Berbers, or the Berber peoples,[a] also known as Amazigh[b] or Imazighen,[c] are a diverse grouping of

distinct ethnic groups indigenous to North Africa who predate the arrival of Arabs in the
Maghreb.[28][29][30][31] Their main connections are identified by their usage of Berber languages, most
of them mutually unintelligible,[30][32] which are part of the Afroasiatic language family.

They are indigenous to the Maghreb region of North Africa, where they live in scattered communities
across parts of Morocco, Algeria, Libya, and to a lesser extent Tunisia, Mauritania, northern Mali and
northern Niger.[31][33][34] Smaller Berber communities are also found in Burkina Faso and Egypt's Siwa
Oasis.[35][36][37]

Descended from Stone Age tribes of North Africa, accounts of the Imazighen were first mentioned
in Ancient Egyptian writings.[38][39] From about 2000 BCE, Berber languages spread westward from
the Nile Valley across the northern Sahara into the Maghreb. A series of Berber peoples such as
the Mauri, Masaesyli, Massyli, Musulamii, Gaetuli, and Garamantes gave rise to Berber kingdoms,
such as Numidia and Mauretania. Other kingdoms appeared in late antiquity, such
as Altava, Aurès, Ouarsenis, and Hodna.[40] Berber kingdoms were eventually suppressed by the Arab
conquests of the 7th and 8th centuries CE. This started a process of cultural and linguistic
assimilation known as Arabization, which influenced the Berber population. Arabization involved the
spread of Arabic language and Arab culture among the Berbers, leading to the adoption of Arabic as
the primary language and conversion to Islam. Notably, the Arab migrations to the Maghreb from the
7th century to the 17th century accelerated this process. [41] Berber tribes remained powerful political
forces and founded new ruling dynasties in the 10th and 11th centuries, such as
the Zirids, Hammadids, various Zenata principalities in the western Maghreb, and
several Taifa kingdoms in al-Andalus, and empires of the Almoravids and Almohads. Their Berber
successors – the Marinids, the Zayyanids, and the Hafsids – continued to rule until the 16th century.
From the 16th century onward, the process continued in the absence of Berber dynasties; in
Morocco, they were replaced by Arabs claiming descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad.[40]

Berbers are divided into several diverse ethnic groups and Berber languages, such
as Kabyles, Chaouis and Rifians. Historically, Berbers across the region did not see themselves as a
single cultural or linguistic unit, nor was there a greater "Berber community", due to their differing
cultures.[42] They also did not refer to themselves as Berbers/Amazigh but had their own terms to
refer to their own groups and communities. [43] They started being referred to collectively as Berbers
after the Arab conquests of the 7th century and this distinction was revived by French
colonial administrators in the 19th century. Today, the term "Berber" is viewed as pejorative by
many who prefer the term "Amazigh".[44] Since the late 20th century, a trans-national
movement – known as Berberism or the Berber Culture Movement – has emerged among various
parts of the Berber populations of North Africa to promote a collective Amazigh ethnic identity and
to militate for greater linguistic rights and cultural recognition. [45]

Names and etymology

Main article: Names of the Berber people

The indigenous populations of the Maghreb region of North Africa are collectively known as Berbers
or Amazigh in English.[31]

Tribal titles such as Barabara and Beraberata appear in Egyptian inscriptions of 1700 and 1300 B.C,
and the Berbers were probably intimately related with the Egyptians in very early times. Thus the
true ethnical name may have become confused with Barbari, the designation naturally used by
classical conquerors.[46][better source needed]
The plural form Imazighen is sometimes also used in English. [33][47] While Berber is more widely
known among English-speakers, its usage is a subject of debate, due to its historical background as
an exonym and present equivalence with the Arabic word for "barbarian".[48][49][34][50] Historically,
Berbers did not refer to themselves as Berbers/Amazigh but had their own terms to refer to
themselves. For example, the Kabyles use the term "Leqbayel" to refer to their own people, while the
Chaouis identified themselves as "Ishawiyen" instead of Berber/Amazigh.[43]

Stéphane Gsell proposed the translation "noble/free" for the term Amazigh based on Leo Africanus's
translation of "awal amazigh" as "noble language" referring to Berber languages, this definition
remains disputed and is largely seen as an undue extrapolation. [51][52][53] The term Amazigh also has
a cognate in the Tuareg "Amajegh", meaning noble.[54][51] "Mazigh" was used as a tribal surname
in Roman Mauretania Caesariensis.[52][55]

Abraham Isaac Laredo proposes that the term Amazigh could be derived from "Mezeg", which is the
name of Dedan of Sheba in the Targum.[56][51]

Ibn Khaldun says the Berbers were descendants of Barbar, the son of Tamalla, son of Mazigh, son
of Canaan, son of Ham, son of Noah.[57][51]

The Numidian, Mauri, and Libu populations of antiquity are typically understood to refer to
approximately the same population as modern Berbers. [58][59]

Prehistory

Main article: Prehistoric North Africa

Hoggar painting, Tassili n'Ajjer

An Egyptian statuette representing a Libyan Libu Berber from the reign of Rameses II (19th Dynasty)
in 1279–1213 BCE. (Louvre Museum, Paris)

The Maghreb region in northwestern Africa is believed to have been inhabited by Berbers from at
least 10,000 BC.[60] Cave paintings, which have been dated to twelve millennia before present, have
been found in the Tassili n'Ajjer region of southeastern Algeria. Other rock art has been discovered
at Tadrart Acacus in the Libyan desert. A Neolithic society, marked by domestication and subsistence
agriculture and richly depicted in the Tassili n'Ajjer paintings, developed and predominated in the
Saharan and Mediterranean region (the Maghreb) of northern Africa between 6000 and 2000 BC
(until the classical period).

Prehistoric Tifinagh inscriptions were found in the Oran region.[61] During the pre-Roman era, several
successive independent states (Massylii) existed before King Masinissa unified the people
of Numidia.[62][63][64][full citation needed]
History

See also: Genetic history of North Africa and History of North Africa

The areas of North Africa that have retained the Berber language and traditions best have been, in
general, Algeria, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia. Much of Berber culture is still celebrated among the
cultural elite in Morocco and Algeria, especially in the Kabylia, the Aurès and the Atlas Mountains.
The Kabyles were one of the few peoples in North Africa who remained independent during
successive rule by the Carthaginians, the Romans, the Byzantines, the Vandals and the Ottoman
Turks.[65][66][67][68] Even after the Arab conquest of North Africa, the Kabyle people still maintained
possession of their mountains.[69][70]

Origins

Further information: Genetic history of North Africa and Proto-Berber language

 Berber ancient Libyan; as depicted in the tomb of Seti I

A faience tile from the throne of Pharaoh Ramesses III depicting a

tattooed ancient Libyan chief c. 1184 to 1153 BC

Mythology

According to the Roman historian Gaius Sallustius Crispus, the original people of North Africa are
the Gaetulians and the Libyans, they were the prehistoric peoples that crossed to Africa from Iberia,
then much later, Hercules and his army crossed from Iberia to North Africa where his army
intermarried with the local populace and settled the region permanently, the Medes of his army that
married the Libyans formed the Maur people, while the other part of his Army formed the Nomadas
or as they are today known as the Numidians which later on united all of Berber tribes of North
Africa under the rule of Massinissa.

Other sources
According to the Al-Fiḥrist, the Barber (i.e. Berbers) comprised one of seven principal races in
Africa.[71]

The medieval Tunisian scholar Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406), recounting the oral traditions prevalent in
his day, sets down two popular opinions as to the origin of the Berbers: according to one opinion,
they are descended from Canaan, son of Ham, and have for ancestors Berber, son of Temla, son of
Mazîgh, son of Canaan, son of Ham, a son of Noah;[72] alternatively, Abou-Bekr Mohammed es-
Souli (947 CE) held that they are descended from Berber, the son of Keloudjm (Casluhim), the son
of Mesraim, the son of Ham.[72]

They belong to a powerful, formidable, brave and numerous people; a true people like so many
others the world has seen – like the Arabs, the Persians, the Greeks and the Romans. The men who
belong to this family of peoples have inhabited the Maghreb since the beginning.

