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Hiram E. Fitzgerald · Kai von Klitzing
Natasha J. Cabrera · Júlia Scarano de Mendonça
Thomas Skjøthaug Editors

Handbook of
Fathers and
Child
Development
Prenatal to Preschool
Handbook of Fathers and Child
Development
Hiram E. Fitzgerald
Kai von Klitzing
Natasha J. Cabrera
Júlia Scarano de Mendonça
Thomas Skjøthaug
Editors

Handbook of Fathers
and Child Development
Prenatal to Preschool
Editors
Hiram E. Fitzgerald Kai von Klitzing
Michigan State University Department of Child and Adolescent
East Lansing, MI, USA Psychiatry
University of Leipzig
Natasha J. Cabrera Leipzig, Sachsen, Germany
University of Maryland
College Park, MD, USA Júlia Scarano de Mendonça
Graduate Program in Educational
Thomas Skjøthaug Psychology
Division of Mental Health Centro Universitário FIEO
Akershus University Hospital HF Osasco, São Paulo, Brazil
Lørenskog, Norway

ISBN 978-3-030-51026-8    ISBN 978-3-030-51027-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51027-5

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020

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Foreword

 ome Reflections on the Last 50 Years of Fatherhood

S
Research: Progress, Promises, and Challenges

As this volume illustrates so well, as a field we have come a long way in both
overcoming the idea that fathers are the forgotten parents and in unveiling the
curtain that shrouded fathers in mystery. They are neither forgotten nor a
mystery any longer but have assumed their rightful place along with mothers
as central agents in the socialization of children. It was not always the case
and with few exceptions such as early studies of wartime absent fathers, it
was not until the 1960s and 1970s when the modern study of fathers began.

The Early Descriptive Phase

In the beginning, the goal was a descriptive one with the aim being to dis-
cover how men acted with infants and young children. These early efforts by
Lamb (1976, 1981), Pederson and Robson (1969), and Parke (1979; Parke &
Sawin, 1976) suggested that fathers as well as mothers were more capable as
caregivers than previously imagined. In their role as fathers, men were com-
petent feeding agents and expressed warmth and nurturance just as well as
mothers even with newborn babies. They were able to read infant signals as
well as mothers and adjusted their speech when addressing infants just as
mothers did. And the infants responded accordingly. Infants developed attach-
ments not just to mothers but to fathers as well and even used fathers as social
referencing agents in stressful situations. These early studies not only con-
firmed that fathers were competent but in many ways were comparable to
mothers in their ability to be engaged, nurturant, and competent caregivers.
Consistent with evolutionary design, infants and young children were pro-
tected by a family social system in which redundancy and interchangeability
between mothers and fathers were key components.
Other work in this early period underscored that a complete portrait of the
emergence of fathering begins well before birth as studies of fathers during
pregnancy and childbirth so well documented. Early studies of the couvade
syndrome (Trethowan & Conolon, 1965) suggested that father’s as well as
mother’s behaviors and emotions shift across the prenatal period. Moreover,
the presence or absence of fathers during childbirth (Entwisle & Doering,

v
vi Foreword

1981) was identified as a worthwhile topic of investigation – a reminder that

fathering from the onset of pregnancy is embedded in a family system of
couple and developing fetus (see Dayton, Malone, & Brown, 2020; Tolman &
Walsh, 2020).
At the same time, as the overlapping aspects of paternal and maternal par-
enting style were being discovered, the unique features of opposite sex par-
ents’ interactive styles were being documented and described. Mothers and
fathers differed in several ways. First, as consistent with cultural gender
norms that guided maternal and paternal roles and responsibilities in this ear-
lier era of the 1960s and 1970s, men in spite of their competence as caregivers
were largely breadwinners while the major caregiving role fell to mothers.
Even when adjusting for time available with infants and children, mothers
spent a larger portion of their time in caregiving than fathers. Fathers, in turn,
spent a larger proportion of their time with their offspring in playful interac-
tions. Of course, mothers engaged in playful exchanges with their infants and
young children just as fathers changed diapers and fed their infants but they
each had specialized parts in the socialization story with mothers as caregiv-
ers and fathers as playmates.
Even the style of play differed across mothers and fathers. Fathers emerged
as the physical play experts who routinely engage in touch and tickle routines
and rough and tumble sequences. In contrast, mothers are less physical and
more verbal and talkative when engaging their infants and are more likely to
use toys as props in their play bouts, while fathers are less likely to engage in
toy-mediated play. Mothers are more didactic and more likely to engage in
teaching the infant and toddler during their playful exchanges. Finally,
fathers’ physical play is more arousing, stimulating, and exciting as well as
more unpredictable and erratic. In contrast, maternal play is smoother and
more predictable and modulated with gradual rather than abrupt changes in
tempo and excitability. These stylistic differences between parents continue
to be evident across the preschool period, and some would argue that paternal
humor and sarcasm replaces physical play style as the child develops (See
Vallotton, Foster, Harewood, Cook, & Adekoya, 2020).
The looming issue, however, was whether or not fathers make a difference
in children’s development. Abundant evidence has clearly documented that
father involvement clearly matters for social as well as cognitive and lan-
guage development. Studies in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s found that
play and other forms of paternal involvement as well as aspects of interactive
style such as contingent responsiveness were linked with enhanced social
development (i.e., higher social acceptance by peers) (see Hennigar, Cabrera,
& Chan, 2020), less deviant behavior (see Godleski & Eiden, 2020; McMahon,
2020), as well as academic achievement and linguistic and cognitive compe-
tence (see Panecsofar, 2020; Duursma, Ho, Grenyer, & Herbert, 2020;
Meuwissen, 2020).
A related issue that was identified early and is of continuing interest is not
only the effects of fathers on children but the impact of becoming a father on
men’s own psychological development including their mental health, their
self-identity, and their occupational success (See Paulson, 2020; Skjøthaug,
2020; von Klitzing & White, 2020). Early work by Snarey (1993) guided by
Foreword vii

