

: im 'ilu 'it' only would

distribution ), clause, «>r sentence level. give'

Words arc of two major independent nu 'tin '(mil ) un-

classes:
real give (didn'1
(minimum fn 1 dependenl give)'
clitics and proclitics '. The latter are dis- Perfectivi 'dii 'lias given'
d further in |
Ainliuhe '.
: kanau -'dii 'goes
There word level structure
is very little
around giving'
(morphology) in Isthmus Zapotec, since
m08l of the bound morphemes are enclitic StaTTVI VBBBS. Statue verbs differ
2.2.2.

or proclitic. In this section we deal \\ ith the from declarative in both of their two obliga-
g emic structure of the only words which tory tagmen
include affixes a class of verb like words. Formula. +sta-asp:{na-] +sta-v-nucl:
The remaining words are treated as sv-roo1 n-root
tribution on external distribu- 1
Slot fillers. The stative aspect slot is filled

tion) and are described under the lexical by only one prefix, the stative prefix \na-\.
hierarchy (§3.2). The stative verb nucleus is filled by stative
There are three word types, 'hut tie-. verb root- or a small subclass of noun roots.
joined as a class named verbs becaui Illustrations: na — 'le 'stative-aspect — hol-
overlap of fillers in some of their sk>1 - !

es in their internal tagmemic composition

types are contrast ive Btruct
tctural or in a combination of internal composition ami
within the general kind at any one level, eon- external distribution.

300
 — —

ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

low' (stative verb root) (='is hollow'); na— and illustrations of even all the major t\ pi b.
'benny e 'stative-aspect —
mud' (noun root) Only samples arc chosen to indicate some of
(='is muddy'). the varying types of constructions included
Imperative
2.2.3. verbs. Imperative at this level.
verbs differ from declarative verbs in their 2.3.1. Noun phrases. Phrases which have
aspect tagmeme and their external dis- nouns as fillers of the head slot include a
tribution. head-modification phrase, three kinds of pos-
Formula. -fimper-asp:imper-asp -f-nucl: sessive phrases, and a compound phrase.
v-stem Noun phrases are all endocentric. They fill

Slot fillers. The nucleus slot-fillers are the the Independent Subject or Object slot in
same as those in the declarative verbs. The clauses.
imperative-aspect comprise one prefix
fillers Head-modification phrase: 'stalk — 'b&rc —
(second-singular imperative) and one mor- 'wiini 9 'many — chicken — little'; 'cuppa —
pheme cluster (plural imperative). The filler 'bd ? du — 'skwila 'two— child —school ( = two
of the imperative-aspect slot agreement
is in school children)'.
with the person filler of Imperative Depend- Possessive noun phrase-1: ka — — pi '8 9 l;u

ent Subject slot in the clause-level construc- — 'mini— — he — possession marker

be 'plural
tions. —dog— — his/her—that (= those
little little

Illustrations: Singular imperative {bi-}: dogs of his/hers)'.

bi — 'dii (ni) 'imperative-aspect —give (it)'. Possessive noun phrase-2 (obligatorily
The singular imperative prefix is homopho- possessed — 'benda— 'mini— be
nouns): ti

nous in most cases with the completive aspect 'a— — —sister little hers'.
prefix. In rare instances, the choice of allo- Possessive noun phrase-3: ka — — 'gi ? ri
morph is different in the two morphemes, 'mini— — 's —ti —
'be 'plural candle? little

however. Note, for example, '6 eeda 'came' possession marker one— his/her = his/her (

(6- completive-aspect allomorph) :ga-'da ? little candles)'. In phrase-1 the possession

'come!' (gu- imperative prefix allomorph). marker s is preposed to the head word; in
Plural imperative {la- gu-\ :lagu — 'dii (ni) phrase-3 it is part of a possession-marking
'imperative-aspect —give (it) (second plural)'; phrase s ti, which is postposed to the head
lagu-'dii (nu ni) 'imperative-aspect give (we word.
it) (first plural)'. Compound —ga'mizd? —
phrase: 'lari kal-
2.3. Phra.se level. The phrase is a po- 'son para 'ngiiw 'clothes — — pants shirt for
tential sequence of two or more words 9 which man'; —bi'zaa— ka'fe—ne — 'kisu
'za 'lard
function as a unit of other than predicate- beans— coffee— and— cheese'.
subject relationship. Phrases fill slots within 2.3.2. Independent pronoun phrase.
constructions at clause (the most common This phrase, like the noun phrases, fills the
distribution) or sentence levels or within Independent Subject or Object slot in
another phrase construction. clauses. It has a nuclear slot filled by an inde-
There are at least seventy different phrase pendent word, but the remaining (satellite)
types in Isthmus Zapotec. The large number by dependent words.
slots are filled
is due partially to extensive borrowing of Illustrations: 'laa — be 'person base — he/
Spanish prepositions but is primarily due to she ( = he/she or him/her)'; 'laa — — ka besi

the analytical inclusion of clitics as (de- 'person base —only— plural he/she ( = only
pendent) words. they/them)'.
Space prohibits presenting the formulas 2.3.3. Verb phrases. There are at l<

nine different verb phrases, filling predicate

9
A phrase construction may be represented by
only one word provided it is potentially expand- slots in clauses. Three basic types (classes of
able. types) are differentiated by internal compo-

301
 — —a —

LINGUISTICS

sition criteria: stative, auxiliary aspect, and plus the dependent or pause-marking word
verb-modification phrases. The latter two Id referred to as a ''comma" by one bilingual
are further divided according to the fillers of speaker. Illustration, filler of Time slot: 'ora
the head slots and correlation with external ke — Id 'hour that — ,'.

distribution in the clause structure: tran- Content-question introducer phrase (sen-

sitive-declarative, intransitive-declarative, tence-level slot filler): 'zi — 'modo 'what
transitive-imperative, and intransitive-im- manner'.
perative. Verb phrases are endocentric. Vocative phrase (complete sentence): 'ba 9
Illustrations are given for each of the three du—ka? 'child— plural (= Children!)'.
basic types. Quantifier phrase (filler of modification
Stative phrase: na'conga — 'gye 'is-hard slot in a noun phrase): 'tobi — si 'one — only'.
rock (= as hard as a rock)'. -A. Clause level. The constructions
Auxiliary aspect phrase: as 'topa (be labeled "clause" fill slots within construc-
' i/dga) 'went— gather (he wood)'. tions at the sentence level (the most common
Verb-modification phrase: md — ke — 'zuni distribution) or within phrases or other
— ru(be nl) 'already not — will-do— still (he/ clauses. A may
be equivalent to a
clause
she it) (= He she won't do it any moi complete sentence (i.e., forming the sen-
ri'naba — 'diija' 'asks word (= inqui] tence nucleus, with no satellites), or it may
'i>i°ni —ga'ndr 'did win - won \ i form a sentence nucleus which accom- is

L Oram kajob phrases. Phi panied by satellite forms, or be one it may

which fill other elausedevel slots include of two clauses in a compound-nucleus sen-
time phrases, location phrases, manner tence. Internally, the clause is a unit of
phrases, and purpose phrases. These phrases predicationwhich has as minimum form
are all exocent ric Each includes a minimum some kind of predicate tagmeme and some
of an orientation tagmeme and a : kind of subject tagmeme.
meine, in that Older. < me illustration for Clause types are of two major classes:
b of these four phrase types folio.'. dependent and independent. Dependent
Time phrase: '
md 'b'/ti'
>
— 'cupa — clauses till optional slots in sentences or
se'mdnn 'already -about two-week'. slots included within another clause or a
I.o.-ation phrase: 'ike 'dani 'head hill phrase. They are marked as dependent by
(= at the top of the bill)'. one or more of the satellite forms included.
Manner phrase: —
Uku 'like
'kasi (i
,
— Independent clauses lill the obligatory nu-
in a manner befitting a loyal native clear slot of sentences.

Of .luehitar 2.4.1. EndsPENDENT CLAUSES. Indepen-

Purpose phrase: pnra—'laa b£ 'for— per- dent clauses include four major types and
son him her'. three minor types. Each type is contrastive
"..
Minor PHRASES. Minor phrases in- with the other- m terms of the basic QUCleai
clude others filling clau-e level slots, inter- tagmemee Predicate, Dependent Subject,
rogative phrases tilling; sentence-level intro- Independent Subject, Object. Two types
ducer Blots, some which occur as complete (the declaratives) have the same satellite
-
sg., vocative phrases), and some tagmemes; the others have few or no satellite

which till dotfl within other phrases (e.g., icuies.

the [
phrase referred to
e relation Declarative clauses. There are
2. i.l.i.

under possessive noun phrasi 3). A few illus- two declarative clause types, differentiated
trations follow. by the presence or absence of the Object
Phrase- with pause markers. Nearly all tagmeme and a corresponding difference of
clause-level slots include a filler which is choice of verbs as fillers of the predicate
composed of any other filler of that slot slot. In addition to the predicate, the mi-

302
 — — —

ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

cleus of each includes an obligatory De- — we — now' (Predicate — Imperative

pendent Subject and an optional Independ- Dependent Subject — Time).
ent Subject. Optional satellite tagmemes in 2.4.1..;. Minoi; <
LATJ8BB. Minor clause
each are: Time, Location, Manner, Pur- types include three equational clauses. Two
pose. 10 The satellite tagmemes vary in order of these have three obligatory tagmemes;
as they orbit around the nuclear tagmemes, the third has two, but one of them may be
and no more than three satellite tagmemes repeated. No satellite tagmemes have been
have been observed in any one clause occur- observed in equational clauses.
rence. The most frequent distribution (about Equational-1 clause includes an Equa-
85 per cent) is that of only one satellite. tional Predicate slot filled by a verb phrase
Intransitive declarative: za'ka — — ri'ni 9 be with only one verb as head the verb mean- —
'thus— speaks — he' (Manner — Predicate ing 'to be' become'
or 'toDependent — ,

—Dependent Subject); des'pwe's Id —gu Subject, and an Equational slot filled by a

'dinde— 'nezu — 'laaka 'p&r
'cele te'feno 'after- subclass of noun phrases. Illustrations:
ward, — fought— Nezuchele— also for land' 'nakka — be— 'may sir u de 'skwila 'is — he
(Time— Predicate— Independent Subject teacher of school'.
Purpose). 11 Equational-2 clause includes Independent
Transitive declarative: 'ji gu'la ? ki 'stl Subject, an Equational Predicate slot filled
'dyuzi —gu'la ki— —
'giji la'yu ? be 'diija 'za by a word ngd 'that' (which in this
single
'day set up God world — set— he— word Za- slot carries the meaning of 'is'), and an
potec (= When God made
the world, He Equational slot filled by noun phrases, in-
also made the Zapotec language.)' (Time dependent pronoun phrases, or the nucleus
—
Predicate Dependent Subject Object); ye — of certain clauses. Illustrations: 'ngd — 'ngd
'tawd ny d — — — — that person (= 'That's
—ngd— — 'beenda H — that
'laa ka be rd 'liji ka be 'went 'laa ni 'that it'

eat with I ——
person plural she location — it.'); 'naa 'biit e 'I

home plural she ( = I went to eat with them — killed I snake that' (= 'I am the one who
at their house.)' (Predicate —Dependent killed that snake'.)
Subject —Object— Location). Equational-3 clause has only two obliga-
2.4.1.2. Imperative clauses. Imperative tory tagmemes, but the Independent Subject
both transi-
clauses, like the declarative, are tagmeme may be repeated. Its Equational
tive and intransitive. They
from the differ Predicate slot is filled by noun phrases or
declarative types in that they do not include attributive phrases.
an Independent Subject tagmeme, the Pred- Illustrations: 'ba 9 du — 'laa be 'child — per-
icate slots are filledby imperative verbs, son he/she' (= 'He/she is just a child');
the Imperative Dependent Subject slot is 'ombre ri Id — 'pobre— 'laa 'man this ,
— poor
filled only by imperative dependent pro- —person he' (= 'This man was poor')
nouns, and satellite tagmemes are rare and (repeated subject tagmeme).
are always postposed to the nucleus tag- 2.4.2. Dependent clauses. Dependent
memes. clauses comprise a class of clause types which
Transitive imperative: lagu'kaa —nl 'write are differentiated from independent claust
— it' (Predicate — Object); intransitive im- and in detail from one another, by their
perative: la'kivi — nu — 'ydnna 'sit-down external distribution and by tile internal
feature of dependent-marking tagmemes.
10
There is addition a Predicate Specifier
in Postposed markers indicate only depend-
tagmeme, but its occurrence is rare, and its fillers ence; preposed markers also indicate the
are nearly all Spanish loan expressions; hence it
distribution of the clause as a whole, i.e.,
has been left out of this presentation.
u In this illustration the Dependent Subject as to whether it is a filler of a Time slot,
tagmeme has a zero manifestation. Location slot, etc. The nucleus of dependent

303
 —

LINGUISTICS

clausesmay be the nucleus of any inde- sentence types are of two classes: independ-
pendent clause except one of the imperative ent and dependent. Independent sentences
types. Satellite distribution is limited, but frequently begin a discourse unit. Dependent
those satellite tagmemes which do occur sentences most commonly do not begin a
are the same as those of independent clauses. discourse when they do, they are
unit;
In addition to differences as to transitive dependent on the presence of some form of
and intransitive predicates, there are ten nonverbal behavior.
basic dependent clause types: location, rela- Each of these two classes is divided into
tive subject, relative object, relative manner, subclasses, based on whether the sentence
purpose, manner, two time clauses, object types are clause constructions or nonclause
clause, and sentence-slot clause. Only a few (phrase or word) constructions.
of these will be illustrated. 2.5.1. Independent sentences — non-
Time —
clause: '6ra — d dera 'nyaa ibi'gett clause. Independent sentences whose slots
"hour — return — — from location =I
field' ( are filled by phrases and words are of three
"When return from the
I (Time field'.) in- types: vocative, interrogative, and exclama-
troducer — Predicate Dependent Sub- - tion.
ject — Location). Illustrations: 'ba°thi ka 9 'child vocative-
Location clause: ra — — where riuii In '<' (=
plural' 'Children!'); u'nd 'marko 'which
he that' ( = there where he is') Mark' (= 'Where is Mark?'); 'ay 'nana
ition Introducer Predicate Depend- •oh:-
ent Subject Demonstrative dosi 2.5.2. Indepbnden r sen fences —clause.
Relative Subject claUSC ni - Clause independent sentences include four
r
niM — rd'JWI '(will-fall) which — is — major types or classes of types. Type 1,
place that' (Relative Introducer, function- the declarative-imperative subordinating, is

- - lb Predicate Location). basic to the others.

Tins whole relative clause functions bi sub- 2.5.2.1. Independent sentence type l.

ject of the clause 'will-fall. ..." .rative-imperative subordinating. This

Sentence slot rlallSi-: /><i -'Hi -nt'&dd sentence type has an obligatory nuclear slot
Id 'if you you bad-accepted filled by an independent clause which is
clothes -,' (Introducer Independent Bub- preceded optionally by a satellite slot filled

Predicate Dependent Subject Ob- by a sentence-slot dependent clause.

I dependent <
Illustration: pa 'Hi tu'syand u 'ngiiw he
rrammatical sen- 1

mi ga'ndr In 'statu- bi'Jin'i 'if you will-

instructions which potentially heal you man that, will gain you much
occur alone Bfl complete utterance-. They mom
may range in length from a single word 2.5.2.2. Independent bentence type 2.
independent i sentences or vocative 1 declarative compound. This sentence is com-
sentences) to a lengthy coordinate struc- ries of independent declarative
ture or pyramiding structure of clause within clauses optionally connected by the [ink
clause. The sentence-level overlaps at cer- word ni 'and'.
tain points with the clause-level in that
an Illustrations: hi'ree be — 'zl bi 'went-out
independent clause may also be a complete he — went In'; 'ruHu-tiissa ni pri'mtru —
nee. The two kinds of constructions l ni ru -rl'biibi 'ndaani ti 'lari na
differ, however, in tl atial "
'gets-rinsed it first —gets-dissolved it

expansion and in the fact that certain ph — and — gets-strained it inside a cloth thin'.
or words may be sentences but not claui 2.5.2.3. Independent sentence type •'*.

In terms of their BDecific internal struc- >r-no interrogative. This sentence type
ture and their distribution in larger matrices, adds an optional Question Introducer tag-
 — —

ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

meme and an obligatory Yes-or-no Closer riza be i'rd ji 'okay well — location that
tagmeme to the basic form of sentence walked he all day' (- 'Okay, well, he went
type 1. there every day'.) (two introducer tag-
Illustrations: 'cew 9 lu'gyaa — Id 'going you memes, the BOCOnd of which also functions
market —
?'; 'nyee — 'c$ w9 lu'gyaa — Id ? — as location marker).
'going you market — ?'
3. Lexical iiikkakcjiy. In (his section
2.5.2 .4. Independent sentence type 4. we view the fillers of the slots of the gram-
Class of interrogative sentences — clause con- matical hierarchy as lexical forms and cl

tent-information. Clause content-informa- — the morphemes and words in terms of t lien-

tion sentences are a class of six sentence distribution classes and their phonemic
types, differentiated by the function of their shapes.
introductory tagmemes. Most of the intro- 3.1. Morphemes \m> morphophonemics.
ductory tagmemes have a double function of Morphemes are viewed first as to their
indicating question and functioning in the classification, second as to their phonemic
place of some clause-level tagmeme in the shapes.
basic clause, e.g., Subject, Object, Location, 3.1.1. Morpheme classes. In terms of
Time. their general distribution, morphemes are
Illustrations, 'zi — 'rdka 'la 9]i be 'what of four major classes: bound roots, prefix'-,
wants he' (the interrogative zi functions as clitics,and free roots.
Object filler in the clause); pa'jl — 'ce be 3.1.1.1. Bound roots are verb roots only.
'what —
day going he' (the interrogative These are of two subclasses, based on their
phrase pa 'ji functions as Time slot filler in distribution in verb or causative-cluster
the clause). structures: causative-forming roots (class C)
2.5.3. Dependent sentences non- — and neutral roots (class N). Class C roots
clauses. Nonclause dependent sentences are may fill the core slot of the causative cluster
responses, dependent on an utterance of an- (§2.1.3) or may directly fill the nuclear slots
other speaker (or occasionally on one of the of verb (word) structures. Class N roots
same speaker) or on some nonverbal be- fill only the nuclear slots of the word struc-
havior. tures. Illustrations: Class C root -ra 'be used
Illustrations: Two answers to the question up', as in bi'ra 'was all used up' and bisi'ra

'ce w9 lu'gyaa Id 'going you market ?': '(he) used (it) all up' (including causative
ko 9 'no'; sti 'fdttu si 'another little-while prefix \si-\)\ Class N stem -c 'go' as in
yet' (= 'A little later'.) 'rye 'goes'.

2.5.4. Dependent sentences — clause. Verb roots are also divided into two major
Class of sequence types. Sequence sentences classeswhich crisscross the above grouping:
are composed of the basic independent sen- active and stative verb roots. Active verb
tence type 1 accompanied by one or two roots directly or indirectly (via the causative
introductory tagmemes which connect sen- cluster) fill the nuclear slot in declarative
tences together in sequence. One of the in- or imperative verbs; stative verb roots fill

troductory tagmemes has a double func- the nuclear slot of stative verbs. There is
tion of introducer and some other function some overlap of membership between the
within the main clause. two classes. The root -kicri 9 'white', for

Illustrations: 'pwe — 'cuu nu 'well — go we' example, may fill either the stative-verb
( = 'Well, let's go'.) (only one introducer nucleus or the declarative verb nucleus slot,

tagmeme); 'peru— 'da gu 9 'yoo san an'tonyo as in bi'kicci 9 'became white', but the root
'but—closed house Saint Anthony' (= 'But -biidi 9 'dirty' fills only the stative-verl>

Saint Anthony was locked (only one up'.) nucleus slot. The external distribution of
introducer tagmeme) pwes — ra
;
—
'bwe'no 'ke those which may occur in the stative-verb

305
 :

LINGUISTICS

nucleus slot, however, differs from those up-glide tone when in utterance final posi-
which do not. Stative-verb roots (occa- tionhave two tone alternants when in medial
sionally the whole stative verb word) may position: a low tone and a high tone, de-
occur in the Modification slot of noun pending on the basic tone and stress pattern
phrases, as in 'yoo 'kicci 9 'house white'. of the word which precedes it. Morphemes
Verb roots vary in length from one syllable which follow such a syllable may have al-
to three, with two syllables as the most com- ternant tones, depending on their own basic
mon shape. tone and stress pattern. For example, a
Prefixes comprise a small class
3.1.1.2. word with all low tones has an alternant
of morphemes which fill the aspect slots of with the first tone high when following the
verb structures and an even more limited above type syllable.
class of morphemes which fill slots in mor- Illustrations: (1) up-glide alternates with
pheme clusters. These are listed in §2.1. low: ratH be (as complete utterance): "nissa
and 2.2.1. (ascomplete utterance) "raid be 'ntsa 'he is
Prefixes are of three canonical forms: C, always thirsty'; (2) up-glide alternates with
CV, and V. high: ka"yatti be (as complete utterance) :ka
3.1.1.3. Clitk b are dependent forms, both "yatli bi 'nisa 'he is thirsty'.
proclitic and enclitic, which have a more There are more than a dozen word types
free distribution in phrase and clause than with different basic tone and stress patterns,
affixes T se morphemes are treated as de- each one having its own pattern of tone
pendent words rather than as affixes. Most alternation and effect on the surrounding
clitics are of one-syllable Length, but there ton
are a few OOmDOSed of two syllabi. -
Clusters of 8 or 8 plus consonant. There
3.1.1.4. Phi - are root morphemes are no clusters of J or 8 plus lenis stop or
winch are uninflected and which arc isolat- plus <'.
I, or 8 (except ambisyllabic clusters
able grammatical words. The '-lass I jj and m). When morpheme combinations
includes oounfl and a number of smaller would result in one of these clusters, mor-
distribution cl isset They include canonical phemes beginning with lenis consonants 6, d,
shapes of one, two, or three syllables, with or have alternants beginning with the cor-
,/

two syllables as the moon shape. responding fort is consonant />, /, or /;, and
3.1.2. Morphophonemics. Morphopho- morphemes beginning with r have alternants
oemic alternations include both automatic oiling with /. Combinations with other
and nonautomatic types. Automatic altern i Consonants are mOSl easily described in proc-
indude the following three kinds: terms of consonant cluster reduction,
Loss of glottal stop. Morphemes com- :ls follow s : I or 8 -f- r, /, :, or I > I; ,s or 8 -f- z
: ending with an unstressed \' 9
of or or 8 > 8. Illustrations, using the possessive
syllable or a \'° syllable with up- marker proclitic pere be 'his/her
.

[!}: '.s

glide tone, have an alternant without the chicken' (basic form '/„/>); 's Ui be 'his/her
glottal stop when in utterance medial posi- water jug' (basic form 'rii)\ 'ml be 'her
tion. Morphemes ending with a stressed shawl' (basic form V,//); 'sidi be 'his/her
.liable have an alternant without the Ball ' 'basic form ('zidi).

glottal stop when the syllable is not in the Nonautomatic alternations are of two
nuclear >lot of the phonological phrase. Illus- types: morphemically conditioned and pho-
9
trations: "hn°<ln° 'child':"/,,/ ,/,, /.-,',
-that nemically-conditioned. It is the verb pre-
9 1

child'; fV/ -all : TV,) kabi "all of them'; and dependent pro-
the verb roots,
'btulu "u-nm 9 'child little' (= 'baby'. nouns which are most commonly affected by
Tone alternation.-. Morphemes composed these alternations. The aspect prefixes have
of or ending in an unstressed syllable with morphemically - conditioned alternations

300
ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

which can be described by means of distri- Dependent words are usually Unstressed
butional sets, and within these sets there are parts of phonological words, but a few are
phonemically-conditioned alternations and themselves centers of phonological words,
subsets of morphemically-conditioned alter- e.g., 'gupa "<j<i nl 'keep meanwhile it', in
nations. The causative prefix \si-\ has seven- which "(jn 'meanwhile' is dependent gram-
a
teen morphemically-conditioned allomorphs. matical word but is stressed and thus i*
Verb root alternations are only morphe- the center nl a phonological word and phrase.
mically conditioned. Allomorphs of the de- 3.2.1.2. Distribution classes. Word
pendent pronouns are principally phone- classes defined by their differing distribu-
mically conditioned. For details of these tion in slots at the various levels include a
alternations, see Pickett 1953, 1955. list of more than fifty basic classes and
In addition to the segmental alternations, three types of subclasses. Only the major
there is a complex system of tonal alterna- classes will be listed la-re, i.e., those which
tions in verbs, depending on the verb class, are frequent in occurrence either in text
the person, and the aspect. count (the independent and dependent pro-
3.2. Words. Grammatical words are here nouns) or in both text count and member-
described in terms of their distribution ship list.

classes and their co-occurrence restrictions (1) Xouns occur in head slots of noun
as fillers of slots. phrases in Object and Independent Subject
3.2.1. Words and word classes. Words slot in clauses: gu'naa 'woman'.
may be divided by two different types of (2) Dependent pronouns occur in Depend-
classification: (1) independent vs. dependent, ent Subject slot in clauses. The total list
9
based on their distribution in utterances, follows: \a 9 \ 'first person singular'; |/j/ j

and (2) smaller distribution classes, based 'second person singular'; bS 'third person
on distribution in specific slots. singular human'; ///£ 'third person singular
3.2.1.1. Independent and dependent animal'; nl 'third person singular inanimate';
words. Independent words are isolatable du person plural exclusive'; nu 'first
'first

units which can compose a whole sentence, person plural inclusive'; til 'second person
at least as response to the question "How plural'.
do you say X?" or "What do you call this?". (3) Independent pronouns occur in Object
Independent words are also phonological and Independent Subject slots in clauses.

words, but a phonological word may in- The total list follows: 'ndi 9 'this'; 'nga 'that'
clude two independent words and several 'ng& 'that over yonder'; 'naa 'first person
dependent words. Illustrations: 'ba 9 du 9 singular'; 'lit 'second person singular"; ///'

'child' (can be a vocative sentence); 'ndi 9 'third person singular inanimate'. Other per-
'this' (can be a response sentence); 'beeda sons are indicated by independent pronoun
'came' (can be a complete clause sentence). phrases composed of person base word 'laa
Dependent words are proclitic and en- and dependent pronouns (§2.3.2).
clitic forms, which are not isolatable in the (4) Intransitive declarative verbs occur
way independent words are but which have in Intransitive Declarative Predicate slot in
a freer distribution than affixes. Dependent clauses: 'beeda 'came'. It should be noted
words, like independent words but unlike that verbs as a unit do not form one single
affixes, fill slots on higher levels than the distribution class but four different dai
word level itself. Illustrations: 'lu 'wiini bi because of their relationship to other clause-
'face little his/her', in which the enclitic level tagmemes. The transitive-intransitive
b& fills a phrase level slot. Compare the distinction was not discussed in the word-
same b$ morpheme at clause level in % i do level description of the grammatical hier-
bS 'came he/she'. because it is not paralleled by the
.

307
 LINGUISTICS

internal structure of the verb words. Of the co-occurrence restrictions related to the po-
verbs formed from Class (neutral) stems, N sition of the Independent Subject when it is
some are transitive, some intransitive. Of filled by a noun. For details, see Pickett,
the verbs formed from Class C (causative- 1960, pp. 58, 69.
forming) stems, there are various criss-cross-
(3) The verb 'to say' as Transitive Pred-
ing combinations. In some cases, a verb
icate slot filler. When a form of the verb
formed from a simple stem will be intransi- 'to say' fills a predicate slot, the Object slot
tive but its corresponding causative form filler may be one or more sentences, and
will be transitive, e.g., bin' da? 'was heated':
9
may include single words or phrases other
biairt'dd be rrf 'he she heated it'. In other than nouns or independent pronouns, is more
• •uses both are transitive (or optionally mem- frequently preposed to the predicate than
bers Of the intransitive class as well), e.g.,
with other fillers, and is often split in two
bi'ziidi be (nl) 'he
she Learned (ity-.bi'siidi parts. Illustration: — ce w —'na b8
pa'rd
'
9
be (nl) 'he she taught it (causative form)'.
(5) Intransitive imperative verbs OCCUT in
'where go you — says — he' (interrogative sen-
tence in preposed Object slot).
Intransitive Imperative Predicate slot in
clauses: <ju'<lu° 'come'. 3.3. Word clusters. A thorough study of
levels of groupings Of lexical units, as dis-
Transitive declarative verbs occur in
Transitive
tinct from grammatical structure, remains

clauses:
7
WDeclarative Predicate slot in
'did (he she it)'.
msitive imperative verbs OCCUT ill
1:
to
idiomatic
be done. There are, however, certain
clusterings of words which are
worthy of note as a beginning study of
Transitive Imperative ie slot in
'/«" level- of lexical structure.
clauses:
2. Words lnd tagmamorphemicb. The In one type, the two grammatical slots
term tagmamorphemics is used to describe involved are Head and Modifier of the sta-
those variants in kagmemic Structure which tive verb phrase, but there is a one to-one

an- conditioned by fie bIoI fillers

I \ irrence restriction between the fillers
number <»t" co-occurrence restriction of the slots, and the total meaning is simply
in Zapotec between the fill roe slot
'extremely X'. Illustrations: iia'iimnia '(jiiba?

and those of another. II simply sum- "is cold metal'. This same order of words
marize the types of variant ils are could well fill predicate and subject slots,
given in Pickett, I960. with meaning 'The metal is cold', but this

l
Co-occurrence of specific fillers in particular combination is so frequently used
phi type Of variation OCC .
idiomatically that the first of the two am-
in the exocentric location, time, and manner biguous meanings to be understood is not the
phrases and in the head -mollification noun predicate - subject relationship but the
phrase. The location phra.-e, tor example, |
phrasal relationship of 'cold metal', or 'very
a Location Orientation slot filler ra "lo- cold'; nd'hiri 'be 'is-white mold' (= 'very
tion indicator', which CO-OCCUrs with only white'); na'ya '</<>''
*is 'lean flower (= 'very
}
certain fillers of the Location locus slot: clean'); na'Jixi '<lnin' 'warm' plus a unique
ra — 'gtiffu* "at river' but not *rn -'ijiji 'at Constituent (= 'comfortably warm').
town'. \ WCOnd lexical word cluster is composed
Limitation- ienl between the of certain fillers of one of the transitive
[ndependenl and Dependenl Subject t
predicate slots combined with certain fillers
memes of both leelarat ve and imperative
i i
of the Object slot. Illustrations: ru'yubi
clauses. The two subject t .
-
must 'looks for' -+- 'diija 9 'word' = 'picks a fight';
agree in number and person. In addition, m'> os' in various combinations with
in the declarative clauses there are certain Object words, e.g., ru'kaa 'dyaga 'fastens
 .

ISTHMUS ZAPOTEC

ear' (= 'listens'); ru'kaa 'riji 'fastens noise' Phonological sentence borders arc marked
(= 'screams, calls loudly'); ru'kaa 'nd ? by diagonal /. Grammatical sentences are
'fastens hand' (= 'pushes'). indicated by periods: one period for in-
A third cluster includes certain fillers of dependent sentences, two for dependent. In
one of the predicate slots and certain fillers addition, there is one instance of a sentence
of the Location slot. Illustration: 'ratti 'dies' fragment, a portion of a sentence which was
+ 'giigu? 'river' = 'drowns' (not necessarily left incomplete as the speaker interrupted
in the river). herself with a different sentence. The end of
4. Text. The following short text is given this fragment is indicated by dash —
"bweno / .. 'cl-'gwe-ni-d "Hi \
ci-"hmd nd'wiin-e-'ld /
okay going-speak-with-I you day more was-little-I,

"kdda 'gedd bl"sita ra-lij-e-ld / 'geda 'tuzd gu"naa \

each come visitor to-home-my-, come some woman

'gedd 'gun 'ne 'hnya "diija? \

'zedd man'dddu-ld / |
—
come speak with mother-my word come errand-,

"napp-d ti-'bangu "wiini ci-'ke |. na'wiini 9 / |.

have-I a-bench little day-that was-little

kasi-" guuy-d ka-bi"sita \

"gyuu-ke-ld / \
'mdkd
when see-I pi. -visitor enter-that-, already

'
zi-u" zovny-e |. zi-"kdd "bdngv? / |. gu"ry-e ga"lawivi
went-run-I went-get-I bench sat-I center

de-"laa-ka? / |. "hnyad kasi-"guuya 'naa \

'mdkd
of person-pl. mother-my when-see me already

ka"giru 'nyee 'para-"gyasd-9 /

\
\
'para 'ke-u'kad
was-pinching leg-my for get-up-I for not-fasten

"dyd ? ga-'> \
'zi kd"nt?-ka-be / |. 'peru "naa 'ke-"rund-? \.

ear-my what was-saying-pl.-she but I not-hear-I

ri"niib-e "nyee-sy-d ? / |.

move-I leg-only-my

to show some of the relationships between Free translation. Okay, I'll tell you about
groupings of the phonological and gram- when I was little. Each time a visitor came

matical hierarchies. to my home, some woman came to chat

Phonological word centers (stressed syl- with my mother or came on an errand I —
lables) are marked by '. Borders are in- had a little bench at that time, a little one.
dicated by spaces. These spaces coincide Whenever I would see visitors coming, right
with the borders of independent grammatical away I would run and get the bench and
words. Dependent grammatical word borders sit down right in the middle of them. When
are marked by hyphen. my mother saw me, she immediately started
Phonological phrase centers (nuclear syl- pinching my leg to make me get up, so I
lables) marked by ". Grammatical
are wouldn't hear what they were Baying. Hut
borders are marked by a vertical line |. [ ! .id no attention. I simply moved my leg.

309
 LINGUISTICS

REFERENCES
Angulo, 1925, 1926a, 1926b Pickett, 1951, 1953, 1955, 1960
and Freeland, 1935 and Elson, 1962
Cordova, 1578a, 1578b Pike, E. V., 1948
Henestrosa, 1933 Pike, K. L., 1954, 1955, 1958, 1960
Leal, 1950, 1954 Radin, 1930, 1935, 1946
Longacre, 1964 Swadesh, 1947
Mason, 1939 Vivo, 1941
Xellis, 1947

310
7F. Huautla de Jimenez Mazatec
=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Ir=r

li NICE V. PIKE

0. Introduction 9.2.3. Result clause

1. Phonome 9.2.4. fat-clause
2. Syllable 9.2.5. Purpose clause
3. Phonological word 9.2.6. Limiting clause
4. Phonological phrase 9.2.7. Manner clause
5. Phonological sentence 9.2.8. i/-clause
6. Relationship between phonology and 9.2.9. although -clause
grammar 9.2.10. Secondarily dependent clauses
6.1. Minimal pairs 10. Grammatical phrase
6.2. Phonological phrases which end in the 10.1. Predicate phrase
middle of a grammatical phrase 10.1.1. Transitive verb phrases
7. Monologue 10.1.2. Intransitive verb phrases
7.1. Officialspeech 10.1.3. Impersonal verb phrasee
7.2. Christian prayer 10.1.4. Adjectival phrases
7.3. Pagan prayer 10.1.5. Appearance verb phra-
7.4. Narrative monologue 10.1.6. Numerative verb phrase -

7.5. Non-monologue speech 10.1.7. Copulative verb phrases

8. Grammatical sentence 10.1.8. Demonstrative verb phrases
8.1. Declarative sentences 10.2. Types of subject and/or object filler-

8.2. Imperative sentences 10.2.1. Noun phrasee

8.3. Equational sentences 10.2.2. Pronoun phra
8.4. Demonstrative sentences 10.2.3. Possessive pronoun phrases
8.5. Interrogative sentences 10.2.4. Demonstrative clauses
9. Clause 10.2.5. Demonstrative noun phrasee
9.1. Types of clause 10.2.6. si 3 plus declarative phrase
9.1.1. Declarative clauses 10.2.7. Si* plus possessive pronoun or po
9.1.1.1. Declarative transitive clauses noun
9.1.1.2. Declarative intransitive clauses 10.2.8. Relative phra
9.1.1.3. Declarative impersonal clauses 10.3. Instrumental fillers

9.1.2. Imperative clauses 10.4. Independent recipient fillers

9.1.3. Equational clauses 10.5. Specifier phra

9.1.4. Demonstrative clauses 10.6. Manner fillers

9.1.5. Interrogative clauses 10.7. Types of location slot fillers

9.2. Dependent clauses 10.8. Interrogative slot fillers

9.2.1. nka-c\a.\i,<e 10.9. Time slot fill'

9.2.2. Time clause 11. Grammatical word

311
 > ;

LINGUISTICS

11.1. Independent grammatical words verb ; (3) the dependent clause with its types
11.1.1. Verbs contrasting by the introducer; gram-
(4)
11.1.2. Nouns
matical phrases contrasting (a) by their func-
11.1.3. Pronouns
11.1.4. Possessive pronouns tion in the clause, (b) by the words in the
11.1.5. Adjectives obligatory slot and (c) by the parts which
11.1.6. Time words modify those words; (5) words separated
11.1.7. Manner words into various parts of speech according to
11.1.8. Specifier words
their distribution in the various phrases.
11.1.9. Clause grammatical phrases
fillers for
11.2. Dependent grammatical words 1. Phoneme. The vowel phonemes are i,

11.2.1. Optional slot fillers l, e, e, a, u. o, q. Following a sequence of

1 1 .2.2. Obligatory slot tillers consonant plus glottal stop, a vowel is
laryngeauzed. Allophones of o and q vary
Introduction. This article is an at-
0.
from high back rounded to low rounded. The
tempt to describe some of the units of
length of the individual vowel varies in ac-
Masatec1 speech. Those included of the
cordance with its place in the syllable, word,
phonological hierarchy- are: (1) the vowel
or phrase.
phoneme with its types, i,e,o, a, etc.; (2) the
The consonant phonemes are: stops p, /, k
consonant phoneme with it types, /, m, /,-,

(voiced after /// or /; unless followed by h);

etc.; (3) the syllable with its typo con
affricates c,
<".
C ( ret rollexed c); glottal stop ? ;

trasting by torn '•

the phonological
sibilants 8 and & (retroflexed especially before
word with its types contrasting by the
vowels); the phoneme /; (voiceless nasal be-
placement an obligatory syllable
of
fore nasals, a light fricative bilabial after
the phonological phrase with Us types con-
v, alveopalatal before//, and velar elsewhere)
trasting by a combination of fade or l:nk of
voiced nasals//;, n ( velar before k), fl ; voiced
fade in intensity or pitch on a lengthened By]
fricative p (voiceless before h)', the glide //; the
[able; (•'>> the phonological sentence with its
lateral /; the flap r (rare); and occasionally
types contrasting by breathings, or down-
from Spanish loan words, b, </, g, rr.
drift of pitch on a ballistic syllable, or by
2. SYLLABLE. The nucleus of the syllable
a ballistic syllable followed by length.
always follows the margin. It may contain
The units in the grammatical hierarchy 1
one, two, or three vowels. The clusters are
ribed here are: (\) the grammatical
Composed either of all oral vowels, or of all
sentence which occurs in the body of a mono-
Dasal vowels. The clusters of two are: 0", at,
logue with its types contrasting by the kind
. U (rare), 0t, 06, OO. The clusters of
and number of clauses of which it is coin-
three are: jot, XOO, oitk, 0Of, OOO, WO, and mi.
independenl clause with its
lized vowels cluster in the same way.
types contrasting by the kind of grammatical The length of a syllable with one vowel is
phrases of which it is composed and by the
approximately the same as a syllable with
There ;irc about 00,000 speakers of "Masai
:
three vowels. The vowels in a syllable with
most of them living in the northern part of he t three are extremely short. For conditions
state i
I
Mexico. There are numerous die- under which the length of the syllable varies,
differing from one another in varying de-
see § •"».
This is study of the Buautla de Jimenes
ft

'. which has an estimated 30,(XX The margin of the syllable may contain
For information on other dial' Gud- one, two or three consonants. Except for .s7,

schmskv. 10,55, 1968a, 1959c; E V. Pike. 1064,

sk, U, and 8k, all clusters must contain h, n,
1956; Villa Rojae, 1955.
!
This study is an outgrowth of the theory pre- or 9 They are as follows: ht, kk he, he,
.
t
he,
sented in K. L. Pike 1964, 1965, and lf»60. hm, hn, hii, hv, hy; th,kh,ch, eh, eh; mh,nh, vh,
'Discussions with Velma Pickett about the
grammatical hierarchy in relation to Mazatec shjh;t 9 W, c 9 c 9 c 9 ;m 9 n 9 n 9 y 9 v 9 ,l 9
, , , , , , , , 8?,

grammar proved to be very helpful. P\ 9 m, 9 n, 9 n, 9 v, 9 y; mp, nt, nk, nc, n£, ne.

312
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

Clusters of three axe as follows: hut, hrik, syllable, with or without other DOnobliga-
hnc, hnc; ?nt, ?nk, ? nc, ?n6, ?nc; nt?, nk'\ ruf, tory syllables. Examples: Ai 3 'he went',
nc ? nc ? ;nth, nkh,
, rich, rich, itch ; he9 he 9
, ; .sk ? ,
ca tho?Ufknat '1 stayed', &o4to*mt*>o4te* 'his
friend.'
The nucleus of the syllable may contain a Within a stream of speech, change of speed
two or three tones.
single tone, or a cluster of Mast on words of many syllable.-, slow on
There are four contrasting heights, and these words of one syllable) makes the Length of
may combine into the following clusters. time taken for the pronunciation of the
Considering tone to be high, and tone * to
1
various words more nearly the same. Thus
be low, they are: 13 14 23 «*, 34 43 42 32 21 424
, , , , , ,
, ,
,
when the words /// nla hone' and khna*vi i -
and 423 . hna 3 CQ 3 'life' are in analogous places in the
There is no relationship between the num- phonological sentence, the pronunciation of
ber of tones and the number of vowels in a the word 'life' is speeded up to the extent
syllable. There may be a cluster of two tones that the obliagory syllable in the word for
on a syllable with one vowel (li 42 'a jar'), or 'life' is definitely shorter than the QOnobliga-
just one tone on a syllable with two or three tory syllable in the word 'bone'.
vowels (koai 4 'he will go'). Syllables which precede the obligatory
For a more complete description of the syllable are often faster and more fort is than
phonemes, and for a discussion of the immedi- syllables following the obligatory syllable.
ate constituents of a syllable, see Pike and Therefore a border between words occurs at
Pike, 1947. The glide 21
was not listed in that any such point of increasing speed and in-
article.Usually the phonetic pitch seems to tensity. This has been indicated by word
be a level half way between tone 2 and tone l ,
space. Example: ma9 ya i*h%* nl 9 ai*vi*.
i

but it has been interpreted as a 21 cluster. 'It is understood by us now'.

Examples of it contrasting with tone ' and This observation was made from a tape
tone 2
are: si x 6e 21 'he steals', siHe 2 'he spins', on which a man with deliberate speech was
si l he
l
Morphemes with the cluster
'he asks'. talking. On a tape in which a fourteen-year
:i
have allomorphs with tone l which occur old girl was speaking rapidly, I could not
when preceding tone l
. In some other en- identify such a point. In these instances the
vironments it varies to tone 2
. presence of two phonological words is made
Phonological word. Each phonologi-
3. certain by the presence of two phonological
cal word has one and only one obligatory word centers with an indeterminate border
syllable. That syllable is the phonological —
between them just as a sequence of pho-
word center, and the placement of it is con- nemes may be identified by their centers even
trastive. In §3-6 I have indicated that syl- though there are slurred indeterminate bor-
lable Examples: sa 4? nla 4 na 4
by bold face. ders between. The optional audible bor-
'mother hen,' §a nta 4 na* 'my hen' ycP&Ple*
4? der phenomenon is an optional contrast ive
4
'chair', ya^siHe 'his dry stick'. feature of the larger phonological unit — the
This obligatory syllable has a number of phonological word.
alios: (1) relatively loud; (2) relatively long; 4. Phonological imikasi:. Each phono-
(3) combination of both; (4) loud fading logical phrase ends with a phonological word
quickly to soft sometimes even to voiceless- whose obligatory syllable is lengthened, un-
ness; (5) long and lenis; (G) long with down- less it coincides with the ballistic syllable of
drift of pitch. The choice of alio is dependent the phonological sentence (see §.">). Such a
upon the place of the word within a phono- syllable is indicated, in section 1 ti, by ° im-
logical phrase or phonological sentence (see mediately preceding it.

