This is the letter of surrender written by Governor Jonathan Worth to Governor W.W.

Holden, after being

informed of the Military's intent to execute General Order 120. The letter includes an excerpt of General
Order 120 and Governor Worth's protest to the actions intended.
Text of the letter:
State of North Carolina
Executive Department
Raleigh July 1st, 1868
Gov. W. W. Holden
Raleigh, N.C.
Sir,
Yesterday morning I was verbally notified by Chief Justice Pearson that in obedience to a telegram from Genl
Canby, he would today at 10 A.M. administer to you the oaths required preliminary to your entering upon the
discharge of the duties of Civil Governor of the State; and that there upon you would demand possession of my
Office.
I intimated to the Judge my opinion that such proceeding was premature even under the Reconstruction legislation
of Congress and that I should probably decline to surrender the Office to you.
At sundown yesterday evening I received from Col. Williams, Commandant of this Military Post an extract from the
General Orders No. 120. - of Genl Canby as follows
Head Quarters 2nd Military Dist.
Charleston, S. C. 3Oit 68
General Orders]
No. 120 (Extract)
To facilitate the organization of the new State Government, the following appointments are made. To be Governor
of North Carolina, W. W. Holden, Governor elect, vice Jonathan Worth, removed To be Lieut Governor elect of
North Carolina, Tod R. Caldwell, Lieut Governor elect to fill our original vacancy. To take effect July 1st 1868. on
the meeting of the General Assembly of North Carolina.
I do not recognize the validity of the late election, under which you and those cooperating with you claim to be
invested with the Civil Government of the State. You have no evidence of your election, save the certificate of a
Major General of the United States Army. I regard all of you as, in effect, appointees of the Military power of the
United States, and not as deriving your powers from the consent of those you claim to govern. Knowing, however,
that you are backed by Military force here, which I could not resist if I would, I do not deem it necessary to offer a
futile opposition but vacate the office without the ceremony of actual eviction, offering no further opposition than
this, my protest. I would submit to actual expulsion in order to bring before the Supreme Court of the United States
the question as to the Constitutionality of the legislation under which you claim to be the rightful Governor of the
State, if the past action of that tribunal furnished any hope of a speedy trial. I surrender the office to you under what
I deem Military duress, without stopping as the occasion would well justify. To comment upon the singular
coincidence that the present State Government is surrendered, as without legality, to him whose own official
sanction, but three years ago, declared it valid.
I am, very Respectfully,
Jonathan Worth,
Governor of N.C.

The Lieber Code of April 24, 1863, also known as Instructions for the Government of Armies of the
United States in the Field, General Order № 120, or Lieber Instructions, was an instruction signed by
US President Abraham Lincoln to the Union Forces of the United States during the American Civil War
that dictated how soldiers should conduct themselves in wartime. Its name reflects its author, the
German-American legal scholar and political philosopher Franz Lieber.