Erikson’s (1975) concept of generativity was particularly significant in guid-

ing this line of inquiry. Involved fathering was, in turn, linked to societal
generativity as indicated by caring for other younger adults such as serving as
a mentor, providing leadership, and contributing to generational continuity.
As both this work and Bradley (2020) remind us, fathering is best understood
through an intergenerational and life span lens in which earlier childhood
alters later adjustment as an adult, including the enactment of the father role
which, in turn, alters subsequent cohorts of children.
Finally, the effects of the onset of fatherhood on maternal well-being and
the marital relationship was the focus of studies of the transition to parent-
hood from the 1960s onward (see Palkovitz, 2020; Shears, 2020). Another
important focus of inquiry from the earliest days of this descriptive era of
fatherhood research was the documentation of the variability across fathers in
their enactment of the paternal role. Often cast as the search for the determi-
nants of fathering, this search focused on a variety of factors at several levels
of analysis including individual characteristics such as paternal attitudes,
motivation and skills, their quality of relationship with their family of origin,
men’s mental and physical health, and their age at the time of the onset of
parenthood (in early adolescence vs on time vs late timed onset). The gender
and birth order of the child with whom the father was involved were further
determinants (see Volling, Steinberg, & Kuo, 2020). At the family level, the
quality of the couple relationship and maternal gatekeeping were discovered
as determinants of father involvement (see Frascarolo, Favez, Tissot, & Fivaz-­
Despeuringe, 2020). Finally, changing societal trends such as the shifts in
maternal employment and the work schedules and job characteristics (degree
of autonomy vs highly controlled; level of stress) of fathers emerged as
important determinants of both father involvement and the quality of father-
ing behaviors. In sum, in this early descriptive phase, the main outlines of the
fatherhood agenda were established, but only in the form of preliminary
sketches and outlines of the contours of the issues. As this volume under-
scores, major advances over the ensuing decades have been made in flushing
out the details and providing a clearer and more complete picture of the
father’s role. Moreover, as noted below, in the early stages, less attention was
devoted to the explanatory processes that account for the effects of fathering
on children and other players. We turn to the search for processes next.

From Description to Process

While progress in describing the father’s role in the family was a necessary
first step, identification of the underlying process that either accounted for
paternal behavior or for the effects of fathers on their children is a needed
next step. Several significant process advances are noteworthy. Following the
work on father as a physical play partner, researchers discovered that infants
and young children were learning important lessons in the context of play
that, in turn, could, in part, account for the father’s impact on children’s social
behavior with peers. First, when fathers were more democratic and less coer-
cive and controlling in their father–child exchanges, children were more
viii Foreword

popular with their peers, in part, due to their ability to initiate activities and
their capacity to respond appropriately to the social bids of their partners.
Second, children learn to read and respond to their father’s emotional signals
or cues in the course of play bouts. The skill of being able to decipher a play
partner’s emotional messages is a critical one for maintaining a successful
social exchange. Third, in the context of play, children learn to use their own
emotional signals to regulate the interactions of their father playmate. Again,
this skill of being able to accurately and clearly communicate one’s emotions
to an interactive partner is valuable and accounts, in part, for children’s suc-
cess in their peer interactions.
In sum, several emotion-related processes are acquired in the context of
father-child play, which, in turn, transfers to other non-parental social con-
texts. Play between father and child is indeed not idle but a context for learn-
ing transferable skills about how to send and read other people’s emotions in
the course of social exchanges (see Bergmann & Klein, 2020; Paquette,
Gagnon, & de Medeiros, 2020).
Closely related to emotional regulatory processes are a distinct but impor-
tant additional mediator between fathering and child outcomes, namely atten-
tion regulatory abilities. These processes include the ability to attend to
relevant cues, sustain attention, to refocus attention through such processes as
cognitive distraction and cognitive restructuring, and other efforts to pur-
posely reduce the level of emotional arousal in stressful situations. Attentional
processes organize experience and play a central role in cognitive and social
development beginning in early childhood. In summary, the ability to regu-
late attention is a further important mediator through which parental behav-
ior, including paternal behavior, may influence children’s social competence.
In addition to learning to manage emotions in social encounters, children also
develop cognitive representations or cognitive scripts that serve as guides to
social exchanges with other social partners. Attachment theorists offer cogni-
tive working models, whereas social and cognitive psychologists have sug-
gested scripts or cognitive maps as guides for social action. Research within
the attachment tradition have found support for Bowlby’s argument that rep-
resentations vary as a function of child-parent attachment history (see Brown
& Aytuglu, 2020).
For example, children who had been securely attached infants were more
likely to represent their family in their drawings in a coherent manner, with a
balance between individuality and connection, than children who had been
insecurely attached. In turn, securely attached children have better peer rela-
tionships. Research in the social interactional tradition as well as the attach-
ment perspective reveals links between parent and child cognitive
representations of social relationships and, in turn, their peer relationships.
These include cognitive representations as well as scripts for dealing success-
fully with social partners. Other work suggests that father–child interaction is
related to children’s “theory of mind” competence, a clear asset for achieving
social skills.
In addition, a variety of other process avenues have been identified, includ-
ing the father as a manager of children’s social contacts and a coach and
guide in novel social situations. Clearly significant progress has been made in
Foreword ix

documenting not only the father’s significant role in children’s development

but also in delineating a myriad of process pathways through which these
effects are achieved.
Finally and of major significance as evidence of theoretical progress, there
have emerged in the last several decades major theoretical models that aim at
the integration of current knowledge and serve as guides for future work on
fathering (see Fitzgerald, von Klitzing, Cabrera, Mendonça, & Skjethaug,
2020). These theoretical models are ambitious in scope and underscore the
multiple social, demographic, cognitive, and biological/neurological factors
which function as determinants of father involvement and, in turn, outline the
processes and pathways which account for the effects of variations in father-
ing on child outcomes. Although single studies seldom encompass the array
of factors outlined in these models, they serve as valuable heuristic devices
for organizing current and guiding future work in this area.

Some Caveats and Challenges

Several more recent advances have challenged this relatively neat package of
findings and progress and have opened up new avenues of inquiry. Many of
these new directions are captured in this volume. The first challenge is based
on the fact that much of the pioneering work was carried out in Western cul-
tures or more accurately with Euro-American and middle class fathers. It was
assumed that these findings would be universally valid across other cultures
and generalizable to non-European American groups in North America and in
Europe (see Rabie, Skeen, & Tomlinson, 2020; de Mendonca & Bussab,
2020). In the past several decades, these assumptions have been questioned
on several fronts and have forced us to confront the variability in father
behaviors across cultures and subcultures but also challenged some of our
assumptions about the central features of the father role. For example, the
well-established finding that the physical play style is the hallmark of the
father’s role has been questioned. Findings from a variety of non-Western
cultures (Taiwan, India, Africa, Thailand) suggest that fathers rarely engage
in physical play and few mother–father differences in play style are found
(Roopnarine, Hooper, Ahmeduzzaman, & Pollack, 1993). These cross-­
cultural observations may lead to a reevaluation of the pathways through
which fathers influence their children’s development and lead to a rethinking
of the father’s role in fostering emotional regulation in children at least in
some cultures (Lamb, 1987; Shwalb, Shwalb, & Lamb, 2013).
A related challenge to the centrality of physical play for fathers not only in
other cultures but in Western cultures comes from the monitoring of secular
changes in male and female roles. The movement of women into the work-
force is well documented and the resulting increase in father involvement in
caregiving is well established. Men and women are becoming increasingly
similar in their distribution of caregiving responsibilities and their level of
involvement, although women still engage in more childcare than men.
However, at the same time there are notable shifts in styles of interaction that
warrant more attention. The gender-of-parent differences, on average, are
x Foreword

