CONTENTS

Boxes, Figures and Tables xxx

From the Publisher xxx
A Word from the Authors xxx
Acknowledgements xxx
Acronyms xxx
Contributors xxx

Each chapter includes, at the beginning, Learning Objectives, and, at the end, Summary,
Questions for Critical Thought, Suggested Reading, Related Websites, and Bibliography.

PART I THEORIES AND APPROACHES IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 1

CHAPTER 1 Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 2

Jessica Schafer, Paul Alexander Haslam, and Pierre Beaudet 2

What Is the Developing World? 3

Labelling in International Development 5
Growth, Inequality, Poverty, and Development 9
Global Ethics and International Development 15
Ethical Behaviour and the Development Practitioner 22

CHAPTER 2 Imperialism and the Colonial Experience 28

Eric Allina 28

European Expansion and Conquest 29

Rival Empires of Trade 31
‘High’ Imperialism in Africa 35
Common Themes in the Colonial Experience 38

CHAPTER 3 Theories of Development 45

Radhika Desai 45

Development avant la Lettre 46

The Moment of Development 49
Disputing Development 52
Conclusion: Whither Development? 63
iv Contents

CHAPTER 4 Post-Development and Alternatives to Development 68

Eunice N. Sahle 68

The Post-Development Turn in Development Studies: Historical Context 68

Interrogating Post-1945 Development Discourse: Post-Development Perspectives 71
The Post-Development School: Brief Notes on Critiques 82

CHAPTER 5 Gender and Development: The Struggles of Women in the Global South 86
Andrea Martinez 86

An Obstacle Course 86
The Emergence of the Field ‘Women, Gender, and Development’ 90
Three Lessons 102

CHAPTER 6 Globalization and Development 107

Pierre Beaudet 107

Introduction 107
Globalization and Developing Countries 108
Another Globalization? 116
Looking Ahead 120

PART II INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ACTORS 125

CHAPTER 7 State of the State: Does the State Have a Role in Development? 127
Anil Hira 127

What Is the State? The Legacy of Colonialism 127

Deining the State’s Role in Development 130
State Capacity and Autonomy 130
Central Debates about the Role of the State in Economic Development 131
Governance as a Process of Democratization 137

CHAPTER 8 National Development Agencies and Bilateral Aid 143

Stephen Brown 143

Clarifying the Terminology 143

Overview of Aid Donors 144
Donor Motivations 147
Characteristics of Donors 150
Aid Recipients 153
Current Trends and Controversies 155

CHAPTER 9 The International Financial Institutions 159

Marcus Taylor 159

Overview 159
The Origins of the IMF and World Bank 160
 Contents v

Governance Structures 162

The Turbulent 1970s 163
The Debt Crisis, Structural Adjustment, and Conditionality 164
Beyond Structural Adjustment? 166
The World Bank, Good Governance, and Institution-Building 167
The IMF and the Asian Crisis 168
Into the New Millennium: Poverty Reduction and Country Ownership 170
A New Crisis or a New Beginning? 172

CHAPTER 10 The United Nations and Multilateral Actors in Development 175

David Sogge 175

The United Nations System 176

The Agencies 176
Trends and Prospects for UN Agencies 177
Multilateral Organizations Anchored in Western Governments 189
Multilateral Organizations Anchored in Non-Western Governments 191
One World, Many Regions 193

CHAPTER 11 Multinational Corporations 197

Paul Alexander Haslam 197

What Is a Multinational Corporation? 197

What Motivates Multinationals to Go Abroad? 200
Relationship between States and Multinationals 204
International Regulation of MNCs 207
Corporate Social Responsibility 209
MNCS, Poverty, and Development 210

The People Strike Back: Contentious Issues in the Community–MNC Relationship 211
Multinationals and Development 212

CHAPTER 12 Civil Society and Development 217

Henry Veltmeyer 217

Civil Society: The Itinerary of a Concept 218

Civil Society in Context 219
The Economic and Political Dynamics of Development and Civil Society 222
The Emergence of a Global Civil Society: The Political Dynamics of Anti-
Globalization 223
Civil Society and Local Development 225
NGOS : Catalysts for Development or Agents of Outside Interests? 227

Development beyond Neo-Liberalism: Civil Society and the State 229

Globalization, the State, and Civil Society 231
vi Contents

PART III ISSUES IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 235

CHAPTER 13 Poverty and Exclusion: From Basic Needs to the Millennium Development
Goals 237
David R. Morrison 237

Why Should We Be Concerned about Poverty Reduction? 238

The International Aid Regime and Poverty Reduction: A Brief History 238
Who Are the Poor? Deinitions and Conceptions of Poverty 245
How the Different Approaches Frame Policy 251
Poverty and Human Rights 252
Beyond Neo-Liberalism: A New Approach to Poverty Reduction? 253
Key Elements of the Mehrotra–Delamonica Agenda 254

CHAPTER 14 Debt and Development 262

Joseph Hanlon 262

Lending to Developing Countries 263

Governments, Politics, the Cold War, and the Debt Crisis 263
The 1980s Debt Crisis 264
The South Pays to Solve the Northern Crisis 268
Two Final Questions 271

CHAPTER 15 Free Trade and Fair Trade 277

Gavin Fridell 277

Introduction 277
Free Trade and Fair Trade since 1945 280
The Limits of a Trade Perspective 286
The Future of International Trade 287

CHAPTER 16 Democracy 293

Cédric Jourde 293

Clarifying the Concepts: A Dificult Task 293

‘Waves’ of Democratization 299
Explaining Democratization: Structure or Actors? The National or International
Arena? 299
After Democratic Transition: Consolidation or a Return to Authoritarian Rule? 305
The Causal Weight of Democratization in Economic and Social Development 307

CHAPTER 17 Environment and Development 311

Deborah Sick 311

Post-World War II Development Policies and the Environment 312

Changing Perspectives on Environment and Development 314
Sustainable Development in Practice 317
Participatory Approaches in Governance 319
Equity, Consumption, and Environmental Justice 321
The Complexity of the Development–Environment Nexus 325
 Contents vii

CHAPTER 18 Rural Development 331

Joshua Ramisch 331

Introduction 331
Putting the ‘Rural’ in Context 333
Rural Transformations 337
Models 340
Challenges 346

CHAPTER 19 Urban Development: Cities and Slums in the Global South 353
Anne Latendresse and Lisa Bornstein 353

Understanding Urbanization 354

Urbanization across Time and Space 355
Urbanization and Development: Not a Simple Equation 356
Cities, Globalization, and Socio-Spatial Fragmentation 358
Inequality and Housing 361
Forces of Change: International Agencies, Local Governments, and Grassroots
Initiatives 365
The Right to the City 366
Future Needs 366

CHAPTER 20 Development and Health 371

Ted Schrecker 371

Introduction: Wealth, Health, and the Rest of the Story 371

Globalization, Development, and Health 377
The Changing Landscape of Global Health and Development Policy 380
Development and Health: The Uncertain Future 387

CHAPTER 21 Education and Development: The Perennial Contradictions of Policy

Discourse 397
Richard Maclure, Refaat Sabbah, and Daniel Lavan 397

Education for Development: Competing Perspectives 397

The Era of Educational Consensus and Expansion 399
The Tarnished Promise: Educational Crisis and the Erosion of Consensual Discourse 400
The Jomtien Conference and the Vision of Education for All 401
Reasserting Transformative Ideals 405
The Contradictions of Education for Development 408

CHAPTER 22 Conflict and Development 413

Astri Suhrke and Torunn Wimpelmann Chaudhary 413

Posing the Question 413

Deinitions, Approaches, and Methods 414
Conlict and Development: Perspectives and Findings 418
Development as a Conlictual Process 424
Dealing with the Development–Conlict Nexus: Intervention and Peace-Building 427
Learning from History 430
viii Contents

CHAPTER 23 International Migration and Development 435

Khalid Koser 435

Contemporary International Migration 435

Development and Migration 438
Migration and Development 444
Displacement and Development 447
Internal Migration xxx

CHAPTER 24 Indigenous Peoples: A Category in Development 452

Natacha Gagné 452

What Is Indigeneity? 452

A Short History of Indigenous Peoples’ Struggle at the International Level 457
Recent Developments and Current Issues 463

CHAPTER 25 Technology, Information, and Development 471

Erwin A. Alampay 471

Technology and Society 471

The Information Society 474
ICT s and Society 478

The Digital Divide 480

Using ICTs for Development 483

CHAPTER 26 Culture and Development 491

Nissim Mannathukkaren 491

Introduction 491
What Is Culture? 493
The Cultural versus the Material 494
Culture as Domination and Culture as Resistance 497
The Cultural Turn 501

CHAPTER 27 China, Socialism, Globalization, and Development 511

Samir Amin 511

Introduction 511
Contrasting Legacies of the Chinese Revolution 512
The Challenges of Contemporary China 514
Concluding Thoughts: China in the Debate on Development 521

EPILOGUE The Future of Development? 524

Pierre Beaudet, Paul Alexander Haslam, and Jessica Schafer 524
Growth and Poverty into the Twenty-First Century 524
Emerging Approaches: Beyond the Washington Consensus 526
Emerging Actors: The Rise of the BICS 527
Emerging Issues: The Financial Crisis in the North and the South 531
New Avenues in Development Practice 532

Glossary 536
Index xxx
BOXES, FIGURES AND TABLES

Boxes
Important Concepts
1.1 President Truman’s Point 4
1.3 How to Judge Right and Wrong: Three Philosophical Approaches to Morality
1.4 The Drowning Child Analogy
1.5 Ethics of Participatory Rural Assessment
2.1 An ‘Oriental Despot’: British Company Rule in South Asia
4.1 Stuart Hall on Representation
6.1 The Washington Consensus
7.1 The Nature of Authority in the State
7.2 The Debate between Keynesians and Free Marketeers
8.1 The Many Uses of Foreign Aid
8.3 The 0.7 Per Cent Aid Target
8.6 What Makes a Good Development Agency?
8.7 Results-Based Management
9.1 The US Aims for Bretton Woods
9.2 IMF: Initial Function
9.3 World Bank: Initial Function
9.4 IMF Quotas and World Bank Subscriptions
9.5 Robert McNamara’s Call for a ‘Basic Needs’ Approach
11.1 C.K Prahalad and The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid
11.2 Global Value Chains and the New International Division of Labour
13.1 The UN Millennium Development Goals
13.2 The Human Poverty Index
16.2 India and Substantive Democracy
17.5 Consumption Patterns and Environmental Justice
18.3 Land Tenure and Inequality
19.2 What Is a Slum?
19.4 Urban Agriculture: A Survival Strategy for Poor Urban Dwellers?
19.5 Participatory Budgets and Local Democracy
23.1 Who Is a Migrant?
23.9 Hometown Associations
23.10 Who Is a Refugee?
24.3 The UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues
25.1 Appropriate Housing Technology: Earthbags
25.6 Implementing Universality: Regulatory Measures to Fund It
26.2 Are Hunter-Gatherers Poor?
x Boxes, Figures and Tables

26.4 The Protestant Ethic

26.6 The ‘American Dream’
26.9 Che as a Capitalist Icon
26.10 Universal Values
26.11 Culture Shock

Critical Issues
1.2 What Is Development?
2.2 The ‘Scramble for Africa’
2.3 Development Project as White Elephant: The Ofice du Niger
4.2 Beyond the Hegelian View of Africans
4.3 Post-Development Theory in Practice: Alternatives to Development
4.4 Examples of Alternatives to Development Practices
5.1 Examples of Repressive Practices
5.2 The Case of India
5.3 The Threefold Role of Williche Women
5.4 Does Micro-Credit Help Women?
5.5 Building Solidarity through the World March of Women
6.2 A Global Age?
6.3 Are Things Getting Better?
6.4 Is Globalization Reducing or Increasing Poverty and Inequality?
6.6 Governance
6.7 Shanghai Cooperation Organization
6.8 The Rise of South American Integration
6.9 Humanity Needs Change
6.10 Globalization and Climate Change
7.3 ‘The Chilean Miracle’
7.4 Debates over the East Asian Miracle
7.5 Global Chains of Production
8.2 Foreign Aid Cycles
8.4 Tied Aid
8.5 The Canadian International Development Agency
8.8 How Effective Is Foreign Aid?
9.6 The Bank Relects on Structural Adjustment
9.7 IFIs Embracing Anti-Poverty
10.1 New World Information and Communication Order
10.2 Slums: A United Nations Alert
11.3 Women and Export Processing Zones
11.5 Investor–State Dispute Settlement
11.6 The Changing Face of FDI: The Third World Multinational
14.1 Congo, Kleptocracy, and the Cold War
14.3 Philippines and Nuclear Power
15.1 Neo-Liberalism and ‘Endogenous’ Development: The Jeans Industry in Pelileo, Ecuador
15.2 Regulating Markets: The International Coffee Agreement
xiv Contents