— Ibn Khaldun[73]

Scientific

As of about 5000 BC, the populations of North Africa were descended primarily from
the Iberomaurusian and Capsian cultures, with a more recent intrusion being associated with
the Neolithic Revolution.[74] The proto-Berber tribes evolved from these prehistoric communities
during the late Bronze- and early Iron ages.[75]

Uniparental DNA analysis has established ties between Berbers and other Afroasiatic speakers in
Africa. Most of these populations belong to the E1b1b paternal haplogroup, with Berber speakers
having among the highest frequencies of this lineage. [76]

Additionally, genomic analysis found that Berber and other Maghreb communities have a high
frequency of an ancestral component that originated in the Near East. This Maghrebi element peaks
among Tunisian Berbers.[77] This ancestry is related to the Coptic/Ethio-Somali component, which
diverged from these and other West Eurasian-affiliated components before the Holocene.[78]

In 2013, Iberomaurusian skeletons from the prehistoric sites of Taforalt and Afalou in the Maghreb
were also analyzed for ancient DNA. All of the specimens belonged to maternal clades associated
with either North Africa or the northern and southern Mediterranean littoral, indicating gene flow
between these areas since the Epipaleolithic.[79] The ancient Taforalt individuals carried the
mtDNA haplogroups U6, H, JT, and V, which points to population continuity in the region dating from
the Iberomaurusian period.[80]

Ancient Libyan delegation at Persepolis

Human fossils excavated at the Ifri n'Amr ou Moussa site in Morocco have been radiocarbon dated to
the Early Neolithic period, c. 5,000 BC. Ancient DNA analysis of these specimens indicates that they
carried paternal haplotypes related to the E1b1b1b1a (E-M81) subclade and the maternal
haplogroups U6a and M1, all of which are frequent among present-day communities in the Maghreb.
These ancient individuals also bore an autochthonous Maghrebi genomic component that peaks
among modern Berbers, indicating that they were ancestral to populations in the area. Additionally,
fossils excavated at the Kelif el Boroud site near Rabat were found to carry the broadly-distributed
paternal haplogroup T-M184 as well as the maternal haplogroups K1, T2 and X2, the latter of which
were common mtDNA lineages in Neolithic Europe and Anatolia. These ancient individuals likewise
bore the Berber-associated Maghrebi genomic component. This altogether indicates that the late-
Neolithic Kehf el Baroud inhabitants were ancestral to contemporary populations in the area, but
also likely experienced gene flow from Europe.[81]

The late-Neolithic Kehf el Baroud inhabitants were modelled as being of about 50% local North
African ancestry and 50% Early European Farmer (EEF) ancestry. It was suggested that EEF ancestry
had entered North Africa through Cardial Ware colonists from Iberia sometime between 5000 and
3000 BC. They were found to be closely related to the Guanches of the Canary Islands. The authors of
the study suggested that the Berbers of Morocco carried a substantial amount of EEF ancestry before
the establishment of Roman colonies in Berber Africa.[81]

Antiquity

Further information: History of Roman-era Tunisia, Roman Libya, Mauretania Tingitana, and Mauri
people

Heracles wrestling with the Libyan giant Antaeus

The great tribes of Berbers in classical antiquity (when they were often known as ancient
Libyans)[82][d] were said to be three (roughly, from west to east): the Mauri,
the Numidians near Carthage, and the Gaetulians. The Mauri inhabited the far west
(ancient Mauretania, now Morocco and central Algeria). The Numidians occupied the regions
between the Mauri and the city-state of Carthage. Both the Mauri and the Numidians had
significant sedentary populations living in villages, and their peoples both tilled the land and tended
herds. The Gaetulians lived to the near south, on the northern margins of the Sahara, and were less
settled, with predominantly pastoral elements.[83][84][85]: 41f

For their part, the Phoenicians (Semitic-speaking Canaanites) came from perhaps the most advanced
multicultural sphere then existing, the western coast of the Fertile Crescent region of West Asia.
Accordingly, the material culture of Phoenicia was likely more functional and efficient, and their
knowledge more advanced, than that of the early Berbers. Hence, the interactions between Berbers
and Phoenicians were often asymmetrical. The Phoenicians worked to keep their cultural cohesion
and ethnic solidarity, and continuously refreshed their close connection with Tyre, the mother
city.[82]: 37

The earliest Phoenician coastal outposts were probably meant merely to resupply and service ships
bound for the lucrative metals trade with the Iberians, [86] and perhaps at first regarded trade with the
Berbers as unprofitable.[87] However, the Phoenicians eventually established strategic colonial cities
in many Berber areas, including sites outside of present-day Tunisia, such as the settlements
at Oea, Leptis Magna, Sabratha (in Libya), Volubilis, Chellah, and Mogador (now in Morocco). As in
Tunisia, these centres were trading hubs, and later offered support for resource development, such
as processing olive oil at Volubilis and Tyrian purple dye at Mogador. For their part, most Berbers
maintained their independence as farmers or semi-pastorals, although, due to the example of
Carthage, their organized politics increased in scope and sophistication.[85]

Berber kingdoms in Numidia, c. 220 BC (green:

Masaesyli under Syphax; gold: Massyli under Gala, father of Masinissa; further east: city-state of
Carthage).

In fact, for a time their numerical and military superiority (the best horse riders of that time) enabled
some Berber kingdoms to impose a tribute on Carthage, a condition that continued into the 5th
century BC.[86]: 64–65 Also, due to the Berbero-Libyan Meshwesh dynasty's rule of Egypt (945–715
BC),[88] the Berbers near Carthage commanded significant respect (yet probably appearing more
rustic than the elegant Libyan pharaohs on the Nile). Correspondingly, in early Carthage, careful
attention was given to securing the most favourable treaties with the Berber chieftains, "which
included intermarriage between them and the Punic aristocracy". [89] In this regard, perhaps the
legend about Dido, the foundress of Carthage, as related by Trogus is apposite. Her refusal to wed
the Mauritani chieftain Hiarbus might be indicative of the complexity of the politics involved. [90]

Eventually, the Phoenician trading stations would evolve into permanent settlements, and later into
small towns, which would presumably require a wide variety of goods as well as sources of food,
which could be satisfied through trade with the Berbers. Yet, here too, the Phoenicians probably
would be drawn into organizing and directing such local trade, and also into managing agricultural
production. In the 5th century BC, Carthage expanded its territory, acquiring Cape Bon and the
fertile Wadi Majardah,[91] later establishing control over productive farmlands for several hundred
kilometres.[92] Appropriation of such wealth in land by the Phoenicians would surely provoke some
resistance from the Berbers; although in warfare, too, the technical training, social organization, and
weaponry of the Phoenicians would seem to work against the tribal Berbers. This social-cultural
interaction in early Carthage has been summarily described:

Lack of contemporary written records makes the drawing of conclusions here uncertain, which can
only be based on inference and reasonable conjecture about matters of social nuance. Yet it appears
that the Phoenicians generally did not interact with the Berbers as economic equals, but employed
their agricultural labour, and their household services, whether by hire or indenture; many
became sharecroppers.[82]: 86

For a period, the Berbers were in constant revolt, and in 396 there was a great uprising.

Thousands of rebels streamed down from the mountains and invaded Punic territory, carrying the
serfs of the countryside along with them. The Carthaginians were obliged to withdraw within their
walls and were besieged.
Yet the Berbers lacked cohesion; and although 200,000 strong at one point, they succumbed to
hunger, their leaders were offered bribes, and "they gradually broke up and returned to their
homes".[86]: 125, 172 Thereafter, "a series of revolts took place among the Libyans [Berbers] from the
fourth century onwards".[82]: 81

The Berbers had become involuntary 'hosts' to the settlers from the east, and were obliged to accept
the dominance of Carthage for centuries. Nonetheless, therein they persisted largely
unassimilated,[citation needed] as a separate, submerged entity, as a culture of mostly passive urban and
rural poor within the civil structures created by Punic rule. [93] In addition, and most importantly, the
Berber peoples also formed quasi-independent satellite societies along the steppes of the frontier
and beyond, where a minority continued as free 'tribal republics'. While benefiting from Punic
material culture and political-military institutions, these peripheral Berbers (also called Libyans)—
while maintaining their own identity, culture, and traditions—continued to develop their own
agricultural skills and village societies, while living with the newcomers from the east in an
asymmetric symbiosis.[e][95]

As the centuries passed, a society of Punic people of Phoenician descent but born in Africa,
called Libyphoenicians emerged there. This term later came to be applied also to Berbers
acculturated to urban Phoenician culture.[82]: 65, 84–86 Yet the whole notion of a Berber apprenticeship
to the Punic civilization has been called an exaggeration sustained by a point of view fundamentally
foreign to the Berbers.[84]: 52, 58 A population of mixed ancestry, Berber and Punic, evolved there, and
there would develop recognized niches in which Berbers had proven their utility. For example, the
Punic state began to field Berber–Numidian cavalry under their commanders on a regular basis. The
Berbers eventually were required to provide soldiers (at first "unlikely" paid "except in booty"),
which by the fourth century BC became "the largest single element in the Carthaginian army". [82]: 86