Lieber had fought for Prussia in the Napoleonic Wars and had been wounded at the Battle of Waterloo.
He had lived and taught for two decades in South Carolina, where he was exposed to the horrors of
slavery. Beginning in October 1861, as professor of history and political science at what became
Columbia University, Lieber delivered a series of lectures at the new Law School entitled "The Laws and
Usages of War". He believed the methods used in war needed to align with the goals and that the ends
must justify the means, and he published the lectures as "International Law, or, Rules Regulating the
Intercourse of States in Peace and War".
During the American Civil War, soldiers were faced with a number of ethical dilemmas. Lieber knew about
some from his own European wartime experiences, as well as through his sons (two of whom fought for
the Union, and another died fighting for the Confederacy near Williamsburg). While in St. Louis searching
for one of his sons, who had been wounded at Fort Donelson, Lieber met Union General Henry Halleck,
who had been a lawyer in civilian life. As the war dragged on, the treatment of spies, guerrilla warriors,
and civilian sympathizers became especially troublesome. So too was the treatment of escaped slaves,
He had lived and taught for two decades in South Carolina, where he was exposed to the horrors of
slavery. Beginning in October 1861, as professor of history and political science at what became
Columbia University, Lieber delivered a series of lectures at the new Law School entitled "The Laws and
Usages of War". He believed the methods used in war needed to align with the goals and that the ends
must justify the means, and he published the lectures as "International Law, or, Rules Regulating the
Intercourse of States in Peace and War".
During the American Civil War, soldiers were faced with a number of ethical dilemmas. Lieber knew about
some from his own European wartime experiences, as well as through his sons (two of whom fought for
the Union, and another died fighting for the Confederacy near Williamsburg). While in St. Louis searching
for one of his sons, who had been wounded at Fort Donelson, Lieber met Union General Henry Halleck,
who had been a lawyer in civilian life. As the war dragged on, the treatment of spies, guerrilla warriors,
and civilian sympathizers became especially troublesome. So too was the treatment of escaped slaves,
who were forbidden to return to their owners by an order of March 13, 1862. After Halleck became
general-in-chief in July, 1862, he solicited Lieber's views. The professor responded with a report, "Guerilla
Parties Considered With Reference to the Laws and Usages of War", and Halleck ordered 5000 copies
printed. That same summer, Lieber advised Secretary of War Edwin Stanton concerning the "military use
of colored persons".
By year's end, Halleck and Stanton invited Lieber to Washington to revise the 1806 Articles of War. Other
members of the revision committee included Major Generals Ethan Allen Hitchcock, George Cadwalader,
and George L. Hartsuff, and Brigadier General John Henry Martindale, but essentially Lieber was left to
draft instructions for Union soldiers facing these situations. Halleck edited them to ensure nothing
conflicted with Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. Then Lincoln issued them in April, 1863

The Berlin Conference of 1884–85, also known as the

Congo Conference (German: Kongokonferenz) or West Africa Conference (Westafrika-Konferenz),
regulated European colonization and trade in Africa during the New Imperialism period and coincided with
Germany's sudden emergence as
an imperial power. a meeting between European nations to create rules on how to peacefully divide Africa
among them for colonization. The conference was convened by Portugal but
led by Otto von Bismarck, chancellor of the newly united Germany.The countries represented at the time
included Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, the
Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden-Norway (unified from 1814-1905), Turkey, and the
United States of America.

“Their Own Hotheadedness”: Senator Benjamin R.“Pitchfork Ben” Tillman Justifies

Violence Against Southern Blacks
In this March 23, 1900, speech before the U.S. Senate, Senator Benjamin R. “Pitchfork Ben”
Tillman of South Carolina defended the actions of his white constituents who had murdered
several black citizens of his home state. Tillman blamed the violence on the “hot-
headedness” of Southern blacks and on the misguided efforts of Republicans during the
Reconstruction era after the Civil War to “put white necks under black heels.” He also
defended violence against black men, claiming that southern whites “will not submit to [the
black man] gratifying his lust on our wives and daughters without lynching him”—an
evocation of the deeply sexualized racist fantasies of many Southern whites.

. . . And he [Senator John C. Spooner, of Wisconsin] said we had taken their rights away
from them. He asked me was it right to murder them in order to carry the elections. I never
saw one murdered. I never saw one shot at an election. It was the riots before the elections
precipitated by their own hot-headedness in attempting to hold the government, that
several black citizens of his home state. Tillman blamed the violence on the “hot-
headedness” of Southern blacks and on the misguided efforts of Republicans during the
Reconstruction era after the Civil War to “put white necks under black heels.” He also
defended violence against black men, claiming that southern whites “will not submit to [the
black man] gratifying his lust on our wives and daughters without lynching him”—an
evocation of the deeply sexualized racist fantasies of many Southern whites.