§4,5). A phonological phrase may contain one or

Phonological words contain the obligatory more phonological words. It may optionally

313
 —

LINGUISTICS

be followed by the contrastive feature pause. (4) In the deliberation phonological

Example: vha 3 ?ai 3 nti^ci*, They arrive at phrase, the obligatory syllable is soft, and
the market'. medium most frequent occurrence
length. Its
The lengthened syllable which is obliga- is on introducers. In the text in which the
tory to the phonological phrase occurs near mayor's speech was mimicked, 15 out of 20
the end of it. Optionally there may also be an subordinate clauses started with soft length
even longer and louder nonfading syllable on the introducer. It has been indicated by a
near the beginning. It emphasizes the word raised dot after the vowel. Example: her
in which it occurs. I have indicated such a nco- °khQQ*na\ aWocrVp ki 3o kao*na nka 3 3
,

syllable by an exclamation point immedi- he 1

si k 9 oa ki
3 A 3o
co-na 'It was my aunt, who
3
,

ately following it. thus went with me, because (hesitation) she
Within a phonological phrase, all syllables thus told me. .'
. .

following the one with obligatory length are 5. Phonological sentence. Each phono-
lenis. Therefore an increase in speed and in- logical sentence must have a ballistic syl-
tensity indicates a different phonological lable. A ballistic syllable starts loud —but
phrase. not as loud as a syllable signaling emphasis
Thus far I have noted four types of pho- and has a quick fade to soft, sometimes even
nologieal phrases. to voicelessness. It fades so abruptly that in
(1) In the nonfinal phonological phrase, a two syllable word, the length of the bal-
the most common type, the lengthened >yl- listic obligatory syllable may be as short or
lable fades in intensity while staying more or shorter than the nonobligatory syllable of
ic same pitch. This type of phonological that word. If the ballistic syllable is not the
phrase has been indicated by a comma. Ex- last one in the phonological sentence, the
ample: nhtii /.7»,k/ ;/ j ki z s>in\ fco
.
4
fade on that syllable may be less, since it is
"There were many things that I (lid long continued over on to the following syllable.
ago'. I have noted four types of phonological
The nonfinal phonological phrase is often sentences.
used in utterance-response situations. Ex- (1) The terminal phonological sentence
ample: ho thj chit**. How much does it has a ballistic syllable with the character-
istics described above. It is the one used
In the series phonological phrase, the frequently and signals finality. It is

tiened Byllables I - in intensity, also used when trying to gel someone's at-
but glides down in pitch—unless the length- tention. It has been indicated by a period.
ened syllable already has tone 4 This .
-
pie: tun 3 Tin-- n?ionl \ mn 3
cln>
2l
,iil;<f
type of phonological phrase most frequently So 1
. 'Mary, it is very needful that we
occurs when
one of a sequence of co-
it is work'.
ordinate grammatical units. It has been in- (2) The series phonological sentence has a
dicated by a hyphen preceding a comma. sharp downglide on tin' ballistic syllable. It

tuple: WotiPtt kCkha^a*, 9 a: 3 na*°- differsfrom that of a series phonological

hme '-, VoaHi* kPkha^a 3 ntn*-hai 3 -, k 9 oa*- , phrase in that the downglide is faster. It has
ti* ki 3 kn 3 te 3ka^vhe2 -. 'Also, I went t been indicated by a hyphen preceding a
(hesitation) corn, also I went to get, sugar- period.
cane, also I went to cut coffee'. (3) The breathy phonological sentence
In the hesitation phonological plr ends with a ballistic syllabic but has breathi-
the obligatory syllable is loud, very long, ness added to the final vowel. It signals a
with sustained intensity. It has been indi- request for immediate attention. This is fre-

cate! by colon. Example: kahh&htof quently used when trying to get someone's
°ya*ve\ 'She went behind —over there'. attention without shouting. I have indicated
314
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

it with an h preceding period. Example: optional slots of a grammatical sentence.

ma 3o riah 2 . 'Mary!' There is nothing in the phonological hier-
(4) The intensified phonological sentence archy that corresponds with the grammatical
ends with a ballistic syllable which fades, but clause. The grammatical clause may consist
then picks up intensity again. If the ballistic of one or of several phonological phrases.
syllable of the intensified phonological A phonological sentence is a phrase or
sentence is other than last, the last syllable sequence of phrases, the last of which has a
is long and intense. It signals irritation and ballistic syllable. A grammatical sentence isa
has been indicated by a raised dot preceding filler of a slot in a narrative monologue. In
t 9 ai nt ? ar
2
a period. Example: "riai
13 4
. 'Give one ten-page sample of narrative text, the
it to me now!' end of each grammatical sentence coincided
A short text follows in which the various with the end of a phonological sentence.
phonological have been indicated.
units However, the end of a phonological sentence
32
"he , n?iQk QQ 3 nkhi 2 <W-, k 9 ia 4 nka 3
l
\ did not always coincide with the end of a
ya 4 te*°hao*, ca 3 ka 2 te4o hna 3 k 9 ia 4 nka 3 to 4 ho 3 -
-
grammatical sentence. Many of the gram-
te 3 no "thfna 3 nka 3 nchai 2 ni4o chi 3 ki 3 -
1 -
, matical sentences were long, with several
kha 39 a 3 ci 3 °ki u ya 4 nki 3 cao 3 U 3 °thi na 3 hi*. l
dependent clauses in each, and occasionally a
'Very many years ago, when (hesitation) phonological sentence ended between de-
there Huautla, I stayed. When only (hesita- pendent clauses. Also, three times in that
tion) ten (hesitation) years were had by text the phonological sentence ended in the
me. Every day, I went to get firewood. middle of a grammatical clause. Each of the
There in the ranch which was had by us'. three times, however it gave the impression
6. Relationship between phonology that the part which followed the phono-
and grammar. A grammatical word and a logical sentence was added as an "after-
phonological word usually but do not always thought." Example: to 4 hnko 3 tho 2 ha 39 - ,

coincide (see §10 and 11 for skewing). ai 3o kao 4ni 3 hnko 3 na^si
-
'They came with 1
.

A grammatical phrase may coincide with (it) quickly. A horse'.

a grammatical word if the grammatical 6.1. Minimal pairs occur not only be-
word is the complete filler of a slot in a gram- tween words composed of different pho-
matical clause. (For special definition of nemes, but also between units on higher
phrase, see §10.) The number of grammatical levels.
phrases included within one phonological When a sequence of two phonological
phrase is variable. In slow precise speech, if words is replaced by an otherwise homoph-
the sentence has only independent gram- onous sequence of three phonological
matical words, there may be a one for one words, the meaning of the total may be
correspondence. Example: °k 9 ia 4 , vhi? kao*,n
changed. A third phonological contour has
°k?e 3 le 4 , °nc 9 oa 1 . 'Then they go with their been added to the linear phonemic sequence,
dead to the cemetery.' If the same sentence forming a minimal pair on the higher level of
is repeated at a faster speed, the phonological the phonological hierarchy. (Grammatical
phrase becomes more inclusive, extending changes accompany the phonological change
over several grammatical phrases. The re- but are not as such under attention here.)
verse is not true. Even in slow speech, phono- Examples: ki 3 ski39 nta hao 2 sa i9 nl(i 4 'The
x
.

rooster crowed the second time'. ki ski 39 nta

3 l
logical phrases do not normally end in the
4o9
middle of a grammatical phrase. (For dis- hao sa nta
2 4
'Two roosters crowed'.
.

cussion of when they do, see §6.2.) ca 3 ka 3 ce 3 yao 3o9 nti 'He bought tenderloin'.
1
.

An independent clause is a filler of the ca 3 ka 3 ce 3 yao 3 o9 nti 'The baby bought

l
.

obligatory slot of a grammatical sentence. A meat'.

dependent clause is a filler of one of the Similarly, when a phonological phrase is

3 IT.
 LINGUISTICS

replacedby an otherwise homophonous se- definition, one grammatical phrase. It is,

quence of two phonological phrases, the however, two phonological phrases. Ex-
added phonological high-level contour may ample: her si 3 ki 3 choa 3 le* na 4 si siW/m 30 - l
,

(in conjunction with changes in grammatical 9 ai 3 thi le A "tQQ*. 'He who gave him the
l
,

structure) change the meaning of the whole. horse, and who just came, has money'. In
Examples: h? n&>yvfl& °ti 3 They
3
vi tho
3 3
. that example, the modifying parts were co-
came down from the boy's house'. ii 3 tho 3 he: 3 ordinate. If, however, the two modifying parts
ni 39 \a le\ ti
3
'The boy came down from
3
. are included within one phonological phrase,
somebody's house'. ihi 2 kQ le* nka c 9 i 3 m&*- 3 3
then the second is subordinate to the first.

yo*lc*.'They went to see all their friends'. The meaning would be, 'He who gave him
vkPkqHe* nka^c^i 3 mFyoVe*. 'Their friends , the horse that just came, has money'.
went to see them all'. The meaning would be the same if, instead
In fast speech each sentence might be com- of justone phonological phrase, the speaker
of just one phonological phrase, in
: had paused after the second connector si 3 To .

which case the pairs of utterances would be have done so would have broken up the
homophonous and ambiguous. Such vari- modifying unit, but by pausing there he
ations within the phonological hierarchy would have signaled that the expression was
emphasize the partial independence of the subordinate to the preceding predicate
phonological hierarchy from the grammati- rather than co-ordinate with it. In such
cal one. instances there skewing of the borders of
is a
When a phonological sentence is added to tin phonological and grammatical units.
1

a phonological sentence, or to a sequence of There is a similar situation in relation to

sentences even though the phonological clauses. Each dependent clause has an intro-
phrases remain the same), the meani' ducer which distinguishes it from other de-
the total may be changed. Example: kJbcri pendent clauses and from an independent
SI <r\ fcotSo1 f/i<"*. it's a nuisance to clause. A clause which is a modifying part
me to get up. (I don't like to get up.)' within a phrase may have a similar intro-
khuinku 3
'a &na *' km 1
.-- t /»<•'. It's B nui- ducer. If a sentence is to be unambiguous if

sance to me. I'll get up.' (Meaning that he'il it is specific that the clause is subordinate to
rather get up than endure.) another clause and not co-ordinate with it,
Phonological phrases which end
6.2. there must be no pause preceding the intro-
IN THE MIDDLE OK A GRAMMATICAL N .-I I I
ducer; that is, the introducer must be in-
In the introduction to |6 it was stated that cluded in the Bame phonological phrase as
even in slow speech, phonological p! the clause 1o which it is subordinate. Ex-
do not, in most instances, end in the middle ample: (indep. clause) kPoafcc? ShcHa^ia1,
of a grammatical phrase. There are two spe- (fifto-clause) i a /.
v
<>M
4
.s
9
r paHe*£o' matna s-

cific circumstances when they do. nka 3 ,

(subordinate R&a-clause) .s<
4
//k>
3
n<m/ 2

When a sequence of co-ordinate wor nka 3 !/i 3 he 3 'lefcoa4. 'That's what the officials

the filler of one subject or object slot, it is, say, because they thus order us to obey all

by definition, just one grammatical phrase. things'.

It is, however, a sequence of phonological 7. MONOLOGUE. There are several con-
phras iple: r^ki^ntai^hi* bo l 'rro 1
-, monologue in Mazatec
vc types of
m . he We bought donkeys, Speech. Among them are: official speech,
horses, mul( Christian prayer, prayer to native deities,
When the filler of a subject or of an object narrative.
slot is composed of a noun with two co-ordi- 7.1. Official speech is formal and has
nate modifying parts, the entire thing is, by long complicated sentences. They may have
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

one independent clause and then many de- 'You are the one who loves us. You are the
pendent clauses in sequence. Such sequences one who gives us what we drink, what we eat.
of dependent clauses are used when the oc- You are the one who takes pity on us'.
casion calls for elegance. Salesmen may use 7.:>. Pagan prayer. Some prayers to
them. native deities are characterized by vocatives.
Example: 4 (indep.) 5 t
9 e 2 ski 4 -nai 13 tqo 4 . (in- Each hilltop has a god and he is called upon
dep.) k 9 oe 3nta 3 -le 23 so4 -le 4 ,
(purpose) hme l
-ni 3 for help.
nka 3 hca 4 -si ni 3 (n/ca-clause subordinate to
l
Example: k 9 oa 4 hg23 -vi 4 , ci
3
ko 3 to
3
ko2 §o 4 ,

purpose) nka 3 na 3 ki 3 c 9 q 4 bo rro -ve4 (limit- l l

,
ci 3
ko 3 3
ni nto nto va3 3 3
, ci 3
ko 3
na 4
§i
4
nka 3 nai23 ,

ing subordinate to n/ja-clause) sa 39 nta 3 ci 3 ko

3
nta x co 4 si 4 he l4 -no 3 nka 3 k 9 oa4 -s 9 { 2
, ti
4
s%
4-

a 3 li 2 koi 3 koa 3 te 3 na n ca 3 kai 3 -ni 3 (n/ca-clause ,

kao 4 -nao 13
'And you plural there, Holy
.

subordinate to limiting) to* nka 3 tqo 4 khai'nka 3 Tokoso, Holy Nintontova, Holy Nasinkanai,
n? ig l
ma 3
ch$ l -na 3 ,
(result subordinate to Holy Ntacho, I ask of you plural that you
limiting) koi 32 nka 3 ti
1
va 3 te na 3 -si l nia 3 bo l rro l -
1
thus help me?' (I know of no way of translat-
na 4 'Count out the money for me. I'll make
. ing the names of the various hilltops.)
you a bill of sale, so that you can know that 7.4. Narrative monologue frequently
the donkey is really mine so much so I — begins with a topic sentence which is a de-
wouldn't even be selling it, but I very much pendent clause but which has the character-
need money, that's why I'm selling my istics of a phonological sentence. Example:

donkey*. k 9 ia 4 nka 3 m?$ 3 hnko 3 choHa4 9 i4 na4Si4na 3 nta - l

vi 'When a person dies here in this city'. The

4
This type of monologue is especially .

noticeable when the mayor is giving the monologue usually ends with a summary
people the news, telling them about the work sentence that begins with k 9 oa 4 -s9 j 2 'thus'.
of the town. 6
I recorded a text of someone The body of the narrative monologue is made
mimicking the mayor. It consisted of a greet- up of a series of independent sentences.
ing: 9 nta 3i -no 3 chctta^naHftnaPnta 1 . 'Hello to 7.5. Non-monologue speech, especially
you citizens'. Then there was an independent in question-response situations, has many
clause followed by seven dependent clauses sentence fragments which do not contain an
each subordinate to the preceding one; then independent clause. Such sentences are not
another independent clause and fourteen treated in this paper. For the most part the
more dependent clauses; then the closure, grammatical constructions described here
nkh{ 2 k? a 3 ni 3 na l §i 3 ka 2t 9 e 2chi l4 -no 3 . 'Many are restricted to those which appear in the
times thank you'. body of a narrative monologue.
Christian prayer is characterized
7.2. 8. Grammatical sentence. There are five
by equational and imperative sentence types. different classes of sentence types which con-
A section of one prayer: hi 3 ni 13 si 3 ttfn&ikao 2 - stitute the body of a narrative monologue.
ca 3 -nai l h\ 4 hi 3 ni 13 §i 3 .
3
ti v 9'ai
2
-nai l hi 4 Si 3 ? yo 3 ,
They are: declarative, imperative, equa-
hi 3 ni 13 si 3 khi ma ?na ca -nai hi
3 3 3 4 3 4
si ci
3
ne 3 .
1
. tional, demonstrative, interrogative.
Any of the sentence types may begin with
In the examples written in §7-11, the obliga-
4
the co-ordinator. Example: k?ia 4 va ya 3
k 9 oa 4
l

tory syllable of the phonological word is followed

by a hyphen unless it is the last syllable in the ka sa k9 oa4 k 9 ia4 si k 9 $ 3 nkhi 2 sa49 nta 4 'Then
2 4
.
1
.

word, in which case it is followed by space. Arbi- they put (him) in a box. And then they kill
trarily introducers have been followed by word
space. Phonological phrase is indicated by comma,
many chickens'.

and a phonological sentence by period. Each sentence has an obligatory part

6
In the parentheses preceding each clause, its which is an independent clause. Optionally a
function has been indicated.
6
For a discussion of the content of such
sentence may contain two independent
speeches, see F. H. Cowan, 1952. clauses. If both independent clauses are con-

3i:
 m

LINGUISTICS

tained within one phonological sentence, might know what 8 business they would do
then they are one grammatical sentence. when 8 they become old'.
Example: IPkoi 3 me 3 -na 3 9 q 3 coa 3 'It is not , . Example of a declarative sentence with an
wanted by me, I pick up'. (T don't want to independent impersonal clause: (if-clause)
pick it up'). ca 2 hnko 3 cho i ta i si 3 c 9 3 ti m 9 f-ni3 (indep.) {
l
,

In addition to the obligatory part, there ma^n&a-clause) nka 3 i 9 ai 2i -le'2 koi2 nta4 cho 4 -
are optional parts — various dependent ta*sa\ (purpose) hmtA -ni 3 nka 3 v)u-kho 3 mi 3 ih? 4 -
clauses. These dependent clauses are: time, x
si ni
3
. 'If a person who has sickness is dying,
if-clause, purpose, manner, result, limiting, it is acceptable that we give the officials an
but -clause, alt hough-clause, and rttai-clause. account (tell them), in order that they go
8.1. Declarative sentences may be con- pick (him) up'.
siderably longer than other types, first be- Declarative sentences which have inde-
cause of more parts in their grammatical pendent intransitive clauses in my data have
phrases, and second, because they have more only two types of dependent clause, namely
dependent claufl I the time and nibo-clause. Example: (time)
When there are several clauses in a k°ia* nka 3 he 3 koq 3 nt 9 ai 4 ,
(indep.) ki 3 9 nta 3
sentence, the most frequent order is: time, if- sid*. 'When it was over, they went as far as
clause, independent clause, r/Au-clause. The the outskirts'.
sequence of the other clauses has not been (indep.) k*ia* /<<- rha 4 ta 4 -rv 4 khai 1
nka 3
(n&a-clause) nka crca' ki skoe2 -
3 3 1 2 3
determined. If the independent claui l
si khai> hi ,

negative, it may, but does not necessarily, la*. 'Then this person grieves because he did
precede the time or if-claw n.it go to school'.
Example of s declarative sentence with an &2. Imim.i: \ 1 1\ i. SENTENCES may have
7
independent transitive clause: (time) k' ia A any of the various
dependent clauses in ad-
v
nka cr ma
3 3
indep.) UNrf kha 'ai x
dition to the independent clause; there is,
OnaHa 4
vhr-ir. however, seldom mote than one in a sentence.
$i
i2
ka 3 x,; -nka l l
ni
3
U i0 nti -U\ (result
x

I W* nka 3
1 | plefl if clause ) ar ma 3
xn'2 -ni
3
lr t<{{>\

m 3
nPaP-vP (nibo-clause subordi- (indep.) c°<u* ]

\ (if-clause) CO1 rr rna 3 SQ2 -

oate to result nka 3 nJberVt1 I W ktm* OuHa*- ni*lr tag 4 ,
(indep.) ka 2 ta 3 i 9 r. Tf money is left

hrihr kcWafya siit-ordi- over, buy; if money is not left over, let it go'.

'-nt1 n
3
lause) knu (indep.) nkrhnko 3 sg 4 karta 3 si 3 ca 3 .sr -na l

si ni
l l
S a nta
l
. 'When paper is i\ (if-clause) CO* nka 3 ma 3
ch^-le 4 nka 3
not known by him, he takes it to a different sko ]
ija
3
-nai x3 . 'Another letter let Teresa send
O who will make a paper that he will
7 7
me, if she need- to wait for me'.
Bend to his son, that 's why it is now nee<>ssary EjQUATIONAL BBNTl ti( - which have
8.H. i

that all children and old people study \

dependent clauses are rare. There are, how-
in order that all the town- can understand', ever, a few examples in my data.
(if-clause) ca* ma >\ (indep.) Xumerative e()Uational sentence: (indep.)
a* ska l nr nka'c ^ sti 3 -le*, (purpose) (u*hnko 3 ma 3
-ni 3 (nka-c\a.use)nka he k 9 {
32 3 3
H 3

hrrtt
]
-ni 3
nka 3
1
:i
ha*sti 3
-lf* hrnt 3
kkoa*~ k9 a3 . 'There is just one because the rest are
ma 3
I "ia* nka 3 kna*hrpnka 3 . 'If they r.

understood, they would send all their chil- Adjectival equationa] sentence: (indep.)
(n&O-clause) nka s 9 e nta 'It
3 3 3
dren to school, in order that all their children khai 1
nka 3 <kg ]
.

7
These have not been marked a.* parts • These have not been marked as sentence parts

since they are part of the recipient phras* nnee together they make up a relative phrase
first is modifying "person" in that phrase and the (see §10.2.8) filling the object slot of the purpose
second "paper." clause.

318
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC
i2
is very dangerous to make', (indep.) ci pendent clauses. Of those, 1 1 had the predi-
2 3 3
klwa*, (if -clause) ca ca hi -li?. 'It's your affair cate phrase only, 75 had the predicate and
(trouble), if you forget'. one other phrase, 41 had the predicate and 2
In my
data the appearance equational other phrases, 17 had the predicate and 3
sentence and the copulative equational other phrases. Only one of the clauses had 5
sentence consist of the independent clause phrases.
only. The description of them will come in There is considerable flexibility in the
§9.1.3 and 10.1.5-7. order of the phrases. One of the predominant
8.4. Demonstrative sentences may factors influencing this order is that the po-
have a dependent clause. Example: (indep.) sition for emphasis is clause initial. The se-
he 2 §i3 kQq 3 nka 3 -le*, (nA;a 3 -clause) nka 3 koi 32 quence changes as the emphasized phrase is
9 vi 3 nka 3 nchai23 That's what he's accus-
. put first. Example: 9 (pred.) thp-le* (obj.)
tomed to, because that's what he always c 9 i 3 'Is
. had by him sickness', (obj.) c 9 i 3sk 9 ^
drinks'. (pred.) thi -le*. 'Old age is had by him'.
l

Interrogative sentences which

8.5. Another factor which influences the order
have dependent clauses are rare. I have ex- 1
is -so 'it is indicated (by words or actions)'.

amples with a time clause, an if -clause, and Any part which contains this particle is put
an n/ca-clause. In all examples, the inde- clause initial. Examples: (subj.) coHi 3 -§o l
pendent clause is initial. (pred.) ca 3 ka 3 ce 3 (obj.) nio^tttla*. 'The girl,
Example: (indep.) hme sa §i 3 s 9 iq 3 (time) 1 1
they say, bought bread', (obj.) nio 4 $ti2 la i -s'o l

9
k ia i nka 3 ca 2 khoia 13 'What work would I
. (pred.) ca 3 ka 3 ce 3 (subj.) coHi 3 'Bread, they .

do, when-if I go?' (indep.) 9 a 3 nta 3 thi U9 ni 3 say, the girl bought', (pred.) ca 3 ka 3 ce 3 -so l
(ttfca-clause) nka k 9 $
3 3
ki ni k 9 qi
3 2 3
. 'Is it good (obj.) nioWla* (subj.) coHi 3
. 'The girl
that you killed a dead one (murdered)?' bought, they say, bread'.
9. Clause. All clauses which fill the ob- 9.1.1. Declarative clauses are the most
ligatory slot of a sentence are independent. common of the clause types. The types differ
All which fill one of the optional slots of a from one another by the verbs which are
sentence are dependent. used and by the obligatory absence of an
9.1. Types of clause. There are six types object in intransitive clauses, and the ob-
of independent clauses, and the predicate is ligatory absence of a subject in impersonal
obligatory to all. Included within the predi- clauses. The interrogative phrase is obliga-
cate is a fused subject and sometimes a fused torily absent from all three types.
recipient. One clause type differs from 9.1.1.1. Declarative transitive clauses
another by the lists of verbs used in the must have a transitive verb. It may have
predicate, and by the relationship of the any of the optional phrases but the inter-
predicate to the other grammatical phrases, rogative one. Examples: (obj.) na 3 hno 3
which are optional, obligatorily absent, or (pred.) ti
2
va 3 ne 3 -le* (recipient) na*-naA . 'I

also obligatory. wash clothes for my mother', (obj.) hnko 3

The grammatical phrases other than the nka i hao i (pred.) ca 39 nki 3 (subj.) choHa*. 'The
predicate are: independent subject, object, people dug a hole', (pred.) IPkoi 3 nta 3 si koi?- l

instrumental, independent recipient, loca- nta*. 'He doesn't take care of (it) well'.

tion, time, quantifier, manner, specifier, in- 9.1.1.2.Declarative intransitive

terrogative. clauses must have an intransitive verb.
Although there are eleven of these which The object is obligatorily absent. Examples:
may be used in a clause, I have never found (instr.) nco*ko* (pred.) ka2 vha 3? ai 3 -ni 3 (loc.)
all of them in the same clause. One bit of 9
In the examples in this section, the function of
narrative monologue contained 145 inde- each phrase has been indicated in parentheses.

319
 )

LIXGUISTICS

te*hao*. 'On foot he arrived in Huautla'. (spec.) si 3 t 9 a 3 c 9 e* n 9 ai 3 -na l 'Let their hearts
.

(time) k°ia A (pred.) ki 3 (loc.) ntPcP (subj.) understand concerning our inclusive father',
na*-le*. 'Then his mother went to market', (pred.) ka 2 ta 3 ma 3 nta 3 ya 3 (obj.) 9 nti1 -na i
(pred.) ncha 1 vhP*-no 3 (recipient) h(f (subj.) (time) )U aP-vP. 'Let my son get better now',
9

ntia i2 . The road goes hard for you'. ('Walk- (pred.) ka 2 ta 3 nca 3 (loc.) ija*-ve
A
. 'Let them
ing is hard for you'.) stay there'.
9.1.1.3 Declarative impersonal clauses 9.1.3. Equation \l clauses all have as an
must have an impersonal verb. It differs obligatory part the equational-predieate
from the transitive and intransitive clauses phrase, and in this respect they differ from
in that the subject is obligatorily absent. the declarative, imperative and demonstra-
(These claused are most easily translated tive clauses. They differ from one another
into English as a passive verb with subject, according to the tiller of that obligatory part.
but in Maiatec the noun phrase patten - - Any equational clause may have an inde-
an object. For example, it may have a rela- pendent subject and perhaps one other part,
tive phrase as tiller of the object slot but seldom do they have more than that.
§10.2.8.) Another difference is the frequency (For a discussion of equational verbs see
of the recipient phrase. An intransitive clause 511.1.1.)
only nally has a recipient pi The appearance equational clause may
whereas it is one of t! frequent parts have a recipient, but that part is obligatorily
of an impersonal claw - pred. absent from other equational clauses. Ex-
with dep. amples: equa.-pred.) nta 3 co 3 -le* (subj.)
(recipient I

lorn-drii ed to
1
(recipient) moVta*. 'Huautla appears
all', (pred. with dep. re. I <P (obj.) good to Mary'. ('Mary likes Huautla'.)
nahita* (specifier) h*1 •
1
mj\ -w Examples of the adjectival equational
is wanted by me for my boy', (pred. with clause: (equa.-pred.' it 3 (subj.) /</</ sp fcOG,*-

dep. rec. 00 - .';-.•'

I
-
.:
:

obj.) 'Much is the money that's needed'.

will not boil : (equa.-pred. 1
Llmi khp.
1
'It is very far'.

[MPKRATm
9.1.2. ses differ < i.\i from if the Dumerative equational
declarative clauses in the COmposil ion of the clause: (equa.-pred.) hair nuP-nP (subj.)
verb and in the low frequency of an inde- K
ch<> tn
K
. There are two people', (equa.-pred.)
pendent subject. In.; Irknp nki There are not many'.
differ from one another in way that i the copulative equational
declarative clause types differ. clause: (equa.-pred.) rhn* 2 nta1'. 'I'm a
! a U I
''. - of imperative transitive cl woman', -qua. pied, he- up (subj.) sp i
t'P-

pred.) tPntai 13 (t: .•

l
>*. Buy now'. nka* °mp. ''That's the one called "pig".'
(pred. with dep. ree.) tPhe -lai* (obj.) l
9.1.4. DeMONSTRATTVX CLAUSES differ
nta* (rec.) nPna 1
. 'Ask for grace from God'. from the declarative, imperative, and equa-
(
'subj.) a'li1 hi 3 h>/ h<>m\ 'Don't tional in that they have two obligatory parts
you talk' lth dep. ree '
nai 13 — the predicate phrase and another which is

(obj.) tqy '-pee;: ;

°ntP-na*. the part under attention. demon- It is this

'Count out money for me for my son'. strative part which is first in the clause, and
2
1 tm pies of imperative intransitive if it is a noun it must be accompanied by he

dauee: (pred.) thin doc.) cV Let's 1

'this, that'. Subject, object, instrumental
go to the judge's', (loc) a 3 lr hi/ (pred |W and other part- can be specified in this

i\ Don't come here again'.

'

Examples of imperative impersonal d The demonstrative clause also differs

(pred.) to>to*mo,co4yo>-fe4 (obj.) niA ma*-le* from the others in that H 3

is an obligatory

320
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

part of the predicate, but the si

3
must follow in that it is —
dependent it does not occur
the demonstrative item, and therefore in a alone, even in an utterance-response situ-
clause with optional parts it may be noncon- ation. When the
preceding anything 9 a 3 is

tiguous to the verb. but the predicate phrase, it occurs in a

Examples: (subj.) he- cfw*ta* (pred.) H 3
ki 3 . demonstrative clause. When preceding the
'That's the person who went', (obj.) he 2
so A predicate, it may occur in anything but a
(pred.) §i 3 ti v 9 e
x x
skia 4 (subj.) choHa*. 'That's demonstrative or imperative clause.
the paper the man is reading', (subj.) 9 a 3 li2 Examples: (inter.) 9 a 3 (subj.) he 2 choHa 4
4
ca- he 2 cho ta i
(pred.) si 3 khe 2 . 'It's not that (pred.) §i 3 ki 3 'Is this the person who went'?
.

man who eats'. (inter.) 9 a 3 (recipient) 9 q 32 (pred.) Si 3 si4 ki 3 -

9.1.5. Interrogative clauses differ from ncha 4 -nai x3 . 'Am I the one you are making
the others in that they must have an inter- talk'? (inter.) 9 a 3 (equa.-pred.) hao 2 ma 3
-ni 3 .
rogative phrase as well as a predicate phrase. 'Are there two'? (inter.) 9 a 3 (equa.-pred.) ci2
The clause may have transitive, intransitive, ca 2 nta 3 'Isn't
. it good'?
impersonal, or equational verbs. When, how- When a yes-no question is asked, the
ever, hme 1
'what', 9 ya x 'who', or hna l -le* thing about which the information is desired
'which' is the interrogative used, the clause is contiguous to the interrogative. Examples:
must be a demonstrative one. (inter.) 9 a 3 (obj.) he2 §q 4 (pred.) si 3 kdWa?-
The interrogative phrase occurs initial in lai
4
. 'Is this the paper you gave him'?
the clause and the thing about which the (inter.) 9 a3 (subj.) hi 32 (pred.) si
3
ka 2 v 9 ai?-
4
question is asked immediately follows. There- lai . 'Are you the one who gave to him'?
fore the order of the various phrases varies in (inter.) 9a3 (pred.) ka 2 v 9 ai2 -lai i (obj.) Sg A .

accordance with the question asked. 'Did you give him paper'?
Examples: (inter.) 9 ya x (subj.) cho i2 (pred.) 9.2. Dependent clauses are fillers of the
si
3
ti
x
'What woman is
va 3ne x (obj.) na hno 3 3
. optional slots of a sentence. They are: if-

washing clothes?' (inter.) hme (obj.) na 3hno 3 x

clause, but-clause, purpose, manner, result,
42
(pred.) si 3 ti va 3 ne (subj.) chQ 'What x x
. time, limiting,although-clausc, and nka-
clothes is the woman washing?' (inter.) clause. Each has an introducer plus one of
c9 q
4 4
hna x
-le (equa.-pred.) si
3
. 'Which is the clause types as described in §9.1. The de-
s9
3 4
mine?' (inter.) hme 1
(pred.) si \q -ni
3
clarative types are themost frequent, but a
4
(instr.) si
3 x
thi -li ve
2
. 'What do you do with few demonstrative, equational, and third
what you have'? person imperative are also used. There are
When hna x
'where', ho 1 'how', k ? ia7 'when', none in my data with second person impera-
9 a x -ni 3 'why' are filling the interrogative slot, tive, and none are interrogative. When the

the clause is other than demonstrative. Ex- demonstrative construction is a part of a de-
amples: (inter.) k 9 ia 7 (pred.) khoa29 ai4 -ni 3 . pendent clause, the he 2 'this, that' is not
'When will you come back'? (inter.) ho 1 obligatory.
4
(equa.-pred.) khqq 3 (loc.) ya nta he
42 x
. 'How 9.2.1.The nka-CLAVSE follows the clause
is it there in Rio Santiago'? to which it is subordinate. The meaning of
When 9 a 1
-ni 3 'why' is used, it is, in general, nka 3 is 'subordination'. Any other meaning is
x
in cross reference to -si ni
3
which is part of derived from the context. Examples: (indep.
the verb. Examples: (inter.) 9 a x -ni (pred.)
3
impersonal) li2 koi 3 kgq z hti 3 -le A ct 3 /r0 3 .so 4 /?/, a - - I

k 9 oa 4 to ko
4 3
ce_
3
-si
x
ni na 3 x
(subj.) chQ
42
. 'Why is
4 3 3 2
ve (nfoz-clause) nka he ki c 9 ai -le khoa thao
3 4 4 2
.

the woman looking at us like that'? 'The river gods did not get angry because/
The most common filler of the interroga- when gifts were given to them', (indep.
tive slot is 9 a
3
'indicator of a yes-no ques- transitive) koi 3 ha 39 q{ -ve4 si che 2x na i? mi 3 x x
,

(nfca-clause) nka 3 va 3 te nta he 2 9 nti -ve

K
tion'. It differs from the other interrogatives 1
'The
x x
.

321
 LINGUISTICS

priest uses that name because, when he impersonal) k 9 ia 4 s 9 eH 9 a coa -le 4

3 4
ki4ca 4 -le 4 ,

baptizes that baby'. 3 39

s9 e -le
3 3 4
(limiting) ho nka nta sa nta (co-
3 4
,

There is another situation in which nka 3 ordinate limiting) nka 3 ci 2 ti 4v 9 i s 9 a nki 3 -ni 3 x l

may be used. If two like dependent clauses yo4nco 4 -le 4 'Then the horseshoe is measured,
.

are co-ordinate and in sequence, nka 3 may until it fits well, until his hoof is no longer
substitute for the second introducer. (See open underneath'.
§9.2.5 where nka 3 substitutes for the purpose 9.2.7. The manner clause has ho 3 -s9 i2
introducer; see §9.2.6 where it substitutes for 'about how' as introducer. Example: (indep.
the limiting introducer; see §9.2.7 where it demonstrative) he 2 ti
3
si
3
he 3 nta l ti hna
3
si
3 l
,

substitutes for the manner introducer.) khP-le* n 9 ai -le* (nfca-clause) nka 3 si ka 3 s^ l 1

9.2.2. The time clause has k 9 ia 4 nka 3 (manner) ho 3 -s 9 { 2

khoa 4 -lc 4 ,
l 3
ti hna -ni
z
(co- ,

•when' as introducer. Example: (time) k°ia 4 ordinate manner) k 9 oa 4 nka 3 tqo 4 ma 3 ch% 2l -le 4 .

nka 3 he 3 ma 3 ht'
2
-i'i
i
,
(indep. intransitive) 'The boy who is in Tehuacan and who writes
n -ni 3 nka*c9& cfu/ta 4 'When this
itc<>a . is over, send a message about how he
his father to is,

all the people coi and about how he needs money'.

9.2.3. The RESULT CLAUSE has AW 3
nka 3 9.2.8. The 'if'-clause has a*1 'if as intro-
1
'therefore as introducer. Example: (indep. ducer. Examples: ('if' -clause) ca*th$ SthUchp,
impersonal) k9 00t-*9j? rn, 3 -U* £hoHa?$al , (re- (indep. demonstrative) he 2 si 3 sfkornta 4 . 'If
1 3 3
sult) jfeoi nka thiuh''( -ni x
sk<x la 2 4
. 'Thus it is there are relatives, they are the ones who
wanted by the officials, therefore they are take care of him.' (indep. impersonal)
opening schools'. a 3 lrkoi 3 kou 4 ntu 3 -U 4
clnSta 4 ,
(if-clause) ca 2
9.2.4. Tin; 'but'h lai be has U^nka* 'but' kttu? thoHa* K> ma*-W v'ehita*, si si
] 3
-k 4
. The
as introducer.Example: (indep.) kga 3 <
person will not gel belter. If just the people
but-clause) U&nht&kf o&nta -/>
4
<>
4
. who know native (aires take 06X6 of him.
T can give it to you. but you will make a (If-clause) CO1 /.'V Lopi/a (co-ordinate 'if- 1

clause^ k9 oa* <vr /(['/ 1> A ShcHa* kPtht; 4 (indep. ,

">.
The purposi has h» •
transitive) ya* fco*«fl*-n»*fa4. 'If a dead one dies
'in order t<>' as introducer. It ditTers (if there is a murder), and if money is owed,
from the other dependent clauses in that it is judged there'.
1
added to the stem of the verb.
- '» The 'although'-* LAUSB has nta
Examples: (indep. transit:-. - /</ -
dthough' as introducer, Example: (al-

nka 3 nto1 DO1 toVm 0u -na 3 r ? f,

3
though-clatlsei x

°e
3
hna 3 n<iP-si nP l
k°t 3
-r<
A
. "They throw- (indep. intransitive) si sa -nia 13
3 l
'Even
dirt on the coffin in order that the dead he though I am still sick, I work'.
burial well', (indep. impersonal) In-tn 9.2.10. Secondarily dependent clauses
1
fio
l
m> l
-i> \ (purpose) hrnp-np may modify preceding dependent clauses.
ordinate purpose) Examples with secondarily dependent
k 9 oa* nka 3 cr > -V
3
fm 3 bii*cn*-ttn 3 . I.'' clauses have been given in §7.1 and 8.1. (An
the donk( led, in order that alternate solution would treat the second-
all will be well, and that no one will say arily dependent clause as modifying the
anything to me'. predicate of the preceding clause.)
9.2.6. The LIMITING I LAI BE has sn^nla 3 10. Grammatical phrase. I »y special defi-
'until' as introducer. Examples: 'indep nition la-re, a grammatical phrase is filler of a
koa*S{ 3 .
3 3 3 3
(limiting) sa °nta ^aHPkfn ti*k<>a t<
3-
slot in a clause. Any filler of a slot in a clause
na$-ntai (n&a-clause) nka9 h* <'<>* si 3 nta khai 2 3 1
is considered to be a grammatical phrase re-
nka 3 nta 3 spsa T will keep it a long time,
1
. gardless of its internal structure. Sometimes,
until I would not sell again, because the therefore, it is simultaneously a single word,
animal that goes well works well', 'indep. or a word sequence, or even a clause.

322
 ;

HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

10.1. A PREDICATE PHRASE is the filler transitive only occasionally has a dependent
used in the predicate slot of a clause. Predi- recipient (see §11.1.1), whereas it is a fre-
cate phrase types contrast with one another quent part of the impersonal veil) phi:
by the lists of verbs in their obligatory parts. Examples: (intensifier) khai nka 3 (verb) 1

They also differ in the way these list differ- marche21 (dep. rec.) -le*. 'It is very much
ences correlate with permitted-nonpermitted needed by him.' (aux. verb) he 3 (main verb)
occurrence of the optional parts. ki 3 so 3 ko 3 (dep. rec.) -na 3 'It has been found .

10.1.1.Transitive verb phrases differ by me.' (T found it.') (intensifier) kliai nka 3 1

from the others by the list of verbs used. The 3

(modifier) nta (verb) ka (dep. rec.) 3
- le* (obj.
other parts of the phrase are as follows: phrase) c ? a l . 'A load can be carried by him
intensifiers khai 1 nka 3 'very,' n ? \Q l
'forcefully' very well.'
negativizer l&koi (but the intensifier and the
3
10.1.4. Adjectival phrases (those oc-
negativizer do not occur in the same phrase) curring in the equational-predieate slot of
-so 1 'it is indicated'; one of several modifiers, the adjectival eqnational clause) have an
nta 3 'well,' SaHi 1 'soon', etc.; to*- 'only'; adjective or possessive pronoun as an ob-
aspectual auxiliary verb he 3 'done,' ma 3 'it is ligatory part. In addition it may have an
acceptable', etc. ;
go-come auxiliary verb vhi2 intensifier, or a negative. The dependent
'goes', vha 3? ai 3 'arrives', etc.; the obligatory recipient is obligatorily absent.
main verb; locational, -vi* 'here', etc. ; empha- Examples: (intensifier) khai nka 3 (adj.)
1

sis -* ? ni
3
c ? qi* 'You are very
3
'of course', etc. (subj. phrase) hi -vi*.

Examples of transitive verb phrases: bad', (neg.) IPkoi 3 (poss. pronoun) c ? q*

3 3 3
(neg.) li
2
koi 3 (indicator) -so 1 (verb) ki choa . (subj. phrase) ci?to -ve*. 'That cat is not
'They say he didn't give (it)', (aux. verb) mine.' (intensifier) khai 1
nka 3 (adj.) nta 3 .

koai* (main verb) ka 3 ko 'He will go to show l

. 'It is very good.'
(it)'. 10.1.5. Appearance verb phrase (those
10.1.2. Intransitive verb phrases have a occurring in the equational-predieate slot of
different list of verbs from the transitive the appearance equational clause) have two
phrase, but they have similar optional parts. obligatory parts. The first is an adjective,
In the intransitive verb phrase, however, the or — infrequently — a noun. The second ob-
intensifiers and the auxiliary verb ma 'it is one of the three verbs, khi 3
3
ligatory part is

acceptable' are used with greater frequency. 'appearance, in respect to singular things',
(Xote that the transitive and intransitive khoa 3 'appearance, in respect to plural things',
3
verbs differ also in respect to the correlation cq 'appearance, in respect to climate', etc.
of optional presence or obligatory absence of There is obligatory absence of auxiliary verbs
an independent object. This occurs outside and modifiers, but there is optional occur-
the predicate phrase, but within the transi- rence of the dependent recipient.
tive and intransitive clauses.) Examples: (adj.) ?tta 3 -la* (verb) cq 3 (loc.
Examples of intransitive verb phrases: phrase) ya*. 'It's probably pretty there.'
3 3
(intensifier) khai nka (modifier) nta (verb) 1
(adj.) cW (verb) khi^ya* 'I'm ugly', (in-
l
si sa 'He works very well', (neg.) W-koi 3
l
.
ter, phrase) 9 a 3 (adj.) nta 3 (verb) khi 3 (dep.
(aux. verb) ma 3
(main verb) l
si $a
l
. 'He is not rec.) -li
2
. 'Does it look good to you?' ('Do
23
able to work', (verb) katncoai (emph.) you like it'?) (noun) choHa* (verb) fcfe*. 'It
3
-* ?
ni . 'You came of course'. looks like a man'.
10.1.3. Impersonal verb phrases differ 10.1.6. NUMERATTVE VERB PHRASES (those

from other verb phrases in that there is occurring in the equational-predieate slot of
obligatory absence of both dependent and the nuinerative equational clause) have two
independent subject. It also differs from obligatory parts. The first is a numeral or
the intransitive verb phrase in that the in- some kind of measure. The second is the
323
 —

LINGUISTICS

verb ma 3
'is, in relation to quantity'. There kind of measure'; ? nti l 'dear little'; the
is obligatory absence of auxiliary verbs and obligatory part —a noun ni 39 ya 3 'house',
modifiers. (This verb should not be con- na 4hca l
'grandmother', etc. (see §11.1.2);
fused with the impersonal verb ma 3 'it is -vi* 'here', -ve* 'there'.
acceptable', or 'possible', which may occur Examples: (subj.) he 2 9 nti l §ai9 nta49 nti ]
-

as a complete utterance.) ve* (pred.) khfnki 3

(obj.) skoa 4
-le
A
. 'Those
Examples: (numeral) hao2 (verb) ma 3 -ni 3 dear little chicks eat the fallen pieces'.
(subj. phrase) cho 4 ta*. 'There are two people'. (subj.) 7ika c 9
3
i
3
choHa'-ue 4 (pred.) ki 3 . 'All
nkhi 2 ma 3 -ni 3 'There are many'.. the people there went', (pred.) choa l
-le
4
(obj.)
10.1.7. Copulative verb phrases (those ca 2 hnko 3 ca* hao 2 ko l
lo
l
. 'He gives them
occurring in the equational-predicate slot of perhaps one perhaps two turkeys'.
the copulative equational clause) have two If the noun has a third person possessive
obligatory parts. The first is a noun, a pronoun (see §11.1.2), it may be followed
pronoun, a possessive pronoun, or — occa- by another noun. Examples: (subj.) choHa 2 -
sionally—an adjective. The second is the ha 3 -h A ti
3
(pred.) ki 3 (o 2 ka 3
'The boy's mule .

1
verb ni 1
'is, in relation to quality There . ran', (manner) k 9 oa 4 -s9 i 2 (pred.) si khe 3 t 9 a 3 - l

3 4 4 4
is obligatory absence of the dependent re- ni (subj.) fcAooVt'&t'-fc
4
cho ta na i
Zi na 3 nta l -

cipient. t(Vui<>\ 'Thus is finished off the wedding of

Examples: (noun) chi*-nc*ya l
(verb) ni 1
the Huautla people'.
(subj. phrase) ht 2
rluSta*. 'That person is a There may be coordinate noun phrases in
carpenter', (noun) artP-na* (verb) at1 . 'She either the object or the subject slot. The
is my daughter', (pronoun orb) nia
1
*. co-ordmator is had* 'and'. Example: (pred.)
Tin the one'. neha1 mpa 2 -le i kao 4 ko 2 rre 4 -le 4
hg 3
(obj.) .