Masinissa (c. 240 – c. 148), King of Numidia, Berber and Roman script

Yet in times of stress at Carthage, when a foreign force might be pushing against the city-state, some
Berbers would see it as an opportunity to advance their interests, given their otherwise low status in
Punic society.[citation needed] Thus, when the Greeks under Agathocles (361–289 BC) of Sicily landed at
Cape Bon and threatened Carthage (in 310 BC), there were Berbers, under Ailymas, who went over
to the invading Greeks.[86]: 172 [f] During the long Second Punic War (218–201 BC) with Rome (see
below), the Berber King Masinissa (c. 240 – c. 148 BC) joined with the invading Roman general Scipio,
resulting in the war-ending defeat of Carthage at Zama, despite the presence of their renowned
general Hannibal; on the other hand, the Berber King Syphax (d. 202 BC) had supported Carthage.
The Romans, too, read these cues, so that they cultivated their Berber alliances and, subsequently,
favored the Berbers who advanced their interests following the Roman victory. [96]
Carthage was faulted by her ancient rivals for the "harsh treatment of her subjects" as well as for
"greed and cruelty".[82]: 83 [g][97] Her Libyan Berber sharecroppers, for example, were required to pay
half of their crops as tribute to the city-state during the emergency of the First Punic War. The
normal exaction taken by Carthage was likely "an extremely burdensome" one-
quarter.[82]: 80 Carthage once famously attempted to reduce the number of its Libyan and foreign
soldiers, leading to the Mercenary War (240–237 BC).[86]: 203–209 [98][99] The city-state also seemed to
reward those leaders known to deal ruthlessly with its subject peoples, hence the frequent Berber
insurrections. Moderns fault Carthage for failure "to bind her subjects to herself, as Rome did [her
Italians]", yet Rome and the Italians held far more in common perhaps than did Carthage and the
Berbers. Nonetheless, a modern criticism is that the Carthaginians "did themselves a disservice" by
failing to promote the common, shared quality of "life in a properly organized city" that inspires
loyalty, particularly with regard to the Berbers. [82]: 86–87 Again, the tribute demanded by Carthage was
onerous.[100]

[T]he most ruinous tribute was imposed and exacted with unsparing rigour from the subject native
states, and no slight one either from the cognate Phoenician states. ... Hence arose that universal
disaffection, or rather that deadly hatred, on the part of her foreign subjects, and even of the
Phoenician dependencies, toward Carthage, on which every invader of Africa could safely count as
his surest support. ... This was the fundamental, the ineradicable weakness of the Carthaginian
Empire ...[100]

The Punic relationship with the majority of the Berbers continued throughout the life of Carthage.
The unequal development of material culture and social organization perhaps fated the relationship
to be an uneasy one. A long-term cause of Punic instability, there was no melding of the peoples. It
remained a source of stress and a point of weakness for Carthage. Yet there were degrees of
convergence on several particulars, discoveries of mutual advantage, occasions of friendship, and
family.[101]

Saint Augustine was the bishop of Hippo Regius in Roman North Africa

The Berbers gain historicity gradually during the Roman era. Byzantine authors mention
the Mazikes (Amazigh) as tribal people raiding the monasteries of Cyrenaica. Garamantia was a
notable Berber kingdom that flourished in the Fezzan area of modern-day Libya in the Sahara desert
between 400 BC and 600 AD.

Roman-era Cyrenaica became a center of early Christianity. Some pre-Islamic Berbers

were Christians[102] (there is a strong correlation between adherence to the Donatist doctrine and
being a Berber, ascribed to the doctrine matching their culture, as well as their being alienated from
the dominant Roman culture of the Catholic church), [73] some perhaps Jewish, and some adhered to
their traditional polytheist religion. The Roman-era authors Apuleius and St. Augustine were born in
Numidia, as were three popes, one of whom, Pope Victor I, served during the reign of Roman
emperor Septimius Severus, who was a North African of Roman/Punic ancestry (perhaps with some
Berber blood).[103]

Numidia

Main articles: Numidia and Jugurthine War

A map of Numidia

Numidia (202 – 46 BC) was an ancient Berber kingdom in modern Algeria and part of Tunisia. It later
alternated between being a Roman province and being a Roman client state. The kingdom was
located on the eastern border of modern Algeria, bordered by the Roman province of Mauretania (in
modern Algeria and Morocco) to the west, the Roman province of Africa (modern Tunisia) to the
east, the Mediterranean to the north, and the Sahara Desert to the south. Its people were the
Numidians.

The name Numidia was first applied by Polybius and other historians during the third century BC to
indicate the territory west of Carthage, including the entire north of Algeria as far as the river
Mulucha (Muluya), about 160 kilometres (100 mi) west of Oran. The Numidians were conceived of as
two great groups: the Massylii in eastern Numidia, and the Masaesyli in the west. During the first
part of the Second Punic War, the eastern Massylii, under King Gala, were allied with Carthage, while
the western Masaesyli, under King Syphax, were allied with Rome.

In 206 BC, the new king of the Massylii, Masinissa, allied himself with Rome, and Syphax, of the
Masaesyli, switched his allegiance to the Carthaginian side. At the end of the war, the victorious
Romans gave all of Numidia to Masinissa. At the time of his death in 148 BC, Masinissa's territory
extended from Mauretania to the boundary of Carthaginian territory, and southeast as far as
Cyrenaica, so that Numidia entirely surrounded Carthage except towards the sea. [104]

Masinissa was succeeded by his son Micipsa. When Micipsa died in 118 BC, he was succeeded jointly
by his two sons Hiempsal I and Adherbal and Masinissa's illegitimate grandson, Jugurtha, of Berber
origin, who was very popular among the Numidians. Hiempsal and Jugurtha quarreled immediately
after the death of Micipsa. Jugurtha had Hiempsal killed, which led to open war with Adherbal.

After Jugurtha defeated him in open battle, Adherbal fled to Rome for help. The Roman officials,
allegedly due to bribes but perhaps more likely out of a desire to quickly end conflict in a profitable
client kingdom, sought to settle the quarrel by dividing Numidia into two parts. Jugurtha was
assigned the western half. However, soon after, conflict broke out again, leading to the Jugurthine
War between Rome and Numidia.

Mauretanian cavalry under Lusius Quietus fighting in the Dacian

wars, from the Column of Trajan

Mauretania

Main article: Mauretania

In antiquity, Mauretania (3rd century BC – 44 BC) was an ancient Mauri Berber kingdom in modern
Morocco and part of Algeria. It became a client state of the Roman empire in 33 BC, after the death
of king Bocchus II, then a full Roman province in AD 40, after the death of its last king, Ptolemy of
Mauretania, a member of the Ptolemaic dynasty.

Middle Ages

Fernández de Lugo presenting the captured Guanche kings

of Tenerife to Ferdinand and Isabella, 1497

According to historians of the Middle Ages, the Berbers were divided into two branches, Butr
and Baranis (known also as Botr and Barnès), descended from Mazigh ancestors, who were
themselves divided into tribes and subtribes. Each region of the Maghreb contained several fully
independent tribes (e.g., Sanhaja, Houaras, Zenata, Masmuda, Kutama, Awraba, Barghawata,
etc.).[105][full citation needed][106]

The Mauro-Roman Kingdom was an independent Christian Berber kingdom centred in the capital city
of Altava (present-day Algeria) which controlled much of the ancient Roman province of Mauretania
Caesariensis. Berber Christian communities within the Maghreb all but disappeared under Islamic
rule. The indigenous Christian population in some Nefzaoua villages persisted until the 14th
century.[107]

Several Berber dynasties emerged during the Middle Ages in the Maghreb and al-Andalus. The most
notable are the Zirids (Ifriqiya, 973–1148), the Hammadids (Western Ifriqiya, 1014–1152),
the Almoravid dynasty (Morocco and al-Andalus, 1040–1147), the Almohads (Morocco and al-
Andalus, 1147–1248), the Hafsids (Ifriqiya, 1229–1574), the Zianids (Tlemcen, 1235–1556),
the Marinids (Morocco, 1248–1465) and the Wattasids (Morocco, 1471–1554).
 Berber dynasties in the 15th century

Before the eleventh century, most of Northwest Africa had become a Berber-speaking Muslim area.
Unlike the conquests of previous religions and cultures, the coming of Islam, which was spread by
Arabs, was to have extensive and long-lasting effects on the Maghreb. The new faith, in its various
forms, would penetrate nearly all segments of Berber society, bringing with it armies, learned men,
and fervent mystics, and in large part replacing tribal practices and loyalties with new social norms
and political idioms. A further Arabization of the region was in large part due to the arrival of
the Banu Hilal, a tribe sent by the Fatimids of Egypt to punish the Berber Zirid dynasty for having
abandoned Shiism. The Banu Hilal reduced the Zirids to a few coastal towns and took over much of
the plains, resulting in the spread of nomadism to areas where agriculture had previously been
dominant.

