UCLA

UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology

Title
Theodicy

Permalink
https://escholarship.org/uc/item/46m4v876

Journal
UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, 1(1)

ISSN
2693-7425

Author
Enmarch, Ronald

Publication Date
2024-11-12

DOI
10.5070/G9.3899

Copyright Information
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available at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

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 THEODICY
(‫”اﻟﺜﯿﻮدﯾﺴﯿﺔ“ )اﻟﺘﺤﻘﯿﻖ ﻓﻰ ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ اﻷوﻟﻮھﯿﺔ‬

Roland Enmarch

Version 2

EDITORS
JONATHAN WINNERMAN WILLEKE WENDRICH
Editor, Religion Editor-in-Chief
Los Angeles, USA Los Angeles, USA

SOLANGE ASHBY Los Angeles, USA Upper Nile Languages and Cultures
MENNAT-ALLAH EL-DORRY Cairo, Egypt Natural Environment: Flora and Fauna
ANNA HODGKINSON Berlin, Germany Material Culture
ANNETTE IMHAUSEN Frankfurt, Germany Domains of Knowledge
CHRISTINE JOHNSTON Bellingham, USA Natural Environment: Landscapes, Climate
JUAN CARLOS MORENO GARCÍA Paris, France Economy
MASSIMILIANO NUZZOLO Turin, Italy Geography
RUNE NYORD Atlanta, USA History of Egyptology
TANJA POMMERENING Marburg, Germany Domains of Knowledge
ANDRÉAS STAUDER Paris, France Language, Text, and Writing

Citation:
Enmarch, Roland, 2024, Theodicy, Version 2. In Jonathan Winnerman and Willeke Wendrich (eds.),
UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, Los Angeles. ISSN 2693-7425. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5070/G9.3899
[DOI Theodicy, Version 1 https://doi.org/10.5070/G9.3942]

3899 Version 2, November 2024, ark ID 21198/z1bp5nfg

 THEODICY
(‫”اﻟﺜﯿﻮدﯾﺴﯿﺔ“ )اﻟﺘﺤﻘﯿﻖ ﻓﻰ ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ اﻷوﻟﻮھﯿﺔ‬

Roland Enmarch

Theodizee
Théodicée

Theodicy, the inquiry as to the justness of the divine, is a prominent theme in mythological descriptions of the
struggle between order and chaos. It is also an important feature of Middle Egyptian pessimistic poetry, which
probes weaknesses in this mythological argument. Although less explicitly articulated, theodicean concerns recur
in Egyptian written culture down at least to the Greco-Roman Period.

‫وﺻﺎف اﻷﺳﻄﻮرﯾ ِﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻔﺎحِ ﺑﯿﻦ‬ِ ‫ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﺑﺎرز ﻓﻲ اﻷ‬،‫ او اﻟﺘﺤﻘﯿﻖ ﻓﻰ ﻋﺪاﻟﺔ اﻷوﻟﻮھﯿﺔ‬،“‫”اﻟﺜﯿﻮدﯾﺴﯿﺔ‬
‫اﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﻓﻲ‬
َ ‫ﺼﻰ‬ّ ‫ اﻟﺬي ﯾَﺘﻘ‬،‫اﻟﻤﺘﺸﺎﺋﻢ‬
ِ ‫ﺳ ِﻂ‬
ّ ‫ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺮ اﻟﻤﺼﺮي ِ اﻟﻤﺘﻮ‬
ِ ‫ ھﻲ أﯾﻀﺎ ً ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻣﮭﻢ‬.‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم واﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ‬
‫اﻟﻤﺨﺎوف ”اﻟﺜﯿﻮدﯾﺴﯿﺔ“ اﺳﺘﻤﺮت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﺔ اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻌﺼﺮ‬ َ .‫ھﺬا اﻟﺠﺪال اﻷﺳﻄﻮري‬
.‫اﻟﯿﻮﻧﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺮوﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ وﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮر ﺑﺄﻗﻞ وﺿﻮح‬
theodicy is an attempt to reconcile the Old Kingdom, where it is featured in the
A belief in divine justice with the
existence of evil and suffering in
Pyramid Texts (Loprieno 2003: 31-33, 44). In
older sources, isfet is characterized as the
the world. Although the term itself is inversion of all things ordered (Frandsen 2000:
comparatively recent (originally coined in a 13; 2002 – 2003: 65), becoming later a more
Judeo-Christian cultural context by Leibniz in widely used term for all things evil.
1710; see Laato and de Moor 2003: x),
While the cosmos’s return to chaos was
awareness of suffering and the
regarded as undesirable, Egyptologists take
problematization of evil are central to many
differing views on whether the cosmos itself
diverse religious and philosophical traditions,
was created in an original state of perfection,
including those of ancient Near Eastern
which was later spoiled by divine or human
cultures (see Sitzler 1995).
agency (see, e.g., Assmann 1994; Bickel 1994:
Several areas of Egyptian written discourse
225; Kemboly 2010), or whether chaotic
(primarily mythological, literary, and
imperfection was an inherent feature of the
biographical) explicitly address theodicean
cosmos from its creation (e.g., Hornung 1982:
topics, advancing a range of theodicean
213; Junge 1993: 156-157; Borrego Gallardo
positions. The question of the origin of evil is
2016: 41-43). To some degree, support for
closely bound to Egyptian ontological
both viewpoints can be found in discrete
conceptions: non-existence/chaos (nun)
Egyptian textual sources, and it is perhaps
preceded the creation of the ordered cosmos
unsurprising to find a variety of viewpoints
and constantly threatened to overwhelm it
expressed in a culture that endured for such a
again. In Egyptian mythology, good and evil
long period of time. Some of the differences of
are hence respectively identified with cosmic
emphasis may relate to different aspects of
order (maat; Assmann 2006) and disorder (isfet;
creation: from a cosmogonic viewpoint, the
Parys 2024), an opposition attested as early as
threat of the return to uncreation (personified