10.1.8. Di.monsi k \ 1 ivk VERB PHRASES dif- 'They wash the hands of their compadre
fer from the other types in that an intro- and oomadre.'
ducer, W 'the one which', i- obligatory. The noun phrase may be discontinuous.
,:
mibj. phi (intro- In the following example part of the object
ducer ru '
(ohj. phrase) na 3 - precedes the predicate, and part follows.
hno 3
. 'That's the woman who's washing Example: (ohj. ht 2 koUo -ve* (pred.) rhi 2 )
l
-

1
cloth kn :
rii
l
-h* (recipient) rnpoMe (obj.) hao* hao 1
4 42
10.2. TYPES Of Bl BJBCT \M> on 01 ni si4 4
ni<> ti -, i/at^kprha 1
-, na^hmc*-, skoa 4 -
FILLERS. Six types ot" fillers are used in the •
-'.
'That turkey there they take to

Subject and or object slots of a clause. They compadre and two baskets of tamales,
their
contrast one from another by the h>t of ami cooked meat, and corn, and ground
items which fill their obligatory part, and coffee.'
also by the n-lat ionship of their constituent 10. 2. 2. Pronoun phrases may be used
parts. The various type- follow. BS filler of a subject or object slot. Since,
10.2.1. NOUN PHRASES are the mo-t com- however, there is always a dependent pro-
mon filler and may be made up of the fol- noun fused to the verb (third person is

lowing parts: ra 2
'perhap-' (this tfl trans- . when the independent pronoun occurs
lated 'if when used as the introducer of a it adds emphasis. They are: 9 q 3 T, hi 3 'you',

see §9.2.8); far -

1
'only': hi- 'this, that', or he2 'he, she, it, they', na> 'we inclusive',
4
hi 4 h<ii 4 /hi -hi h(u -hi
4 4 4
jbot
1
'that previously identified' (this is trans- (free variation) 'we
lated 'therefore' when the introducer of a exclusive', ho2 'you plural'. Optional addi-
clause, see $9.2.3); hnko 3 'one, a'; nka 3c9 i 3 tions preceding the pronoun are: nka 3 (the
'all, in relation to people', nka 3 3
yi h(
3
'all, in combination is more emphatic than the pro-
relation to things', hao 2 'two', etc.. 'some noun alone), and nta 3 ca 2 'even', as in nla 3

324
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

car 9 q 3 'even I\ Optional additions following 10.2.6. M

PLUS DECLARATIVE PHRASE. One
3

the pronoun are: -§o l

'it is indicated'; -la 2 type of It-phrase has the introducer, si 3
4
'maybe'; -vi* 'here', -ve 'there'. 'the one which', plus a declarative clause.
Example: 9 3
(pred. phrase) ka 2 - It occurs more frequently as
(pro.) q filler of the
va 3 ne 3 ya 23 ,
(pro.) hi 3 (pred. phrase) karviHoi 3 object slot than it does as filler of the subject
(obj. phrase) nch^-ve 4 washed, you boiled . 'I slot.
the sweet.' (pred.) khoia 13 (pro. phrase) nka 3 Examples: (time) k 9 ia 4 (pred.) koa 3hnkia 3
9 3
q . 'I'm going'. (obj.-sz'-phrase) si
3
koaHe 3 9 nti 1 ka 3 vhe?-ve4 .

Possessive pronoun phrases

10.2.3. 'Then I will look for one who will cut that
have a possessive pronoun in the obligatory dear little coffee.' (manner) HHhq 2 (pred.)
part. They are: c9 e4 'his', c 9 q4 'mine', ci* vi
3
nta 32 (obj. -&*-phrase) Si 3 he 3 me 3 v 9 e l
chao 42 .

42 4
'yours', cq 'ours inclusive', cqi -h{
4
'ours 'First we buy one that is almost now laying
exclusive', cqo43 'yours plural'. Optional addi- eggs.'
tion, -la 2 'maybe'. Example: (pred. phrase) 10.2.7. SI 3
PLUS POSSESSIVE PRONOUN OR
ca 3ka 3ce 3 (poss. pro.) c9 q4 'He bought mine'. . possessed noun. A second type of Sz'-phrase
10.2.4. Demonstrative clauses may be has the introducer, si 3 'the one which', plus
used as a filler of the subject or object slot. a possessive pronoun or possessed noun. Ex-
It differs from that used as a filler of the ample: (time) k 9 ia 4 (pred.) ncha 4 (subj.-sz-
obligatory sentence slot (see §9.1.4) in that phrase) si 3 nai 3 -le 4 co 4 ta 2ha 3 'Then the owner .

here the demonstrative he 2 'this' is optional. of the mule speaks.'

Examples: (obj.-dem. clause) he sq 4 si 3 10.2.8. Relative phrases may fill the
choa -^ 4 cho 4 la4 sa
1 l
,
(pred.) choa l -le 4 (recipient) object, but not the subject, slot of a clause.
na4? mi 3 'The paper that the officials gave to
. They are introduced by a relative pronoun,
them, they gave to the priest.' (pred.) khai 1 hme 3 'what', 9 ya 3 'who', or ho 3 'how', and is
nka 3 nta 3 vhi 2 (subj.-dem. clause) bohro si 3 1
followed by a noun, a noun phrase, or a
ca 3 k9 e 2hna 3so2 to 3 ma 2 'Goes very well, the . sz-phrase.
donkey that Thomas rode.' (manner) k 9 oa 4 - Examples: (obj. -relative phrase) ho 3 ye 4
s 9 \ (pred.) sPkheWa^ni (subj.-dem. clause
2 3
(pred.) ma 3
-na 3
. 'To me it seems a snake.'
with included time clause) s ? oi si 3 se 3hna 3 -le 4 1
(T thought it was a snake'.) (pred.) ka 2 ta 3 -
k 9 ia 4 nka 3 hnko 3 khoa 4 vi 3 5q 3 s 9 e 3 -le 4 sli 3 -le 4 . co 2 -li 2 (obj. -relative phrase) hme 3 he si 3 ka 2 - 1

s9
3
'Thus is finished off the party which is had {
l
-na . 'Let him tell you what harm he did
by them when their children have a wedding.' to me'.
(subj.-dem. clause) he2 choHa4 si3 s9 a
4
ha 39 ai 3 10.3. Instrumental fillers may be a
(pred.) li
l
co 2
. 'The person who just came is noun or a specifier phrase (see §10.2, 10.5).
saying (it).' In general it is in cross reference to the
10.2.5. Demonstrative noun phrases morpheme-ra' 3 which is part of the verb
are composed of a noun, or a pronoun, plus which follows it.
3
si one which', plus another noun, pos-
'the Examples: -noun phrase) hnko 3 ya
(instr. 1

sessive pronoun, or possessed noun. (pred. with included ni 3 ) ca 3 k 9 e -ni3 le4 'He x
.

Examples: (pred.) te 2 (subj.-dem. noun hit him with a stick', (instr.-noun phrase)
phrase) mi2 yo4 -le4 si 3 § 9 i 4 'The friends of the toQ skoa4 (pred. with included ni 3 ) t 9 e2 chi -
4 l
.

man (the groom's friends) dance.' (subj. ni3 nai 13 . 'Pay me with change.' (instr.-

-dem. noun phrase) he2 si 3 n 9 ai 3 -le4 kao4 specifier phrase) to

4
t
9 a 3 ci 4 (pred. with in-

si
3
na 4
-le
4 9
nti (pred.) vha 2 kao4 (obj.) mpa 2 -
l
,
cluded ni 3 ) ki3 -ni 3 (loc.) nki 3cao 3 'Because of
.

le
4
'He. who is the father, and (she) who is you, he went to the ranch.'
mother of the baby, talk with their com- Independent recipient fillers may
10.4
padre.' be a pronoun or noun phrase. These occur

325
 —

LINGUISTICS

verb ma 3
'is, There
in relation to quantity'. kind of measure'; 9 nti l 'dear little'; the
is obligatory absence of auxiliary verbs and obligatory part —a noun ni 3? ya 3 'house',
modifiers. (This verb should not be con- rtarhda1 'grandmother', etc. (see §11.1.2);
fused with the impersonal verb ma 3
'it is -vi
4
'here', -ve
4
'there'.
acceptable', or 'possible', which may occur Examples: (subj.) he2 ? nti sai? ntai? nti - 1 l

A
as a complete utterance.) ve (pred.) khfnki 3 (obj.) skoaUe\ 'Those
Examples: (numeral) hao 2 (verb) ma 3 -ni 3 dear little chicks eat the fallen pieces',
(subj. phrase) choHa*. 'There are two people'. (subj.) nka 3 c 9 i
3
choW-ve* (pred.) ki 3 . 'All
nkhi 2 }?ia 3 -ni 3 'There are many'.
. the people there went', (pred.) choal-le* (obj.)
10.1.7. Copulative verb phrases (those car hnko 3 car hao 2 ko lo 'He gives them l l
.

occurring in the equational-predicate slot of perhaps one perhaps two turkeys'.

the copulative equational clause") have two If the noun has a third person possessive
obligatory parts. The first is a noun, a pronoun (see §11.1.2), it may be followed
pronoun, a possessive pronoun, or occa- — by another noun. Examples: (subj.) choHa 2 -
sionally —
an adjective. The second is the ha 3 -hA ti
3
tpred.) ki 3 to 2 ka 3
'The boy's mule .

verb ni 'is, in relation to quality'. There

l
ran', (manner) k 9 oa*-s9 ( 2 (pred.) sNheWa 3 -
is obligatory absence of the dependent re- ni 3 (subj.) khoa*i>P*u 3 -le 4 choHa i na i si i na 3 nta l
-

cipient. tiVuv>\ 'Thus is finished off the wedding of

Examples: (noun) SnirWrya} (verb) ni l
the Huautla people".
(subj. phrase") he 2
cho*la*. 'That person is a There may be co-ordinate noun phrases in
carpenter'. noun) crtP-na* (verb) ni
I
1
. She- either the object or the subject slot. The
is my daughter', (pronoun) 'q1 (verb) rtsa
u . co-ordinator is kao* 'and'. Example: (pred.)
"I'm the one'. 'ho 3 (obj.) ncha* mpa 2 -lc A kao 4
ko2 rre*-lc*.
10.1.8. DEMONSTRATIVE VERB I'Hrasks dif- They wash the hands of their compadre
fer from the other types in that an intro- and comadre.'
ducer. si 3 'the one which', is obligatory. The noun phrase may be discontinuous.
Example: (subj. phi rho*- (intro- In the following example part of the object
ducer i
n< '
(obj. phrase) na 3-
precedes the predicate, and part follows.
htin 3 . That's the woman who's washing Example: (obj.) ht 2
ko l
lo -re* ]
(pred.) rhi 2 -
2
cloth kii ni l
-It* (recipient) >np<r-le* (obj.) kao* hao*
10. 2. TYPES of BUBJBCT WD ok OBJECT m*si* nio*li A2 -, yao 3 ki 3 chq 1
-, na*hmc 1
-, skoa*-
FILLKKs. Six types of fillers are used m the ka rhc3 2
. 'That turkey there they lake to
subject and or object slots of a clause. They their compadre and two baskets of tamales,
contrast one from another by the list of and cooked meat, and corn, and ground
items which fill their obligatory part, and coffee.
1

also by the relationship of their constituent 10.2.2. Pronoun phrases may be used
parts. The various type- follow. as filler of a subject or object slot. Since,
10.2.1. NOUN PHRASES are the mod com- however, there is always a dependent pro-

mon filler and may lie made up of the fol- noun fused to the verb (third person is
lowing parts: ra 2 'perhaps' (this is trans- zero), when the independent pronoun occurs
lated if when used as the introducer of a it adds emphasis. They are: 9
q
3
T, hi 3 'you',
m; A-/
4
- -only'; h, 2
'this, that', or her 'he, she, it, they', nor 'we inclusive',
hop 'that previously identified 1 (this is Trans- K
h\ lha\ lhl*-h\ lh({\
K K K
-\\\
K
(free variation) 'we
lated 'therefore' when the introducer of a exclusive', ho2 'you plural'. Optional addi-
clause, see §9.2.3); hnko 3 'one, a'; nka 3 c 9 i 3 tions preceding the pronoun are: nka 3 (the
is more emphatic than the pro-
3 3
'all, in relation to people', nka 3
yi he 'all, in combination
relation to things', hao 2 'two', etc., 'some noun alone), and nta 3 ca 2 'even', as in nta 3

324
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

ca 2 ? q 3 'even I'. Optional additions following 10.2.6. Si* PLUS ]>!•:< lakative l'n hash. One
the pronoun are: -So 1
'it is indicated'; -la 2 type of ft-phrase has the introducer, si 3
4 4
'maybe'; -vi 'here', -ve 'there'. 'the one which', plus declarative clause. ;i

,?
Example: (pro.) a 3
(pred. phrase) ka 2 - It occurs more frequently as filler of the
va 3 ne 3 ya 23 ,
(pro.) hi 3 (pred. phrase) kah/P&oP object slot than it does as filler of the subject
4
(obj. phrase) nch^-ve . 'I washed, you boiled slot.

the sweet.' (pred.) khoia 13 (pro. phrase) nka 3 Examples: (time) k ? ia 4 (pred.) koa'hnkia*
? 3
'I'm going'. (obj. -^-phrase) si
3
koa4 te 3 ? nti l kah<he2 -ve4
q . .

Possessive pronoun* phrases

10.2.3. 'Then I will look for one who will cut that
have a possessive pronoun in the obligatory dear little coffee.' (manner) tiHfuf (pred.)
part. They are: c ? e 4 'his', c 9 q 4 'mine', ci* vi
3
nta 32 (obj.-.v -phrase) Si 3 he 3 me 3 i ? e l
chao 42 .

'yours', cq 42 'ours inclusive', cqi 4 -h{ 4 'ours 'First we buy one that is almost now laving
exclusive', cqQ i3 'yours plural'. Optional addi- eggs.'
tion, -la 2 'maybe'.Example: (pred. phrase) 10.2.7. H 3 PLUS POSSESSIVE PRONOUN OR
ca ka ce (poss. pro.) c? q 4 'He bought mine'.
3 3 3
. POSSESSED NOUN. A second type of .^'-phrase
10.2.4. Demonstrative clauses may be has the introducer, Si 3 'the one which', plus
used as a filler of the subject or object slot. a possessive pronoun or possessed noun. Ex-
It differs from that used as a filler of the ample: (time) k ? ia 4 (pred.) ncha 4 (subj.-«-
obligatory sentence slot (see §9.1.4) in that phrase) H 3 nai 3 -le 4 co 4 ta 2ha 3 'Then the owner .

here the demonstrative he 2 'this' is optional. of the mule speaks.'

Examples: (obj.-dem. clause) he sq* §i
3
10.2.8. Relative phrases may fill the
4 4 4 4
choa l
-le cho ta sa\ (pred.) choa l
-le (recipient) object, but not the subject, slot of a clause.
na 4? mi 3 'The paper that the officials gave to
. They are introduced by a relative pronoun,
them, they gave to the priest.' (pred.) khai 1
hme 3 'what', ? ya 3 'who', or ho 3 'how', and is
nka 3 nta 3 vhi 2 (subj.-dem. clause) bo^ro Si 3 1
followed by a noun, a noun phrase, or a
ca 3 k? e 2 hna 3s(f to 3 ma 2 'Goes very well, the . sz'-phrase.

donkey that Thomas rode.' (manner) k 9 oa4 - Examples: (obj. -relative phrase) ho 3 ye 4
s? i
2
(pred.) si khe t 9 a -ni l 3 3 3
(subj.-dem. clause (pred.) ma 3
-na 3
. 'To me it seems a snake.'

with included time clause) s ? oi

l
si
3
se
3
hna 3 -le4 ('I thought it was a snake'.) (pred.) ka 2 la 3 -
k ? ia 4 nka 3 hnko 3 khoa 4 vi 3 Zq 3 s ? e -le
3 4
Ui 3 -le 4 . co 2 -li 2 (obj. -relative phrase) hme 3 he U 3 ka 2 - 1

s? i you what harm he did

3
'Thus is finished off the party which is had i
-na . 'Let him tell

by them when their children have a wedding.' to me'.

(subj.-dem. clause) he2 choHa4 §i3 s? a 4 ha 3? ai* 10.3. Instrumental fillers may be a

(pred.) ti
l
co2 . 'The person who just came is noun or a specifier phrase (see §10.2, 10.5).
saying (it).' In general it is in cross reference to the
10.2.5. Demonstrative noun phrases morpheme-m' 3 which is part of the verb
are composed of a noun, or a pronoun, plus which follows it.
si
3
'the one which', plus another noun, pos- Examples: (instr. -noun phrase) hnko 3 ya 1

sessive pronoun, or possessed noun. (pred. with included fit )

3
ca k?e -ni 3 le4
3 l
. 'He
Examples: (pred.) te
2
(subj.-dem. noun hit him with a stick', (instr. -noun phrase)
4 4
(pred. with included ni 3 ) ? e 2 <~lti
§?
4 4 4
phrase) mi yo 2
-le si
3
i . 'The friends of the tqo skoa l
l
-

man (the groom's friends) dance.' (subj. ni nai 3 13

. 'Pay me with change.' (instr.-
3 4 9 a 3 ci 4 with
-dem. noun phrase) he2 si n?ai 3 -le 4 kao4 specifier phrase) to t (pred. in-
3 3 3
(pred.) vha kao (obj.) mpa
4 3 3
si
3
na -le 4 4 ? nti l
,
2 2-
cluded ni ) ki -ni (loc.) nki cao . 'Because of
le 'He who is the father, and (she) who is
4
. you, he went to the ranch.'
mother of the baby, talk with their com- 10.4 Independent recipient fillers may
padre.' be a pronoun or noun phrase. These occur

325
 '

LINGUISTICS

in cross reference toone of the dependent 9 ntPk 9 e 3 'They put the dear-little-dead
. in
recipients which are fused with the de- a box.'
pendent subject (see §11.1.1). (3) The limiting phrase has the introducer
30
Examples: (pred. with intrans. verb and sa nta 3 9 nta 3 'as far as'. It is followed by a
.

dep. rec.) ska*-lP (indep. rec.) hP. 'It will noun. Example: (time) k 9 ia A (pred.) sP-ka 3 -
fall in reference to you.' ('You will drop it.') se l (loc.) 9 nta 3 hncP (obj.) cfw 4 ta 4 -ie i9 nP.
(pred. with trans, verb and dep. rec.) kp- 'Then they send the person to Teotitlan'.
Mcha^-le* (obj.) nhiqryao 3 (indep. rec.) tP. (4) The where-phrase is introduced by
3
'She cooked meat tamales for the boy', (pred. hfla 'where' or ya* hfuP 'there where'. It is

with impersonal verb and dep. rec.) IPkoP followed by a declarative intransitive or im-
m( 3 -na 3 (indep. rec.) 9 a 3 . 'It is not wanted personal clause. Examples: (pred.) thqpka 3 -
by me'. shao 3 (loc.) hnci 3 (hi 1
na 3 nta l
. 'Go look where
10.5 Specifiku PHRASBB are the filler of there is water', (pred.) kpkao* (loc.) ya4
3 3 3
the specifier slot. It lias two obligatory hna tPhna n (U -U\ 'They went with (it)
parte *Pt 9 a 3 or t
9a 3 plus a possessive pro- to where his father is'.
noun. 10.8 I\ iikkoo \Tivi; BLOT riLLBBS were
mple: (pred. with dep. rec.) sPh- discussed in §9.1.5.
(obj.) khoiPnt'P (spec.) W r./W c»-tP. T u>.'.>. Time blot fillbbs are of five types.
ask a favor of you for the girl'. (obj.) h>-- \ time phrase has an obligatory time
i>* kfmtpntip (pred.) sP »Phe li (spec.) (*a <'\ 4
word, which optionally may be preceded
rbiM,Psn {

. 'That is the favor that I BJ by

,
s<P' ht<r' ''iiIjP 'since, until'. Some of tin 4

the officials. tune words are: nCaP-ip 'today', nl;o 3 hn(P

10.6. Mannsr fillbrs are ol two '. erday', k"i>P 'then'. Examples: (time)
1 The manner phrase hafl an obligatory nip (pred.) /.r\ 'He went yesterday'.
manner word. Sonic of them are: Utknkc? '

tii
[
°nt<P nkiSh/uP. 'Has it been missing
'once', tr-thn- 'first' /;•'
thus'. r.\ since yesterday?'
\ noun phi mple: (pred.) r<P-
.-
(obj.) tnV Thus 1
dime) hriLi'
1

nPth>*. 'They stay

he obeys anything he i- told.' (manner) awake with (him |
one [light.'
"
' (pred. '
A demonstrative clause. Example:
1
Nice more their friends gather.' (tune //.'- itpchp sp i^i^fi/KprixP-le* mpi/<>* li\
The equality phrase has the intro- 1
prci i -l.-iPr'P. 'The day that
ducer hn*rip 'as' plus a noun phi he tells his friends, everybody gathers.'
-
(manner) I When a .-'(phrase is used as a Ciller of
Be reap ta 1 - be would) the time slot, there is usually an auxiliary
verb with a completed aspect. The main
10.7. Location blotfhueb8 are of four verb is frequently followed by J^iiP 'then'.
types. 1 Tin' location phrase has an ob- Example: (time) ft1 &«, WVelnloM l 9 uP (pred.)
oii word. This word may op- \fter it was made, then they
tionally be followed by a noun. Some of the took dt i away'.
on wordfl kl "P 'here'; 11. Grammatical word. A grammatical
ha*hP, 'inside'; htphn? 'at the opetiii .- word is a filler of a slot m one of the various
nkP'<l:n A
'in front of, etc. Kxamp! type- of grammatical phrai
the box';
i
},n s(}- nt°ia 3 'on top Independent grammatical words are, in

of the ho . general, found only in the obligatory slot of

2 Noun or DOf pronoun phi a phrase. When, however, words which occur
may also be fillers of the location slot. Ex- in these obligatory slots also occur in op-
ample: (pred.) loc.) ktfSa* (obj.) tional slots of other phrases, they are still

326
HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

treated as independent words even when tive verbs. They are: -a 3 'first person', -z'
3

occurring in those optional slots. Any in- 'second person', zero 'third person', -a 2 '
first
dependent grammatical word may on occa- person inclusive', -i
4
'first person exclusive',
sion constitute a complete utterance under -o
3
'second person plural'.
conditions of normal discourse. Examples: si
l
cho 2 'he toasts (it)', sPchoa*'
Dependent grammatical words are, in gen- 'I toast (it)', ?if choi
2 23
'you toast (it)', id1 -
eral, found only in optional slots of a phrase. cho 23 'you plural toast (it)', ntfchoi 24
'we
Dependent grammatical words have not been exclusive toast (it)', ntfchoa 2 'we inclusive
found constituting a complete utterance. toiist (it)'.
Words which fill obligatory slots but which The nonfused forms of the aspect pre-
never constitute a complete utterance are fixes are: ki 3 - 'completed', koi4 - 'incomplete',
also considered to be dependent (see §11.2.2). 1
ti - 'continuing', ka 2 - 'recently completed',
Both independent and dependent gram- kaHa 3 - 'to order to do it', co 3 - 'eventually',
matical words are simultaneously phono- s ? a - 'soon'.
4

logical words. There are, however, a few Examples: ki 3 si 3 cho 2 'he toasted (it)', koi4 -
elements whose distributional characteristics ti
4
'it will burn', tiHi 2
'it is burning', kaHi1
suggest their treatment as dependent gram- 'it burned', kcftaHi 2
'let it burn', cq,
3
koq 4 -le 4
matical words but since they are phono- 'eventually it will be known by him', ('He
logically dependent they are treated here as will learn some day.')
semi words. There is an optional dependent recipient
These semiwords are as follows: (1) The which fuses with the dependent subject as
introducers nka 3 and
3
si and the interrogative indicated in the chart. The action of the
?a 3 (see §11.2.2, 9.1.5). verb is directed to, from, or concerning,
(2) Certain phrase parts are also semi- the person or thing indicated by the de-
words: to 4 - 'only' is phonologically depend- pendent recipient.
ent on the following item. The parts -so 1 Examples: koa 3ce 3 -le 23 'I will buy (it) for
indicated', -vi4 'here', - 4? ni 3 course'
'it is 'of you'. (Ambiguous with, T will buy (it) from
are phonologically dependent on the pre- 3
you'.) PaP-nai 13 'Give (it) to me'. ki choa -
3

ceding item, (see §10.1.1). 3

na 'He gave (it) to me'.
(3) Certain parts of words (see §11.1.1) Fusion of Dep. Recipient with Dep. Sub-
are semiwords the dependent recipient, 'aug-
:
ject
mentation' - 3 sa 3 'doubt' -la 2 'relationship'-m' 3
, , .

11.1. Independent grammatical words Recipient Subject

3rd sing, and and 3rd sing. and -le*
can be grouped into eight parts of speech in plur. plur.
accordance with their distribution in the 1st sing. and 3rd sing, and -na*

obligatory slots. plur.

2
2nd sing. and 3rd sing, and -ft
11.1.1. A verb is the filler of the ob-
plur.
ligatory slot of a verb phrase. The verb has 2nd* plur. and 3rd sing, and -4 no 3
fused forms consisting of person with stem plur.
1st plur. exc. and 3rd sing, and -na l h\
and at times with an overlapping fusion of plur.
aspect. These lead to a very large number 1st plur. inc. and 3rd sing, and -na l
plur.
of regular and irregular forms. Since these
3rd sing, and and 1st sing. -le*
were described in K. L. Pike, 1948, pp. plur.
106-64, only the nonfused forms of the 2nd sing. and 1st sing. -le"

dependent subject suffixes and the aspect 2nd* plur. and 1st sing. -*no*

prefixes are listed here.

* These fused forms are preceded by a tone 4
The dependent subject suffixes are ob- which results in a down-glide on the preceding
ligatorily present in transitive and intransi- syllable unless that syllable already has tone *.

327
 :

LINGUISTICS

3rd sing, and and 2nd sing. -lai* 11.1.2. A xoun is a filler in the obligatory
plur.
1st sing. and 2nd sing. -nai 13 slot of anoun phrase. There are three types
1st plur. exc. and 2nd sing. -nai hi*l
personal, nonpersonal, and relational.
3rd* sing, and and 2nd plur. -Hao 3 The personal nouns have fused possessive
plur.
1st sing. and 2nd plur. -nao Xi
pronouns which are the same as the de-
1st plur. exc. and 2nd plur. -nai 3 h\ A pendent subjects fused to a verb (see
3rd sing, and and 1st plur. exc. -lai*hi* §11.1.1). Example: sko 4 'his eye', SkQa 3 'my
plur.
2nd sing. eye', skgi 3 'your eye'.
and 1st plur. exc. -lai l hi A
2nd plur. and 1st plur. exc. -la^hi* Nonpersonal nouns have nonfused pos-
3rd* sing, and and 1st plur. incl. -He 1 sessive pronouns. Example: na4 -na 4 'my
plur.
mother', nct-li* 'your mother', na 4 -le4 'his
There are optional indicators of 'augmen- mother', na 4 -na 'our incl. mothers', na4 -l

-3
tation' sa 3 (This is preceded by tone 3 which Na 4 4 'our exc. mothers', na 4 -no 3 'your plur.
/??'

results in a down-glide if the preceding syl- mothers' (K. L. Pike, 1948, pp. 95-100).
lable has tone ' or tone 2
.), 'doubt' -la'
2
,
The relational nouns are like the non-
'relationship' -ni3 or -si l ni 3 which fuse with personals except that they never have the
the dependent subject when they imme- down-glide in pitch which is characteristic
diately precede it. of the series phonological phrase (see §4).
The stem of a transit ive, intransitive, or The stem of a noun can be simple, or it
impersonal verb is frequently a compound can be a compound. Example: n 9 ai 3 ci ko 3 - l

one. The first part must be predicating, and i<a

3
tchita ]
'baptismal godfather' (ii ? ai 3 'father',
and is one of a list of about 150 verbs, most ci
3
kQ 3 'holy', n 9 ai 3 ("i :i
ko 3 'godfather', va 3 te 'he x

of which may be the entire filler of the ob- covers', nahlta 1

'water', rrftehita 'he bap- 1

ligatory slot. A few have not been found tizes'); hi'- ni 1

n*a&6Pk<fvaH&ntal-na*. 'He is
apart from the compound form. my baptismal godfather.'
This verbal part combines with a noun, LI. 1.3. A PRONOUN fills the obligatory slot
an adjective, another verb, or a directional of type two of a subject phrase (see §10.2.2).
to form a compound stem of two part-. Example: (subj. pro.) h<>- (pred.) k?ocPkitn?-
The third part of B compound stem is usually ijiQ-'. 'YOU plur. did it'.

a directional: -ttf 'on top of, Jn&P 'be- 11.1.1. A POSSESSIVE PRONOUN tills the ob-
tween', -nki z 'below', etc 9 I
owan and ligatory slot of type three of a subject or
Cowan, 1947 for a discussion of directionals.) object phrase 'sec §10.2.3). Example: (pred.)
tnplee: sMou-hifhur 'he defends' (tqcf
1
not11 (obj.-pOSS. pro.) CI*, '(live me
•tierce', -nthur "in behalf >
QuHa* 'he you:
reap Tie knows', QiaHa* 'person'); 11.1.."). A\ ai>.ji:< nvi: is a filler in the
e whistli -
sings', tP& (he obligatory slot of a predicate phrase in an
hits'). adjectival-equationa] clause (see §10.1.4).
Equationa] verbs differ from other verbs Example: (equa.-pred. ula 3 (subj.) rhi> 4 ta 4 ) .

in thateven though they are phonologically die i- a good person'.

independent, they are grammatically de- 11.1.6. A iimi; word fills the obligatory
pendent; they cannot be used as a complete slot of type one of a time phrase (see §10.9).

utterance even in answer to a question. The Example: (time) unto 3 (pred.) khoia 13 . 'To-
adjective equationa] predicate, the appear- morrow I will go'.

ance equationa] verba fcW, 'V, fcApq*, and 11.1.7. A BANNER WORD fills the obliga-
the copulative equationa] nt indicate per- 1
tory slot of type one of a manner phrase
son, but do not indicate aspect. The numera- (see §10.6). Example: (manner) ta^ntyQ2
3
tive equationa] verb ma* indicate (pred.) tPaothqi 4
(time) ncaq . 'Get up early
but not person. tomorrow.'

28
 :

HUAUTLA DE JIMENEZ MAZATEC

11.1.8. A BPECIFIEB WOBD iills the oblig- He is angry because the person doesn't
atory slot of a specifier phra.se (see §10.5). allow (it)', he- HhoHa? ft*
1
ci
1
ca 2 choa1*
Example: (pred.) kaHa 3 se 3 (spec.) ft* t
9 a 3 ci* ki z . 'The person who doesn't allow (it ) left.
1

(time) ni*ch\ 3
nka 3 n£qo 3 . 'Let them sing (3)
? a 3 li2 ~ ''a'Hi
1
ca'
1
(lice variation) oc-
for you every day.' curs when part of a nonpredicate phrase in a
11.1.9. Clause fillers for grammatical declarative or demonstrative clause. It also
phrases. If the filler of a grammatical phrase occurs when part of :m equationa] predicate
is a clause, it in turn contains a sequence of phrase in the copulative and numerative
phrases with independent words in their equationa] clan
obligatory slots, and dependent ones in then Examples: ^a'Hi
1
*ya* th$. 'Nobody is pres-
optional slots. Thus, one grammatical phrase ent'. *oW he- ShoHat si 3 choa ?nte
3 l
. 'It isn't

may contain a sequence of words of various that man who allows (it)'. 9 a 3 li? he'
1
hr
parts of speech. Example: (pred. phrase) cho*ta* H 3
choa l? nte 3 . 'That's not the man
ha 3? ai 3 (subject phrase with introducer, verb, who allows (it)'.

noun) §i 3 ca 3ka 3ce 3 chao*2 'The one who . (4)

? a 3 li- . . . hi
1
occurs with imperative
i?
bought eggs came'. clauses. Examples: ? a 3 li 2 v ? at nle 3 -hit lai*.
11.2. Dependent grammatical words 'Don't give him permission'. ? a 3 li2 k?oa*-h\ 2
are divided between those which occur in ma 3
-li
2
. 'Don't be concerned'.
optional slots and those which occur in ob- The co-ordinator kao* occurs between
ligatory slots. nouns, demonstrative noun
or between
11.2.1. Optional slot fillers. The most phrases; k 9 oa* occurs between other co-or-
common dependent grammatical words which dinates. The two may occur in sequence at
fill optional slots are: the demonstratives the beginning of a phonological sentence if

he 2 'this', koi 3 'that'; the locationals -vi* the preceding phonological sentence ended
'here', -ve* 'there', ha} 'over there'; -So1 'it in the middle of a grammatical phrase. This
is indicated'; intensifiers khai 1 nka 3 'very', unusual distribution is due to the fact that
n 9 Qi l
'forcefully': auxiliary verbs (see K. L. k ? oa* but not kao* may be initial in a phono
Pike, 1948, pp. 136-37); the negative Wt 2-
logical sentence.
koi 3 the co-ordinators kao*, k? oa* 'and'. Examples: ca 3 ki 3 ntai *-hi* bo rro\ kao* na*- l l
\

There are a number of allomorphs of the Sj1

'We bought donkeys and horses'. ha 3?
.
-

ai ka 3 ce 3 na*hme k ? oa* ha 3? ai ka ce yao 'He

3 3 3 3 s
negative morpheme. There is free variation 1
,
.

in that the initial ? a 3 may be absent. The came to buy corn; and he came to buy
other allomorphs occur in accordance with meat.'
their distribution as follows 11.2.2. slot fillers. De-
Obligatory
(1)
? a 3 li2 koi 3 occurs when part of a pred- pendent grammatical words which fill ob-
icate phrase of the independent declarative ligatory slots in a grammatical phrase, but
clauses and the independent adjectival or which never occur as complete utterai
appearance-equational clauses. Example: he2 are also considered dependent. They arc:

the indicator of a yes-no question, 9 a the

3
6ho*ta* IPkoi 3 choa l? nte 3 . 'The man doesn't ;

allow (it)'. predicating part of the equational-predicate

(2) a"
2
ca2 (optionally the car is omitted) phrases, specifically, khi 3/khoq 3/6o 3 'it ap-

isused in an interrogative clause, and in any pears', ni x

'is, in quality', ma1 'is, in quan-
dependent clause but the limiting dependent tity'; the introducers.
clause. It also occurs when part of a Si- The introducers are divided into those
phrase. which introduce phrases, those which intro-
Examples: ? a 3 ci? ca 2 he2 dho*ta* §i choa x? -
3
duce clauses, and those which may introduce
nte 3 . 'Isn't it this person who allows (it)?' both.
koqW-lc* nka 3 he 2 choHa* ci
2
ca 3 choa l? nte 3 . Those which introduce phrases, but never
329
 —

LINGUISTICS

clauses, are obligatory to the phrase they ordination', k ? ia* nka 3 'when', koi 3 nka 3
are introducing. Introducers to a relative 'therefore', to*nka 3
'but', hme l
-ni 3
nka 3
'in
phrase (see §10.2.8) are ho 3 'how', hme 3 order to', sa 3? nta 3 'until', ho 3 -s? f 'about how',
'what', ? ya 3 'who'; introducer to a where- ca 2 'if', nta 3 ca 2 'although' (see §9.2).
3
phrase hna 'where'; introducer to a specifier Four of the clause introducers (nka 3 'sub-
phrase §i 3 t ? a 3 or t ? a 3 'concerning'; the in- ordination', sa 3? nta 3 'until', ca 2 'if, nta 3 ca 2
&' 3
troducer is used in several phrases: the 'although') may also be used to introduce a
demonstrative verb phrase, the demonstra- phrase. At such times they are followed by
tive noun phrase, the ^'-phrase (see §10.1.8, pronouns, time words, or location words
10.2.5-7, 10.9). not verbs. Their meanings differ slightly in
Those which introduce clauses are oblig- the two environments (see §10.2.2, 10.7,
atory to the clause. They are: nka 3 'sub- 10.9).

REFERENCES
Cowan, F. H., 1947, 1952 Pike, E. V., 1954, 1956
and Cowan, 1 Pike, K. L., 1948, 1954, 1955, 1960
Cowan, G. M., IMS anil Pike, 1947
Gudacbinaky, 1955. 1968*. 1958b, 1959a, 1959b, Villa Pvojas, 1955
1959c

330
7G. Jiliapan Pame

LEONARDO MANRIQUE C.

0. Introduction part of San Luis Potosi to the north of

1. Phonology
Hidalgo, approximately between 99° and
1.1. Inventory of phonemes
1.2. Description of segmental phonemes
100°W. and from 20°45' to 22°30' N. The
1.3. Syllable Pame area covers almost all the length of
1.4. Sentence melody the Sierra Gorda, but not its width. It
2. Formative processes and morphophonemics forms a band more than 150 km. long and
3. Classes of elements
less than 50 km. wide; it is not continuous,
3.1. Interrogatives
3.2. Locatives
but consists of a series of small nuclei more
3.3. Temporals or less isolated, with some new extensions.
3.4. Negative Pame Ciudad del
nuclei, north to south, are:
3.5. Pronouns Maiz, Alaquines, La Palma and Gamotes,
3.6. Verb auxiliaries
Santa Maria Acapulco, Tilaco, Pacula, Jilia-
3.7. Adjectives
pan.
3.8. Quantitatives
3.9. Numerals Today, the situation of Pame is weak. It
3.10. Demonstratives has been replaced by Spanish in most places,
3.11. Conj unctions and in others it is being lost, except in Santa
3.12. Nouns
Maria Acapulco. Pame is known by only
3.13. Possessives
3.14. Verbs
one speaker in Pacula, for instance; five or
3.15. Prefixes of number of nouns six persons in Jiliapan are able to speak it,

3.16. Prefixes of tense-aspect and person but they use Spanish customarily.
3.17. Nominalizers Since the writings of Manuel Orozco y
3.18. Suffix markers of plural of nouns
Berra (1864, p. 48) and Francisco Pimentel
3.19. Suffix markers of plural of verbs
3.20. Markers of verb object
(1904, p. 412) Pame has been considered a
4. Construction single language, and so it was recorded by
4.1. Verb syntax Jacques Soustelle (1937), but more recent
4.2. Noun syntax researches (Manrique, 1958; Swadesh, 1959b,
4.3. Complex subjects and objects
1960a) postulate the existence of two distinct
4.4. Syntactic clause
4.5. Paratactic constructions
languages: North Pame and South Pame.
The former comprises the dialects of Ciudad
0. Introduction. Pame is spoken in the del Maiz, also spoken in some new settle-

the Sierra Gorda, a branch of the Sierra ments; Alaquines, especially in the Colonia
Madre Oriental running from the southern [ndigena (it has disnppeared from the neigh-

331
 LINGUISTICS

Luis de la Paz, shows a somewhat remote

genetic relationship with Pame, in spite of
what we supposed on the basis of certain
historical data and some striking phonetic
and lexical resemblances.
To give a brief idea of the genetic relation-
ships of South Pame we can say that it is a
member Otopamean family, together
of the
with Otomi, Mazahua, Ocuiltee, Matlat-
rinca, North Pame, and Chichimec. The
internal relationships of this family as lexi-
costatistically established areshown in Table
1 and 1, winch
in figure is a graphic expres-
sion of the table; both are taken from Man-
rique, 1958, slightly modified according to
the latest revised cognate count.
In contrast to former classifications, the
table and diagram clearly show that there
are two absolutely different Pame languages
(which for easy reference and identification
in other works we still call Pame, but label
North and South in order to distinguish
them); both languages are also completely
different from Chichimec. Today Otopamean
can be classified as follows:
Pio. 1 \I. RELATIONSHIPS "l
INTi.KN
OTOPAME \N \\U\.\ (II. Chichimec; M\
l

North Pame; BP, Boutb Paine; MI'. Matiatiinea

(and Ocuiltee . 1 1 T, I K omi and M Otopamean family

1 < Monii Mazahua group

borhood where Soustelle still found it); Lb a. Otomi (it may comprise only three
Palma, in Borne hamlets around the Mestizo main dialect subdivisions)
town of that name; Gamotes, ami Santa I). Mazahua
Maria Acapuloo, the last one very divergent. 11. South Pame, with three closely related
South Panic is now a dead language. It is dialects
known to only a few people in .liliapan and 111. North Pame
Pacula. The more divergeni dialect of Tilaco a. Ciudad del Maiz and La Palma dia-
is completely lost. lects, closely related

It is worth noting that Chichima b. Santa Maria Acapulco dialect, more

language spoken only in La Mision, neai 9 differentiated in some respects

Table 1 INTERNAL DIVERGENCES OF THE OTOPAMEAN FAMILY (in minimum centuries)

mf> Matlatzinca-
S. Paine N. Pame Chichimec
Mazahua Ocuiltec

Otomi- Mazahua 3ft 45 44 55

South Pame 36 17 30 34
North Pame 45 17 37 34
Matlatzinca-Ocuiltec 44 30 87 55
Chichimec 55 34 34 55

332
J1LIAPAN PAME

IV. Matlatzinca-Ocuiltee group

CHINANTEC
a. Matlatzinca
IS
b. Ocuiltec — 50 j

V. Chichimec OTOPAMEAN 0AXACAN HUAVE I

** 49
55 «
4I
io
Figure 2, taken from Swadesh (1960b),
MACRO MAYAN
shows the relations of Otopamean with the
most closely related families of the Macro- TARASCAN
Mayan phylum, in which it is included, and 1

MACRO QUECHUAN
with the Macro-Quechuan phylum, because
Otopamean is the link between these two Fig.2— RELATIONSHIPS OF OTOPAMEAN
phyla. In this diagram the underlined figures WITH THE MOST CLOSELY RELATED
FAMILIES OF THE MACRO-MAYAN AND
represent the greatest internal divergences; MACRO-QUECHUAN PHYLA. Underlined fig-
other figures indicate divergences between ures represent greatest internal divergences; other
figures indicate divergences between families
families and phyla. Some figures have been
and phyla. (After Swadesh, 1960b.)
modified following recent researches; all are
subject to slight changes when a better
knowledge of the phonology of the group that Valle did not make the same kind of
will permit more accurate cognate counts. analysis of other parts of the grammar.
Descriptive works on South Pame are (c) The very short descriptions of Orozco
listed below in chronological order: y Berra (1864) and of Pimentel (1904) are
(a) The Arte, by Fray Juan Guadalupe not based on fieldwork, but on Soriano's
Soriano (1776). Lost manuscript of which Arte. The main purpose of these descrip-
only a later copy survives. The copy, per- tions was to provide a basis for their com-
haps incomplete, includes a Prologo Historial parative work and for the classifications of
of great ethnohistorical value; a Spanish - the languages of Mexico which they made.
Pame - Otomi - Nahuatl - Chichimec vocab- (d) In his La Famille Otomi-Pame . . .
,

ulary fairly complete for the first three lan- Jacques Soustelle (1937) published a sketch
guages, not so complete for Nahuatl, and of North Pame based on fieldwork with the
-
very brief for Chichimec. It also includes a Alaquines dialect, and short notes on Jilia

list of verbs of each of the two "conjuga- pan Pame. The notes on South Pame are
tions," and a few unsystematic grammatical based on fieldwork, on Soriano's manuscript,
remarks. As Pimentel (1904) says, "it looks and on Schuller's edition of Valle.
like a rough draft which has not received (e) Robert J. Weitlaner and Carlo An-

the final revision." tonio Castro gathered vocabularies and texts

(b) The work of Fray Francisco Valle, in La Misi6n, near Jacala, and in Pacula.
manuscript of the 18th century, now in the None of their material has been published,
Archivo Histdrico de Madrid. It was pub- except an article on plural formation (Castro,
lished almost entireby the Count of Vifiaza 1955).
(Vifiaza, 1892), and a small part of this (f) For the 58th annual meeting of the

publication was later re-edited by Rudolf American Anthropological Association I pre-

Schuller (1925b). For his investigations, the pared a few descriptive remarks on the works
late Dr. Antonio de la Maza obtained a of Soriano and Valle, published by the Insti-
complete copy of the Madrid manuscript, tuto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia of
including a short vocabulary and texts used Mexico (Manrique, 1960). This analysis is
in Confession, not published by Vifiaza. The the basis for the present description, checked
most interesting fact of Valle's work is his and supplemented with new materials ga-
astonishing analysis of the verb; it is a pity thered in Jiliapan from the informants

333
 LINGUISTICS

Abundia Santana Bartolejo and Maria An- pirated, especially when not in clusters;
dablo. 1 when a strong aspiration is heard, it is to be
Inventory of phonemes. The table
1.1. interpreted as cluster of stop plus h:
below charts the phonemes of Jiliapan Pame. [p] p(4
9 'mushroom' \p
h
] mphaj9 'sandal'
h
[t] tandyn 'tail' [t ) hdhi{nt 'five'

Consonants: [k] ket 9 e 'atole' [k

h
] khl 'blood'
4, c are voiceless affricates; sometimes,
voiceless stops P t
4 c k
when not in cluster, they are slightly as-
voiced stops b d z 2 9 pirated:
voiceless
[4] tnasii? 'knot' [c] gyi{ci 'firewood'
fricatives s s
The glottal stop 9 varies in strength: be-
nasals m n
tween two different vowels it is clearly and
oral sonorants w r y easily distinguishable, but between identical
vowels it is weakened and sometimes dis-
Vowels:
appears, especially in rapid speech. When
high orals u i i it follows a voiceless stop or an affricate it is

low orals e a heard as a glottalization of them:

high nasals n i | H kni 9 a 'skunk'
low nasals Q ['] nt 9 u 'louse'; pl4 9 'mushroom';
c q
Besides these segmental phonemes, there rc 9 i 'vein'; huk 9 'you' (sing.)
are three tone-stress phonemes: high ('), low Voiced stops b, d, g are slightly fricative,
O and falling glide (A). One of these and fluctuating to completely fricative between
only one is found in each word. There are, vowels; }, and d lose all or almost all their
of course, secondary tones on the unstr fricative quality when they follow tin 1
cor-

syllables of a word; their production seems mding homorganic nasals (in the ma-
mechanical, but they have not been suf- terials at hand there is no example of ng):

ficiently analyzed. The to- - are con- [#] sihic°l 'lime' [b] numbu 9 u 'wooden
sidered phonemes because they differentiate \d\ tide 'forty' hammer'
minimal pairs, but as far as I know they [g] negC 'pine' [d\ n<Ue"? 'stair'

have no grammatical function. Some ex- Sibilant fricatives x, 2 arc respectively

amples follow: apico-alveolar and lamino-palatal; both are
kudu 'devil' kudu 'stone' voiceless:
tiki
9
'arrow' tiki° 'rubber* [s] -su4 9 'tie' [§] Hnyu 'nose'

Description or segmental pho-

l.J. Fricative /; has positional allophones when
9. The placing of each of the phonemes occurring intervocalically between vowels of
in the table shows its point of articulation. front, central, or back articulation. Front
This section, therefore, deals only with some and back allophones also occur when pre-
further characteristics, and with alloph ceding semiconsonants y and w in the clusters
Brackets are used to indicate phonetic char- hy and hw. Between nasal vowels h is also
acteristics; forms not in brackets are written nasalized. After a voiceless stop it is heard
phonemically. as aspiration of the stop.
The stops p, t, k, are voiceless and usually [h] ntihin 'corn dough'
unaspirated but they may be slightly as- [h] mujriu 'pumpkin'
[h] kahan 'star'

Although it is a description of North Pame,

1
[hy:] bahq 'far'
not of South Pame, Gibson's "Pame (Otomf)
[C h ] Stha 'rabbit'
Phonemics and Morphophonemics" (1956) is
worth mention because it provides a good basis Voiced fricatives z, z have a very restricted
for comparing the two languages. occurrence; the first one appears only in
334
 : : :

JILIAPAN PAME

seven words of a 600-word vocabulary and sufficiently described in the table; here I need
the second one in no more than six. They are only to describe their outstanding allo-

homorganic too, but contrast with, the voice- phones :

less fricatives s, §: Besides the norm [i], the phoneme i has a

z kiztn 'hole' s kisdyn 'eagle' lower and somewhat backed allophone [i] :

z zi> 'teeth' I UU? 'breast' [i] Hi 'two' [i\ sinfe 9 'small'

Nasals m, n are bilabial and alveolar, n has

When in cluster with y or in final posit ion,

pronounced somewhat open [e]; when

a velar allophone [y] before k; m and n are e is

these two conditions occur together the

palatalized before y but not before }
t:
v
vowel is still more open [e ]
[m] miH 'cat'
[e] meri 'fast'
[m v ] msa-mye ? e 'the other side of the sea'
[e] tikyent 'six'
[n] nidi 9 i 'straight'
Unyu
[c\ We 'few'
[n v ] 'nose' v
[f ] nimbye 'nest'
[n] nk?u 'snail'
o has, similar to e,more open allophones
The r has special allophones: it is a flap [o] in final position and in other situations
[r] before a vowel, it is trilled [f] more or less
not yet well defined:
long before a consonant other than ? (the
[o] komu 'butterfly'
only example of r ? is in final position), and [o] m?mQ 'moon'
it is lateral in final position, followed or not
[/]
The has been postulated
central vowel i
by glottal stop. Besides this, it develops a
because of the impossibility of transcribing
brief supporting vocalic sound when in certain words using only i, e, a, o, u (and the
initial cluster of three or more consonants: corresponding nasals); it has three frequent
- ? ery, krvpa 'skunk'
[f] 'alive', allophones and other not so com-
[a], [i], [«],

[r] byarma?a 'coyote', rsi 'leaf mon variants [a], [<f\.