Besides the Arabian influence, North Africa also saw an influx, via the Barbary slave trade, of
Europeans, with some estimates placing the number of European slaves brought to North Africa
during the Ottoman period to be as high as 1.25 million.[108] Interactions with neighboring Sudanic
empires, traders, and nomads from other parts of Africa also left impressions upon the Berber
people.

Islamic conquest

See also: Berbers and Islam

A statue of Dihya, a 7th-century female Berber religious and military

leader

The first Arabian military expeditions into the Maghreb, between 642 and 669, resulted in the spread
of Islam. These early forays from a base in Egypt occurred under local initiative rather than under
orders from the central caliphate. But when the seat of the caliphate moved from Medina to
Damascus, the Umayyads (a Muslim dynasty ruling from 661 to 750) recognized that the strategic
necessity of dominating the Mediterranean dictated a concerted military effort on the North African
front. In 670, therefore, an Arab army under Uqba ibn Nafi established the town of Qayrawan about
160 kilometres south of modern Tunis and used it as a base for further operations.

Abu al-Muhajir Dinar, Uqba's successor, pushed westward into Algeria and eventually worked out a
modus vivendi with Kusaila, the ruler of an extensive confederation of Christian Berbers. Kusaila, who
had been based in Tlemcen, became a Muslim and moved his headquarters to Takirwan, near Al
Qayrawan. This harmony was short-lived; Arabian and Berber forces controlled the region in turn
until 697. Umayyad forces conquered Carthage in 698, expelling the Byzantines, and in 703 decisively
defeated Dihya's Berber coalition at the Battle of Tabarka. By 711, Umayyad forces helped by Berber
converts to Islam had conquered all of North Africa. Governors appointed by the Umayyad caliphs
ruled from Kairouan, capital of the new wilaya (province) of Ifriqiya, which covered Tripolitania (the
western part of modern Libya), Tunisia, and eastern Algeria.

The spread of Islam among the Berbers did not guarantee their support for the Arab-dominated
caliphate, due to the discriminatory attitude of the Arabs. The ruling Arabs alienated the Berbers by
taxing them heavily, treating converts as second-class Muslims, and, worst of all, by enslaving them.
As a result, widespread opposition took the form of open revolt in 739–740 under the banner
of Ibadi Islam. The Ibadi had been fighting Umayyad rule in the East, and many Berbers were
attracted by the sect's seemingly egalitarian precepts.

After the revolt, Ibadis established a number of theocratic tribal kingdoms, most of which had short
and troubled histories. But others, such as Sijilmasa and Tlemcen, which straddled the principal trade
routes, proved more viable and prospered. In 750, the Abbasids, who succeeded the Umayyads as
Muslim rulers, moved the caliphate to Baghdad and reestablished caliphal authority in Ifriqiya,
appointing Ibrahim ibn al Aghlab as governor in Kairouan. Though nominally serving at the caliph's
pleasure, Al Aghlab and his successors, the Aghlabids, ruled independently until 909, presiding over a
court that became a center of learning and culture.

The Maghreb after the Berber Revolt of 740

Just to the west of Aghlabid lands, Abd ar Rahman ibn Rustam ruled most of the central Maghreb
from Tahert, south-west of Algiers. The rulers of the Rustamid imamate (761–909), each an
Ibadi imam, were elected by leading citizens. The imams gained a reputation for honesty, piety, and
justice. The court at Tahert was noted for its support of scholarship in mathematics, astronomy,
astrology, theology, and law. The Rustamid imams failed, by choice or by neglect, to organize a
reliable standing army. This important factor, accompanied by the dynasty's eventual collapse into
decadence, opened the way for Tahert's demise under the assault of the Fatimids.

Mahdia was founded by the Fatimids under the Caliph Abdallah al-Mahdi in 921, and made the
capital city of Ifriqiya by caliph Abdallah El Fatimi.[109] It was chosen as the capital because of its
proximity to the sea, and the promontory on which an important military settlement had been since
the time of the Phoenicians.[110]

In al-Andalus under the Umayyad governors

Main article: Emirate of Córdoba

 The Almohad Empire, a Berber empire that

lasted from 1121 to 1269 Castillian ambassadors meeting

Almohad caliph Abu Hafs Umar al-Murtada, contemporary depiction from the Cantigas de Santa
Maria

The Muslims who invaded the Iberian Peninsula in 711 were mainly Berbers, and were led by a
Berber, Tariq ibn Ziyad, under the suzerainty of the Arab Caliph of Damascus Abd al-Malik ibn
Marwan and his North African Viceroy, Musa ibn Nusayr.[111] Due to subsequent antagonism between
Arabs and Berbers, and due to the fact that most of the histories of al-Andalus were written from an
Arab perspective, the Berber role is understated in the available sources. [111] The biographical
dictionary of Ibn Khallikan preserves the record of the Berber predominance in the invasion of 711, in
the entry on Tariq ibn Ziyad.[111] A second mixed army of Arabs and Berbers came in 712 under Ibn
Nusayr himself. They supposedly helped the Umayyad caliph Abd ar-Rahman I in al-Andalus, because
his mother was a Berber.

English medievalist Roger Collins suggests that if the forces that invaded the Iberian peninsula were
predominantly Berber, it is because there were insufficient Arab forces in Africa to maintain control
of Africa and attack Iberia at the same time.[111]: 98 Thus, although north Africa had only been
conquered about a dozen years previously, the Arabs already employed forces of the defeated
Berbers to carry out their next invasion.[111]: 98 This would explain the predominance of Berbers over
Arabs in the initial invasion. In addition, Collins argues that Berber social organization made it
possible for the Arabs to recruit entire tribal units into their armies, making the defeated Berbers
excellent military auxiliaries.[111]: 99 The Berber forces in the invasion of Iberia came from Ifriqiya or as
far away as Tripolitania.[112]

Governor As-Samh distributed land to the conquering forces, apparently by tribe, though it is difficult
to determine from the few historical sources available. [111]: 48–49 It was at this time that the positions
of Arabs and Berbers were regularized across the Iberian peninsula. Berbers were positioned in many
of the most mountainous regions of Spain, such as Granada, the Pyrenees, Cantabria, and Galicia.
Collins suggests this may be because some Berbers were familiar with mountain terrain, whereas the
Arabs were not.[111]: 49–50 By the late 710s, there was a Berber governor
in Leon or Gijon.[111]: 149 When Pelagius revolted in Asturias, it was against a Berber governor. This
revolt challenged As-Samh's plans to settle Berbers in the Galician and Cantabrian mountains, and by
the middle of the eighth century it seems there was no more Berber presence in Galicia. [111]: 49–50 The
expulsion of the Berber garrisons from central Asturias, following the battle of Covadonga,
contributed to the eventual formation of the independent Asturian kingdom. [112]: 63

Many Berbers were settled in what were then the frontier lands near Toledo, Talavera,
and Mérida,[111]: 195 Mérida becoming a major Berber stronghold in the eighth century. [111]: 201 The
Berber garrison in Talavera would later be commanded by Amrus ibn Yusuf and was involved in
military operations against rebels in Toledo in the late 700s and early 800s. [111]: 210 Berbers were also
initially settled in the eastern Pyrenees and Catalonia. [111]: 88–89, 195 They were not settled in the major
cities of the south, and were generally kept in the frontier zones away from Cordoba. [111]: 207

Roger Collins cites the work of Pierre Guichard to argue that Berber groups in Iberia retained their
own distinctive social organization.[111]: 90 [113][114] According to this traditional view of Arab and Berber
culture in the Iberian peninsula, Berber society was highly impermeable to outside influences,
whereas Arabs became assimilated and Hispanized. [111]: 90 Some support for the view that Berbers
assimilated less comes from an excavation of an Islamic cemetery in northern Spain, which reveals
that the Berbers accompanying the initial invasion brought their families with them from north
Africa.[112][115]