Theodicy, Enmarch, UEE 2024 1

by entities such as Apophis) is strongly implied The interplay between these cosmic and
to be primordial; for example, Apophis is anthropocentric conceptions of evil,
described as the umbilical cord of the solar particularly over the question of the balance
creator god, the being whose manifestation between human and divine responsibility for
began the cosmos (Quack 2015: 379; Ritner suffering on earth, underlies most Egyptian
2017: 282; see, however, the differing view of theodicean discourse. In earlier periods the
Kemboly 2017: 175). By contrast, other cosmic and political aspects of the struggle
mythological texts associate the arrival of between order and chaos predominate, but as
disorder in the cosmos with the birth of the time progresses there is an increasing emphasis
unruly god Seth (Borrego Gallardo 2016: 38) in on the everyday human experience of
the fourth generation of the Heliopolitan imperfection and injustice in earthly life, and
Ennead of gods, which would make disorder the reasons for it.
decidedly secondary. It is unlikely that the
The Egyptians’ essentially negative cosmo-
apparent surface contradiction between these
logy (for this term, see Assmann 2006: 201-
mythemes would have unduly perturbed the
222), and their negative evaluation of human
Egyptians, however, because Egyptian
nature (arising from humanity’s rebellion
religious thought “accepted differing
against the creator god), potentially absolved
explanations of a single phenomenon as
the gods of blame for the world’s
equally valid” (Allen 2004: 533), viewing these
imperfections by inculpating humanity (cf.
explanations as complementary.
Bickel 1994: 212-217). Theodicean
The origin of evil among human beings is interpretations of divine action have
more clearly described as a secondary implications for social structure and tend to
development. A strand of theodicean encourage normative cultural and political
discourse, which first becomes prominent in values. From at least the Middle Kingdom
the Coffin Texts and in Middle Egyptian onwards, theodicy formed the basis of the
poetry, focuses on the relationship between legitimation of the pharaonic state, where
humanity and the divine. The deity whose strong and sometimes violent action on the
justice is in question here usually assumes the part of the king was required in order to curb
role of solar creator god. According to these humanity’s chaotic tendencies (Assmann 2000:
texts, humanity was not created to behave 42; 2005: 19-23). In accordance with this
chaotically, but their own hearts subsequently conceptual framework, untoward political
chose to do so and rebelled against the creator events in Egyptian history, such as rebellions
god despite his benevolent treatment of them. (as in several Königsnovellen), the Hyksos
In the wake of this rebellion, the creator god dominion, or the defunct reforms of the
withdrew up to heaven, away from direct Amarna Period, were also portrayed in
contact with humanity; it is this distancing of subsequent royal inscriptions as aberrant
the solar creator god that permits the existence outbreaks of chaotic behavior (see, e.g.,
of darkness and suffering in the world of Loprieno 2003: 47).
humans (von Lieven 2018: 177). Two of the
The correct human response to this state of
clearest early references to humankind’s
affairs was to demonstrate conduct in
rebellion are in the declaration of the creator
accordance with the ideal of maat, one
god in Coffin Text spell 1130 (CT VII, 464b),
component of which was loyalty to the
first attested in the 11th Dynasty (Parkinson
Egyptian state. In earlier periods, such
2002: 131, note 1), and in the Book of the
behavior was assumed to lead to success in this
Heavenly Cow (Hornung 1997), a mythological
life (as stressed, for example, in the Middle
text first attested in the late 18th Dynasty (for a
Egyptian Loyalist Teaching; text: Posener
discussion of some later Egyptian texts
1976; translation: Parkinson 1997: 239-240),
featuring the same motifs, see Smith 2000: 95-
and to being judged righteous after death. The
96).
concept of a posthumous moral judgment,
attested most famously in Book of the Dead