FROM THE PUBLISHER

Building on the success of the irst edition, CRITICAL ISSUES BOX 10.1 NEW WORLD INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION ORDER
Introduction to International Development continues
In the late 1970s, oficials, journalists, and activists, meant democratization of information production
to offer comprehensive coverage of theories and top- mainly from non-Western countries, launched a and consumption by enlarging, diversifying, and
debate about the dominance of Western media in the strengthening media, particularly in non-Western
ics in international development studies in a man- world and the lack of adequate access to unbiased countries. To achieve such democratization, inequalities
information among people around the world. They of access to communication infrastructure and
ner that is sophisticated and yet proven to reach and challenged the way that Western media stereotyped
non-Western societies by simplifying, exaggerating,
technology would have to be redressed.
The US, the UK, and a few other governments,
engage students from various backgrounds at the and generally biasing coverage while crowding
out alternative, non-Western sources of news and
strongly backed by mainstream media and right-wing
think-tanks in the West, argued that the NWICO was
irst- and second-year level. analysis. Concentrated in the hands of a small number
of Western corporations, ownership and control over
a stratagem to curb press freedoms and free markets.
The US withdrew from UNESCO in 1984, rejoining only

Organized into three sections—theories and news and information gathering, interpretation, and
dissemination also has drawn criticism.
in 2003. Arguably, this opposition merely delected
the emergence of a new media order, which has

approaches; actors; and issues in international devel- UNESCO was at the centre of this debate. In
1980, its International Commission for the Study of
seen contrasting developments: the rise of powerful
media corporations, often allied to vested political and

opment—this book is unique in its structure. Whereas Communication Problems, chaired by the Nobel Peace
laureate Seán MacBride, published its report, Many
business interests, together with the rise of Internet-
based and other communication technologies, which
Voices, One World. The Commission made the case are extending and amplifying citizens’ voices across
most international development textbooks are anchored for what came to be called a New World Information borders. (For an overview of the NWICO controversy,
and Communication Order—NWICO. In essence, this see Brown-Syed, 1993.)
primarily in one speciic discipline, such as political
science or economics, Introduction to International
Sample Critical issues box.
Development brings together contributors from many
different disciplines, including anthropology, econom-544020_Ch10.indd 182 8/11/11 12:21 PM

ics, education, geography, history, international affairs,

politics, population studies, sociology, urban planning, • Important Concepts boxes highlight the con-
and women’s studies. In addition to their coming from tributions to the ield of various theoretical
various disciplinary traditions, the contributors hail perspectives and of inluential scholars,
from numerous international institutions. activists, and institutions.
Besides a new chapter, up-to-date statistics, and a • Critical Issues boxes examine speciic topics
new epilogue, the second edition offers a new stu- from around the world that students can analyze
dent-friendly design, increased pedagogical features, using their new theoretical tool kit. Issues
and a strong ancillary package with an instructor’s considered range from ‘Examples of repressive
manual, a student study guide, a test bank, and links practices’ to ‘Winners and losers in globalized
to video and audio podcasts. India’.
• Current Events boxes draw attention to news
stories that students may be familiar with,
IMPORTANT FEATURES but with a particular focus on the features of
the case that are of interest to international
OF THIS BOOK development, from fair trade coffee to the case
Introduction to International Development: of nuclear power in the Philippines.
Approaches, Actors and Issues incorporates numerous • End-of-chapter material, including chapter
features and elements to make it a useful teaching summaries, ‘Questions for Critical Thought’,
and learning tool. These include: ‘Suggested Reading’, ‘Related Websites,’ and
chapter bibliographies, assists students in
• Learning Objectives assist students to focus engaging with and reviewing key chapter
their reading and studies, acting as a useful concepts.
checking point to ensure that they have properly
grasped the main topics of each chapter • Vivid photographs, maps, tables, and igures
• Three types of themed boxes highlight impor- help to introduce students to the on-the-ground
tant concepts, critical issues, and relevant reality of development work, important locations,
current events. and statistical trends from around the globe.
 From the Publisher xv

have continued to grow worldwide. We hope that this

SUGGESTED READING
collection of introductory essays by well-established
scholars and development practitioners continues to
Bøås, M., and D. McNeill. 2003. Multilateral Institutions: A Critical Introduction. London: Pluto Press.
Cox, R.W., ed. 1997. The New Realism: Perspectives on Multilateralism and World Order. London:
Macmillan.

connect with the needs of professors at the university

Gowan, Peter. 2003. ‘US: UN’, New Left Review 24: 5–28.
Hulme, David. 2010. Global Poverty: How Global Governance Is Failing the Poor. London: Routledge.
Mazower, Mark. 2009. No Enchanted Palace: The End of Empire and the Ideological Origins of the United
Nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
Schlesinger, Stephen. 2003. Act of Creation: The Founding of the United Nations. Boulder, Colo.: Westview. and college level, as well as stimulate the enthusiasm
for the real-world engagement that we see among our
RELATED WEBSITES
own students.
Note: Almost all of the multilateral organizations discussed in this chapter maintain websites. They can be easily
found through Internet search engines.
Choike: A Portal on Southern Civil Societies
Introduction to International Development sets
out to respond to the particular needs of undergradu-
www.choike.org/
Encyclopedia of the Nations
www.nationsencyclopedia.com/United-Nations-Related-Agencies/index.html
Global Policy Forum
www.globalpolicy.org
ate international development programs. Given that
Multilateral Organisation Performance Assessment Network
www.mopanonline.org/home
many international development programs of study
are multidisciplinary in nature, there is a clear need
One World Trust, Global Accountability Report
www.oneworldtrust.org
World Campaign for In-Depth Reform of the System of International Institutions
www.reformcampaign.net/
for a text that is explicitly multidisciplinary in its
NOTES
approach to the key issues. Multidisciplinarity has
1. The minimum contribution is 0.001 per cent of the countries less than the 0.001 per cent minimum (CRS,
been at the heart of this project from the beginning; it
UN’s budget, an amount paid by 53 countries in 2009. 2011: 27).
Currently, the US pays about 22 per cent of the UN’s
budget. If assessments were based purely on each
2. The Group of 20 should not be confused with the
G20, a group of inance ministers and central bank
has guided our selection of authors, who were drawn
from disciplines as varied as anthropology, economics,
country’s share of the world’s gross domestic product, governors of major world economies set up in 2008 to
the US would pay about 30 per cent and some poor replace the G8 group of rich-country inance ministers.

education, geography, history, international affairs,

End of Chapter. politics, population studies, sociology, urban plan-
544020_Ch10.indd 195 8/11/11 12:22 PM

ning, and women’s studies. Many of these authors

have also been involved in working for and advising
ARCTIC OCEAN

GREENLAND development agencies, are grounded by their solid

experience of local realities, and represent the ideals of
NORTH
Amsterdam
Antwerp
praxis to which our students aspire.
AMERICA EUROPE
1493 Lisbon ASIA
Seville Constantinople
Ceuta JAPAN
PERSIA
CHINA
1492 Ormuz
SAHARA Canton PACIFIC
Mexico City Muscat Macau OCEAN
INDIA

The Challenge Of Multidisciplinarity

JAMAICA Timbuktu ARABIA
AZTEC MALI Goa PHILIPPINES
Cartagena Niani ETHIOPIA
EMPIRE GOLD Calicut
PACIFIC Panama BENIN
COAST 8 Malacca
OCEAN Quito 14 AFRICA 149 1521
88 Borneo
Mombasa
SWAHILI I N D I A N Sumatra

Introductory courses in international development

SOUTH New Guinea
14

Lima KONGO COAST

Java
97

AMERICA OCEAN
Mozambique
IL
AZ

INCA Potosi ATLANTIC MADAGASCAR

ZIMBABWE
BR

are often highly popular electives in the irst and sec-

EMPIRE 1500
1520 Rio de Janeiro AUSTRALIA
Santiago OCEAN 2
Buenos Aires 152
Cape of Good Hope

ond years of Bachelor of Arts programs. This means

19
15

Strait of
Cape Horn
Megellan
that textbooks in international development need to
Portuguese explorers Spanish explorers
serve a population with diverse disciplinary experi-
ences and without a common theoretical or concep-
0 1,500 3,000 Km. Dias Columbus
Da Gama Vespucci
0 1,500 3,000 Mi. Magellan

tual background. Typically, students do not come just

Sample map. from the diverse ields of the social sciences but also
from the faculties of ‘hard’ or applied science and from
• Bolded key terms throughout the text assist other multidisciplinary programs with no common
students from different disciplines to identify core theoretical apparatus. The challenge of teaching
and learn new terms. development studies to an undergraduate multidisci-
• A Glossary of key terms is provided at the back plinary audience is not simply one of providing mul-
of the book for easy reference. tiple views on particular issues or exposing students
to the diversity of issues in development studies; it is
also more fundamentally about grounding students
A WORD FROM THE AUTHORS with a common theoretical and conceptual intel-
This is the second, revised and updated edition lectual tool kit applicable to the multidisciplinary
of Introduction to International Development: nature of development problems. To our knowledge,
Approaches, Actors and Issues. Since the launch no other textbook currently available has the explicit
of the irst edition in late 2008, strong demand for objective of grounding a multidisciplinary audience
this textbook has conirmed to us that international in a way that permits the sophisticated understand-
development programs at the undergraduate level ing of development issues.
xvi From the Publisher

In this respect, the core mission of this book is lexible. Some programs minimize exposure to theory
to build a conceptual common ground for irst- in favour of problem-solving and case studies, while
and second-year undergraduate students with no others introduce students to development theory
prior knowledge of development and with diverse early on. To cover these diverse situations found
academic backgrounds. For this reason the book is across undergraduate development programs, the
structured into three sections, on approaches, actors, three distinct sections of this book offer the instruc-
and issues. The chapters in the irst section, ‘Theo- tor considerable lexibility. He or she may follow the
ries and Approaches in International Development’, tripartite structure of the book, which progressively
introduce the student to key concepts, historical builds towards a more sophisticated integration of
contexts of development thinking and action, and concepts, actors, and issues, or may pick and choose,
theoretical approaches. A noteworthy feature of this perhaps preferring to twin only actors and issues, or
section is the accessible account of postmodern and approaches and issues, or even to focus simply on
post-colonial approaches, which is rarely taught at issues. Each chapter has been written to stand alone
this level but constitutes the fundamental epistemol- without requiring the assignment of previous chap-
ogy for much recent work in development. The next ters, although the collection is organized in such a
section, ‘International Development Actors’, com- way as to permit the instructor to draw connections
prising Chapter 7–12, explains various signiicant between theory, actors, and issues when the student
external and internal forces that attempt to shape moves sequentially from the irst chapters to the last.
developmental outcomes. The inal section, ‘Issues in At the same time, the breadth and depth of chapters
International Development’, consisting of Chapters make it possible for an instructor to pick and choose
13–27, applies what has been learned in the irst two the elements of the text that correspond with his or
sections to a wide variety of issue-areas. The book is her course design.
designed to teach the student by establishing a series In this respect, we hope that Introduction to Inter-
of layers that progressively deepen the student’s national Development: Approaches, Actors, and
knowledge of international development theory and Issues will play an important role in providing stu-
practice. dents from multidisciplinary backgrounds with what
At the end of an introductory course, then, the is required to understand a wide range of develop-
student has not just accumulated knowledge about ment issue-areas and help to launch them into this
development issues but, much more fundamentally, challenging and rewarding discipline that combines
has learned how to approach and study development. values, relection, and action.