Undoubtedly, there is
e
[
f] rc ? i 'vein', rk ? we 'mezquite sometimes a vocalic development within
tree' certain consonant clusters, with the charac-
[I] -niur9 'want', mpdhar 'horse' teristics ofi; sometimes a fronted allophone

The semivowel w always has a timbre like [u] u is found, and occasionally i is pro-
of
[u]; it is distinguished from the homo- nounced further back than [«]; the result of
phonous vowel because it never takes a tone- this is that under certain circumstances the
stress phoneme nor is it nasalized, and be- oppositions of these three phonemes are
cause of its relative shortness. The y fre- neutralized
quently sounds like [i], and in that case it is [d\ -mikintfdw 'burn'
distinguished from the corresponding vowel [«] bi ? t 'chili pepper'
for reasons parallel to those distinguishing [*] kisdyn 'eagle'
w and u. When in initial position or inter- Besides the more common vocalic al-

vocalic the y is slightly fricative, neverthe- lophones just described, all unstressed vowels
less contrasting with the fricative z. The w tend to be more or less obscure, increasing
gives a slight labial quality to certain pre- the phonemic interpretation.
difficulties of
ceding consonants; y palatalizes any con- The nasal vowels have more or less the
sonant immediately preceding it same phonetic timbres as the oral ones, in-
[u] idiwe 'capulin' cluding the obscure pronunciation in un-
w
[h ] Skuhwd 'palm' stressed syllables. They have not been inter-

[i] (with palatalization) preted as oral vowel plus nasalization, because

ihyaw 'earth' nasalization would be a suprasegmental
[y] yurthi 'root' phoneme not easy to match with tone-stress,
The norms of the vocalic phonemes are and if counted as a consonantic phoneme, a
335
 LINGUISTICS

much more and analysis

difficult description

of distribution would be required:

i 4\ 'above' g -t$h$ 'laugh'

q mpq 'sun' f skini 'skin'

nku 'tree'
u g mpg9 'snake' /ORALS
The system of vowels in terms of their
contrasts is shown in the following scheme:
All vowels, whether oral or nasal, have
certain traits in common which are not
merely phonetic, but phonemic and are re-
lated to the syllable and word structure.
The vowels, and only they, constitute the
syllable peak; only vowels can support the NASALS
suprasegmental phoneme of tone-stress, and
when they are not stressed they bear sec-
ondary tones contrasting with that of the
stressed syllable (in fact, in certain clusters
also m or n have secondary tones which
CLEAR DIFFUSE
make of them peaks of phonetic, but not
FlG.3 JILIAPAN PAME VOWELS
phonemic, syllables'. All vowels are lo

still when these two conditions coincide.

These characteri.-i' - Berve as differentia] consonants follow). There are no more than
criteria in distinguishing between 10-u, y-i. five consonants in a single syllable, and the

1.3. Syllable. Jiliapan Panic has junc- Largest consonant cluster has no more than
ture- (for "juncture" see Bockett, L955, p. four phonemes.
Mat make the syllabic analysis easier, ( )pen syllables occur in all positions within
but not all junctures are equally clear; e.g. the word. (In the examples given below,
between two vowels juncture- are ahno-l syllable division is marked by a lowered
inaudible, but between a vowel and a follow- point [.]):

ing voiceless -top they are Btrongly marked. V: i.hi/nw 'earth', na.v.hw^ 'nine',

Phonetically junctures are marked by the .snm.sn.a 'skin'

lengthening of the vowel in an open syllable, CV: mi. cu.hu 'sat', ft 'above'
or by sustaining the final ocdu.-ion in a CCY: < 9 i.nki 'jar', kr.nta.mpa9 'sky'
syllable closed by a voicele.-s -top. or by the CCCV: mphn.sPi 'table', i.snki.hin 'bush'
bening of the syllable final oasal, and CCCCV: nkhwe.hen 'mirror', nsa.zwphu
by lowering the word melody in the final 'muddy place'
syllable; the last characteristic givi Syllables closed by a consonant occur
stronger mark for juncture- between words mainly in word final position:

than for junctures between syllables of the VC: -ndo.ak 'walk'

same word. CVC: Sku.mu 9 'hip', ba 9 a.{dn 'poor'
Syllables conform to the patterns CCVC: di.pyqt 'rich', ti.nyin 'lightning'

(CCCC)V, (CCCC)VC and (CCC)VCC; in CCCVC: bi.khio9 'knife', U 9 lw 'nit'

other words, they can be constituted by a CCCCV C: U 9 we9 'sheep', nk 9 yd? 'wet'
single vowel or vowel preceded and/or fol- Such syllables occur in other positions
lowed by consonants. Consonants following only under certain limited conditions: (a)
the vowel may be one or two; those pre- when the syllable final consonant is followed
ceding it may be one to four (if only one by an identical consonant which is part of a
consonant follows), or one to three (if two syllable of pattern CV(CC): kon.no.a

336
JILIAPAN PAME

'guava'; (b) when the syllable final con- i.i. Sentence melody. The melody of
sonant is a voiceless stop followed by another the sentence rises gradually towards the
voiceless stop which is part of a syllable of end, and then it falls sharply; different
pattern CV(CC): tik.ti 'seven'; and (c) when melodies for different types of sentences are
the syllable final consonant is a glottal stop not to be found. As explained, each syllable
followed by a syllable of pattern mV(CC): has itsown melody: when It IS Stressed it has
bv?.ma. ? a 'amate tree'. high, low, or glide tone, and when un-t D
Syllables closed by two consonants occur it has secondary tones contrasting with that
only in word final position: of the stressed syllable; in this way a peculiar
VCC: -ni.ur 9 'want' melody for each word is formed. The ascend-
CVCC: y\4
9 'mushroom', ta.nayn 'tail' ing melody of the sentence refers then to a
CCVCC: hi.thunt 'five', mbu?t 'grinding slight progressive rising of the tones of each
stone' syllable when compared with the same tones
CCCVCC: ntyawS 'round', mphqf 'sandal' occurring at the beginning of the sentence;
The distribution of consonants is so com- the same applies to the final falling of the
plex that it is preferable to give only a few melody. These intonational features delimit
general remarks: the sentences.
(1) All of them occur as single consonants 2. Formative processes and morpho-
preceding a vowel. phonemics. The formative processes of
(2) As single consonants in syllable final Jiliapan dialect are prefixation, suffocation,
position only t, tf,
k, ? , s, £, vi, n, r, w, y occur. and juxtaposition. Suffixation is scarce, but
(3) Two identical consonants never occur juxtaposition and especially prefixation are
in a single syllable, excepting 9
, m, n. Two abundant. In another section I shall deal in
glottal stops in the same syllable have at some detail with classes of affixes; for the
least a vowel between them. Two nasals in present it may be observed that they serve
the same syllable occur in the clusters nhn, mainly in conjugation. In what we call

mhm, m 9 m, n 9 n. juxtaposition the elements do not cause or

(4) The only consonant which may occur suffer morphophonemic changes;
regular
in all positions within clusters is n. nevertheless, they are in certain ways fused,
(5) The consonants with a broader dis- as shown by certain melodic and stress
tribution are n, t, k, ? , §, h. features.

(6) w, y never occur as first member of an A root never bears more than one prefix,
initial cluster. never more than two suffixes. The structure
(7) All consonants, excepting r, b, z, w, y, of suffixes is very simple: they are formed by
are found as first member of an initial cluster a single consonant. .Most prefixes are of pat-
of two consonants. tern CV-, but there are also prefixes formed
In final clusters only 9 w, y by a single vowel or by a single consonant,
(8) /, i k, , s, r,

occur. and there is one of pattern CCV- (mdu-).

(9) Voiced fricatives have the most Though some roots have the same limited
limited distribution. patterns of affixes, most of them have more
Vowels occur only is, one in singly, that complex ones.
each syllable, constituting peak they may its ; The combinatory processes are accom-
be preceded and/or followed by consonants in panied by many morphophonemic changes.
the way already described. The frequency of To explain them it is convenient to recognize
occurrence of vowels is not equal for all; in a set of morphophonemes related to the seg-
the materials at hand vowels are found in all mental phonemes, but at times otherwise
environments, except the syllables (CCC)wu, represented. We use capital letters for these
(CCC)wii, o, q, i, {'.
morphophonemes so indicating the part of an

337
 LINGUISTICS

affix which is lost under certain circum- (e) When for the processes just described
stances which will be described later. i and y are brought together, y is lost:

Prefixes containing the morphophoneme /

palatalize the root orstem to which they are
nl+hwirf? > *nhyi4 9 > nh,\$9

'you lifted up'

jointed but the vowel does not appear as
such. It is worth noting that probably in the
gl+ftn > *gicyin > gicin 'you
are piercing'
18th century, when Soriano and Valle wrote
I+ndtis > *ndyiis > ndiis 'I am
their Aries, this (and the other morpho-
fighting'
phonemes here transcribed with capitals)
had a simple segmental form, but they must (f) When roots have forms different from
already have acquired their modem form those described they are not palatalized or
when Soustelle gathered his materials in are palatalized irregularly.
Jiliapan. That would be the explanation of Prefixes nU-, nl-, r-, nA-, mU-, mdu-, also
Soustelle's difficulties which led him to markers of tense aspect and person, change
postulate an almost unpredictable series of initial p followed by a vowel into w. When

''functional variations." nl- is employed, this w suffers the palataliza-

Prefixes containing the morphophoneme / tion produced by the morphophoneme I, as
are: /-, /;/-, nil-, gl-, kl-, KI-, tl-, markers explained above. In the examples given
of tense-aspect and person. The palataliza- below we find also two phenomena described
tion they produce has several particular in the section devoted to phonology: loss of

forms: intervocalic ? and vowel reduction. These

,

(a) When the root initial is t, k, m, r>, ml are not morphophonemic changes, but free
followed by a vowel, the palatal semicon- phonetic variations, although it is probable
sonant is infixe 1 between the consonant and had been fixed in
that this kind of variation
the vowel: certain roots and became now a regular
alternation not explainable by formative
I+lao 9 > /,'•" I am cutting 1

procesi
I + ku( > /•'/'/f i am following
1

7 + wq > myq 'I am sowing' nl' + ptfat > nuwaat 'I helped'
nl + pa 9 at > niyat 'you helped'
(b) When the root begins with c or 8 fol-
A- already pointed out, some prefixes and
lowed by vowel, the initial consonant is
parts of others are written with capital
palatalized respectively to I or I, and y is
letter- to indicate the changes they produce,
infixed:
and to register its complete form which

>il+ c" > nfyu you chided' -

occurs only under certain circumstances.

ml + suc 9 > wsyuc 9 you had "if tied' These circumstances are:
nl + sdhot > ns>/ahnt 'you dim' Prefixes /-, A- are never found in
segmental form. The changes I- produces
(c) When there is a 10, whether alone or in
are enough for postulating it. A- is kept to
cluster, palatalization consists in changing w
complete the prefix series, and also for
to y:
purposes of comparison with other lan-
kl+hwa > kihya 'you loosened', guages. The vowel morphophoneme of pre-
nI-\-h?wa*-\-n > nkPycfn 'you (pi.) wet' fix nA- is kept for similar reasons.

(b) Prefix KI- occurs only with certain

(d) When the root begins with p followed
verbs, perhaps only to avoid confusing them
by a vowel, the vowel is changed to i:
with other verbs of simpler pattern:

I+pd 9 at > pi 9 at T am helping' KlA-kui > kikyui 'you are fol-

I+pvhin > pihin 'I am covering' lowing'

338
 : :

JILIAPAN PAME

KI + hwa > kihya 'you are loosen- without change of the root or the suffix:
ing'
nta?o-\- m > nta 9 om 'to look for'
(c) nU-, nl-, mU-, ml-, gA-, gl-, kl occur (1st per.-, pi.)
most frequently in the shortened forms n-, nl + cu+n > nSyun to chide'
n-, m-, m-, g-, g-, k-. They appear in their (2nd pers. pi.)

complete form when the root begins with B

(b) Usually -in, -n arc lost when the verb
bilabial, whether or not preceded by h (prob-
ends with voiceless stop, especially in pro
ably also when preceded by 9
, but there are
gressive tense-aspeel
no examples of this in the materials at hand)

nU+sdhot > nsdhot 'I dug'

I
'

+ pa 9 at + /// > pi 9 at \vc are

helping'
nl+tut > ntyut 'you broke'
KI+tao 9 + n > tyao 9 'you (pi.)
mU-\~4u > m<fu 'if I had chided'
are cutting'
mI-\-k 9 wa 9 n > mk 9 ya 9 n 'if you
had wet' (c) When the verbal root ends with //,

gA+ki{4 > gkiifi T will follow' this is fused with -/// or -//:

nU+pihin > nuwihin T covered'

I-\-puhin-\-m > pihim 'we are
nI-\-ma > nimya 'you rolled'
covering'
mU-\-hw{49 > muhwitf 9 'If I had
t+pw[n-\-n > tpw\n 'you are
lifted up'
punishing'
(d) Commonly mdu- occurs in its com-
(d) When the root ends in .s,
4, p, the
plete form. The only case I have of the oc-
ending is palatalized to §, and the suffixes
currence of the shortened form may be due
are not modified:
to the haplology of mdu-\-?id:
nU-\-ki{4-\-Hi > n ul: a.sin 'we
mdu-\-pa 9 at > mdumbaat 'if he had
followed'
helped'
nI-\-ndiis-\-n > ndiisn 'you (pi.)
mdu-\-sdhot > mdusdhot 'if he had dug'
fought'
mdu-\-ndiis > mdiit 'if he had fought'
nl -\-hw\49 -\-in > nuhwixm 'we
Besides the conjugational prefixes there lifted up'
are three prefixes of number of the nouns.
(e) If the root has 4 not in cluster, it be-
Two of them (na-, re-) do not produce
changes; the third, Y- apparently, behaves
comes glottalized when § is added; but

we use a different symbol as

exactly like /-;
after the n of the infinitive 4 > 2:

a convenient way to distinguish the two r+fci^+# > rkuj 9 'they followed'
morphemes: A + 4u+# > 4? u 'they are chiding'
Y+(nu)due > dyue 'capulines' nA + 4u-\-§ > nzu 'to chide' (3rd
Y-\-mpahan > yahan 'horses' pers. pi.)

Y+ntao > dyao 'eyes'

(f) When -# is suffixed, final s becomes d
Y-\-(k)ne > nye 'mouths' or t:

The suffixes so far found in this language

t+ndiis+§ > tndiit 'they are
are -m, -n, -# (zero), -A-, 4, -s. The last three
fighting'
do not produce or suffer changes; the first
nA + mdiis-\-% > nriiid 'they fought'
three (plural markers in conjugation) display
a series of changes almost as rich as that of In still other situations the suffix -# does
prefixes: not affect the endings, but the initial con-
(a) Verbs ending in a vowel take -m, -n sonants:

339
 LINGUISTICS

(a) Initial s becomes affricate: already present in the ISth century, as is

clearly noted by Valle. Some examples are

A+sdhot+# > jahot 'they are
given below:
digging'
mQhQ I bghg / mbQhQ 'good'
(b) When the verbal root begins with t or byarma 9 a / mbyarma 9 a 'coyote'
m, the suffix -# produces its aspiration: bisa I bsa / ?nsa / sa 'water'

A+tvt+§ > thut 'they are keze J geze 'pig'

breaking' kumpu / kmpu / gmpu 'black'

A-\-mq-\-# > mhq 'they are kudii / kdu I gdu 'stone'

sowing' ksi I si 'ice'

tiyu I yiu 'firewood'
(c) The cluster hw is changed into th when nc°i ,
c"i 'pot'
-# is added: nci 9 I 4i9 'tooth'

> rtha 'they loosened'

r-\-hwa-\-§ eye J sye 2nd person possessive
ei» zi 9 'teeth'
nA+hwtf+t > nthtf9 'if they ft>

had lifted up' Seandoa skindoa 'white'

Juxtaposition in Fame consists in the

(d) Initial p followed by vowel becomes
union of two words, forming a new unit
mb when -§ is suffixed, but p in cluster has
with a new sense. This union does not always
no change:
agree with normal syntax; occasionally there
r+pa?at+§ > rmba 9 at they may be phonetic changes similar to those
helped' found in syntactic constructions, but they
A+pt0|fo*+4 > pw|Wthey are are not obligatory, i.e., they may or may not
entreating' occur in the same expression uttered at
different times. Nevertheless, juxtaposed
It must be explained that the morpho-
compounds tend to fix one of the free
phonemic changes just described are not
variants and to reduce the pause between
absolutely regular, that certain verbs with
the juxtaposed words, along with frequent
apparently the same patterns show changes
loss of the stress of one of them; for these
different from thoi \plained; e.^., the
ma juxtaposed compounds are trarj
verb tn"u, to BOW*, doet DO! take the infix y
scribed in a single word:
Quid expect, but change> the vowel, Bfl
do verbs beginning with pVi nl + tn 9 u > (a) noun -f verb
nti°u. Moreover, still other verbs have no kuduhsi hail' < kudu 'stone' and ksi
'ice'
changes or have particular chai - pedal
that they can not l>e systematised. These mahaSk 9 iS 'cigarette' < vidha 'to-

variant treatments are selective, i.e., they bacco', and §k 9 tt 'paper'

are always the same for certain ro< Id noun + verb

Many other words, mostly nouns, show isnu 9 u 'read' < Sk 9 iS 'paper', and
another kind of non-systematizable varia nu?u 'hear'

tions. Although these sometimes seem to re- (c) noun -f adjective

spond to the phonetic environment, or bikhyomqdq 'a kind of machete' <
depend on the grammatical function, they bikhyo 'knife', and mqdq 'big'

in part involve free alternation unrelated to msamqdq 'river' < msa 'water', and
special conditions. These changes make the rnqdq 'big'

phonemic analysis very difficult, because (d) adjective + adjective

they sometimes entail the neutralization of ni9 e?h?i 'narrow' < npe 9 'small', and
phonemic oppositions. This phenomenon was ns$»>f 'broad'

340
 :

JILIAPAN PAME

Classes of elements. Although the

3. (including those which express location or
division of classes is primarily based on time), because they are always initial in the
structural traits, I have preferred to call clause.
them "classes of elements" instead of "struc- Si 'what?' vPni 'what?'
tural classes" because semantic and func- cibi 'where?' nfa 'who?'
tional criteria are also taken into account. friru 'how?' njcPnu 'who?'
These criteria have the advantage of avoid- citi 'when?' k\?% 'when?'
ing the need for a different classification §unkwa 'how many?'
based on syntactic categories, when we speak 3.2. Locatives (class 2). We include here
of constructions: expressions of location other than interroga-
tive locatives:
Classes of Elements
kiiwa 'here'
I. Roots kubu 'there'
A. Independent non-inflective
wi9 i/wi9 /wi 'there (away)'
1. Interrogatives
2. Locatives §nu 'near' kumpu? 'below'
3. Temporals bqhq 'far' nihi? 'under'
4. Negative
4\ 'above' koPa 'upon'
B. Satellite non-inflective
a. Adverbials 3.3. Temporals This class in-
(class 3).
5.Pronouns cludes expressions of time other than the
6.Verb auxiliaries
verb auxiliaries and the interrogatives.
b. Adnominals
7. Adjectives mw$ 'already'
8. Quantitatives &ta? 'yesterday'
9. Numerals
cegmpa 'the day before yesterday'
10. Demonstratives
c. Endoclitics mptfa 'tomorrow'
11. Conjunctions ce 'today'
C. Inflective
turumpa 'the day after tomorrow'
a. Pluralizable
12. Nouns bahansq 'last night'
13. Possessives wahanidyet 'at noon'
b. Temporalizable
3.4. Negative (class 4). This class con-
14. Verbs
II. Affixes sists of only one particle, used alone to ex-
A. Prefixes press negation, or in a clause to negate it

a. Of nouns
15. Markers of number
mwi 'no, not'

b. Of verbs Satellite non-inflective roots are so called

16. Markers of tense-aspect and person because they always enter into syntactic
17. Nominalizers
constructions as verb satellites (adverbials)
B. Suffixes
a. Of nouns or as noun satellites (adnominals). They
18. Markers of number differ from inflective roots in not having
b. Of verbs
inflexion:
19. Markers of plural
20. Markers of object 3.5. Pronouns (class 5). Usually they
are employed as the subject of a sentence
Independent non-inflective roots may when the corresponding noun is not used in

form sentences by themselves or serve as one the expression; less frequently they are used
of the segments of a paratactic construction as verb objects. There are only three (dif-
(see §4.5). The four classes of these roots are ferentiating person but not number):
interrogatives, locatives, temporals, and kak I ka 'I, we'
negative. huk? I huk I hu 'you' (singular or
3.1. Interrogatives (class 1). It is neces- plural)
sary to join in a single class all interrogatives kunu k a rit 'he, she, it, they'

341
 LINGUISTICS

The forms ending in nasal (for first, sthutcsthunt 'fifteen'

second and third persons plural), and the fnade 'twenty'
form for third person singular feminine tide 'forty'
(*knnea), mentioned by Soriano and Valle, 9 nante 9
e 'one hundred'
do not occur now. It seems to me that *kunea 3.10. Demonstratives These
(class 10).
never existed, and that the plural forms, if always precede a noun. I have found only
they existed, have now disappeared; it is three:
possible that these authors were attempting kenl 'this'
to provide equivalents for the Spanish kunu 'that' (homophonous with
pronouns. the third person pronoun)
3.6. Verb auxiliaries (class 6). These a this, present' used only in tem-
are only two invariable particles used to poral constructions like 'this
form the future tense aspect of verbal in- year', 'this month' (homopho-
flexion: nous with the tem|K)ral 'today')
ma marker of simple future 3.11. Conjunctions (class 11). They
ma nuwa marker of immediate have a very restricted use. Their function is
future to co-ordinate two expressions or two
Adjectives (class 7). These are noun
3.7. nouns in an expression; the first use is very
modifiers, and for this they are always infrequent, because paratactic construc-
syntactically related to nouns, although they tions arc preferred; co-ordination of nouns
may Ik1 morphologically unrelated. l- moit' frequent. Conjunctions are con-
moho 'good' nfitf small' sidered endoclitica because, lacking seman-
nih"i 'broad' stinkqw 'new' tic value, they are
imbedded in endocentric
kit"ua 'red' nuiila big* Constructions. There are only two con-
QuAMTrrATiyas (class B Quantita- junctions, and both have the same function:
are noun oi adjective modifiers, and as
tt , U 'and' /'<! 'and'
Buch they are always bound to the elements
they modify. have 1 so Far found no more Inflective root- have the distinctive mark
than two quantitatfr i of inflexion. Pluralixahle ones (nouns and
have B much more limited
1
i>cli 'much, many, very asives in-
h\'t few, a t"«'\\' flexion than temporalisables (verbs).
9 . In normal con- 3.12. Nouns (class 12). Noun- have the
structions th«y are always related to noun-, obligatory category of number. Number is

forming determinate number.

plural- of Bingular, plural, or dual, and is not always
They occur isolated only in the process of Overtly marked. The affixes of" nouns per
counting. Some numeral- are tain to cla.--e- and suffix
\'.\ and IS (prefix
ula 'o: markers of number;; their syntax will be
til Mv. described in §!.'_'.

hum' 'tin !>' aides single-root and juxtaposed nouns

'four' (as those at the end of §2), there are also
1
suthunl 'five noun.- formed Of S verbal base plus a nom-
tikijntt inalizing prefix of class 17:
ttktl .en' Mm water' ihyaw 'earth'
tignyiu 'eight' Heidi 'cicada' ntuai 'bat'
nauhw; 'nine* kiuttuy 'squirrel' kudu 'stone'
ten' m&n&ycP 'a wet thing' < w-nomina-
itnd 'eleven' lizer, nkfya* variant form of the
.sthuti 'twelve' verb nk 9 wa 9
 :

JILIAPAN PAME

3.13. Possessives (class 13). Possessives 3.15. Prefixes of number of nouns

are always placed immediately before a (class 15). I have referred, when speaking
noun which is the thing possessed. In free of class 12, to the number inflexion of
translation possessives could be translated nouns. Prefixes of class 15 are markers
as 'my' (and 'our'), 'your' (sing, and pi.), (along with suffixes of class 18) of this
and 'his/her' (and 'their'), but they are category. Class 15 is constituted by three
better translated, in singular, as 'it is elements:
mine' (and 'it is ours') 'it is yours' (sing, na- marker of singular.
and pi.), and 'it is his/it is hers' (and 'it Y- marker of plural used most
is theirs'). When the things possessed are frequently.
plural,whether marked or not, the posses- re- marker of plural used with a
sive pluralized by means of the prefix
is few roots, it may be a re-
Y-, also used as noun pluralizer. Class 11 cent loan from Otomi.
is formed only by the following elements: 3.16. Prefixes of tense-aspect and
mpq? 'it is mine, it is ours' person (class 16). I shall explain the in-
cq? 'it is yours' (sing, and pi.) flective categories of verbs in §4.1; here I
mq, 'it is his, it is hers, it is theirs* give an almost complete list of tense-aspect
yiq,( 9 ) 'they are mine, they are ours' and person prefix markers, excluding those
cyq? 'they are yours' (sg. and pi.) of future because they are nearly out of use.
myq, 'they are his, they are hers, The list contains forms I gathered in the
they are theirs' field, as well as forms reconstructed accord-
3.14. Verbs Verbs have the
(class 14). ing to data provided by Valle reconstructed ;

richest inflexion language, with

of this forms are marked by an asterisk, as is cus-
categories of tense-aspect and person tomary, and it is not possible to guarantee
(marked by prefixes of class 16), and num- that they actually exist in the language as
ber (marked by suffixes of class 19). Verbs it is remembered by the few present-day
are also bases for nouns formed by pre- speakers. I have not included Valle's
fixing an element of class 17. They can take third conjugation prefixes because, according
suffixes of class 20 (object markers), but to data he himself provides, it seems to
these are not obligatory. have been an optative set of stylistic
Verbal roots fall into two subclasses, prefixes used instead of the usual sets:
according to their inherent voice; the voice (a) prefixes of transitive voice verbs:
determines which prefixes of class 16 should progres- perfec- infin- hypo- imperative
be employed. The two subclasses are. sive tive itive thetic

transitives — those roots which admit an 1st /-/ t- nil- nil- mU-
object, and intransitives — those roots
2nd KI-I
3rd A- 1
t-

i-
nl-
r-
nA- ml-
nA- mdu-
k-...-t/I-...-t/s-...-l

which exclude the object.

Several transitives can get the intransi- (b) prefixes of intransitive voice verbs:
tive voice by taking the prefixes of intransi- hypo-
pTogres- perfec- infin-
imperative
tive. A secondary voice, that of reflexive, sive tive itive thetic

isformed by using a special set of prefixes 1st /- *lA- *tA- *tA-

2nd gl- *kl- *kl- *kl- k-...-t/I-...-t/s-...-t
with inherently transitive roots. Some verb *gU- *nA- *ml-
3rd U-
roots are:
-ndoa 'to walk' -ti(?n 'to sow' (c) prefixes of reflexive voice

-paha 'to hit' -su4 'to tie' progres- perfec- intjn-

imperative
sive tive itive
-4e 9 et 'to split' -igin 'to weep'
1st *tl- *nl- *ml-
-aw 'to eat' -sdhot 'to dig'
2ml *tl- *nl- *ml-
-ti§in 'to take a bath' 3rd *tl- *nl- *ml-

343
 LIN'GUISTICS

The alternate sets of markers for the 20). The two elements of this class indicate
progressive of transitives and for the three the grammatical person which is the object
forms of imperative, not differentiated for of the verb to which they are suffixed: -k
voice, are used selectively, i.e., one series is used for first and second person; -p is

inflects certain roots, and the other in- used for third person, but seldom, and,
flects other roots. perhaps, optionally:
Nominalizers (class
3.17. 17). There rwdha-k 'he hit me',
are nouns formed by adding prefixes of nuwdha-k 'I hit you',
class 17 to the transitive voice roots. rwdha-p 'he hit him'
These prefixes are: k- agentive, 8- instru- Construction. In Jiliapan Pame there
4.
mental, m(I)- resultative: are syntactic and paratactic constructions.
k-sdhot 'digger, a person who digs'. Syntactic constructions are those in which
k-dao 9 'cutter, a person who cuts'. there is grammatical subordination or de-
s-kibi 'the instrument that serves pendence among the component elements;
for unloading' paratactic constructions are those in which
s-tao9 'the instrument that serves two or more independent expressions are
for cutting' set side by side without formal indication
m-foa 'something split' of their connection. Entities taking part in
m-tao 9 'something cut' paratactic constructions may be one-ele-
:>.1Y SlFFIX MARKERS OF PLURAL OF ment clauses or syntactic clauses, so we
lass 18). Besides prefixes of class have three types of clauses: (a) one-element
15 markers of number) there is a suffix clauses, depending on the total situational
of plural used selectively with word- of context in which they are uttered, being
class l- formed on b verb-root base: it is the mainly answers to questions; (b) syntactic
suffix -t. Almost unused, and entirely op- clauses, the normal basic expressions (dis-
tional is suffix -s, marker of dual: d in §4.4); and (c) paratactic clauses,
kuhu 'sorcerer' kvMU 'sorcerers' the prodmt ofcombining two or more
mething split' tncixil 'sonic things clauses of type- (s and (b).
I

that have One element sentences consist of a single

been split' word of the group of independent roots,

3.19. SlFFIX MARKERS OF PLTJBAL OF i.e., an interrogative, locative, temporal, or
verhs (class 10 . Number inflexion of '
ive.

verb- has markers of plural

three suffix It is not normal to make a sentence with
(singular being unmarked) -m is used with a noun or verb alone, even in answer to a
first person, -n is used with second p question. Instead these forms are combined
and -* (zero) is used with third person. with at least one other even if it involves
In §_' I referred to the morphophonemic repeating the verb of the question.
changes produced by these suffix Syntactic clauses basically consist of a
verb (with its bound person and tense-
Tuliwa+m > ndlwam 'we walk'
aspect marker) and an independent sub-
ndiwa + n > ndiwan 'you walk'
ject, and sometimes also an independent
fu+ * > <''u "they are chiding 1

object. The >ubject and object may in turn

[rihin + m > plhim 'we are cover
be complex, as will be explained later.
ing'
Paratactic sentences unite simple ele-
n/u-f-n > cyun 'you (pi.) are chid-
ments and syntactic formations by placing
ing'
them one behind the other, without es-
hwa + # > tha 'they are loosening'
subordination relationship,
tablishing a
'1:20. Markers of verb OBJECT (class and seldom a co-ordination relationship.

344
 ' : '

JfLIAL'AN I'AME

In the following descriptions 1 shall not huk ni&ydhot 'you dug'

make special reference to simple expressions I; u it a radhot 'he dug'
because, as they consist of a single word of ka msdhot had dug'
'if 1

classes 1, 2, 3, or 4, they present no difficul- hu mSydhoi 'if you had dug'

ties. kunu mdusdhot 'if he had dug'
LI. Verb syntax. The verb has in-
ka urn nsdhot I am going to dig,
flection for and
tense-aspect, for person,
I will dig'
for number. Persons are first, second and
hu ma nsdhot 'you are going to dig'
third; numbers are singular and plural
kunu ma nsnh.ut 'he is going to dig'
(and, occasionally, dual); tense-aspects are
ksdhoi dig!' (imperative)
progressive, perfective, future, hypothetic
and imperative, with the following values: The singular forms of verbs have no

Progressive. This tense indicates con-

special markers. Forms in the plural have
tinuing action, which is assumed to refer
suffixes of class 19; although very infre-
quent, when the subject is dual, the forms
to present time if there is no contrary indi-
cation. However, used with an appropriate
may optionally have the suffix of dual (-s)

temporal, instead of the corresponding suffix of plural.

it refers to past time:
ka tyao9 'I am cutting, T cu1
In other words, verbs in the singular bear

ka tyao 9 T was cutting yester- only a prefix of class 16, and in plural bear
$ta?
day, I cut yesterday' one prefix and one an object
suffix. When
Perfective. This tense indicates concluded
suffix (class 20) employed with verbs in
is

plural, it is placed between the root and the

action. In the absence of specific indication
past tense is implied, but with the appro-
suffix of number:
priate temporal it can also refer to the
t-ta 9 o T am seeking'
n-tya9 o-n 'you (pi.) sought'
future:
ka ntut 'I broke [it]'
nu-waha-k 'I hit (past tense) you'
turumpa ka ntut 'I will have broken nu-waha-k-m 'we hit (past tense)
[it] the day after tomorrow'
you'

Hypothetic. It can be translated by 'if I 4.2. Noun syntax. The noun has in-
had...', 'if you had...', 'if he had...', in sen-
flexion for number as an obligatory but not

tences like 'if you had seen'.

always overt category. Usually singular is

Future and Imperative. These have ap- unmarked (the old marker of
prefix n-,
singular, has fused with the root and is no
proximately the same values as the English
future and imperative.
longer a living prefix), but when it is neces-

and sary to emphasize the singular character

Tense-aspects (excepting future)
of a noun, thisis done by placing the nu-
persons are marked by prefixes of class 16
which I have already listed. The prefix meral nada 'one' before the noun, or by
markers of future mentioned by Valle means of the bound proclitic na-. Dual is
have disappeared, and now this tense is almost unused, but, when found, it is marked
expressed by auxiliaries (class 6) placed by the suffix -s. Plural may be expressed
before a verb bearing the infinitive prefix. by special affixes (classes 15 and 18) or by
using numerals (class 9), or quantitatives
Possible confusions between verbal forms
(class 8)
arc avoided by the regular employment of
pronouns: Singular Marked Singular Plural
ka sydhot 'I am digging, I dig' use of affixes:
huk Sydhot 'you are digging' tithe 'nopal na-Uhe re-ithe

kunu sdhot 'he is digging' n-4i ? 'tooth' na-niif £i? (Y+4 '

n-t?u 'louse' na-ntfu lyu*

ka nsdhot 'I dug' kuhu 'sorcerer' nada kuhu kuhu I

Ml
 LINGUISTICS

use of numerals: the same elaborations, objects of complex

n-tao 'eye' nada ntao tiidyao formation are not frequent.
m-pdhan 'horse' nada mpdhan hniu ydhan
4.4. Syntactic clause. The syntactic
use of quantitatives
clause has always two parts, each of which
n-krt 'stick' nada nkii bidig\m may consist of one or two entities (shown
kudu 'stone' nada kudu kuru kudu
in the formula by ^> -f zlt).
The first part may contain an introdue-
4.3. Complex subjects and objects. tive (I), a verb auxiliary (X), or both. In
In general, it may be said that subjects and constructions with only one entity in the
objects have the same structure, but with first part the introductive is found more
Both are formed
certain limitations in use. frequently than the auxiliary; in construc-
by a noun, a pronoun, or by several nouns: tions with two entities the obligatory order
ka ciju T chide' is introductive tirst, auxiliary second (in
suwa sdhot 'John digs' the formula this is represented by [I.X]).
^uwa ra mle ma t-tehes 'John and The second part may contain a verb (V), a
Mary will marry' complement (C), or both. In constructions
Each noun can aerve aa a base for more with only one entity in the second part, the
elaborate constructions. When then- is more verb is found more frequently than the
than one noun, they are co-ordinated by complement. In constructions with two
conjunctions. The elaboration of noun entities there is no fixed order, but usually
D Using their own modifiers: ad- the verb precedes the complement (shown
jectives, numerals, quantitatives and demon- in the formula by [V, (']).

stratives. In their turn, adjectives can l>e Then, the basic formula for syntactic
elaborated by the use of quantitative! clause in Jiliapan Tame is:

Numerals, quantitatives, and demon-

strative- are placed before the noun: nu-
EJP.X1+ E'lv.ci
meral- and quantitatives are mutually The introductive may he an interroga-
exclusive. Demonstratives are placed be- tive ii' of class 1, or a simple or complex
other modifiers when they appear to- BUDJed - of the forms already descrihed.
r in a complex Subject. Th*' adjective Clauses with an interrogative word as
(and :t- modifier, when it ha- one usually introductive are, of course, questions. The
follows the noun, especially in more com- Verb auxiliary i- a member of class 6.
plex constructions, but it may also be placed The verb i- of class 14. The complement
the noun. The modifier of an adjec- may have the -aine components as the
pr. cede- it. Some example- follow: subject, hut BS already indicated, it is usu-
kwlt't 'stone' ally simpler. In constructions with a com-
ludu 'four stoni plement and a verb (which must be transi-
lu'lu Skandda 'white -tone' (al tive) the complement functions as object (o)
of the verb. In constructions with comple-
}>i<t ment only it i- a predicate (p) modifier of
i I udu Bumdda 'many white the subject, or, in other words an equational
expression is formed:
kwlii hull Bumdda "very white I. -f \ l ka gtaaP mugu T am cutting
the meat'
pyr kudu skandoa 'four white Ii +V -f Co 'ton di{he 9 t mpy.hi 'how do
you weave the hat?'
kunn kwlu that stone' X -f V + C ma nuwa nsutf gyy, T am
Although basically the object may have going to cut firewood'

346
JILIAPAN PAME

Ii +X -f V ki 9 e ma kikye 'when will tive), entering into a paratactic construc-

you come back?' tion may be placed either before or after
I« + Cp mbyarma9 a li nk 9 a?otf bidi the syntactic clause, and have no fixed
mothi 'coyote and fox order among themseh
are very bad' sta thyi{ ntu 9 u 'I sowed corn yes-
!• + Co + V ka 9
make pots'
n<j. i kyo 9 a 'I terday' (literally: 'yesterday I-
4.5. Paratactic constructions. In an sowed com'
effort to interpret accurately the syntactic ka ihyi{ ntu 9 u Ua 'I sowed corn yes-
structure of Fame, we note which compo- terday (I I -sowed corn yester-
nents are complete in themselves and do not day)'
acquire additional meaning by inclusion in a Note that the independent subject may
larger complex, as against those which disappear in paratactic constructions; the
cannot be used alone or which take on rule is that, if some other element precedes
some implicit additional notion in context. the verb, normal to omit the inde-
it is

A construction entirely made up of the pendent subject. Perhaps as an extension

first kind of form is paratactic; other types of this principle, when an English sentence
are syntactic. with several co-ordinate verbs is translated
Since in a few details Pame parallels into Pame, the subject is kept in the first
Spanish, we may illustrate with a Spanish expression, but lost in the others:
example like yo trabajo, freely translated as Suwa rwahak te ginti rnafia 'John hit
'I work' but more strictly as 'I, I-work'. me and went away running (John
That is, trabajo includes the subject (marked he-hit-me and he-left he-ran)'
by the suflix -o) and is complete in itself. If an English sentence with several co-
Hence, the addition of yo, also self-sufficient, ordinate subjects is translated, the Pame
is paratactic. In contrast, 'I work' in language favors the use of a paratactic
English is syntactic because one of the sentence with the verb repeated in each
parts of the construction, 'work', is incom- clause, rather than use a co-ordinate subject:
plete by itself. Incidentally it may be ob- wi kenen mphagy% sthe naw, stit 9 i(f.
served that, generally speaking, paratactic resthe naw 'there in the town the
formations more readily admit variations ox and the donkey are eating the
in order than do syntactic ones; for ex- nopals (there (in)-town ox nopal
ample, trabajo yo is perfectly correct in he-is-eating, donkey nopals he-
Spanish. There are, of course, paratactic is-eating)'
formations in English, as 'I work now' in In the following small text (given as an
which the segments work' and 'now' are
'I example of longer utterances) slant lines
related only paratactically. Syntactic char- separate the major divisions. A single
acter may also be given by the use of rela- stroke marks the division between clauses, a
tional particles, such as the prepositions in pair of strokes mark the division between
English. sentences:
Paratactic sentences in Jiliapan Pame ma nuwa unahao nuwehe / ma nuwa
from combining two or ? us nuwehe nuwehe
result in parataxis itl:
/ / §ndabi
more expressions, at least one of which is a II ma ntuhin nk 9 u§ // mwq /
syntactic clause. The paratactic nature of unahao nk 9 wa?n // ma ni 9 i
these constructions is seen in the lack of nku 9 a II ma nuwa unahao
specific relational elements and in the fact nk 9 wa?n // ma nme mgho una-
that each component is complete in itself. hao II ma n$ 9 i nku?a.
Members of classes and 4 (interroga-
1, 2, 3, Literal translation:
t.ves, locatives, temporals, and the nega- '[I] will go-now earth seek / will go-now
347
 LINGUISTICS

'guija" seek / finished seek , will grind (a mineral pottery temper). I have brought
"guija" now // earth [I will] wet // will the things I went to gather. I will grind the
pot make // will go-now earth wet // will "guija," and in this moment I am going to
now earth good // will pot make'. wet the earth. The earth is ready now, and
Free translation: I will make my pot.
I am going to seek earth and "gnija"

REFERENCES
( astro. U>55 Schuller, L925b
Gibeon, L. F., 1956 Soriano, 177t>

Rockett, 1955 Soustelle, 1937

Manrique, 1968, I960 Swadesh, 19591.. 1960a, 19Mb
Orosco y Berra, 1864 Vallr. n.«l
Pimento! 1904 , Vifiaza L8
7H. Huamelultec Chontal

VIOLA WATERHOl SE

0. Introduction Command (with statement intona-

1. Phonemes tion)
1 . . Inventory of phonemes 4.3.2. Dependent sentences
1.1. Phoneme-set descriptions 4.4. Discourse types
1.2.1. Distribution in syllables
1.2.2. CV sequences
0. Introduction. Chontal de Oaxaca is a

1.2.3. Consonant clusters Hokan language spoken by 9000 Indians in

2 . Morphophonemics southern Oaxaca, Mexico. The name
3 . Morphology Tequistlatec (given to avoid confusion
3.0. Word-classes
with the Mayan Chontal de Tabasco)
3.1. Verbs
properly applies to the dialect formerly
3.1.1. Verb bases
3.1.2. Verb margins spoken in the town of Tequisistlan and
3.2. Nouns still surviving in the central core of moun-
3.2.1. Noun stems tain two days' trail from Tequi-
villages
3.2.2. Noun margins sistlan. The other major dialect (here called
3.3. Pronouns
Huamelultec) is spoken in the villages of
3.4. Particles
Syntax
4. Astata and Huamelula in the coastal plain
4.0. Types of syntactic units south of the Tequistlatec area, a day and a
4.1. Phrase types half by trail from the Pacific seaport of
4.2. Clause types
Salina Cruz.
4.2.1. Predicative clauses
Tequistlatec (T) has been described by
4.2.2. Exclamatory clauses
4.2.3. Negative clauses Belmar (1900) and by de Angulo and Free-
4.2.4. Interrogati ve clauses land (1925), and is now being investigated
4.2.5. Subordinate clauses further by Paul and Shirley Turner of the
4.3. Sentence types
Summer Institute of Linguistics; Huamelul-
4.3.1. Independent sentences
tec (H) has been described only by Water-
Affirmative (with statement intonation)
Interrogative (with non-affirmative in- house (Waterhouse, 1949a,b, 1961, 1962),
tonation) and a colleague (Waterhouse and Morrison.
Negative 1950). The present description is only of
General (with statement intonation)
Huamelultec, with a brief mention of major
Intensive (with non-affirmative in-
dialect differences.
tonation)
Question (with interrogative in- Huamelultec shows a high degree of accul-
tonation) turation and bilingualism with, however,

349
 ;

LINGUISTICS

the Indian language as the language of tive and incompletive. The H prefix has no
choice and prestige in the adult community cognates in T; the T Class I affirmative
(Waterhouse, 1949a), and the structure of completive set is cognate with the H rela-
the Spanish spoken showing a high degree of tional set of noun prefixes. 2
Chontal influence (see Waterhouse, 1961). The plan of this article is in the traditional
In contrast, Tequistlatec-speakers retain a order of phonemics,
morphophonemics,
high degree of monolingualism except in the morphology, and syntax. For a different
villages closest to the Oaxaca-Isthmus high- order, see the full grammar (Waterhouse,
way. 1962). The analysis of both the morphology
Major dialect differences are in the pho- and the syntax is based on Pike's tagmemic
nemics and the grammar; there are many theory (K. L. Pike, 1954, 1955, 1958, 1960)
cognate vocabulary items. Some common the term tagmemc, however, and tagmemic
expressions are completely different, how- formulas have been omitted. Rather, refer-
ever, making communication between speak- ence has been made to slot and function,
ers of the two dialects difficult. Common which are tagmemic slot and function.
cognates are illustrated in the sentences For a full tagmemic presentation the reader

for 'the child went to sleep': H, smdnapa 1- again referred to the complete grammar.

laufd] T, tismdynaba iaw'd; 1

major differen- 1.0. Inventory of phonemes. Huame-

ces in the expressions tor 'where arc you lultec segmental phonemes include 35
going?': H, xdapc md °dypa; T, pegof cSeya. consonants and 5 vowels; suprasegmental
Differencesphonemica and grammar
in phonemes are length and stress.
may be summed up by saying that Huamel- Consonant phonemes are shown on
ultec lias more phonemic contrasts than Table 1, arranged to show maximum con-
Tequistlateo; Tequistlatec has more gram- tract a within the consonant system. Major

matical contrasts than Huainclu!' contrasts are between voiceless and voiced
Phonemic differences are voiced-voiceless articulation on the vertical axis, and be-
stop contrast in H, free variation between tween central and lateral on the horizontal
them inT; alveopalatals t
v
, l
y
, l
y in H, not axis. Both voiceless and voiced central
in T (though both have >. <', and n ;
pre- consonants Bhow three-way vertical con-
gjottalised voiced continuants in contrast trast between glottalic, continuant and
with °C in II, not in T; phonemic 7 in T, obstruent types of articulation, and four-
not m II. wax' horizontal contrast between labial,

Morphological differences an- Been in l>oth alveolar, alveopalatal, and velar points of
noun and verb classification. Both dialects articulation. Glottal stop contrasts with all

distinguish between consonant-initial (C) the consonants but fits distributionally

and vowel-initial (V) nouns; in II, however, with voiceless glottalic rather than with
1
C Douns occur with definitive </-; r nouns voiceless obstruent. Lateral consonants
witli /-; whereas m T, (' nouns are divided show two-way contrast between glottalic
into those which occur with definitive and continuant type of articulation in both
Lai- and those with a!-, V nouns into those voiceless and voiced categories, and be-
with /- and those with /-. In II. verbs have
no prefixes except first person marker * T has a similar noun set as well, thus showing

c/-; in T, verbs are divided into lour d. more overlap between the noun and verb classes
than there ia in II
each of which ha- distinct person prefix 1 Obstruent
is defined for this language as any
for affirmative and negative, comple- consonant which has stop, affricate or flap al-
lophones in ;it leasl some environments. This
1
Data for Tequistlatec examples are phonetic, definition is set up explicitly to allow us to handle
taken from my field • - I 'or the structural in- voiceless spirants as a separate set from voiceless
formation I am indebted to Shirley Turner. stops, since they form separate distributional sets.