relatively small, and there is a good deal of overlap between mothers and
fathers in both the style of play as well as in the absolute amount of time
devoted to playful interactions. Fathers do not own the physical play fran-
chise; mothers have a mixed play repertoire too, and can and do bounce and
tickle as well as read and converse with their children. In the same vein,
fathers, like mothers, play with toys, read books, and engage in pretend play
in addition to their supposedly signature style of arousing and stimulating
physical play. Both mothers and fathers contribute to their children’s develop-
ment in a myriad of playful ways. The stylistic differences in play between
fathers and mothers became enshrined in our views of mothers and fathers
based on work conducted 20–30 years ago when traditional conceptions of
fathers’ role predominated, maternal employment was still relatively uncom-
mon and viewed negatively, and fathers were much less involved in the day-­
to-­day care of their infants. As men in contemporary society have expanded
their range of involvement to include more caregiving and managerial parent-
ing activities, the predominance of play as the distinctive feature of the father
role has diminished in importance. Play has become merely one of a variety
of ways that fathers (and mothers) are involved with their children. Some
leading father scholars (Lamb & Lewis, 2010) have revised their earlier views
of the uniqueness of father play.
Moreover, demographic shifts in North America away from a predomi-
nantly white Euro-American profile to a more diverse culturally and racially
complex picture are well documented. These changes have led to an increased
interest in a range of ethnic and racial groups of fathers, which, in turn, has
led to a reevaluation of our prior conclusions about paternal roles and behav-
ior. Recent work has not only been devoted to a wide range of racial/ethnic
groups, including African American, Latino, Asian American, and to a lesser
extent native American fathers, but this evidence questions many stereotypes
about the role of these fathers in the lives of their children (see Gadsden &
Iruka, 2020; Mogro-Wilson, 2020; Allison-Burbank & Collins, 2020). These
efforts have challenged stereotypes concerning both levels of involvement as
well as bringing into question assumptions about the hierarchical and authori-
tarian nature of the fathering styles of these men in these racial groups. For
example, comparisons across ethnic groups (African and European American)
revealed either few differences in level of father involvement or in some stud-
ies African American fathers are higher in their levels of caregiving and play
than European American fathers.
Along with a renewed focus on a range of racial and ethnic groups, there
is increasing recognition that the cultural trends of involved fathers apply
most clearly to economically and educationally advantaged families and to
intact two-parent families while they apply less readily to less economically
well-off and less-educated fathers and families (see Keizer, 2020). Especially
as economic inequality has increased, it is important to recognize that income
disparities between fathers have yielded more variability across social classes
in the patterns of fathering. Most attention in the research literature has been
devoted to the study of fathers in two-parent intact families. According to a
recent survey of journal articles from 1930 to 2006, 76% of the fathers were
from two-parent families and the rest were focused on divorced, single, or
Foreword xi

nonresident father families (Goldberg, Tan, & Thorsen, 2009). However,

many fathers cohabit with their partners (rather than marry) while others may
be divorced or not in residence with their partner but remain involved in the
lives of their children. There is a renewed interest in documenting patterns of
fathering among economically disadvantaged fathers who are often not resid-
ing with their offspring. Although these fathers may not be physically pres-
ent, recent work has found these nonresidential fathers often rely on contact
at a distance and communicate via phone or social media rather than face-to-­
face. Moreover, disadvantaged fathers provide input such as nurturance, play
and leisure activities, safety, moral guidance, discipline, as well as contact
through connections with the extended family and community. Studies reveal
complex patterns of involvement while showing that these alternative involve-
ment strategies are important for children’s development.
It is not merely the disadvantaged, nonresident fathers who have received
increased attention but other men who “father at a distance” and have limited
face-to-face contact with their children due to incarceration, military deploy-
ment, or migration patterns (see Bocknek, 2020). Although divorced fathers
have received plenty of research attention, these other men have remained in
the research shadows, yet their circumstances are deserving of further scru-
tiny if we wish to understand the full range of fathering. Recent work has
begun to examine the ways in which these men who are separated from their
children are able to maintain contact and father from afar and in doing so
impact their children’s development and adjustment. While the issue of father
military deployment has a long history, more sophisticated measurement and
more fully developed theoretical frameworks have given new prominence to
this topic (see Walsh & Rosenblum, 2020). In view of the high rates of incar-
ceration among men, especially minorities in the USA, the focus on the
effects of incarceration on men’s fathering roles is a welcome advance.
Similarly, the current concern about immigration policies and patterns has led
to a heightened interest in the study of transnational fathering. Together, these
alternative fathering arrangements across space and time have underscored
the high degree of variability in fathering profiles and seriously challenged
our traditional focus on residential fathering.
At the other extreme and in recognition of the plethora of family forms and
caregiving arrangements in contemporary families there has been increased
attention given to highly involved fathers such as those in reverse role fami-
lies. In these families, fathers take on major caregiving roles while mothers
assume the breadwinning role. Although relatively rare several decades ago
(Russell, 1983), there has been a significant increase in these types of family
arrangements in recent years (see Lee & Lee, 2020). These arrangements not
only underscore the malleability of parental roles but provide unique oppor-
tunities to assess the effects of heightened father involvement on children’s
development and the relative importance of mothers and fathers in the social-
ization process.
Another challenge is the recent work on gay and lesbian families which
has raised provocative issues for the field of fatherhood research. As the evi-
dence suggests, children in families of same-sex parents develop adequately
in terms of social-emotional adjustment (Golombok, 2015; Miller, Kors, &
xii Foreword

