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 Working Women of Manila a
| in the 19th Century a

oe Ma. Luisa Camagay - 7

| and the ' |

University of the Philippines Press oe

— 1995 ,
_ University Center for Women Studies : |
 . Published by the University of the | oo
| Philippines Press in cooperation with |
the University Center for Women Studies

Philippines Copyright © 1995 ,

by Ma. Luisa Camagay | |
All rights reserved, no copies of this book can be made in part or in
whole without written permission from the author and the publisher. __

Production Supervisor: Laura L. Samson |

_ Editorial / Technical Assistants: Benilda Escutin and Zenaida Ebalan
Cover Design: Chris Corpuz and Tonton Santos |
Oo The Creative Response Co., Inc. a
Layout and Typography: Lilian Jimenez-Marfil
Set in Galliard and Gatineau | | , |
ISBN 971-542-059-1 |
Printed in the Philippines by the | , ,
UP Press Printery | ,
 Table of Contents =
Acknowledgement ; | Vii
Foreword - | | ix |
‘Introduction’ 1
| 1 The Cigarreras = 3
| 2 The Vendadoras and the | Tenderas 23
3 The Bordadoras and the Costureras 7 a 39
4 Las Criadas oe | 45
| 5 Las Maestras oe 7 i 61
6 Matronas Titulares 81 |
| 7 Mujeres Publicas 99 -
| Conclusion . oO | 119
Bibliography ; 1 24 | a
 - Appendix
vi © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

| | A List of Maestras Dismissed from |

the Fabrica de Princesa as of 1874 145 __
: B List of Domestic Servants in 1852 151
C List of Female Domestic Servants not
Included in the List of Tribute Payers |
_ for the Reason of Being Minors 19
D List of Applicants for the Titulo de
Maestra de Instruccion Primaria 160 —

Titulares , 172
| E Reports Submitted by Matronas

F Prostitucion 1862-1879 - 183

Glossary 189
Index | | = — 193 _
 Acknowledgement OO
T hisunder
work thestarted
auspicesas
of a
theresearch
Universityproject in 1986
of the Philippines
and the National Science and Technology Authority. The
work was my initiation into funded research. Encouragement
and support was extended to me by Dr. Amaryllis Torres
and Dr. Uyenco. _
I am indebted to Dr. Bonifacio Salamanca for recognizing _ |
the possibility of the research report coming out as a book.
Due to my heavy workload, the plans of having it published
| did not materialize. Happily, another chance to see the |
manuscript published came with Professor Sylvia M. Ventura |
as Director of the University of the Philippines Press. _
Professor Ventura had the manuscript reviewed by Professor
Thelma Kintanar. Events intervened preventing me from
attending to the necessary changes suggested by the
reviewer. Finally, the book came to fruition with Professor
_ Laura Samson at the helm of the University of the Philippines
Press. Professor Samson indefatigably supervised the
publication of this book. To all the names mentioned above © >
goes my sincerest gratitude.
I am also deeply grateful for the help and support _
| |
extended by the University Center for Women’s Studies of
the University of the Philippines, especially to Ms. Karen —
 viit * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century - |

David and Professor Thelma Kintanar, both of whom

patiently combed the manuscript. I would like to thank —
Professor Thelma Kintanar for writing the foreword and
endorsing the manuscript as a joint project of the UP Press
: and the University Center for Women’s Studies. This would
| not have been possible without the support and
encouragement given by its director, Dr. Sylvia Guerrero.
I sincerely acknowledge the help of two research
| assistants, Ms. Ma. Cleofe Marpa and Mr. ‘Dana Santiago;
and a translator, Professor Wystan dela Pena of the
Department of European Languages during the course of
research. Ms. Gloria Nerviza encoded the manuscript. To all
of them goes my sincerest thanks, . OS
| Lastly, I thank my family for all the love and support.
 - Foreword
| T his book
lives is valuable
of working for the
women insight
in 19th it gives
century us into
Manila. It the. :
calls attention to an aspect of Philippine history hitherto’
neglected: the history not only of women but of working —
women as well. Apart from a few prominent female figures
such as Gabriela Silang, Melchora Aquino, etc., women have |
largely been invisible in Philippine. history. So have the |
- working classes -- the history of 19th century Philippines is :
largely a history of the elite or ilustrados. These two
- marginalized sectors of society are brought together in this: :
one study; for that reason, it is an interesting contribution to
| Philippine historical material. |
— More important, it contributes to women’s studies, not
only for the facts it brings to light, but, for the gender —
perspective it brings to bear on these facts. The author
_ shows how the lives of working women refute the stereotype
of the 19th century Filipinas as shy, timid, and subservient. __
According to her, this was not true of women of the working _
_ class who “represented the emancipated group of women |
during the Spanish period.”
This study is the first published work of its kind. Simply
OS
- written and well documented, the work reflects the author’s
admiration for the spirit of working women she studies. It is _
admittedly limited in scope: the work confines itself to Manila |
 x © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

at the end of the 19th century. However, as the author

period. | |
rightfully claims, its findings could help other historians to
look into the life of urban working women beyond that

This book is the third in a series on Women’s Perspectives

and Women’s Realities under the sponsorship of the
University Center for Women’s Studies (UCWS). It is the
second book in the series published by the U.P. Press in
| cooperation with the UCWS. With the continued cooperation
of both institutions, the reading public can look forward to
- more books being published that will continue to shed light
on women’s participation in Philippine history and culture.

Thelma B. Kintanar |
Coordinator for Research, Publication and Resource Collection
University Center for Women’s Studies |
 Introduction — 7
H{ istory has been
£ Itis enough quite
to go unfairthe
through toindex
womenof auntil recently.
history book
and see how sadly women have been ignored in the narrative
of a country’s past. Women have been reduced to being
- part of the inarticulate masses. There are a few stories of =
notable women in the pages of history but they do not tell |
whole society. = |
us much about the significance of women’s activities to the

| _ This volume intends to document the life of gainfully

employed women in Manila in the 19th century. Seven |
occupations of women shall be given attention: cigarreras
| (tobacco factory workers), the criadas female domestic
servants), the tenderas (store owners) and the vendadoras
(vendors), and the costureras (seamstresses) and the
bordadoras (embroiderers). Also included are those engaged
| in prostitution. They were then called mujeres publicas. |
| Archival sources together with primary sources were | |
tapped to recreate, as much as possible, the life of working
women in an urban milieu like Manila. _ | Oo
_ The Filipina during the 19th century was far from the
timid and coy woman the Spaniards wanted the Filipina to
be. It was refreshing and inspiring to read about the
cigarreras going on strike to ask for better working
 2 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century | | ,

conditions, the tenderas writing a petition demanding justice, |

_and the maestras asking for a raise in salary. All of these
_ were found in the few documents mentioning women in
the Philippine National Archives. It is in this regard, too,
— that this study is of value; since discussion was based data

women. a
drawn from archival sources which have not yet been used >
for the purpose of documenting the past of the Filipino

There has been a debate as to whether there should be

a separate history of women. Social history, in recent years,
has furthered the cause of writing the history of women. |
Social history has drawn attention to the marginal groups in _
society, and women are among those groups. “As many ~
feminists have noted, history remains very much his story.
It is not surprising that most women feel that their sex does
not have an interesting or significant past. However, like |
- minority groups, women cannot afford to lack a
| consciousness of a collective identity, one which necessarily
_ involves a shared awareness of the past. Without this, a
social group suffers from a kind of collective amnesia, which
makes it vulnerable to the impositions of dubious stereotypes,
_as well as limiting prejudices about what is right and proper
for it to do or not to do.” (Carroll: 1976,427)
| There is clearly a need to document the past of women
who after all comprise half of humanity. Confronted with =
_ the threat of collective amnesia, this volume is a humble ©
their past. ae ee
contribution towards making the Filipino women remember _
 The Cygarvreras
O entry
, their ne of the
intohighlights in the
the factory life of introduced
system Filipino women was _
by the
establishment of the tobacco monopoly in 1782. For the _
| first time, the Filipino women observed regular working
hours, were subject to supervision and disciplinary measures, |
and were accorded sick and maternity leave benefits. __
| _ Four tobacco factories in Manila1—two in Arroceros,
one in Meisic and one in Malabon—attracted women from |
_ different arrabales (suburbs) of Manila. The factory in
_ Malabon had workers coming from the towns of Polo,
Obando and Meycauayan._ ns
The egress of the cigarreras (female cigar makers) at
- the end of the day was always a sight to behold. One
foreign visitor of Manila, taking a walking tour of the city, |
was astounded by the mass of women coming out of a
_ building. Upon inquiry, he discovered that they were
employees of a tobacco factory adjacent to the Church of
Binondo. One French visitor of the 19th century, Montano?
observed that not a few of the cigarreras would stop and _
- Escolta. ee oo oe a
look at shop windows, most especially jewelry shops along

_ The employment of women in tobacco factories was

- prevalent not only in the Philippines but also in Spain and >
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 oo - The Cigarreras * 5
Mexico. The Spaniards believed that women were more |
adept and more patient for this particular task, and that they
were less prone to commit frauds. It should be noted that
based upon documents found at the Philippine National
Archives, reports of smuggling usually involved the
cigarilleros (male cigarette makers) and the faginantes
(porters) rather than the cigarreras. It was probably the |
acknowledged skill of women for rolling cigars and their
observed honesty which made four out of five factories to
hire exclusively women employees. Only the factory in ~ |
Arroceros became an exception to ‘the practice as the
government experimented on the hiring of men in the
manufacture of cigarettes. , |
- By the 19th century, there were four factories in Manila
and one in Cavite. The Fabrica de Arroceros had 1,000 to
1,500 workers; the Fabrica de Fortin in Arroceros, 8,000; the
Fabrica de Meisic, 6,000 and the Fabrica de Cavite, 2,000.9
| The cigarrera would work from six in the morning up
to twelve noon, and then from two in the afternoon until
six. She would be subject to bodily search twice a day by a
maestra (lead worker of a cigarette factory) —at noon
when she would go home for lunch and at the end of the
| day. This was a precautionary measure adopted by the :
company to prevent the smuggling of cigars. However, this |
practice was abused by some maestras as illustated by the
case of Teresa Arenas.4 Teresa Arenas was accused in 1810 _
— by two operarias—Maria del Carmen and Roberta de la
Cruz of malice in doing the routine bodily search. The two
confessed their initial hesitation in filing a complaint against
Maestra Arenas considering her age and position. (Teresa |
- Arenas was 45 years old while the two plaintiffs were _
 6 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

definitely much younger.) But in the interest of putting an

end to the abusive behavior of the said maestra, the two
operarias decided to file a case against her. Maria del
Carmen and Roberta de la Cruz accused Teresa Arenas of
violently touching their private parts. Testimonies of fellow
_ maestras corroborated the accusation of the two cigarreras.
When confronted by authorities, Teresa Arenas said she
touched their private parts only to check if cigars were |
being concealed. Arenas claimed that all testimonies
against her were false and calumnious. However, previous __
complaints had been filed against her. In 1803, she was the
subject of a complaint filed by Gertrudis Esperadion, in
1805 by Jacinta Juliano, a fellow maestra, and in 1807 by
two cabecillas, Manuela de la Cruz and Maria Jacinta. In
1810, with the filing of the complaints of the two operarias,
Teresa Arenas was finally dismissed by the company. ,
How were the cigarreras organized in the factory? The
operarias were grouped around a working table, numbering
10 to 13 per table. As described in a report in 1812,5 work
was divided among ten workers in the following manner:
two were tasked to moisten, stretch and remove the stem,
seven rolled the cigars while one counted, bundled and
weighed the cigars. Those who were assigned the task of
rolling cigars were each provided with a stone as large as a
lemon with which to beat the tobacco leaf. Once the leaf ,
was rendered pliable, the cigarrera would put a small
quantity of chopped tobacco at the center of the leaf, a little |
gum on one edge and then would roll it to its desired form.
~ Each working table was under the supervision of a cabecilla
(section leader) who was in turn supervised by a maestra
celadora (custodian).
 | _ ‘The Cigarveras * 7
The Fabrica de Puros of Binondo had the following :
personnel in 1832: a capatas inspector (foreman), a cabo
de cuadrilla (head of a team of workers), faginantes —
(stevedores), celadoras (caretakers), porteras (porters),
bastagueras (sorters of tobacco), cabecillas de mesa (heads
of working tables), cigarreras and cortadores (cutters).
_ The factory had six tallers or workshops. The number of
working tables varied for each workshop. Sometimes, there
would be 42 working tables; at other times, 50 or 54. Based |
on the total number of cigarreras, there would be 13 |
-_ cigarreras per working table. oe
The cigarreras worked seated on the floor in front of ©
low tables. One foreign visitor commented on the strong
smell of tobacco and the noise created by the regular |
pounding of tobacco leaves—conditions which the cigarreras
themselves had to contend with. What impressed visitors to |
the factories most was the order and discipline which
reigned over the place. A French visitor commented:§ —
I was surprised by the order and decency which reigned ©
| over the multitude of women and young girls; they
| certainly did not belong to the lowest rung of society
and usually worked by families. |
A Russian visitor to the cigar factory in Binondo also made
the following observation:” | / | |
7 All were silent and none said a word but their eyes |
SO. | , oe , ,
~ functioned very effectively and their hands even more |

The deftness of the cigarreras in rolling cigars was the

 8 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

subject of this account made by a Frenchman:® |

‘I noticed the celerity with which the women rolled each

cigar and pasted both ends. However, their work was
not considered done until after both ends of the cigar |
were cut following a given model and afterwards strictly
inspected by the maestra of the section. Only then was _
the cigar allowed to be part of a pack of 32; a thousand
packs made up a chest and 500, a half chest. |
It is pertinent to point out here that the cigarreras were
used to entertaining foreign visitors. A visit to a tobacco
factory always figured in the itinerary of foreign visitors of
Manila. The cigarreras themselves seemed to enjoy such
visits as hinted by this observation of a foreign visitor:?

Probably, they noticed from our grimaces that the

pounding was unpleasant to an unaccustomed ear so
they banged away with all their might. Most of them |
could hardly restrain their laughter as the noise grew |
a louder. For them, it was unexpected distraction, a |

work. |
peculiar coquetry. |
These visits certainly served to break the monotony of

The ages of the operarias varied. A look into the

vecindarios (roll or list of the inhabitants of a place) of the
different arrabales showed that some were in their twenties
and thirties, and still others were in their forties and fifties.
The operarias were paid according to the number of
cigars they were able to roll. The quota system was |
| employed such that women were paid fixed rates for every
 | The Cigarrerase 9
hundred cigars rolled. Whoever finished more was paid
more. A cigarrera could roll 100 to 200 cigarsa week.
| In the early part of the 19th century, the cigarrera
earned about two pesos a month. It was reported that in
, 1812,10 the manufacturing cost of 24,377 boxes, if equally
distributed among 2,100 workers in the factory, would |
amount to 34 pesos, six reales and six granos received
annually by an individual worker or two pesos, seven reales
and 2.5 granos monthly. In.1814, more than twenty
thousand boxes were manufactured; although the number |
of boxes equalled that of 1812, each worker earned two
pesos, four reales and eight granos monthly. Considering
that the output of cigars was regulated so that it could —
_always command a high price, the salary of an operaria was"
- pegged more or less at two pesos a month. This could be
increased if one was faster in rolling cigars. | |
_ Much of the cigarreras’ income really depended on
their speed in rolling cigars. The report added that a
ahalf realesa day. | |
cigarrera, depending on her efficiency, could earn two and

_. The cigarrera was subject to a number of regulations.