In 731, the eastern Pyrenees were under the control of Berber forces garrisoned in the major towns
under the command of Munnuza. Munnuza attempted a Berber uprising against the Arabs in Spain,
citing mistreatment of Berbers by Arabic judges in north Africa, and made an alliance with Duke
Eudo of Aquitaine. However, governor Abd ar-Rahman attacked Munnuza before he was ready, and,
besieging him, defeated him at Cerdanya. Because of the alliance with Munnuza, Abd ar-Rahman
wanted to punish Eudo, and his punitive expedition ended in the Arab defeat at Poitiers.[111]: 88–90

By the time of the governor Uqba, and possibly as early as 714, the city of Pamplona was occupied by
a Berber garrison.[111]: 205–206 An eighth-century cemetery has been discovered with 190 burials all
according to Islamic custom, testifying to the presence of this garrison. [111]: 205–206 [116] In 798, however,
Pamplona is recorded as being under a Banu Qasi governor, Mutarrif ibn Musa. Ibn Musa lost control
of Pamplona to a popular uprising. In 806 Pamplona gave its allegiance to the Franks, and in 824
became the independent Kingdom of Pamplona. These events put an end to the Berber garrison in
Pamplona.[111]: 206–208

Medieval Egyptian historian Al-Hakam wrote that there was a major Berber revolt in north Africa in
740–741, led by Masayra. The Chronicle of 754 calls these rebels Arures, which Collins translates as
'heretics', arguing it is a reference to the Berber rebels' Ibadi
or Khariji sympathies.[111]: 107 After Charles Martel attacked Arab ally Maurontus at Marseille in 739,
governor Uqba planned a punitive attack against the Franks, but news of a Berber revolt in north
Africa made him turn back when he reached Zaragoza.[111]: 92 Instead, according to the Chronicle of
754, Uqba carried out an attack against Berber fortresses in Africa. Initially, these attacks were
unsuccessful; but eventually Uqba destroyed the rebels, secured all the crossing points to Spain, and
then returned to his governorship.[111]: 105–106

Although Masayra was killed by his own followers, the revolt spread and the Berber rebels defeated
three Arab armies.[111]: 106–108 After the defeat of the third army, which included elite units of Syrians
commanded by Kulthum and Balj, the Berber revolt spread further. At this time, the Berber military
colonies in Spain revolted.[111]: 108 At the same time, Uqba died and was replaced by Ibn Qatan. By this
time, the Berbers controlled most of the north of the Iberian peninsula, except for the Ebro valley,
and were menacing Toledo. Ibn Qatan invited Balj and his Syrian troops, who were at that time
in Ceuta, to cross to the Iberian peninsula to fight against the Berbers. [111]: 109–110

The Berbers marched south in three columns, simultaneously attacking Toledo, Cordoba, and the
ports on the Gibraltar strait. However, Ibn Qatan's sons defeated the army attacking Toledo, the
governor's forces defeated the attack on Cordoba, and Balj defeated the attack on the strait. After
this, Balj seized power by marching on Cordoba and executing Ibn Qatan. [111]: 108 Collins points out
that Balj's troops were away from Syria just when the Abbasid revolt against the Umayyads broke
out, and this may have contributed to the fall of the Umayyad regime. [111]: 121

In Africa, the Berbers were hampered by divided leadership. Their attack on Kairouan was defeated,
and a new governor of Africa, Hanzala ibn Safwan, proceeded to defeat the rebels in Africa and then
to impose peace between Balj's troops and the existing Andalusi Arabs. [111]: 110–111

Roger Collins argues that the Great Berber revolt facilitated the establishment of the Kingdom of
Asturias and altered the demographics of the Berber population in the Iberian peninsula, specifically
contributing to the Berber departure from the northwest of the peninsula.[111]: 150–151 When the Arabs
first invaded the peninsula, Berber groups were situated in the northwest. However, due to the
Berber revolt, the Umayyad governors were forced to protect their southern flank and were unable
to mount an offense against the Asturians. Some presence of Berbers in the northwest may have
been maintained at first, but after the 740s there is no more mention of the northwestern Berbers in
the sources.[111]: 150–151, 153–154

In al-Andalus during the Umayyad emirate

When the Umayyad Caliphate was overthrown in 750, a grandson of Caliph Hisham, Abd ar-Rahman,
escaped to north Africa[111]: 115 and hid among the Berbers of north Africa for five years. A persistent
tradition states that this is because his mother was Berber [111]: 117–118 and that he first took refuge
with the Nafsa Berbers, his mother's people. As the governor Ibn Habib was seeking him, he then fled
to the more powerful Zenata Berber confederacy, who were enemies of Ibn Habib. Since the Zenata
had been part of the initial invasion force of al-Andalus, and were still present in the Iberian
peninsula, this gave Abd ar-Rahman a base of support in al-Andalus,[111]: 119 although he seems to
have drawn most of his support from portions of Balj's army that were still loyal to the
Umayyads.[111]: 122–123 [112]: 8

Abd ar-Rahman crossed to Spain in 756 and declared himself the legitimate Umayyad ruler of al-
Andalus. The governor, Yusuf, refused to submit. After losing the initial battle near Cordoba, [111]: 124–
125
Yusuf fled to Mérida, where he raised a large Berber army, with which he marched on Seville, but
was defeated by forces loyal to Abd ar-Rahman. Yusuf fled to Toledo, and was killed either on the
way or after reaching that place.[111]: 132 Yusuf's cousin Hisham ibn Urwa continued to resist Abd ar-
Rahman from Toledo until 764,[111]: 133 and the sons of Yusuf revolted again in 785. These family
members of Yusuf, members of the Fihri tribe, were effective in obtaining support from Berbers in
their revolts against the Umayyad regime.[111]: 134

As emir of al-Andalus, Abd ar-Rahman I faced persistent opposition from Berber groups, including the
Zenata. Berbers provided much of Yusuf's support in fighting Abd ar-Rahman. In 774, Zenata Berbers
were involved in a Yemeni revolt in the area of Seville.[111]: 168 Andalusi Berber Salih ibn Tarif declared
himself a prophet and ruled the Bargawata Berber confederation in Morocco in the 770s. [111]: 169

In 768, a Miknasa Berber named Shaqya ibn Abd al-Walid declared himself a Fatimid imam, claiming
descent from Fatimah and Ali.[111]: 168 He is mainly known from the work of the Arab historian Ibn al-
Athir,[111]: 170 who wrote that Shaqya's revolt originated in the area of modern Cuenca, an area of
Spain that is mountainous and difficult to traverse. Shaqya first killed the Umayyad governor of the
fortress of Santaver [ca] (near Roman Ercavica), and subsequently ravaged the district surrounding
Coria. Abd ar-Rahman sent out armies to fight him in 769, 770, and 771; but Shaqya avoided them by
moving into the mountains. In 772, Shaqya defeated an Umayyad force by a ruse and killed the
governor of the fortress of Medellin. He was besieged by Umayyads in 774, but the revolt near Seville
forced the besieging troops to withdraw. In 775, a Berber garrison in Coria declared allegiance to
Shaqya, but Abd ar-Rahman retook the town and chased the Berbers into the mountains. In 776,
Shaqya resisted sieges of his two main fortresses at Santaver and Shebat'ran (near Toledo); but in
777 he was betrayed and killed by his own followers, who sent his head to Abd ar-Rahman.[111]: 170–171

Roger Collins notes that both modern historians and ancient Arab authors have had a tendency to
portray Shaqya as a fanatic followed by credulous fanatics, and to argue that he was either self-
deluded or fraudulent in his claim of Fatimid descent. [111]: 169 However, Collins considers him an
example of the messianic leaders that were not uncommon among Berbers at that time and earlier.
He compares Shaqya to Idris I, a descendant of Ali accepted by the Zenata Berbers, who founded
the Idrisid dynasty in 788, and to Salih ibn Tarif, who ruled the Bargawata Berber in the 770s. He also
compares these leaders to pre-Islamic leaders Dihya and Kusaila.[111]: 169–170

In 788, Hisham I succeeded Abd ar-Rahman as emir; but his brother Sulayman revolted and fled to
the Berber garrison of Valencia, where he held out for two years. Finally, Sulayman came to terms
with Hisham and went into exile in 790, together with other brothers who had rebelled with
him.[111]: 203, 208 In north Africa, Sulayman and his brothers forged alliances with local Berbers,
especially the Kharijite ruler of Tahert. After the death of Hisham and the accession of Al-Hakam,
Hisham's brothers challenged Al-Hakam for the succession. Abd Allah[who?] crossed over to Valencia
first in 796, calling on the allegiance of the same Berber garrison that sheltered Sulayman years
earlier.[112]: 30 Crossing to al-Andalus in 798, Sulayman based himself in Elvira (now Granada), Ecija,
and Jaen, apparently drawing support from the Berbers in these mountainous southern regions.
Sulayman was defeated in battle in 800 and fled to the Berber stronghold in Mérida, but was
captured before reaching it and executed in Cordoba. [111]: 208