Macfie, 2017; Patterson, 2016). These data help us address the uniqueness of
fathers’ and mothers’ roles in the family. Moreover, they help provide clarity
on the important issue of how essential fathers (Silverstein & Auerbach,
1999) and mothers (Parke, 2002, 2013) are for the successful socialization of
their children. Moreover, these insights raise the possibility that our focus on
the gender of the parent may be too narrow. Instead, it could be helpful to
recast the issue and ask whether it is the extent to which exposure to males
and/or females is critical or whether it is exposure to the interactive style typi-
cally associated with either mother or father that matters. Perhaps the style of
parenting and gender of the parent who enacts the style can be viewed as
partially independent. More attention to the kinds of parenting styles evident
in same-gendered parental households will help us address the uniqueness of
father and mother roles in the family and help provide needed clarity on the
important issue of how essential fathers or mothers are for children’s
development.
A further challenge/opportunity is the re-biologization of fatherhood. In
the early years of fatherhood research, much attention was devoted to the
social, economic, and demographic determinants of fathering. Less emphasis
was devoted to the biological underpinning of fathering behaviors, in part,
due to the assumption that the lack of biological preparedness accounted for
fathers’ limited involvement in caregiving of children. Moreover, direct social
experience of contact with infants was assumed to be sufficient for the activa-
tion of fathering behaviors as demonstrated in studies of adoption. Fortunately,
recent evidence has challenged the assumption that fathers are biologically
unprepared for fatherhood. Studies suggest that fathers experience hormonal
changes accompanying the birth of an infant, which, in turn, makes them
more ready for social interaction and more sensitive to infant social signals
(Storey, Walsh, Quinton, & Wynne-Edwards, 2000; see Gettler, 2020).
Moreover, some of the most striking evidence that fathers are biologically
prepared for caregiving come from recent studies of how our brains react
when we are exposed to babies. From the earliest days of life, fathers (as well
as mothers) are neurologically primed to respond to infants. Using brain
imaging techniques such as fMRI, they show more neural activation when
shown pictures of babies than pictures of animate objects. Fathers and moth-
ers show higher levels of activity in emotional processing areas of the brain
when exposed to infant cries than nonparents. Other brain imaging studies
found that men respond neurologically more to the cries of their own infants
than to the distress signals of unrelated infants (see Grande, Tribble, & Kim,
2020). In sum, our brains as well as our hormones prepare not just mothers
but fathers too for the challenges of caregiving. Including biological markers
in our studies of fathering, along with our more established social and cogni-
tive indices, will yield a fuller understanding of the multiple levels that deter-
mine fathering.
Another significant trend is the increasing interdisciplinarity of fathering
research. In many ways, a psychological approach to fathering has a unique
identity with its focus on intra-familial processes, such as actor attitudes, cog-
nitions and beliefs, and the dynamic interchanges between and among family
members. However, it is unlikely that we can fully understand fathers without
Foreword xiii

recognizing the contributions of other disciplines. Sociologists inform us

about issues of ethnicity, class, inequality, and demographic shifts while
anthropologists alert us to cross-cultural variations. Economists document
shifts in economic opportunities and struggles. Medical professionals provide
insights about family illness, disease, and wellness-promoting strategies
while evolutionary theorists clarify the trade-offs between the costs and ben-
efits of father involvement for men. Additionally, legal scholars offer glimpses
into how families are helped or hindered by laws and social policies that
directly affect families. Historians remind us that cross time shifts in family
forms, beliefs, and practices are constantly under revision. Beyond these tra-
ditional contributors to the study of fathers, some disciplines such as architec-
ture and urban design have not received sufficient attention. The effects of
living in multi-family households or in intergenerational housing on father
roles are poorly understood. Our challenge is to examine how these innova-
tions in housing arrangements alter various aspects of family life. As scholars
of fathering, we need to understand better how these cross- disciplinary
insights modify our process-oriented explanations of father functioning. A
fuller understanding of fathering requires an interdisciplinary perspective.
Finally, the field has recognized that fathering research has important
implications for the guidance of social and public policy. In part due to the
acceptance of fathers as critical socializing agents in the healthy development
of children, policy makers have increasingly undertaken the development of
programs and policy guidelines aimed at supporting the father’s role in the
family (see Osborne, 2020). Public agencies such as state and federal govern-
ments have become active promoters of father involvement through aware-
ness and educational campaigns as well as by recognizing the importance of
such initiatives as family leave. While these policy efforts lag behind the poli-
cies of many European countries, especially Scandinavian countries, clear
awareness and some progress is evident. Moreover, government support of
father-directed intervention programs which are aimed at increasing father
involvement is a welcome advance. These intervention efforts should be
lauded not only as policies to strengthen father involvement but as valuable
opportunities for theory evaluation. For example, these efforts can help estab-
lish direction of causality effects and provide some further evidence that the
direction of effects flow in part from father to child. (see Pruett & Pruett,
2020; Fletcher, Macdonald, & St George, 2020; DeGarmo, 2020). Relatedly,
private organizations such as the National Fatherhood Initiative, the National
Centre on Fathering, the National At-Home Dad Network, Dad Central
Canada and Polimundo, represent international efforts on behalf of fathers. In
summary, policy makers are becoming significant partners in the fatherhood
enterprise by aiding in translating scholarly advances into social action on
behalf of fathers.

Final Thoughts

We have come a long way in the past half century not only in recognizing
fathers as central players in family life and in the lives of our children but in
xiv Foreword

beginning to understand the range of ways in which they alter children’s

development. We have made significant progress in outlining the pathways
and processes through which these effects are achieved. Finally, we have
attracted the attention of policy makers who have joined as active partners in
promotion of father involvement. At the same time, significant challenges
await, including broadening our definition of fathering to include a wider
range of fathers who operate outside the traditional nuclear family model.
Significant challenges await us about the necessity of fathers in light of the
emerging work on lesbian parent families. This volume suggests that we are
making advances on all of these issues, but as is always the case in scientific
endeavors, this remains a progress report with much future work to be
accomplished.

University of California, Riverside Ross D. Parke

Riverside, CA, USA

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Foreword xvii

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Foreword

The Global Fatherhood Charter

I have a word of caution for all those researching fatherhood: be prepared to

be frustrated at how your research is ignored. Your time will come, but this
time is measured in generations, not years! Communicating fatherhood
research does not just face all the normal barriers that new research faces. It
challenges deeply held emotions among practitioners and policy makers,
emotions that cannot easily be admitted by those trading in objectivity. Over
the last 20 years of trying to communicate fatherhood research into policy
and practice in order to improve child development, I have had plenty of time
to reflect on why it is so relentlessly difficult.
Nothing about fatherhood can match the deep emotional appeal of the lov-
ing mother. When resources are tight – as they are everywhere all the time –
the priority will always be supporting the mother-child bond, even when
engaging with fathers also improves outcomes. Policies, services, workplaces
and cultures will favour the mother-child bond for the foreseeable future
almost everywhere in the world.
Meanwhile, the male provider model still holds tight, however much the
aspirations of men to be caring grow. In every country in the world, men do less
care than women, even in the Nordic countries (van der Gaag, Heilman, Gupta,
Nembhard & Backet (2019)). To this we must add the idea that the role of the
male is to be strong and to provide support, not to receive support and not to be
seen as weak and needy. In this world view, fathers should focus on self-reli-
ance, not on being helped by services or policy makers. The best research on
this phenomenon comes from neonatal care, where fathers face enormous pres-
sures and fears and are most in need of help. Nowhere is the demand to be “the
strong one” stronger than in such extremities (Fisher et al., 2018).
Closely linked to this is the idea that fathers are powerful and have agency.
If they are not doing the “right things”, the solution is not help but for them
to man-up and take responsibility. The entire narrative in UK around parental
leave, for example, is “why don’t fathers take leave?” rather than focusing on
policy and institutional barriers that might be limiting their ability to take it.
Finally, all the research about the value of collaborative parenting for child
development faces the challenge of the idea that men and women live in fun-
damental competition with each other. Won’t men use co-parenting to “take
over”? In my early years of advocacy, I was described as a “wolf in sheep’s