We have already mentioned the bodily search she was
- subjected to in order to prevent the smuggling of tobacco
leaves or of cigars from the factory. Any female employee
caught with a lone tobacco leaf was punished not only with
dismissal from the company but with forfeiture of her pay.
Warnings and penalties against theft were posted
Spanish and Tagalog. |
conspicuously on the doors of the factory appearing in both |
_ Operarias were also penalized for badly rolled cigars. A
first offense meant returning the badly rolled cigars to the
 10 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century —

operaria concerned and an admonition for her to redo it. If

the operaria was found guilty for the second time, she was
punished with the forfeiture of a day’s wage and the cigars
being returned to her for redoing. A third offense meant
forfeiture of the day’s wage and dismissal from the
company with no chance of being rehired. |
Aside from theft and turning out badly rolled cigars, the
packing of tobacco of excess weight was also considered a
punishable offense. In 186911 a case of this nature was
recorded. Punished with suspension of a month’s salary
were the maestras de balanza of the workshop responsible
for this fraud, namely, Toribia Constantine and Quintina
Arevalo. Nine maestras belonging to the seccion de recibo
were each penalized with 15-days wage suspension. The
report ended with the warning that they would be dealt
with severely in case of a repetition of the offense.
_ The maestras who had supervisory jurisdiction over the
operarias did figure in some complaints and were themselves

| following: | | |
punished or suspended for one reason or another. Among
the grounds for suspension or termination were the

| duties, a
1) repeated absences, | |
2) offenses committed in the fulfillment of her |

tobaccos, and ,
3) working in bad faith in the grading of finished |
4) dyeing tobaccos lacking in weight. |
_ Sometimes, expulsion meant permanent disqualification
from seeking employment in other tobacco factories.!4 |
 | | The Cigarrerase 11
There was a report of suspension of some maestras for |
_ playing panguingui (a card game) while on the job. |
~ Complaints of cigarreras against maestras and guards
were documented. Individually or as a group, the cigarreras
denounced extortion activities of some maestras or accused.
them of oral defamation and even physical injuries. The
_ Cigarreras had every right to complain since the maestras
were admonished to treat employees with due respect and |
to refrain from maltreating them by word or by deed. The,
maestras were likewise encouraged to be role models in
terms of gentleness and good manners.!3 | —
Extortion or illegal exactions as well as usurious _
practices by the maestras were common. When management
attempted to put an end to such practices, the operarias
staged a strike. Only 79 out of 2,000 operarias reported for
work. It was, therefore, decided by the management that |
the status quo be maintained. The Auditor wrote the © |
following remarks:!14 | |
| Since the time the workers were told of the Superior ,
decree ordering that they be paid openly to spare them |
from usurious practices committed by their leaders and |
guards, they protested and refused. |
The reason is very evident: their leaders and © |
suppliers of clothes and reales are inciting them to do so
that they may return to their usurious system. _
But since these people are ungrateful for benefits
given to them, it would be necessary now that they be |
paid like before, considering that they, far from
showing themselves grateful, complain about this new a
order and since the company is not likely to be hurt by
, this, it would be best to let them be sacrificed as |
 12 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

punishment for their disobedience.

Upon calming down and with everyone continuing
their work, cautiously, it would be possible to investigate

| company. oo
who instigaged this trouble to put them out of the

| Management also said that “it is illegal to abandon one’s

: post” and that should the operarias have grievances, they
should ventilate these to their leaders. |
| What then were their complaints if the usurious and _
: extortionist activities of the maestras did not bother them?
The operarias complained about the arbitrary action of .
the guards posted at the doors. The workers demanded that
_ the time for reporting for work and departure be fixed.
They explained that “with the liberties taken by the male :
| guard and the overseer regarding this; they prejudice some
| by accomodating others, for reasons of pregnancy or being
their goddaughters.” Management responded by fixing the
schedule of entry and departure. Entry was officially
ordered to be from six o’clock to eight in the morning and
| departure from eleven to twelve noon. In the afternoon,
| entry was from one to three o’ clock and departure from
five to six o’clock. | Oo
The workers also demanded that tobacco leaves be
a
| given to them ready for rolling. Previously, they had to do
the stretching, cleaning and cutting of the leaves before the
actual rolling. They were not compensated for doing all
| these since their wages were reckoned by the number of
demand. )
cigars rolled. Management responded by acceding to their

| _ The cigarreras were also very sensitive to verbal abuse

by the capataces and hence demanded that the capataces
 | | The Cygarreras * 13
refrain from using foul language in dealing with them.
The strike of the cigarreras in 1816 resulted in a number.
of measures adopted by management. Usury was strictly |
prohibited and punished with dismissal from work. The
selling of cambayas, sinamay, handcloth or any kind of
textile, and devotional books to the workers at prohibitive
prices was not allowed. This was addressed particularly to |
cabecillas who, taking advantage of the fact that they were
the ones paying the operarias, sold these items at exorbitant |
prices. Those guilty of this practice were punished with
imprisonment and dismissal from work. |
The collection of three reales from each table in the
pretext of creating a fund for alms was probihited as well. —
The operarias were paid their wages directly. Before,
the money was entrusted to the cabecilla who in turn paid
the operaria. This system bred a lot of corrupt practices on ,
the part of the celadores such as underpayment of the _
cigarreras. Nonetheless, the management decided to pay __
the workers openly and weekly, i.e. every Saturday.
- Management frowned upon the workers mobilizing to
present their demands and resented the manner by which
the cigarreras presented their demands. The report of the ©
Director of the Factory mentioned that upon reading the _
‘Superior Decree to the factory workers, tumult ensued.
Meetings took place and the workers presented their _
| demands by scandalously shouting at the management.
| The report added that even though some salary increases
_ might have been due them, these should be denied not only
because of the extremely insulting way they presented their
demands but also because of their utter lack of respect for
authority. It was recommended ‘that the leaders of the |
workers be arrested and tried. | |
 _ 14° Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

Outside the factory premises, the cigarreras had to

contend with abuses committed by cuadrilleros (rural |
policemen). The report of the Inspector of the Fabrica de
- Princesa to the governor-general in 1856 reads:!5 __

| The so many abuses committed by the soldiers against

the female workers of the factory (if the abuses cannot _
| be stopped) might cause the closing down of the
factory as a result of manpower shortage. These |
workers are mostly the poor and needy people of the |
towns of Obando, Polo y Meycauayan, the remote |
| towns of Bulacan who seek employment in the ©
establishment starting either as bastaqueras or sorters of
tobacco until they learn how to make cigars. They live
miserably in the nearby poblaciones and go to their
homes only during fiestas or after having been paid ©
their wages. However, a group of soldiers would get
together at night and search their homes under the
pretext of looking for tulisanes and then would
mercilessly maltreat them. | |
On the night of March 20 of this year (1856) at 12
midnight, a maestra by the name of Maria Tac came to
me weeping to denounce the abuses of these soldiers. __
_ While she and her son plus two other companions were
sleeping, the door was forced open and four or five
armed men broke into it and searched the house and |
their belongings for smuggled items. Not havingfound ©
more than a peso and cuartos which they took, they left |
uttering profanities showing no respect for the maestra.
| The following day, I went to see the gobernadorcillo of
the mestizos to present the attached report. Without _
knowing what decision was taken in this regard, all I
assure you is that the money taken was not returned
and the abuses continue being committed. a
 | | , The Cigarreras * 15
OO On the night of the 14th of this month (May)
between 9 and 10 in the evening, some soldiers led by
their lieutenant, while on patrol in barrio Dampalit met _
female cigarette workers residing in other towns and
| forced the workers to follow them in fields and forest. |

soldiers. a | |
_ They (the cigarette workers) were only allowed to go | |
after so much begging on their part and after bribing the

With this kind of behavior, it is certain that very soon a

the workshops of this factory shall run out of employees.
This is why I bring all these to your knowledge so
that the Central Government can adopt measures to
curb such abuses which may adversely affect the factory |
established in that area. | |
_ The governor-general responded with an order to the sy
alcaldes of the provinces of Tondo and Bulacan to adopt
measures to curb the abuses of the cuadrilleros. |
Many sought employment in the tobacco factories.
Openings for various positions in the factory were published
) in the Boletin Oficial de Filipinas. The announcement _
stated that those interested should personally present
themselves in the factory and bring with them a certification
of their being morally upright, signed by the parish priest.
Letters of application for the position of celadora or maestra
abounded. We came across a letter wherein a son-in-law _
requested that his mother-in-law be given a position of |
celadora. A woman who introduced herself as the wife of
_ an escribiente applied for the position of celadora. A
daughter. oe a
. retiring cigarrera requested that she be replaced by her
Whenever vacancies occured three names were submitted _
 16« Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

to the Inspector de Fabrica to choose from. This was the

procedure followed when there was a vacancy for maestra
tercera in the tobacco factory in Cavite:16 |
In order to fill up the position: of maestra tercera
presently vacant due to the death of Victorina Custodio, 7
I have the honor to submit as first priority the name of
_ Carmen Mejillano, cortadora (a cutter) with six years of
service, second priority Ignacia Mendoza and third
priority Tomasa Gonzales, both cabecillas. If your
| honor is after efficient service, I implore you to appoint
the first because of her good ratings and years of

of a maestra. | ee
service. She would be capable of discharging the duties |

From the above statement, we gather that a cortadora

and a cabecilla (a section leader), could aspire for the
position of maestra. A cortadora could in fact inform the
management of her interest to be promoted to the position _
of maestra like what Feliciana Castillejo did. Castillejo wrote
that her eight years of service as cortadora had remained
unblemished and that she had the necessary qualifications
to carry out the duties of a maestra. A maestra tercera

below:!7 | |
worked her way up to the position of maestra primera. The

1868 - -
salaries of maestras at various points in time are presented

Maestra Primera - 384 escudos anuales |

Maestra Segunda - 288 escudos anuales |
Maestra Tercera - 192 escudosanuales — |
 1871 | - |
| | , | co The Cigarreras ¢ 17 ,

1875 |
_ Maestra Primera - 960 pesetas anuales — ,
| Maestra Segunda - 720 pesetas anuales
Maestra Tercera - 480 pesetasanuales - |
__ Maestra Primera - 192 pesos anuales |
_ Maestra Segunda - 144 pesos anuales
Maestra Tercera - 96 pesos anuales

It is significant to point out that the maestro or the male

counterpart of the maestra received the same salary. This
was a far cry from the female school teachers (also called |
maestras) who were paid lower than their male counterpart.
| The maestras were accorded 40 days maternity leave or
sick leave. The management however tended to approve
only 30 days leave. Each time a. maestra applied for a —
leave, the application had to be accompanied by a medical
certificate from the attending physician. _ |
- Ynes de los Santos’!® frequent application for leave
made her conspicuous in the eyes of management andasa_
result was given a dossier which contained her letters of ©
application for maternity and sick leaves with accompanying |
| medical certificates. Ynes de los Santos gave birth almost
every two years -- 1869, 1871, 1873 and 1876. Each time she
| gave birth she would request for a leave of 60 days but __
management would only allow her a leave of 30 days.
When she was stricken with an illness described as
_ calenturas intermitentes (intermittent fever), Ynes de los
Santos again requested for a leave of 45 days but was
granted only 30 days. She caught the attention of
management not only for her perennial request for leaves
i 18 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

but also for her misdemeanors and her propensity for

moving from one factory to another. Moreover, Ynes de los
Santos was caught playing panguingui while on the job and
was meted out a punishment of six days suspension. A year
after this incident, she was applying for the position of
maestra tercera at the Fabrica de Puros in Cavite and ten
days after, was taken in. She worked in the Fabrica de _
Binondo in 1868, was employed in the Fabrica de Fortin, in

in 1879. — : | |
1871, and finally went back to the Fabrica de Puros in Cavite

| Speaking of transfers from one factory to another, we

- came across one maestra primera who refused tomove to _
another factory. Leoncia Cotelo!? a maestra primera in the
Fabrica de Binondo refused to be transferred to the Fabrica
de Princesa in Malabon. She claimed that she was being
transferred because she refused to extend a loan of 300
pesos to the factory inspector. The inspector refuted the
accusation stating that the cigars coming from the workshop |
managed by Cotelo were observed to be of poor quality.
_ This observation was brought to the attention of Cotelo.
_ Despite this warning, Cotelo’s taller continued to produce
| cigars which were sloppily done. Taking advantage of the
absence of Cotelo, the inspector one day arranged the
change of maestras in the said taller and, sent a former
assistant. Since then, according to the inspector, Cotelohad ©
been recalcitrant in the performance of her task. She even.
| attempted to bribe the inspector with 300 pesos in the hope
that the previous state of affairs might be restored. The _
| report of the inspector stated that the obstinacy of Coteloto
remain in Fabrica de Binondo stemmed from the fact that
she exercised influence and coercion over the workers and
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 | a ‘The Cigarreras 21
Cotelo. | |
the rest of the maestras, enabling her to commit abuses of
the worst kind. The case ended with the dismissal of

The tobacco factories hired a great number of women

so that employment of cigarreras ranked first among the
occupations of women in Manila in 1887. Allthe 10 suburbs ~
of Manila had cigarreras among its residents. Tondo
however ranked first among the arrabales of Manila by the
number of cigarreras it contributed to the total work force.
The employment of women in the tobacco factories
made the males assume occupations which were usually _
~ considered feminine. An American female visitor of the
Philippines observed that weaving had been taken up by |
the other sex. “Into male hands” she said, “have fallen to a
great extent the manufacture and embroidery of the gauze
made from the long silky fibers of the pineapple plant.”2°
According to her, men have assumed the household chores
‘usually assigned to women as the wife became the family |
breadwinner. The hiring of women as tobacco factory
| workers made it difficult for households to get women
helpers to the point that not a few men were hired to
_ become nurses and. maids. Even the chore of doing the
laundry fell within the purview of men, hence the presence |
of lavanderos or washermen. | | | |
| Employed as cigarreras, the Filipino women for the first
time became part of the factory system. Their employment
in the tobacco factories constituted the dawning of an age
when the Filipino women ventured outside the home and —
~ found work which was not an offshoot of her home chores.
 22 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century a

| Notes |
1. Edilberto de Jesus, “Manila’s First Factories,” Philippine
Historical Review, v.1, 1971, p. 100.
2. Jules Montano, Voyage aux Philippines et en Malaisie 1879-
1881 (Paris: Hatchette, 1886.), pp. 46-47. |
3. Edilberto de Jesus, op. cit.
4. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1815. The
dossier of Teresa Arenas is in this bundle. |
5. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1812.
6. Laplace, Voyage du Monde sur “La Favorite” (Manila:
, Filipiniana Book Guild, 1974), p. 190. |
| 7. Travel Accounts of the Islands, 1832-1856 (Manila: Filipiniana
Book Guild, 1974), p. 190.
8. Laplace, op. cit.,
9. Travel Accounts of the Islands, p. 141.
p. 412. | |
10. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1812.

13. Ibid. |
11. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, Unclassified.
12. Instrucciones Generales de la Renta de Tabaco (Sampaloc, -
| 1829), p.88.
14. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1816.
15. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1856.
16. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1877.
17. In the Philippines, three monetary systems were in actual |
circulation during the 19th century. These were the old _
Mexican system, the old and the new Spanish system. This,
therefore, would explain the varying monetary units used. |
18. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, 1869 -1879.
| The dossier of Ynes de los Santos is in this bundle. |
19. Philippine National Archives, Tabaco, Manila, Unclassified.
The dossier of Leoncia Cotelo is in this bundle.
20. Hannaford, Adjutant E, History and Description of the
Picturesque Philippines (Springfield, Ohio: The Crowell and |
Kirkpatrick Co., 1900), p. 37. |
 The Vendadoras and
_ the Tenderas

S elling
Manyby foreign
women visitors
has always been
of the a Filipino in
Philippines tradition.
the 19th
century noticed and admired the entrepreneurial spirit of
the Filipino women. One foreign visitor even went to the
| extent of saying that behind the wealth of every rich native
family was a woman. It was natural for women belonging |
to the laboring class to engage in some business, e.g., running
small stores or shops. Dofia Teodora Alonso, mother of Jose

Calamba, Laguna. | | | a
Rizal, tended a store on the ground floor of their house in

Markets in the 19th century were generally peopled by

women who, aside from selling meat, vegetables and fruits,
also sold other kinds of merchandise. “Many of them take
} their goods from their houses to the market every morning
and bring them back at night.” Below is a description ofa
market scene by a foreign visitor:! a |
...Much of the business of the Islands is carried on by |
- women,.and I saw thousands of them buying and selling
in the market today. Short, plump and well-formed with
liquid brown eyes... They were dressed in all colours...
but the majority had on reds, blacks, browns, pinks, __ |
_ greens and yellows, making a veritable kaleidoscope
constantly changing under my eyes. Some of the buyers
 24 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

were expensively dressed, and scores of sellers had gold

earrings. Many wore the thin gauzy costume of the |
Philippines. All the stallkeepers were bare-headed and
had their dark hair in a knot on the crown of the head
or else flowing loose in the breeze. Oo |
Later, during the American Period, the squatting position
of the women vendors elicited numerous comments from
the Americans. Americans considered this position as rather
odd: “the women vendors double up like a closed jack knife.”
| This was a statement made by a man. An American woman
betrayed her envy of the Filipino woman’s comfortable way
of dressing when she said: “The native women came to the
| hotel and sitting on the floor in corsetless freedom, sell from |
baskets exquisite embroidered goods at ridiculously low price
(underscoring mine).? :
As omnipresent as the vendadoras or vendors in the
market were the tenderas or shopkeepers. A look into the
_ vecindarios of the different arrabales of Manila in 1887
reported the number of tenderas in the following suburbs:

Santa Cruz - 6 San Jose - 58 7

Quiapo - 112 Dilao - 77 oe
Tondo - 478 Sampaloc - 211 |
Binondo - 382 Malate - 74 |
San Miguel - 3 Hermita - 149
From the above figures, Tondo and Binondo had the
| highest number of tenderas. Binondo understandably had
quite a number of tenderas since Binondo was the
commercial center of Manila during the 19th century. Tondo,
| on the other hand, was already known to have welcomed a
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| | : | _ The Vendadoras and the Tenderas * 27 |
big number of the native laboring class. The womenfolk of
Tondo for sure did not hesitate to engage in some trade to
augment the family income. | ; - |
One of the most admired shopkeepers based on the
frequency of their being mentioned in essays, literature and
| travel accounts was the sinamayeras or sellers of textiles. |
| This tendera was popularly referred to as la sinamayera.
The term sinamayera, in a limited sense, would refer to one |
who sells sinamay—a kind of cloth made from abaca fibers.
However, the sinamayera actually sold other native fabrics
like jusiand pivia. The term sinamayera gradually assumed |
the meaning of one who sold textile. | a
_ The stalls of the sinamayeras were concentrated in Calle
San Fernando in Binondo. Their stalls which usually measured
7 six by ten feet were walled with cases containing the finest
native fabrics made from pinta, jusiand sinamay.

a A counter separated the shopkeeper from the street. She — | |

_ had barely room enough in the store to sit down and is
_ able to reach everything about her as she sits and deals ,
with her customers. a, oe
In twe feature articles* focusing on the sinamayera, it
was noted that the sinamayera was far from being of humble

business. | 7
Origins. She generally belonged to a family of means, for
how else would she have the capital to engage in this —
_ It was also,mentioned that a sinamayera could either be
-a Chinese or Spanish mestiza, or a native woman. The majority _
were mestizas of Santa Cruz and Binondo. Amidst these
groups of women, one. could hear. Tagalog, Ilocano,
 28 « Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

being spoken. |
Pangasinan, Chinese, Spanish and a smattering of English —

Because of her economic origin, the sinamayera had

the privilege of enrolling in a colegio. When there were no
customers, her reading fare centered on poetry and novels
: of the romantic genre. Having attended school, the
sinamayera had the necessary mathematical know-how to
balance figures in her book of accounts. |
| The sinamayera had the reputation of being frugal but
allowed herself the satisfaction of publicly displaying
_. expensive gowns and luxurious carriages. Understandably,
the sinamayera was a walking advertisement of elegance.
With her business acumen, the sinamayera often ended
up as the moneylender in the barrio where she lived.
What was a typical day for a sinamayerad In the morning
upon waking up, she would proceed to the batalantotake
her bath. After which, she would don her camisa de pitia
or sinamay, adjust her tapis and take breakfast. Breakfast
consisted of chocolate frances, puto, suman, bibinca,
__bizcocho de catia and pinipit (probably pilipié). After this |
rather heavy breakfast, she would light a cigarillo and take
| with her a paviolito (handkerchief) which contained some —
buyos (a kind of chewing concoction made of betel nut and
lime) and some coins for change. She would bid her tatay
| (father) and nanay (mother) farewell and proceed to her
stall. The sinamayera would open her store, arrange her
merchandise and wait for customers to come. At the end of ©
the day, she would close her store and prepare for home
where she would partake of a merienda consisting of pansit,
lumpia or gradillas. The sinamayera would then be ready —
to either play the piano or the harp while singing love songs.
 _ The Vendadoras and the Tenderas * 29

The sinamayera, if single, was not wanting in suitors.

Among the suitors were students of philosophy, law or of
the Academia de Dibujo who were more than willing to
| execute in half a fold of papel de China the artistic designs :
of the sinamayera. The designs went to the bastidor (a
frame, either round or square, used for embroidery) of the
- embroiderers of Santa Ana and Paco who were paid low by
the sinamayera. The article on the sinamayera which
appeared in the Jlustracion Filipind took particular note of |
the fact that bordadoras or embroiderers generally received
low fees from the sinamayeras and that their work leftthem —
stooped and blind by the second half of their lives. The
same article said that the exploitation of bordadoras left the
sinamayera with large profit. | |
, Among the sidewalk vendors of the period, the buyera
or betel nut vendor stood out. Betel nut chewing was |
indulged in by practically everyone, a situation, which |
rendered indispensable the presence of the vendor who sold :
all the ingredients needed for betel nut chewing. Unlike the |
sinamayera who usually came from a family of means, the
- buyerausually came from poor families. The buyera would
| usually start doing business with borrowed money.’ A loan
of ten pesos would be paid back by remitting a peso a week |
. to the moneylender. This initial capital would enable the
buyera to buy a table made from cane, a bench, a kampit or
knife, a glass, a large earthen jar, a small mortar and pestle
and a cajonito or money box with two compartments--one
_ to keep the silver coins and the other the copper coins. The
buyera sold all the ingredients for betel nut chewing such as
the leaf or icmo, the lime or apog and the bonga or the fruit -
of the areca. The resulting product, when all these ingredients -
 30 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century :

were mixed together was called buyo. ; . | |

More often than not, the buyera would get into trouble.
when her stand obstructed traffic on the sidewalk. She would
solve this problem by placing herself between the sidewalk
and the street. In the sidewalk and the corridors of the
_ markets were her stalls where she would be seen surrounded
by various young men to whom she gave seats. Twelve

by the buyera. | So
persons could be accommodated in the cane bench offered

The buyera had three types of visitors who lingered and

stayed awhile. These were the idle persons, the spongers
and parasites, and finally the suitors. The first one was
recognized by his white shirt, colored pants, shoes or slippers
and a hat of castorcillo de medio lado (a hat made of serge,
a twilled worsted fabric, worn somewhat cockily to one side).
The spongers and parasites whom the buyera called dapo
gave themselves away by the mismatched clothes they wore.
Last but not the least, were the suitors of the buyera, usually
rich provincianos who were in Manila to study. For all her
visitors she had her rules: if the idle ones wanted to chew
betel nut, they were required to pay or else were dismissed _
by a shout—lintic na osioso; to the dapos, the buyera gave
bitter buyos filled with lime; and finally to her suitors went
the buyos which were known by various appelations—buyos
de castila, ojo de maya, orejita de dalaga, tres en oja, cauing-

the difference. oe oe | |
cauing—concoctions all, of which only the buyera knew

When not preoccupied by visitors, the buyera would be |

seen dividing the bongas and making the buyos with the
| agility and speed of those belonging to the trade. a
Since all sorts of people converged in the stall of the
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 , ‘The Vendadoras and the T: enderas © 33 a

buyera, the buyera became the “living chronicle” of the |

of each one. | a
population since she got to know everybody and the stories |

Among all the ambulant vendors, the subject of most

write-ups and prints in the 19th century was the lechera or |
the milkmaid. For sure, the clientele of the lechera included
the Spaniards and other members of the foreign community _
who were by habit milk drinkers. What was remarkable
about the lechera was not the quality of the milk she was |
selling but her dependability when it came to delivering the |
milk. The milk sold by the lechera was known to be at
times adulterated—i.e., mixed with either the water of boiled a
rice or coconut milk.® 7 | |
Milk sold by the lechera was kept in an earthen jar called _
the banga and covered by a measuring cup which had the
capacity of one chupa.? The banga which was half-covered
so that its contents would not turn sour was gracefully carried | |
by the lechera on her head.
-. One had to be healthy to be a lechera, for this profession
, | |
required a lot of walking and a regular schedule of delivery |
given all kinds of weather. Dependability was considered
to be the lechera’s major assets. :
The milk vendors of Manila came all the way from such |
places as Makati, Caloocan, Gagalangin, Sampaloc and a
place called Lecheros. The lechera would start her trek to |
the city as early as three in the morning. How she set about
delivering milk is aptly described in this passage:1!° |
- The milkmaid enters the house, goes hurriedly to the
| spot designated for the delivery of milk, stops like a __
soldier executing a halt and then brings down the banga _ |
 34 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

and the chupa or the half chupa which is made of

bamboo. She measures out the daily ration and leaves |
| at the speed of lightning, repeating the above scene at -
the house ‘of all the rest of her clients.

By eight in the morning, the /echera would have made

the rounds of her clients. She would then be found at Calle
Escolta waiting for her fellow lecheras and selling the
head for home. co |
remaining milk in her banga. Together, the lecheras would

In the afternoon, the milkmaid would begin her rounds ©

at about three in the afternoon and would end at about five
| or six o’clock. The Makati milkmaid was an exception since
| she did not make her rounds in the afternoon. — |
a An article mentioned that in 1830, one chupa of milk
already cost six cuartos (centimes of a Spanish peseta) and
remained unchanged since then. Probably, the lechera
hesitated to raise the price of milk out of fear of losing her
clients, and that the only alternative left for her was to
adulterate her merchandise for profit. The /echera collected

asked for an advance. | -

payment every end of the month and was said to have never

oe Another popular ambulant vendor was the manguera

| or the vendor of mangoes.!! The manguera peddled
mangoes in a bilao balanced on her head. This bilao
| sheltered her from the heat of the sun as she walked in the
street shouting: Bilibilian manga. Customers were free to
haggle. The mangoes were sold not by the piece but by the _
dozen. A dozen cost four reales and if the customer haggled,
the manguera was willing to lower the price to three reales
a dozen. If the customer was not amenable to the quoted
price, the manguera went on her way chewing a tender
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 ° Working
_ 36° Working
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Wof Manila
Women in Nineteenth
Manila in the the N. hCentury
e s had e e e t] @ @ ° s e s e e e s e e a s ° s cd e es s se e e es e e LJ s @ e e e e iJ e *. @ e - es @ » @ ) »

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Usted MAT ESS (A TQE TIA
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| Bibilibin'itotnina'Donalsenciah eR
023.257
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-- Ya
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AIO TEAST
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D PARIGIAR
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| Si
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of “Maputi pas A PVE aSReTen
SUMISL ENG ee ike
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sele los
|| Dor MANEGS
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la nicestaba it gst Rg /st PES NRE
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PUGEE UCL OE mangale
Yla madre la halagaba, “Dani WDIRTLING GO TEDECn ee
pe. a en yy8)
es

ie) “Kungibig mo. -AyGN Na Siva Pe

ya los cuarto las pago se E AD AIO USEING ATS MCL CUETGR ek
2 s Pate ieee ray he Bir Scene ag” Sag qekesd Be OS Nee Oe YP OS Fe GPR EISSN NS as Sern He SNS oe
_Lo se Sencia, Andeng y Cieto. *Gava'nea nane ingasabe Mee Ce
Que la manguera decia. ‘Biniling ind'angmedmangeay.
Solo Jue palabrerla “Haban ae aesipacla kibananen Raimaia
Yoroped
|i ga ofan
que vuelve
bilibili
Na ; wey
a SU WOE
Cancion:AAO
manga! “Naing ERSpone
anak*
takanciia
takamnatakam'sa'mgamangsay itaba
ogg
eae EOE
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gE oe PES
<a aae8ee keEY
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ee
u bolsillo abasteciendo Bini NE Tia G2 POLE
| GVa la callrecorrienado
ta cates “endo -Biniling
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ina
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ng
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tinderang‘mangeaes
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ta aiea
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kanyang beni
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From:
4 La
op. Prol de
rolectora de Ind Anaeng
Indigena
Fl Pasi BY SAN-SADL ANB
al.NYA:Cveto. esSeea OR
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‘ay sabb-sabi laneENnivas:
ae Dabil mult sityang sumigawing 808s ,
~Periodico Quincenal
Ao, Manila Num Sg “Manggal Mangeal:
DOLE Se SOs pe ee io
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, , ‘Habang naglalakadpesaPpt
lansangan $v:
1 3 de Julio de 1 262 LB 1G: ae N, J Jens ih UNO ANG RAN) AUS DUAR seem
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LO eRe ER Sa SEIRE (57
ata team ie daa ana a ae |
Pefia ng. Departamento ng Wikang: Europeo.t so
Tbe ge Liaastee (le ls ei Bie we Ee
 , The Vendadoras and the Tenderas.* 37
boyito and announcing her merchandise with bilibili an
manga. When all the mangoes had been sold, she would
pay all those who consigned their mangoes to her. |
While documenting the economic activities of the Filipino
woman in the 19th century, one is struck by the fact that she
was an important contributor to the family income. As
Carmen Guerrero-Nakpil would assert, the Filipino woman
was “never effete or useless. A persistent industry especially
among the women of the lower classes and a certain tough-
mindedness always remained.”!2 True enough, the Filipino

than was apparent.

woman manifested more resourcefulness and shrewdness |

Notes ©
25. |
1. Frank George Carpenter, Through the Philippines (Garden
City, New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1925), p. |

2. Albert Gardner Robinson, The Philippines: The War and the —

People; A Record of Personal Observations and Experiences |
, (New York: McClure Philips, 1901), p. 320.
3. Carpenter, op. cit., p.39. | ,
4. The sinamayera was featured in two magazines of the 19th
~ century. The Jlustracion Filipina had a write-up on the
sinamayera in its August 28, 1892 issue. The Manililla also |
_ featured the sinamayera in its June 27, 1891 issue. |
| 5. The typical day of a sinamayera was described in an article
27, 1891), p. 6. |
| p.319. |
| on the sinamayera which appeared on the\Manililla june
6. “La Sinamayera,” La Ilustracion Filipina (28 de Agosto 1892), _
 38 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

7. Corene, “La Buyera,” Ilustracion Filipina (15 de Junio 1859).

179. |
, 8. “La Lechera,” Iustracion Filipina (1 de Agosto 1860), p. 178.
9. One chupa would be equivalent to 40 centiliters. |
10. “La Lechera,” Jlustracion Filipinas (1 de Agosto 1860), p.

11. A poem about the mango vendor appeared in a newspaper

in this chapter. ee
entitled El Pasig (13 de Julio 1862). The poem is reproduced

12. Carmen Guerrero-Nakpil, Woman Enough and Other Essays

(Quezon City: Vibal Publishing House, 1963), pp. 10-11.
 The Bordadorasand-
the Costureras
he few portrait paintings of the 19th century made by |
T local artists of the period revealed women of the upper |
crust of society garbed in richly embroidered dresses made
from jusi and pivia. These dresses were handsewn by the
-_ costureras (seamstress) and the bordadoras (embroiderers) |
both of whom were underpaid. Earlier, mention was made
of how the sinamayera (local cloth vendor) exploited the
embroiderers of Sta. Ana and Paco who executed their
designs. The sinamayera ignored the tediousness of the
work and the late nights expended on embroideries which
often took their toll on the bordadora’s health, leaving her
stooped and blind for the latter half of her life. And yet these
richly embroidered materials fetched very handsome prices :
when finally sold by the sinamayera. The embroidered
' materials were so fine and exquisite that they were given as
gifts to Queen Victoria and the Prince of Wales.1 A few
embroidered products of the 19th century found their way
to Spain but the biggest market was still the Philippines. |
The irony of it was that the bordadoras themselves could

-- Were turning out. | | | | a

not afford to wear the richly embroidered pivia and jusi they
 40 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

The embroidery industry then was in the hands of

entrepreneurs like Chinese mestizos as was the case in Tondo.
Martinez de Zufiiga took note of this fact when he wrote: “to
enforce women workers in Tondo to embroider or make
lace, mestizo entrepreneurs lent them money on condition _
that they work in the lender’s house.” | :
| At the turn of the century, the nuns of the convents
seemed to have replaced the Chinese mestizos as

would attest:3
entrepreneurs. The Americans replaced the Spaniards in
admiring the works of the bordadoras. As an American

| There is more curiosity on the part of American soldiers

| | in the weaving of the Filipinos than in anything else. _ |
- The beautiful pivia cloth which is woven from the
| _ pineapple fibre is a fabric which arouses the envy of
every man who has a wife, sister or sweetheart in America.
The weaving is done in the convent, and there are |
hundreds of the natives, guarded by the nuns, who work
from morn till dewy eve, turning out the finest fabric
and most beautiful embroidery possible. OB
They embroider birds in natural plumage, flowers so
| natural that one thinks the odor will come from them,
| and fanciful designs that would cause the average
American girl to catch her breath and break the |
| ~ commandment which forbids covetousness. - a |
One is tempted to ask whether the bordadoras gota |

entrepreneurs. | | -
better deal from the nuns than from the Chinese mestizo

A look into the vecindarios of the different arrabales for

the year 1887 would reveal that the bordadoras were most
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 42 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

1858:4 | | | |
numerous in Malate and Ermita. As Bowring observed in

...La Ermita and other villages are remarkable for their

_ bordaderas (sic), who produce those exquisite pivia —
handkerchiefs for which large sums are paid... (in Malate) |
women (are) employed in ornamenting slippers with _
: gold and silver embroidery. ,
and Ermita. |
Hence by tradition, the best bordadoras came from Malate ©

At that time, the services of the seamstresses were also

indispensable for everything handsewn. Sisa, the tragic
mother in Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere, was a seamstress. Allthe _
suburbs of Manila had a significant number of costureras.
Expectedly, because of their great number, their services
were cheap. This situation is aptly described bya folksong
featuring the costurera. Thisis how it goes:5 -
| Angi is my pet name Oe
Dressmaking is my trade; , |
| All day long till evening —
_My poor hands are always sewing. _
No matter how hard I work, oo
_ Nota penny I can save, _ oe
Alas, I can earn only | oo
Just enough for food and rent. | :
The costureras apparently got better wages from the |
foreign community. Sawyer, an English businessman in the
country in the 19th century, had among his retinue of servants
in the household a costurera who was paid six dollars a .
 a | The Bordadoras and the Costureras * 43 |
month. When the Americans came, the services of the
costurera went up as the new colonizers gave them higher

observation:® Oo |
wages. An American woman made the following

When I arrived here, a seamstress worked nine hours a day

| for twenty cents gold and her dinner. Now in Manila, a_
seamstress working for Americans receives fifty cents gold.
and sometimes seventy-five cents and her dinner, though the
| Spanish, Filipinos and Chinese pay less. | | | :
| Two things are to be noted from this passage. First, the —
| costurera no longer was part of the household staff but —
reported daily to a household where her services were
needed. Second, the Americans were paying them more for
| their services compared to the Spaniards, Chinese and
Filipinos. There was indeed much protests from previous
clientele (Spaniards, Chinese and Filipino) to the coming of |
Americans because of their offer of higher wages for the
services of the costurera. The new American clientele
presented a deal for the working class women like the | |
costurera and those belonging to the service-oriented |
industries of the period. , |
 44° Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century —

Notes |
1. Rafael Diaz-Arenas, Memories Historicas y Estadisticas (Manila:
Imprenta del Diario de Manila, 1893), p. 317.