In 797, the Berbers of Talavera played a major part in defeating a revolt against Al-Hakam in
Toledo.[112]: 32 A certain Ubayd Allah ibn Hamir of Toledo rebelled against Al-Hakam, who ordered
Amrus ibn Yusuf, the commander of the Berbers in Talavera, to suppress the rebellion. Amrus
negotiated in secret with the Banu Mahsa faction in Toledo, promising them the governorship if they
betrayed Ibn Hamir. The Banu Mahsa brought Ibn Hamir's head to Amrus in Talavera. However, there
was a feud between the Banu Mahsa and the Berbers of Talavera, who killed all the Banu Mahsa.
Amrus sent the heads of the Banu Mahsa along with that of Ibn Hamir to Al-Hakam in Cordoba. The
Toledo rebellion was sufficiently weakened that Amrus was able to enter Toledo and convince its
inhabitants to submit.[112]: 32–33

Collins argues that unassimilated Berber garrisons in al-Andalus engaged in local vendettas and
feuds, such as the conflict with the Banu Mahsa. [112]: 33 This was due to the limited power of the
Umayyad emir's central authority. Collins states that "the Berbers, despite being fellow Muslims,
were despised by those who claimed Arab descent". [112]: 33–34 As well as having feuds with Arab
factions, the Berbers sometimes had major conflicts with the local communities where they were
stationed. In 794, the Berber garrison of Tarragona massacred the inhabitants of the city. Tarragona
was uninhabited for seven years until the Frankish conquest of Barcelona led to its
reoccupation.[112]: 34
Berber groups were involved in the rebellion of Umar ibn Hafsun from 880 to 915.[112]: 121–122 Ibn
Hafsun rebelled in 880, was captured, then escaped in 883 to his base in Bobastro. There he formed
an alliance with the Banu Rifa' tribe of Berbers, who had a stronghold in Alhama. [112]: 122 He then
formed alliances with other local Berber clans, taking the towns of Osuna, Estepa, and Ecija in 889.
He captured Jaen in 892.[112]: 122 He was only defeated in 915 by Abd ar-Rahman III.[112]: 125

Throughout the ninth century, the Berber garrisons were one of the main military supports of the
Umayyad regime.[112]: 37 Although they had caused numerous problems for Abd ar-Rahman I, Collins
suggests that by the reign of Al-Hakam the Berber conflicts with Arabs and native Iberians meant that
Berbers could only look to the Umayyad regime for support and patronage and developed solid ties
of loyalty to the emirs. However, they were also difficult to control, and by the end of the ninth
century the Berber frontier garrisons disappear from the sources. Collins says this might be because
they migrated back to north Africa or gradually assimilated.[112]: 37

In al-Andalus during the Umayyad caliphate

Main article: Caliphate of Córdoba

Old fortress at Calatrava la Vieja. The site was used during the
Muslim period from about 785 until the fall of the Caliphate of Cordova.

New waves of Berber settlers arrived in al-Andalus in the 10th century, brought as mercenaries by
Abd ar-Rahman III, who proclaimed himself caliph in 929, to help him in his campaigns to restore
Umayyad authority in areas that had overthrown it during the reigns of the previous emirs.[112]: 103, 131,
168
These new Berbers "lacked any familiarity with the pattern of relationships" that had existed in al-
Andalus in the 700s and 800s;[112]: 103 thus they were not involved in the same web of traditional
conflicts and loyalties as the previously already existing Berber garrisons. [112]: 168

An old Amazigh room in Morocco

New frontier settlements were built for the new Berber mercenaries. Written sources state that
some of the mercenaries were placed in Calatrava, which was refortified. [112]: 168 Another Berber
settlement called Vascos [es], west of Toledo, is not mentioned in the historical sources, but has
been excavated archaeologically. It was a fortified town, had walls, and a separate fortress or alcazar.
Two cemeteries have also been discovered. The town was established in the 900s as a frontier town
for Berbers, probably of the Nafza tribe. It was abandoned soon after the Castilian occupation of
Toledo in 1085. The Berber inhabitants took all their possessions with them. [112]: 169 [117]
In the 900s, the Umayyad caliphate faced a challenge from the Fatimids in North Africa. The Fatimid
Caliphate of the 10th century was established by the Kutama Berbers. [118][119] After taking the city of
Kairouan and overthrowing the Aghlabids in 909, the Mahdi Ubayd Allah was installed by the Kutama
as Imam and Caliph,[120][121] which posed a direct challenge to the Umayyad's own claim. [112]: 169 The
Fatimids gained overlordship over the Idrisids, then launched a conquest of the Maghreb. To counter
the threat, the Umayyads crossed the strait to take Ceuta in 931, [112]: 171 and actively formed alliances
with Berber confederacies, such as the Zenata and the Awraba. Rather than fighting each other
directly, the Fatimids and Umayyads competed for Berber allegiances. In turn, this provided a
motivation for the further conversion of Berbers to Islam, many of the Berbers, particularly farther
south, away from the Mediterranean, being still Christian and pagan. [112]: 169–170 In turn, this would
contribute to the establishment of the Almoravid dynasty and Almohad Caliphate, which would have
a major impact on al-Andalus and contribute to the end of the Umayyad caliphate. [112]: 170

Origin and conquests of the Fatimids

With the help of his new mercenary forces, Abd ar-Rahman launched a series of attacks on parts of
the Iberian peninsula that had fallen away from Umayyad allegiance. In the 920s he campaigned
against the areas that rebelled under Umar ibn Hafsun and refused to submit until the 920s. He
conquered Mérida in 928–929, Ceuta in 931, and Toledo in 932.[112]: 171–172 In 934 he began a
campaign in the north against Ramiro II of Leon and Muhammad ibn Hashim al-Tujibi, the governor
of Zaragoza. According to Ibn Hayyan, after inconclusively confronting al-Tujibi on the Ebro, Abd ar-
Rahman briefly forced the Kingdom of Pamplona into submission, ravaged Castile and Alava, and met
Ramiro II in an inconclusive battle.[112]: 171–172 From 935 to 937, he confronted the Tujibids, defeating
them in 937. In 939, Ramiro II defeated the combined Umayyad and Tujibid armies in the Battle of
Simancas.[112]: 146–147

Umayyad influence in western North Africa spread through diplomacy rather than
conquest.[112]: 172 The Umayyads sought out alliances with various Berber confederacies. These would
declare loyalty to the Umayyad caliphate in opposition to the Fatimids. The Umayyads would send
gifts, including embroidered silk ceremonial cloaks. During this time, mints in cities on the Moroccan
coast—Fes, Sijilmasa, Sfax, and al-Nakur—occasionally issued coins with the names of Umayyad
caliphs, showing the extent of Umayyad diplomatic influence. [112]: 172 The text of a letter of friendship
from a Berber leader to the Umayyad caliph has been preserved in the work of 'Isa al-Razi.[122]

During Abd ar-Rahman's reign, tensions increased between the three distinct components of the
Muslim community in al-Andalus: Berbers, Saqaliba (European slaves), and those of Arab or mixed
Arab and Gothic descent.[112]: 175 Following Abd ar-Rahman's proclamation of the new Umayyad
caliphate in Cordoba, the Umayyads placed a great emphasis on the Umayyad membership of
the Quraysh tribe.[112]: 180 This led to a fashion, in Cordoba, for claiming pure Arab ancestry as
opposed to descent from freed slaves.[112]: 181 Claims of descent from Visigothic noble families also
became common.[112]: 181–182 However, an "immediately detrimental consequence of this acute
consciousness of ancestry was the revival of ethnic disparagement, directed in particular against the
Berbers and the Saqaliba".[112]: 182
When the Fatimids moved their capital to Egypt in 969, they left north Africa in charge of viceroys
from the Zirid clan of Sanhaja Berbers, who were Fatimid loyalists and enemies of the
Zenata.[112]: 170 The Zirids in turn divided their territories, assigning some to the Hammadid branch of
the family to govern. The Hammadids became independent in 1014, with their capital at Qal'at Beni-
Hammad. With the withdrawal of the Fatimids to Egypt, however, the rivalry with the Umayyads
decreased.[112]: 170