xix
xx Foreword

clothing” by a senior UK politician: all talk of love and care on the outside,
but with a hidden agenda to dominate.
This is a gloomy outlook, to be sure, but for researchers who are patient,
there is an end in sight. Human parenting has been shown by anthropologists
to be enormously flexible in response to context (Hrdy, 2009) and the modern
economy is driving change towards much more sharing of roles. Millennial
parents have a very different outlook from the older generations that still hold
the power to shape policy and practice. If you want to see this, just take a trip
into the social media world, where the celebration of loving fatherhood is in
full swing. I recently assembled 11 viral videos about father-child bonding,
with 0.4 billion views between them (familyincluded.com/viral-videos-
fathers-bonding). When this generation are decision-makers in the global
field of child development, the time for fatherhood research to become main-
stream will come. In the meantime, our job is to lay foundations and hasten
the progress of the incoming tide.
The traditional approach to fatherhood support is to work with services to
deliver programs to support fathers. But these are proving to be remarkably
unsustainable – in most cases, the programs fizzle out as soon as the desig-
nated pilot funding runs out – however good the child outcomes prove to
be – or as soon as the sole advocate within the service moves on. The prevail-
ing culture reasserts itself, focusing exclusively on mother-child bond. And
yet, in every community in the world there are fathers discovering the joy of
loving care of their infants, succumbing to human biology and psychology,
and acting as early adopters of changing gender roles. These people are the
future and the foundation for change. In my view, the focus should be on sup-
porting fathers and their partners as advocates in their communities to support
other parents. The appeal is to the most basic instinct of all: “experience the
love of your child”. And this is where the research comes in.
Throughout the time I was involved in raising my children, I had privi-
leged access to the research on fathers and child development, which was
entirely unavailable to any of my peers through “parenting” channels. I
devoured the findings about the benefits to children of co-parenting. I fol-
lowed and still follow every new discovery about the biology and neurobiol-
ogy of fatherhood. Since 2015, I have charted all new developments in the
field of fathers and maternal and newborn health – nearly 300 reports since
2015 on FamilyIncluded.com. I edit ChildandFamilyBlog.com, working
closely with Michael Lamb (1987, 2004; Shwalb, Shwalb, & Lamb, 2013;
Lewis & Lamb, 2007), and this is a platform that reports on important father-
hood research when it emerges. Earlier this year, I called on leading father-
hood researchers to define the fatherhood agenda on the basis of accumulated
knowledge to date, which resulted in the Fatherhood Charter, reproduced
below.
This knowledge is immensely empowering. It makes sense of something
that contradicts prevailing culture. It supports the transition from private
experience to public engagement. And yet, hardly any fathers (or mothers)
see it.
So what can fatherhood researchers do now, beyond doing more research
and advancing knowledge? My invitation is to organize to communicate
Foreword xxi

research globally to fathers and to the mothers who are their partners and co-­
parents. I am inviting fatherhood researchers and advocates to come together
globally to support particularly those fathers who are taking the additional
step of publicly advocating change towards more support for father-child
relationships in society. These fathers need inspiration, they need evidence
and they need strength. Knowledge is power and we can give this to them.

The Global Fatherhood Charter

1. The loving care of a father is a foundation for his child’s wellbeing and
creates a life-long relationship.
2. The loving care of father can be as powerful and important as that of a
mother.
3. All fathers, both biological and non-biological, have an innate ability to
bond with their babies from the first days. A father’s brain changes when
he actively cares for his child, generating enhanced capacity for care and
empathy.
4. Loving care takes many forms. Each family and each father-child rela-
tionship is unique.
5. Fathers are family, and family caregivers are among the most important
influences on children’s development, wellbeing and health. This is so
even when fathers do not live permanently with their children.
6. A harmonious community of care around a child, with parents and care-
givers supporting each other, is a foundation for the child’s healthy
development.
7. Fatherhood, like motherhood, is a journey. Fathers need time and prac-
tice – to care for, nurture, play with, and teach their children.
8. Loving fatherhood means respect for and collaboration with the mother
and the absence of violence.
9. To provide the care and form the relationships that children need, fathers
need support and validation from their partners, families, communities
and society.
10. Maternal and newborn health services, early years services, and eco-
nomic self-sufficiency services should offer, and encourage the use of,
support for fathers and other family caregivers in ways that engage cre-
atively with the local culture and socioeconomic conditions. They should
provide information and help about how to support maternal and child
health and child development. They should support family caregivers’
relationships with their children and a harmonious community of care for
children within families. They should offer support for all caregivers to
meet their children’s financial needs. This support should be accessible to
fathers even if they live apart from the mother.
11. Workplaces and employment laws should honour and support the caring
responsibilities of both fathers and mothers.
12. Fathers’ involvement in the first 1000 days of their children’s life should
be a focus of international early childhood development strategies.
xxii Foreword

13. Promotion of gender equality needs to include support for fatherhood.

Equal economic opportunities for women and men must include the
opportunity to share the care of their children.
14. Men are inherently loving and caring beings. Men’s caring instincts and
emotional life should be celebrated as part of what it is to be a man in
today’s cultures.
15. Loving fatherhood and men’s caregiving of all kinds should be recog-
nised and celebrated as an inspiration to other fathers, mothers, grandpar-
ents and caregivers, in this generation and the next.

Relevant Web Pages

Child and Family Blog, ChildandFamilyBlog.com

Family Included, FamilyIncluded.com

Child and Family Blog Duncan Fisher, OBE

Crickhowell, UK

References

Fisher, D., Khashu, M., Adama, E. A., Feeley, N., Garfield, C. F., Ireland, J.,
et al. (2018). Fathers in neonatal units: Improving infant health by sup-
porting the baby-father bond and mother-father coparenting. Journal of
Neonatal Nursing, 24(6), 306–312.
Hrdy, S. B. (2009). Mothers and others. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
Lamb, M. E. (Ed.). (1987). The fathers’ role: Cross cultural perspectives.
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Lamb, M. E. (Ed.). (2004). The role of the father in child development (4th
ed.). New York: Wiley.
Lewis, C., & Lamb, M. E. (2007). Understanding fatherhood. York, UK:
Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
Shwalb, D. W., Shwalb, B. J., & Lamb, M. E. (Eds.). (2013). Fathers in cul-
tural context. New York: Routledge.
Van der Gaag, N., Heilman, B., Gupta, T., Nembhard, C., & Barket, G.
(2019). State of the world’s fathers: Unlocking the power of men’s care.
Washington, DC: Promundo.
Preface