, p. 294-295. |
2. Fr. Joaquin Martinez de Zufiiga, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas —
| o Mis Viajes Por Esto Pais, Tomo Primero, Madrid (n.p.), 1893,

3. Alden March, The History and Conquest of the Philippines and

, our other Possessions, c. 1899, p. 203. |
4. Sir John Bowring, A Visit to the Philippine Islands (London,
Smith, Elder, 1859), p. 12.
5. Teofilo del Castillo and Buenaventura S. Medina Jr., Philippine
-
Literature: From Ancient Times of the Present.
6. Mary Helen Fee, A Woman’s Impressions of the Philippines
(Chicago: A.C. McClurg and Co., 1910), p. 240. |
 Las Criadas
Ai army of servants
the languid at theirbybeck
life enjoyed and call characterized
the Spaniards and other -
members of the foreign community in the colony. The |
oppressive heat of the tropics demanded that the Spaniards
_ refrain from exerting too much effort. Added to this was the :
Spanish disdain for manual labor. Both reasons justified
_ their need for servants. It is not surprising, therefore, to
discover that Yntramuros, the Spanish enclave, yielded the
most number of criadas or female servants. | |
| The sizeable number of domestic servants, male and
female, necessitated their registration with the proper
authorities. In 1848, the provisional Reglamento governing ©
domestic servants suggested that all domestics be registered
with the Cuerpo de Carabineros de Seguridad Publica. In
1855, it was proposed that the domestics be registered with a
the Subdelegado of Manila. Finally, in 1894, when the
_ Reglamento del Servicio Domestico was finally drawn up, -
domestic servants were required to register with the —
_ Comandancia de la Guardia Civil Veterana. __
| The registration of domestics constituted the core of the
_ Reglamento del Servicio Domestico.! The master or mistress
of the house was strongly encouraged to take in only
registered domestics. A fine of twenty pesos was imposed
on a master or mistress who took domestics not registered |
 | 46 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century :

with the Comandancia de la Guardia Civil Veterana. The

rules were more for the protection of the household masters
or mistresses. There was, apparently, a high incidence of
domestics leaving the household without permission. It was
common to see in the newspapers notices about a missing |
domestic. This procedure was required in the Reglamento.
_ The master of the domestic was required to report any missing
| househelp to the Guardia Civilwithin 24 hours. If the master
did not comply with this procedure, he would be asked to
| pay a fine of five pesos.
' The announcement usually contained such information
| ,
| as the age, physical characteristics, and the provincial origin |
| of the missing criada. More often than not, the missing
_ househelp had left supposedly bringing with her some articles
| or even money belonging to the master of the house. Here
is an example of such an announcement:

| El dia 19 del actual, se fugo de la casa de Don Manuel

Pereyra sita en la calle de Jolo numero 20 una mama
llevandose algunas albajas de consideracion, se llama ©
Maria Ferrer, de estatura regular y cuerpo antes mas bien —
gruesa que flaca, color blanco. Se suplica a las personas
_ a quien se presenta para servir o pura mama, tengan la ,
bondad de avisar en casa del expresado Pereyraendonde
recibira una buena gratificacion? |
| (Translation) | ,
On the 19th of this present month (March), leaving the
house of Don Manuel Pereyra living in number 20 Calle ,
| de Jolo was a mama named Maria Ferrer. She brought
with her a considerable amount of jewelry. She is of
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 | , Las Criadas ° 49
| regular height, more on the plump side and fair in |
| complexion. We request the persons to whom she will | | |

reward. | | ;
offer her services to be kind enough to inform Don ,
Manuel Pereyra who is willing to give a substantial

In this particular case, the criada in question was accused |

of having stolen jewelry. Another case involved a criada
accused of taking with her a tampipi full of clothes which
did not all belong to her. Such was the case of a criada
named Valentina. The announcement in the paper reads:

From number 3 of calle de San Juan de Letran, a criada |

named Valentina left without permission. She was a | |
native of Pasig and had white blotches on her face and
body. She left with a tampipi full of clothes which do
not all belong to her. The person who can furnish | |
information as to her whereabouts shall be rewarded.5
In other cases, the criada left the household owing the
master or mistress some amount of money. The situation
was indicative of the practice of criadas asking for cash
advance. They would leave the household of their masters
| without giving the equivalent service for the amount
advanced. Hence, the following announcements: ,
In the early morning of Sunday, the 6th of this month
(February) a criada named Eulalia left the house of the
undersigned from whom she owed 50 pesos. She has
smallpox scars. It is requested that whomever she will ,

| _ of Binondo. - | | ,
offer her services to please alert the Tribunal de Naturales
| 50 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century ,

, Another was the case of Alejandra Ignacia, 40 years old

and a native of Orani, Bataan. She was described as short,
plump and with a receding hairline. Alejandra Ignacia left
her master owing him 50 pesos charged against her salary.
To whoever knew her whereabouts, a request was made to |
inform her master, Don Santos de los Reyes. A reward of ©
two pesos awaited the informer. |
, The practice of asking for cash advance by the househelp
was a major complaint of heads of households. A 19th
on this matter: |
century visitor of the Philippines recounted his experience

, The more J see of these native servants, the more I

appreciate that they are fabricators and excuse-makers.
Our boy for example, every now and then wants an ©
advance of five to 10 dollars on his salary. His father
had just died, he telis you, and he needs the money to
pay for the saying of a mass for the repose of his soul.
| Then comes another boy who says that his sister is
marrying somebody or another, his aunt has become a
grandmother, and he wants cinco pesos to buy her a
present of a fighting cock or something else. This matter
of relationship here in the Philippines is a most delicate _
one to keep control of and in the matter of deaths, births __
and marriages among your servants’ relations it is very
essential that you keep an accurate list of the family
tree, so that you may check up any tendency on their
part to kill off their fathers and mothers more than twice
or three times during the year for the purposes of self-
agerandizement. As an example of this, my own boy
actually had the cheek to ask me for the loan of a dozen
dollars to arrange for the repose of the soul of one of his .
| relatives I had once before assisted him to bury.* |
 | | | Las Criadas ¢ 5]
The account though narrated in a humorous vein revealed
_ the exasperating experience of employers in hiring a
household help. One is tempted to ask why criadas, in
particular, were prone to ask for advances from the head of |
the household. In cases where the criadas left their masters _
or mistresses without permission and with stolen item, the |
usual items stolen were clothes, jewelry, money and even
lottery tickets. How much were the criadas really getting? |
| In 1892, the going rate for criadas was two to three
pesos a month. This was based on the rates quoted by
supposed recruiters of domestics in the countryside. These |
recruiters would make it appear that the young women they
recruited were destined to go to households. Upon arrival
in Manila, these young women would discover that they
were recruited to work not in homes but in brothels. Such
a modus-operandi was revealed through the testimonies of
Telesfora Manandic Villegas, Basilia Nuque Garciaand Maria
de los Santos.5 The first two, Telesfora Villegas and Basilia _ |
Garcia testified before the Judge of the Court of First Instance
_ that a woman who lived in front of the market of Divisoria _
went to the town of Orani recruiting young girls to work as |
criadas in Manila. The woman recruiter promised them a
salary of three pesos a month for working as a criada in
Manila. Upon arrival in Manila, however, the two escaped
after sensing that they were going to be prostitutes instead
of criadas. — | |
| The promise of a better pay for domestics in Manila was |
_ used to convince two very young girls, Maria de los Santos,
13 years old and Paula Castila, about 13 or 14 years old.®
Maria de los Santos a native of Malolos, Bulacan wasa criada
of a certain Don Francisco Pagodnan who was a resident of
 52 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century ,

Barrio Tonsuya in Tambobo. According to her, she was

convinced by a certain Ninoy to leave her present employer
_ for Manila where domestics were paid higher. She followed
the said Ninoy who boarded a calesa together with another
| criada called Paulina. Paulina in her testimony stated that
_she was a native of Aliaga, Nueva Ecija, 13-14 years old, and
_ a criadaof Don Pantaleon Cristobal, also a resident of Barrio
Tonsuya. Paulina related that they were first brought to the
house of a certain Joaquin in Caloocan. The following
morning which was a Monday, Joaquin brought them to
Tanduay in Quiapo in a house of a certain Sinang who was
a concubine of Ninoy. That very night, Sinang made them
| wear elegant clothes and jewelry; they were made to paint
their faces (put on make-up) and dabbed themselves with _
perfume. Paulina and Maria were made to enter a room full ,
of Englishmen. When they refused to surrender their honor |
and cried, Sinang was annoyed and accused them of being
| sopladas in spite of the fact that they were ugly.
_ The above incident would also explain why criadas left
their former masters. The search for better pay and better
working conditions impelled the criadas to leave without
permission. It should be noted that the offer of a monthly
salary of two pesos as a domestic in Manila was attractive
- enough to make Maria de los Santos and Paula Castila decide
| to leave for Manila. If two pesos a month was the salary of

Tambobo. | | =
| a domestic in Manila in 1892, then the two girls must have
been receiving less than two pesos a month as domestics in |

The wages of criadas were not uniform throughout the

country. The criadas of Manila were receiving much more |
| than their counterparts in the outskirts of Manila. This was |
 : i Las Criadas * 53
probably due to the presence of a foreign community in |
Manila. The foreign businessmen of Manila who had a retinue ,
of servants offered higher wages. Frederick Sawyer listed _

in 1892.’ oo , |
the number of servants he had and their corresponding wages

| oo | Dollars/Month
Mayordomo or steward who would | |
act as butler —
| Two houseboys, one would be valet to
8 oe
~~ the master, the other would | |
trim lamps and pull the punkah, oe |
$6 each © OS 12
| Seamstress or maid to mistress | 6 |
Gardener or coolie who would ,
| and water a, &
| carry water for baths, sweep
Coachman who would look after : Oo 7
-. one pair of horses and carriage rs 7 |
_ Maestro(Cook) | 18 |
Towards the end of the 19th century, an American, John
McCutcheon, stated that they had a staff of 11 servants which
included a laundry woman and a florist. He further added
that the wages were six or seven dollars a month.8 |
Taking a look at the expedientes of the criadas, taking
leave without permission comprised the bulk of the cases
filed by household heads against the criadas. A few were
accused not only of taking a French leave but also of robbery.
Of course, the usual items taken by a criada would include
| jewelry, money and clothes. But there would also be mention
 54 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century -

receipt. a
of what might be considered as unlikely items to be stolen
such as a lottery ticket, 20 piezas of sinamayand a pawnshop

| The disappearance of the criada was made known by

announcements in newspapers like the Boletin Oficial de
Filipinas and the El Comercio. When apprehended,
punishments were imposed on them. Errant criadas were
punished with eight days of incarceration or payment ofa |
fine equivalent to four pesos. In most cases, the inability to |
| pay the four-peso fine forced the criada to submit to
incarceration.?
As mentioned earlier, heads of households were required |
to hire only registered criadas. A Spanish writer of the period,
Gonzalez-Fernando! advised foreigners to employ only ,
criadas registered with the Comandancia de la Guardia Civil
Veterana. This requirement forced criadas to apply for a
license as a domestic. Such applications constituted the bulk
of materials found in the bundles of servidumbres domesticas
available at the Philippine National Archives. |
| We did come across a few complaints lodged by criadas
against their masters or mistresses. Silvina Lumanlanin 1897 |
accused Don Telesforo Chuidian of San Miguel of physical —
injuries.11 In 1891 Natalia Garcia likewise complained about
physical injuries inflicted on her by her mistress Dofia Elisa |
Salazar.!2 Segunda Olicarpio in 1893,!5 criada of Don Fermino
Agapito accused the latter’s wife Teresa not only of physical
injuries but oral defamation as well. Worse than this was
the case of a master who made sexual advances on the _
| domestic. Marta Manucon in 1887 reported physical injuries
inflicted on her by Don Doroteo Cortes when she thwarted
his sexual overtures.14 When she filed a complaint, Don
 | , , Las Criadas * 55 —
Cortes countered with a case of robbery filed against Marta
Manucon. When Marta Manucon, accompanied by
somebody, returned to the house to retrieve her belongings, _
Don Cortes alleged that Marta Manucon had robbed him of
twenty pesos. The Chief of the Guardia Civil in his official |
communication reported that Marta Manucon was not guilty
| as charged and affirmed that the physical injuries sustained
by Marta Manucon were the result of her refusal to give in to
the depraved intentions of Don Cortes.
It is gratifying to see documents about women who had
the courage and good sense to expose the inhuman treatment
they received from their masters. The complaints of the |
_ criadas bring to the fore a consciousness among these women
| of their rights to a fair and more humane treatment by a
master or mistress of the house. |
_ The criada did earn plaudits from the Spaniards. One
Spanish writer of the period, Moya y Jimenez!> described |
the Filipina criada as hardworking and clean in her person.
According to him, the criada started her day by taking a
bath with her fellow criadas below the patio. After her
morning bath, the criada busied herself with cleaning and
| sewing. Moya y Jimenez commented that when a criada or
a cocinero (cook) was fired, one would not hear a word of a
protest from him or her. Hence, complaints about servants
in the Philippines when viewed in the context of their merits, a
according to Moya y Jimenez were uncalled for. This
observation was a refreshing change from the usual negative _
tirades issued by the Spaniards against the Filipino domestic. i
_ There probably would not be a better recognition of the =
_ qualities of the native criada than a request for permission
to bring her out of the country. Don Nicolas Escolo asked
 56 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

permission in 1843 to take with him to France a criada to

attend to his wife and children.!© The Audiencia de Manila
as an advisory body of the governor-general was asked for a
_ legal opinion on the matter. According to the Leyes Reguladas
de Indias, there was an expressed prohibition on taking out
natives from the colony. However, the government did not
pose any objection to the request provided that the person >
concerned (the criada) would leave on her own accord or
would leave with the consent of her parents. Moreover, the
government premised its consent on the signing of a contract
between the employer and the criada that she would be
paid her wages, and that the employer would defray the —
transportation expenses of the criada should the latter decide
to return to the Philippines. The government explained that |
_ the circumstances which led to this prohibition—notably the
| criadas being abandoned abroad by their masters thereby
leaving them without means of returning to their native
country, was fortunately not a usual occurrence with regards
| to criadas coming from the Philippines. The government, _
therefore, did not object to the request of Don Nicolas Escolo. _
Another significant trend noted was the hiring of a _
significant number of minors as domestics. Spaniards referred
to them as bata. Identified as a Tagalog word in Spanish
dictionaries, the word bata referred to either a boy or girl
| servant who was of minor age. We did encounter earlier the
7 case of two minors who were recruited to become servants
only to find out that their final destination was that of a
brothel. The Reglamento concerning household help _
sanctioned and recognized the existence of these minors
provided that they too must register with the Guardia Civil
Veterana, and that instead of presenting a cedula persona,
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 58 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

they should present their baptismal certificate as proof that _

they were minors, or that they were below 18. One
application for registration of a minor reads: |
Tengo el gusto de manifestar a V.S. que la joven Felipa de
los Reyes de quince anos de edad, hija de Gregorio y de
Venancia de la Cruz, natural de Tambobo de esa —
provincia de su digno mando, ha solicitido de este
Gobierno ser inscrita en el padron de la servidumbre ,
domestica de este Gobierno ser inscrita en el padronde ———
| la servidumbre domestica de este Puerto.1/ OS
(Translation) :
Let it be known to His Honor that the minor Felipa de
| : los Reyes, 15 years old, daughter of Gregorio and of
Venancia de la Cruz, native of Tambobo of this province |
has the honor to be included in the list of domestic
servants in this city. | | |
| The letter stated further that the parents of the minor _
had no objections to her working. ——
In a listing of 60 female servants who were minors in
1852, the average age was 13. This was the age of our two