Flexibility For Teaching Paul Alexander Haslam, Jessica Schafer, Pierre Beaudet
In addition to the need to ground a multidisciplinary School of International Development and Global
audience with a common theoretical tool kit, an Studies, University of Ottawa
introductory textbook also needs to be pedagogically June 2011
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This book would never have seen the light of day assistants: Augusta Acquah, Alyssa Blank, Caroline
without the generous contribution of time and effort Bouchard, Caleb Ficner, Pierre-Olivier Latrémouille,
by our colleagues at the University of Ottawa and Émilie Senécal, and Mélissa Therrien. We also appre-
enthusiastic collaborators elsewhere in the world. ciate the considered and useful comments made by
We would like to thank Cécile Coderre, former vice- the eight external evaluators of this book.
dean academic and secretary (Social Sciences) at the In addition, we would like to thank our editors at
University of Ottawa, who enthusiastically supported Oxford University Press: Kate Skene, who saw the
this project from the very beginning and who found potential of this book when it was only an idea in
the inancing necessary to employ a large and dedi- our heads; Dorothy Turnbull and Jennifer Charlton,
cated team of students in various stages of the prepa- who saw us through the irst edition; and Mary Wat
ration, translation, and copy-editing of this volume. and Richard Tallman, who ably managed the second
Graduate and undergraduate students were important edition to its publication.
contributors to this project as translators and research
CONTRIBUTORS

Erwin A. Alampay is assistant professor in the Cédric Jourde is assistant professor at the School of
National College of Public Administration and Gov- Political Studies, University of Ottawa.
ernance at the University of the Philippines.
Khalid Koser is associate dean and head of the New
Eric Allina is associate professor in the Department Issues in Security Programme at the Geneva Centre
of History at the University of Ottawa. for Security Policy.

Samir Amin is an economist and president of the Anne Latendresse is a professor in the Department
World Forum for Alternatives and the Third-World of Geography at l’Université du Québec à Montréal.
Forum.
Daniel Lavan is a doctoral candidate in the Faculty
Pierre Beaudet is a replacement professor in the of Education at the University of Ottawa.
School of International Development and Global
Studies at the University of Ottawa. Richard Maclure is a professor and former acting dean
at the University of Ottawa’s Faculty of Education.
Lisa Bornstein is assistant professor of urban plan-
ning at McGill University in Montreal. Nissim Mannathukkaren is assistant professor in
the Department of International Development Stud-
Stephen Brown is associate professor of political sci- ies at Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia.
ence at the University of Ottawa.
Andrea Martinez is professor and head of the School
Torunn Wimpelmann Chaudhary is project coordi- of International Development and Global Studies at
nator at the Chr. Michelsen Institute, Norway. the University of Ottawa.

Radhika Desai is professor of political studies in the David R. Morrison is professor emeritus of politics
Department of Political Studies, University of Mani- and international development studies at Trent Uni-
toba, Winnipeg. versity, Peterborough, Ontario.

Gavin Fridell is assistant professor of politics at Trent Joshua Ramisch is associate professor in the School
University, Peterborough, Ontario. of International Development and Global Studies at
the University of Ottawa.
Natacha Gagné is associate professor in the Depart-
ment of Sociology and Anthropology at the Univer- Refaat Sabbah is director general of the Teacher Cre-
sity of Ottawa. ativity Centre, Palestine.

Joseph Hanlon is a senior lecturer in development Eunice N. Sahle is associate professor in the Depart-
and conlict resolution at the International Develop- ment of African and Afro-American Studies and Cur-
ment Centre, Open University, Milton Keynes, Eng- riculum in International Studies at the University of
land, and a visiting senior research fellow at the Crisis North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
States Programme, London School of Economics.
Jessica Schafer is adjunct professor in the School of
Paul A. Haslam is associate professor in the School of International Development and Global Studies at the
International Development and Global Studies at the University of Ottawa.
University of Ottawa.
Ted Schrecker is associate professor of epidemiology
Anil Hira is associate professor of political science and community medicine and principal scientist at
and Latin American studies at Simon Fraser Univer- the Institute of Population Health at the University
sity, Burnaby, British Columbia. of Ottawa.
xxii Contributors

Deborah Sick is associate professor of anthropology Marcus Taylor is assistant professor in Global Devel-
in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology opment Studies at Queen’s University, Kingston,
and the School of International Development and Ontario.
Global Studies at the University of Ottawa.
Henry Veltmeyer is professor of international devel-
David Sogge is an independent analyst based in opment studies at St Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova
Amsterdam and a fellow of the Transnational Institute. Scotia, and in the Ph.D. Program at the Autonomous
University of Zacatecas.
Astri Suhrke is senior researcher at the Chr. Michelsen
Institute, Norway.
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 3

CHAPTER 1

MEANING, MEASUREMENT, AND MORALITY

IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Jessica Schafer, Paul Alexander Haslam, and Pierre Beaudet

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
• To understand the origins of diferent labels used to describe the developing world.
• To understand the relationship between national wealth, distribution of income, and poverty.
• To understand why development is considered a multi-dimensional phenomenon and to identify
the major scholars associated with this approach.
• To distinguish the Human Development Index (HDI) from gross domestic product (GDP) as a
measure of development.
• To identify the ethical dilemmas associated with foreign aid and development practice.

packaged breakfast cereals, and pizza. You would

WHAT IS THE DEVELOPING
experience home life in many different forms, from
WORLD? nuclear families in suburbia to multi-generational
households, families led by patriarchs with several
If you were a traveller crossing the countries and
wives, single-parent families, and groups of families in
continents of the world, you would immediately
nomadic communities. You would encounter a wide
notice the rich diversity of human experience and
variety of political organizations: kingdoms, duchies,
social organization. You would observe strikingly
and principalities; federal, Islamic, and people’s
different landscapes, from sweeping deserts to
republics; tyrannical, oligarchic, and democratic
lush forests, from scattered farmlands to densely
regimes; commonwealths, unions, and emirates.
populated cities. You would hear up to 7,300 different At the same time, with your traveller’s eyes you
languages (SIL International, 2009). You would see could not fail to notice that certain areas—towns,
a wide range of activities people perform to earn a cities, countries, and regions—exhibit signs of
living, from people driving water buffalo to cultivate material wealth: sumptuously decorated buildings;
rice paddies in peninsular Malaysia to educated abundant consumer goods; energy-intensive
young people sitting at computers in call centres in activities; a highly developed infrastructure of roads,
Bangalore, India, answering customer service queries telecommunications, hospitals, and schools. By
from London. contrast, other regions and locales are devastatingly
When the travelling made you hungry, you would poor: human dwellings do not protect inhabitants
be treated to foods as different as sadza (cornmeal from the elements; infrastructure is lacking for the
porridge) in Mozambique, haggis (savoury pudding movement of people, goods, and information; people
cooked in an animal’s stomach) in Scotland, and live atop garbage dumps with insuficient food and
sushi (raw ish) in Japan. In all of these places, you health care for survival. Similarly, you would begin
might also ind soft drinks, fast-food restaurants, to realize that some human beings enjoy a wide
4 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

range of opportunities and choices with respect functioning through individual rational action in
to the way they live their lives while others follow impersonal market transactions. Still other theories of
patterns of survival over which they exercise little development hold that the economic logic of capitalism
control. requires that some countries remain poor while others
International development studies aims to explain proit (see Chapter 3). And some theorists reject the
both the diversity evident in the world in relation concept of development altogether, heralding an era
to human well-being and the common patterns of ‘post-development’ (see Chapter 4).
that emerge when comparing people, social groups, But before we get to the theories put forward
nations, economic and political systems, and regions to explain global development, poverty, wealth,
of the world. Some explanations are based on historical and human well-being, we need to understand
evidence, inding the causes of today’s poverty in the some concepts that are central in international
actions (and injustices) of past societies. For example, development. The next section considers the words
it can be argued that colonial conquest and occupation and labels that scholars, practitioners, and the
by European military and political powers caused popular media use in talking about development.
poverty in colonized societies and left them with Following that, we introduce different concepts of
economic structures that made development dificult poverty and measurements of human development.
if not impossible (see Chapter 2). Other explanations The inal two sections address global ethics and
for worldwide patterns of wealth and poverty focus on ethical issues for development researchers and
the results of impersonal economic ‘laws’ and their practitioners.

PHOTO 1.1 Diversity of family organization: a chief and his three wives.
Source: Jessica Schafer
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 5

IMPORTANT CONCEPTS BOX 1.1

TOYNBEE’S RETROSPECTIVE OPTIMISM
We must embark on a bold new program for making imponderable resources in the technical knowledge
the beneits of our scientiic advances and industrial are constantly growing and are inexhaustible. . . . The
progress available for the improvement and growth of old imperialism—exploitation for foreign proit—has
underdeveloped areas. More than half of the people no place in our plans.
of the world are living in conditions approaching
misery. Their food is inadequate, they are victims of
*This was the fourth foreign policy goal that President Truman
disease. Their economic life is primitive and stagnant. outlined in his Inaugural Address and, therefore, has become known
Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to as his ‘Point 4’.
them and more prosperous areas. For the irst time in Source: Inaugural Address, President Harry S. Truman, 20 January
history, humanity possesses the knowledge and the 1949, in Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States
skill to relieve the suffering of these people . . . our (1989).

well as skill and technical knowledge. The use of the

LABELLING IN
word ‘imperialism’ also suggests the areas to which
INTERNATIONAL Truman was referring: the large number of countries
DEVELOPMENT in Africa and Asia still at that time under political
rule by European powers, and the countries of Asia
The terms used to describe people, places, and and Latin America that had emerged from European
processes within international development relect colonial rule over the course of the previous 150 years.
the evolution of thinking about poverty, wealth, and Prior to Truman’s use of the term, ‘underdeveloped
the relationship among nations. Critical theorists areas’ had been mentioned occasionally in
have pointed out that labelling plays at least two international circles, but the terms ‘backward areas’ or
important roles: labels make existing practices appear ‘economically backward areas’ were more commonly
legitimate, and they also shape future policy-making used. The term ‘backward’ has faded out of use because
(Sachs, 1993; Wood, 1985). Understanding the it has come to be seen as derogatory and verging on
history of labelling within the ield of international supremacist. Nonetheless, it is worth asking ourselves
development therefore helps to track the progression whether ‘backward’ and ‘underdeveloped’ are entirely
of important concepts and approaches. different ways of comparing countries, since both terms
The modern concept of ‘development’ is generally appear to imply a single, overarching scale on which
traced back to US President Harry Truman’s 1949 to compare nations’ success or progress in relation to
Inaugural Address (Box 1.1), when he spoke of each other. Both terms also imply the need for outside
‘underdeveloped areas’, a term still in common usage intervention by those who deem themselves to have
today. If we unpack the term ‘underdeveloped areas’, achieved progress or development success on behalf of
the concept implies a universal measurement of those who have not yet done so or who do not possess
development and that nations can be assessed against the necessary conditions to do so (see Cowen and
this standard. Those that meet the standards are Shenton, 1996).
considered ‘developed’, while those that do not are In 1952, the French demographer Alfred Sauvy
considered ‘underdeveloped’. In his speech, Truman used the term ‘tiers monde’ (‘Third World’) to refer to
suggested several criteria for measuring development: countries outside the two major power blocs of the
on the side of underdevelopment, he mentioned West and the Soviet Union (Fry and Martin, 1991). His
inadequate food, disease, primitive economic life, intent was to draw a parallel with the tiers état (Third
and poverty; on the side of development he placed Estate) in pre-revolutionary France, which referred
scientiic advancement and industrial progress, as to the bottom layer of the social pyramid, beneath
6 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