Al-Hakam II sent Muhammad Ibn Abī ‘Āmir to north Africa in 973–974 to act as qadi al qudat (chief
justice) to the Berber groups that had accepted Umayyad authority. Ibn Abī ‘Āmir was treasurer of
the household of the caliph's wife and children, director of the mint at Madinat al-Zahra, commander
of the Cordoba police, and qadi of the frontier. During his time as qadi in north Africa, Ibn Abi Amir
developed close ties with the North African Berbers. [112]: 186

Considerable resentment arose in Cordoba against the increasing numbers of Berbers brought from
north Africa by al-Mansur and his children Abd al-Malik and Sanchuelo.[112]: 198 It was said that
Sanchuelo ordered anyone attending his court to wear Berber turbans, which Roger Collins suggests
may not have been true, but shows that hostile anti-Berber propaganda was being used to discredit
the sons of al-Mansur. In 1009, Sanchuelo had himself proclaimed Hisham II's successor, and then
went on military campaign. However, while he was away a revolt took place. Sanchuelo's palace was
sacked and his support fell away. As he marched back to Cordoba his own Berber mercenaries
abandoned him.[112]: 197–198 Knowing the strength of ill feeling against them in Cordoba, they thought
Sanchuelo would be unable to protect them, and so they went elsewhere in order to survive and
secure their own interests.[112]: 198 Sanchuelo was left with only a few followers, and was captured
and killed in 1009. Hisham II abdicated and was succeeded by Muhammad II al-Mahdi.

Having abandoned Sanchuelo, the Berbers who had formed his army turned to support another
ambitious Umayyad, Sulayman. They obtained logistical support from Count Sancho Garcia of Castile.
Marching on Cordoba, they defeated Saqaliba general Wadih and forced Muhammad II al-Mahdi to
flee to Toledo. They then installed Sulayman as caliph, and based themselves in the Madinat al-Zahra
to avoid friction with the local population.[112]: 198–199 Wadih and al-Mahdi formed an alliance with the
Counts of Barcelona and Urgell and marched back on Cordoba. They defeated Sulayman and the
Berber forces in a battle near Cordoba in 1010. To avoid being destroyed, the Berbers fled towards
Algeciras.[112]: 199

Al-Mahdi swore to exterminate the Berbers and pursued them. However, he was defeated in battle
near Marbella. With Wadih, he fled back to Cordoba while his Catalan allies went home. The Berbers
turned around and besieged Cordoba. Deciding that he was about to lose, Wadih overthrew al-Mahdi
and sent his head to the Berbers, replacing him with Hisham II. [112]: 199 However, the Berbers did not
end the siege. They methodically destroyed Cordoba's suburbs, pinning the inhabitants inside the old
Roman walls and destroying the Madinat al-Zahra. Wadih's allies killed him, and the Cordoba garrison
surrendered with the expectation of amnesty. However, "a massacre ensued in which the Berbers
took revenge for many personal and collective injuries and permanently settled several feuds in the
process".[112]: 200 The Berbers made Sulayman caliph once again. Ibn Idhari said that the installation of
Sulayman in 1013 was the moment when "the rule of the Berbers began in Cordoba and that of the
Umayyads ended, after it had existed for two hundred and sixty eight years and forty-three
days".[112]: 200 [123]

In al-Andalus in the Taifa period

During the Taifa era, the petty kings came from a variety of ethnic groups; some—for instance the
Zirid kings of Granada—were of Berber origin. The Taifa period ended when a Berber dynasty—the
Moroccan Almoravids—took over al-Andalus; they were succeeded by the Almohad dynasty of
Morocco, during which time al-Andalus flourished.

After the fall of Cordoba in 1013, the Saqaliba fled from the city to secure their own fiefdoms. One
group of Saqaliba seized Orihuela from its Berber garrison and took control of the entire
region.[112]: 201

Among the Berbers who were brought to al-Andalus by al-Mansur were the Zirid family of Sanhaja
Berbers. After the fall of Cordoba, the Zirids took over Granada in 1013, forming the Zirid kingdom of
Granada. The Saqaliba Khayran, with his own Umayyad figurehead Abd ar-Rahman IV al-Murtada,
attempted to seize Granada from the Zirids in 1018, but failed. Khayran then executed Abd ar-
Rahman IV. Khayran's son, Zuhayr, also made war on the Zirid kingdom of Granada, but was killed in
1038.[112]: 202

In Cordoba, conflicts continued between the Berber rulers and those of the citizenry who saw
themselves as Arab.[112]: 202 After being installed as caliph with Berber support, Sulayman was
pressured into distributing southern provinces to his Berber allies. The Sanhaja departed from
Cordoba at this time. The Zenata Berber Hammudids received the important districts of Ceuta and
Algeciras. The Hammudids claimed a family relation to the Idrisids, and thus traced their ancestry to
the caliph Ali. In 1016 they rebelled in Ceuta, claiming to be supporting the restoration of Hisham II.
They took control of Málaga, then marched on Cordoba, taking it and executing Sulayman and his
family. Ali ibn Hammud al-Nasir declared himself caliph, a position he held for two years. [112]: 203

For some years, Hammudids and Umayyads fought one another and the caliphate passed between
them several times. Hammudids also fought among themselves. The last Hammudid caliph reigned
until 1027. The Hammudids were then expelled from Cordoba, where there was still a great deal of
anti-Berber sentiment. The Hammudids remained in Málaga until expelled by the Zirids in
1056.[112]: 203 The Zirids of Granada controlled Málaga until 1073, after which separate Zirid kings
retained control over the taifas of Granada and Malaga until the Almoravid conquest. [124]

During the taifa period, the Aftasid dynasty, based in Badajoz, controlled a large territory centered on
the Guadiana River valley.[124] The area of Aftasid control was very large, stretching from the Sierra
Morena and the taifas of Mértola and Silves in the south, to the Campo de Calatrava in the west,
the Montes de Toledo in the northwest, and nearly as far as Oporto in the northeast.[124]

According to Bernard Reilly,[124]: 13 during the taifa period genealogy continued to be an obsession of
the upper classes in al-Andalus. Most wanted to trace their lineage back to the Syrian and Yemeni
Arabs who accompanied the invasion. In contrast, tracing descent from the Berbers who came with
the same invasion "was to be stigmatized as of inferior birth". [124]: 13 Reilly notes, however, that in
practice the two groups had by the 11th century become almost indistinguishable: "both groups
gradually ceased to be distinguishable parts of the Muslim population, except when one of them
actually ruled a taifa, in which case his low origins were well publicized by his rivals". [citation needed]

Nevertheless, distinctions between Arab, Berber, and slave were not the stuff of serious politics,
either within or between the taifas. It was the individual family that was the unit of political
activity."[124]: 13 The Berber that arrived towards the end of the caliphate as mercenary forces, says
Reilly, amounted to only about 20 thousand people in a total al-Andalusi population of six million.
Their high visibility was due to their foundation of taifa dynasties rather than large numbers.[124]: 13
In the power hierarchy, Berbers were situated between the Arabic aristocracy and
the Muladi populace. Ethnic rivalry was one of the most important factors driving Andalusi politics.
Berbers made up as much as 20% of the population of the occupied territory. [125]

In al-Andalus under the Almoravids

The Almoravid realm at its greatest extent, c. 1120

During the taifa period, the Almoravid empire developed in northwest Africa, whose core was
formed by the Lamtuna branch of the Sanhaja Berber.[124]: 99 In the mid-11th century, they allied with
the Guddala and Massufa Berber. At that time, the Almoravid leader Yahya ibn Ibrahim went on
a hajj. On his way back he met Malikite preachers in Kairouan, and invited them to his land. Malikite
disciple Abd Allah ibn Yasin accepted the invitation. Traveling to Morocco, he established a military
monastery or ribat where he trained a highly motivated and disciplined fighting force. In 1054 and
1055, employing these specially trained forces, Almoravid leader Yahya ibn Umar defeated
the Kingdom of Ghana and the Zenata Berber. After Yahya ibn Umar died, his brother Abu Bakr ibn
Umar pursued an Almoravid expansion. Forced to resolve a Sanhaja civil war, he left control of the
Moroccan conquests to his brother, Yusuf ibn Tashfin. Yusuf continued to conquer territory; and
following Abu Bakr's death in 1087, he became the Almoravid leader. [124]: 100–101