Castila. _ ee
: heroines from Tambobo—Maria de los Santos and Paulina.
What were the services rendered by these young
domestics? The young boys were often referred to as
_muchachos. From accounts of foreign visitors. of the
Philippines during the 19th century the muchachos were
| usually employed by the male members of the foreign
community. They did such tasks as polishing the shoes of
 , Las Criadas * 59° ,
the master, pulling the punkab or lighting the lamps of the
house. Often these muchachos earned a notorious reputation _
of petty thievery. They supposedly had the penchant for |
taking a fancy for the things owned by the master.
As for the young girls, they assumed household tasks
they were capable of undertaking at their age. These included
_ practically all types of household chores such as cleaning |
the house, washing clothes and even sewing. Marketing

or the cook. | | | _ ,
and cooking, however, were tasks reserved for the cocinero

The bata of the 19th century is proof of an early existence

of child labor in the country. In 1887, Gonzalez-Fernandez
mentioned that a bata was getting three pesos a month. /
_- Employed as domestics, their existence likewise confirmed
the fact that children in the 19th century were no longer an
economic burden but an asset to their parents.
Understandably, parents gave consent to their daughter, |
applying for a license as a domestic at a very young age.
On the whole, the Filipina’s entry as a domestic or
household help enabled her to be gainfully employed in a
field or area which did not require any new skill other than |
the performance of the traditional household tasks. The :
Filipina, for the first time, received payment for domestic
labor instead of working for free -- a situation which would
have persisted had she remained at home. The economic |
_ situation of the mid-19th century, most especially the
devaluation of the peso, had much to do with the entry not
only of minors in the labor force but the women as well.
 | 60 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

Notes
1. Philippines National Archives, Servidumbres Domesticas.
There are six bundles with the aforementioned heading. The
bulk of information in this chapter came from these bundles.
2. Boletin Oficial de Filipinas, 26 de Marzo de 1859, p. 1.
3. Boletin Oficial de Filipinas, 12 de Octubre de 1859, p. 4.

date). , | |
4. Joseph Earle Stevens, Yesterdays in the Philippines (Manila: _
Filipiniana Book Guild, 1968), p. 284-285. | Oo
5. Philippine National Archives, Servidumbres Domesticas. (no

date). | :
6. Philippine National Archives. Servidumbres Domesticas. (no

7. Frederick H. Sawyer, The Inhabitants of the Philippines (New

- York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1900), p. 180. -
8. John Tinney McCutcheon, Drawn From Memory (New York: _
The Bobbs-Merrill Co., Inc., 1950), p. 123.

| date). ,
9. Philippine National Archives, Servidumbres Domesticas. (no

10. Ramon Gonzalez-Fernandez, Anuario Filipino para 1877,

2da, ed. del Manual del Viajero en Filipinas en que coloboro
d. Federico More Jerez (Manila: Plana, 1877), p. 125. |

12. Ibid. | a
| 11. Philippine National Archives, Servidumbres Domesticas. (no
date).

14. Ibid. a
| 13. Ibid.
15. Francisco Javier de Moya y Jimenez, Filipinas en 1882;
estudios, historicos, geograficos, estadisticos y descriptivos
(Madrid: El Correo, 1883), p. 283. —

date). ; ;
16. Philippine National Archives, Spanish Manila, Reel 5.
17. Philippine National Archives, Servidumbres Domesticas. (no
 — —- Las Maestras

Tf eaching
sisters, is
anda traditional role assigned
grandmothers to women.
have been Mothers,
the informal
teachers of children. The nurturing characterofwomenand _
_ their proverbial patience are said to work in their favor as
_ they perform this particular role. |
In the Philippines, prior to the Education Reform of 1863,
the teaching of children in the various towns was assigned
to the parish priest. The Educational Reform of 1863 signalled
the secularization of education in terms of administration as
it required secular and not religious entities to handle primary
schools for young boys and girls in each town. Since
- provisions were made for the segregation of young boys |
and girls, there arose a need to train women teachers.
| Thus, even before the establishment of the Superior
Normal School for Women in 1892, there were already women
teachers who were handling primary and intermediate classes.
| One is struck by the young ages of women who entered
the teaching profession then. The youngest who sat for an |
examination to obtain a teacher’s certificate in 1892 was a
| 13-year-old girl by the name of Dofia Mauricia Mariano.
_ The average age of those entering the teaching profession
was 18 years old. Apparently, prior to 1892, the age
requirement was strictly enforced. Dofia Leoncia Reyes |
 62 « Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

however, was allowed to assume a teaching position despite

her being underage. She was then 19 years old. In view. of
her high score in the oral examination and the pressing need
for teachers, the governor general approved the appointment.
Her case, according to the governor-general, should be
viewed as a special case rather than a precedent. According
to a circular dated March 17, 1868, one had to be at least 20
years old to become a teacher. |
A number of teachers prior to the opening of the
| Superior Normal School for Women, obtained their training
from private institutions. A look into the applicants for a
licensing exam during the years 1891, 1892 and 1893 showed
34 out of 66 applicants who were graduates of private |
institutions. The remainder graduated from various public
schools. The breakdown of the educational affiliations of
the 34 applicants is given below: _ os
- Beaterio de la Compania de Jesus - 6 applicants _
~ Colegio de la Imaculada Concepcion - 2 (Concordia)
Asilo de San Vicente de Paul - 4
- Hospicio de San Jose - 1 — |
, Colegio de la Sagrada Familia - 4 |
| Asilo de Huerfanas de Nuestra Senora de la Consolacion
de Mandaluyong-1 _ oe 7
| Colegio de la Nuestra Senora de Guia - 1 oe |
| Real Colegio de Santa Ysabel - 3 |
Colegio de Santa Rosa - 2 |
Colegio de Santa Catalina - 6
a Escuelas privadas (run by private individuals) - 4
The Colegio de Santa Catalina apparently did produce
very good students judging from the high marks obtained
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 64 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century . ,

by its students in the qualifying exam for teachers. All of its

_ students obtained a grade of sobresaliente (outstanding).
Upon finishing their education, the teacher applicants
take a- qualifying exam to obtain the title of Maestra de
| Ynstruccion Primaria. The letter of application was
accompanied by a baptismal certificate which enabled one
to have some information on the applicant’s age, racial group,
civil status and names of parents. |
| Together with the Baptismal Certificate was a certification
attestation reads:2 - | |
attesting to her graduation from a particular school. The

, Certifico: que la sefiorita Dotia Cecilia Molina natural

del pueblo de Santa Cruz arrabal de Manila alumna
interna del establecimiento de mi cargo y ba cursado en
el todas las asignaturas que para el titulo de Maestra de
Ynstruccion Primaria se requieren, habiendo observardo
durante su permanencia en dicho, establecimiento una
conducta intachable. |
Y para los fines que convenir puedan libro la |
presente en el referido Colegio de Santa Catalina de |
Manila a 29 de Mayo de 1886. ee
, Sor Vicenta dela Visitacion — |
, _ Directora
Translation: | | |
This is to certify that Sefiorita Dofia Cecilia Molina, a
native of the town of Sta. Cruz, an arrabal of Manila is
an alumna interna of the establishnient which Ihead. _
She has attended all the courses required for the diploma
of Maestra de Ynstruccion and has shown an
| unreproachable behavior during her stay in this |
 | ) Las Maestras * 65 |
|, And
establishment. |
for this end, one may consult the books of the
Colegio de Santa Catalina de Manila dated 29 May 1886.

_ _The prospective teacher was subjected to an oral

examination by a special commission composed of the
Corregidor of the Province who acted as president of the
Commission while a representative from the Junta Superior | |
_ de Ynstruccion Primaria, the friar-curate of Binondo, a
councilor of the City Government and the Directress of the ,

Commission. | _ |
Escuela Municipal de Nifias sat as members of the
In 1891, the members of the Commission were increased |
to seven with the inclusion of two new members—a
representative from the provincial government and the
Director of the Escuela Normal de Maestros. The position

to a Secretary. | | | |
formerly occupied by the friar-curate of Binondo was given |

The questions asked of the candidate were drawn from

the following topics:? |
; 1. Doctrina Cristiana | |
2. Religion Moral | — | ,
4. Aritmetica
3. Historia Sagrada
| 5. Reglas de Urbanidad |
|
6. Deberes de Maestras
7. Gramatica Castellana | |
| |
8. Sistema Metrico Decimal |
At the end of the oral examination, the Commission would
give the candidate a grade of notable (translated as |
 66 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

outstanding, the highest grade obtainable), sobresaliente

(excellent), buena (good) and aprobada (passed). |
The title of Dovia prefaced the name of the new teacher.
The Board of Public Instruction assumed the task of
assigning teachers to various provinces. One is struck by
the apparent mobility of teachers. A look at the Service
Records of teachers would attest to this. Though residents
of Manila, some teachers accepted assignments in the
provinces. For example, Sabina Pangilinan who was a native
of San Fernando, Pampanga had her first assignment in
Pagsanjan, Laguna in 1886. In 1889, she was teaching in
Santa Cruz, Laguna and in the following year, was teaching
, in the district of Tondo. Sabina Pangilinan apparently took
the opportunity to apply for a vacant position in Tondo
because she was stricken with malaria while teaching in
Laguna. A medical certificate attesting to this accompanied
her resignation as maestra propietaria of the escuelas de |
nifias in Santa Cruz, Laguna. One cannot help but admire
the heroism of these teachers as they ventured into what
may be considered as frontier territories. :
There were also female teachers who were responsible
_ for the opening of private schools in Manila andthe provinces.
Dona Pilar Zamora, a resident of Quiapo requested
permission to open a private school for girls in Quiapo. |
Dofia Emiliana Claro, a resident of the arrabal of San Jose
opened a private elementary school in the arrabal of Santa
Cruz in 1887. After a trip to Europe in 1896, Emiliana Claro
decided to open a private school named Colegio de Nuestra
Sefiora del Pilar. This school which was originally situated
in Binondo was moved to Calzada de Iris in Quiapo and -
then transferred to Pagsanjan in Laguna and then finally
 | Las Maestras + 67

returned to Santa Cruz in Manila. OO |

| The parish priest played an important role in determining
the career of teachers. He was an indispensable reference
for teachers in almost all occasions like asking permission to
open a private school, seeking a transfer of assignment or _ |
applying to manage a school. Dofia Maria Carmen Villamil,
a native of Dagupan, Pangasinan and a resident of Ermita,
asked permission in 1893 to manage the escuela publica de
nifias of Ermita. Her application was accompanied by letters
coming from the parish priest of Dagupan, Pangasinan. |
Apparently, Maria Carmen Villamil taught in Dagupan in
1880 and during the said period, Fr. Yztequi (parish priest at
. the time of application, i.e. 1893) mentioned that Church _
records showed that Maria Carmen Villamil discharged her
duties conscientiously. She zealously accomplished to the
satisfaction of the local inspector and the parents of the
~ children all the requirements demanded of her by the
Reglamento. The friar curate of Dagupan at the time of |
Villamil’s stint in Dagupan in 1886, Fr. Manuel Giraldo, lauded ,
Maria Carmen Villamil as deserving of the praise of everybody |
because of her dedication, industry and effectiveness as a
teacher. Fr. Giraldo added that the community had no
unfavorable word for Maria Carmen Villamil. ,
However, a friar curate could also be vindictive towards
a teacher. We read about this incident involving Dorotea —
Arteaga at the close of the 19th century. | a |
| This young lady, who was a school teacher in her native
province was sent to prison on August 8, 1895, charged with _
‘sacrilege, robbery and insurrection.’ She came to Malate to |
check on her license as a schoolteacher but was arrested by .
the guardia civil on the above charges. She claimed her
 68 Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century ,

arrest was instigated by a priest who attempted to have carnal

intercourse with her. The young lady, however, was able to
repel such overtures. Thus, the priest caused her arrest on
the pretext of having stolen part of the vessels used in the
communion service of the Roman Catholic Church. She had
| never been married and the Alcalde says, “Her conduct in ©
prison has been exemplary.”4 | |
This incident illustrates a form of harassment the teachers
were subjected to. But there were other problems. We
came across requests of teachers for ayudantes or teacher
assistants due to big classes. Dofia Maria Luisa Castillo’s
request mentioned that she had 80 students under her care
and was in dire need of an assistant. Then there would also —
be requests for better and bigger school houses. Classes py ©
the way were held in houses which were rented. Dofia
Maria Oriquil, the Maestra of the Escuela Municipal de Ninas
of the arrabal of San Fernando de Dilao wrote that due to
the small size of the house and its lack of proper ventilation
and hygienic facilities, she was requesting the transfer of her
school to a bigger house with better hygienic conditions
located at No. 7 Calle de la Paz. The house being
recommended would have the same rent as that of the former. |
Most important then was the problem of low wages of
, the teachers. Wages were not only low but were also delayed. |
Male and female teachers of the province of Manila in 1891
complained that they had not received their salaries for the
months of October, November and December of 1890. |
Articles 27 and 28 of the Reglamento of 18635 stated that
licensed teachers would receive a monthly pay of eight pesos
while substitute teachers would receive six pesos. The
ayudantes or teacher assistants were to be paid monthly ©
 , | . Las Maestras « 69 |
one fourth of the tuition fees paid by rich students. Later,
the pay of the ayudante was fixed at eight pesos a month
and by 1895 was increased to twelve pesos. The budget
showed that Dofia Eusebia Uychuco, an ayudante in the _
arrabal of Santa Cruz was still getting the old rate of eight
pesos per month as an ayudante whereas other ayudantes _
in the various arrabales of Manila were already receiving
twelve pesos a month. This was reflected in the City Budget
of Manila for the year 1895-1896. This apparent disparity

matter. | | |
impelled Dofia Uychuco in 1898 to request that she be paid
12 pesos as what other ayudantes were receiving. The
municipal government of Manila promised to look into the

_ For the suburbs of Manila, the highest ranking teacher

was Dofia Nieves Balmori who was a maestra propietaria of
Tondo. Tondo and Binondo had the highest number of |
teachers. Tondo had four—two maestras and two ayudantes |
while Binondo had five—three maestras and two ayudantes. |
The usual set-up in other arrabales was to have a maestra
and an ayudante with the exception of three arrabales—
San Miguel, Ermita and Concepcion—with each having only
a maestra. These three arrabales were not as heavily
populated as the others. , |
There would be occasions when conflict ensued between _ |
a maestra and an ayudante. The problem, for example,
sprung from the failure of the maestra, Dofia Nieves Balmori,
to give her ayudante, Dofia Rita de Ocampo, one fourth of
the total tuition fee paid by the well-off students. Donia Rita
de Ocampo had the right to demand this since it was _
embodied in Article 25 of the Reglamento Vigente de -
Ynstruccion Primaria. Dofia Balmori asserted that she did
 70 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

not collect tuition fees from her rich students. According to

her, the insistence of Dofia Ocampo for her share of the
tuition fees paid by rich students forced her to bring to the
attention of the authorities the incompetence of Dofa
Ocampo as an ayudante. Dofia Balmori added that Dona
Ocampo did not seem to appreciate the fact that two sisters
and three cousins of hers were given lessons in solfeoand
piano by one of her sisters. Dofia Rita P. Ocampo, on her.
part, denied the accusation of incompetence made by Dofia
Balmori. She asserted that she could not be branded as
incompetent when she was given a license as a Maestra de
Instruccion Primaria. Moreover, she mentioned that she
had been receiving favorable remarks about her teaching in
| the school logbook. Finally, she cited the fact that she was
| enrolled at the Superior Normal School where she was getting
good grades. The decision of the Teniente Alcalde of Tondo
was that Dofia Balmori should from then on submit a list of
students each month to the local parish priest to indicate
who among these students were paying. Dofia Balmori was
likewise admonished to. give her ayudante, Dofia Rita de
Ocampo, a fourth of the tuition fees collected from paying
students. This case was used as a reminder to maestras and
maestros in Manila of their responsibility to submit to the
parish priest the total number of students as well as the
number of paying students. This procedure was necessary
to compute the share which was to go to the ayudante.
Teachers had some privileges like the right to live in the |
school house Cit being in reality a house) or a reimbursement _
of the rent if she was renting a place of her own, a share in
the tuition fees paid by the rich students and finally, |
exemption from polos y servicios. The pay was low and yet
 | , | Las Maestras + 71
_ the demands of the profession were many. The women
teachers were paid a lower salary compared to their male —
counterparts. Sexual discrimination was obvious in this
regard. In 1863, the wages of male and female teachers —
without sexual distinction were fixed in this manner:
Maestra deenitrade - 8 to 12 pesos a worth |
| Maestra de ascenso - 12to15pesosamonth ~
| Maestra de termino de segundo grado - 15 to 20 |
pesos a month |
In 1892 a decree was passed whereby distinction was

and assistants:® | | ae
-- made with regards to the salaries of female and male teachers,

Boys’ Schools |
Maestro de Termino de primero grado - 40 pesos
Maestro de Termino de segundo grado - 30 pesos
Maestro de Acenso | -22 pesos _ :
Maestro de entrada , _ - 17 pesos
, Ayudanie - 13 pesos»
Girls’ Schools | | |
Maestra de Termino - 26 pesos ©
Maestra de Ascenso - 20 pesos
Maestra de Entrada | -- I5pesos
, Ayudante - 8 pesos |
A comparison of the wages of male and female teachers
showed a blatant disparity brought about by sexual
discrimination. Why would this be the case? From this
record, we could see that women were being penalized rather |
 72 ° Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century _

than rewarded for pursuing a profession over and above

~ her household duties. | ;
One has to reckon with the male dominated society of
| the 19th century. This bias in favor of men permeated
legislative processes. Men were viewed as the traditional
bread winners and therefore had to be paid more than their
female counterparts.
The demand of women teachers for an increase in their
salary was evident in the documents. Two substitute teachers

posts. |
of Tambobo in 1869, Dofia Oliva Garcia and Dofia Sotera
Torres, abandoned their posts after their repeated requests
for an increase were not heeded by authorities. Each one
was receiving 30 pesetas a month. The parish priest reported
that it had been a year and half since the two had left their

| There were provisions for promotion and pension.