the clergy and the nobility. The Third Estate had a and static denotation? Some Eastern European
very diverse membership, from peasants virtually countries with low scores on the Human Development
enslaved under feudal lords to bourgeois merchants Index (discussed below) are not commonly considered
with great wealth, who had little in common part of the Third World, whereas countries of South
apart from exclusion from the nobility and clergy. America may be automatically included even though
Similarly, the Third World to which Sauvy referred in some of them, such as Argentina and Chile, have
the 1950s included countries with diverse economic, achieved high human development scores.
social, and political histories, which were following Finally, many are unhappy with the way the term
widely varied trajectories of development. Gradually, ‘Third World’ seems to imply a world hierarchy and
though, the term ‘Third World’ took on connotations a single path to development success, just as the term
primarily related to poverty at the national level. ‘underdeveloped areas’ did.
The deepening hostilities of the Cold War during In the 1970s, a new term emerged as a result
the 1950s meant increasing political tensions and of economic transformation among a number of
rivalries between the ideologically opposed First and countries formerly considered part of the ‘developing
Second Worlds (respectively, the nations of the North world’: the Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs).
Atlantic Treaty Organization and those of the Warsaw These countries included Hong Kong, South Korea,
Pact or Soviet bloc). The Non-Aligned Movement Singapore, and Taiwan. More recently, Thailand,
(NAM) brought some political unity to the group of India, Mexico, Brazil, China, South Africa, Turkey, and
countries outside the two superpower blocs following Malaysia have been added to the NIC category. They
a conference in 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia, and the are sometimes also referred to as ‘emerging markets’,
irst oficial Non-Aligned Movement summit in 1961 a term that suggests they are perceived by the leaders
in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. In this context, the term of global capitalist enterprises as potential markets to
‘Third World’, like the NAM, suggested a political bloc target for proit but also that once they have shown
that provided an alternative to the ideological power willingness to embrace the rules of market economics,
groupings (see Chapters 3 and 10). Although the they may be admitted into the coveted circle of
First World and Second World designations became acceptable participants in global economic exchange.
irrelevant with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the Fry and Martin (1991: 51) list four economic criteria
term ‘Third World’ remains. Apart from a wavering by which NIC status is determined: (1) manufactured
degree of political unity provided through the Non- goods contributing 30 per cent of gross domestic
Aligned Movement—which does not include all of product (GDP); (2) manufactured goods as 50 per
the countries often labelled ‘Third World’ and whose cent of total exports; (3) a shift in employment from
membership and political role have luctuated over agriculture to industry; (4) per capita income of at
the years since its creation—it is dificult to identify least US$2,000. This understanding of development
any enduring similarities among the countries that will be explored further in Chapters 3 and 7.
have been referred to under this category over the The term ‘developing country’ was proposed as a
past 50-plus years. Although ‘Third World’ is still more optimistic term than either ‘underdeveloped’
sometimes used in international development circles, or ‘Third World’. Its opposite is ‘developed countries’,
numerous questions have been raised about its value. those deemed to have reached a certain level of
Is it a suficiently clear and useful term, given that economic success. A country’s GDP was the standard
there are no precise criteria to identify whether a measure used in the past to classify countries as
given country falls within the category or not? developed or developing, but this classiication
Does the label have negative connotations? A produced anomalies. GDP is a measure of the value of
glance at recent public discussions on the Internet goods and services produced in a national economy
about which countries should be considered Third and can be high as a result of natural resource wealth,
World suggests that many people feel it is a pejorative, even when other sectors of its economy and social
patronizing term and therefore prefer their own well-being may not show signs of development such
country not to be included within the category. as industrialization, increased life expectancy, or
Is it ever possible for a country to move out of the higher levels of education. For example, Equatorial
Third World category, or is it a historically determined Guinea, an African country that saw its GDP shoot up
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 7

PHOTO 1.2 Sindhi family portrait, Pakistan.

Source: Alternatives/Catherine Pappas and Dominic Morissette

in the mid-1990s with the discovery of oil reserves, to refer to low- and middle-income economies, but it
would have been included in the ‘developed’ category oficially recognizes that this terminology should not
simply on the basis of per capita GDP. Yet other key be taken to imply that these economies are making
indicators of human well-being in the country, such ‘progress’ towards development or that those that do
as life expectancy and literacy, remain very low. These not fall into the two groups have already achieved
problems with economic measurement are developed ‘development’. (See the World Bank website for more
further in the next section. detail.)
The World Bank has established its own system of The term Fourth World has come into usage more
classiication, partitioning countries into low-, middle-, recently, although it is not yet common or central in
and high-income groups as a basis for determining the the international development lexicon. It has been
loan programs for which a country is eligible to apply. used in two quite distinct ways. One is to denote
It uses a measure of gross national income (GNI), the poorest of the poor countries, often the ‘failed
calculated according to its own formula but basically states’ of recent parlance, which have experienced
similar to GDP or GNP (gross national product).1 The serious setbacks in human well-being and political
wide range of national income levels across the globe governance, typically in connection with armed
is illustrated by Figure 1.1. The World Bank has further conlict, such as Somalia and Afghanistan. The other
subdivided the categories to include lower-middle- and earlier use of ‘Fourth World’, derived from the
income and upper-middle-income groups. There is work in the 1970s of the Canadian Aboriginal leader
also a second category of high-income countries: and writer, George Manuel, is in reference to the
those belonging to the Organization for Economic internal colonization of Aboriginal peoples, whose
Co-operation and Development (OECD). In World status and citizenship rights vary considerably globally
Bank reports, the term ‘developing economies’ is used but who have frequently suffered dispossession and
8 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

World Bank 2007 estimates

(International dollars)
50,000 +

30,000

10,000
GNI (PPP) Per Capita

1,000

FIGURE 1.1 Gross National Income Per Capita, 2007

Source: World Bank, accessed at: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_GNI_(PPP)_per_capita.

abrogation of political, economic, social, and cultural approaches. Suggesting that large swaths of the
rights within countries where the dominant settler world ‘are inhabited by generic populations, with
group has acted as a colonizer (see Chapter 24). generic characteristics and generic landscapes’, can
Discontent with ‘Third World’ and ‘developing’ or therefore be problematic, not just symbolically but
‘underdeveloped’, for many of the reasons mentioned, also practically (Crush, 1995: 15).
has prompted people to adopt alternative words to Global South has gained favour in the development
refer to the subjects of international development, community more recently and appears better able
such as ‘two-thirds world’ and ‘majority world’. These to incorporate the centrality of historical and
terms highlight the fact that the overwhelming contemporary patterns of wealth and power into a
majority of the world’s population are the targets, loosely geographically deined concept. The phrase
subjects, or objects of development. The idea of may take better account of the fact that poverty and
strength-in-numbers underlies the hopefulness of social conditions formerly identiied with the Third
these terms. World are to be found throughout the world and not
The label ‘South’ seems to provide a neutral way simply in one geographical region.
of referring to countries because it emphasizes Examining language and discourses of development
geographical location over other characteristics. Yet helps us to illuminate the deeper ideas and beliefs
using ‘South’ to refer to countries that qualify as the underlying development practice and policies. We
targets for development does imply characteristics need to be aware that how we talk about development
beyond simply location in the southern hemisphere, shapes and is shaped by our culturally informed
since Australia and New Zealand, for example, are assumptions and historical position, as well as by
donor rather than recipient countries in international existing relations of power and knowledge. Words
development, while some countries in the northern or labels, which appear to be non-political, natural,
hemisphere receive aid and exhibit socio-economic or instinctively rational, should be examined for the
characteristics similar to countries of the South. ways they may mask practices of control, regulation,
Grouping countries (which in themselves are and reproduction of particular power conigurations
historically constructed conceptual entities rather or policy processes. In addition, by superimposing
than simple geographical facts) under a label such as new labels on existing practices, we run the risk of
the ‘South’ implies a degree of homogeneity that is creating the illusion of reform while leaving power
too simplistic and may justify blueprint managerial relations underlying the labels unchanged (Adams,
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 9

1995). Yet, at the same time, we should recognize GDP per capita is an extremely useful way of
the possibility for creativity in discursive practice comparing levels of development. It also gives us
and search for ways in which language can be a force the most widely used measure of how countries
for transformation (Wood, 1985). We should not are improving (or deteriorating) in their level of
assume that concepts or practices of ‘development’ development. GDP growth rates (the percentage
are fully determined by those who believe themselves change in national income between any two years)
to be their architects. Instead, we need to recognize are like the Academy Awards of the developing
the agency exercised by those who have responded world, clearly indicating which economies have been
to, reacted to, and resisted being the objects of performing (in terms of adding wealth) and which
development (Crush, 1995: 8). have not. The top-performing economies in the
developing world may have growth rates exceeding
10 per cent per annum—such as China in the early
GROWTH, INEQUALITY, 2000s—but others may post negative rates, as was the
POVERTY, AND case for much of sub-Saharan Africa during the 1980s
DEVELOPMENT and early 1990s. However, growth rates in developing
countries, where the economy might be based on a
Although vast diversity exists in the standards of living few exported products or resources, are very volatile
between, among, and within developing countries— and may be high one year and low the next. In
and even within the developed world—it remains contrast, developed countries generally have slower
dificult to deine concisely what ‘development’ is GDP growth rates, usually between 2 and 3.5 per cent,
and how exactly to measure it. Different approaches but these rates are more stable over time. One of the
to deining ‘development’ reveal different aspects world’s most prominent development economists,
of the problem: distinguishing between levels of Jeffrey Sachs, has argued that the current gulf in wealth
industrialization, considering different segments of between the developed and developing countries is
the population, looking speciically at poverty, and almost entirely caused by small differences in growth
determining whether development is an ‘ideal’ or rates over the period since 1820. In 1820, he argues,
represents aspiration for betterment. the difference in GDP per capita between developed
and developing countries was relatively small (only
Growth
4:1), but two centuries of differential growth rates
Development has most frequently been equated with have led to a twenty-fold gap (Sachs, 2005: 29–31).
growth of the economy over a prolonged period of Rapid growth in GDP is usually caused by rapid
time. This approach was most common during the increases in productivity in agriculture, natural
1950s and 1960s under the inluence of theories such resource extraction, or industrialization. When
as Walt Rostow’s in his 1960 book, Stages of Economic GDP per capita reaches the level of a middle-income
Growth (see Chapter 3), but this approach remains developing country, it usually means that a certain
prevalent today. When the World Bank compares the level of industrialization has been reached, including
level of development of different countries, it typically the production of manufactured goods such as
ranks them by their average income per inhabitant— textiles and consumer durables (refrigerators, cars)
or GDP per capita—although the Bank prefers the and of some intermediate goods such as steel and
term ‘gross national income’. GDP per capita igures petrochemicals. It was generally assumed that growth
also are adjusted by purchasing power parities (PPPs), of national wealth (as measured by GDP per capita)
which take into account the different buying power of would ‘trickle down’ to the poorest segments of
a dollar in different economies. This gives an average society in such a way that most people would beneit.
income per person that allows us to compare the In other words, development, viewed through the
annual incomes of, for example, an average American prism of increasing GDP per capita, was about copying
who earns $45,592 to the average Nigerian who earns the industrialization experience of the West.
$1,969. This kind of comparison reveals that the But it should not be forgotten that GDP per capita
United States is the world’s ninth richest country and is a measure of the average income in a country.
Nigeria is one of the world’s poorest—158th out of 182. There are numerous problems with GDP per capita,
10 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