3.50
 :

HUAMELULTEC CHONTAL
Table 1

Voiceless Ce ntral Lateral

? V
1. Glottalic r c' c'

2. Continuant s s I l»

3. Obstruent p t c V c k

Voiced

4. Glottalic m' n' n' I'

5. Continuant m n f n y w I l»

6. Obstruent b d r (J

tween alveolar and alveopalatal points of 'he moved it'. Voiceless laterals contrasl
articulation. Distributionally, central and with clusters of x plus lateral in wold 9
lateral consonants combine into horizontal 'take it', paxld 9 'wash it'; kulvd 9 'give it',
sets numbered 1-6 on Table 1. kuxlW 'sell it'.

Articulation is fortis for Set 4 (voiced Set 3, voiceless obstruent, includes stops
glottalic), lenis for other sets. Alveopalatals u k, and pdnd 9 'river',
affricates c, c.
p, t, t ,

V, n\ n, I" are made with tongue blade,

l
y
, tdnduy yd 9 'I'm pounding', Vdnduy 'he's
have no appreciable offglide. They contrast pounding', kdna 9 'when', cecpa yd 9 'I
both with alveolars and with clusters with went', ceepa 'he went '.

y, although in clusters the quality of the Set 4, voiced glottalic includes preglot-
consonant before the y is alveopalatal talized nasals in', n', rV, velar vocoid w\
tepa yd ? 'I bit it', t
v epa 'he bit it', Vyepa and lateral /'. These contrast with phone-
'fell'; lo ? pa yd T moved it', l"6
9 pa 'he moved mic clusters of glottal stop plus m, n, n, w,
it', miifrd? 'tell him', pil»yd 'might kill'; and /: pem'a 'cany', pi 9 ma 'believe';
n'dpa yd 9 T bought it', n'dpa 'he bought kdn'eld 9 'leave it', md 9 neld 9 'fish it'; sdn'i
it', pen'uupa 'brought', 9 oyn'yopa 'put'; 'just so,' xd 9 nl 'no'; IHw'd 'his child',

ndpa yd 9 T hit', ndpa 'he hit', fanu 9 'seed xuci 9 wd 9 'he is lying to you'; xdaVe 'that
corn', lansanyv? 'the people'; loopa yd 9 which', nd 9 le? 'tell it (pi.)'.
v v voiced continuant, includes nasals
'I played', l 6opa 'he played', l yoopa 'took'. Set 5,

1.1. Phoneme-set descriptions. Set 1, m, n, n, trill f, vocoids y, w, laterals /, /".

voiceless glottalic, includes four glottalized n has a velar allophone in word final and
affricates: /', c', c', V, one glottalized stop before velars, is alveolar elsewhere (fin
k', and glottal stop 9 . fonlexmd 9 'ladder', 'quiet', panxda 'slowly', ndana 'mother'), w
c'oos 'cold', c'oospa 'it got cold', Viquy 'he is velar rather than labial, has no appre-
cleans', k'ecluy 'he carries water,' 9 awd ciable lip rounding, mdpa 'died,' ndfpa
'squash'. yd 9 shook it', ndfpa 'he shook it', fenka
'I

Set 2, voiceless continuant, consists of 'lame', ydguy 'he is making noise', wdduy
spirants /, which have no marked
s, s, 'he is carrying it', Idxld 9 'rinse it off', V'dxpa
allophones, x which varies freely from velar 'he rinsed it off'.

[x] to [h], [axd 9 or [ahd 9 'water,' and lat-

] ] Set 6, voiced obstruent, includes flap
erals I and which and g, which have stop allophones
l
y are almost frictionless r, b, d,

between vowels {hold 9 'say it', miiPd 9 after nasals, fricative elsewhere, ndanard
'tell him'), lightly fricative elsewhere (imol 'wasp'; mbamd 9 'ten', biida 'grandmother';
'sheep', askul" fdpa 'he sowed',
'tortilla'), kdnduy 'he is leaving it', odoy 'straight';
simpa yd 9 T saw', simpa 'he saw', xdpa pdnguy 'he is sitting', pdguy 'she is washing
'it melted,' Wpa yd 9 'I moved it', P6 9 pa it'.

351
 LINGUISTICS

Vowels are of the common 2+2+1 pat- tilla'; Set ."), torn 'stingy', c'inin 'early
tern: i, e, a, o, u. e is mid front open; a morning', xorxor 'snore', pinyuy 'he is
has a raised allophonc before k'; other pounding', paafuy 'straight', cicakwdl
vowels have no marked allophones and the 'booth', mul v mul v 'muddy'.
symbols are used with their traditional All vowels occur as syllable peaks without
phonetic values, ipa 'flower', epa 'sugar either onsets or codas, as seen above. They
i
ane', awd 9 'wind', ndyl u oxmdk' 'daily', all also occur as peaks of syllables with on-
odoy 'straight', uw'e 'salt'. sets, with codas, or with both. With onset:
Prosodic phonemes are length and stress. pipa 'it got burned', pepa 'he sent him',
Each may occur independently on any Zdpa kopa 'he said', kupa 'he gave
'it itched',
vowel and in any position; they may also With coda: inxa 'wild pig', enteda 'liver',
it'.

ur together. dmpa 'wide spaced', onsdale 'wildcat',

Length does not alter the quality of the imfdSpo 'scorpion'. With t>oth onset and
vowel with which it occurs; long vowels coda: tHSmiA 'shrimp', pespa 'weighed',
arc only slightly longer than short vowels. pdrujuy "lie is sitting', konta 'heavy', kiixpa
'The phonemic status of length is well- 'he sold it'.

icd. eltaxi 'the crab', airi.iii 'sleepi- 1.2.2. C\ bequbngbs. The distribution of
, l
y eijopa 'he was hungry', P>6egopa 'he Consonants next U) vowels shows certain sys-
took him'; pdguy 'she is washing it', juiaguy tematic gaps, as well as certain sporadic
it is dying down'; tok'im'a •raise', took'im'a gaps due to low frequency of occurrence. The
y upa 'he nursed', fJ uupa
a bite'; t following consonants are found next to all
vowels:/', v
'soft-fibered basket '. /.', ", /';/, J, x;p, t , c, k; m'; //;, //,

Stress may occur on adjacent syllables: /"; l>, d, r, </. It will be noted that most al-

jmiui' 'river', on alternate syllables: pdc$- veopalatal consonants show unlimited dis-

be is doing it', or on only one syllable; tribution next to vowels; those which have
put*dypa 'carried m arms', since the mul- BOme limitation are r', which does not occur
tiple stress pattern was discovered at a Ix'forec nor next to <>, /" which does not follow
laie stage of field work, not all possible 8, and fi* which does not precede 0. Alveolar
patterns have been checked BS '•
consonants are almost all restricted in dis-

Changes in stress and Length occur as tribution with regard to high vowels: c' and
BUprafizee marking certain plurals. In s do not follow n; /, /, /)', and / do not occur
addition, certain sentence types appear to next to i or //; c does not occur before i nor
have a t vik> of ovcrridn .. and iu- next to does not precede /or u. Vocoid
//; n //

tonatioual lengthening, much longer than does not precede ir and (/'' do not precede / ; <>

normal lengthening, occurs for emphasis in or Sporadic gaps due to low frequency of
u.

e\iv h. occurrence of either consonant or vowel are

1.2.1. Distribution in syllables. All the non-occurrence of ;/'' and /' after e, of
a ants occur as syllable onsets; d and /•, /'
before o andand of r next to i or after a.
»,

however, are found only in non-initial syl- \:l..\ CONSONANT CLUSTBB8 of two or
lables, r.xamples are given abt three occur as complex onsets, and clusters
Only sett i. _'. and ."
occur as codas. All of two as complex codas. Clusters may be
mem; 1 and 2 SO occur; of B Viewed a- basic, that is, part of the stem; or
all but OCCur, but n is found only in derived, that is, resulting from the prefixa-
non-final codas: Set 1, utif tousled', amdc' tion or sumxation of some morpheme con-
1
'land', mnpuc 'wild Bquash', ''ok' 'fire- Derived clusters
sisting of a .-ingle consonant.
wood', axuV 'house', ofcrf' 'bird'; Set 2, forming complex onsets result from prefixing
xof 'open', monl'e.s 'inamey fruit', fctfj the firs! person allomorph I- to person-mark-
'curly', fux 'white', fcH "wet', asktiih 'tor- ing verbs. Derived clusters forming complex
HUAMELULTEC CHONTAL

codas result from suffixing plural allomorph codas. Many more would be added if de-
-?
to certain nouns ending in n, or I, or suffix- rived clusters were considered.
ing plural allomorph -y? to certain nouns Basic clusters of two occurring as inter-
ending in vowel a. ludes, like onsets, consist of any set but 4 as
Basic clusters of two occurring as complex first member and any set as second member,
onsets consist of any set but 4 as initial with restrictions as to specific combinations.
member, and any set as second member, with With a few exceptions, all clusters found as
restrictions as to specific combinations. onsets and codas are also found as inter-
Thus, Set 1 only precedes 5, and the only ludes. In addition, the following types occur:
combination found is k'w. Of Set 2, only 8 Set 1 precedes 2, 3, and 5, with the only
and s occur in complex onsets, and precede 2+1 combination W, and the only 2 + 3
any set but 2 and 6, with A;' and 9 the sole Vp. Combinations of 1 5 are/'n, c'w, A'//, +
representatives of Set 1, giving clusters sk', k'l, 9 n, 9 n. all sets but 6. The
Set 2 precedes
sk', s 9 , §?. 2 + 3 combinations have only 2+1 combinations are the same as those
stops as second members, with specific com- found as onsets; the only 2 + 2 is xs. Com-
binations sp, st, sk, Sp, stv , §k. In 2 + 4 com- binations of 2 + 3 are ft, ft
v
, xc, It, l v k 2; + 4
binations m', and w' occur, with
n', n', combinations are the same as onsets. Com-
specific clusters sm', sn', sw', 6m\ sn', sw'. In binations of 2 +
5 are /m, /ft, xm, xn, Im, Iw,
2 + 5 combinations m, n, n, y, and to occur, l
v n. The only combination with Set 3 is 3 + 5
with specific clusters sm, sn, sy, sw, §m, 5n, cy. Set 5 precedes all sets. Combinations of
sw. Only the stop members of Set 3 occur as 5+1 are nc', nc', nV, of 5 + 2 are nx, nl, I
9
;

first member of clusters, with only Set 5, w, fs, If;5 + 3, mp, nt, nc, nk, nV, yt lp; rlc, v
,

y, and Set (>, r, as second member. Specific 5 + 4, mm', yw', nV;l> + 5, mm, nn, nw,
combinations of 3 +
5 are pw, t vy, kw; of nl, ny, ym, yn, yw, yl 5 + 6, ng, yg. Thev
;

3 +6, tr. Only m, n, w, l

v of Set 5 occur as only combination with Set 6 6 + 6 dr, is

first member, and only Set 2, x, Set 5, y, and found only in a loan.
Set 6, b, d, with specific combinations 5 2 + Basic clusters of three as interludes, in

wx, 5 + 5 l
v
y, 5 + 6 mb, nd. The only com- addition to all complex onsets except $k'w
bination with Set 6 as first member also has include the following types: 5+1 + 5
6 as second member and is a loan :* 6 6 br + yf\ v 5 , + 2 + 3 nxV, 5 + 2 + 5 mxm, yxm,
(bruxu 'witch-doctor'). Examples of many of yxn, 5 + 3 + 5 nkw, ykw.
these may be seen in later sections. Vowel clusters are extremely rare, and
In basic clusters of three as complex on- occur only in free alternation with combina-
sets, the first member is Set 2 s or S, the tions of yV: pacedxkuy/pacydxkuy 'he does
second, Set 1 k' or Set 3 A-, the third, Set 5, stupidly'; vrionawa/myonawa 'he goes on
w: sk'w, Sk'w, skw, §kw. repeating'.
Basic clusters forming complex codas have 2. Morphophonemics. The following
Set 5 m or n as first member,
and Set 1 /' or morphophonemic processes are operative in
k' or Set 2 s as second member, with specific Huamelultec: (1) assimilation, (2) unvoicing,
combinations 5+1
mf, nk', 5 + 2 ns. (3) palatalization, (4) glottalization, (5)
Complex interludes consist of two or three dissimilation, (6) intercalation, and (7)
consonants. Combinations are more nu- elision.
merous and varied than those found in (1) Assimilation. Nasals assimilate to the
onsets or codas: 86 basic cluster types as point of articulation of the following con-
interludes, over against 36 onsets and 3 sonant, sinyuy 'see', simpa 'saw', tdnduy

'pound', tdmpa 'pounded', Idnsanyu? 'the

* Loanwords in common use are included in the
people', lainbamuukwS 9 'the twelve'. Only n
description although no attempt has been made to
be exhaustive. occurs before velars, but it is the velar al-

353
 1

LINGUISTICS

lophone which occurs: pdnguk' 'seated', vowel or y and vowel, g occurs: elc'ee gamdc 1

sinwdypa 'came to see', Idnk'epa 'chose'. 'the first of the year', kugay gdpi?e 'they-sell
(2) Unvoicing of g occurs before con- eggs'. Between vowel and consonant, x
sonants: pdguy 'washes', pdxpa 'washed', occurs: Ittpax mil y a 'a dog bit me', lakwix
paxicdypa 'came to wash', pdnguy 'sit', bofdcu 'the drunkard', n'dc'ipax tonto 'too
pdnxpa 'sat', poygi 'cry', poyxpa 'cried'. stupid'. This tendency is reflected, but not
(3) Palatalization occurs after high vowels completely operative, in certain sets of al-
and y: lotdata 'your father', l
y it v dala 'his lomorphs of suffixes: kogompa 'said again',
father', layt v data 'my father', konapa 'finally pa 9 kompa 'came again', pinyompa 'received
said', kunapa 'finally gave', fald 9 'sow it', again'.
pifrd? 'dig it', miil»& 9 'tell him', pciyPd 9 (7) Elision occurs between words accord-
'give it to him'. Palatalization occurs across ing to the following pattern: If the second
While it occurs
glottal stop: wi°l u d 9 'look'. word begins with a prefix el- or el- the prefix
with stops, nasals and Laterals universally, vowel is lost following another vowel: pdnxa
it does not occur with affricates: l u icdl 'his Vcangim'a 'can take-me-out', nul v i ftasyento
roughness', and occurs with sibilants in 'one seat'. In other cases, when two vowels
some cases but not in others: MS* dpi 'his come together, the final vowel of the first

older female relative', but l''istinyu'} 'his word is lost: Utp-iinci 'an ant bit me', tdw-
folk- ifiine 'first day', Uikw-isiidxa 'the drunkard'.
(4) Glottaliaation occurs when certain Word-classes. Euamelultec has four
3.0.

morphemes beginning with or consisting of classes of words: verbs, nouns, pronouns, and
glottal stop follow morphemes ending in a particles. Divisive formal criteria for each
voiceless continuant. The resulting glot- class are: verb stems co occur with aspect
talued consonant is the corresponding sutlix class I10; noun stems co-oceur with
;
'

glottalized affricate or stop. xnln.rnj definitive 41; pronoun stems have

prefix
'trousers', xnln.rnj' 'pi.'; moaTis 'maniev unique pluralizers; particle stems do not co-
fruit', mtinl'tc' 'pi.'; pii- 'gel wet', pt£V- occur with affixes. Divisive functional
'make wet'; pdaxpa 'go1 calm', pdak'epa criteria are: verbs function only as predicates
•made calm', mini 'sheep', wuH' 'pi.' in certain types of classes; nouns occur as
I
fas nnilat ion (in combination with predicates of other types of clauses, also as
palatalization i occurs in the general im- means and referent;
subject, goal, recipient,
perative suffix -La*. Following stems with pronouns occur only as subject, goal or re-
high vowels, the lateral is alveopalatal; after cipient ;
particles are divided into a number
lOW vowels it is alveolar; alter vowed BOUnds of fund ion classes according to the slots they
Voiceless; after - sounds it IS fill.

voiced. pul*d" 'dig it!'. OW it I', knnld" 3.1. VERBS are divided into four major
'leave it!', pinion'' 'pound it!', j)(Uixld'' "sit form classes: intransitive, transitive, re-

down!',/ti8>ri' 'blow it:' cipient, and process. Intransitives are not

Intercalation of velars OCCUTS mainly marked for person, transitives are marked
between words, but is sometimes also found for goal, recipients for indirect object (re-
within words, especially the intercalation of cipient i, process verbs for subject. These
<i between vowels:
'Romeo, Romego for classes differ as to base.
proper name'. The choice of velar is on the Verbs are further divided into six function

following pattern: between voiceless con-

sonant and kuikawxdx
vowel, k occurs: For the decade system of classifying aflixes I
am indebted to C. F. Voegelin. The particular
'curlytop' (kus 'curly', awxdx 'head'), modification of the system used here is similar to
ndyl v uxmdk' kitHtU 'every day'. Between that of Shell (1957).

35
HTJAMELULTEC CHONTAL

classes: active, reflexive, stative, imperative, 100, or neutral root, process root, or noun
hortatory, and subordinate. These classes root plus 210. a- 'grind', may- 'go'; xulaj'-
differ formally as to margin, and functionally 'dry up', w'atuj- 'walk along edge'; tilay-
as to type of predicate slot they fill. 'shine', mesko- 'go bad', fuxko- 'get white'.
Verbs are composed of obligatory base Transitive stem denotes action toward
plus obligatory margin. goal and consists of transitive root, alone or
3.1.1. Verb bases consist of stem plus with suffix class 220 or 230; root plus 100;
optional modal suffix class 300. Verb margin intransitive, process or neutral root plus
consists of aspect-mode -person suffix classes 220. kan- 'leave', xas- 'break'; xac'e- 'crush',
400 and 500. pe 9 ne- 'believe someone'; nilay- 'sketch',

Verb stem includes root, adjunct suffix xasni- 'split in two'; xul 9 e- 'cause to dry up';
class 100, derivational suffix class 200. mesm'e- 'ruin', xufi?- 'deceive'.
Six classes of roots occur in verb stem: Recipient stem denotes action toward re-

intransitive, transitive, recipient, process, cipient (indirect object) and comprises two
neutral, and noun. Neutral roots are of three subclasses, those which occur in context
subclasses: (1) those with which class 200 is with goal as well as recipient and those
obligatory, (2) those which function un- which do not occur with goal. It consists of
affixed in Description predicate, but must recipient root, TCR plus 100, verb root or
have class 200 to function in Action predi- neutral root plus 230, transitive root plus
cate, (3) those which occur with 200 as verb 220. n'ax- 'buy', poy- 'come out'; pay- 'give';
stem and with prefix class 10 or 20 as noun xoytne- 'call for', may 9 in- 'take to', cinH-
stem. 'grind for', tenk'in- 'ring for'; kuk'i- 'sell to'.

Adjunct suffixes occur with any class of Process stem denotes action performed by
root, do not usually change the class of verb subject and consists of process root, or in-
root. They add some specialized meaning to transitive or neutral root plus 100. xul-
the basic notion of the verb. Class 1 10 occurs 'get dry', mu- 'go dow n'; xoygi-
r
'fade',

with transitive classifier roots (TCR) as mul y af- 'sweat'.

well as with other roots; class 120 does not Modal suffix class 300 is optionally added
occur with TCR. 6 Class 110: -ay 'give', -/' to verb stem to form verb base. There are
'raise', -f'i 'put down', -g 'lower', -ki 're- eight classes of these; 310, -k'oy 'augmenta-
move', -(joy 'remain', -m'i 'put in', -ni 're- tive'; 320, -ale 'indefinite object, reciprocal';

ceive'. Class 120: -cu 'above', -ing 'edge', -loo 330, -gax 'derogatory'; 340, -gon 'iterative',
'motion', -may 'settled', -nug 'take hold', -ol 350, -na 'finalitive' ; 360, -go, 'definite'; 370,
'wide-spaced', -co 'together', -way 'stooping'. 'passives', -nay, -goy, -yuu; 380, 'mova-
Suffix class200 occurs obligatorily to form tional', -way 'motion toward', -s 'motion
stems of different class from the root. It in- away'. Not more than four of these can occur
cludes three subclasses: 210, intransitivizers together, usually not more than two or three.
-ho, -ay; 220, transitivizers -?e, -m'e, -9
i, -o; When they occur together, it is in the rela-

230, recipientizers -9 in, -n'e. tive order given. Classes 350, 360 and 370
Intransitive stem denotes simple action are mutually incompatible; others are
and consists of intransitive root, root plus mutually compatible. 310, 320, 350 and 380
may occur verb final: the base so occurring
fills a description predicate slot rather than
6
TCR includes the following roots which in
their simple form indicate fetching an object of an action one, since verb margin is obliga-
the stipulated shape: 6'u- 'grains', k'e- 'water', tory to action predicative verb. Examples:
lee- 'animate' or 'long thin object', pe- 'small
w'ak'oy 'he is walking all over', cufk'oypa
object', wa- 'food or something carried in a round
container'. 'he entered inside'; kigale 'he barbers'.

355
 .

LINGUISTICS

xdak'alepd 9 'they answered each other'; hancd 9 'go leave it!', ndy 9 watd? 'please ad-

maygdxpa 'he went off stupidly' maygompa ; vise'; pdnxdagv? 'they might sit*.
'he went again'; pdynapa "he finally gave it Class 540 indicates 'stative': -a 'singular',
to him', mdyna 'he had gone', mdgopa 'he -olenna 9 'plural', kdsa 'stands', xultngol&nnd 9
died'; xasndypa 'it got ripped', cogoypa 'it 'they lean'.
i^>t spilled', puyuupa 'it was dug'; ivi'? wdypa Class 550 indicates 'resultant': -fc' 'singu-
he came to look at it', wi9 kispa 'he went to lar', -eeda 9 'plural', stmpik' 'seen', pdngeedd 9
look at it', t^exmds 'it fits well'. Examples of 'seated'.
combinations: sinalyomm'e'' 'we shall see Class 560 indicates 'person': 'first', l-

each other again' (sifi- "see'', pdnxkaxkonspa 'singular', -nga? 'plural'; 'second', -o 9 'singu-
"he stupidly went off and stayed again'. lar*, -Iwa 9 'plural'; 'third', singular un-
3.1.2. Verb margins consist of suffix marked, 4o' 'plural'. With transitive verbs,
LOO and 500. ("las- 500 suffixes are 560 marks 'goal', with recipient verbs 're-
mutually exclusive and final; class 400 may cipient', with process verbs 'subject';
be followed by 550, 560 or 570. napoiuja" 'he hit us', pdypo 9 'he gave it to
(lass 410 indicates aspect pa 'punc- yon', Isdasta 'I got tired'.
tiliar', -m'a 'incompletivc'. ta "incoinpletive Class 570 indicates 'reflexive': -St 'singu-

rnovational', -uy 'durative', ica Vontinua- lar', -lei 'plural', w'dposi 'he walked by him-
-xmaa 'customary'. 1', iri'
}
/na self, "I'uhh'-V they do it to themselves'.
will Bee', uftPa 'will . kdd&y -
Suffixes 512 rn's and 513 -ta° indicate
Otpd 'sleeps', pdlmaa 'it is clear' hortatory' when used without subject.
ClaSG 120 indicate- linperat ive' : la' *dym'i* let's go', sdnsetd'' 'let's go see the
'general imperative', sfci 'movational im- tun'
perative', -irate Tequrstivr'. pdiixUV 'sit :}.'_'
NoUNS two major
are divided into
down', kdnski 'go leave it', lndu°watd form and l>ound. These are
classes, free
me know
'

96 let further subdivided into those which begin

Claf subjunctive': da. with consonant and those which begin with
fa "might Mt'. A prefib Or nasal Vowel. Bound noun- must occur with prefix
alone may optionally co-occur with this a- or with a relational prefix. Prefix a pre
suffix with no discernible addition or change oedee initial consonant, replaces initial

of meaning. ( 10 and 590 are VOWel. Vowel initial free nouns occur with
plurals of 410, 120 and 490 510, j»r combiner p in the relational form, vowel-
20, initial Ixmnd nouns with combiner n-. Con-

•rata Cla»e> .".Ml and 520 re- sonant initial nouns do not occur with
place 410 an-: 10 follow rfprff combiner.
'hey slept', fdm'e" 'they will BOW*, pasta" Noun- are further divided into five func-
'she will go wash it', kixldi/' 'they say', tion classes: quality, location, person, time,
:
,''
"they are shouting', s>/oxmdy° and item Quality nouns are those which
th.v laugh': conn- and • function as Quality predicate. Location
nouns arc those which co-occur with locative
v alternate I
>r some of these plural prefix to function in Location slot. Person
I >nn.- would he tO consider licit thf up Lile
nouns an' those which co-occur with voca-
of singular plus % pluraliser, e.g.,
the -pa? =
tive prefix to function in Vocative slot. Time
S ioh solution makes for rewer plurals
l>ul does DOl allow for I QSSl statement of dis- nouns arc those which occur in Time slot.
ihbution of the class, end orie ifl still left with the Item noun- are those which co-occur with
handling of the sullixes which are genuinely sup
pletive, hence the solution given in the body of
definitive prefix to function in Subject or
this trticle has been considered preferable. Goal slot, or without prefix in Means slot,
HI WllOLULTEC CHONTAI,

but which do not belong to any of the other for bound vowel-initial nouns. Noun plus
classes. relational prefix functions as Relation predi-
Nouns are composed of obligatory Btem cate: dym&xul 'I have a hammock', opiltmm'a
1
phis optional margin. 'you have sense incskidv 'he has a
, tortilla',

3.2.1. Noun stems consist of noun root, dines 9 e 'we have corn gruel'. When the rela-
root plus nominalizer, verb form plus nomi- tional is preceded by the other prefixes, the
nalizer, noun-noun compound, or verb-noun resultant noun functions in the slot appropri
compound with prefix a-. ate to simple noun marked by the other pre-
There are five nominalizing affixes: ap- fixes: with definitive, as subject or object:
iikeness', and an- 'item', whieh occur only lineskul 'his tortilla'; with locative in Lo-
with noun or neutral roots; prefix in- 'doer', cation slot: mdymixul 'in my hammock';
suffixes -da 'agent', and -/ 'division', which with vocative in Vocative slot: mdyw d 'my
y

occur only with verb forms; prefixes a- and child!'

i- 'quality', and suffix -xma 9 'implement', Pluralizing infixes are -/- (akdln'6 9
which occur with noun or neutral roots and 'women'), -n- (mlnl v e 9 'dogs'), -we-
verbs. Examples: apekdl 'skinny' (ekdl (Jdwexmd 9 'nets'). Pluralizing suffixes are -9

'bone'), dnkrus 'cross', dnskwil v e 'adobe'; {muH 9 'boys'), -y 9 (aw'dy 9 'children'), -e 9

inM 9 edd 'singer', pdnif 'half, a 9 u 'eye', apt 9 (dywatt 9 'horses'), (aywald 'horse'), -la 9

'ashes', ipa 'flower', iju 9 'boil'; awexmd 9 (apoijkold 9 'cry-babies'), -da 9 (w'daledd 9
'mirror', tdfuxma 9 'broom'. 'brides'), -yu 9 (Idnsanyu 9 'the people'), -ci 9

Kxamples of noun roots: mexul 'ham- (asmaci 9 'ears'). Pluralizing suprafixes are
mock', ptime 'plate', ikusis 'smoke', uunkwa shift of stress (antupi 9 'baskets', ancupi9
'fire', dlewd? 'gourd cup'; of compounds: 'basket'), and addition of length (amdac'
te 9 asdns 'elder person', tlfdngaxd? 'cool 'years', anidc' 'year'). Pluralizers may be
drink'; apoyko 9 'cry-baby', amifdy 9 u combined the most common combination is
;

blinker'. suffix - 9 plus shift of stress and loss of

3.2.2. Noun margins consist of prefixes length: apal v u 9 'messengers' (apdal v u 'mes-
indicating definitive, locative, vocative, and senger'), the most complex, infix plus suffix
relational; and infixes, suffixes and supra- plus shift of stress and loss of length: awalte 9
iixes indicating plural. 'girls' (awdata 'girl').

The definitive prefix has allomorphs l- 3.3. Pronouns are divided into two major
before vowels, el- (singular) and Ian- (plural) form classes: personal and demonstrative.
before consonants: laxuV 'the house', Personal and demonstrative pronouns be-
elm&xul 'the hammock', Idnsanyu 9 'the long to the same function class, filling

people'. subject, goal, recipient, and referent slots,

The locative prefix has allomorphs m- but not predicate.
before vowel (with lengthening of the vowel), Personal pronouns are iyd 9 '1', imd 9 'you'.
and max- before consonant: mdaxuV 'in the They co-occur w ith the unique pluralizer
7

house', mdxmixul 'in the hammock'.

1
-nk': iydnk 'we' (exclusive), imdnk' 'you
The vocative prefix has allomorphs m- (pi.)'. The inclusion of the first person
l>efore vowel, ma 9 - before consonant: plural pronoun indicates exclusive, the
mdkdn'o 9 'woman!', md 9 mulH 'boy!' absence of the pronoun marks inclusive.
The relational prefixes consist of three There is no third person pronoun; its func-
elements: 'person possessors', ay- 'first tion is filled by a demonstrative or by a third
person', o- 'second', i- 'third'; ' plural izer' of person relational noun itv uwd 9 'himself
l>erson I- (with a- allomorph of ay-), 'com- alone' (literally, 'his otherness'), llPuwd 9
biners' /)- for free vowel-initial nouns, and n- 'themselves alone'.

:r>7
 -

LINGUISTICS

Demonstrative pronouns are composed of The quotative particle fills quotative slot:
elements and second elements. Members
first nda? 'it is said'.

of either set may occur alone, or certain first The conditional particle fills introductory
and second elements may occur together, or conditional slot; xoola 'if'.

with certain particles or personal pronouns The hortatory particle fills hortatory
between the two elements. slot: xinsa 'let's go'.

First elements are: go- "this', na- •these', The connective particle fills connective
xaa- 'which', VJ ii- 'that', tya- 'that one'. slot: tdyPa 'and'.
Second elements are. -9
a 'here', -ge 'person', 4.0. Types of syntactic units. Hua-
-xne 'persons', -l't 'thing'. Particles which melultec has five kinds of syntactic units:
occur between them are: fi'i 'just', ca 'now', words, phrases, clauses, sentences, and dis-
la 'perha: »', '-
" only', i/ndaru 'the course.
very'. Examples of separate elements, gd Words are constituent parts of phrases and
9
Ikoofi 9 'this pot', tyd lakdn'6 'that woman'; clauses, can constitute sentences only of
an
mdypa <je 'he went', lakdn'6 VI 'it belongs to exclamatory or dependent type.
the woman'. Phrases arc composed of two or more
Combinations: ud a 'this one', Viigt 'that words, enter into clauses, can constitute
one',xdaxne 'which ones', IHU'e 'that thing'. Bentences only of a dependent type and in
Examples with particles: tHt&Hxne 'the conversation.
same one-', PiUoge that one there', Clauses are of two types: principal and
'that on< Subordinate. Principal clauses can constitute
3.4. Pabticlbs are divided into eleven independent sentences; subordinate clauses
function classes, differing according to the can constitute only dependent sentences and
dots they fill in the clause. that only in conversation.
Modal particles till mode slot: fc'd 'just', Sentences are of two major types: inde-
'only', ndj'i 'apparently'. pendent and dependent. Independent >en-
Locative particles fill location -int. I'd tenoee can constitute a complete narrative;
•over there', sifn 'on top', kuM* 'far*, f&a dependent Bentences occur only as response
'here'. Bdxpt 'the: within conversation, or in sequence within
Temporal particles till time -lot: narrative.
'now', icxi'icil^i 'a while ago', kiinun '-» 'in.-
Discourse is Of tWO types: conversation
timi i and narrative. ( 'onver.-at ion involves the
g itive pari icles tiil n< j
alternation of two or more speakers; narra-
'not', hi 'not even'. xdf M 'no'. tive i- the speech Of B single individual at a
Interrogative panicle- till introductory in- d time.
_ative -lot: tit> 'who', Hi "what', 4.1. PHKASI CTPltS, There are two major
•why', kdna* 'when', tiijnn 'how much'. phrases: noun phrases and verb
lamatory particle- exclamatory
fill phra
and response -lot.-: ./'' tnk& 'who
'ye-', Noun phrases are divided into five sub-
know- ''
'fine', nhrd'' 'like BO much'. classes: qualitative, possessive, relative,

Imperative particles fill imperative -lot: locative,and temporal.

kdlH 'faring it here', ndfki 'leave it alone', Qualitat ive noun phrase consists of quality
1
•hurry tip'. noun plus definitive noun: jAlki linP&yk -
&yk6rrum 'all the town-officials'; nul v i
8
The last two locatives are comparable in form o? woman', or of definitive noun
'one
to the demonstrative pronouns; they are classed plus noun: lydkwexbolsa mUv u 'the big bag of
as particlee rather than pronouns because they do
not participate in pronoun pluralization, the
money'.
rion for the pronoun class. Possessive noun phrase consists of defini-
HUAMELULTEC CHONTAL

tive relational noun plus definitive noun or Both predicative and exclamatory prin-
proper name. The first noun denotes the cipal clauses are subdivided according to
possessed item, the second the possessor: the word class of the predicate. Predicative
likwdana lakwe? 'the sickness of the man',
v clauses with verb predicates are: Intransitive
M»data Ddbid 'the father of David'. Action, Action toward Goal, Action toward
Relative noun phrase consists of relative Recipient, Subjective Action, Reflexive Ac-
pronoun plus noun: xdal'e lmil v u 'that which tion, Stale, Description, and Quotation;
was money', xdal'e nik'ata 'that which is with noun predicates: Quality, Identity and
pretty', xdaxne Idyplxedd? 'those from my Relation; Location clause may have either
town'. locative particle or locativenoun as predi-
Locative noun phrase consists of locative cate. Exclamatory clauses with verb predi-
particle xdape 'where' plus noun, or qualita- cates are Imperative and Hortatory; with
tive noun plus locational noun: xdape noun predicates, Vocative and Comment.
it y uwd 9 'where he (to, at, by him)', xdape Predicative clauses have both negative
l
u iwd 'where the hole (in the hole)'; ac'eex and interrogative counterparts; some ex-
Iddo 'new side (another place)', nuMk' clamatory clauses also have a negative
elcdije 'all over the street'. counterpart.
Temporal noun phrase consists of tem- 4.2.1. Predicative clauses. Intransitive
poral noun preceded by qualitative noun or Action clause has intransitive verb as predi-
by particle: kdnc'uS muul'a 'six months', cate. Concomitant may be subject noun or
nulH IHpugi 'one night'; ? dsta Hca 'till now'. pronoun or noun phrase; modal particle;
The only type of verb phrase is that made locative particle or noun; temporal particle,
by the combination of forms of the verbs noun, or verbal; quotative particle; or noun
tee- or pase- 'both meaning 'do') with indicating means. Predicate normally pre-
Spanish infinitive: pdseduy mdnddr 'order', cedes concomitant, although occasionally
?eem'a afepentir 'repent'. time word may precede predicate. Predicate
4.2. Clause types. There are two major plus subject: bndnapa law'd 'the-child went-
classes of clauses: principal and subordinate. to-sleep';9 mode: mdypa sd 'so he-went';
Principal clauses can constitute independent locative: poycoduy mdxpdnd? 'she-is-washing
sentences, subordinate clauses cannot. Sub- at-the-river' time: mdynapd wx&wilH 'he-
;

ordinate clauses are marked by the presence went a-while-ago'; quotative: sfidxuy n&a?
of a subordinating particle or by a sub- 'he-is-drinking so-they-say', means: mdypa
ordinate predicate or both, or by nonfatal abyon 'he-went by-plane'; with subject and
intonation; a clause not so marked is a prin- time: mdynapa lakwi wxewilH 'the-man went
cipal clause. a-while-ago'; with subject and location,
Principal clauses are divided into two smdnapa yd 9 mdxmexul 'I went-to-sleep in-
major types: predicative and exclamatory. the-hammock'; with time, quotative, and
Predicative clauses have a bipartite struc- location:Hca nda poycoduy MnexuV 'now
ture, consisting of a predicate plus another she-washes at-her-house'.
it-is-said

unit called a concomitant which includes Action toward Goal clause has transitive
such items as subject, modal, locative, time, verb as predicate. In addition to the set of
and the like. The most common concomitant concomitants found in Intransitive clause,
is the subject but it is not obligatory. More this clause can have a goal concomitant, but
than one concomitant may occur, but at 9
An attempt has been made to combine a free
least one must occur. Exclamatory clauses translation of clauses and sentences with a hy-
have a unitary structure, consisting of a phenation of items which are multiple in English
but single words in Chontal. Since English order
predicate only, of a different sort than the is followed rather than Chontal order in most
predicative predicate. cases, the words do not always coincide.

359
 ;

LINGUISTICS

like the rest it is not obligatory. Action cate with subject: xulpa l
v ic'ale 9 'the-clothes
toward Goal clause from Intransitive
differs got-dry'; pdnxtola kwesi 'two were-born';
Action clause both in the verb class which with time: pwi 9 a pdnxtola 9 'this-morning
functions as predicate and in the possibility they-were-born'; with means: Isoxta anil go
of goal versus its impossibility of occurrence. 'I-got-tired writing'.
Non-third person singular goal is marked in Reflexive Action clause has reflexive verb
the verb by suffix class ofiO of person as predicate. The verb base is usually transi-
markers; third person singular is not marked. tive, but may be intransitive. Reflexive
Transitive predicate with subjecl concom- predicate with subject: pic'edesl imd 9 'you-
itant: Uepa mil"a 'a-dog bit me'; with goal: are - getting - yourself - wet'; fool'epolri
pul y dygil y a law'dy 9 'he-embraces-them the- Idnmnyu' 'the-jx'ople gathered-themselves'
1

children'; with goal ami subject: t

y
exuy with mode: kuuc'epdsi dkolo 'it-curled-itself
mango layw'd 'my-child is-eating mangoes'; into-a-ball'; with subject, time, and means
with location and time: pll y pa rniiuxa pwi a iya rdto rata 9 eedesi
axd 9 'I ever}' minute
they-butehered down-yonder this-moming'; douse-myself with-water'; with intransitive
with means: napongax °h\r "they-hit-us with- reflexive and subject: w'dposi ii y uwd'? 'he
a-stick'. walks-by -himself.
Anion toward Recipient clause has re- Stative clause lias stative verb as predi-
cipient verb as predicate. In addition to the cate. The underlying verb base may be of
concomitants found in Action toward Goal any class. Simple stative verbs end in suflix

clause, this clause can have a recipient -a or -oirnna'', resultant statives in -/,•' or
concomitant, although it, too. 1- not obliga- Stative predicate with subject
,

There arc two types of recipient verbs,

',

tory. tl; ftuuydk'' laxi'il' 'the-house is-open'; with

those which can occur with lx»th goal and location and subject: kasinxa I'd Idyp&po
recipient and those which occur only with 'my -lit tie- brother is- standing-leaning over
recipient. Non-third singular recipient is there'; with tune: xolgolenna lira 'they-live-
marked in the verb by suffix class there now'; with location: fd 9 a pdngedd 9
Examples of the first type with subject: 'here they-iive'.
pdypola lakwi 9 'the-man gave-it-to-them'; 1 >escriptioD clause Ikus verb base or neutral
with goal: Imiik'ipa l
y nr'd
they -howed-rne lOOt a- predicate. Verb base predicate with
their-child'; with recipient and time: Hi'a subject : pdyPo l<ipdl y u 'the-messenger is

pdypola pilki Idnsan/u' now t-to- t

l

wandering-around'; /rilkale yd 9 'I'm butcher

them all the-people'; with location: U ing'; with locative: k'onxmay Vd it-is-8etting
(

ruV 'they-gave-food to him at-his- (hen) then'. Neutral root is usually re-

house', with subject. means, recipient and duplicated when it occurs as descriptive
goal: pdy 9 impd una'' plomu Idyw'a iJ iu\rdx predicate. Neutral root predicate with mode
'you broke-for-him with had my child his- and subject: xds xd.s sdn'i laypic'alfr' 'my
liead'. Examples of tl d type with clothes are just all rip|>ed'; with time: gdlqf
subject. k^Mnga IdpuPdlef 'our clothes got- si°md(vic it swelled-up right-away'.
sour-on-us'; with time: X&ypa r'h'iru.i pnla 9 A special type of clause with verb predi-
'now it-got -dark -on -t hen T. cate i< the Quotative clause: the predicate is

Subjective Action clause ha- process verb either the intransitive verb ko- 'say', or the
as predicate. This clause type has the Bame recipient verb mi*- 'say to'. This clause com
set of concomitants as Intransitive, but bines with the Quotation clause, or with a
differsfrom Intransitive in the class of verb non-clause response to form a Quotational
which functions a> predicate. Process verb Bentence. The Quotation clause can be any
has non-third singular subject marked in clause type. Examples are found under
the verb by suffix class 560. Process predi- Quotational sentences.