According to article 12 of the “Regulation for School and
_ Teachers of Primary Instruction,” a teacher may be promoted
to the next. higher rank after three years. The
: recommendation apparently depended upon the evaluation
of the parish priest of the town who played the role of
inspector of local schools. The parish priest evaluated the _
teachers in three areas mainly; aptitud (aptitude), aplicacion
(conscientiousness) and probidad (credibility). Below are
some sample remarks found in service records of teachers: |

Dofia Francisca Chanco had the following evaluation:

|_Aptitud - Buena [Good]

Aplicacion - Buena [Good] — |
oe
Probidad - Buena [Good] .
 , _ , Las Maestras ° 73
Dofia Vicenta Salonga was evaluated in this light: _

Aptitud - Regular(Fair] = |
Aplicacion - — Poca(Poor] -
_ Probidad - MedianalAverage] |
Dofia Pia Monzon had the following evaluation:

Aptitud - Suficiente [Competent] i :

Aplicacion - Regular [Fair]
| Probidad - Reconocida [Recognized] | | |
A pension system was also instituted. Teachers were
entitled to get pension and half-pay after 20 years of service,
and four-fifths of their pay after 35 years of service.
Resignation from the teaching post was a common
occurence among the male teachers. Women teachers also
had records of resignation but these cases were very few. .
Usually invoked as a reason for resigning was impairment
of health. One teacher, however, resigned as maestra of
Hermita because she joined the Sisters of Charity of the
Colegio de.la Concordia. | | |
The decreasing number of teachers was most evident —
during the year 1896—the year of the Revolution. Seventy-
nine male teachers, mostly coming from Nueva Ecija and
Cavite, were removed from their posts during the months of
September, October and November because of their
involvement in the Revolution. Included were the names of
Artemio Ricarte, the maestro propietario of San Francisco,

— Quiapo. 7 | |
Cavite, Juan Cailles also from Cavite and Pedro Serrano of |
 74 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

The list of those dismissed included 12 women teachers,

most of whom came from the province of Nueva Ecija. The
following names were mentioned:’

1. Dona Juana Santiago - Maestra propietaria — :

de Caloocan
2. Dofia Procesa del Rosario - Maestra propietaria
de Lupao, Nueva Ecija | -
3. Dona Alvara de la Paz - Maestra propietaria —
de San Ysidro, Nueva Ecija
| 4, Dona Ysabel Ronosa - Maestra propietaria
de Zaragosa, Nueva Ecija |
5. Dofia Sabina Romero - Maestra propietaria
de Cabiao, Nueva Ecija | |
6. Dofia Arcadia Razon - Sustituta de Santa Rosa, _
Nueva Ecija | .
Nueva Ecija | |
7. Dofia Ruperta Romero - Ayudanta de Aliaga,

| - Nueva Ecija a
8. Dona Rufina Joson - Ayudanta de Cabanatuan,

9. Dofia Romana Tiangco - Ayudanta de Cabiao,

Nueva Ecija

Nueva Ecija |
10. Dofia Feliciana Talens - Ayudanta de San Jose, _

Nueva Ecija | | |
11. Dofia Fermina Romeo - Ayudanta de Zaragosa, |

12. Dofia Eulalia Anastacio Gaerlan - Maestra

propietaria de San Juan, La Union

These women could have abandoned their posts out of

| fear for their lives or possible involvement in the Revolution. .
Women and women teachers for that matter were used as
couriers and informers during the revolution of 1896.
 | , , Las Maestras « 75

Manila. |
What about the women teachers in the City of Manila?
There were 21 of them in 1896 (based on the payroll of the
City Government in 1896). One could surmise that they
remained in their posts since the fighting took place outside

The Hojas de Servicio or Service Records permits us to

follow the career of some teachers. Below are their life
histories.

Dona Vicenta Salonga | oe

Dofia Vicenta Salonga was a native of the province of ,
Manila. In 1896 she was 47 years old and single. She started |
out as a substitute teacher (maestra sustituta) at the Escuela
de Nifias of the capital of Pampanga from January 8, 1874
upto June 15, 1876. As a substitute, she was receiving six |
| pesos a month. From the 16th of June till first of May 1878,
she was a teacher at Tambobo (Malabon) receiving a salary
of eight pesos a month. From May 2, 1878 up to August 3, ,
- 1893, she was a teacher of Malate. This was her longest
_. assignment — 15 years as a teacher of Malate. As of 1896, _
_ she had been teaching for a total of 22 years. She started |
her teaching career at the age of 25. In 1894 Dofia Vicenta
Salonga made a request for an assistant due to the increasing
number of students attending the Escuela Municipal de Nifias ,
of Malate and also her failing health. She added that if this
| request was to be granted, she was submitting the name of ,
Dofia Catalina Salonga as candidate for the position. The ,
_ letter added that Dofia Catalina Salonga recently taught at
_ the School for Girls in the town of Obando, Bulacan. The
 76 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century _ |

positions of maestra and ayudante remained vacant as

reflected in the payroll of teachers of Manila for the year
1895-1896. Was the request not approved prompting Dofia
Vicenta Salonga to resign? We do not know. |

| Dona Sabina Pangilinan

Donia Pangilinan obtained her title of Maestra de Ninas
in January 1886 with a grade of Bueno. In October of that —
year, she temporarily handled the class of her sister Susana
| Pineda. We see her writing a letter in November of 1886
expressing a preference for an assignment in Pagsanjan,
Laguna on December 4, 1886. On October 2, 1889, she
requested a transfer of assignment to Sta. Cruz in view of a
| vacancy for a month of the position of maestra propietaria.
Dofia Pangilinan was appointed to the position on October
16, 1889. The following year, 1890, Dofia Pangilinan resigned _
as maestra propietaria of the Escuela de Nifias Santa Cruz
| for health reasons. She was stricken ill with malaria and the
medico titular of Laguna, Don Bonifacio Rosello,
recommended her leaving the locality. In September 17, |
1890, Dofia Pangilinan, apparently cured of malaria, was
appointed maestra propietaria of the Segunda Escuela of
Tondo. In compliance with a decree of July 1893 requiring a
presentation of her teaching certificate, we find testimonies
coming from Fr. Mariano Gil (the Friar-curate of Tondo
responsible for the discovery of the Katipunan and local |
inspector of Tondo) and Don Jose Gomez Perez, councilor
representing the district of Tondo. Fr. Mariano Gil stated
that in a public inspection done in the school handled by
 . Las Maestras ¢ 77
Dofia Pangilinan, all courses were taught well, most especially
the subjects of religion and morality. Don Jose Gomez Perez
for his part expressed satisfaction over the performance of
Dofia Pangilinan as a teacher. Our knowledge about Dofia
_ Pangilinan ends with a petition filed jointly by her and Dofia
_ Nieves Balmori who was a maestra of Ermita. The petition -
involved an exchange of assignments, i.e. Dofia Balmori was
to go to Tondo while Dofia Pangilinan to Ermita. The petition
was approved on July 12, 1894. By 1896, Dofia Nieves |
Balmori was teaching in Tondo but Dofia Pangilinan for
reasons unknown to us, never assumed the position of
maestra of Ermita. _ | OS
Dona Antonia Lopez y Leaho
| Dofia Antonia Lopez, an orphan and a native of San © |
Pedro Macati, got her teaching certificate in 1876 at the age
of 15. She obtained a grade of sobresalienite. Her first
assignment was that of a substitute teacher in the Escuela
Municipal de Nifias of Tondo with a monthly salary of four
pesos. After eight months as a substitute teacher in the said |
school, she was appointed as maestra propietaria of the
Escuela Publica de. Nifias in Bifian receiving eight pesosa
month. After teaching six years in Bifian, she was transferred
to the escuela publica of Santa Cruz in Laguna. Dofia Lopez
taught in Santa Cruz, Laguna for three years before her
assignment to the Escuela Publica de Nifias in Mariquina
where she taught for two months. From 1889 up to 1896,
| she was maestra de ascenso of Quiapo. In the payroll of
1895-1896, she was described as a maestra de ascenso
 78 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

| receiving a monthly salary of twenty pesos. By this time

(1896), Dofia Lopez was 35 years old and still single. :

Dona Engracia Panis y Deogracias

| Dofia Engracia Panis was a native of Binondo. She
obtained her title of Maestra de Ynstruccion Primaria in 1875,
the same year that she was appointed as maestra propietaria
of the newly established escuela de nivias of Sampaloc where
she taught for more than four years. She received a monthly
salary of eight pesos, the salary of a maestra de entrada. In
1880 she was transferred to Santa Ana. For health reasons,
she resigned from her teaching post in Santa Ana in October
1881. She was reinstated in 1883 with an assignment in the
Escuela de San Fernando de Dilao. One year after, she
taught at San Miguel in Manila and after two months, signified
her desire to teach in Imus, Cavite. She never reported to ,
Imus, Cavite. In 1893 she applied for a teaching position in
, Iba, Zambales. By 1893 she was receiving 15 pesos a month—
—the pay of a maestra de entrada.
Going over the service records of female teachers, one |
is struck by the significant number of teachers who remain
unmarried. Did the profession predispose the women to
: spinsterhood? Was the woman teacher so idealized by society
so much so that men found themselves inadequate alongside
_ such accomplished women? One would also notice a number
of sisters in the teaching profession. After all, teaching was —
a respectable profession among women during those times.
This was most evident by her being conferred the title of
Donia.
 , | | | _ Las Maestras + 79
Among the traits associated with women teachers were _
intelligence, modesty, simplicity and industry. This |
expectation of society forced women of the upper class to
conform to this ideal which was also the ideal in Europe
during the 19th century. This ideal encouraged subservience,
- suggesting that the status of Filipina retrogressed from the
egalitarian position she enjoyed before the coming of the
Spaniards. Happily, this was not true of the women of the
| working class like the cigarreras, costureras and criadas.
the Spanish period. , |
They represented the emancipated group of women during

| Notes
| 1. Philippine National Archives, Escuelas y Maestros. The
bundles are not dated. The bulk of information on the female
| teachers came from these bundles.
2. Philippine National Archives. Escuelas y Maestros.
3, Emma Blair and Alexander Robertson. The Philippine Islands

pp. 79-112. |
1493-1898, Vol. 46 (Cleveland: A.H. Clark Co., 1903-1909), _

4. Murat Halstead. The Story ofthe Philippines: The Eldorado of

6. Ibid. |
the Orient (Chicago, Ill., U.S.A.: Our Possessions Publishing
Co., 1898), p. 356.
5. Blair and Robertson, op. cit., vol. 46, pp. 79-112.

7. Asian Center, University of the Philippines, Manila Complex )

Microfilm Collection, Reel 49. Reports Concerning Teachers |
| Who Took Part In The Insurrection Of 1896, Document 2. —
, 80 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century
 Matronas Titulares

T he midwives.
arrabales of We
Manila
camehadacross
their share of traditional
a listing in 1874! of |
midwives who were referred to as parteras, comadronas
and matronas. The terms partera, comadre and comadrona
were used interchangeably to refer to a woman who assist |
in child delivery. However, the term matrona was reserved
for a licensed practitioner or one recognized to have some
medical knowledge as regards child delivery. |
While the terms matrona, partera and comadrona were
used interchangeably, the establishment of a school of
midwives in 1879 differentiated the graduates of this school
from the unschooled midwives by the title matrona titular.
The terms matrona and partera referring to the unlicensed
midwives persisted until the end of Spanish rule as
evidenced in the vecindarios of the arrabales of Manila. In
| the listing of 1874 in Tondo, Quiapo, San Fernando de
Dilao, Sampaloc, Hermita and Malate, the term partera was 7
used to refer to the midwife. Gee Appendix E) Binondo
was the only district which used the term matronas to refer
to its midwives while San Miguel, Santa Cruz and Sampaloc
called its midwives comadronas.
Bravo. and Buzeta differentiated the partera from the
comadrona in this light. A partera was defined as one who
 82 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

is consulted during the early months of pregnancy in order

| to determine the sex of the baby? as well as one who assists
in normal deliveries. The comadrona, on the other hand,

childbirth. |
was identified as one who handles the difficult cases of

_ titulares. | |
In this particular chapter we shall focus our attention on
the beginnings of the licensed midwives or matronas
The listing of comadronas, matronas or parteras in the
different arrabales of Manila in 1847 was part of a petition? —
of Don Jose Maria Birotteau to the President of the Junta |
Suprema de Sanidad requesting the establishment of a
School of Medicine. This listing provides valuable information
about the traditional midwives. The arrabales of Manila
had in 1847, 53 traditional midwives—32 of them were
referred to as parteras who came from Tondo while the rest
who were called matronas all hailed from Binondo. What
is striking is the mature age of the women engaged in this —
profession. The average age of a partera was 55.5 years
old; that of the comadrona, 57.6, while that of the matrona,
41.12 years old. Evidently, age was a plus factor in this
| particular profession. The “professional” credibility of the
traditional midwife was enchanced by her age. Also ©
noticeable was the length of time these women had
_ dedicated themselves to the profession. A partera onthe |
average had been practicing her profession for 19.75 years,
the comadrona for 16.3 years and the matrona for 11 years.
Again, like age, length of service played a crucial role in
establishing the credibility of these women practitioners.
The length of time they were engaged in this profession
meant a longer period of having honed one’s skills. Hence, —
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| , | a an Matronas Titulares * 85 ,
the longer they stayed in the profession, the more skilled
these practitioners were. Oo oe
All the matronas, parteras or comadronas included in _
the list were either married or widowed with the exception
of Dionicia Santos, a partera of Quiapo. Widowed women
outnumbered the married women in this profession. | |
There is one noticeable trend with regards to the place |
of origin of these traditional midwives. Majority were born
in the arrabales where they were practicing their profession © |
making them “insiders” in the community unlike the
the locality. | | |
_ licensed midwives or matronas titulares who were not from

Apart from the establishment of a School of Medicine,

Don Jose Maria Birotteau recommended some measures to —
improve the services of the traditional midwives. One of _
_ these measures was that the colonial authorities should not
give accreditation to parteras who have had less than six
years of practice and that the practice of assisting in
childbirth be confined to the female sex. The latter
recommendation was in response to the presence of four —
_ parteros in the arrabal of Ermita. In the absence of a School
_ for Midwives then, there was official recognition of the
_ services of these traditional midwives and at the same time a
move to regulate their activities. | a
In 1879, a school for midwives as part of the School of —
Medicine and Pharmacy was established. This school was |
under the management of the University of Santos Tomas.
| According to Fr. Gregorio Echavaria, Rector of U.S.T. in
1886, the school for midwives was created out of a strong _ |
desire to save the lives of mothers and the newborns. In his
letter petitioning for the creation of 22 positions of |
 86 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century a

_ matronas titulares, he cited the following inhuman practices

resorted to by the parteras:4 |

prolonged labor. |
1. The pregnant woman is hung by the hair during

| 2. The pregnant woman is made to go up and |

down the house via the window. Oo
| 3. The partera exerts pressure against the belly of |
the pregnant woman to expel the fetus. _
| 4. The partera forcibly pulls out the protruding
part of the body of the fetus, e.g. an arm or any
extremity which appears.
5. The partera pulls the umbilical cord violently
_ to the point of breaking the cord.