including that it is an estimate that depends on the and women struggle in abject poverty. But income
quality of information collected by government inequality is also an important constraint on
statistical agencies and that it fails to count the ‘value’ development. It means that growth often comes from
of non-market subsistence activities, which may be the richer segment of the economy and is less likely to
quite important in less-developed rural areas (for a translate into poverty reduction by ‘trickling down’ to
trenchant critique, see Seers, 1979: 14–17). Although a the poor. Poverty is always eliminated more quickly
good indicator of the degree of industrialization, GDP when GDP growth is combined with improvements
tells us relatively little about the extent of poverty— (greater equality) in the distribution of income.
speciically, what proportion of the population Societies in developing countries tend to be much
is extremely poor—or whether growth is in fact more unequal than societies in developed countries.
‘trickling down’ to the poor. It is possible for countries Latin America, although an upper-middle-income
to grow rapidly in GDP per capita but for only the area of the developing world, is also the region with
richest segments of society to beneit. In this respect, the most unequal distribution of income. This means
development cannot be as simple as GDP growth, that the super-rich and the super-poor coexist in the
because growth does not necessarily reduce poverty. same countries. Mexico, for example, has the richest
man on the list of the world’s richest people, India
Inequality has the fourth and ifth richest men, and citizens of
In order to know how many poor people there are the developing world as a whole occupy 27 of the
in a given country and whether they are beneiting top 100 places (Forbes, 2010). Brazil, one of the most
from the overall growth of the economy, we need to unequal countries in the world, has European-trained
include another concept: the distribution of income. elites and a world-class aeronautics industry—but
The distribution of income (also known as income also favelas (Portuguese for ‘slums’) surrounding its
inequality) is a measure of how the wealth of a country major modern and cosmopolitan cities such as São
is distributed among its population: what share of Paulo. The share of national income appropriated
that wealth is owned by the rich, and how much the by the richest 20 per cent and that appropriated
poorest earn in comparison to the wealthiest. Indeed, by the poorest 20 per cent hardly changed over
income inequality is the direct link between GDP per the 1981–2001 period, despite signiicant growth
capita and the number of people living in poverty. that resulted in the doubling of per capital income.
Income inequality can be measured in two ways: In 2001 the top quintile took home almost 62 per
a comparison of the income earned by different cent of the national income while the bottom
strata of the population and the Gini coeficient. quintile only pocketed 2.5 per cent. The degree
Income inequality is often evaluated by dividing the of inequality between the top 10 per cent and the
population into ive or ten equally populous strata, bottom 10 per cent is even more pronounced: 43
known respectively as ‘quintiles’ or ‘deciles’, and per cent and 1.1 per cent of the national income in
comparing the average incomes of these different 2007, respectively. Table 1.1 demonstrates that very
strata to each other. A standard comparison is little changed in regard to income distribution over
between the earnings of the wealthiest 20 per cent the 20-year period from 1981 to 2002, yet it also
of the population and the poorest 40 per cent (the shows reason for hope. In the 2002–7 period (the
ninth and tenth deciles compared to the irst to latest date for which there are igures), the Brazilian
fourth deciles). However, the Gini coeficient is the government made a concerted attempt to channel
most commonly used measure of income inequality. resources to the poorest sectors of society, resulting
It is a number between 0 and 1, with relatively equal in some improvement in the distribution of income
societies such as the Scandinavian countries scoring (see Figure 1.2).
around 0.25 while very unequal societies like Brazil The realization that income inequality makes
score around 0.6.2 the task of raising people out of poverty even more
Income inequality is important in part because it dificult has led to the current focus of international
forces us to confront the injustice in most developing organizations and research on ‘growth with equity’,
societies: that a privileged minority lead luxurious which seeks to combine the goal of GDP growth with
lives while the vast majority of their own countrymen the goal of distributing the beneits of that growth to
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 11

the poor. Growth remains important because it ‘grows

TABLE 1.1 The Distribution of Income in Brazil
the pie’, but it is not enough in itself. Furthermore,
by Quintiles, 1981–2007
some evidence suggests that countries that grow faster
% Share of National Income do not always improve the situation of the poorest
Quintile 1981 1990 2001 2007 (such as Brazil), while countries with low growth
rates and GDP per capita may succeed relatively
1 2.89 2.36 2.45 3.02
well in reducing the vulnerability of the poorest
2 6.01 5.27 5.84 6.85 segments in society (such as Cuba or the Indian state
3 10.59 9.72 10.79 11.78 of Kerala). This means that high GDP growth is not
4 18.84 18.19 18.94 19.62 strictly necessary for poverty reduction, although it
5 61.67 64.46 61.98 58.73 may make it easier. It is also worth underlining that
GNI/ $1,850 $2,540 $3,310 $6,140 the poorest and those who are least likely to beneit
capita* from the ‘trickle down’ of growth are usually those
*Atlas method, $US.
who belong to disadvantaged ethnic, linguistic, and
cultural groups. In Latin America, for example, this
Source: World Bank, World databank: World Development Indicators
& Global Development Finance (Washington, 2010), at: databank. frequently means indigenous peoples and people of
worldbank.org/ddp/home.do. African descent.

15% 1998–01

2001–04

2004–07
7.4% 3.4%
2.2%
1.4%
10% 0.7% 0.5%
Average annual growth rate

5% 10.0% 9.8% 9.8% 9.6% 9.3%

7.9% 8.2%
7.3%
6.4%
5.4%

0.0%
0% –0.6%
–0.6% –0.6%
–0.2% –0.4% –0.3% –1.3% –1.4%
–1.9%
–1.3% –2.8%
–1.6%

–1.6%

–5%
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Income decile
FIGURE 1.2 Average Annual Growth Rate in Per Capita Incomes by Decile, 1998–2007
Source: International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth, ‘What explains the decline in Brazil’s inequality?’, One Pager, No. 89 (2009), at: www.ipc-undp.
org/pub/IPCOnePager89.pdf.
12 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

Although inequality undermines the opportunities Defining Poverty and Development

for the material advancement of the poor, it also has
broader cultural effects on the rich. Dudley Seers Income inequality leads us to the direct question of
writes, ‘The social barriers and inhibitions of an what proportion of poor people there are in a given
unequal society distort the personalities of those country. (For a more detailed discussion of poverty
with high incomes no less than those who are poor’ and exclusion, see Chapter 13.) Poverty, however,
(Seers, 1972: 23). When inequality becomes part is a dificult concept to deine. It is usually deined
of a national culture, it undermines the broad and as an extremely low level of income. For example,
diffuse social trust, what Robert Putnam, among the World Bank distinguishes between absolute and
others, has called social capital (Fukuyama, 1995, moderate poverty in much of its work. Absolute
Putnam, 1993). Social capital refers to the extent poverty refers to being below the minimum level
to which individuals are willing to co-operate in of income required for physical survival. The World
the pursuit of shared goals and is usually thought Bank deines this level as US$1.25 per day measured
to be essential to the development of a civic and at 2005 dollars at international purchasing power
democratic culture (see Chapters 12 and 16). Public parity—that is, adjusted for the buying power of a
opinion polling in highly unequal societies such US dollar in the local market. The deinition of the
as Latin America demonstrates that people are less absolute poverty line was revised in 2008 from the
trusting of strangers than is the case in the developed commonly cited US$1 a day level (in 1993 dollars).
world. Gated communities and barred windows are Moderate poverty is typically considered to be an
commonplace. Furthermore, one may well ask if the income of US$2 per day, a level at which basic needs
traditional conservatism of elites in the developing are barely met but survival is not actually threatened.
world and their unwillingness to tolerate reformist According to these new measures, the World Bank
groups or extend the rights of social citizenship to reported that 1.4 billion people were below the
the poor comes from the fear of loosening their grip absolute poverty line, more than had been estimated
on the masses, who know very well who beneits previously but approximately 500 million less than in
from the status quo and who does not. 1980 (Chen and Ravallion, 2009).
Although inequality is a common feature of most In the 1960s, however, American sociologists such
developing countries, it is very dificult to explain as Talcott Parsons and Kenneth Clark, addressing
why this should be so in the irst place. There are poverty and in particular the status of African
many possible reasons, some of which are discussed Americans in US society, began to develop the
in more detail in subsequent chapters. At least three concepts of relative poverty and social exclusion.
explanations seem plausible. First, the impact of Relative poverty refers to a kind of poverty that does
colonial rule or neo-colonial economic relations may not threaten daily survival but in which an individual
have forged or consolidated unequal social relations may not have the income necessary to fully participate
based on slavery, feudalism, and landownership in his or her society (Thomas, 2000: 13, citing
patterns that continue to inluence the present (see Townsend). One may well imagine how an individual
Chapters 2 and 3). Second, the characteristics of late without computer access and knowledge would be
industrialization—that is, the use of inappropriate seriously hampered in terms of his or her ability to
capital-intensive technology—reduce the employment access important information and even do basic tasks
potential of GDP growth (see Chapters 7 and 25). Third, such as looking for employment. The poverty we refer
inadequate or non-existent social safety nets and to in developed countries is almost exclusively, even
regressive taxation systems prevent the redistribution for the very poorest, an issue of relative rather than
of national income towards the poor and middle absolute or even moderate poverty. A related concept
classes, as occurred in the developed economies after is ‘social exclusion’ or social citizenship, which is
the Great Depression. The good news is that although discussed in greater detail in Chapter 13.
income inequality makes development more dificult, Nonetheless, the concept of relative poverty
it is not impossible to overcome. Targeted social reveals that poverty is not just about income levels;
programs have reduced the incidence of poverty while it also has social, political, psychological, and moral
leaving inequality untouched. elements—and this is true in both the developing
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 13

and the developed world. In other words, although adequate income to cover the needs of basic survival;
GDP per capita is a good indicator of poverty as employment (including any non-paid social role
income deprivation, it does not tell the whole that contributes to self-respect and development of
story. Consequently, alleviating poverty or doing the personality); improvement in the distribution of
development also must be much more complicated income; an education, particularly literacy; political
than simply spurring economic growth or even participation; and national autonomy (belonging to
reducing poverty. Three thinkers in particular have a politically and economically independent nation).
been fundamental in redeining how poverty, and Denis Goulet, writing at about the same time,
therefore development, should be understood. asserted that development should promote ‘life-
The idea that development involved much more sustenance’ (the basic requirements for survival—
than economic growth or an increase in income food, clothing, health, and shelter), self-esteem (or
per capita began to gain ground in the late 1960s, dignity and identity of the individual), and freedom
promoted by development theorists and practitioners (an expanded range of choice and freedom from
such as Dudley Seers and Denis Goulet. The arguments ‘servitudes’) (Goulet, 1971: 87–97; Seers, 1979: 10–13;
of these scholars have led to an understanding of Todaro, 1989).
poverty and development as multi-dimensional. It is evident that those closely involved in
Seers rephrased the question of how to develop by development were beginning to see growth as
asking, ‘What are the necessary conditions for a an inadequate measure of development and even
universally acceptable aim, the realization of the entertained the possibility that rising incomes,
potential of human personality?’ (Seers, 1979: 10). although they improved the ability of individuals
He concluded that six conditions were necessary: to meet basic physical needs, might not contribute