Thirty-eight years ago, the senior editor for this volume published a revision
of his book on infancy and early childhood. Seven pages in the chapter on
socialization were devoted to the father’s role as caregiver. That may not
sound like much today, but back then that much attention given to father as
caregiver was relatively unique, especially with respect to the period of
human development spanning conception to preschool. The theoretical
framework throughout the book stressed that a baby is a system embedded in
a more complex family system that, in turn, is part of an increasing number
of adjunctive systems that directly and/or indirectly influence the family, and
therefore the infant. Unfortunately, at the time, the developmental sciences
did not reflect well the role of the father in the infant’s emergent world beyond
his sperm-producing role in conception. That was soon to change.
General research on infant development literally exploded during the sec-
ond half of the twentieth century spurred on by Bowlby’s attachment theory,
Piaget’s theory of genetic epistemology, and various forms of evolutionary
theory. Researchers such as Ross Parke, Michael Lamb, and countless others
tackled a wide variety of issues related to the role of the father in early child
development, including capturing the diversity of fathering across many of
the world’s cultures.
In the early part of this century, a team of investigators led by Natasha
Cabrera began to focus on efforts to create a conceptual model to give an
organizational framework to guide research on fathers and assess their influ-
ence on early child development. This volume is a continuation of the early
conception of father as part of a dynamic family system, combined with a
more contemporary bio-ecological view of father within a dynamic systems
framework.
We chose to focus on the prenatal to preschool age period specifically to
capture the father’s influence on child development within the concept of a
family as a dynamic system of interacting personalities, which collectively
affect the biopsychosocial organization of the infant and young child.
Fortunately, we found many colleagues who share the same interest and the
book dreamed about so long ago is now a reality.
According to the U. S. Census Bureau, there were 6,475,000 single parent
father families in the USA in 2018, 86.6% of whom worked full- or part-time.
Many infants and young children in father-only household families receive
supplemental care from someone else and/or at some other place. We believe

xxiii
xxiv Preface

these numbers alone support a more active and robust research agenda
focused on fathers as caregivers and the father caregiving environment.
We deeply appreciate the commitment of the authors who contributed to
this volume. They have played a key role in helping us bring attention to con-
temporary knowledge of the diverse ways that fathers influence early devel-
opment and how they are influenced themselves by the dynamics of family
life and the adjunctive systems that they encounter.
Not surprisingly, we have used the Cabrera team’s most recent model to
guide the organization of this volume, address core areas of early develop-
ment, and provide diverse theoretical perspectives and ecological contexts.
An underlying theme is that early human development is the time when each
individual’s biopsychosocial organization is shaping the foundation of a life
course pathway that is positioned somewhere on the risk to resilience con-
tinuum, but which continues to change over the life course.
From a philosophical frame, this is a book about becoming, replete with
what Overton might refer to as moments (being) in the life-course. Some
moments have a profound negative effect (trauma, adverse childhood experi-
ences) and others have positive effects (secure attachment, nurturing father),
but the individual is always floating in a sea of potential change driven by the
fluctuating balance of risk and resilience.
All chapters were peer reviewed (anonymously) by two of the editors. In
addition, Laurie Van Egeren, Goeff Twitchell, Andren-Ann SDeneault, and
Avery Henniger provided additional assistance. Every chapter was revised
at least once during the production process, consistent with our effort to
have a peer-reviewed orientation to the volume. We extend our deep thanks
to Judy Jones and Michelle Tam at Springer for their assistance throughout
the two-year production process and are ever thankful to Kamaraj Shanthini,
Mario Gabriele and their teams of copy and production editors and staff
who play an unseen yet vital role in the Springer Nature publication
process.

East Lansing, MI, USA Hiram E. Fitzgerald

Leipzig, Germany Kai von Klitzing
College Park, MD, USA Natasha J. Cabrera
Osasco, São-Paulo, Brazil Júlia Scarano de Mendonça
Lørenskog, Norway Thomas Skjøthaug
Contents

Part I Fathers, Developmental Systems, and Relationships

1 Overview to Part I: Fathers, Developmental Systems,

and Relationships ����������������������������������������������������������������������������   3
Hiram E. Fitzgerald
2 Fathers and Very Young Children: A Developmental
Systems Perspective ������������������������������������������������������������������������   5
Hiram E. Fitzgerald, Kai von Klitzing, Natasha J. Cabrera,
Júlia Scarano de Mendonça, and Thomas Skjøthaug
3 Fathering and Being Fathered: Developmental
Interdependence������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 29
Rob Palkovitz
4 The Role of Fathers in the Intergenerational
Transmission of (Dis)advantages: Linking Sociological
Stratification Questions to Developmental
Psychology Research������������������������������������������������������������������������ 47
Renske Keizer
5 Fathers’ Reflections of their Fathers: The Use of Text
Mining to Find Meaning in Narratives������������������������������������������ 65
Jeffrey Shears, Seongtae Kim, Joshua Kirven,
and Tanya Coakley
6 Fathers’ Place and Role in Family Relationships������������������������� 89
France Frascarolo-Moutinot, Nicolas Favez, Hervé Tissot,
and Elisabeth Fivaz-Depeursinge
7 A Family Systems Perspective on Father Absence,
Presence, and Engagement�������������������������������������������������������������� 105
Erika London Bocknek
8 Fathers and Public Policy���������������������������������������������������������������� 121
Cynthia Osborne

xxv
xxvi Contents

Part II Prenatal and Perinatal Influences

9 Overview to Part II: Prenatal and Perinatal Influences�������������� 135

Thomas Skjøthaug
10 Exploring Evolutionary Perspectives on Human
Fatherhood and Paternal Biology: Testosterone
as an Exemplar�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 137
Lee T. Gettler
11 Neural Plasticity in Human Fathers���������������������������������������������� 153
Leah Grande, Rebekah Tribble, and Pilyoung Kim
12 Pathways to Parenting: The Emotional Journeys
of Fathers as They Prepare to Parent a New Infant �������������������� 173
Carolyn Joy Dayton, Johanna C. Malone, and Suzanne Brown
13 Ghosts in the Ultrasound: Expectant Fathers’
Experience of Trauma��������������������������������������������������������������������� 195
Richard M. Tolman and Tova B. Walsh
14 Antecedents of Fathers’ Stress in Fatherhood������������������������������ 209
Thomas Skjøthaug
15 Paternal Prenatal and Postpartum Depression ���������������������������� 229
James F. Paulson, Kelsey T. Ellis, and Regina L. Alexander
16 Is It Easier the Second Time Around? Fathers’
Roles Across the Transition from One Child to Two�������������������� 245
Brenda L. Volling, Emily J. Steinberg, and Patty X. Kuo