All these instances, according to Fr. Echavaria, resulted

in the death of the mother or the newborn or both. The
| situation was aggravated by the fact that doctors were few
and could only be found in the town centers. ae
| _ Since the establishment of the School of Midwives in
1879, Fr. Echavaria reported that more than 40 women
obtained their certificates in 1886. Thus, Fr. Echevaria
recommended the creation of 22 positions of matronas
titulares to be distributed all over the colony. Fr. Echavaria
mentioned the deaths of many midwives in the cholera
epidemic of 1882 resulting in the shortage of midwives. He
added that a number of the graduates of the school of
midwives had found other means of livelihood and still
others had ceased practicing their profession upon noticing
that many had left the profession. The profession apparently
had no holding power over its practitioners. Were these
schooled midwives no match for the traditional midwives?
| | Matronas Titulares ¢ 87
Or was the expertise or medical knowledge of the schooled
midwives not what the native population needed but rather
the skills which the traditional midwives offered? This
perhaps could explain the continued patronage by the ©
native women of the services of the traditional midwives.
| Inevitably, a competition ensued among these two
groups of midwives. In 1887, Dofia Nicolasa Francisco, a
matrona titulada, filed a complaint against Maria de
Guzman, a traditional midwife, for practicing her profession
without the necessary license. De Guzman was said to have
assisted in the childbirth of Blas Mateo’s wife. Investigation
showed that De Guzman had twice been punished in the _ |
past for the same offense and that she had been imprisoned
-. at the Carcel de Bilibid. The subdelegation of Medicine and
Surgery upon investigation of the matter found De Guzman
guilty of the charge and imposed a fine of 125 pesetas as
provided for in Article 576 of the Penal Code. The
punishment mentioned was a penalty imposed on people |
who practiced the profession without the necessary license. |
| When the licensed midwives played the role of informers
against the traditional midwives, they collected half of the
fine imposed on the “quack” midwife. This served as an
incentive for the licensed midwives to report to the
authorities the activities of the traditional midwives. | |
In 1890, the licensed midwives, in the desire to put an ,
end to the practice of the profession by the intrusas
[intruders], suggested that one way of forcing women to
avail of the services of the matronas titulares was for the
Church to require a certification attesting that the child was
delivered by a licensed midwife before dispensing the -
sacrament of baptism. This suggestion was not accepted ,
 88 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

because the Municipal Doctor and the Subdelegate of

Medicine and Surgery of the Province of Manila felt that the
| provision found in Article 14 Chapter of the Rules Governing
the Matronas Titulares sufficed as a deterrent against bilots
| or unlicensed midwives. Article 14 reads: _
The Matronas will inform the corresponding authorities |
about the improper machinations carried out by the
quacks. The authorities will investigate the person or |
persons referred to as well as investigate the harm
inflicted on the pregnant woman or the fetus. The said _
| authorities will also mete out the deserved punishment.

The suggestions made by the matronas titulares was -

meant to deter pregnant women from calling on the
traditional midwives but the colonial authorities preferred a
punitive measure, i.e. imprisonment or payment of a fine. If
| we take a look at the case of Maria de Guzman—the
traditional midwife denounced by Dofia Nicolasa Francisco,
we can see that no amount of payment of a fine or period of
imprisonment could discourage the traditional midwives _
from practicing their trade. | | -
When the creation of 22 positions of matronas titulares _
was approved on May 1887, a call was made for applicants
to fill the positions. The applicants had to present the
following documents: ,
1. A letter of application for the position desired ,
addressed to the Gobernador Heneral
2. A copy of the professional certificate or a copy |
legalizing the degree |
3. Documents showing merits received in the practice
 | | Matronas Titulares © 89
of the profession | : |
4. Certificate of good moral character given by the
_ parish priest of the pueblo where she was born or _
5. Cedula personal , ,
_ resides in and countersigned by its Gobernadorcillo

From a total of 27 applicants, 22 were finally chosen. | |

- These 22 positions were distributed in the following
manner: 12 positions in the first class provinces and five |
each in the second class provinces and third class provinces
respectively. The first class provinces included Intramuros,
the arrabales of Binondo, Santa Cruz, Tondo, (Quiapo, San a
Miguel and Sampaloc), (Etmita, Malate and Paco), the :
provinces of Albay, Bulacan, Batangas, Pampanga and
- Pangasinan. The second class provinces included the
provinces of Camarines Sur, Cavite, Ylocos Norte, Ylocos |
Sur and Zambales, while the third class provinces comprised
the provinces of Bataan, Cagayan, Ysabela de Luzon, Nueva 7
- Ecija and Nueva Vizcaya. | 7 | ; |
_ In making the assignments, the names of the applicants
were to be arranged according to 1) grade obtained in the
exams (from highest to lowest), 2) the date of obtaining the ,
degree (from earliest to latest), and 3) the date of :
application (from the earliest to the latest). |
Most of the candidates for the position of matrona titular
came from the arrabales of Manila with a significant number
coming from the arrabal of Binondo. .__ |
The matronas assigned to the positions belonging to the |
first class provinces got a salary of 14 pesos a month; those
assigned to the second class category received 12 pesos a
month and finally, those assigned to the third class category, | |
 90 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century .

10 pesos a month. The original proposal suggested 25

pesos monthly for those matronas serving in the provinces
classified as first class, 20 pesos for those serving in the
_ second class provinces, and 15 pesos for those serving in
| the third class. These rates were the rates of the
vacunadores, ot those in charge of inoculating the people
against smallpox. The Auditor’s office together with the
Direccion General de Administracion Civil recommended
| that the matronas be paid 14 pesos, 12 pesos and 10 pesos
a month depending upon their classification. It was cited
that the services of the matronas were neither difficult nor
frequent unlike those of the vacunadores who had to leave
their place of residence to exercise their profession when —
they were ordered to or when the circumstances demanded _
their doing so. In short, the feeling was that the wages of _
the matronas titulares should not be equal to the pay of the
vacunadores. Furthermore, the opinion was the matronas
should not be receiving more than what a teacher was
receiving, i.e. 8-12 pesos for a maestra de entrada, 12-15
pesos for a maestra de ascenso and finally, 15-20 pesos for a
| _ maestra de termino. It was argued that the work of the
matronas did not have the same importance as the Maestra
de Ynstruccion Primaria. This would explain the lower pay
scale of the matronas as compared to that of the maestra.
Hence the wages of P14/month, P12/month and P10/month
were considered most appropriate for a matrona assigned
to a first, second or third class province respectively.
The matronas titulares were to give free professional
services to women recognized as poor or to women whose
spouses did not have more resources other than their daily —
. pay. These services included pre-natal and post-natal care.
a | | Matronas Titulares ¢ 91
_ The matronas were urged to advise pregnant mothers of
ways of easing discomfort during pregnancy. The matrona
- was also exhorted to make sure that the life of the mother |
and baby was not to be jeopardized. When the life of the |
mother or the child was in danger, the matrona was
required to call the medico titular or the Municipal doctor.
In the event that the situation needed immediate attention |
and not having the time to call a medico titular, the |
| matrona “was allowed to proceed to employ the necessary _
assistance in accordance with her acquired knowledge” and :
thereafter must present herself to the medico titular to brief
him of the case. The Reglamento governing the duties and
responsibilities of the matrona was explicit in extending
legal protection to matronas in the pursuit of their
profession. Article 17 of the Reglamento gave the matronas
_ titulares the right to be protected by the authorities in the
practice of their profession. |
_ The Reglamento strongly admonished the matronas to
get the sympathy of the native women with the end in view ©

reads: . |
of weaning them away from the influence of the traditional
midwives. This campaign against traditional midwives was ©
evident in Articles 13 and 15 of the Reglamento. Article 15

_ The Matronas should be friendly to the pregnant

women and give them peace of mind, not showing the
seriousness of their condition when they are in danger.
| Likewise, by means of persuasion, they should try to get — |
these women to seek their advice if they have certain |
beliefs which may be injurious to their health,
 — 92 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

| Article 13 on the other hand reads: — |

It is also the obligation of the Matrona to advise the
pregnant women and the new mothers about the use of
| hygiene, (as what science counsels for their state) and
about the remedies they have to use accordingly. Atthe _
same time, they should inculcate in the minds of the
women the evils and perils of the absurd practices in
_ the Archipelago.

How successful the matronas titulares were in convincing

the native women to seek their advice could be seen from _
the number of child deliveries they assisted in. The
compilation of statistics was one of the duties of the
- matronas since 1888 with the creation of 22 positions of
matronas titulares. The matronas were supposed to submit
their reports every semester. The reports varied in
presentation. For instance, Ramona Mojjica, the matrona of —
Tondo in 1888 presented her report with columns indicating
the month, the name of the patient, the state of the baby
upon birth (dead or alive), the sex of the baby and the
address of the mother. Ramona Mojica submitted 10 names
-of women she assisted in childbirth (See Appendix E.1).
Juliana de los Santos (See Appendix E.2), the matrona of
Hermita, Malate and Paco reported 14 women whom she
assisted in childbirth. Her report had three columns ©
| indicating the name of the mother, the pueblo where the
mother came from and her observations respectively. The
matrona titulada of Intramuros, Benita Miranda simply
| listed the names of women she assisted in childbirth. Her
list had 18 names on it (See Appendix E.3). The report
submitted by Rufina Alex, the matrona of Santa Cruz had
 _ Matronas Titulares * 93

; ten columns with the following headings: name of mother,

her age, her civil status, arrabal where she came from, her
address, the racial group of the mother, a description of the
delivery and the dates when the matrona was in assistance |
(See Appendix E.4). By 1892, a uniform format was
followed by the matronas in their semestral reports (See |
Appendices E.5 and E.6). The reports indicated the name,
-. age, civil status and address of the patient, the nature of |
- assistance and the date of delivery. | |
| From the available statistical reports submitted by a few
matronas (apparently not all matronas submitted semestral
| reports), it would seem that very few women availed of the
free services offered by the matronas titulares. For instance,
-. in the already populated arrabal of Tondo in 1892, the
matrona titular Ramona Mojica reported 16 cases for the
| first semester and 18 for the second semester with a total of —
34 cases for the entire year. For the arrabal of Binondo,
Matrona titular Filomena Rubin assisted in 17 deliveries ,
during the first semester and 16 in the second semester,
| making a total of 33 cases. a
Apparently, the matronas titulares had far less than a ©
fair share of clientele of pregnant women, suggesting the
dominant influence of the unlicensed parteras, comadronas
and matronas or the hilots as referred toin the vernacular.
What would explain the continued patronage by the native
women of the traditional midwives or bilots? What would |
explain their reluctance in consulting the licensed midwife? _
| It could be that the matronas were not yet tried and tested
| unlike the traditional midwives or the bilots. Moreover, the
matronas sent to the provinces might have been considered.
“outsiders.” For example, Dofia Rosa Andreis, a mestiza
 94 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

| Espafiola from Candelaria, Zambales was assigned in Albay.

Another matrona, Agustina Bataller of Intramuros found
herself assigned in Ylocos Norte. Meanwhile, the traditional
midwife or hilot did not consider her tasks done with the _
delivery of the child. She administered post-partum care to
the mother and even helped in the household chores until
| such time that the mother regained her strength.
If there was reluctance on the part of the native women
to approach the licensed midwife, there was a readiness
among the Spanish women and the Spanish mestiza to avail
of their services. The reluctance of this group of women to
avail of the services of the bilot may be due to the bilot’s
reputation of resorting to very inhuman practices.
The licensed midwife was allowed to collect a
professional fee from the rich. Those who did not have the
right to free assistance were identified as:

1. Those known as well-off,

2. Those who, without being so (rich), live in |
| comfort and whose professions, occupations
existence, | 7
or salaries afford them a comfortable

| 3. Those whose professions, occupations or

salaries are enough to cover perfectly their
needs according to their class, and
, 4. Those who have the same means to cover |
| their needs modestly. >
| categories in mind: | a
The following was the schedule of fees with the above
 : | Matronas Titulares ¢ 95
| For assistance in a natural birth |
to families of the first category 12 pesos :
| For assistance ... of the second category 9 pesos Oo
For assistance ... of the third category 6 pesos |
' For assistance ... of the fourth category | 3 pesos
_ For each visit, before
childbirth for those of the -
or after 7
, first category — 1 peso ©
| For ... of the second category ~ 75 centavos ,
For ... of the third category 50 centavos tt |
For ... of the fourth category —--- 25: centavos -
For each evening, excluding that of :
_ childbirth, that the Matrona | |
stays with the sick, considering an
as evening the hours from eight | —
o’clock of that evening to six | |
o'clock of the following morning ,
: (this upon the request of the |
families) ... first category | 6 pesos —
For ... second category a _ 4pesos - |
| ForFor...
... third category a 2pesos
fourth category Td peso
In view of the fact that the licensed midwife or matrona
was allowed to collect professional fees from women who
were considered well-off, this situation could have
encouraged the matronas to pay more attention to the
needs of these women than to the needs of women from the.
poorer class. Although we have no way of checking onthe __
~ economic background of the patients of the matrona, it is
safe to conclude that the Spanish, Spanish Mestiza and _
European women were among the paying patients of the
matrona. The Reglamento, however, made clear in Article
 96 © Working Women of Manila tn the Nineteenth Century —

19 that the matrona titular should address first and

foremost the needs of poor families. Article 19 reads: “The
_matrona titular may also assist rich women in childbirth
within the limits of their respective provinces, provided that

serve permits it.” |

the help to the poor families to whom they are obliged to _

Towards the end of Spanish rule, petitions for additional

licensed midwives in some places were made. In 1894, the |
alcalde of the city and the medico titular of the Province of |
Manila recommended the creation of another position of
matrona titular to serve the needs of women in Intramuros.
The petition stated that the matrona titular assigned to
Intramuros could no longer attend to all the needs of the
pregnant women in the Ciudad Murada. Tondo likewise
petitioned for the creation of another position of matrona
in 1895. The principalia of Tondo authored the petition
citing the big population of Tondo and the inability of the
single matrona to attend to all the cases. The presence of
only one matrona serving a big population, according to
the Gobernadorcillo of the mestizos and the principales of
- Tondo, had made the people seek the services of unlicensed
midwives. According to the Gobernadorcillo of the
mestizos of Tondo, many parteras were facing trial for being
responsible for the death of mothers. Both the
Gobernadorcillo of the Gremio de Mestizos and the
principalia of Tondo alluded to what appeared to be a
| celebrated case which occurred in Meisic and resulted in the
death of the mother.5 There was mention of the difficulty of
| prosecuting the unlicensed midwives because the residents |
hesitated to testify against them. Furthermore, the petitions
cited that the barrios of Bancaso, Vitas and Gagalangin had
 Matronas Titulares * 97

| not been frequented by the matrona titular of Tondo |

because of their distance from the poblacion (town proper). _
| Both petitions were heeded by authorities, thereby creating |
an additional position of matrona titular for Intramuros and
the arrabalof Tondo. © | : | |
7 Though an active campaign was launched by the
colonial authorities against the unlicensed midwives or
hilots, the native women still were drawn to them. The
| licensed midwives or matronas proved to be no match to
the unschooled but experienced hbilots. If there was a
mission which the colonial authorities were most interested
in undertaking, it was saving the life of the mother and |
newborn from the ‘inhuman’ practices of the bilot. But the _
, matronas as the statistics show, provided a poor competition
to the very influential bilots. | oe

| Notes oo |
| no. 4, 1847. | |
| 1. Archivo Historico Nacional, Fomento Legajo 433 Instruccion, |

| 2. The determination of the sex of the baby is done in the.

following manner. The bilot asks the expectant mother to lie.
on the floor. She then asks the mother to rise. If she uses _
her right hand to lift herself up, the bilot announces that the
baby is a girl; if the left hand is used, then the baby is a boy.
3. Philippine National Archives, Matronas. There are two
| bundles on the Matronas which are undated. The bulk of ,
information for this chapter came from the said bundles.
4. A description of the practices of the Mabutin Hilot is made |
by Jean Mallat in his book, The Philippines, pp 283-284. |
! 98 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

5. Philippine National Archives, Aborto. The celebrated case

alluded to was a crime of homicide and abortion filed :
| - against Petrona Francisco Fortunato and Venancia Montesuma
Ramos. The legal documents described Petrona Francisco
. Fortunato as a Spanish mestiza, 60 years old, widow, native |
of the suburb of Binondo, resident of Tondo, midwife with
unknown manner of training, lacking criminal records and
with unknown liquid assets. Venancia Montesuma on the ©
other hand was described as a native woman, a widow, 45 ,
years old, a laundrywoman and a native of the province of
- Bulacan. Petrona Francisco Fortunato was acquitted of the
charge of homicide and abortion because of lack of
sufficient evidence. The death of Leoncia Manuel was |
attributed to the rupture of the uterus causing internal _
hemorrhage. The two doctors performed the autopsy on the
body of the late Leoncia Manuel. The other two who
examined Leoncia said that the rupture of her uterus cannot
be attributed to the band and massages described because it
was not possible to state exactly the extent of the pressure
applied by the accused in massaging Leoncia. Petrona |
Francisco Fortunato was the only one acquitted because
Venancia Montesuma was at large. | ,
 : Mujeres Publicas ,