PHOTO 1.3 Inequality: hillside slums and the beachfront, Rio de Janeiro.
Source: Paul Alexander Haslam
14 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

to ‘development’ in its more sophisticated and China, Sri Lanka, or Costa Rica despite having much
multi-dimensional aspects. These ideas were higher incomes. Furthermore, male African Americans
further developed in the work of Nobel Prize- from Harlem were even worse off than the average,
winning economist Amartya Sen, who argues that being less likely to reach the age of 40 than men in
development should not be seen simply as rising Bangladesh (ibid., 21–3). In this example, Sen shows
income levels but rather as an increase in individuals’ that African-American men suffered from restrictions
substantive freedoms. His approach is often called on their ‘capabilities’ despite having incomes much
‘development as freedom’, after the title of his higher than people in the other countries cited. It is
popular 1999 book, or the capabilities approach. As important to underline that, for Sen, although freedom
Sen puts it, the real value of wealth and income is (including free markets) has intrinsic value and does not
that ‘they are admirable general-purpose means for have to be justiied in terms of outcomes, a signiicant
having more freedom to lead the kind of lives we part of the expansion of capabilities (ability to access
have reason to value’ (Sen, 1999: 14). In this respect, freedoms) comes through access to government services.
Sen sees poverty primarily as kinds of ‘unfreedom’ Therefore, Sen sees the ability to access education,
or deprivation of freedoms that limit the ability of health care, and unemployment insurance as central
individuals to improve their lives. Such unfreedoms elements that expand people’s capabilities. The inverse
may include a lack of access to health and welfare of this observation is that sometimes low income does
services, gender or ethnic discrimination, and not relect the opportunities people have. This should be
limits on basic political, civic, and economic rights. intrinsically clear to students in a university or college
According to Sen, lack of freedom can be the result of setting where their income (measured by summer
either processes (denial of rights normally considered earnings) would put them below the national poverty
‘procedural’, like political, civic, and human rights) line. In no way does this income level relect the real
or the opportunities that people have (inability to capabilities and freedoms commanded by students or
feed themselves, receive an education, access health the opportunities before them.
services, avoid premature morbidity) (ibid., 14–17). Sen’s work has been instrumental (together with
The key to Sen’s argument, therefore, is the way in that of Seers and Goulet) in opening the door to
which the expansion of people’s capabilities—that is, more multi-dimensional measures of development
their ability to lay claim to or access various resources that go beyond the ubiquitous GDP per capita. In
(such as civil and political rights and government defence of GDP per capita, it is easily measured,
services)—can improve their ability to make choices and levels of absolute and moderate poverty can be
that they value. At the same time, an increased clearly established according to certain income cut-
ability to make choices feeds back to build their off points. Even one of its most ardent detractors,
‘capabilities’. One can imagine, for example, how the Dudley Seers, referred to GDP per capita as a ‘very
right to vote and participate in political decisions convenient indicator’ (Seers, 1979: 9). However, is it
could lead to governmental decisions that increase possible to measure a multi-dimensional concept like
local educational opportunities, which in turn could Sen’s ‘development as freedom’? Some authors have
expand the choices of those who had participated in criticized such an approach as being impossible to
the political process by voting. Sen writes, ‘Greater quantify (Rist, 1997: 10). Nonetheless, efforts have
freedom enhances the ability of people to help been made to construct measures that better capture
themselves and also to inluence the world, and these the multi-dimensional aspects of development. The
matters are central to the process of development’ best known is the Human Development Index, or
(ibid., 18). Sen makes it clear, therefore, that level of HDI, of the United Nations Development Programme
income does not relate directly to ‘development’ and (UNDP), constructed with input from Amartya Sen.
that poverty is better seen as the deprivation of basic The annual Human Development Report, which
capabilities or freedoms. ranks the countries of the world by their HDI
Sen points to a number of compelling examples to score, is the UNDP’s lagship publication and was
illustrate his argument, including the fact that, using developed in 1990 as an alternative and more multi-
data from1993, African Americans (on average) had a dimensional measure of development than GDP per
lower probability of reaching old age than citizens of capita. Many people see it as an intellectual and
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 15

philosophical challenge to the World Bank’s annual development (see Chapter 13 for an in-depth discussion
publication, the World Development Report, which of HPI and the MDGs).
continues to use GNI per capita as a measure of
development. The Human Development Index is a
composite measure of three equally weighted factors: GLOBAL ETHICS AND
a long and healthy life, knowledge, and standard of INTERNATIONAL
living. A long and healthy life is measured by life
expectancy at birth; knowledge is a composite of the
DEVELOPMENT
adult literacy rate and the combined gross enrolment You are reading this book because you have an interest
ratio for primary, secondary, and post-secondary in international development and, by extension, in
schools; and standard of living is measured by GDP the global distribution of wealth and power, well-
per capita. In this respect, the index recognizes that being and poverty. It may seem obvious, therefore,
income levels are important but that other factors that the negative consequences of poverty for human
also are signiicant in human development. One health and well-being are on the whole a bad thing,
may view the education and longevity measures as both within your own country and in other countries
proxies that take account of the various government throughout the world. You probably also believe that
services that Seers, Goulet, and Sen see as crucial it follows logically from this that we should take
to expanding the range of individual choice. action to avoid, mitigate, or reverse poverty wherever
Indeed, the irst Human Development Report (1990) possible—and not just within our own country.
was explicit about this link, noting that ‘Human However, while few people would argue that poverty
development is a process of enlarging people’s is not a bad thing, the further belief that we should
choices’ (UNDP, 1990: 10). take action to address poverty is not universally
For the UNDP, countries with a HDI score of 0.8 or shared. In addition, even among those who do accept
more are considered highly developed, while those that action should be taken to address global poverty,
with a score of 0.5 or less are considered to have low there are intense intellectual and political debates over
development. In the 2009 Human Development how we can justify action on global poverty and what
Report, classiications are given for 182 countries in the actions are justiied. Several inluential approaches to
following categories: very high human development global poverty have had an impact on these debates
(38), high human development (45), medium human within the ield of international development and
development (75), and low human development (24), on policy action. Following an examination of these
with HDI values ranging on a scale between 0 and 1. approaches, in this section we will explore dilemmas
The HDI shows that many countries rank much higher that you, as a student of international development,
in ‘human development’ than average per capita might face when assessing your options for action
income would predict. Even Norway, holding the or when taking part in international development
number one spot on the HDI, does not do as well in policy-making or practice.
converting GDP per capita to human development as Central to the international development arena is a
neighbouring Sweden, which holds the number seven simple question: Do our moral duties extend beyond
spot but has slightly higher life expectancy and a GDP our families, neighbours, and fellow citizens?
per capita almost $17,000 less than Norway. Perhaps Over the course of the twentieth century, most
most importantly, the HDI has embedded the idea Western societies developed systems of social
of poverty and development as a multi-dimensional support to ensure that no citizen would be left to
phenomenon in the modern approach to development. die or suffer severe deprivation as a result of poverty.
New indicators such as the UNDP’s Human Poverty The welfare state was justiied on both moral and
Index (HPI) show that multi-dimensional approaches pragmatic grounds. Morally, one argument for the
have entered the mainstream. Even the Millennium social security system was a recognition that national
Development Goals (MDGs), the comprehensive economies based on the (relatively) free workings of
framework that is supposed to focus the activities of all the market left many individuals in a position of
bilateral and multilateral aid agencies, can be viewed insecurity and deprivation through no fault of their
as operationalizing a multi-dimensional approach to own (that is, as a result of the system) (see Titmuss,
16 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

TABLE 1.2 Countries Ranked by HDI and GNP Per Capita, 2009
HDI Ranking 2009 Country (according HDI Score GDP Per Capita (PPP GDP Per Capita
to World Bank $US) Ranking
categories)

High Income (> $12,196)

1 Norway 0.971 $53,433 5
7 Sweden 0.963 $36,712 16
4 Canada 0.966 $35,812 18
10 Japan 0.960 $33,632 26
13 United States 0.956 $45,592 9
21 United Kingdom 0.947 $35,130 20
20 New Zealand 0.950 $27,336 32
49 Argentina 0.866 $13,230 62
59 Saudi Arabia 0.843 $22,935 40
44 Chile 0.878 $13,880 59
79 Turkey 0.806 $12,955 63
66 Malaysia 0.829 $13,518 61

Upper Middle Income ($3,946–$12,195)

51 Cuba 0.863 $6,876 95
75 Brazil 0.813 $9,567 79
92 China 0.772 $5,383 102
102 Sri Lanka 0.759 $4,243 116
122 Guatemala 0.704 $4,562 111
129 South Africa 0.683 $9,757 78
142 Swaziland 0.572 $4,789 109

Lower Middle Income ($996–$3,945)

111 Indonesia 0.734 $3,712 121
151 Tanzania 0.530 $1,208 170
127 Tajikistan 0.688 $1,753 144
134 India 0.612 $2,753 128
140 Yemen 0.575 $2,335 134
146 Bangladesh 0.543 $1,241 155
158 Nigeria 0.511 $1,969 141
175 Chad 0.392 $1,477 151

Low Income (< $995)

145 Madagascar 0.543 $932 166
180 Sierra Leone 0.365 $679 175
182 Niger 0.340 $627 176

Note: The countries are grouped according to the World Bank classiication system (2009), at: data.worldbank.org/about/country-classiications.
Source: UNDP, Human Development Report 2009, at: hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/.
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 17

CRITICAL ISSUES BOX 1.2 WHAT IS DEVELOPMENT?

‘Development’ is a contested term. There are debates practice of development call into question the validity
surrounding the meaning of development, contestation of the contemporary development enterprise. They
over the best approach to achieve development, and emphasize the destructive and disciplinary power of
even questions about whether it is worth pursuing development in its interventions in and transformations
at all (see Chapter 3). Today’s dominant usage of of non-Western societies (see Chapter 4). Development
‘development’, in which it is understood as virtually can be seen to have changed societies for the worse,
synonymous with economic growth and modernity, rather than improving people’s lives as development
emerged in the post-World War II period. However, discourse would have us believe (Watts, 1995: 45).
ideas about human progress that undergird this Gilbert Rist (1997, 2007) refers to development
vision of development are rooted in the European as a ‘toxic word’ because it necessarily entails the
Enlightenment. destruction of both the environment and social bonds
With the rise of industrial capitalism in the in the process of transforming natural and human
eighteenth century, many philosophers began to see resources into economic commodities. In fact, Rist
history as linear, as having an ultimate destination, sees ‘development’ as a discourse that legitimates the
a ‘progression to the better’ as German philosopher global expansion of capitalism while simultaneously
Georg Hegel saw it (Leys, 1996: 4). At the same time, obfuscating its negative effects on people.
capitalism’s transformation of society gave rise to new However, development is not a homogeneous
social ills, such as dispossession, unemployment, and project. Development, ‘for all its power to speak
poverty, and many saw the need for an antidote to and to control the terms of speaking, has never
these problems. Ideas of economic progress and social been impervious to challenge and resistance, nor,
transformation were taken up and expressed through in response, to reformulation and change’ (Crush,
the European colonial enterprise, in complex ways and 1995: 8). Just as a body of scholarship has uncovered
diverse forms. In particular, it has been suggested that the interactions and mutual shaping that took place
the idea of development was based on the Eurocentric during the colonial encounter between (multiple)
idea of ‘trusteeship’—those who were already colonizers and (multiple) colonized peoples (see
‘developed’ could act on behalf of those individuals Chapter 2), research is also emerging that explores the
and societies that were yet to realize their potential ways people who are the ‘objects’ of development
(Cowen and Shenton, 1995). policy subvert and in turn transform the people, ideas,
Some thinkers, such as Arturo Escobar (1992), projects, agencies, and societies that are held up as
argue that the colonial roots of the concept and the paradigm of the developed world (Scott, 1990).

1963, 1968). Society charged the state, therefore, defenders of Western capitalism perceived a political
with providing security for all citizens through threat from the socialist alternatives to market
programs such as unemployment insurance, income capitalism proposed by groups within these societies
assistance, universal health care, and education. and pursued by other nations such as the Soviet
From a pragmatic point of view, the welfare state, Union.
by ensuring a minimum standard of living for all, In the mid-twentieth century, anti-colonial
would prevent the proliferation of other social ills, uprisings in Asia and Africa propelled that debate
such as crime, and meant that a healthy, educated to a global level, prompting an ambiguous response
population would result in a stronger economy. At from the Global North. This was the beginning of
the same time, geopolitical interests played a role international development. Although tainted by self-
in the formation of social assistance policies, since interest and geopolitical considerations, development
18 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

also was inspired by a perceived moral obligation to regardless of where they happen to live or where
help the poor nations. In the beginning, tremendous they happen to have been born, and regardless of
excitement and enthusiasm accompanied the idea of their race or gender, class or citizenship (O’Neill,
international development in both the North and 2000: 45). National boundaries are therefore of
the South. However, while the welfare state became little or no moral importance in considerations of
ubiquitous among European and North American justice. The majority of cosmopolitans also believe
nations—although the interpretation of basic needs that some common values apply across humanity
and rights of citizens has varied substantially among and some responsibilities exist towards all humanity
these nations (see Esping-Andersen, 1990)—a global (Dower, 1998, cited in Gasper, 2005: 9). Des Gasper’s
institution equivalent to national welfare state typology of global ethics (2007) points out, however,
agencies has not emerged to take responsibility that belief in the low moral importance of national
for guaranteeing security and meeting the basic boundaries does not always entail a further belief that
needs of all people through similar forms of wealth we have extensive responsibilities to promote pan-
redistribution and universal public service provisions. human values and responsibilities. Libertarians, for
Nonetheless, many people believe that the principles example, also accord low value to national boundaries
of basic human rights and security should apply to but do not believe in strong duties towards others
all humans, regardless of where they happen to live individually, nationally, or globally (see below for
in the world. Thus, we have moved from a time when further discussion of libertarianism).
most discussions about distributive justice were Nonetheless, the majority of cosmopolitan theorists
concerned primarily with distribution within states believe that national boundaries are not of overriding
to a time when many are considering arguments ethical importance and that global justice entails a
surrounding distributive justice globally, or what has substantial set of responsibilities to people throughout
become known as global ethics. the world. Within this body of cosmopolitan
thinking, Charles Jones (1999) identiies three main
types of justiication for global redistributive justice:
Cosmopolitan Arguments for Global
a consequentialist ethic (as exempliied in the works
Redistribution of Peter Singer); a contractarian ethic (as in the works
Those who argue that principles of justice imply a of Charles Beitz and Thomas Pogge); and a rights-
moral obligation to address the needs of the poor based ethic (Jones’s own position and that of Henry
not only within national boundaries but beyond Shue). These three views are outlined in Box 1.3.
these borders largely fall within the philosophical Peter Singer’s argument is that if we can take action
category referred to as cosmopolitanism. According to prevent people from dying of starvation without
to cosmopolitanism, justice is owed to all people compromising anything else of equal moral value, an