360
HUAMELULTEC CHONTAL

Quality clause has quality noun as predi- company it: ihu' it's hot!'; id 9 i ndana.
cate. Quality predicate with subject: dwixii 'delicious, ma'am, delicious!'
yd 9 'I'm sleepy'; epdlmaViw'd 'her-child lias- 4.2.3.Negative clauses. Any predica-
a-fever';with mode and location: iwa tive clause may be made negative by adding
sdam'a I'd 'there's-a-hole maybe there'; mda 'general negative', or id 'intensive nega-
with mode, location, and subject: iivxald sd tive'; mda iieduy ePetkw&a 'she doesn't go
fd lane 'so here the-road is-hilly'; with loca- to school'; iii wxeduy 'she doesn't even want
tion and time: inu I'd Idypixvdd (ird 'it's-hot to'; ni ya 9 dym'a 'I didn't even go; mda
there in-my-town now'. Ipepa 'he didn't send me'; id tyepola 9 'they
Relation clause has relational noun as didn't even fall'; mda iwxala lane 'the road
predicate. It is the normal way of stating isn't hilly'; mda gd 9 a Idyw'd 'this isn't my
possession. Relation predicate with subject: child'.

iPpoyxna l"indnxmdy 9 'the-lakes have-an- Only the imperative of the exclamatory

owner'; with time: alpipufki cira 'we-have- clauses is negativized. The negative used is

health now'; with subject and quotative: xd 9 ni, and the imperative verb is replaced by
itaye'r yd nda 9 'this-one he-has-a-shop it-is- the incompletive: xd''ni kom'a 'don't Bay
said'; with subject and mode: opilHmm'a sd it!' xd 9 ni smdta 'don't go-and-sleep!', xd''ni

imd'? 'you really you-have-sense'. miim'old 9 'don't tell-them!'

Identity clause has definitive noun as 4.2.4. Interrogative clauses are of two
predicate and subject is obligatory: yd 9 a types: those obligatorily introduced by an
Idyw'd 'this-is my-child'; Idyw'd ge 'it-is my- interrogative particle, and those optionally
child'; with referent: lakdn'o I'S l
y ixut v i introduced by interrogative particle tis

't he-woman, it is her- waterjar'; lakulwe I'd 'what'.

l"in''uyk'6yk6mon 'the-men there are the- Those introduced by ne'e 'who' are inter*
t own -officials'. rogative counterparts of any predicative
Location clause has either locative noun clause type: nee ''dym'a 'who's going?', nee
or locative particle as predicate: mdynegd pasepa 'who made-it?' nee pdypo 9 'who gave
lakulwe 9 'the-men are-in-the-cornfields', it-to-you?' nee iMnak' 'who knows?' rUe
wxdynif IHwxald, Viixpe IHpdnka Idyw'd 'the- Viixpe 'who's there?' Those introduced by
other-side of-the-hill, there-is my-son's tes 'what' are the interrogative forms of
ranch', I'd IdynexuT 'there-is my-house'. Transitive or Recipient clauses: tis past pa
4.2.2. Exclamatory clauses. Imperative 'what did-he-make?' tes pdypo 'what did 9

exclamatory clause has imperative verb as he-give-you?' Those introduced by xdapc

predicate. The verb base may be of any class. 'where' are either the interrogative counter-
kold 9 'say it!'; miiPd 9 'tell him!'; smdski 'go part of Location clause, or of any clause with
sleep!'; sdawdylv i 9 'come eat!'; lndy 9 watd location concomitant: xdape Idyw'd 'where
'please let me know'; kundski lamul vd 9 'go- is my-child?' xdape md xoldy 9 uy 'where
give-out tamales'. do-you-live?' Those introduced by kdna
Hortatory clause has incompletive plural 'when' correspond to any clause with time
verb as predicate: 9 dy?n'i 9 'let's go'; pilt vd 9 concomitant; those with tdxna 'how much'
'let's kill it'; k'&a axd 9 'let's-go-get water'. to various clauses; those with MiiH 'why'
Vocative clause has vocative noun as have no exact counterpart: kdna ima t&mpa
predicate: md 9 mul y i 'boy!'; mdyw'dl 'my 'when did-you see-him?' kdna mayyagu 9
child!' 'when are-they-going?'; tdxna ipiVdaVi
Comment clause has quality noun as 'how-much is-its-price?' tdxna londske 9 'how-
predicate. It differs from Quality clause in many children-do-you-have?' tdxna Simpa
that it does not have obligatory concomitant, 'how-many did-he-see?'; Mridi md uaSduy
though a simple noun of address may ac- 'why do-you-want-it?'
361
 LINGUISTICS

Those optionally introduced by tes are see the-king': para yd pd 9 nam'a n'l 9 'in-

any predicative clause type: tes is obliga- order-that I just come'.

tory if no other concomitant occurs, is Causal clauses are introduced by porke
optional otherwise: tes, mayndpa 'what, 'because', or tdnto 'so much': porke iya
did-he-go?' tes, mayndpa lakwe 'what, did lakwe 9 'because I'm the-man'; porke nu 9 eduy
the-man go?'; pdcepa londana 'did your- 'because he-asked-for-it' ; tdnto pdycuxpa
mother make-it?'; mdypa sd elpdnd'? "so 'because she was so scared'.
did-he-go to-the-river?' Only this type of Any subordinate clause can be negati-
interrogative clause occurs in negative vized by the inclusion of the negative par-
form; the negative particle that occurs is ticlexd 9 ni: negative relative clause, xdage
xd^ni: tes, xd°ni mdijndpa lakwe 9 'what, xdfni wxeduy 'whoever doesn't want-to';
didn't the-man go?' xd 9 ni mdypa elpdnd negative temporal clause, 9 6yya lek' xd 9 ni
'didn't he-go to-the-river?' 'when there isn't any'; negative locative
4. 2. .5. Subordinate clauses are sub- clause, xdape xcPni asdns 'where there
divided according to the subordinating wasn't a soul'; negative conditional clause,
particle that introduces them. Relative and xoola xdflfli Imliya 'if he doesn't tell-me';
temporal and locative clauses fill slots in xoola xd 9 fii 'if not'; negative purpose clause,
complex sentences comparable to those para xd°ni slmpold 9 'so-that he didn't see-
rilled by corresponding words and phrases thein; negative causal clause, porke xd 9 ni
in simple sentences; conditional, purpose, nik'ata UhuTi 'because it-isn't good that-
and causal clauses have no counterparts in way'.
simple Benten 4.3. Sentence types. There are two
Relative clauses are introduced by rela- major types of sentences: independent and
tive pronounc a empdnxda "the- dependent. Independent sentences are di-
onewho should-be-bom';
first mdl- vided into four major classes: Aflinnative,
napd° 'those-who went'; xdal'c "'i/m lakici" Interrogative, Exclamatory, and Negative.
'tliat-which happened to the-man'. They Sentences of any of these classes may be
till subject, goal and recipient -lots, or simple: composed of a single principal
expand Simple fillers of the-e bIo clause; or complex: composed of more than
Temporal clauses are introduced by one clause, of which at least one must be a
Uk f
'whe' kdda 'each tune',
-until', principal clause. Dependent sentences are
and fill tune kwdyndta 'so when
.-lots. l&' M divided into two major classes: Completive,
he arrived'; /«'/;' yd pdcy&na 'when I niake- which consists Hi less than a full clause;
_ nil'; lei;' ydn aw'dy'' 'when we were- ami Sequentially Marked, which consists of
children'; ''dsta yd kdrta vnkoda 'until I Bay a principal clause plus a sequence intro-
when'; kddd imd nafvj6<»la 'each-time you ducer, which is different from the sub-
pass'. ordinating particles which introduce sub-
Locative clauses are introduced by xdape ordinate claue
'where', and fill location dots: xdape fUy- L3.1. Independent sentences. Affirma-
golbmaf 'where they were lying down'; - - - tive sentences have a predicative clause as
xdapt yd mpdnxda nul"i el°asyent<> "where I bask and are spoken with statement in-
might-sit-down on a chair'. tonation: a final contour with low pitch
ditional clauses are introduced by and heavy Btresson the penult and high or
xoola 'if: xoola 9 aygupa iiul v i lapuyxna 'if rising pitch on the final syllable. Affirmative
,

there-Came a mountain-man'; xoola 9 6yn -

Bentences include: Intransitive Action, Tran-
eddgu 9 'if they-should-carry-it-out'. sitive Action, Recipient Action, Subjective
Purpose clauses are introduced by para Action, Reflexive Action, Stative, Descrip-
'in order to': para wim'a elrey 'in -order-to tion, Quotation, Quality, Relation, Iden-

362
HUAMELTJLTEC CHONTAL

tity, and Location. Simple examples of xdape ? 6yya awk elmdngu, Viixpe xolgo-
9

each of these have been given under the Unna 9 'Where there-are many man]
corresponding clause types except for there they-live'; with temporal clause:
Quotation; Quotational sentences are al- lek' yd ndnyoopa Spimf'uuyak' pelta lek'
ways complex. Complex examples of each 'When I passed-by, it-was-open only a
affirmative type will now be given, but not little-bit'.
every possible combination of clause types Description sentence with conditional
will be included under each sentence type. clause: xd 9 ni
xoola ipiiiik' layw'd, ptiro
The variety given will be illustrative of the w'dk'oy inko xdape 'If my-child doesn't
range of possibility, with more scope given have-work-to-do, he just wanders-around
to subordinate types than to combinations who-knows where'; with temporal clause:
with other principal clauses, since the for- lek' nda Vdy 9 pa, mas nuVe nda sage" lakwe" 9
mer are more common. 'When it-is-said he-heard-it, this man ran
Intransitive sentence with temporal all-the-more it-is-said'; with causal clause:
clause: Uk' yd simpa, mdyndpa 'When I tdnto sVuuyuy lakwe" 9 , kdc' sdn'i li 9 d 'The-
saw-him, he-was-lcaving'; with locative man gets-angry so-much, his-face is-just
clause: xdape c'incuxpola 9 , Viixpe Sniun- chewy'.
gopd 9 'Where night-overtook-them, there Quotational sentence with Response quo-
they-slept'. tation: xdana 9 , kopa lampobre 9 'Fine, said
Transitive sentence with temporal clause: the-poor-folks'; with intransitive quotation:
laycooponga lek' ydn aw'dy 9 'She-had-us puro nda kwd, imdnk' xucolayydy 9 'He
when we were-children'; with relative always said it-is-said, You-all are-lying';
clause functioning as goal: wxeduy yd with interrogative quotation: mlipa nda 9 ,

xdal'e nik'ata 'Iwant what is-pretty'; with tes md mpdeeda fd 9 a 'He-said-to-him it-is-
two principal clauses: pdnxpa max 9 asyento, said, What might you be-doing here?'.
pinipa lanydwi9 'He-sat-down on-the-chair; Quality sentence with temporal clause:
he-picked-up the-keys'. Uk' xpe kwdyt v a xdape nuVi el 9 dwe 9 eex,
Recipient Action sentence with locative Viixpe fdane Idnteddy 9 'When there they-
clause: xdape noygolenna iVk-
kdn'espola arrived where there-was-one big-tree, there
wdana 'He-went-and-lcft-it-for-them where there-were-three roads'; with causal clause:
they -lay sick'; with relative clause expand- dkwe dkwe layw'd, tdnto pdnxa pacem'a 'My
ing goal: lldym'd imd low'd xdage W>a son is very manly, he's-able to-do so-
empdnxda 'You will-give-me your-child much'.
which is first bom'. Relational sentence with causal clause:
Subjective Action sentence with tem- porke puro Sdagoduy nik'ata, poreso ipufki
poral clause: Voxpa lakdn'o, Veconawd ge lawdata 'Because she always eats well,
'When a- woman gets-old, shc-gets-sick'; therefore that girl is-healthy'; with coor-
with conditional clause: xoola xd 9 iii 9 6yn'- dinate relational clause: imdyna ge lakdn'o,
eddgu 9 mdm'old 9 'If they don't follow-the-
, inekwe ac'ee Iddo 'That woman had-a-vice,
custom, they -will-die'. she-had-a lover in-another-place'.
Reflexive Action sentence with conditional Identity sentence with relative clause:
clause used in a purpose sense: wi 9 kesi nd 9 a sd lanwagdc' xdaxne 9 oyya jd 9 a 'These-
xoola nik'ata awdata 'She-is-looking at- are then the-cattle which there-are here';
herself (to see) if she-is-a-pretty girl'; with with conditional clause: xoola elpdnd',
causal clause: tdnto 9 ipa siVa, melofposi elpdnd 9 safe" 'If it's-to-be-the-river, then
yd ukweeda 'It was so cold I-wrapped-myself let-it-be-the-river'.
with-a-blanket'. Location sentence with relative clause:
Stative sentence with locative clause: Viixpe laxuV xdal'e pdcepa layw'd 'There-is

363
 t

LINGUISTICS

the-house that my-son built'; with tem- basic recipient clause and relative clause
poral clause: lek'ydn aw'dy\ miiU mdnxma? expanding goal: tes 9 ayndsp6 9 elmdge pehi
lalpdrika we-were 'When children, our- xdaVe 9 eenuguk
y
'Well, did-they-give-you
r:\nch was-on-the-bank-of t he-river'. the-five pesos that they -owed?'; with basic
Interrogative sentences are of two types: hortatory clause and response-modal par-
Information questions, and Yes-or-no ques- ticle: *dym'e cuwd 9 'Shouldn't we maybe
tions. Information questions are introduced go?'; with basic relational clause and loca-
by an obligatory interrogative particle, tive subordinate clause: tes onexuV xdape
and are spoken with nonaffirmative intona- lopixedd xold 9 iiy 'What, do-you-have-a-
tion, consisting of high pitch on the penult house where you-live in-your-town?'; with
and low pitch on the final syllable. Inter- basic location clause: tes Mixpc lotdata
rogative particles include: Us 'what', nee rndyiiegd 'Say, is your-father there in-the-
"who,' kdna 'when', xdape "where', tdxna cornfield?'; with basic transitive clause:
"how much', Finn (or tensa) "why'. Yes- xoi/pd imd xoldf'ipa 'Did you get-it-written-
or-no questions are optionally introduced down?'; with basic intransitive clause:
by tes 'what', and are spoken with interroga- kwdynam'a Mfdata c'iife 9 'Did his-father
tor intonation, consisting of high pitch on really come?'
b the last two syllables. Negative sentences are of four types:
Information question with temporal General Negative, Intensive Negative, Neg-
•>: tensand 9 a laudlte" Ptixom'eddy* ative Question, and Negative Command.
Idda ndnyooddgu 9 'Why arc those girls The first two types are negative forms of any
chattering every time we go-by?'; with affirmative sentence. General Negative is

conditional clause: xdoid una xdtfti pan introduced by nuia 'not' and is spoken with
fd 9 eeddgo 9 'If you don't luive-a baby, statement intonation. Intensive Negative
what shall I do-t<> voir'; with coordinate is introduced by iii 'not even', and is

stativt h pit/ v lifu

i
lakdn'o ferfsa spoken with nonaffirmative intonation.
I'd What is-the-naine-of t he-woman, she 1 1 vi' Question is introduced by xd 9 ni
mding over-there!-''; with information "not, no' and is spoken with interrogative

asked about subject and temporal clause intonation; it is the negative of yes-or-no
included, nee ivdhra lei:' xd''fu fd"a Umdona questions. Negative Command is also
'Who tai. of-you when your-mother introduced by xdffli but has statement
is'nt here?'; with relative clause
expanding intonation; it is the negative form of I in

goal: tyinri ma mpd^odaxdaVe layxutH perative but differs by having the ineom-
pa 'Why should you break pletive form of the verb rather than the
my water-jar that I just went-and-bought?' unjxTative. Because of this difference of
Yes-or-no questions are the same as form, plus the variety of negatives and of
affirmative sentence.^ in basic form, but are intonation, it has been deemed more feasible
made interrogative by the interrogative to treat negative sentences and clauses as
intonation, and by the optional inclusion of separate types rather than subtypes of the
irs, which seems to be used in the sense of a respective affirmative, interrogative and
mild 'well,' or 'is it true that', although it imperative types.
may be used in an excited sentence of this General Negative sentence with intransi-
type with more exaggerated height of pitch tive principal clause and conditional sub-
to add a meaning of 'you don't really mean ordinate clause: mda yd 9 dym'a xoola tdnto
that . .
."
Examples: with basic subjective mu'' 'I'm not going if it's-so hot'; with
action clause and causal subordinate clause: recipient principal clause and relative
tes soxto 9 tdnto pdyl"o Well, did-you-get- subordinate clause functioning as goal:
tired from-so-much running-around?'; with mda Ipdypa layndana xdaVe md Imiipa

164
Ill WIKLULTEC CHONTA1,

'My-mother didn't give-nie what you told- m&sa, mda ilik'ata 'Not on-the-table (i.e.

me'; with subjective action principal clause don't put the baby on the table), it's not
and causal subordinate clause: mda ydnk' good'.
.'oiskoxmonga lalpixedd 9 tdnto alpinik' fdn Negative subordinate clauses occur in

Iddo 'We don't stay -long in our-town we any type of complex sentence; they are
have so-much work-to-do here in-this- introduced by xd°ni or contain xd 9 ni as
place'; with quality principal clause and the negating particle. Example with nega-
relative subordinate clause expanding the tive conditional clause, xoola xd 9 ni wxiduy,
subject: mda Ve c'iiFe xdafe imdn koddy 9 icxeduy mds aslordke, xuu, 56 9 eni'a luunkwa
it isn't true what you-all say'. 'If it doesn't like-it, it-wants more incensi ,

Intensive Negative sentence with transi- oooh, the-fire will-sing'; with negative pur
tive principal clause and causal subordinate pose clause: yinJtiguy yd 9 laytwdya nik'ata
clauser tdnto §u&pa Vd, ni faskuupa lind- para xd 9 ni pern' a lawd 9 'I hold my-towel
ann 'She stayed so-long there, she didn't- tight so-that the-wind won't take-it-off';
even remember her-mother'; with recipient with negative clause in indirect discourse:
clause: ni el 9 een'eduy ayic.rlr 'He doesn't kopd imd xd 9 ni poygowd piro poygtrwd
even give-me a-party'; with subjective sal'e 'You said it wasn't going-to-eome-out

action clause: ni xoygipa laypic'ale 9 'My- but it's-coming-out all-right'.

elothes didn't even fade'; with relational 4.3.2. Dependent sentences are of two

clause, and intransitive clause: ni ipilimm'a classes. Completive, and Sequentially

lawdata, puro l
v 6oduy "The-girl doesn't-even Marked.
have-any-sense, all-she-does is-play'; with Completive sentences are of two formal
location clause and intransitive clause, ni types: those which consist of a single
(Hixpe lakulwe 9 , xoypa mdyfidpa The-men predicative predicate by itself, and those
weren't-even there, they-had-already left'. which consist of a concomitant. Both types
Negative Question with recipient clause: may function as Response dependent
xd 9 ni md, tdata, l 9 dyyag6nga alposdcla sentences in conversational discourse; only
'Won't you, sir, give-us a-place to-stay?'; the first type may function as a Sequence
with intransitive recipient principal clause dependent sentence in narrative discourse.

and temporal subordinate clause: xd 9 ni Sequentially Marked sentences consist

poyyagolwa Idxd 9 lek' mdnda 'Doesn't of any simple or complex sentence type
the-water leak-out-on-you when it-is-filled?'; plus a sequence introducer such as 9 dyt v a

with coordinate intransitive clauses, one 'and', xoyya 'thereupon', xoypa 'then,'

affirmativeand the other negative: xunci entonse 'so', pero 'but', poriso 'therefore'.
sdagom'a sdn'i imd 9 Viige xd 9 ni Magodd
,
Obviously, when sentences are looked at
'And-so you will just eat, and this-one within a matrix of discourse rather than as
isn't to-eat?' the top-level units of a language, many of
Negative Command with coordinate im- them are eontextually conditioned. Much
{)eratives: lixte.ro, mayly d 9 ,
xd 9 ni pdnxta more work needs to be done on a variety of
n'i 9 'Get-a move on (lit. quickly go), languages to find out more about the nature
don't just sit-there'; xd 9 ni sagim'a, pdnxla of eontextually conditioned, and therefore
al vic
y
'Don't breathe, hold your breath!'; dependent, sentences. Those which at this
with coordinate subjective action clause: stage are treated as dependent are the types
xd 9 ni wasm'im'a, iVac'im'a 'Don't put-it-in, listed above which clearly show by their
it-will be-too-much'. In occasional conver- structure that they are different from the
sation, a negative command may omit the sentences previously described.
predicate if the sense is clear from context In illustrating Completive sentences, the
it; terms of the life situation: xd 9 iii max- sentence on which they are dependent is

365
 ;

LINGUISTICS

given in parentheses, followed by the Com- paeei?i'a cica 9 'And-so, what are you going-
pletive sentence outside the parentheses. to-do now?'; pero mda xjd tdy 9 pd Ve" 'But
Completive predicate-type sentences as I didn't hear that'.
Responses: (tes ^\pa low'd 9 'What happened - Other examples of Sequentially Marked
to your-child?') mdfpa 'Had a fit', (kwdym'a sentences: 9 dyt v a wxirsa Pikwdana 'And
J
c iit v e los 9 dpi 'Did your-older-sister really his-fever is- very -high' xoyya, sweday las-
;

come?') kwdym'a 'Came'. (Hnci xd?ni tordke 'Next, they-count the-incense-sticks'

md m°dyg6da° "Why shouldn't you go?') xoypa, xoy ? pold lindske 9 'Then, he-called-
WW* 'Far', (i.e. 'it's too far*). them, his-children'; entonse smdf'ipa lakwe 9
Completive concomitant sentences as 'And-so the-man woke-up'; pero moygi
Responses: (nee pacepa9 'Who made-it?') m&ygi tonxVe pdceduy 'But every day thus
iyd 9 I. (xdape xolgolenna 'Where do-they- she-was-doing'; portso ^ieday guftHine l
y il v -

live?)Vd xdape Tina Sikyo 'There in-the mel yu 'Therefore they baptize their-money'.
home-of Tina Sikyo'. (tes xigdfpo 9 How Discourse types. There are two
-i.4.

did-you-wake-up?') Mk'ata fi'i ? dsa 'Just major types of discourse: Conversation

fine', (icxeduy md tonx td°a° 'Do you want- and Narrative. Conversation is the alter-
it like this?') xec rird, mdskesd 'Sure thing, nating discourse of two or more speakers.
no-mat ter-what'. Conversational sentences tend to be shorter
Response dependent sentences may also than narrative sentences, with speaker
consist of response particles, such as xie units Frequently beginning with a comple-
xend° "really ?', xd°ni 'no,' cuwd you- tive sentence.
don't-mean-it!'; <>r of subordinate da A sample conversation: A. w'dyWa Id
por.sn, xdy, (i'eepa epdlmd
7
'Because, friend, mdnapa layw'd. 'My child was just about to
I-had a-fever*. die'. B. tit ''ipa "What happened?' vidfpa.
Completive predicate-type Benti Had a tit', inxko tensal'e 9 ipa layw'a.
found in narrative discourse as an after- 'Who knows what happened to my child.'

thought or amplification or explanation of a Another: A.

xdso, xdy, tit md pacepa
previous independent Bentence. They occur icu'inhi pwV'a 9 'Hello, friend, what did
ratlier infrequently but are clearly set <»tT by you do a while ago this morning?' B.
final intonation contour- a> being separate ftites, Hpa yd* Nothing, I ground corn'. A.

Examples: {mdlooloopa nda, fHac- xd°ni md ciepa meemdyfle* 'Didn't you go

ins nda Hpa li°d, fd p&ta iwxar' 'She-was- to the funeral?' B. mda yd ciepa. 'I didn't
terrined they-say, perfectly-white her-face go'. A. tHrici tal'S* 'How come?' B. san'i.
got, not-even a-drop of-blood' pdyruxpa '.lust because.'
\Xa~ nnviifir nd*a Narrative di-course is the unitary dis-
Uttoxdape sdge kwdynenoxman The-next- COUTBe of a single individual. Formal narra-
day that one was ready where this-one tive is now restricted to the speech of the
usually-came') w'< 1 lid-hinwlf. (api- marriage go-between in asking for the hand

nas Sagtmpa tdnt<> pdy6Hxpa 11 scarcely of the and the exhortation of the
bride,

revived he wi red' mdyftdpo 'Went'. godfather of the newlyweds at the wedding.

- ;uentially Marked sentences are found Informal discourse includes a variety of in-

both in conversational and narrative dis- structive, cultural and folklore material.
course, but generally in sequence with other An example of earlier formal exhortation
sentences. < >cca»ionally one may occur as ia the delivered by the
speech formerly
the comment or question of one speaker town president in the streets upon taking
after the sj>eech of another: 9 dyVa tit office. It was directed to the youth of the

366
HUAMELULTEC CHONTAL

town, and my informant remembered it xd 9 ni ndnseta mdngu. xoola xd 9 ni, sdxkom'e

from her younger days. Since the youth are imdnk' elpena, mdyw'd.
not addressed much in Chontal these days 'My child, obey your mothers, obey
until their marriage, Bucfa ;i speech is no your elder brothers. When you see the
longer given. town-officials, cross your arms on your chest
nidyw'd, pen'ele loln-dana, lolte 9 asdns. lek'- so that you may give them the greeting of
sifiydgu l
v
in 9 6yk'oykomon, pul v ayl u e lolmdne 9 God. Don't jump into the cornfields, don't
para imdnk' wespik'il v em'e andyos. xd 9 ni take away the poles, hunt for wood in the
wxdyftdota lantuwdlc'd 9 xd 9 ni wdyim'e lam-
,
hills, don't steal fruit, don't steal mangoes.

bard 9 , k'lncotd liwxald, xd 9 ni ndnseta fruta, If not, you will find punishment, my child'.

REFERENCES
Angulo and Freeland, 1925 Shell, 1957
Belmar, 1900 Waterhouse, 1949a, 1949b, 1961, 1962
Elson, 1961b aud Morrison, 1950
Pike, K. L., 1954, 1955, 1958, 1960

367
8. Language-in-Culture Studies
J|=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jf=J ^f^r^r=^r^r^r^f^f^f=^r^r=Jr^r^r^f=Jr=Jr=Jf=Jf=Jr=Jr=Jf=

MIGUEL LEON -PORT III, A

0. Introduction tural contents or implications of the words,

1. Cultural implications in language structure, and semantics of a given language
1.1.
1.2.
Sapir's approach
Whorf's hypothesis
— this is the old and difficult problem.

1 :.\. Pike's unified theory Some of the earliest philosophers were

1 .4. Swadesh's glottochronolo»v concerned with this question. In such an
2 K valuation ancient book as the Tao Te Ching we read,
:; Language in ethnographic studies "there are names but not nature in words,"
4. Language and prehistory
meaning perhaps that no word can disclose
5. Language and archaeology
0. Conclusion the deepest secrets of nature and man
(Blakney, 1955, p. 53). In the Western
0. Introduction. To outline the role philosophical tradition Plato's speculations
of language-in-culture studies in Middle in his Cratijlus on the origin and implica-
America presupposes an answer to an old tions of language are often quoted. Among
and difficult problem. The following ques- the modern thinkers Wilhelm von Humboldt
tion summarizes it: What are the relations and more recently Ernst Cassirer have dis-
between language and the other aspects cussed the problem. From their point of view
of culture? language not only reflects the degree of
from a merely factual point of view, it is evolution of a human group but the inner
clear that for the ethnologist, the ethno- structure of their world view (Cassirer, 1933,
bistorian, or the social anthropologist the 1944). Others, like Rudolf Carnap, had a
mastering of the language of a group, somewhat different critical approach. A<
ancient or contemporary, whose culture is cording to them, language has determined
to be studied, is a great aid — in fact, a must. the trends of thinking in classical philosophy,
It is also true, among other things, that leading it into false problems, particularly in
often language and linguistic similarities the field metaphysics (Carnap, 1942).
of
have furnished the ethnologist with a reliable In thecontemporary anthropological
medium for the classification of different sciences, as Robert Redfield (1954, p. v) has
human groups. Obviously, language and put it, "interest in these problems was sud-
culture are related when we consider these denly mobilized by the publication of that
and similar factual points of view. But in a series of papers by Benjamin L. Whorf. . .
."

purely scientific frame the question remains He refers to Whorf's Collected Papers on
open. To state what are the possible cul- Metalinguistics (1952). Redfield himself was

369
 LINGUISTICS

aware of the importance of the subject. One ciation of speech elements with concepts and
year after the publication of Whorf's Papers, the delicate provision for the formal expres-
he conceived the idea of a symposium in sion of all manner of relations. . .
."
which a group of social scientists — anthro- Considering language not only in itself but
pologists, psychologists, philosophers and, of as the formal expression of all sort of possible
course, linguists — could discuss the old relations, its character in any
functional
problem of the possible interrelations of becomes apparent.
specific cultural context
language and other aspects of culture. For Sapir, any existing unit of any given
The conference took place at the Uni- language corresponds to a unit of experience.
versity March 23-27, 1953.
of Chicago This applies not only to the isolated person
Among the participants who presented but to the social group which speaks, pre-
papers were J. H. Greenberg, X. A. Mc- serves, and enriches the language. With this
Quown, C. F. Voegelin, F. Fearing, S. in mind, Sapir wrote (1929c, p. 207) that,
Newman, and H. Hoijer. Some were lin- "language is a guide to social reality." This

guists or anthropologists in various ways statement, which first appeared in an article

concerned with the pre-Columbian or con- written with another purpose in mind, is, as
temporary Indian cultures and languag Hoijer has observed (1954, p. 92), the initial
Middle America. This is relevant here, since formulation of what later would be called
in some instances mention was made of the Sapir- YVhorf hypothesis. Quoting further
possible relations between Middle American from the same paragraph, written by Sapir
languages and other cultural elements in in 1929. Hoijer makes the formulation of the
this area. hypothesis clearer:
The present article is conceived as an
evaluation of the attempts made to -tudy the Though language is not ordinarily thought
of as <>f essentia] interest to the students of
ble implication- of language-in-culture
social science, it powerfully conditions all
studies. I -hall first discuss some theories our thinking about and
social problems
dealing with the general problem of language processes. Human
beings do not live in the
in culture, then concentrate on a few specific objective world alone, nor alone in the world
example-- possible applications in the in- of social activity as ordinarily understood,

stance but are very much at the mercy of the partic-

of language-in-culture studies in
ular language which has become the medium
Middle America.
Of expression for their society. It is quite an
l. Cultural implications i\ languagjd. illusion to imagine that one adjusts to
year- before Benjamin Whorf formu- reality essentially without the use of lan-
lated iii- theory, which i- the mo-t elaborated guage and that language is merely an inci-
dental means of solving specific problems of
:i the subject, Pram Edward
Boas,
communication or reflection. The fact of the
Sapir. and Leonard Bloomfield, among
matter i- that "'the real world" is to a large
other-, were also aware of this problem. extent unconsciously built up on the lan-
for instance, had noted the variety of
.
guage habits of the group. . . .

linguistic expression anions the Eskimos and

among the rXwakhitl Indian- of British Word-, -tincture, and connotation are
Columbia. He had remarked (1911, pp. 10- not, therefore, neutral devices or pure in-
;i on their demonstrative term-, which struments in communication. They are
supposed in the various groupe of speakers factors in defining experience, dynamic ele-
divergent ways of pointing at an object. ment- through which the members of a
1.1. Saptb's approach. Sapir, in his group who possess the same language adjust
•
work Languarj' (1921, p. 22) char- to reality. Close to this is Leonard Bloom-
zed language as, "The specific field's concept of the "speech-community,"

370
LANGUAGE-IN-CULTURE STUDIES

i.e.,"a group of people who interact by This does not happen among the Hopi,
means of speech." The importance of who possess an entirely different linguistic
"speech communities" should be realized, structural background (ibid., p. 14):
according to Bloomfield, through analyzing
Our own "time" differs markedly from
how "all the so-called higher activities of
Hopi "duration." conceived as a space
It is
man, our specifically human activities, spring of strictly limited dimensions, or sometimes
from the close adjustment among individuals as a motion upon such a space, and employed
we call society, and this adjustment, in turn, as an intellectual tool accordingly. Hopi
is based upon language ." (Bloomfield . .
"duration" seems to be inconceivable in
terms of space or motion, being the mode in
quoted by Herskovits, 1948, p. 442).
which life differs from form and conscious-
1.2. Whorf's hypothesis. Statements ness in toto from the spatial elements of
like those quoted can be found here and consciousness. Certain ideas born of our own
there in the works of Sapir, Bloomfield, and time-concept, such as thai of absolute
other linguists. No doubt they anticipated simultaneity, would be either very difficult
to express or impossible and devoid of mean-
the direct formulation of the Whorfian hy-
ing under the Hopi conception, and would
pothesis. Whorf, "a businessman who be-
be replaced by operational concepts.
came a specialist in language study," as F.
M. Keesing has put it, delving into the Standard Average European languages
subject, opened new perspectives, pushing transform the idea of time into an object of
his hypotheses probably too far, but present- strictly limited dimensions. Time — or rather
ing interpretations which nontheless deserve duration — in Hopi "seems inconceivable in

to be carefully analyzed. We will proceed to terms of space" because the linguistic pat-
do this, taking advantage of the remarks terns of Hopi are different. In Whorf's
made in reference to it in the conference terms, they are "essentially ahistorical."
organized by Redfield. For Whorf, to accept the linguistic principle
In presenting his hypothesis, Whorf takes of relativity means the recognition of such
examples specially from the language of the differences as correlated with "the kingly
Hopi Indians he had studied. Comparing role of language, as shaper of ideas." "Users
the grammars of Hopi and of what he desig- of markedly different grammars," he says
nates as Standard Average European lan- (p. 11), "are pointed by their grammars
guages, he arrives at what he terms "a new toward different types of observations and
principle of relativity." He states (1952, p. different evaluations of externally similar
5), "We are thus introduced to a new prin- acts of observation, and hence are not
ciple of relativity, which holds that all ob- equivalent observers, but must arrive at
servers are not led by the same physical somewhat different views of the world.

evidence to the same picture of the universe, Emphasizing the effect that linguistic

unless their linguistic backgrounds are structures exert on human thinking, the
similar. . .
." Precisely because in the Stand- linguistic principle of relativity presupposes,

ard Average European languages there is as Franklin Fearing has noted (1954, p. 47),

a time-specific structural background, ex- "that the commonly held notion that the
perience and thought appear always to be cognitive processes of all human beings
time-colored: "The three-tense system of possess a common logical structure . . . which
Standard Average European verbs colors all operates prior to and independently of
our thinking about time. This system is communication through language, is er-

amalgamated with that larger scheme of roneous." Whorf himself arrived at this

objectifi cation of the subjective experience explicit conclusion, which is at the core of his
of duration . . . (ibid., p. 33). hypothesis (1952, p. 4):

371
 LINGUISTICS

The phenomena of language are to its own analysis of the cultural contents of lan-
speakers largely of a background character
guage materials, I shall refer briefly to two
and so are outside the critical consciousness
other scientific hypotheses. Both are con-
and control of the speaker who is expound-
ing natural logic. Hence, when anyone, as a nected with the interrelations of language
natural logician, is talking about reason, and culture. One is K. L. Pike's hypothesis
logic and the laws of correct thinking, he is on language in relation to a unified theory
apt to be simply marching in step with
of the structure of human behavior, and the
purely grammatical facts that have some-
what of a background character in his own other is M . Swadesh's often discussed glotto-
language or family of languages but are by chronology.
no means universal in all languages and in no 1.3. Pike's unified theory of the
sense common substratum of reason. STRUCTURE OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR. The Stlldv
of Indian languages, particularly Mix tec,
The affirmation of this background char- and the analysis of linguistic structures led
acter of language, prior to natural logic, Kenneth L. Pike to formulate a new be-
implied in Whorf's hypothesis the conse- haviorist hypothesis. Far from Whorf's con-
quence that "language represents the mass ceptions about language as "the shaper of
mind," determines the different approaches ideas and world views," Pike considered the
to the world of experience, is a "shaper of Structured dynamics of language, especially
ideas," and is responsible in its "kingly role" syntax and morphology, as the key to study
for the appearance of different world views. of any kind of structured human activity.
It" all this is so, the possible cultural in- After developing an explanatory theory and
ferences to be drawn from language materials an operational technique for dealing with
arc almost without limit. Kir-t of all, eth- syntactic and morphological materials, he
nologistsand ethnohistoriauB would have, in began the formulation of what he called
the analysis of the various grammars and "Language in Relation to a Unified Theory
their linguist patterns, the key to the origin of the Structure of Human Behavior" (Pike,
and meaning of the must different world I!*.")}, PI.").")). Pike describes the origin and
views. The archaeologisl would have the purpose of bis hypothesis (1956, p.
('»"><)):

possibility of establishing parallel- between

the evolution of language, "thai shaper of The thesis which for the past seven years
" and development Of artistic forms in I have been exploring is the following: thai
Ceramics, painting, sculpture, and architec- every purposeful activity of man is struc-
ture. The social anthropologist,
studying tured, and that certain basic characteristics
are common to every such activity, so that
and analyzing the languages, would be able
it would be possible to develop a theory arid
to grasp the intricacies <>i the "mass mind"
a technique which would pass without jar
of the group he studies. And it ia possible from the study of the structure of one kind
that even the physical anthropologist COUld of activity of man to that of any other kind.
also discover parallel- between linguistic Ideally this would result in one basic theory
of structure, one basic set of terms, and one
Structures and semantics on the one hand,
basic methodology, which could be applied
and human evolution on the other. to the analysis Of language, the analysis of
Obviously Whorf's idea-, even when pre- ritual behavior, ihe analysis of sports, the
sented in a schematic and perhaps over- analysis of occupational activity, or even to
simplified form, bring forth numerous ques- the processes of thought itself.
tions of interest in the fields of anthropology
and the -ocial science- in general. Pike's technique for analyzing the various
Before attempting an evaluation of the pattern- of human activity closely follows his
relevance of Whorf- hypothesis in the basic methodology for working with lin-

372
LANGU AGK-lN-l'ULTURK BT1 DIES

guistic structures, especially in the specific points of view, Pike's hypothesis, if demon
areas of phonemics, morphology, and syntax. Btrated and tested, could be of great signifi-
As an example of this, in analyzing human cance m the correlation of language and
behavior, Pike describes it as made up of other cultural institutions.
"waves and particles," that is, as a physical 1.4. SwADKSIl's GLOTTOCHRONOLOGY. I
'»

continuum in which there are waves with fore attempting an evaluation of Pike's
tips and downs, with nuclei or particles at the hypothesis, I shall briefly outline Swadesh V
peaks and ebbs of activity. He calls these glottochronology. I.exicostatistical glot to
nucleiemes or emic units, "deriving the chronology starts from the idea that
lin-

terms from the latter part of the word guisticchanges are not merely occasional
phoneme, or the phrase />h<>nn/i/c unit" (ibid., phenomena, but represent constant, and
p. 661). continuous movements that, can be dis-
Since 1 can here not present all the prin- covered and precisely described. By finding
ciples underlying Pike's hypothesis, men- I an index which will manifest the rhythm of
tion only one interesting possible application change in the lexicon of a language, one may
of it, in what Pike designates as "the pre- establish its degree of relationship with
dictability of difficulties in acculturation. 11 other languages. Further, the number oi

Applying his concept of "emic units," Pike centuries or even of which

millennia in

(p. 662) considers "every person emieally various languages or dialects suddenly or
structured." He means by this that persons gradually became separate may be deter-
have grown up in an environment in which mined.
their elicited answers are divided, in certain The techniques used in glottochronolo»\
discrete ways, into emic units, which are imply several fundamental principles. The
part of a total system of possible elicited first is that the existence in all language i

responses. If we consider this an essential a noncultural basic vocabulary, described by

aspecl <>t the structure of human behavior, Swadesh, as the one whose terms express
it may be stated that the members of a com- "things, qualities and activities universal
munity have developed specific forms of re- and simple, which depend in the least p
sponding within the limits of their own lan- ble degree on the particular environment and
guage and culture. For instance, if the words the cultural status of the group" (Swadesh.
"mate" and "met" occur in a particular 19G0e, p. 134). In order to find this basic
context, an English-speaking person would vocabulary, consisting of 100 words which
easily detect and answer in accordance with will allow one to determine the rhythm of
the different emic units represented by the change in the various languages (ibid., p.

different sounds of the vowels in the two 134):

words. A Spanish-speaking individual would
probably have difficulty in differentiating the "a diagnostic" list of words was prepared
emic units and his reaction and possible formed mainly by pronouns, some quant it a
five concepts, parts and simple activities of
answer would be entirely different. This
the body, movements, and some general
simple example shows, according to Pike,
qualities of size, color, etc. Aside from the
how the unified theory of the structure of cultural material, we avoided the inclusion
human behavior can permit certain predic- of words which in many languages imitate
tions of emic clash, "not only in respect to sounds (onomatojxx'tic words), as this char-
acteristic may give them a persistence, such
language learning but also in respect to ac-
as terms with a very specific meaning might
culturation, in the field of etiquette, or <>l
have, and this might hinder the identifica-
ritual, or of law, of commerce, and so on" tion of equivalent words in different lai
(ibid., p. 664). Obviously, from this and other guages. The first experiences in the lift
 a

LINGUISTICS
the diagnostic list gave rise to reforms, in had a separate divergent development. The
which elements were eliminated or sub- whole of the changes in both hues is
lexical
stituted, until the actual diagnostic list of the same as twice as much time would
100 elements was reached. produce in one of them. The common
residue may be calculated by multiplying
The second principle of the method of the two individual residues. For instance, if
glottochronology consists in determining each language has SO per cent of the original
the maximum and minimum changes in the vocabulary, and if they have continued to
basic vocabulary of any language. For develop entirely without mutual contact,
this,
then they will have 80 per cent of 80 per cent
examples were looked for in languages with
of cognates, that is, 64 per cent. If they have
texts from two different periods, both his- had partial contacts, this may have caused
torically known and separated by at least some additional agreements, including cases
several centuries. Among others, Latin and where the same original element has been
certain Romance
languages were chosen, as mantained and cases where the same new
word has been introduced. In this way
well as 1000-year-old classic Chinese, which
partial contact may produce in the case of
ompared with present-day Chinese. In SO per cent retention in each line, more than
order to appreciate the changes in the lexicon t>4 per cent of correspondences with a possi-
of these languages through these periods of bility that it may be almost 100 per cent if

time, the diagnostic list of 100 words of non-

the separation has been very slight.

cultural basic vocabulary was applied. It

turned out that in a thousand years a This criterion may be applied to languages
maximum 90 per cent of the basic vocabu-
of known to have a common origin. The per-
lary and no less than si per cent wa- re- centage of shared cognate words, according
tained. The average of retention
conse- to the diagnostic list, must be determined.
quently was s(i per cent of the vocabulary The separatum of these languages will be
in a millennium of evolution of a particular translated into minimum centuries of di-
langu vergence, according to the following con-
Swadesh ackno* thai there may be version table (ibid., p. L35):

Tit 68 '.: 65 64 63 61 r»o

Minimum oentnria
.
- 11 ^ 12 i 19 8 IS. 13.8 1 * - :t 14.9 15.3 15.8 16.4 16.9

fluctuations in the percent g 'elitlon of The method of Lexicostatistica] glotto-

th«- basic vocabulary. Hut at the same time chronology ha- been applied by Swadesh to
he points out the very limited amount of various languages of Middle America and
BUch variation of that vocabulary over a of this continent in general. One of the ap-
KHM) year period. I'mm this, Swadesh de- plications of this method could be to estab-
duces the following principle L960e, pp. lish with greater precision different degrees

of linguistic relationship. There could be

The existence of a limited continuum of

other applications (Swadesh, 1956, pp. 121
variation provide- a basifl on which to 22):
measure time, at least in an approximate
way. In order to profit from this knowledge This development is of ^roat interest for
in glottochronology, we must consider the the reconstruction of prehistory because it
relation between the lineal change and the offers a time dimension for ethnic contacts
parallel differentiation between dialects that shown by linguistic relationship. In the light
me separate. In the-' I
he actual of historically known locations of peoples, it
difference is the product of the changes gives evidence regarding their prehistoric
undergone by each one after its separa- location and movements at given periods of
tion.The modifications experienced by one the past. These data can be correlated with
have not reached the others, as they have the indications of archeology, comparative
 1

LANGUAGE-IN-CULTUHE STUD 1

ethnography, geography of loan-words, eommunicational behavior, numerous objec-

geographic distribution of phonetic and tions and problems arise.
morphologic features, and many other kinds
But, it is worthwhile emphasizing that, if
of evidence. It frequently gives important
clues for connecting prehistoric archeologic
the point of departure is an analysis of these
sites with historically known peoples. linguistic patterns in a certain language, it

would be possible to attempt, in a critical

These are, in a few words, the possibilities sense, applications of Whorf's theory in

and the basic principles of glottochronology. concrete cases. Rather than doing it in t he-

As one may easily see, this hypothesis enters abstract, it would be worthwhile evaluating
fully into the field of the possible relations that theory in its applications to specific
between language and culture. Before re- studies of correlation between a language
ferring to concrete applications of it to and specific cultural elements. The results of
cultural studies in Middle America, we must each study, wuthout forcing the elements
briefly evaluate the various hypotheses that analyzed, could demonstrate to what degree
have been considered: Benjamin Whorf's on language has an influence on, or is related to,
language as a shaper of ideas, Pike's on lan- other aspects of a specific culture.
guage in relation to a unified theory of the If Pike's unified theory of the structure of
structure of human behavior, and Swadesh's human behavior, taking as the fundamental
lexicostatistical method. case linguistic behavior, is applicable, this
2. Evaluation. Norman A. McQuown would demonstrate that in many cases, more
(1960a, p. 79) notes that those who have than of a relationship of dependency, we
analyzed the various theories on the rela- could speak of relationships of parallelism
tionship between language and culture "fall between language and other aspects of cul-
into two general groups, those which em- ture.Undoubtedly, above all a priori con-
phasize the difficulties, and those which point siderations, the validity of these theories
out that it is somehow being done every would depend on their applications. For this
day." to be possible, it would always be necessary
Referring specifically to the theory of to start with a careful analysis of the cul-
Benjamin Whorf, in the symposium or- tural and linguistic elements to be compared.
ganized by Redfield in 1953, a whole series In the field of linguistics, works like those of
of questions was prepared, upon the answer Velma Pickett on the analysis of gram-
to which the applicability of this theory matical structures (Pickett, 1950) and of
fundamentally depends. The cultural in- Benjamin Elson on morphology and syntax
ferences that can be drawn from specific (Elson, 1958) could become excellent tools
aspects of a language may stem from the for this purpose. Later, it would be necessary
phonology, vocabulary, structure, or se- to examine critically the possible inferences,
mantics. parallelisms, and conclusions. This could be
Obviously, the first step would be to de- done only on the basis of a thorough ac-
termine the phonological, structural, and quaintance with the languages and the
semantic patterns of a given language. cultural institutions and patterns being
Without doubt, from the point of view of studied for such relationships.
the theories of perception and cognition, it Whorf's theory on the one hand, and
can be stated that "the special character of Pike's on the other, from very different
Whorf's conceptions consists in the central angles, attempt principally to relate the
role of linguistic patterns" (Fearing, 1954, linguistic patterns to other types of patterns,
p. 49). In the giving of first place to the either in the field of thought, art, world
linguistic factor as the determining one in view, or in that of human eommunicational
the way of thinking, in world views and in behavior.