After their loss of Cordoba, the Hammudids had occupied Algeciras and Ceuta. In the mid-11th
century, the Hammudids lost control of their Iberian possessions, but retained a small taifa kingdom
based in Ceuta. In 1083, Yusuf ibn Tashufin conquered Ceuta. In the same year, al-Mutamid, king of
the Taifa of Seville, traveled to Morocco to appeal to Yusuf for help against King Alfonso VI of Castile.
Earlier, in 1079, the king of Badajoz, al-Mutawakkil, had appealed to Yusuf for help against Alfonso.
After the fall of Toledo to Alfonso VI in 1085, al-Mutamid appealed again to Yusuf. This time,
financed by the taifa kings of Iberia, Yusuf crossed to al-Andalus and took direct personal control of
Algeciras in 1086.[124]: 102–103

Modern history

Further information: Arabized Berber and Berberism

 Berber village in the High Atlas mountains of Morocco

The Kabylians were independent of outside control during the period of Ottoman Empire rule in
North Africa. They lived primarily in three states or confederations: the Kingdom of Ait
Abbas, Kingdom of Kuku, and the principality of Aït Jubar.[126] The Kingdom of Ait Abbas was a Berber
state of North Africa, controlling Lesser Kabylie and its surroundings from the sixteenth century to
the nineteenth century. It is referred to in the Spanish historiography as reino de
Labes;[127] sometimes more commonly referred to by its ruling family, the Mokrani, in Berber At
Muqran (Arabic: ‫أوالد مقران‬Ouled Moqrane). Its capital was the Kalâa of Ait Abbas, an impregnable
citadel in the Biban mountain range.

The most serious native revolt against colonial power in French Algeria since the time of Abd al-
Qadir broke out in 1871 in the Kabylie and spread through much of Algeria. By April 1871, 250 tribes
had risen, or nearly a third of Algeria's population. [128] In the aftermath of this revolt and until 1892,
the Kabyle myth, which supposed a variety of stereotypes based on a binary between Arabs and
Kabyle people, reached its climax.[129][130]

In 1902, the French penetrated the Hoggar Mountains and defeated Ahaggar Tuareg in the battle
of Tit.

Abd el-Krim featured in the magazine Time in 1925

In 1912, Morocco was divided into French and Spanish zones.[131] The Rif Berbers rebelled, led by Abd
el-Krim, a former officer of the Spanish administration. In July 1921, the Spanish army in
northeastern Morocco, under Manuel Silvestre, were routed by the forces of Abd el-Krim, in what
became known in Spain as the Disaster of Annual. The Spaniards may have lost up to 22,000 soldiers
at Annual and in subsequent fighting.[132]
During the Algerian War (1954–1962), the FLN and ALN's reorganisation of the country created, for
the first time, a unified Kabyle administrative territory, wilaya III, being as it was at the centre of the
anti-colonial struggle.[133] From the moment of Algerian independence, tensions developed between
Kabyle leaders and the central government.[134]

Soon after gaining independence in the middle of the twentieth century, the countries of North
Africa established Arabic as their official language, replacing French, Spanish, and Italian; although
the shift from European colonial languages to Arabic for official purposes continues even to this day.
As a result, most Berbers had to study and know Arabic, and had no opportunities until the twenty-
first century to use their mother tongue at school or university. This may have accelerated the
existing process of Arabization of Berbers, especially in already bilingual areas, such as among the
Chaouis of Algeria. Tamazight is now taught in Aurès since the march led by Salim Yezza [fr] in 2004.

While Berberism had its roots before the independence of these countries, it was limited to the
Berber elite. It only began to succeed among the greater populace when North African states
replaced their European colonial languages with Arabic and identified exclusively as Arabian nations,
downplaying or ignoring the existence and the social specificity of Berbers. However, Berberism's
distribution remains uneven. In response to its demands, Morocco and Algeria have both modified
their policies, with Algeria redefining itself constitutionally as an "Arab, Berber, Muslim nation".

There is an identity-related debate about the persecution of Berbers by the Arab-dominated regimes
of North Africa through both Pan-Arabism and Islamism,[135] their issue of identity is due to the pan-
Arabist ideology of former Egyptian president, Gamal Abdel Nasser. Some activists have claimed that
"[i]t is time—long past overdue—to confront the racist arabization of the Amazigh lands."[136]

Demonstration of Kabyles in Paris, April 2016

The Black Spring was a series of violent disturbances and political demonstrations by Kabyle activists
in the Kabylie region of Algeria in 2001. In the 2011 Libyan civil war, Berbers in the Nafusa
Mountains were quick to revolt against the Gaddafi regime. The mountains became a stronghold of
the rebel movement, and were a focal point of the conflict, with much fighting occurring between
rebels and loyalists for control of the region. [3] The Tuareg Rebellion of 2012 was waged against the
Malian government by rebels with the goal of attaining independence for the northern region of
Mali, known as Azawad.[137] Since late 2016, massive riots have spread across Moroccan Berber
communities in the Rif region. Another escalation took place in May 2017. [138]

In Morocco, after the constitutional reforms of 2011, Berber has become an official language, and is
now taught as a compulsory language in all schools regardless of the area or the ethnicity. In 2016,
Algeria followed suit and changed the status of Berber from "national" to "official" language.

Although Berberists who openly show their political orientations rarely reach high positions, Berbers
have reached high positions in the social and political hierarchies across the Maghreb. Examples are
the former president of Algeria, Liamine Zeroual; the former prime minister of Morocco, Driss Jettou;
and Khalida Toumi, a feminist and Berberist militant, who has been nominated as head of the
Ministry of Communication in Algeria.

Arabization

Main article: Arabized Berber

The Arabization of the indigenous Berber populations was a result of the centuries-long Arab
migrations to the Maghreb which began since the 7th century, in addition to changing the
population's demographics. The early wave of migration prior to the 11th century contributed to the
Berber adoption of Arab culture. Furthermore, the Arabic language spread during this period and
drove Latin into extinction in the cities. The Arabization took place around Arab centres through the
influence of Arabs in the cities and rural areas surrounding them. [139]

The migration of Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym in the 11th century had a much greater influence on
the process of Arabization of the population. It played a major role in spreading Bedouin Arabic to
rural areas such as the countryside and steppes, and as far as the southern areas near
the Sahara.[139] It also heavily transformed the culture in the Maghreb into Arab culture, and spread
nomadism in areas where agriculture was previously dominant. [140] These Bedouin tribes accelerated
and deepened the Arabization process, since the Berber population was gradually assimilated by the
newcomers and had to share with them pastures and seasonal migration paths. By around the 15th
century, the region of modern-day Tunisia had already been almost completely Arabized. [41] As Arab
nomads spread, the territories of the local Berber tribes were moved and shrank. The Zenata were
pushed to the west and the Kabyles were pushed to the north. The Berbers took refuge in the
mountains whereas the plains were Arabized. [141]

Currently, most Arabized Berbers identify as Berber, although the prominence of Arab influences has
fully assimilated them into the Arab cultural sphere.[142]

Contemporary demographics

Sanhaja Berber women in the 1970s

Ethnic groups

Main article: Maghreb § Ethnic groups

Ethnically, Berbers comprise a minority population in the Maghreb. Berbers comprise 15%[143] to
25%[144] the population of Algeria, 10%[145] of Libya, 31%[146] to 35%[147] of Morocco, and 1%[148] of
Tunisia. Berber language speakers in the Maghreb comprise 30% [3] to
40%[149][better source needed][6][better source needed] of the Moroccan population, and 15%[150] to
35%[6][better source needed] of the Algerian population, with smaller communities in Libya and very small
groups in Tunisia, Egypt and Mauritania.[151] Berber languages in total are spoken by around 14
million[152] to 16 million[153] people in Africa.

Berber village in the Atlas mountains

Prominent Berber ethnic groups include the Kabyles—from Kabylia, a historical autonomous region
of northern Algeria—who number about six million and have kept, to a large degree, their original
language and society; and the Shilha or Chleuh—in High and Anti-Atlas and Sous Valley of Morocco—
who number about eight million.[citation needed] Other groups include the Riffians of northern Morocco,
the Chaoui people of eastern Algeria, the Chenouas in western Algeria and the Nafusis of the Nafusa
Mountains.

Outside the Maghreb, the Tuareg in Mali (early settlement near the old imperial capital
of Timbuktu),[154] Niger, and Burkina Faso number some 850,000, [10] 1,620,000,[155] and 50,000,
respectively. Tuaregs are a Berber ethnic group with a traditionally nomadic pastoralist lifestyle and
are the principal inhabitants of the vast Sahara Desert. [156][157]