IMPORTANT CONCEPTS BOX 1.3

HOW TO JUDGE RIGHT AND WRONG: THREE PHILOSOPHICAL APPROACHES
TO MORALITY
Consequentialist philosophy assesses whether an Rights-based philosophy justiies moral claims on
action is morally just on the basis of the goodness or the basis of fundamental entitlements to act or be
value of the outcomes it produces. treated in speciic ways. Justiications for rights-based
Contractarian philosophy holds that moral norms are morality are complex, but they include the idea that
justiied according to the idea of a contract or mutual we have rights because we have interests or because
agreement (as in the political philosophy of Thomas of our status.
Hobbes, John Locke, and, most recently, John Rawls).
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 19

impartial view of justice would clearly say that we are give a portion of his/her income towards preventing
morally bound to take that action. Box 1.4 presents starvation, other serious suffering, and preventable
an example he offers readers to persuade them of the causes of death.
moral correctness of this position. Thomas Pogge (2002, 2005) argues for the moral
If Singer’s position is correct, we can draw the duty to address world poverty using different
conclusion that we should be giving away all of the justiications. He suggests that one of the main reasons
‘surplus’ income we have as long as it does not cause we have a moral duty to alleviate global poverty is
us to give up something of greater moral value than because we are causally responsible for the current
the lives of people facing starvation anywhere in the situation. He supports this argument in several ways.
world. One might characterize this as the ‘Mother First, he argues that the current situation of radical
Teresa’ approach (Doyle, 2006) or radical sacriice global inequality emerged as a result of the way
(Gasper, 1986: 141), since it seems to require that we today’s wealthy countries ruled over poor countries
give up everything we have until we are in a similar during the colonial era: ‘trading their people like
position of poverty and have nothing left to give cattle, destroying their political institutions and
that would prevent another person from dying of cultures, taking their lands and natural resources,
starvation. and forcing products and customs upon them’ (Pogge,
One objection to this position is that it is too 2005: 2). Even if today’s citizens of the world’s rich
idealistic. Surely it is not a good policy to argue in countries are not responsible for what their ancestors
favour of a morality that seems so dificult to follow did in the past, they equally have no claim to the
and is so unlikely to be taken up by the majority of fruits of their ancestors’ actions—that is, the greater
people. Singer therefore proposes that although we wealth they have inherited. Similar premises underlie
should accept the stringent moral duty as required by the argument by Walter Rodney (1972), an inluential
principles of justice, we could promote a more feasible Guyanese writer, that international development and
policy for people actually to follow. For example, assistance are simply a way to give back what already
everyone could be encouraged (perhaps required) to had been taken from the Global South.

IMPORTANT CONCEPTS BOX 1.4

THE DROWNING CHILD ANALOGY
Peter Singer (2002) suggests that the following girl is your own child, your neighbour’s child, or
situation illustrates why justice requires us to act to someone you don’t know at all. But, Singer argues,
prevent needless and extreme suffering regardless are we not in the same position, morally speaking,
of national boundaries. Imagine you are walking to when we choose to spend money on frivolous or
work and see a small child fall into a pond. She is in luxurious items that are no more important than the
danger of drowning. You could easily walk into the muddy shoes in the example, rather than use that
pond and save her without endangering your own money to prevent someone from dying of starvation
safety, but you would get your clothing and shoes (for example, through donation to humanitarian
muddy. You would have to go home and change, agencies that have proven competence in delivering
causing you to be late for work, and your shoes might aid to the starving and needy)? And, he argues, this
be ruined. Our moral intuition tells us that you should is clearly true even if that starvation is occurring in
clearly put aside those minor inconveniences in order another part of the world that we may never visit. Is
to save the child’s life—and that if you ignored her that thousand-dollar bottle of champagne, that gold-
and continued on your way, you would have done encrusted tuna steak, that Tiffany diamond ring really
something seriously morally wrong. Furthermore, it more important, morally speaking, than a human life
should make no moral difference whether this little (or many of them)?
20 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

Another argument Pogge provides takes a They are the most basic interests we have, because
contractarian approach (see Box 1.3). He holds that ‘without food, shelter, and a reasonable level of health
an economic order should be considered unjust if it maintenance, human lives are simply not possible’
causes massive and severe human rights deicits that (Jones, 1999: 58). Furthermore, without the basic
could be avoided under a different and practically right to subsistence, a person cannot exercise any
possible institutional arrangement. He argues other rights, including those that have often been
that this is clearly the case with the current global taken as fundamental in Western liberal democratic
economic order, which preserves the advantages societies, such as freedom of expression or other
of the wealthy and allows serious and avoidable political rights.
deprivation among the poor, despite there being a To say that a right exists also implies corresponding
‘feasible institutional alternative under which such duties: not to contravene the right, to protect the
severe and extensive poverty would not persist’ right from being contravened by others, and to aid
(Pogge, 2005: 4). By preserving the current system, the rights-bearer to attain the right. Not all states,
we (including citizens of wealthy nations, our however, are currently in a position to ensure the
governments, the corporations they run or support, right to subsistence for all of their citizens because
and their participation in international institutions) some lack suficient resources. This means that states
are contributing to the causes of global poverty. Thus, with more than they need to ensure the fulillment
according to Pogge, our obligation to address world of the right to subsistence should redistribute wealth
poverty is based at least in part on our duty not to and resources to states unable either to provide
harm others. subsistence rights to their citizens or to protect those
What about the argument that national factors rights (ibid., 70). Hence, a rights-based approach to
within poor countries also are responsible for justice also can provide moral justiication for global
problems of poverty, such as the greed of ruling redistribution of wealth in order to protect and aid all
elites, corruption, and poor planning? Pogge argues peoples in achieving the right to subsistence.
that these internal causes of poverty do not negate
the fact that global institutions are implicated in the
persistence of serious poverty and therefore bear some
Arguments against Global
responsibility for it. He points to the asymmetrical Redistributive Justice
rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) that The two main ethical positions opposed to
beneit wealthy countries and disadvantage poorer cosmopolitan approaches to redistributive global
ones (ibid., 6). In addition, global institutions and/ justice are communitarianism and libertarianism.
or Western governments frequently enable bad rulers Communitarianism (exempliied in the works of
to remain in power in poor countries by supplying Michael Walzer, Alasdair MacIntyre, Michael Sandel,
money, weapons, or payments for resource exports. and Charles Taylor) takes issue with the cosmopolitan
This support for bad rulers makes it dificult for assumption that national borders have no moral
citizens of those countries to address the national importance. Instead, communitarians believe that
causes of poverty themselves by removing their political and social community is morally relevant—
corrupt leaders from power. in fact, some feel that moral discussions about what
Rights-based approaches to global justice and the is right and wrong can only be understood among
problem of poverty take the idea of human rights people sharing a common culture, language, history,
as implying duties for individuals, states, and other and so on. In addition, some communitarians suggest
institutions to protect and aid those whose basic that we are justiied in giving (moral) preference to
needs are not being met through contemporary the needs of our fellow citizens, because membership
global market economies (see Chapter 13). in the nation creates special bonds, a kind of extended
Charles Jones argues that the right to subsistence version of kinship. If we recognize that we can
(principally food, shelter, and a level of health legitimately treat our family and close relationships
required for basic human functioning) is based on with special care and attention and we believe that
the recognition that these are universally shared citizenship is a similar kind of kinship relation,
human needs and, therefore, are morally important. then it is only right that we treat national borders as
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 21

entailing speciic rights and duties not extended to just. Individuals should be free to give donations
those outside the boundaries. to poorer people if they so choose, but there is no
Another argument for the special moral importance moral obligation to do so, and there should be no
of national boundaries is that citizens are taking part corresponding demand on the part of a state or other
in a collective enterprise and therefore have a body.
relationship of reciprocity among them that justiies We conclude this consideration of the various
special treatment of fellow citizens over foreigners moral positions on justice and global poverty by
(Callan, 1997, and Feinberg, 1998, cited in Singer, 2002: examining briely their implications for international
168–9; see also Miller, 1998). In non-philosophical development. If we look at statements by actors and
language, communitarian positions are sometimes institutions in national and international arenas,
referred to as nationalist (Gasper, 1986: 138). In many suggest a widespread belief in universal human
international relations theory, the skeptical realist rights and transnational duties to protect and assist
or international skeptic positions also argue for the people regardless of where they live in the world.
pre-eminent importance of nation-states and their For example, the United Nations refers to common
actions in the international sphere. According to this fundamental values and respect for all human rights as
view, ‘countries (nation states/national States/. . .) important justiications for adopting the Millennium
overwhelmingly do and should pursue their own Development Goals (UN General Assembly, 2005);
(long-term) interests, even when that involves breaking Jeffrey Sachs (2005) refers to poverty as an obstacle
agreements’ (Dower, 1998, cited in Gasper, 2007: 9). to people fulilling their most basic human rights and
A state would only pursue global redistribution if it achieving their individual potentials; the G8 posits
were in its own interests, without consideration of any that ‘ighting poverty is both a moral imperative
impartial moral obligation. and a necessity for a stable world’ (G8, 2000). These
Libertarian philosophy is best exempliied in the statements suggest a wide acceptance of a rights-
work of Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State and Utopia based and morally principled approach to global
(1974), and it has been inluential among a number of justice. ‘Rights talk’ is fashionable, and it would be
development theorists (for example, Deepak Lal and virtually unthinkable for a political leader to deny
Peter Bauer) in the formulation of what is now known the principle underlying universal human rights—
as neo-liberalism (see Gasper, 1986; see also Chapter that all human life is of equal worth.
3 for discussion of neo-liberal development theory). In 1970, the United Nations set a goal for the world’s
Nozick argues for the primacy of the individual wealthiest countries to dedicate 0.7 per cent of their
right to freedom and non-interference, and he places GNP each year to development assistance by 1975,
particular value on the right of individuals to acquire a goal still held up as a benchmark for countries to
and retain private property. He famously characterized achieve. This goal relects a belief in the obligation
taxation as ‘forced labour’, and it is clear why this to redistribute wealth globally and hence suggests an
position would lead libertarians to oppose any form acceptance of the idea of global redistributive justice.
of obligatory redistribution of wealth, whether within In contrast, much of the actual practice of Western
one country or among countries. aid allocation and broader approaches to global
Another aspect of Nozick’s argument on justice institutions seems to imply a far less consistent view of
is that we should not assess whether the current the moral obligation to address global poverty. A look
state of affairs is just on the basis of outcomes—i.e., at aid igures over the past few decades seems to provide
wealth and poverty—but rather on the basis of just evidence that ‘despite the lip-service most people pay to
procedures (Gasper, 1986: 143). If people obtain their human equality, their circle of concern barely extends
wealth through free action in a market economy— beyond the boundaries of their country’ (Singer, 2002:
rather than through brute force, for example—they 182). Development assistance is frequently allocated
have a right to that wealth and to dispose of it as if it were simply a matter for voluntary individual
precisely as they wish. Thus, the simple existence (or national) conscience and goodwill (if not purely a
of (even extreme) inequality of wealth and poverty matter of self-interest) rather than a moral obligation.
does not indicate injustice; as long as the wealth was (Chapter 8 explores these issues in more detail.) The
obtained legitimately, the situation should be deemed growth of the non-governmental sector relying
22 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