375
 ; ;

LINGUISTICS

The case of glottochronology is different. The same idea — that it is necessary to start
Here, inferences are sought starting basically with an adequate knowledge of the Indian
with vocabulary. The lexicostatistical languages to be able to establish relation-
method, with its diagnostic list of 100 non- ships between them and other cultural ele-
cultural words, is aimed at discovering ments is expressed by McQuown (1960b,
another sort of conclusion. These are also pp. 14-15), referring especially to the prob-
ot a cultural character. But they refer to the lem of cultural genesis, migrations, and
relationships and kinship between the dif- contacts among various groups:
ferent languages and, therefore, also to the
relationshipsand kinship between different For fruitful pursuit of hints as to common
mutual cultural influences,
their
genesis or culture contact such as those we
peoples,
have listed above, tantalizing and incon-
determinable by the study of loan-words,
clusive as they almost without exception
their degree of persistence, etc. are, and for the profitable study of culture
\mong the basic questions on which the history via the linguistic record, it might be
applicability of Swadesh's method depends well to specify certain requirements:

are: How is it possible to determine beyond (1) more full-fledged grammars and dic-
tionaries;
all doubt the correctness of the selection of
(2) more comparative and historical work of
the diagnostic list of the 100 uoncultural two kinds:
words? Is it possible to state that throughout (a) preliminary mapping out of areas
the whole of linguistic evolution the changes worthy of work in depth, such
in the uoncultural vocabulary always follow preliminary mapping being car-
ried out by: inspection, lexico
tlic same rhythm? Would not application of
dating, probabilistic
Statistical
that diagnostic list tO various languages reasoning, and
suppose in reality a profound knowledge of (b) definitive establishment of genetic
them, in order not to err with rasped to the relationship and full working out
of contact ual history by: corre-
identification of the basic vocabulary in
spondence matrices, etymological
which are thought to be closely dictionaries, historical grammars;
•

(3) language and culture studies, l>oth de-

The possible answers to these and other scriptive and historical
on- in each concrete case will probably
•
(4) dialect geographical work (in the
Nahuatl speaking area, for example,
determine the applicability of glottochro-
Or in the lake region of the highland
nology to specific situations. Once more, it
of ( ruatemala)
must be i I thai . as in the case of the (5) full decipherment
of the available
theories of Whorf and Pike, s careful analysis material, with collaboration
glyphic
6 linguistic clement.- in play must first between archaeologists, linguists and
crypt analysts;
be made. In the application of the tf
(6) lull utilization of the documentary ma-
critical judgment must bt
terial in Nahuatl and in such other
d. 1' would be risky in tie languages as it may turn up, such
^chronology to apply the diagnostic utilization involving:
list to languages which are known only revival and continuation of Tlalocan
and
superficially.
(1>) expansion of philological training in
We now consider briefly some concrete Nahuatl and in such other lan-
-i udies related to the area of Middle America guages BS may prove useful to
in which, in one form or another, relation- wards this end.
haye r> iblished between lan-
ge and culture. Ii should be recognized that all these re-

3. Language m ethnographic btuoies. quirements now exist only in very limited

376
LANGUAGE-IN-CULTURE STUDIES

form, and that in reality only a very few (1954b, pp. 30G-32) has tried to relate the
studies to determine cultural contacts have Huave language with the Macro-Mayan
been made on a firm basis. Following prin- stock, although this cannot be considered as
cipally the evaluation prepared by Mc- something definitive.
Quown on the linguistic studies carried out Many other studies by Swadesh, applying
in Middle America during the last decades, the lexicostatistical method, have led him to
the following can be mentioned: establish five first-line linguistic groups in
Both Walter Lehmann (1920) and Oliver Mexico: Tarasco, Macro-Mixtec, Macro-
LaFarge (1927), note loan words of Nahuatl Mayan, Macro-Nahua, and Macro-Yuman.
origin existing in the various Mayan lan- According to his conclusions, the firsl and
guages and others of Middle America, show- the last are to be found at the same lin-
ing that at various times there were guistic distance, whereas the other three
probably cultural contacts between Nahuatl- offer points of contact within a 51-80 mini-
speakers and the persons speaking those mum-century range. Swadesh considers that
languages. Macro-Mixtec includes four subgroups:
Other signs of cultural contacts among Otopamean Oaxacan (Chocho-Popoloca-
;

peoples of Mayan languages and others of Ixcatec - Mazatecan - Mixtec - Cuicatec-

Middle America are visible in the presence of Amuzgan), Trique, and Zapotecan; Chi-
terms like the one for 'alligator' 9 ain used nantecan; and Huave (Swadesh, 1959b, pp.
by the Huichol and which is very similar to 9-10). Swadesh' theory of Macro-Mixtec
the Maya word (* ? dx u in) and the Huastec particularly has been the object of study and
9 dhin. Another probable loan from Mam or criticism (Longacre, 1957, 1961a).
Tzetzal is to be found among the Xincas. Finally, as another outcome of his glotto-
That is the word cinaq (Mam) or cenek' chronological studies, Swadesh has suggested
(Tzetzal) which means 'bean', and which a remote kinship between Tarasco and
among the Xincas appears slightly modified Quechua and between Uto-Aztecan and
as smak (Whorf, 1949; McQuown, 19G0b, Chibcha (Swadesh, 1954b, pp. 324-25;
p. 326). 1956, pp. 32-33). It is evident that if this
MeQuown's studies, aimed at classifying theory can be demonstrated, many and
the various languages of the Mayan family important conclusions can be deduced con-
as well as at finding the lines of their internal cerning the migrations that occurred on this
differentiation, have also thrown consider- continent millennia ago.
able light on the study of the ancient history Important contributions for future eth-
and ethnography of these peoples. According nolinguistic studies are also to be found in
to McQuown (1950, pp. 191-95), by drawing periodicals offering modern texts in the
a triangle it can be stated that there is a Indian languages of Middle America:
core in the highlands of Guatemala, with Tlalocan, The International Journal of
Huastec and Yucatec at the two extremes, American Linguistics, America Indigena
with the Chontal-Chol-Chorti axis and the (published by the Institute Indigenista
peripheral highland languages of Chiapas Interamericano), Anthropological Linguistics,
in a sort of intermediate position. In addi- American Anthropologist, and the various
tion, there are various studies, broader in linguistic series published by the Summer
character, which attempt to relate these Institute of Linguistics.
languages with others within a Macro- 4. Language and prehistory. Although
Mayan stock. According to McQuown (1942, we have already men-
several of the studies
pp. 37-38), Totonac and Mixe-Zoque could tioned could imply conclusions of importance
be included within this stock. Swadesh for prehistory, we should like to refer here

377
 LINGUISTICS

in particular to another work in which among them being the Didionaire de la

Swadesh concerns himself directly with Langiie Nahuatl, published by R6mi Simeon
possible inferences deriving from applica- (1S85). Francisco del Paso y Troncoso also
tion of the lexicostatistical method to Xahua made Nahuatl
possible the study of the
prehistory. To give only one example, the manuscripts gathered by Fray Bernardino
Pipil group of Salvador appear to have de Sahagun, thanks to the facsimile publica-
separated from the Xahua of the Mexico tion he made of them in 1906-07. Paso y
region only approximately ten centuries ago Troncoso also published a version of some
(Swadesh, 1954c, p. 17S). In the same study of the texts, such as La Leyenda de los Soles
(p. ISO) he shows the results of the applica- (1903") as well as other texts in the series
tion of this method to the calculation of the Papeles de la Nueva Esparto (1905-06).
varying amounts of separation between the Eduard Seler was probably the first in-

Xahua language and others of the Uto- vestigator who tried to relate various of the
Aztecan family. Thus for example, Cora has texts and documents in Nahuatl language to
at least 38 me. of separation with respect to archaeology. Many of these studies, pub-
Xahuatl, whereas Huichol has only 15. lished in magazines, were included in his
These are a few examples of the applica- Geaammelte Abhcmdlungen (1902-23). After
tion-, carried out by Swadesh, of the lexico- his death, the sections from the Nahuatl

statistical method. Prom the separation of texts of the Indian informants of Sahagun
the languages the separation of the ethnic that he translated into German were also

groups in prehistoric times may be inferred. published in B separate volume (1927).

obviously, these conclusions are subject Continuing in the tradition of Seler, two
to modification as more adequate account is other German investigators, Walter Leh-
taken of factors which we analyzed on pre- 111:11111 and Leonhard Schultse-Jena, also

senting Swadesh's theory and evaluating it. prepared versions <>f other sections of the
:». i.w. > \i, \ia ii uaoLooi .
U aforementioned texts compiled by Sahagun.
McQuOWn has already noted. tO be able to as well as the Arudes de Cuauhtitian, part of
establish relationship between language and the work of the Indian historian Chimal
culture in specific cases, it is oecesary to pahin (Lehmann, 1838, L949; Lehmann and
begin with what might be considered obvi- Kutscher, 1958; SchultseJena, 1950, 1952,

ous: an adequate acquaintance with the 1957

language in question. It should be i
Konrad Theodor Preuss in Germany and
nized that there are few languagesin Middle Ernst Mengin in Denmark have published
America «m which there is adequate gram- bilingual edition- of Xahuatl documents
matical and lexical material available for (Preuss and Mengin,
Mengin, 1937 38;
which critical analysis of texts and docu- volumes con-
well as a series of six

ments, contemporary as well as of pre- taining facsimile reproductions of Nahuatl

nic origin, has been carried out. The and Mayan texts under the title Corpus
latter is true to a certain degree only of Codieum Amerieanorum Medii Aevi (Men
BOmefewlangU -he Mayan and Xahua gin, 1942
families. In Mexico, Angel M. Garibay K. has
With reference to Xahuatl language and begun the publication and analysis of
culture, it can be -aid that, especially since Indian text-. His Have del Nahuatl (1940a,
the last third of the last century, there have 1961) offers, in outline form, an analysis of

been BcholaiS who have occupied them-elves the Btructure of Classical Nahuatl. Later
with the analysis and translation of texts, studie- Caribay (1940b, 1943a, 1943b,
oi

as well as with the publication of some I'M".. 1946, 194S, 1953-54) have demon-
grammars and dictionaries, outstanding strated the enormous abundance of this

378
LANGUAGE-IN-CULTURE STUDIES

Indian literature. It can be said that this studies of the Nahuatl language. Among
illustrious tradition ofNahuatl studies from them are McQuown and, above all, Arthur
Sim6on to Garibay has now opened the way J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble, who
for possible studies of correlation between in 1950 began the publication of the Codice
Indian texts and archaeology. Florentino (1950-60) in a bilingual (Nahuatl-
In the three published volumes of the English) edition, of which ten volumes have
magazine Tlalocan (1943-57) various texts been published to date (1966).
in Nahuatl have also been made available, Undoubtedly, this resurgence of studies of
classical as well as of various contemporary the Nahuatl language and culture will make
modern dialects, by investigators such as it possible to establish language-in-culture
Robert H. Barlow, Fernando Horcasitas, relationships on a firm basis, beginning, as
Byron McAfee, Miguel Barrios, and Gari- is desirable, with at an adequate
least
bay. Others, like Adrian Le6n (1949) and knowledge of the language. would be in-
It
Primo F. Velazquez (1945), have also con- teresting, for example, to apply Whorf's
tributed with publications of several im- theory to the specific case of the philosophy
portant Nahuatl documents. or world view of the Nahuatl-speaking
Finally, the Seminar of Nahuatl Culture, peoples, utilizing the texts included in the
organized by Angel M. Garibay and Miguel work of Le6n-Portilla, already mentioned.
Leon-Portilla, has been functioning within With respect to the Mayan world, there
the Institute of History of the National are also studies of literary texts in the Maya
University of Mexico since 1956. The of Yucatan, in Quiche, and in Cakchiquel.
Seminar, in addition to preparing students As it is not possible to list here all the
for the investigation of Nahuatl language studies made during the 19th century, we
and culture, has begun to edit three series of mention only the names of the principal in-
publications. In the first, entitled Fuentes vestigators: Brasseur de Bourbourg, Daniel
Indigenas de la Cultura Nahuatl, three G. Brinton, Molina y Soils, Juan Pio P6rez,
volumes of the texts compiled by the in- Bishop Carrillo y Ancona, Leon de Rosny,
formants of Sahagun, with paleography and Karl Hermann Berendt; at the beginning of
translation of the Nahuatl text (Le6n- this century, Eduard Seler, Walter Leh-
Portilla, 1958; Garibay, 1958, 1961), have mann, and Juan Martinez Hernandez.
been published. The second series (mono- More recent are the studies of G. B. Gordon
graphs) contain Leon-Portilla's La Filosofia (1913) and of A. M. Tozzer who, beginning
Nahuatl, estudiada en sus Fuentes (1956), in 1901, published several modern Maya
which tries to discover via the Nahuatl texts texts, as well as many other studies, among
what could have been the world view of the them his Maya Grammar (1921), intended to
pre-Columbian Aztecs and other Nahua- seek out the categories and structure peculiar
speaking peoples; and a study on pre-His- to this language.
panic law, based on Nahua Indian texts, by In the United States, Ralph L. Roys
Alfredo L6pez Austin (1961). The third (1920, 1929, 1933, 1940, 1943) has studied
series constitutes the yearbook entitled texts of the Maya culture of Yucatan.
Estudios de Cultura Nahuatl, of which five Thanks to the William Gates Collection, it

volumes have appeared (1959, 1960, 1962- has been possible to continue these studies
1965). This publication contains studies on on a broad scale in the United States.
language, archaeology, ethnography, and In Mexico, Alfredo Barrera Vasquez has
other aspects of the Nahuatl-speaking given special attention to the texts of the
peoples. Maya world (Barrera Vasquez, 1935, 1939;
It remains to be added that in the United Barrera Vasquez and Morley, 1948; Barrera
States investigators have also undertaken Vasquez and Renddn, 1949). Especially

379
 LINGUISTICS

valuable are his studies on the books of contributions toward knowledge of the lan-
Chilam Balam and of the Maya Chronicles. guage and culture of the peoples of this zone
Concerning texts Quiche and Cakchiquel
in of Middle America.
of Guatemala are studies of the Popol Yuh In the field of Mixtec archaeology and
made by investigators at the end of the last linguistics the study and partial decipher-
century. In this century, Adrian Recinos has ment of some of the pre-Columbian Mixtec
published several studies of this same book codices has been helpful in understanding
(1947, 1950a, 1953), of the Annals of To- the life and institutions of the Indian cul-
tonicapan (1950b, 1953), and of other tures of Oaxaca (Caso, 1928, 1949, 1951,
Indian chronicles of lesser importance 1960; Dark, 195S).
(1957). The translation of the Popol Yuh A modern grammar of the Mitla Zapotec
into German was prepared and published by has been worked out by Elinor Briggs (1961).
Leonhard Schultze-Jena (1944). In addition Studies on the Otomi-Pame linguistic family
to these studies of Indian texts in various have been made by Jacques Soustelle (1937,
Mayan languages are the major works on 1951).
decipherment of the glyphs of the Maya As for Xahuatl culture, a Seminar on
pre-Hispanic writing. There are the studies Maya Culture was established in 1960 at the
of Hermann Beyer, who tried to identify National University of Mexico. This Semi-
series of two or more glyphs occurring to- nar, directed by Alberto Ruz, has started an
gether, forming what J. E. S. Thompson has annual publication, Estudios de Outturn
tailed clauses. This approach allowed Beyer Maya, with the same character and func-
to give more attention to the affixes of the tion as its equivalent devoted to Nahuatl
principal elements, their functions, the laws culture.
which govern their use and their inter- 6. Com LUBION. Although there are many
changeability 'Beyer. L937). Gates pub- studies on language and culture— Nahuatl,
lished a dictionary (1931 of the Maya Mayan, and others — much still remains to
glyphs appearing in the codices. Thompson be investigated. As these studies advance,
continued the work of Beyer, trying to dis- it will be possible to establish relationships
cover the rules tn be found in the Maya and ci line much close]- to integral knowledge
hieroglyphic writing. He also offered a \
of these cultures and of their respective;
number BOme certain and
of decipherments, languages. Only by relating the content of
others tentative (Thompson, 1950). Thomas the ancient texts, as well as the cultural
Barthel has attempted a series of decipher- implications inherent in the linguistic forms
ments (1852, 1953, 1954, 1955b). He has themselves, with other data supplied by
published an analysis of the glyphs (1955a) archaeology can we some day arrive at an
in the buildings at Chichen Itza. proposing over-all view of these great cultures of
some Impressive equivalents in the inscrip- Middle America. The general conclusion of
tions that he lias tentatively interpreted and this article we have already anticipated:
that seem to recall the contents <>f the books there is continuing need for more profound
of Chilam Balam. studies of the languages, for grammars and
Gunther Zimmermann introduced a me- dictionaries in the modern sense, for the
thodical and practical system for classifying philological Btudy of the texts which have
the glyphs \- in be seen in Thompson's been preserved, and for a wide variety of
•
publications (1954, 1961, 1962) there derivative language-in-culture studies. Only
is continuing interest in the attempt- at in this way can account be taken, on a firm
deciphering the Maya glyphs, which in the basis, of the relationships undoubtedly
future will undoubtedly result in important existing between language and culture.

3S0
LANGUAGE-IN-CULTURE STUDIES

REFERENCES
Anderson and Dibble, 1950-66 Leon-Portilla, 1956, 1958
Barrera Vasquez, 1935, 1939 Longacre, 1957, 1961a
and Morley, 1949 L6pez Austin, 1961
and Rend6n, 1948 McQuown, 1942, 1954, 1955a, 1956, 1957, 1960a,
Barthel, 1952, 1953, 1954, 1955a, 1955b 1960b
Beyer, 1937 Mengin, 1942-50, 1950
Blakney, 1955 Olmsted, 1950
Boas, 1911 Paso y Troncoso, 1903, 1905-06, 1906-07
Briggs, 1961 Pickett, 1956
Carnap, 1942 Pike, K. L., 1944, 1954, 1955, 1956, 1959, 1960
Carroll, 1956 Preuss and Mengin, 1937-38
Caso, n.d., 1928, 1949, 1951, 1960 Recinos, 1947, 1950a, 1950b, 1953, 1957
Cassirer, 1933, 1944 Redfield, 1954
Dark, 1958 Roys, 1920, 1929, 1933, 1940, 1943
Elson, 1958 Sapir, 1921, 1927, 1929c, 1949
Estudios de CulturaNahuatl, 1959, 1960, 1962-65 Schultze-Jena, 1944, 1950, 1952, 1957
Fearing, 1954 Seler, 1902-23, 1927
Garibay K., 1940a, 1940b, 1943a, 1943b, 1945, 1946, Simeon, 1885
1948, 1953-54, 1958, 1961 Soustelle, 1937, 1951
Gates, 1931 Swadesh, 1954b, 1954c, 1955, 1956, 1959b, 1959c,
Gordon, 1913 1960e, 1960f, 1962, 1964a, 1964b, 1966
Greenberg, 1948, 1957a Thompson, J. E. S., 1950, 1954, 1961, 1962
Herskovits, 1948 Tlalocan, 1943-57
Hoijer, 1954 Tozzer, 1921
Kroeber, 1940 Velazquez, 1945
LaFarge, 1927 Voegelin, 1950, 1953
Lehmann, 1920, 1938, 1949 and Harris, 1945
and Kutscher, 1958 Whorf, 1943, 1950, 1952
Le6n, A., 1949

381
REFERENCES
 . .

REFERENCES
Adams, R. M., and N. A. McQuown Anleo, B.
1959 Pre-history, proto-history, and post- 1744 Arte de lengua quiche\
conquest developments. In McQuown, 1865 Arte de lengua Giche. In Squier,
1959a. 1865.
ALBORNOZ, J. DE Anonymous
1691 Arte de la lengua chiapaneca. MS in 1590 Dictionarium ex bismensi. MS in . . .

Bibliotheque Nationale. Newberry Library.314 pp.

Aldama y Guevara, J. A. de 1598 Vocabulario mexicano. Photograph in
1754 Arte de la lengua mexicana. (Mexico, Newberry Library. 236 pp.
1892.) 17thC? [a] Bocabulario en lengua cakchiquel
Alejandre, M. y quiche. Photograph in Newberry Li-
1890 Cartilla huasteca con su gramatica, brary. 706 pp.
diccionario. . Mexico.
. .
17thC? [b] Bocabulario de lengua quich6.
Aleman, L. Photograph in Newberry Library. 78
1884 Grammaire 616mentaire dela langue pp.
Suppl. to Compte-rendu, Int.
Quiche\ 17thC? [c] Bocabulario en lengua quich6
Cong. Amer., 1883. Copenhagen. y castellana. Photograph in Newberry
Alvarado, F. de Library. 372 pp.
1593 Vocabulario en lengua misteca. . .
17thC? [d] Calepino grande, castellano y
Photograph in Newberry Library. quiche\ Photograph in Newberry Li-
419 pp. brary. 480 pp.
Anderson, A. J. 0., and C. E. Dibble 17thC [e] Diccionario de San Francisco:
1950-66 Florentine codex. See Sahagun, maya-cspanol, espanol-maya. Photo-
1575-77. graph in Newberry Library. 402 pp.
Andrade, M. J. 17thC [f] Noticia breve de los vocablos mas
1940 A grammar of modern Yucatec. Mi- usuales de la lengua cakchiquel. MS
cro. Coll. MS Middle Amer. Cult. in Bibliotheque Nationale. 182 pp.
Anthr., no. 41 (1957), Univ. Chicago 17thC [g] Vocabulario en lengua castellana
Library. 476 pp. y . cakchiquelchi.
. . Photograph in
1946 Materials on the Quiche, Cakchiquel, Newberry Library. 500 pp.
and Tzutuhil languages. Ibid., no. 18thC? [a] Vocabulario de la lengua cas-
11. 942 pp. tellana y quiche\ MS in Bibliotheque
Angel, Fr. Nationale. 200 pp.
18thC [a] Arte de lengua cakchiquel. . . . 18thC [b] Vocabulario hispano-hyaqui. MS
MS in Bibliotheque Nationale. in Newberry Library. 999 pp.
18thC [b] Vocabulario de la lengua cakchi- 1733 Vocabulario de la lengua coque. MS
quel. Ibid. 452 pp. in John Carter Brown Library. 354 pp.
18thC [c] Vocabulario de la lengua cakchi- 1750 Vocabulario otoml [Spanish-Otomi].
quel. Photograph in Newberry Li- MS in Newberry Library. 571 pp.
brary. 718 pp. 1800 Arte zaapoteco. MS in Newberry
. . .

Angulo, J. de Library. 309 pp.

1925 The linguistic tangle of Oaxaca. Lan- 1838 Requete de plusieurs chefs indiens
guage, 1 : 96-102. dAtitlan a Philippe II. In H. Ter-
1926a Tone patterns and verb forms in a naux-Compans, Voyages, relations et
dialect of Zapotek. Ibid., 2: 238-50. m&noires originaux Receuil de. . . :

1926b The development a group of affixes in pieces relatives a la conquete du Mex-

of monosyllabic languages of Oaxaca. ique. Paris.
Ibid., 2-46-61. 1862 Grammar of the Pima or Nevome. . .

1933 The Chichimeco language (central Mex- Buckingham Smith, ed. J. G. Shea's
ico). UAL, 7:152-94. Library of American Linguistics, no. 5.
AND L. S. Freeland 1884 A grammar of the Cakchiquel language.
1925 The Chontal language (dialect of Tequi- ... Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc, 21: 345-
sistlan). Anihropos, 20: 1032-52. 412.
1935 The Zapotekan linguistic group. UAL, 1887 Gramatica de la lengua zapoteca. . . .

8: 111-30. Antonio Penafiel, ed. Mexico.

385
 .

REFERENCES
1890 Arte de la lengua cahita. sobre la Misa, en la langua maya.
1893a Vocabulario castellano - zapoteco. . . . Maya Research, 2: 299-301.
Mexico. 1939 El Codice Perez. Rev. Mex. Estud.
1893b Luces del otomi. Mexico. Antr., vol. 3, no. 1.
1902 Are va vuhil tioxilah evangelio rech 1940 Idioma Quiche\ An. Inst. Nac. Antr.
ka nima ahaval Jesucristo kereka San Hist., 1: 179-80.
Marios. Belize. (San Jose, 1899.) AND S. G. MoRLEY
1950 Alfabeto para los cuatro idiomas 1949 The Maya chronicles. Carnegie Inst.
mayoritarios de Guatemala. Pub. Es- Washington, Pub. 585, Contrib. 48.
peciales Inst. Ind. Nac., no. 10. Guate- — AM) s. Rendon
mala. 194S El libro de los libros de Chilam Balam.
Ara, D. de Bib. Amer., Serie de Lit. Ind. Mexico.
lGthC [CopanagUBBtb 'l'zeltal grammar.] Barrett, W.
MS Newberry Library,
in subtitled 1956 The phonemic interpretation of "ac-
Egregium opus. ... 40 pp. cent" in Father Rineon's "Arte mexi-
1571 Bocabulario en lengua tzeldal. Photo- cana." General Ling., 2: 22-28. Lex-
graph in Newberry Library. 328 pp. ington.
Aran \ *
) . 1.
Babthel, T. S.
1953 Reconatruccion del Protototonaoo. In den
L952 Der Morgensternkult in Darstel-
Huastecos, Totonacoe \ bus recinoe, lungen der Dresdener Mayahandschrift.
pp. 123 30. Lthnns, 17: 73 112.
1957 Retocionea internas del tronco Mr l
'.>.">:;
Religion dea Etegengottes: zur Deutung
Master's thesis. [Published in I960 in
der unteren Teile der Seiten 05-69
\ntr. Hist., pp. 2*2-73.]
in der Dre-dener MayahaiuLehrift
1950a Relacianee internssde] Mixteco-Trique. Ibi.i.. 86 LOS.
L8
k. Antr. Hist 12: 219 73. .

I Maya epigraphy: some remarks on the

1950b Afinidadei lingulsticae del Cuitlsteoo. atli\ "al I'roc. .iiltli Int. Cong. Amer.
*

J3d Int. <

10
ion lingufetica del hua von
1965a Versuch liber die [nschriften
2 iTi 75 Chichen [taa viejo. ZtaeatZer Areata,
Poeibkfl relaciones extemsi del grupo d b., 3: 5 33.
lingulstico maya. MS L955b Maya-Paleographik: die Eieroglyphe
is, P. Dl 20 . I 10 51.
d d v... abuhvio manual de lag let
l'.\ui BOi oan \\ , 1 ).
castellana y mexicana. . . . Calderon
r.io'.t Proto-Otomi-Pame. Master's thesis,
.-,i 151 pp. (Other eos ml.. 1011,
inded in her L965.]
Puebla, 1793, 1887
(me reviaions of Proto-Otomi con-
. W. W.
performance
sonant! UAL,2G: 317 29.
I960 "llit- of glottochronology in
5 The reconstruction of Otopamean
Germanic. Lang
(Mexico). Doctoral dissertation, Univ.
v \\\. IV
Chi.
SO Vocabulario totonaco: coordinacion al-
fabetica d< de la Sierra de i
LBNQl i.D
1040 Arte de la lengua matlaltzinga. Pho-
racrua y de Puebla ling.
'.
tograph in Newberry Library.
1042a Vocabulario ... castellano ... matlal-
Atwood, 1

tzinga. Photograph in Newberry

A survey of verb form- in the eastern
- - J ish, Library. 411 pp.
United
DO. 2. Ann Arbor. 1042b Vocabulario ... matlaltzinga ... cas-
tellano. Photograph in Newberry Li-
Babbi bj n \. B. .1.

San Salvador.
brary. 280 pp.
n.d. Qmchefamoa.
1886 Arte de la lengua tarasca. Mexico. . . .

Babbsba, F
1745 \'o<'abulario eaateUano -
quiche*. Pho- t a, I). DE
_?aph in Newberry Library. 201 pp. 1006? Vocabulario de la lengua quiche. MS
Barrera VIbqitbs, A. in Ribliotheque Nationale. 172 pp.

1935 Baltasar Mutul, autor de un libro de Becerka, M. L.

la pasi6n de Jesucristo y de un dJacurao 1937 Vocabulario de la lengua chol. An.

380
REFERENCES

Mus. Nac. Arqueol, Hist., Etnol., s. Bright, W.

5, 2: 249-78. 1956 Glottochronologic counts of Hokaltecan
Belmar, F. material. Language, 32: 42^8.
1892 Ligero estudio sobre la lengua maza- 1960 Accent in classical Aztec. UAL, 26:
teca. Oaxaca. 66-68.
1897 Ensayo sobre lengua trique. Oaxaca.
la Burgess, D. M.
1899 Idiomas indfgenas del estado de Oaxaca: 1946 Quiche translation of the New Testa-
el Chocho. Oaxaca. ment. Amer. Bible Soc.
1900 Estudio de el chontal. Oaxaca. and P. Xec
1901a Investigaci6n sobre el idioma amuzgo. 1955 Popol Wuj. Quezaltenango.
. .Oaxaca.
.
Burgess, P. (pseud. Bopal Resgubs)
1901b Lenguas del estado de Oaxaca: estudio
n.d., a Quech'aw ri Awaj. Quezaltenango.
del huave. Oaxaca.
n.d., b Quincojon che ri Dios Tataxel.
1902a Estudio del idioma ayook. Oaxaca. . . .
Quezaltenango.
1902b Idiomas del estado de Oaxaca: el cuica-
n.d., c Ri u Pix K'ak'. [Weekly.] Quezal-
teco. Oaxaca.
tenango.
Beltran de Santa Rosa, P. n.d., d Himnario en Quiche\ Quezaltenango.
1746 Arte del idioma may a. 1924 Ch'abal Bixobal che ri kajawal Dios.
1859 Idem, 2d ed. Merida. Tip. "El Noticiero." Quezaltenango.
Berlin, O. B. 1925 Ri utzilaj tzijobal jas ri xubij ri Xuan.
1962a The Tenejapa dialect of Tzeltal: an Quezaltenango.
outline of morphology. In McQuown, Caballero, D. J.
1962. 1880 Gramatica del idioma mexicano. . . .

1962b Some further notes on Tenejapa syntax. Mexico.

Ibid.
Cacalchen, Libro de
Bernal, I., and E. Davalos Hurtado, eds. 1647-1826 Manuscript. Photograph in
1953 See Huastecos, Totonacos y sus Veci- Newberry Library. 167 pp.
nos.
Cadena, C.
Beyer, H. 1892 Vocabulario Quiche\ In Leon Fernan-
1937 Studies on the inscriptions at Chichen Lenguas indfgenas de Centro-
dez, ed.,
Itza. Carnegie Inst. Washington, Pub. America en el siglo XVIII. San Jose.
483, Contrib. 21.
Calkini, Chilam Balam de
Blarney, R. B. n.d. Manuscript. Photograph in Newberry
1955 The way of life, Lao Tzu. New York. Library. 30 pp.
Bloomfield, L. Calvo, T.
1933 Language. New York. 1726 Bocabulario espanol-quiche\ Photo-
Boas, F. graph in Newberry Library. 144 pp.
1911 [ed.] Introduction. In Handbook of
Cardenas, T. de
American Indian Languages, pt. 1.
17thC? Arte de la lengua cacchi de Coban.
Washington.
1913 Notes on the Chatino language of
MS
in BibliothSque Nationale.

Mexico. Amer. Anthr., 15: 78-86. Carnap, R.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, C. E.
1942 Introduction to semantics. New York.
1861 Popol Vuh: le livre sacre" et les mythes Carochi, H.
de Pantiquite" americaine, avec les 1645 Arte de la lengua mexicana. In Col.
livres heroiques et historiques des de gramaticas, pp. 395-538. (Mexico,
Quiches. Paris. 1759, 1892.)
1862 Grammaire de la langue Quiche\ Carroll, J. B., ed.
Paris. 1956 Language, thought and reality. Se-
1869-70 Manuscript troano. Paris. lected writings of Benjamin Whorf.
1872 Dictionnaire, grammaire et chresto- Casagrande, J. B.
mathie de la langue maya. Paris. . . .
1948 Comanche baby language. UAL, 14:
Briggs, E. 11-14.
1961 Mitla Zapotec grammar. Inst. Ling, 1954-55 Comanche linguistic acculturation.
Verano and Centro Invest. Anir. Mex. Ibid., 20: 140-51, 217-37; 21: 8-25.

387
 )

REFERENCES
Caso, A. Coroxel, J. DE
1928 Las estelas zapotecas. Monogr. Mus. Arte en lengua maya.
1620 Mexico. . . .

Nae. Arqueol., Hist., Etnog. Mexico. Cortes y Zedexo, J. T.

1949 El mapa de Teozacoalco. Cuad. Amer., 1765 Arte, vocabulario, y confessionario en
8: 145-81. el idioma mexicano. Guadalajara, . . .

1950 Explieacion del reverso del Codex Yin- Puebla de los Angeles.
dobonensis. Mem. Colegio Nae., vol. Goto, T.
5, no. 5. Mexico. 17thC Vocabulario de la lengua cakchiquel.
1951 Base para una sincronologia mixteca MS m American Philosophical Society.
y eristiana. Ibid., vol. 6, no. 6. Mex- 955 pp.
ico. Cowan, F. H.
I960 Interpretation del Codice Bodley 2S58. 1947 Linguistic and ethnological aspects of
Soe. Mac. Antr. Mazateco kinship. SW. Jour. Anthr.,
Cabsibeb, E. 3: 247-56.
1933 La langue et la construction du monde 1952 A Mazateco president speaks. Amer.
des objets. Jour. Ps>/chologie Xormah Indigena, 12: 323-41.
tt Pathologie, 30: 18-44. AND G. M. COWAN
1944 An essay on man: an introduction to a Mazateco: locational and directional
1947
philosophy of human culture. New monihemes. Aboriginal Ling., 1: 1-9.
Haven. Cowan, G. M.
Castro, C. a. 1948 Mazateco whistle Bpeech. Language,
1955 La pluralizacion en panic meridional. 24: 280 B6.
Mac. Estud. Antr.. 14: 213
Rtv. 18. Cboft, K.
Charencey, H. de 1951 Practical orthographv for Matlapa
1883 Dee suffixes en lengua Quiche^ l.<>u- Nahuatl. UAL, 17:32-36.
..n. L953a Matlapa Nahuatl 11: affix list and
Chicxulub, Cbonica di morphophonemics. Ibid., 19: 274-80.
L542 62 Manuscript Photograph in New- L953b Six decades of Nahuatl: a bibliograph-
berry Library. 26 pp. ical contribution. Ibid., \9 : 57-73.

CmMALFOFOCA < rALJ&A, 1

1954 Matlapa Nahuatl 111: morpheme ar-

I860 Epitome 6 modo faVil de aprend rangements. Ibid., 20: 37 13

idioms nahuatl. . . . Mexico. Dahl, I

Cum. iu n, (' I
I Malgache et maanjan: une comparaison
linguistique. Word, 29: ~>77-97.
1956 Word distributions in southeastern l'a
])VHK. I'
pua. Lattgttagt 32 88 108 .

1
(
.'.")S
Mixtec etlmohistory, a method of
ClUDAD Hi Dl
M., A.
analysis of the codical art. Oxford
1000? Vocabulario en la lengua maya. Ms l ni\ Pn
in John Carter Brown Library. M'.
I ) l\ II. a Gabibi, .1. I.
•fiol, 166 mol-Maya. 236 I".
1938 Epitome de raicea oahuas. Mexico.
Photograph in Newberry Library.
P.Ms l.a escritura del idioma niihuatl a
Constitutes Diccionario de Motul.
travefl de los Blglos. 2d ed. Mexico.
ret printing. Aferida.
Davis, a I.., ind R. I. McDavid, Jr.
CoiXOCl6M Dl i.KAM \ik LB
I960 Nort hue-tern Ohio: a transition area.
1904 CoIecci6n de gramiticai de la lengua Langttagi , 26: 264r 73.
mexicaiia. Vol. 1, 1467 L673. Mexico DlBBI.I ,
(' 1

KLIN. H. ('. \ J. \nderson.

1956 Tagas - lisguise. l.m .

DraBOLo, A. R., Jb.

130 I960 Determining the centers of dispersal of
Linguistic play in it- cultural context. language groups. UAL, 26: 1-10.
Ibid., 35: 631 Dion i. I..

Cordova, J. Dl 1911 [diome huichol. Jour. Soc. Amer.

1578a Vocabulario casteUano - aapoteco. Ed. I '<>ns, 8: 23-54.
with introduction ami note- by W. Dixon, R. B., and a. L. Kroeber
Jimenes Moreno. (Mexico, 194 1919 Indian linguistic families of California.
1578b Arte del idioma zap>t> -:i Ed. Nicol&s I 'niv. California Pub. Archaeol. Ethnol.,

Leon. (Morelia, 1886 16: 17 118.

388
REFERENCES

Dolores, J. Escalante, R., and L. Faier

1911-14 Papago verb steins. Ibid., 10: 1959 Relaciones del Linca y Xinca. Paper
241-63. presented to annual meeting, Amer.
1923 Papago nominal stems. Ibid., 20: 19-31. Anthr. Assoc.
Dozier, E. P. Estudios de Cultura Nahuatl
1956 Two examples of linguistic accultura- 1959, 1960, 1962, 1964, 1965 Yearbook of the
tion: the Yaqui of Sonora and Arizona Seminario de Cultura Nahuatl I-V.
New Mexico. Lan- [Jniv. National. Mexico.
and the Tewa of
guage, 32: 146-57. Fearing, F.
1954 An examination of the conceptions of
Dyen, I.
Benjamin Whorf in the light of the
1953 Review of 0. C. Dahl, Malgache et
theories of perception and cognition.
Maanjan: une comparaison linguistique.
In Language in culture, Amer. Anthr.
Ibid., 29: 577-90.
Assoc, Memoir 79.
1956a The Ngaju-Dayak 'old speech stra-
Ferguson, C. A.
tum.' Ibid., 32:83-87.
1956 Arabic baby talk. In Halle, Lunt,
1956b Language distribution and migration
McLean, and Van Schooneveld, 1956,
theory. Ibid., 32: 611-26.
pp. 121-28.
Ebneter, T. 1959 Diglossia. Word, 15: 325-40.
1960 Report on classical Quiche". Mimeo. and J. J. Gumperz, eds.
Austin. 1960 Linguistic diversity in south Asia:
ECKER, L. studies in regional, social and functional
1939 Relationship of Mixtec to the Otomian variation. Indiana Univ. Research Cen-
languages. El Mex. Antiguo,A: 209-40. ter Anthr., Folklore, Ling., Pub. 13.
Edmonson, M. S. Fernandez, J.

1965 Quiche-English dictionary. Tulane 1937 Diccionario poconchi. An. Soc. Geog.
Univ., Middle Arner. Research Inst., Hist., 14:47-70, 184-200.
Pub. 30. Fernandez de Miranda, M. T.
Ellegard, A. 1951 Reconstrucci6n del Protopopoloca. Rev.
1959 Statistical measurement of linguistic Mex. Estud. Antr., 12: 61-93.
relationship. Language, 35: 131-56. 1956 Glotocronologia de la familia Popoloca.
Elson, B. F. Mus. Nac. Antr., Ser. Cien., no. 4.

1947a Sierra Popoluca syllable structure. Mexico.

UAL, 13: 13-17. 1960 Reflejos eonsonanticos de Proto-Zapo-
1947b The Homshuk: a Sierra Popoluca text. teco. MS.
Tlalocan, 2: 193-214. AND R. J. WEITLANER
1948 Sierra Popoluca personal names. UAL, 1961 Sobre algunas relaciones de la familia
14: 191-93. mangue. Anthr. Ling., 3 (7): 1-99.
1951 Review of Foster and Foster, Sierra Fernandez Ferraz, J.
Popoluca Speech. UAL, 17: 57-61. 1902 Sintesis de constructive gramatical de
-

1954 Sierra Popoluca intonation. Master's la lengua Quiche ensayo lingiifstico.

:

thesis, Cornell Univ. San Jose.

1958 Beginning morphology-syntax. Sum- Fischer, J. L.
mer Inst. Ling. Glendale. 1958 Social influences on the choice of a
1960a Sierra Popoluca morphology. UAL, linguistic variant. Word, 14: 47-56.
26: 206-23. Flores, I. J.
1960b Gramatica del Popoluca de la Sierra. 1753 Arte de la lengua metropolitana del
Bib. Facultad Filosofia y Letras, no. 6. reyno cakchiquel. Antigua.. . .

Univ. Veracruzana. Jalapa. FoRSTEMANN, E. W.

1961a Person markers and related morphemes 1880 Die Maya-Handschrift der Koniglichen
in Sierra Popoluca. In his 1961b. offentlichcnBibliothek zu Dresden.
1961b [ed.] A William Cameron Townsend en Leipzig.
el vig^simoquinto aniversario del Insti- 1892 Idem, 2d ed. Dresden.
tuto Lingiifstico de Verano. Mexico. Foster, G. M.
Emeneau, M. B. 1943 The geographical, linguistic, and cul-
1956 India as a linguistic area. Language, tural position of the Popoluca of Vera-
32: 3-16. cruz. Amer. Anthr., 45: 531-46.