Theodicy, Enmarch, UEE 2024 2

spell 125, forms another implicit theodicean Merikara), or whether they have free will (see
argument: regardless of suffering in this life, Otto 1951, 1966; Fecht 1972: 128-130), a
good conduct would be rewarded by the gods theme more directly addressed in later periods
in the next. Coffin Text Spell 1130 underlines (on destiny and free will see, e.g., Baines 1994:
this by listing, as one of the creator god’s “good 40-45; Vernus 1995: 122-132). Although
deeds” for humanity, the fact that he promoted Ipuwer focuses on problematic aspects of
piety by making them mindful of death (CT normative ideology, it does not ultimately
VII, 464d). undermine that ideology but instead forms a
plea for closer and more discriminating divine
The comparatively peripheral role of literary
(and royal) intervention in the world, to ensure
discourse in Egyptian civilization enabled it to
that justice really is done.
explore these theodicean themes in a freer and
sometimes more critical fashion than was Direct challenges to divine justice appear less
possible in mythological discourse. Literary frequently from the New Kingdom onwards.
texts were also free to concentrate on The 18th Dynasty solar hymns emphasize
perceived moral injustices in everyday instead the all-encompassing benevolence of
experience, rather than the abstracted the creator god, while the theology of Amarna
principles of cosmic order and disorder. ascribed evil to the nightly absence of the god
Middle Egyptian poetry provides the most Aten (expressed most extensively in the Great
explicit examples (Parkinson 2002: 130-138), Hymn to the Aten, for which see Sandman
such as the Tale of the Eloquent Peasant 1938: 93-96 and Lorton 1993; see also
(Parkinson 2012), which explores issues of Rutkauskas 2023). One feature of the major
social justice that implicitly raise theodicean changes in Egyptian religious decorum in the
questions (Parkinson 2002: 173; Blumenthal post-Amarna Period was the greater emphasis
2004: 11-14). Another Middle Egyptian poem, on the personal relationship between non-royal
the Teaching for Merikara (text: Quack 1992; individuals and the gods. The existence of evil
translation: Parkinson 1997: 212-234), and suffering was not denied, but individual
culminates in a hymn to the creator god that Egyptians increasingly placed their faith in a
asserts his care for suffering humanity (“when specific divine patron and protector, who
they weep, he is listening”: Merikara E135), yet would prevent anything bad happening
also portrays the creator as a stern father specifically to them (as in the biography of
“slaying his son for the sake of his brother” Simut-Kyky: text: Negm 1997: pls. 44-63;
(Merikara E137-138). Suffering, even if it translation: Frood 2007). Human afflictions, in
seems inexplicably harsh to humanity, thus this life and the next, were a divine punishment
serves a higher divine purpose, becoming the for bad behavior, requiring contrition and
creator’s tool for chastising his errant creations’ forgiveness (see, e.g., Galán 1999). There is
behavior (Assmann 2000: 106-108; 2001: 174; also a greater emphasis on divine intervention,
but see alternative interpretations referenced in rather than loyalty to the king, as the only
Parkinson 2002: 131). guarantee of success (Assmann 2005: 93-112).
Perhaps inevitable consequences of these
The most direct critique of this view of the
developments include an increasing emphasis
creator god occurs in another Middle Egyptian
on the inscrutable nature of divine action and
poem, the Dialogue of Ipuwer and the Lord of
will (Brunner 1988: 103-120) and a recognition
All (Enmarch 2005, 2008; Rosell 2015: 136-
that good conduct will not necessarily lead to
149), where a human sage accuses the creator
earthly success (as opposed to in the afterlife).
god of being too distant from human affairs,
This tendency develops over time, occurring
and of not distinguishing the meek from the
for example in the Teaching of Amenemope
fierce. The implication is that it is the fault of
(text: Laisney 2007; English translation:
the creator if the creation is deficient. An
Lichtheim 1976: 146-163), and is expressed
underlying question is whether human beings
most pervasively in the Demotic Wisdom
are condemned by fate to behave chaotically
Book (of which the main manuscript is
and receive punishment (as implied in
Papyrus Insinger: text: Lexa 1926 and Volten