Part III Father-Child Transaction in Early Development

17 Overview to Part III: Father-Child Transactions

in Early Development���������������������������������������������������������������������� 269
Natasha J. Cabrera
18 Father-Child Attachment Relationships���������������������������������������� 273
Geoffrey L. Brown and Hasan Alp Aytuglu
19 Fathers and the Activation Relationship���������������������������������������� 291
Daniel Paquette, Carole Gagnon,
and Julio Macario de Medeiros
20 Fathers’ Emotional Availability with Their Children:
Determinants and Consequences���������������������������������������������������� 315
Sarah Bergmann and Annette M. Klein
21 The Role of Fathers and Their Young Children’s Social
Development ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 339
Avery Hennigar, Natasha J. Cabrera, and Yu Chen
Contents xxvii

22 Fathers and Young Children at Play: A Scoping

Review of Studies of Fathers’ Play with Sons
and Daughters from Birth to Preschool���������������������������������������� 357
Claire D. Vallotton, Tricia Foster, Tamesha Harewood,
Jody Cook, and Anike R. Adekoya
23 Fathers’ Language Input and Early Child Language
Development ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 393
Nadya Pancsofar
24 Fathers Talking and Reading with Their 3-Year-Olds
During Shared Bookreading ���������������������������������������������������������� 411
Elisabeth Duursma, Cheryl Jialing Ho, Michelle L. Townsend,
Brin F. Grenyer, and Jane S. Herbert
25 Fathers and Children’s Executive Function���������������������������������� 435
Alyssa S. Meuwissen

Part IV Fathers’ Involvement in Context

26 Overview to Part IV: Fathers’ Involvement in Context���������������� 455

Júlia Scarano de Mendonça
27 Fatherhood and Early Childhood Development:
Perspectives from Sub-Saharan Africa������������������������������������������ 459
Stephan Rabie, Sarah Skeen, and Mark Tomlinson
28 Father-Child Interactional Synchrony as a Function
of Maternal and Paternal Depression in Low-Income
Brazilian Families���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 473
Júlia Scarano de Mendonça and Vera Sílvia Raad Bussab
29 African American Fathers and Their Young Children:
Images from the Field���������������������������������������������������������������������� 487
Vivian L. Gadsden and Iheoma U. Iruka
30 Latino Fathers and Their Preschool Children������������������������������ 507
Cristina Mogro-Wilson
31 American Indian and Alaska Native Fathers
and Their Sacred Children�������������������������������������������������������������� 521
Joshuaa D. Allison-Burbank and Anthony (Thosh) Collins
32 The Characteristics and Lived Experiences
of Modern Stay-at-­­Home Fathers�������������������������������������������������� 537
Shawna J. Lee, Joyce Y. Lee, and Olivia D. Chang
33 Fathering Across Military Deployment and Reintegration���������� 551
Tova B. Walsh and Katherine L. Rosenblum
xxviii Contents

Part V Father’s and Children’s Mental Health

34 Overview to Part V: Fathers and Children’s Mental Health ������ 565

Kai von Klitzing
35 Fathers’ Antisocial Behavior and Early Childhood���������������������� 569
Stephanie Godleski and Rina D. Eiden
36 Fatherhood, Substance Use, and Early Child Development�������� 581
Thomas J. McMahon
37 Fathers in Child Psychotherapy ���������������������������������������������������� 603
Kai von Klitzing and Lars O. White
38 Engaging Fathers of Young Children in Low-Income
Families to Improve Child and Family Outcomes:
A Preventive Intervention Perspective ������������������������������������������ 627
Kyle Dean Pruett and Marsha Kline Pruett
39 Connection, IT and Identity: SMS4dads
as Health Promotion for New Fathers�������������������������������������������� 639
Richard Fletcher, Jacqui A. Macdonald, and Jennifer Mary
StGeorge
40 Designing and Tailoring Preventive Interventions
for Fathers’ Parenting �������������������������������������������������������������������� 657
David S. DeGarmo
41 Fathers and Their Very Young Children:
Future Directions ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 677
Robert H. Bradley

Index���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 701
Contributors

Anike R. Adekoya, MS, LLMFT Human Development and Family Studies,

Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
Regina L. Alexander, MS Virginia Consortium Program in Clinical
Psychology, Old Dominion University, Norfolk, VA, USA
Joshuaa D. Allison-Burbank, MA, CCC-SLP University of Kansas Center
on Developmental Disabilities, Lawrence, KS, USA
Alp Aytuglu Department of Human Development and Family Science,
University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA
Sarah Bergmann, PhD Department of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry,
Psychotherapy and Psychosomatics, University of Leipzig, Leipzig, Germany
International Psychoanalytic University Berlin, Berlin, Germany
Erika London Bocknek, PhD, LMFT Department of Educational
Psychology, Wayne State University, Detroit, MI, USA
Robert H. Bradley, PhD Center for Child and Family Success, Arizona
State University, Tempe, AZ, USA
Geoffrey L. Brown, PhD Department of Human Development and Family
Science, University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA
Suzanne Brown, Ph.D., MSW School of Social Work, Wayne State
University, Detroit, MI, USA
Vera Sílvia Raad Bussab, PhD Department of Experimental Psychology,
Institute of Psychology, University of São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil
Natasha J. Cabrera, PhD Department of Human Development and
Quantitative Methodology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA
Olivia D. Chang School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor,
MI, USA
Yu Chen, BA Department of Human Development and Computational
Methodology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA
Tanya Coakley, PhD, MSW Department of Social Work, University of
North Carolina at Greensboro, Greensboro, NC, USA