389
 1

REFERENCES

1949 Sierra Popoluca

kinship terminology the Mayancelinguistic stock. Carnegie
and wider relationships. SW. Jour.
its Inst. Wash., Pub. 219, pp. 605-15.
Anthr., 5: 330-i4. 1924 The William Gates Collection. Amer-
Foster. M. L., and G. M. Foster ican Art Assoc. New York.
1948 Sierra Popoluca speech. Smithsonian 1931 An outline dictionary of Maya glyphs.
Inst., Inst. Social Anthr., Pub. 8. Maya Soc, Pub. 1.
French, D. 1938 A grammar of Maya. Maya Soc.
Baltimore.
195S Cultural matrices of Chinookan non-
Gibson, G. D.
casual language. IJA 24 258-63. . .

1960 Bibliography of anthropological bibliog-

Friedrich, J.
raphies: the Americas. Current Anthr.,
1955 Kurze Grammatik der alten Quich6- 1:61-73.
Spraehe im Popol Vuh. Akad. der
Gibson, L. F.
Wissenschaften und der Literature in
1956 Pame (Otomi) phonemics and morpho-
Main:, Abhand. der Geistes-u. So;.-
phonemics. UAL, 22: 242-65.
Wisstnschaftlichen Klasse, Jahr. 1955, GlLBERTI, M.
no. 4. Wiesbaden.
1558 Arte de la lengua tarasca 6 de Michoa-
Fries, C. C, and K. L. Pike can. (Mexico, 1898.)
194!' stent phonemic systems. Lan- 1559 Diccionario de la lengua tarasca 6 de
guage, 25: 29-50. Michoacan. (Mexico, 1901.)
GALDO GlZMAN, DE I). Gleason, H. A, Jr.
1642 Arte mexicano. //» Col. de gramaticas 1959 Counting and calculating for historical
pp. 2N 1-394. reconstruction. Anthr. Ling., 2: 22-32.
Gamboa, R. P., ed. I, A. M.
1942 MayasSet j < tone 1935 Estmlios giamaticales de la lengua cora.
Invest. Ling., 3: 79-142.
Garibay K., A. M.
Gonzalez, L.
1940a Llave del Nahuatl. ^(2.1 ed., I

L672 Arte breve y vocabulario de la lengua

Utumba, Mexico.
1940b La |*x*ia indfgena de
tzoque de Terpatlan.
. . . MS in
la altiplanicie.
Bibliotheque Nationale.
Bib. h'studiantt I'ninrsitarw, no. 11.
Gordon, G. B.
Mexico.
L913 Introduction to The Book of Chilam
LM3a Huchut'tlutolli, documento A. Tlalo-
Balam of Chumayel. Iniv. Mus.
. 1: 31 63, 81 1H7
Anthr. I'ub., vol. 5. Philadelphia.
LMSb Partiipomeooe de Bahagun. Ibid., 1:
Goubaid Cabrera. A.
307 13.
1946a Distriburion de Im lcnguas indfgenas
l!»i."> fipica Nahuatl. Bib. Eetudiamtt I'ni-
nrtHfllffl en Guatemala. Bol. Inst. Ind.
nertitario, no. 57 Mexico. Nac., (2. 3): 6:5 76.
l Guatemala.
1946 Parmfipomenoi de Bahagun. Tlalocan, 1946b La |K)blaeion de habla indfgena en
2: 107 74, 240 54.
Guatemala. Ibid., 1 (4): 17-21.
- Ralacion brave de lee BeetM di Grace, G. W.
tlioses, fray Bernardino 1959 The position of the Polynesian lan-
Ib\.
guages within the Au>tronesian (Ma-
1953 M Historia do la literatura Nahuatl. layo Polynesian) language family. In-
Mexico. diana Univ. Bub. Anthr. Ling., Memoir
3 [ed.] Vemte bin de los Na- 16.
huas. TextOfl 'If loa informants in- Greenberg, J. H.
digents de Sahagiin. Ink. Xae., 194S Linguistics and ethnology. SW. Jour.
-inario de Cultura Xdhuatl
•
MexioO. .
Anthr., 4: 140M7.
1961 [ed.] Vida economics, de Tenorhtitlan
1954 A quantitative approach to the morpho-
y Pochtecayotl. Ibid. logicaltypology of language. In R. F.
Garvin, P. L Spencer, ed., Method and perspective
1947 Distinctive features in Zoque phonemic in anthropology: papers in honor of
acculturation. Studies in Ling., 5: Wilson D. Wallis. Reprinted in UAL,
13-20. 26: 178-94.
Gates, \\ 1957a Essays in linguistics. Viking Fund
1920 Distribution of the several branches of Bub. Anthr., no. 24.

390
REFERENCES

1957b The nature and uses of linguistic typol- Mayan lexicon on pic-Hispanic traits
ogies. UAL, 23: 68-77. map. Ibid., fig. 40.
I960 A quantitative approach to the mor- 1959b Percentages of early S punish loans on
phological typology of language. colonial Spanish introductions map.
UAL, 26: 178-94. raid., fig. 41.
AND M. SWADESH 1959c Percentages of recent Spanish loans on
1953 Jicaque as a Hokan language. UAL, recent Mexican introductions map.
19: 216-22. Ibid., fig. 42.

Grimes, J. E. Hale, K.
1955 Style in Huichol structure. Language, 1958 Internal diversity in I'to-Aztecan: I.

31:31-35. UAL, 24: 101-07.

1960 Spanish - Nahuatl - Huichol monetary 1959 Internal diversity in Uto-Aztecan:
terms. UAL, 26: 162-65. II. Ibid., 25: 114-21.
GUDSCHINSKY, S. C. Hall, R. A., Jr.
1955 Lexico-statistical Bkewing from dialect 1958 Creolized language and "genetic rela-
borrowing. UAL, 21 138-49. :
tionships." Word, 14:367-73.
1958a Mazatec dialect history: a study in
Halle, M., H. G. Lunt, H. McLean, and C.
miniature. Language, 34: 469-81.
H. Van Schooneveld, comps.
1958b Native reactions to tones and words in
1956 For Roman Jakobson. The Hague.
Mazatec. Word, 14: 338-45.
Halpern, A. M.
1959a Discourse analysis of a Mazatec text.
UAL, 25: 139-46.
1942 A theory of Maya ts-sounds. Carnegie
Inst. Wash., Notes on Middle Amer.
1959b Mazatec kernel constructions and trans-
Archaeol. Kthnol., no. 13.
formations. Ibid., 25: 81-89.
1959c Proto-Popotecan: a comparative study Hamp, E. P.
of Popolocan and Mixtecan. Indiana 1958 Protopopoloca internal relationships.
Univ. Pub. Anthr. Ling., Memoir 15. UAL, 24: 150-53.

GUERRA, J.
1960 Chocho-Popoloca innovations. Ibid.,

1 692 Arte de la lengua mexicana de . . .

26: 62.
Guadalaxara. Mexico. (2d ed., Gua- Hasler, J. A.
dalajara, 1900.) 1954-55a Los cuatro dialectos de la lengua
Guzman, A. de Nahua. Rev. Mex. Estud. Antr., 14:

16thC Boeabulario de lengua tzeldal. . . . Pho- 145-46.

tograph in Newberry Library. 294 pp. 1954-55b Cinco elementos clasificatorios del

Haas, M. R. Nahua del oeste. Ibid., 14: 147.

1959 Tonkawa and Algonkian. Anthr. Ling., 1954-55c M6todo de clasificaci6n dialectal
1 : 1-6. por correspondencia. Ibid., 14: 148.

Hajda, Y. Hattori, S.
1959a Dialect areas as determined by isogloss 1960 Discussion of D. H. Hymes, Lexicosta-
bundles (transect map). In McQuown, tistics so far. Current Anthr., 1 : 40-42.
1959a, fig. 17. Haugen, E.
1959b Linguistic cross-influences: phonemic 1949 Problems of bilingualism. Lingua, 2:
isoglosses on lexicostatistical clustering 271-90.
diagram. Ibid., fig. 18. 1950 The analysis of linguistic borrowing.
1959c Linguistic cross-influences: grammatical Language, 26: 210-31.
isogloss on lexicostatistical clustering
1953 The Norwegian language in America:
diagram. Ibid., fig. 19.
a study in bilingual behavior. 2 vols.
1959d Linguistic cross-influences: phonetic
Univ. Pennsylvania Press.
isoglosses on lexicostatistical clustering
diagram. Ibid., fig. 20.
1954 Some pleasures and problems of bilin-
gual research. UAL, 20: 116-22.
1959e Linguistic cross-influences: lexical iso-
on lexicostatistical clustering 1956 Bilingualism in the Americas: a bibli-
glosses
diagram. Ibid., fig. 21. ography and research guide. Amer.
1959f Loan word charts. Ibid., fig. 22. Dialect Soc, Pub. 26.

and M. E. Verbitsky Hay, C. L., and others

1959a Percentages of retention of native 1940 See The Maya and their Neighbors.

391
 REFERENCES
Henestrosa, A. 1959 Genetic retrospect and
classification:
1933 Estudios sobre lengua
la zapoteca. prospect. Anthr. Ling., 1 (2): 50-66.
Invest. Ling., 1: 27-30. 1960 Lexicostatistics so far. Current Anthr.,
Hernandez Spina, V. 1:3^44.
1932 Calendario Quiche. Maya Soc. Quar., Ibarra Grasso, D. E.
March. 1958 Lenguas indigenas americanas. Buenos
Herskovits, M. J. Aires.
1948 Man and his works. New York. Izil, Chilam Balam de
Hervas y Panduro, L. n.d. Manuscript. Photograph in Newberry
1800 Catalogo de lenguas de las naciones
las
Library. 85 pp.
conocidas. Madrid. 6
(Len- vols.
Johnson, F.
guas y nacionee americanas in vol. 1.) 1940 The linguistic map of Mexico and Cen-
Herzog, G.
tral America. In The Maya and their
neighbors, pp. 88-113.
1941 Culture change and language: shifts
Johnson, J. B.
in the Pima vocabulary. In Spier,
1943 A dear case of linguistic acculturation.
HalloweU, and Newman, P.m.
Amer. Anthr., 45: 427-34.
Hockki I, ('. F.
Kaufman, T. S.
1947 Component ial analysis of Siena Pojk)- 1961 Tzeltal grammar code. Mimeographed.
luca. UAL,
25s 87. l.'-i:
Stanford Univ., Anthr. Research Cen-
1955 A manual of phonology. Indiana ter. Also in McQuown, 1962.
I' niv. Pub. Anthr. Ling., Memoir 11.
1962 A sketch of Tenejapa Tzeltal syntax.
tnofiWALD, H M. In McQuown, 1962.
1960 Language change and linguistic re- Key, II

construction. Chicago. L952 53 AJgunas observacionee preliminares

HOUEB, H de la distribucioD dialectal del nahuatl
en el area Hidalgo Yer.'iciuz-Puebla.
1948 Linguistic and cultural change. Laav
•
\'< Bai Ma
Ettud. Antr., VA: 131-13.
1954 The Bapir-Whorl /" Lan- I960 Stem COnstrUCtiOD ami allixation of
hypothesis.
guage in Culture, Amir. Antlr \
Siena N;ihuat verb-. UAL, 26: 130-

Memoir 7'' 45
AM' M. Kl.Y
and othi
1953 The phonemes of Sierra Nahuat. Ibid.,
L946 Linguistk Structures Of native America. '

19: 53
Viking Fund I'ub. Anthr., n
KlBCHHOIT, 1'.

HOLLAND, \\ H. 1943 afesoamerica, sua Ifmitee geogrAficos,

I I >ialo •
IDS Of the Mi\tee and coinj>o>ici(')ii etnica y caracteres cul-
Cuicatec area- of I Mexico. turales. Ada Amer., I: 92-107.
Anthr. Ling 81. l\i \i SKI K, S. Z.

BOPKOIS, N A. 1955 Phonetics, personality and status in

J i A phonology of Zinacantiui Tsotsil. [srael. Word, 11:209-15.

Master's thesis, Univ. Te o in KbOEBEB, A. L.
Quown, l'' 1940 Language history and culture history.
:> A -hurt -ketch of ( 'halchihuitan Tzotzil /// The Maya and their Neighbors, pp.

In McQuown, 191 163 70.

1960a Indo Puropean, and taxon-
Statistics,
HOUSEHOLDER, K. \\ '.. .lit.
omy.
Language, 36: 1-21.
I960 First thoughts on syntactic indue-.
1960b On typological indices I: ranking of
UAL. 20: 195
languaga UAL, 26: 171-77.
HlA-i BOOS, TOTONACOS 1 BOS \ AND (
'.
1 ). ClIlll'.lll.N
1953 Buasteeos, Totonaeoa y bub vecinos. 1937 Quantitative classification of Indo-
Ed. by Bernal and Dsvalos Hurtado. l.uroj)ean languages. Language, 13:
Ret-. M'i. Ettud, Antr., vol. 13, nos. 83-103.
2 and 3.
La Fa roe, O.
Hymxs, H.
I). 1927 Comparative wordlists: Vocotan, Chon-
1958 Linguistk features peculiar to Chinook- tal, Tzeltal, Chaneabal, Jacalteca.
an myth-. UAL, -l 253-67. In Blom and LaFarge, Tribes and tem-
REFERENCES

pies, 2: 487-98. Tulane Univ., Middle Soc. Cien. "Antonio Alzate," 15: 275-87.
Amer. Research Ser., Pub. 1. Mexico.
and D. Byers 1902 Familias linguisticas de Mexico. Mus.
1931 The jacalteca language. In their The Nac. Mexico.
year bearer's people, pp. 244-366. 1912 Vocabulario de la lengua popoloca
Pub. 3.
Ibid., cliocha 6 chuchona. An. Mus.. . .

La Gras.serie, R. de \ Hi-., 3d ser., 3: 1-48.

1898 Langue Zoque et Mixe. . . . Paris. 1922 Familias linguisticas de Mexico. 5th
and N. Le6n rev. ed., abridged.
1896 Langue Tarasque. Paris. . . . Le6n-Portilla, M.
Lagunas, J. P.de 1956 La Nahuatl, estudiada en sua
filosofia
1574 Arte y diccionario tarascos. Mexico. fuentes. Mexico.
Inst. Ind. Interamer.
(Morelia, 1890.) 1958 [ed.] Ritos, sacerdotes y atavlos de
Lamb, S. M. los dioses. Textos de los informantes
1958 Linguistic prehistory in the Great indfgenas de Sahagiin. Univ. Nac.,
Basin. UAL, 24: 95-100. Seminario de Cultura Ndhuatl. Mex-
1959 Some proposals for linguistic taxonomy. ico.
Anthr. Ling., 1: 33-49. 1959 La filosoffa Ndhuatl 2d ed.
Larson, K. Lewy, E.
1949 Huasteco baby talk. El Mex. An- 1937 Die Sprache der Quiche (Kice) von
tiguo, 7:295-98. Guatemala. Anthropos, 32: 929-58.
Law, H. W. Modling.
1948 Greeting forms of the gulf Aztecs. Lombardo, N.
SW. Jour. Anthr., 4: 43-48. 1702 Arte de la lengua teguima llamada
1958 Morphological structure of Isthmus vulgarmente 6pata. Mexico.
Nahuat. UAL, 24: 108-29. Longacre, R. E.
Leal, M. 1957 Proto-Mixtecan. Indiana Univ. Re-
1950 Patterns of tone substitution in Zapotec search Center Anthr., Folklore, Ling.,
morphology. Ibid., 16: 132-36. Pub. 5.
1954 Noun possession in Villa Alta Zapotec. 1960 String constituent analysis. Language,
Ibid., 20: 215-16. 36: 63-88.
Lees, R. B. 1961a Swadesh's Macro-Mixtecan hypothe-
1953 The basis of glottochronology. Lan- sis. /.ML, 27:9-29.
guage, 29: 113-27. 1961b Review of M. Swadesh, Mapas de
Lehmann, W. clasificacion lingufstica de Mexico y
1920 Zentral-Amerika: Erster Teil: die Spra- las Americas. Language, 36: 397-
chen Zentral-Amerikas. 2 vols. Ber- 410.
lin. 1964 Grammar discovery procedures. The
1938 [ed.]Die Geschichte der Konigreiche Hague.
von Culhuacan und Mexiko. Quellen- 1966 On linguistic affinities of Amuzgo.
werke zur alien Geschichte Amerikas,
UAL, 32: 46-49.
vol. 1. Stuttgart.
L6pez, J. J.
1949 [ed.]Sterbende Gotter und christliche
1892 Cachiquel, Quiche y Sutugil. In Le6n
Heilsbotschaft: Wechselreden india-
Fernandez, ed., Lenguas indigenas de
nischer Vornehmer und spanischer
Centroamerica en el siglo XVIII. San
Glaubensapostel in Mexiko, 1524.
Jose.
Ibid., vol. 3.
L6pez Austin, A.
and G. Kutscher, eds.
1961 El abogado nahuatl. Debate, 2: 22-24.
1948 Das 'Memorial breve acerca de la
fundacion de la ciudad de Culhuacan' Ciudad Juarez.
von Domingo de S. Anton Munon Lopez Otero, D.
Chimalpahin. Ibid., vol. 3. 1914 Gramatica maya. Merida.
Le6n, A., ed. McDavid, R. I., Jr.

1949 Cr6nica mexicayotl, by F. Alvarado 1946 Dialect geography and social science

Tezoz6moc. Mexico. problems. Social Forces, 25: 168-72.

Leon, N. 1951 Dialect differences and inter-group ten-
1901 Familias lingiilsticas de Mexico. Mem. sions. Studies in Ling., 9-27-33.

393
 REFERENCES
and V. G. McDavid Manrique CastaSeda, L.
1952 h semivowels in the eastern
before 1958 Sobre la clasificaci6n del otomi-pame.
United States. Language, 28: 41-62. Acts 83d Int. Cong. Amer., 2: 551-59.
McIntosh, J. B. 1960 Dos gram&ticas pames del siglo XVIII.
1945 Huiehol phonemes. UAL, 11: 31-35. An. Inst. Nac. Antr. Hist., vol. 11, no.
McQuown, N. A. 40.
n.d. Quiche^ phonemes
vocabulary. and Marino Flores. A.
Univ. Chicago, Dept. Anthr. 1957 Bibliograffa linguistica de la Repiiblica
1942 Una posible sintesis lingiiistiea Macro- Mexicana. Inst. Ind. Interamer.
Mayance. In Mayas v Olmecas, 2: Mexico.
37-38. Martinet, A.
1954 Content analysis of language in culture. 1954 Dialect. Romance Philology, 8: 1-11.
In Language in culture, Amer. Anthr. Martinez Hernandez, J., ed.
Assoc., Memoir 79. 1926 Cronica Yaxkukul. Merida.
de
1955a The indigenous languages of Latin 1929 Diccionario de Motul: Pr61ogo; Arte
America. Amer. Anthr., 57: 501-70. de lengua maya [por Fray Juan Coro-
1955b Review of Chretien, Heeler, Emeneau, nel, 1620]; Carta de los diez caciques
and Haas, eds., Papers from the sym- [1567]; Diccionario Maya-Espanol [Fray
posium on American Indian linguistics. Antonio de Ciudad Real, 1600?j.
UAL, 21: 73-77. Merida.
1956 The classification of the Mavan lan- Mason, J. A.
guage.-. HU-95.
I.JAI.. 22: 1917 Tepecano inn. Ntw York Acad
1957 Linguistic transcription and specifica- Sci., 25: 309-416.
tion of psychiatric interview mate- L923 A preliminarysketch of the Yaqui
rials. P« fd iatr ,. 20 language. Univ. California Pub. Amer.
1959a [ed.] on 'Man in Nature'
Rejiort the Anluuol. Kthnol., 20: 193-212.
Department of Anthro-
project of the L939 Los quatro grandes fikmes lingufsticos
pology of the University of Chi de Mexico y Centra America. 97th
in the Tsriltal Tsotsil npraking region Int. Cong. Amtr., 2: 282-88.
of the state of Chiapas, Mexico MS L940 The native languages of Middle Amer-
L960fa Overview and preriew. In In- i
ica. In The Maya and their neigh-
ch. 4. bors, pp 62 s7
•
Measurei of dialect dintamrr in Tanltai 1952 Some initial phones and combination^
Tsotail. Ibid., ch. 21. in (Jtaatecan stems. UAL, 18: 9-11.
I96<):i l >.- ussion of the symposium on transla- Mara ind Nbiqhbobb, Thi
thxib
tion between language and culture. 1940 The Maya and their neighbors. Ed.
Anthr. Ling.. 2 2 7'' 90 by C l. Hay and others. New York.
19601) Middle American linguistic-: L055. Pan M LYJ BOCQTJ >

nwn, Midi I Ihr., 1937 1'hc Maya Society and its work. Bal-
2 1- timore
1962 [ed.] Report on the -Natural Hi Mai v- > Oi.mi < \-

of the Tzcltal-Tzotzil nprai ing region 1942 Mayas y Olmecas. Se^unda reuni6n
of the state of Chiapas, Mexico MS. de mesa redonda sobre problemas an-
and otic tropologicos de Mexico y Centro
1959 Internal linguistic groupings in the America, Tuxtla Gutierrez. Soc. Mex.
transect communities. In bis 1959a, Antr.
ftp Mama, M K.
Mak, C.j ASIi EL K. I.ongacre 1959 Maya area linguistics. In McQuown,
1960 Proto-Mfarteo phonology. UAL, 26: 1959a, fig. 11
23 1960 The linguistic unity of Pocomam-
Maldonaoo, l Poeomehl UAL, 26: 317-29.
16thC Arte, pronunciaci6n y ortograffa de , V. ELuroa, and N. A. McQuown
. . . cakchiquel. Photograph in New- 1959 Tzeltal-Tzotzil linguistics description,
berry Library. distributions, relations. In McQuown,
Mandelbaum, D. G., ed. 1959a, (1

1949 Selected writings of Edward Sapir, and N. A. McQuown

in language, culture, and personality. 1959a Lexicostatistics of transect informant
Berkelev. short list. Ibid., fig. 15.

394
REFERENCES

1959b Dialect areas as determined by lexi- MuSoz y Manzano, C.

costatistical distance counts (transect 1892 Bibliograffa espanola de lenguas indi-
map). Ibid., fig. 10. genas de America. Madrid.
Mediz Bolio, A. Nah, Chilam Balam de
1943 Introduction al estudio de la lengua n.d. Manuscript. Photograph in Newberry
maya. Mexico. Library. 56 pp.
Meillet, A., and M. Cohen
Najera, M. de San Juan Cris6stomo
1924 Les langues du monde. Paris. (Rev.
1870 Gramatica del tarasco. Morelia.
ed., 1952.)
Nash, M., M. E. Verbitsky, J. C. Hotchkiss,
Mena, C.
and N. A. McQuown
n.d. [Medicina maya.] MS. Photograph
1959 Present-day socio-cultural-linguistic-eth-
Newberry Library.
in 159 pp.
nohistorical correlations. In McQuown,
MeNDIZABAL, M. 0. DE, AND W. JlMENEZ
1959a, ch. 3.
Moreno
Nebrija, E. A. de
1936 Mapa lingufstico de Norte- y Centro-
America. Inst. Panamer. Geog. Hist. 1492 Gramatica castellana. 2 vols. (Mad-
rid, 1946.)
Mexico.
1937 Distribuci6n prehispanica de las len- Nellis, J. G.
guas indigenas de Mexico. Mapa. 1947 Sierra Zapotec forms of address.
Ibid. UAL, 13: 231-32.
1939 Lenguas indigenas de Mexico. Mapa Neve y Molina, L. de
de su distribuci6n prehispanica. Ibid. 1767 Reglas de ortograffa, diccionario, y
Mengin, E., ed. arte del idioma othomi. . . . Mexico.
1942-50 Corpus codicum Americanorum me- (Mexico, 1863.)
dii aevi. 6 vols. Copenhagen. Newman, S.
1950 Diferentes historias originales de los 1955 Vocabulary levels:Zuni sacred and slang
reynos de Culhuacan y de Mexico y usage. SW. Jour. Anthr., 11: 345-54.
de otras provincias. 5a Relaci6n de 1964 Comparison of Zuni and Californian
Chimalpahin. Mitteilungen aus dem Penutian. UAL, 30: 1-13.
Mas. fur Volkerkunde in Hamburg, 22. AND R. J. WEITLANER
Millon, R., and R. E. Longacre 1950a Central Otomian I: Proto-Otomi re-
1961 Proto-Mixtecan and Proto-Amuzgo- constructions. UAL, 16: 1-19.
Mixtecan vocabularies: a preliminary 1950b Central Otomian II: primitive central
cultural analysis. Anthr. Ling., 3 Otomian reconstructions. Ibid., 16:
(4) : 1-44.
73-81.
Molina, A. de
Nida, E. A., and M. Romero C.
1555 Aqul comiencR un vocabulario en len-
1950 The pronominal series in Maya (Yuca-
gua castellana y mexicana. Mex- . . .
tec). Ibid., 16: 193-97.
ico.
Olmos, A. de
1571a Arte de la lengua mexicana y castellana.
1547 Arte para aprender la lengua mexicana.
In Col. de gramdticas, pp. 127-224.
In Col. de gram&ticas, pp. 1-126.
(2d ed., 1576.)
Olmsted, D. L.
1571b Vocabulario de la lengua mexicana.
1950 Ethnolinguistics so far. Studies in
Mexico. (Leipzig, 1880.)
Ling., Occasional Papers, no. 2
Moran, F.
1685-95 Arte en lengua cholti. MS. Olson, R. D.
MoRAN, P. 1964 Mayan affinities with Chipaya of

n.d. Bocabulario de solo los nombres de la Bolivia I: correspondences. UAL, 30:

lengua pokoman. Photograph in . . .

313-24.
Newberry Library. 242 pp. 1965 Mayan affinities with Chipaya of
Bolivia II: cognates. Ibid., 31: 29-38.
1720 Arte breve y compendiosa de la lengua
pocomchi. in
. MS
Bibliotheque
. .
Opler, M. E., and H. Hoijer
Nationale. 1940 The and war-path language of the
raid
MORLEY, S. G., AND G. W. BRAINERD Chiricahua Apache. Amer. Anthr., 42:
1956 The ancient Maya. 3d ed. Stanford. 617-34.
MtJLLER, M. Orozco y Berra, M.
1888 Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft. 1864 Geografia de las lenguas y carta etno-
Vienna. grafica de Mexico. Mexico.

395
 :

REFERENCES
Ortega, J. de 1956 Tonally differentiated allomorphs in
1732 Vocabulario en lengua eastellana y Sovaltepec Mazatec. UAL, 22: 57-71.
cora Mexico. (Tepie, 1888.) Pike, K. L.
Pacheco Cruz, S. 1944 Analysis of a Mixteco text. Ibid., 10:
1920 Compendio del idioma maya. Merida. 113-3S.
1938 Idem, another ed. Merida. 1945a Tone puns in Mixteco. Ibid., 11:
1939 Lexico de la fauna yucateca. Merida. 129-39.
194S Compendio del idioma maya. 4th 1945b Mock Spanish of a Mixteco Indian.
ed. Mexico. Ibid., 11:219-24.
Palm a, M. T. 1946a Phonemic pitch in Maya. Ibid., 12:
1886 Gramatiea de la lengua azteea. . . .
82-88.
Puebla. 1946b Another Mixteco tone pun. Ibid.,
Parra, M. G., and \Y. Jimlnlz Moreno 12:22-24.
1954 Kibliografia indigenista de Mexico y 1947 A text involving inadequate Spanish of
Centroamexica (1850-1950). Inst. Xac. Mixteco Indians. Ibid., 13: 251-57.
I ml. Mexico. 1948 Tone languages. Univ. Michigan Press
Paso Tboncoso, F., ed.
j
1954 Language in relation to a unified theory
1903 Leyenda de los soke. Florence. of the structure of human behavior,
1905-06 Papain de la Nueva Kspaiia. part I. Summer Inst. Ling. Glen-
dale.
2d aer. 7 vols. Madrid.
1906-07 Codkee Matritenaei del Palacio 1955 Idem, part 11.

Narional y de la Real Academia de 1956 Towards a

theory of the structure of
la Historia. Yol>. 6-s. Madrid.
human In Estudios antro-
behavior.
pologiocs publicados en bomenaje al
Pa 1 1.\
doctor Manuel Gamio. Soc. Mex. Antr.
1907 Vocabulario totonaoo. .Jala
Mexico.
Vi Raj a i.. \
1958 On tagmemes, nee gramemes. /./.!/..
1887 Set \nonymoue, 1887
24: 273 7^
Pkukz. .1. P.
1959 Language as particle, wave and field.
n.d. [Recetariot de indioa; indioee de plan-
L tat Quae, 2 (2): 37-54.
ts- rncdirinalri y de enfermed i

19«><> Language in relation to a unified theory

.- Ms. Photograph in
of the -tincture of human behavior,
Newberry Library. 58 pp.
pad IN S* his 1954, 1955.
Diccionario de la lengna maya AMI V. \ . PlKI
Merida.
1947 Immediate constituents of Mazateco
L898 Coordmacioii atfabMca de lae
del idion:
syllable-. UAL, 13: 78 91.
Merida.
PlMKVI II., P.
1
1, V. B
1^7} 75 Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo
1051 Noophonemic i problem in
de lae lenguai indigenes de Mexico.
itr< menl in bthmui Zap
.'i vols.
2d ed. Mexico.
Word, 7
1904 Idem, another ed
1053 Isthmus Zajxnc- verb analysis l.

/./.l/., l"
Pineda, V*.

1065 bthmui Zapotec verb analyski II.

1888 Oramitka de la lengua tzeltal y dic-
cionario. . . . Chiapas.
Ibid., 21: 217
L900 The grammatical hierarchy of bthmui PlTTMAN, K. S.

Zapotec. Baltimore. 1948 NahuaU honorific*. UAL, 14: 236-39.

1954 A grammar Tetelcingo (Morelos)
of
A\li B. V hi
Nahuatl. Ling. Soc. Amer., Language
- An introduction to morphology and
Dissertation 50.
BJ Inst. Ling. Santa
Pbsubb, K. T.
PlKh, B. V. 1932 (Irammatik der Cora-Sprache. UAL,
1948 Problema in Zapotec tone analysis.
7: I M
UAL, 14: 161-70. 1935 Worterbuch Deutsch-Cora. Ibid., 8:

1954 Phonetic rank and subordination in 79-102.

consonant patterning and historical AM) E. Mkngin
change. Misc. Phonetica, 2: 25-41. 1937-38 Die Mexikanische Bilderhandschrift

396
REFERENCES

Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca. Parts I Reed, D. W., and J. L. Spicer

and II. Baessler Archiv. Berlin. 1952 Correlation methods of comparing
PULGRAM, E. idiolects a transition
in area. Lan-
1956 On prehistoric
linguistic expansion. guage, 28: 348-59.
In Lunt, McLean, and Van
Halle, Reyes, A. de los
S.hooneveld, 1956, pp. 411-17. 1593 Arte en lengua mixteca. . . . Mexico.
QUINTANA, A. DE (Alencon, 1889.)
1729 Arte de la lengua mixe. Puebla. Reyes, G. de los
(Reprinted 1891.) 1891 Giamatica de las lenguas zapoteca-
RADA Y DELGADO, J. DE LA, AND J. L6PEZ DE serrana y zapoteca del valle. Oaxaca.
AYALA Y DEL HlERRO Reynoso, D. de
1892 C6dice maya denominado cortesiano. 1644 Arte y vocabulario en lengua mame.
Madrid. . Mexico.
. .

Radhakrishnan, R. RlNALDIM, B.
1962 An outline of Pinolteca [Tzeltal] mor- 1743 Arte de la lengua t^peguana. . . .

phology. Master's thesis, Univ. Chi- Mexico.

cago. Also in McQuown, 1962. Rinc6n, A. del
Radin, P. 1595 Arte mexicana. In Col. de gram&ticas,
1916 On the relationship of Huave and Mixe. pp. 225-80.
Amer. Anthr., 18:411-21. ROBLES UlUBE, C.
1919 The genetic relationship of the North 1962 Manual del Tzeltal (gramatica Tzeltal
American Indian languages. Univ. Cal- de Bachaj6n). Univ. Iberoamericana
ifornia Pub. Amer. Archaeol. Ethnol., (Antropologfa: Lingiiistica I).
14:489-502. Rodas, F.
1930 A preliminary sketch of the Zapotec n.d. Vocabulario en idioma kiche\ Guate-
language. Language, 6: 64-85. mala.
1933 Notes on the Tlappanecan language of Romero Fuentes, L. C.
Guerrero. UAL, 8: 45-72. 1910 La lengua maya al alcance de todos.
1935 An historical legend of the Zapotecs. Merida.
Berkeley. Rosny, L. DE
1944 The the languages of
classification of 1887 Codex IVresianus manuscrit hieratique
Mexico. Tlalocan, 2: 259-65. des anciens Indiens de l'Amerique
1946 Zapotec texts: dialect of Juchitan- Centrale. Paris.
Tehuano. UAL, 12: 152-72. Roys, R. L.
Ravicz, R., and A. K. Romnky 1920 A Maya account of creation. Amer.
n.d. Sixteen centuries of structural con- Anthr., 22: 360-66.
tinuity in Mixtec kinship. MS. 1929 Annotated transcription of the Chilam
Recinos, A. Balam of Kaua. MS. Tulane Univ.,
1916 Estudios de antropologfa y etnografia: Middle Amer. Research Inst.
razas y lenguas indfgenas de Guatemala. 1933 The book of Chilam Balam of Chu-
Centroamerica, 8: 607-18. Guatemala. mayel. Carnegie Inst. Wash., Pub. 438.
1917 Lengua* indfgenas de Guatemala. Proc. 1939 The titles of Ebtun. Ibid., Pub. 505.
2d Pan Amer. Sci. Cong. Anthr., 1: 1940 Personal names of the Maya of Yuca-
209-19.
tan. Ibid., Pub. 523, Contrib. 31.
1947 Popol Vuh: las antiguas historias del
1943 The Indian background of colonial
Quiche\ Mexico.
Yucatan. Ibid., Pub. 548.
1950a The Popol Vuh. Univ. Oklahoma Press.
1944 The Vienna dictionary. Ibid., Notes
1950b [ed.] Memorial de Solola: anales de los
on Middle Amer. Archaeol. Ethnol,
Cakchiqueles seguido del tftulo de los
no. 41.
seiiores de Totonicapan. Mexico.
1953 [ed.] The Annals of the Cakchiquels. Sahagun, B. de
Univ. Oklahoma Press. 1575-77 Florentine codex: general history

1957 Cr6nicas indfgenas de Guatemala. of the things of New Spain. Original

Guatemala. Nahuatl text and English tr. by A. J.

Redfield, R. O. Anderson and C. E. Dibble. Books
1954 Foreword to Language in culture. 1-5, 7-12. Univ. Utah and School
Amer. Anthr. Assoc, Memoir 79. Amer. Research, Santa Fe.
397
 1

REFERENCES
1962 Nuevo ensayo de
glotocronologia Yuto- Ticul, Documentos de
nahua. An. Inst. Antr., 15: 263-302. 1642-1761 Manuscript. Photograph in New-
1964a Interim notes on Oaxaean phonology. berry Library. 62 pp.
SW. Jour. Anthr., 20: 168-89. Tizimin, Chilam Balam de
1964b Algunos problemas de la linguistics 1S70 Manuscript. Photograph in Newberry
otomangue. An. Section Antr., 1: 91- Library. 55 pp.
123. Tlalocax
1966 Porhe y maya. Ibid., 3: 173-204. 1943-57 A journal of source materials on the
Tapia Zenteno, C. de native cultures of Mexico. 3 vols.
1753 Arte novissima de lengua mexicana. Sacramento, Calif., and Azcapotzalco,
Mexico. (Mexico, 18S5.) Mexico.
1767 Notieia de la lengua huasteca. . . . Torresano, E.
Mexico. 1754 Arte de la lengua kakchiquel. . . . MS
Tax, S. in Bibliotheque Nationale.
1960 Aboriginal languages of Latin America. Tovar. A.
Current Anthr., 1: 430 - 1954 Linguistics and prehistory. Word, 10:
Teletor, C. X. 333-50.
n.d. Compendio de la doctrina cristiana en Tozzer, A. M.
lengua quiche y ea.-tellano. Guate- 1921 A Maya grammar. Papers Peabody
mala. Mus., Harvard I'niv., vol. 9.
1942 Breve manual de conversation quiche'. Trend. J. B.
Guatemala. 1953 The language and history of Spain.
1943 Tojxmimia guatemalteca. An. Soc. London.
Geog. Hi.^t. Guatemala, L9 (2): lltV-24. Ii.i.m \N\. S.
1949 Algunoe apuntes Bobre Kabinal, Baja 1953 Descriptive semantics and linguistic
Verapai, y algo sobre fon£tica del typology. Word, 9: 225-40.
dialecto (Quiche. Ibid., 24 (3 ! 206 Yai.i
n.d. reglas y apuntes
Quaderno de algunas
1959 Diccionario casteUaiw-quiche' y voces idioma pame. MS.
sobre el

casteflano-pokoman. ( 'iiiatemala. P>_'."> l.a dnica gram&tica conocida de la

Tellechea, M. lengua pame. Mexico. . . .

L826 Compendio dramatical para la inteli- Varela, V. de

DCia dd idioma t:ir:ihumar. . . . 17th( '? Calepino en lengua cakchiquel. MS
Mexico. in American Philosophical Society. 477
Thieme. P. pp.
1958 The [ndo-European lanpi*g Yazqi i.z Gaetelu, 1).

tetober), pi>. 63 7 1
7"
_2« » \rte de lengua mexicana. . . . Puebla.
Thomas. (\ BQUi /., P. P., ed.
1902 Provisional li>t of lingui-tic families, l Analea de Cuauhtitlan, C6dice Chimal-
'.»».")

lanf ind dialects of Mexico and IHtiHica. Mexico.

Qtral America. Awur. Anthr., 4: Vetakcubt, A. de
207 16. 1673 Arte de la lengua mexicana. . . .

AND K. SWANTuN
J. Mexico.
1911 Indian languages of Mexico and Central VlCO, D. DI
America and their geographical die- 17thC? Vocabulario quich6-cakchiqueL MS
tribution. Smithsonian Inst., Bur. in Bibliotheque Nationale. 572 pp.
-. Kthnoi, Bull. 44.
L675? Arte de la lengua quiche. MS in . .

Thompson, J. I - Bibliotheque Nationale.

1950 Maya hieroglyphic writing: introduc- Vienna, DlCCIONABIO de
tion. Carnegie Tnet Wast., Pub. n.d. Bocabulario de Mayathan por su abe-
19,">4 Memoranda on come dates at Palenque, cedario. MS in National Library,
Chiapas. Ibid., Nate* MiddTt Amer. Vienna. 199 pp.
kaeoL h'thnoi, no. l.'O. Villa Rojas, A.
1961 InvestigacJonea en la eseritoia jeroglf- 1955 Los Mazatecos y el problema indfgena
fica mava. Bol. Centro Invett. Antr. de la cuenca del Papaloapan. Mem.
Mex., 11:3-12. Inst. Nac. Indig., vol. 7. Mexico.
1962 A catalog oi Maya hieroglyphs. I'niv. VlLLACORTA C, J. A.
< )klahoma Press. 1934 E-tudios sobre linguistics guatemalteca.

400
REFERENCES

An. Soc. Geog. Hist. Guatemala, 10: 1957b Functional aspects of Indian bilin-
41-81, 170-205, 331-73, 431-77. gualism. Ibid., 13: 203-33.
Yi.NAZA, Conde de la Mufioz y Manzano]
[C. 1958 On the compatibility of genetic rela-
1892 Bibliografia de lenguas in-
csi)anola tionship and convergent development.
digenas de America. Madrid. Ibid., 14: 374-79.
Vivo, J. A. Weitlaner, R. J.
1941 Razas y lenguas indigenas de Mexico, 1942 La rama olmeca del grupo Macro-
su distribuci6n geogrdfica. Inst. Pana- Otomangue. In Mayas y Olmecas, pp.
mer. Geog. Hist., Pub. 52. Mexico. 33-35.
Voegelin, C. F. , M. T. Fernandez de Miranda, and M.
1945 Influence of area in American Indian Swadesh
linguistics. Word, 1: 54-58. 1959 Some findings on Oaxaca language
1950 A testingframe for language and cul- and c ulture terms
classific ation . UAL,
ture. Amer. Anthr., 52: 432-34. 25: 54-58. Abbreviated version of their
1953 [ed.]Results of the conference of an- 1960.
thropologists and linguists. Supple- 1960 El panorama etno-lingufstico de Oaxaca
ment to UAL, 19:2. y el istmo. Rev. Mex. Estud. Antr., 16:

1956 Subsystems within systems in cultural 137-57.

and linguistic typologies. In Halle, Wells, R.
1954 Archiving and language typology.
Lunt, McLean, and Van Schooneveld,
1956, pp. 592-99. UAL, 20:101-07.
and Z. S. Harris White, L. A.
1944 A ceremonial vocabulary among the
1945 Linguistics in ethnology. SW. Jour.
Pueblos. Ibid., 10: 161-67.
Anlhr., 1:455-65.
1950 Methods determining intelligibility
of Whorf, B. L.
1935 The comparative linguistics of Uto-
among and natural languages.
dialects
Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc, 95: 322-29. Aztecan. Amer. Anthr., 37: 600-08.
AND F. M. ROBINETT 1943 Loan words in ancient Mexico. Tulane
Univ., Middle Amer. Research Inst.,
1954 'Mother language' in Hidatsa. UAL,
20: 65-70.
Pub. 11, no. 1.
1946 The Milpa Alta dialect of Aztec, with
Vogt, H.
notes on the classical and Tepostlan
1954 Language contacts. Word, 10: 365-74.
dialects. In Hoijer and others, 1946,
Wallis, E.
pp. 367-97.
1956 Simulfixation in aspect markers of
1950 An American Indian model of the uni-
Mesquital Otomi. Language, 32: 453-
verse. UAL, 16: 2.
59.
1952 Collected papers on metalinguistics.
Waterhouse, V. U.S. Dept. State, Foreign Service Inst.
1949a Learning a second language first.
Wick, S. A.
UAL, 15: 106-09.
1951 Phonemics of the Quiche" language.
1949b Oaxaca Chontal: sentence types and Master's thesis, Univ. Chicago.
text analysis. El Mex. Antiguo, 7:
Wolff, H.
299-314.
1959a Intelligibility and inter-ethnic attitudes.
1961 The psychological reality of linguistic
Anthr. Ling., I (3): 34-41.
structure. In Elson, 1961b, pp. 687-92.
1959b Subsystem typologies and area lin-
1962 The grammatical structure of Oaxaca
guistics. Ibid., 1 (7): 1-88.
Chontal. UAL, vol. 28, pt. 2, 121 pp.
and M. Morrison Wonderly, W. L.
1946 Phonemic acculturation in Zoque.
1950 Chontal phonemes. UAL, 16: 35-39.
Weinreich, U. UAL, 12: 92-95.

1953 Languages in contact: findings and 1949 Some Zoquean phonemic and morpho-
phonemic correspondences. Ibid., 15:
problems. Ling. Circle New York,
Pub. 1. 1-11.
1954 Is a structural dialectologv possible? 1953 Sobre la propuesta filiacion lingiifstica
Word, 10: 388-400. de la familia totonaca con las familias
1957a On the description of phonic interfer- zoqueana y mayense. In Huastecos,
ence. Ibid., 13: 1-11. Totonacos y sus vecinos, pp. 105-13.

401
 REFERENCES
Xec, P., and G. Maynard ZAMBRANO BONILLA, J.
1954 Diccionario quiche preliminar: quiche~ 1752 Arte de lengua totonaca, conforme a el
espanol, espanol-quich£. Mimeographed.
arte de Antonio Nebrija. Puebla.
Quezaltenango.
Ximexez, F. Zavala, M.
1722? Arte de las tres lenguas cacchiquel, 1898 Gramatica maya. Merida.
quiche y tzutuhil. . . . MS in New- and A. Medina
berry Library. 189S Vocabulario espanol-maya. Merida.
Xir Chronicles
Zuniga, D.
1608-1817 [Constitutes Ticul MS and Cronica
de Oxhutzcab.] Photograph in New- 1720 Arte de la lengua pocomchi . . . y tra-
berry Library of original in Peabody ducido en la lengua pocoman de Ama-
Museum, Harvard Univ. 164 pp. titlan. MS in Bibliotheque Nationale.

402
(Continued from front flap)

—together with those of Nahuatl, Maya, and

Quiche — provide not only descriptive out-
lines of as many different linguistic struc-
tures but also linguistic representatives of
seven structurally different families of Mid-
dle American languages. Miguel Leon-Por-
tilla presents an outline of the relations

between language and the culture of which

it is a part and provides examples of some

of these relations a;> revealed by contempor-

ary research in indigenous Middle America.
The volume editor, Norman A. McQuown,
is professor of anthropology at The Univer-
sity of Chicago. He formerly taught at Hun-
ter College and served with the Mexican
Department of Indian Affairs. He has done
field work with Totonac, Huastec, Tzeltal-
Tzotzil, Mame, and other tribes and he is
the author of several books and numerous
articles.

#
UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS
AUSTIN & LONDON

Printed in U.S.A.
=^r=^f=^r=^r=^r=^f=^P^r=^f^^n^r=^f=^f=ur=^r=Jn^r^