. . . And he [Senator John C. Spooner, of Wisconsin] said we had taken their rights away
from them. He asked me was it right to murder them in order to carry the elections. I never
saw one murdered. I never saw one shot at an election. It was the riots before the elections
precipitated by their own hot-headedness in attempting to hold the government, that
brought on conflicts between the races and caused the shotgun to be used. That is what I
meant by saying we used the shotgun.
I want to call the Senator’s attention to one fact. He said that the Republican party gave the
negroes the ballot in order to protect themselves against the indignities and wrongs that
were attempted to be heaped upon them by the enactment of the black code. I say it was
because the Republicans of that day, led by Thad Stevens, wanted to put white necks under
black heels and to get revenge. There is a difference of opinion. You have your opinion
about it, and I have mine, and we can never agree.
I want to ask the Senator this proposition in arithmetic: In my State there were 135,000
negro voters, or negroes of voting age, and some 90,000 or 95,000 white voters. General
Canby set up a carpetbag government there and turned our State over to this majority.
Now, I want to ask you, with a free vote and a fair count, how are you going to beat
135,000 by 95,000? How are you going to do it? You had set us an impossible task. You had
handcuffed us and thrown away the key, and you propped your carpetbag negro
government with bayonets. Whenever it was necessary to sustain the government you held
it up by the Army.
Mr. President, I have not the facts and figures here, but I want the country to get the full
view of the Southern side of this question and the justification for anything we did. We were
sorry we had the necessity forced upon us, but we could not help it, and as white men we
are not sorry for it, and we do not propose to apologize for anything we have done in
connection with it. We took the government away from them in 1876. We did take it. If no
other Senator has come here previous to this time who would acknowledge it, more is the
pity. We have had no fraud in our elections in South Carolina since 1884. There has been no
organized Republican party in the State.
We did not disfranchise the negroes until 1895. Then we had a constitutional convention
convened which took the matter up calmly, deliberately, and avowedly with the purpose of
disfranchising as many of them as we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth
amendments. We adopted the educational qualification as the only means left to us, and the
negro is as contented and as prosperous and as well protected in South Carolina to-day as
in any State of the Union south of the Potomac. He is not meddling with politics, for he
found that the more he meddled with them the worse off he got. As to his “rights”—I will
not discuss them now. We of the South have never recognized the right of the negro to
govern white men, and we never will. We have never believed him to be equal to the white
man, and we will not submit to his gratifying his lust on our wives and daughters without
lynching him. I would to God the last one of them was in Africa and that none of them had
ever been brought to our shores. But I will not pursue the subject further.
I want to ask permission in this connection to print a speech which I made in the
constitutional convention of South Carolina when it convened in 1895, in which the whole
carpetbag regime and the indignities and wrongs heaped upon our people, the robberies
which we suffered, and all the facts and figures there brought out are incorporated, and let
the whole of the facts go to the country. I am not ashamed to have those facts go to the
country. They are our justification for the present situation in our State. If I can get it, I
should like that permission; otherwise I shall be forced to bring that speech here and read it
when I can put my hand on it. I will then leave this matter and let the dead past bury its
dead.
Source: "Speech of Senator Benjamin R. Tillman, March 23, 1900," Congressional Record,
56th Congress, 1st Session, 3223–3224. Reprinted in Richard Purday, ed.,Document Sets
for the South in U. S. History (Lexington, MA.: D.C. Heath and Company, 1991), 147.
when I can put my hand on it. I will then leave this matter and let the dead past bury its
dead.
Source: "Speech of Senator Benjamin R. Tillman, March 23, 1900," Congressional Record,
56th Congress, 1st Session, 3223–3224. Reprinted in Richard Purday, ed.,Document Sets
for the South in U. S. History (Lexington, MA.: D.C. Heath and Company, 1991), 147.
2015 FBI Counterterrorism Policy Guide that highlights its investigations into domestic terrorism.
The FBI identified active links to officers who were employed by some of the 18,000 law enforcement
agencies across the United States. A 2006 FBI intelligence report also flagged infiltration of law
enforcement agencies by white supremacist groups.
According to Picciolini, it was last August’s far-right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, that awoke many
people to the mainstreaming of white nationalism in the US. Among the chaos, a woman was killed when
she was run down by a vehicle driven by a man linked to white supremacist groups.