on individual donations also can be interpreted as Above all, being ethical as a development worker or
relecting the principle that addressing global poverty researcher suggests a kind of permanent self-critique
is a matter of voluntary charitable action. We may and evaluation of one’s actions and their effects,
think that it is a good thing to do but not that it is taking care to identify, privilege, and respect the
a duty to address the needs and rights of poor people rights of others over one’s more narrow professional
internationally. objectives (Adams and Megaw, 1997). In other words,
It is clear, then, that moral justiications are highly development ethics subordinates the goals (what we
relevant to principles and practices of international want to do) to the means of development (how we
development. It is equally clear that we, as individuals do it). In the rest of this chapter, we turn to ethical
and as nations, appear to act in ways that are not dilemmas related to positionality and lifestyle that
always consistent with what we profess to believe is development practitioners and researchers may
morally just. As you read this book, you should ind expect to face in the ield.
yourself relecting on what might be needed to bring
our beliefs about justice and our actions in the global
sphere more in line with each other.
Power and Positionality
We are always aware when we do not have the power
in a relationship, but well-meaning people—like
ETHICAL BEHAVIOUR the typical development worker—are not always
AND THE DEVELOPMENT aware when they do! As Western middle-class
citizens working for middle-class organizations in
PRACTITIONER largely middle-class societies, many development
Development ethics also addresses the issue of how practitioners are unprepared for the ‘class shift’ that
each of us should behave as development practitioners occurs upon arrival in the Third World—suddenly
and researchers working in the developing world. As they have cars with drivers, accommodation with
Des Gasper (1996: 6) puts it, those who work on the servants and cooks, and people at their beck and
front line ‘need ethical frames by which they can call (ibid., 3). Beyond the novelty, these changes
better understand their situation, structure their also indicate that because of education, country of
choices, avoid debilitating degrees of doubt and guilt, origin, the agency represented, and perhaps ethnic
and move forward.’ background, practitioners are viewed differently by
Although there are differences between the the locals with whom they interact and have more
ethical responsibilities of researchers and those of authority and power than they are used to having at
practitioners, important commonalities between home.
them are required for work in developing countries. This situation is captured by the idea of positionality,
Researchers tend to be principally concerned with the which suggests that researchers or development
issues of informed consent and respect for the privacy practitioners must be aware of and relect upon the
and conidentiality of those who participate in their social and power relationships in which they are
studies, the implications of relationships of reciprocity embedded, particularly their position relative to
with key local informants (what researchers owe the local people with whom they interact (Binns,
them, if anything), and the beneits of the research for 2006: 19). However, the development practitioner’s
the community (including how to share the indings positionality is not always easy to assess, since all
with them) (Marchall, 1992: 1–3). An overriding projects are ‘riddled and crosscut by relationships
injunction at all times is to ‘do no harm’—to ensure of power’, including funder/employer to researcher/
that the vulnerable are not put at risk as a result of their practitioner and researcher to researched, as well
participation in the research or project (Adams and as power disparities within the local community
Megaw, 1997; Jacobsen and Landau, 2003: 193). These (based on class, literacy, ethnicity, gender, and so
ethical responsibilities are salient for practitioners as on) (Brydon, 2006: 27). Choices made by researchers
well, although informed consent usually translates as and practitioners—such as the social and political
ensuring that participation is willing and voluntary background of principal assistants and translators, the
in the development project at hand. non-governmental organizations (NGOs) they work
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 23

PHOTO 1.4 A traditional Mayan meal.

Source: Dora Liu

In this respect, the development practitioner may

IMPORTANT CONCEPTS become caught up in local struggles of which he or
BOX 1.5 she is little aware. In conlict situations where tough
battles are being fought for democracy, justice, and
ETHICS OF PARTICIPATORY RURAL peace and where NGOs explicitly claim neutrality,
ASSESSMENT they are nonetheless often seen by locals as belonging
Robert Chambers’s injunctions for participatory rural to one side or the other. The resources they introduce
appraisal may be viewed as good ethical guidelines into poor communities and safe havens such as
for the development practitioner: ‘ask them; be humanitarian corridors (for food and medicine)
nice to people; don’t rush; embrace error; facilitate; and refugee camps may become instruments
hand over the stick; have fun; relax; they can do used by combatants to further their own interests
it (i.e., have conidence that people are capable)’ (Pouligny, 2001). Even in ‘normal’ situations,
(Chambers, 1997a: 1748). development workers are part of the ‘landscape’ in
which local people struggle to make ends meet. An
anthropologist working in Guinea-Bissau wrote:
‘We developed reciprocal relationships of “help”,
with, and the political ‘gatekeepers’ who help them— “trust”, and “friendship” with some people in our
all contribute to how local people interpret who they neighbourhood. . . . In short we became intertwined
are and whose interests they represent. with people’s strategies for earning money’ (Pink,
24 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

1998: 9–10). How a project is carried out will affect More Listening and Less Talking
the local balance of power in ways that are dificult
The personal modesty noted above also applies
to foresee. Taking positionality seriously, therefore,
to the broader issue of how development actors
means that the development practitioner needs to
engage with local people and communities.
relect on the implications of his or her power position
The ethical guidelines adopted by development
vis-à-vis local power structures and individuals’ self-
NGOs increasingly point to the need to do more
help strategies.
listening and less talking. The code of ethics of
Lifestyle Abroad one prominent NGO asserts: ‘development should
enable people, especially the poor, the oppressed,
Lifestyle, dress, and behaviour abroad are important
and the marginalized, to organize and to improve
to local perceptions. In general, development workers
their political, social, and economic situation’
are expected to live modestly with the people they
(CCIC, 2004: 2.2 [c]). In other words, aid works
are supposed to assist. Professionalism and advanced
when people work with other people as equals.
technical capacity should go hand in hand with high
Although such attitudes may appear self-evident,
moral and ethical standards based on transparency and
there are too many examples of development
democratic accountability. Most development experts
mission staff lecturing politicians from the Global
see hiring and buying locally as an ethical obligation
South ‘like schoolboys’ in a (deliberate?) attempt
to spread the wealth. Likewise, participating in local
to leave them powerless (Klitgaard, 1991, cited in
cultural events, observing local standards of dress and
Gasper, 1999: 24).
modesty, and learning the local language are essential
Today, anyone who wishes to be involved in
elements in building a healthy relationship with local
international development cannot but experience a
partners (Apentiik and Parpart, 2006: 39–40). Tony
great sense of modesty as compared to the kind of
Binns offers some words of advice that apply equally
intellectual arrogance that was prevalent in the past.
to the researcher and the practitioner:
Modesty can mean many things, including a sense
that the ‘Western’ way is not the only way, that the
you are a guest in that community, and how achievements of richer countries are not necessarily
you relate to individuals and groups will be replicable or even desirable in poor countries, that
likely to affect the responses you receive and can Western science and techniques are not always
ultimately determine the success of your entire value-neutral, and that there are other narratives
research project. Above all, you should respect to explain reality and to change it in a pro-people
local customs and make a determined effort to way. Development agencies and practitioners should
be unobtrusive, polite, and deferential. At the not assume they can solve local problems from the
end of your ieldwork you should report back outside when solutions exist at the local level, which
on your indings to the community, explaining is frequently the case. This growing self-critical
how you intend to follow up the ieldwork after attitude among contemporary researchers and
you have left. (Binns, 2006: 20) practitioners in what we may term the post-naive era
of development represents a welcome break from the
Nonetheless, some development practitioners simplistic interpretations of the past.
earn the derisory moniker development tourists as In lieu of conclusion, we may ask future development
they jet in and out of poor countries dispensing practitioners and researchers to relect upon the words
advice with little understanding of local conditions of Mahatma Ghandi: ‘Recall the face of the poorest and
(Adams and Megaw, 1997, citing Chambers, 1997a). the weakest man whom you may have seen, and ask
The generous per diems received by UN and national yourself if the step you contemplate is going to be of
development ‘experts’ that compensate them for all any use to him. Will he gain anything by it? Will it
the foreseeable risks and inconveniences of visiting restore him to a control over his own life and destiny?
a developing country are viewed by many as morally In other words, will it lead to Swaraj [self-rule] for the
objectionable when contrasted with the poverty hungry and spiritually starving millions?’ (Kerala,
outside the consultant’s ive-star hotel (Gasper, 2003: 12).
1999: 20).
 Beaudet Meaning, Measurement, and Morality in International Development 25

SUMMARY
In this chapter we have considered important concepts into the Human Development Index. We also explored
and ideas in the study of international development. We the ethics and morality of international development,
began by discussing the birth, evolution, and implications and looked at various arguments for and against global
of the term ‘development’ and related nomenclature redistributive justice by asking whether development
used by academics, practitioners, and international assistance should be considered a moral obligation for
organizations, such as ‘developing countries’, ‘Third rich countries and their citizens, or little more than an
World’, and ‘Global South’, We then turned to a critical individual choice akin to a charitable donation. The
examination of growth, inequality, and absolute and chapter concluded by introducing the personal ethical
moderate poverty. This led to discussion of ‘development’ dilemmas experienced by development practitioners and
as a contested concept. Multi-dimensional approaches researchers, including the need to be attentive to power
to development were considered in detail, articularly and positionality, as well as local norms of ethical and
Amartya Sen’s capabilities approach and its translation culturally sensitive behaviour.

QUESTIONS FOR CRITICAL THOUGHT

1. Why is the concept of ‘development’ a subject of debate? What concept of development do you
think is most appropriate, and why?
2. Why is inequality the crucial link between GDP per capita and the number of people living in
poverty in a given country?
3. Why is GDP an inadequate measure of development?
4. What is a ‘multi-dimensional’ approach to development?
5. What dilemmas might people working in development agencies face? How should they address
these dilemmas?

SUGGESTED READING
Allen, Tim, and Alan Thomas, eds. 2000. Poverty and Development into the 21st Century. Oxford: Oxford University
Press and The Open University.
Bell, Daniel A., and Jean-Marc Coicaud, eds. 2007. Ethics in Action: The Ethical Challenges of International Human
Rights Nongovernmental Organizations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Desai, Vandana, and Robert B. Potter, eds. 2006. Doing Development Research. London: Sage.
Gasper, Des. 2006. ‘Introduction: Working in Development Ethics—A Tribute to Denis Goulet’, Ethics and Economics
4, 2: 1–24.
Mohan, Giles. 2007. ‘Developing Differences: Post-Structuralism and Political Economy in Contemporary
Development Studies’, Review of African Political Economy 73: 311–28.
Sachs, Jeffrey D. 2005. The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time. New York: Penguin.
Todaro, Michael P., and Stephen C. Smith. 2006. Economic Development in the Third World, 9th edn. Boston:
Addison Wesley.
26 Part I Theories and Approaches in International Development

RELATED WEBSITES
World Bank country classiication
www.worldbank.org/data/countryclass/classgroups.htm
World Bank’s World Development Report
www.worldbank.org/wdr
United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Report
hdr.undp.org
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
www.unctad.org
International Development Ethics Association
www.development-ethics.org

NOTES
1. Gross domestic product is a measure of the market production, than is GNP/GNI, which better relects
value, in monetary terms, of all goods and services national wealth.
produced within a country over a speciic time period 2. The Gini coeficient is based on the Lorenz curve,
(usually a year, hence, annual GDP). Gross national which plots the proportion of national income
product and gross national income are measures that accruing to each segment of the population. The Gini
include GDP plus net income from abroad, such as coeficient is a ratio of the area between the curve and
investments. Thus, GDP is a better measure of the a line representing total equality to the total area under
activity of a national economy, that is, of domestic the line of equality.

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