Theodicy, Enmarch, UEE 2024 3

 1941; English translation: Lichtheim 1980: 2002: 115-119), that predict future calamity
184-217; German translation: Thissen 1991: followed by the restoration of a golden age of
280-319; see also von Lieven 2018: 177). indigenous Egyptian culture (Assmann 2002:
382, note 23). This reading of the texts as
Elsewhere in Demotic literature, however,
evidence for Egyptian anti-foreign sentiments
there are still assertions that earthly
has, however, found limited acceptance, and
wrongdoing never ultimately redounds to the
some of these texts may alternatively be
sinner’s benefit: in the Myth of the Sun’s Eye,
understood as attempts by Egyptian writers to
one reads “Nothing on earth happens except
come to terms with a rapidly changing
what god ordains in the horizon. He who does
international context, in which traditional
a good deed will have it return to him—and a
Egyptian royal and cosmic ideology needed
bad deed likewise” (Quack 2015: 390). The
reformulating (see, e.g., Felber 2002: 106-110;
Demotic Chronicle (text: Spiegelberg 1914;
Thissen 2002: 134-136; Blasius and Schipper
translation: Felber 2002: 75-90; see also
2002: 294-298). However these predictions are
Assmann 2002: 378, note 10) also reasserts the
interpreted, the deferral of the advent of
connection between human action and divine
cosmic justice to an unspecified future date
retribution in its reading of the history of
nevertheless constitutes another implicit
Dynasties 28-30: pious kings live out their time
theodicy (Loprieno 2003: 55) that may be
and are succeeded by their sons, while impious
compared in thematic terms with the
kings are usurped or have their reigns cut short.
apocalyptic literature widespread throughout
This text also illustrates the decline in status of
the Hellenistic and Roman Mediterranean—
royalty, who are treated simply as individuals
just as similar comparisons can be made
being judged by the gods for their adherence,
between other Egyptian written genres (such as
no longer to maat (cosmic order), but to the hep,
instructions) and classical literature (Lichtheim
the law as a body of rules and guidelines laid
1983). Though it therefore seems plausible, it
down in writing (for one of the earliest
is not currently possible to conclusively
references to a hep of kingship, see Merikara
demonstrate a closer link between the Egyptian
E138). Foreign domination in the first
theodicean tradition and those of
millennium BCE was possibly a factor in the
contemporary and subsequent cultures
development of prophetic texts, such as the
(however, see Frankfurter 1993: 176-194).
Oracle of the Lamb (see Zauzich 1983; Thissen

Bibliographic Notes
Twenty-first century discussions of theodicy and the problem of evil in Egyptology have included von
Lieven (2018), Ritner (2017), Borrego Gallardo (2016), Quack (2015), Rosell (2015: 136-149), Meltzer
(2011), Kemboly (2010), Enmarch (2008: 55-59), Rizzo (2005), Allen (2004), and Frandsen (2000). For
a detailed study of the concept of isfet, see Parys (2024), and for the Amarna Period approach to evil,
see Rutkauskas (2023). Useful cross-cultural comparisons of Egyptian and other Near Eastern
theodicean traditions can be found in Loprieno (2003) and Sitzler (1995). The “reproach to god”
(Vorwurf an Gott) theme in Middle Egyptian literature was first discussed in detail by Otto (1951, 1966),
followed by Fecht’s in-depth discussion (1972) of that theme in one specific text, the Dialogue of
Ipuwer and the Lord of All. The theme has also been explored in other Middle Egyptian poems (see,
e.g., Blumenthal 2004). Contributions have included Parkinson (2002: 130-138), Enmarch (2008: 180-
196, 211-216), Morenz (2010), and Rosell (2015: 141-150). See also Lorton (1993) for a comparison of
Middle Egyptian poetic theodicies and Amarna Period theology. The standard edition of Book of the
Heavenly Cow by Hornung (1997) discusses the theodicean sections of that text, while the sixth edition
(2005) of his now classic study on Egyptian conceptions of god also touches on theodicy (most recent
English translation: Hornung 1982). Assmann published a large number of important works on
Egyptian political theology (e.g., 1994, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2005), including the concept of maat (2006).

Theodicy, Enmarch, UEE 2024 4

A number of contributions on prophetic and apocalyptic literature from the Ptolemaic and Roman
Periods, much of which have theodicean overtones, can be found in Blasius and Schipper’s edited
volume (2002).

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