xxix
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
encore bien matin, mais j’y consens ; elle alla éveiller Zimzime,
l’habilla d’un seul coup de baguette, sans que rien manquât à son
ajustement, répandit dans la Ville quelques trésors, & l’on remonta
encore dans le char.
Hé bien, mes chéres Niéces, (cela s’adressoit aux deux aînées)
vous vous êtes ennuyées du Trône ? Le rang qui en approche vous
exposeroit, à peu près, aux mêmes inconveniens ; & dans les états,
successivement inférieurs, vous trouveriez de pareils sujets de
mécontentement. Passons, croyez-moi, à une extrémité dont vous
n’avez qu’une idée très-imparfaite. Allons habiter quelque hameau.
Je connois un endroit de l’Asie, où, sous un ciel doux, des peuples
simples & sociables, vivent dans de belles campagnes ; nulle
ambition, peu de besoins, & un panchant inaltérable pour des
plaisirs qui n’entraînent point de dégoûts : Voilà leur condition.
J’aime beaucoup ce hameau, dit l’aînée ; Je serois comblée de
voir cette campagne, s’écria la seconde. A l’instant, elles se
trouvérent, toutes trois, mises comme de simples Villageoises, c’est-
à-dire, avec une coëffure & des habits, qui, pour toute magnificence,
avoient une simplicité agréable, l’air frais, & d’une extrême propreté.
L’aînée conçut, que, sous des dehors si peu brillans, on ne pouvoit
être remarquée, à moins qu’on ne fût la beauté même. La seconde,
ne douta pas que la singularité de cet ajustement, ne dût servir à la
rendre plus piquante. Pour Zimzime, elle fut bien aise de pouvoir
connoître un peuple ingénu, & dont les passions douces, disposoient,
sans doute, leur ame à l’amitié. Elles aperçurent, alors, cette
campagne, qu’elles désiroient. Elles arrivérent dans une prairie, au
milieu d’une fête purement champêtre ; le lieu, les habitans, tout
rappelloit l’idée de l’âge d’or. La Belle, se voyant entourée d’une
troupe considérable, leva, avec un air de bonté présomptueuse, un
voile qu’elle portoit en voyage. Ces gens simples, la regardérent,
long-temps, avec des yeux plus étonnés que satisfaits. Ils la
trouvoient belle, mais ce n’étoit point comme cela qu’ils désiroient
qu’on le fût ; elle ne parla à personne, dédaignant particuliérement
les jeunes Villageoises qui s’approchoient d’elle ; personne, aussi, ne
lui parla ; & comme elle ne recueillit aucune louange, la fête ne tarda
guéres à l’ennuyer. Pour la jolie, qui avoit bien résolu de le paroître,
tout autant qu’elle le pourroit, elle y fit de son mieux, mais ses
agaceries furent perdues. Ces gens simples la virent, avec les
mêmes yeux, qu’ils avoient regardé l’étalage de beauté de sa sœur ;
ses mines leur parurent des grimaces ; & les petits propos qu’elle
leur adressa, des moqueries ; elle se mit, enfin, à danser avec eux,
imitant, à ce qu’elle croyoit, leurs façons naïves ; mais elle y ajoûtoit
une légéreté forcée & des inflexions de corps affectées qu’ils ne
prirent jamais pour des agrémens. Tout ce qui sortoit d’une certaine
simplicité, n’alloit point jusqu’à leur esprit ; ils la regardoient,
fixement, & n’y trouvoient point de plaisir ; c’étoit-là tout ce qui se
passoit en eux ; elle s’en aperçut, & dit à la Fée, que cette espéce-là
étoit bien maussade, bien insuportable.
Et Zimzime ? Zimzime, qui avoit abordé plusieurs de ces jeunes
Villageoises, avoit trouvé jolies celles qui l’étoient ; elle se mêla dans
leurs jeux, & y réussit à merveilles. Si on lui donnoit le prix, elle
vouloit qu’il fût partagé à toutes celles qui l’avoient disputé avec
elle ; ses caresses la faisoient aimer, même de celles qu’elle effaçoit ;
& ce succès dura tout le temps qu’elle resta dans cette Campagne.
Les jeunes habitans, qui disposoient encore de leur cœur, passoient
les jours à s’occuper d’elle ; l’un d’eux, particuliérement, qui de son
côté se faisoit distinguer de tous les autres, & que la Fée
embarrassoit, quand elle lui disoit le mot de travestissement ; celui-
là, Zimzime l’écoutoit avec plaisir ; elle trouvoit la vie pastorale très-
agréable, tandis que ses sœurs ne cessoient de répéter : Je l’ai en
horreur, elle m’est odieuse. Enfin il fallut encore les emmener.
Ce fut dans leur demeure ordinaire que la Fée les transporta.
C’est une sotte chose que les Voyages, dit l’aînée : on y périt
d’ennui, ajouta la seconde : Dites plûtôt, répondit la Fée, que nous
n’aimons que les lieux où nous plaisons, & que les gens qui
paroissent charmés de nous voir. Vous l’éprouvez. Ne songer qu’à ce
qui nous flatte, sans s’occuper jamais de ce qui flatte les autres, est
un moyen sûr de s’ennuyer bien-tôt, par-tout, & de tout le monde.
Je n’aime point à donner des leçons dures, j’ai espéré de vous
corriger de vos défauts, en vous faisant essuyer les inconveniens
qu’ils entraînent ; je vois que le mal est sans reméde. Voici, dit-elle à
l’aînée, l’état qui vous convient. A ces mots, elle la laissa au milieu
d’un Palais, qui venoit de s’élever, dont toutes les murailles lui
représentoient son image. Elle avoit le plaisir de s’y voir sans cesse,
mais elle s’y vit vieillir de bonne heure ; elle eut des rides, & ne pût
s’empêcher de les apercevoir. Ce fut là sa punition, & l’origine des
glaces. On ne croiroit pas qu’elles auroient été inventées pour
corriger l’amour propre.
La Fée mena la seconde dans un autre Palais : Vous vivrez ici, lui
dit-elle, vous y verrez, sans cesse, une foule d’hommes, de toutes
les Nations, que vous pourrez attirer, mépriser, accueillir, gronder,
apaiser ; mais ils s’évanouïront, comme des ombres, dès que vous
trouverez quelque satisfaction à les voir, ou à les entendre. C’est, à
peu près, ce que vous auriez éprouvé dans le monde ; la plûpart des
succès qui naissent de la coquetterie, ne sont guéres plus réels, & je
vous épargne les ridicules, & les dégoûts véritables qui y sont
attachés ; car ces ombres que vous verrez s’évanouïr, & renaître, ne
prendront point un air de dissimulation, en se défendant d’avoir sû
vous plaire, & elles ne mettent point en chanson leurs prétendues
conquêtes.
La Fée demanda, ensuite, à Zimzime, quel rang, & quelle figure
elle désiroit avoir. Vivre avec vous, répondit Zimzime, me paroît le
sort le plus désirable ; mais puisque ce bonheur est réservé aux
Fées, laissez-moi d’abord, ma laideur ; elle m’épargne la jalousie des
autres femmes, & me rappelle la nécessité, où je suis, de songer à
me rendre supportable, du moins par le caractére. A l’égard du rang,
dont je voudrois jouïr, je l’ignore. J’avoue que j’aimerois à partager
celui de ce jeune Pasteur que j’ai vû dans cette heureuse campagne,
où vous m’avez conduite ; je l’ai soupçonné de cacher ce qu’il étoit ;
mais ne fût-il qu’un simple habitant de ce même hameau, il me
semble que je passerois, avec lui, une vie heureuse. A peine elle
achevoit, qu’un Prince charmant parut au milieu de sa Cour ;
Zimzime reconnut celui dont elle venoit de parler, qui se trouva fils
d’un grand Roi ; ils s’aimoient, ils s’épousérent, ils s’aiment encore.
FIN.
 APPROBATION.

J’ai lû par ordre de Monseigneur le Chancelier, un

Manuscrit qui a pour titre ; Essais sur la nécessité, & sur
les moyens de plaire. J’ai trouvé cet Ouvrage rempli de
sentimens délicats, & de préceptes très-sages : je crois
que l’impression n’en sera pas moins utile qu’agréable au
Public. Fait à Paris ce 30. Septembre 1737.

DANCHET.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAIS SUR LA
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