C’ oncern over
Spanish the activities
period of the
came in the wakeprostitutes duringperil
of the growing the
of venereal diseases during the 19th century. Syphilis was
considered one of the social ills of the period. The
International Medical Congress held in Paris in 1867 |
declared venereal diseases as the “new cholera” of the _
century.! This concern necessitated surveillance of the
| activities of prostitutes. 7 |
In the Philippines, colonial authorities in the 19th _
century imposed punitive measures against prostitution in —
an attempt to combat the spread of venereal diseases. The
colonial. government adopted police measures in view of
the increasing incidence of syphilis. There is evidence that
the naval station of Cavite was hit by an epidemic of syphilis
in December of 1895 prompting the Jefe de Sanidad to alert

| Canacao.2 _ |
the authorities of the naval station that a number of sailors
_ infected with syphilis were confined in a hospital in
- Public awareness of the deleterious effects of venereal
| diseases in the colony grew as advertisements of drugs for
gonorrhea and syphilis appeared in the major dailies. The
Boletin Oficial de Filipinas for the year 1859 contained
advertisements of such drugs. Pildoras Holloway, for
example, was announced as a cure for enfermedades
 100 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

- venereas. Vino de Zarzaparilla of Dr. Albert and Rob

Antisifilitico de Boyveau Laffecteau were advertised as
effective medicines against venereal diseases. The newspaper
El Comercio® also contained advertisements of medicines
which were said to be effective against gonorrhea and
syphilis. It is interesting to note that all these medicines or
drugs were manufactured in France and were locally
_ available in the drug store of Don Jacobo Zobel. Through
advertisements, these drugs reached the knowledge of
Manila’s reading public. One can merely speculate if the
non-reading public, who comprised the majority of the _—
native population, resorted to herbal medicine and other |
kinds of home remedies when infected with syphilis. |
Sources attesting to arrests of prostitutes go as far back
as 1849. This does not mean, however, that arrests were
done only during this time. Arrests could have been made
earlier but there is no written evidence to support this.

time. — oo
Since venereal diseases became widespread only in the 19th
century, police measures on prostitutes came only at this _

One document dated 18494 reveals the arrest made by

the seguridad publica of prostitutes in a densely populated :
area of Manila. The report about the incident was made by ©
the alcalde mayor of Tondo. Seventeen women were
rounded up and declared as vagabonds and prostitutes.
The recommendation of the alcalde mayor to the governor-
general was to deport these women to a sparsely populated -
place like Nueva Quipuzcua (Davao). The reason for
deporting these women to places like Davao was to spare
, the rest of the population of densely populated areas from
being infected with venereal diseases. Later in the 1860’s,
 } | Mujeres Publicas + 101
the Isla de Balabac in Palawan replaced Davao as a place of
deportation for prostitutes. OO
_ Towards the second half of the 19th century, the arrest |
of prostitutes were effected in the name of the Comisariade —©
Vigilancia. Upon the arrest of the prostitute and her
incarceration in the Carcel de Bilibid, an inquiry was made
- to shed light on her background. The gobernadorcillo
together with the principales of the town where the alleged
prostitute maintained residence were given 48 hours to |
furnish information on matters like whether she was
included in the list of taxpayers of the town, whether she
had previous brushes with the law, whether she had the |
reputation of being a prostitute, her civil status, her
profession and the name of her parents. The friar-curate of
the town was also asked to shed light on the origins of the
| prostitute. This procedure required a thorough working
knowledge by the gobernadorcillo of his constituents and
by the friar-curate of his parishioners. One could look into
the records of the Carcel de Bilibid to verify whether the —
accused had been previously detained and on what
| charges. One could also verify whether the prostitute was |
infected with syphilis or not. If the prostitute was, she |
- would have been confined at the Hospital de San Juande
Dios instead of being incarcerated in the Carcel de Bilibid.
| The expedientes of these apprehended women showed
_ that punitive measures took the form of imprisonment of 10, |
15 and 30 days and sometimes even involved deportation.
It should be pointed out that some of the prostitutes |
apprehended had served previous prison terms on charges |
prostitution. | | | |
of illegal gambling, estafa, public disorder and even
 102 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century :

: The prison terms of the prostitutes were served at the

Carcel de Bilibid. After serving the term meted out on them,
the prostitutes were given a certification by prison authorities
attesting that they had indeed served the said term. Upon
release from prison, some prostitutes would visit the Carcel
_ de Bilibid (or would return to the Carcel de Bilibid) in order
to ply their trade.5 They would pretend to be relatives of
| the detainees in order to get inside the prison. These
women, according to the prison superintendent took
advantage of the Thursday and Sunday visiting days to _
practice their profession. |
| Once incarcerated, the prostitutes were subjected to |
hard labor appropriate for their sex. We can only imagine |
what activities constituted hard labor. | |
If a prostitute was discovered to be infected with
syphilis, she would be confined in the Hospital de San Juan
de Dios and would not be allowed to leave until cured of _
the disease. | oo
| Of the punishments imposed on the prostitutes, that of
expulsion from her province and deportation to either
Davao or Balabac were considered severe. In the early part
of the 19th century, deportation to the southern part of the
Philippines constituted the early treatment given by the
colonial authorities to arrested prostitutes. This action was
imposed even on first-time offenders. Evidences point to
the fact that exile to far-off Davao or Balabac was a much
dreaded punishment among prostitutes. Efforts were exerted
by their families to spare them from serving this punishment.
Petitions of mothers and fathers of prostitutes to the
governor-general attest to this fact. Invoking reasons like ill
health, citing that the daughter was the sole breadwinner of
 | 7 Mujeres Publicas + 103
the family or even issuing an outright denial of her activities
as a prostitute, mothers spared no effort to prevent their
daughters from being deported to Davao or Balabac.
_ Deportation or exile to the southern part of the |
Philippines though readily resorted to in the mid-19th |
century was used sparingly towards the end of the century.
The severity of this kind of punishment might have made _
authorities go slow in the implementation of this punitive
measure. By the end of the century, this kind of punishment
was reserved only for habitual offenders.
So far, we have come across two lists of women
deported. The first list contained names of women to be
deported to Davao while the second list :contained the
names of deportees destined for Balabac. The first list of ©
1842 included the following names:® |
| 1. Remigia Sebastian 10. Eustacia Francisca
2. Eustaquia Zaballa — 11. Romana Pablo
3. Remigia Zaballa 12. Sotera Almario |
4. Romana Espinosa 13. Melchora de los Santos
5. Januaria Balverde §—«.~—— 14. Aristona de los Santos
6. Anselma Busta 15. Juliana Pasion |
7. Josefa Carballo 16. Felipe Guevara |
8. Juana Legaspi 17. Maria Josefa a
9. Justa Gonzalez | |
The second list of 1872 contained the following names of
women to be deported to Palawan:7
1. Juana del Rosario 14. Elena Gabriel _ _
2. Rafaela Mesa — 15. Maria Castafieda }
3, Alejandra Salmiento 16. Roberta Zamora — | :
, 104 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

4. Juana Rodriguez | 17. Graciana Marzano

5. Emeteria Borja 18. Eulogia Buson |
6. Lorenza Casimiro 19. Victoriana Javier
7. Maria Quinto 20. Eusebia Mamangon
8. Petrona Trinidad 21. Maria Evangelista
9. Vicenta Rosario 22. Eduviges Dumasig
10. Dominga Crisostomo 23. Tomasa Diwa |
11. Dionicia de la Cruz | 24. Vicenta de la Cruz
12. Antonia Cierca 25. Dolores Avila
13. Francisca Garcia 26. Aniceta Chaves
There were other prostitutes arrested who were deported to
Palawan as revealed in their individual dossier but did not
figure in a list like that of 1849 and 1872. ,
Marriage or the offer of marriage apparently served to
circumvent or avert the deportation of a prostitute. In 1849,
Romana Pablo was in the list of those to be deported to
| Davao but was spared from going into exile because of
Gilberto Escueta’s request for permission to marry her.
Sotera Almario was likewise spared from serving this
punishment when Don Jose Maria Medina, a Spanish
| mestizo, requested that she be released from prison
because he was marrying her. Sotera Almario in her
statement confirmed that Don Jose Maria Medina was a
suitor and that they were engaged to be married. Don
Medina on his part confirmed that he intended to contract
marriage with Sotera Almario. One wonders how Sotera
Almario ended up among those accused of prostitution.
Sotera Almario’s testimony did not indicate why she was
being accused of prostitution. The testimony of Don Jose.
Maria Medina was also silent on the matter but did not issue
a denial that Sotera Almario was a prostitute. __
 Mujeres Publicas « 105

- Sometimes marriage plans came when the deportee was

already serving her sentence. The marriage plan of Remigia |
Sebastian who was exiled to Davao in 1842 was stated in a
petition of her mother requesting the return of Remigia to |
Manila so she could enter into a contract of marriage with
Jose Espinosa, a musician of the first expeditionary regiment.
Vicenta Aleja filed her petition in June of 1849 and the
orders of the governor-general to release Remigia Sebastian
came in January 1850. What is clear in this particular case |

of Remigia.® | |
was the fact that marriage shortened the term of deportation |
The deportee’s sojourn to Balabac, however, could be
made pleasant when accompanied by a loved one. Such
was the case of Eusebia Miguel.? Eusebia Miguel, a native
of Bulacan, Bulacan, 21 years old and a cigarrera was
arrested in August 1871 for getting involved in a fight where |
she threatened the life of a soldier, Ventura Fabula who |
apparently was her lover. Prison records show that Eusebia
Miguel was imprisoned in 1866 on account of theft. At that
time, Eusebia was 16 years old. The gobernadorcillo and ,
— the principalia of Binondo testified that Eusebia did not pay . |
her cedula personal for the years 1869 and 1870 making her
a vagamunda. The Chief of Police of the District affirmed
that she was a mujer publica, having lived with different
men in the past. The recommendation of the Governor of
the Province of Tondo was deportation to the south of the |
Islands, preferably in an agricultural colony, referring to the |
Isla de Balabac. This recommendation was approved by |
Governor-General Izquierdo. Eusebia Miguel, however, did
not go on exile alone. Antonio Bonifacio, a fellow prisoner
of Eusebia at the Carcel de Bilibid, who was serving a |
 106 Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century ,

sentence for estafa, asked permission from authorities to—

marry Eusebia and serve his sentence with Eusebia wherever
she was to be deported. Not finding any objections to this
proposition, Antonio Bonifacio joined. Eusebia Miguel to
Balabac. A new life awaited the two in the new place.
Marriage was viewed as a means of reforming prostitutes.
/ This was the sentiment of the colonial authorities.
Considering that the majority of the prostitutes were single,
marriage was thought to be a means of sobering them up.
The native population seemed amenable to the idea in the
light of petitions of parents asking for the release of their
daughters who were going to be married off. One is
: tempted to ask whether the marriage offers mentioned in
the petitions were genuine or whether the Filipinos were
merely using marriage as an excuse because they knew that
the Spanish authorities were sympathetic to this argument. |
| We also get the impression that prostitutes were not being
ostracized. Why would Filipino males consent to marry
| Filipinas who were known to be prostitutes? Why did the
parents not deny the fact that their daughter was a
prostitute? Were the accusations accurate in the first place?
One may conclude that to the members of the laboring

carry a stigma. | |
class, being accused and labelled as a prostitute did not
We have no idea as to the number of years a deportee
must serve her sentence. However, based upon available ©
records, after three years, a deportee could petition the
governor-general to end her deportation. Josepa Carballo,10
a deportee in Davao, wrote to the governor-general that she
was sent to Davao in 1849 and since then had been leading
an exemplary life. She would like to return to her family —
 , Mujeres Publicas * 107
and start a new life. The same was true of Elena Gabriel. |
Elena Gabriel,'! a labandera from Mariquina left her
- husband and children for Manila. In the city she had no |
| regular source of income and lived with a certain Jose |
Pingol who eventually landed in prison accused of assault |
and theft. We see her name in a list of 26 women who
boarded the steamer “Marquesa de la Victoria” for Palawan...
This was in 1872. In 1875 Elena Gabriel asked for a
commutation of her stay in Palawan. The request was |
granted. Usually before the petition was approved, an
attestation from the alcalde mayor of the province where _
she had been deported together with a certification from the |
_ friar-curate of the town were required. The two entities had
to certify that the deportee had truly reformed during her. ,
exile. If favorably endorsed by both the alcalde mayor and |
approved. | - |
the friar-curate, then the petition of the deportee would be | ,
| We see in the administrative processes that went with
supervising the activities of the prostitutes the involvement
of many entities-like the gobernadorcillo, the friar-curate, =
the celador of the district, the Superintendent of the Carcel
de Bilibid, the head of the Hospital de San Juan de Dios and
the authorities of the Seguridad Publica and the Comisaria
deMostVigilancia. oe |
of the prostitutes apprehended were in their late |
teens and early twenties. Older prostitutes who were in
their thirties or forties were either married or widowed.
_ Prostitutes hailed from as far north as Vigan, Ilocos Sur and
as far south as Antique. All the apprehended prostitutes
claimed that they had legitimate occupations. The usual
, occupations which appeared in their expedientes or dossiers
 108 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

, were costurera, labandera, cigarrera and tendera. It was

them. , | |
not uncommon to find sisters plying the same trade. Elena
and Placida Gabriel, Eustaquia and Remigia Zaballa, and
Melchora and Aristona de los Santos were just some of —

- What made women turn to prostitution? Were their

earnings from legitimate occupations not enough? Or were
these occupations merely a front for their real occupation? __
Or were these women pursuing a legitimate occupation in
the daytime while prostituting themselves at night? |
We suspect that women turned to prostitution for
| economic reasons. Evidences abound wherein women in
the provinces ventured in the city ostensibly to improve ©
their economic status. The documents reveal that a number
of prostitutes arrested did come from the provinces. Was
| this indicative of the hard times in the countryside? From
the population sample of 160 prostitutes, 105 came from the
| _ provinces. The nearby province of Bulacan provided the _
most number of prostitutes working in Manila. Elena
Gabriel was a case in point. Her expediente or dossier
stated that she left Mariquina and her life as a labandera to ©
try her luck in Manila. Not finding a suitable livelihood
which would enable her to earn her keep while in the city, -
she ended up as a prostitute. Women in the provinces were
, beckoned to come to Manila because of the economic
Opportunities that Manila offered. Telesfora Villegas and
Basilia Garcia!* both from Orani, Bataan were recruited by a
woman who promised them jobs or employment as
domestic servants in Manila with a salary of three pesos a
month. The two joined a woman who reportedly maintained
residence in front of the Divisoria Market. Telesfora and
 | | Mujeres Publicas « 109
Basilia however went to the police authorities because they |
suspected that they were being recruited to become |
prostitutes instead of criadas or domestic helps.
There existed apparently four categories of prostitutes, |
depending on the way they ply their trade. One category of
‘prostitutes included those who were kept in a prostitution :
house and were under the supervision of an ama (mistress)
or amo (master).13 Most of the amas were generally native
~ women. Amos were few. We came across a Filipino male
and two Chinese males. A few amas stated their profession ,
as that of being a cigarrera or a costurera. The Filipino
amo identified himself as a sastre (tailor). It is not surprising
that this tailor would act as an amo considering that he did |
have an access to the male population who might desire the |
_ services of a prostitute. San Jose de Trozo appeared to be
an area where prostitution houses abounded. When a.
prostitution house was raided by authorities, the ama and
the prostitutes were all rounded up. There seemed to be |
some public knowledge of prostitution houses but it was _
raided. ; Sn , | .
only when brawls occurred that the said houses were finally

Another category of prostitutes included those who |

plied their trade by posting themselves in certain streets like
Calle Iris of Quiapo, Paseo de Azcarraga, Meisic, and Santa
Elena in Tondo; Arranque, Lacoste, Gamdara in Santa Cruz;
Camba, Barcelona, Elcano, Plaza de Calderon and Ylangylang
in Binondo; and Singalong, Bangbang, Herran, San Marcelino
in Paco Dilao.14 These prostitutes were also under the |
supervision of amasor amos.
Another category of prostitutes plied their trade by |
|
going to the home of the client. These were the prostitutes
 110° Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

who rendered service to the Chinese males. We know fora

fact that the Chinese men who came to the Philippines
during the Spanish period were either single or married. If
they were married, they did not bring their wives with them.
That these young and robust Chinese would seek the
services of prostitutes would be understandable. Paula
Prim, Andrea Austria and Serapia Roncal were arrested in a
soap store owned by a Chinese by the name of Sy Jaco.15
This evidence reveals that the Chinese themselves were
involved in prostitution. Serapia Roncal acted as a pimp or
' a corredora.© Margarita San Pedro was also one prostitute
who frequented the homes of Chinese men. One document |
mentioned that she had been the concubine of a soldier.
She was arrested on orders of the gobernadorcillo of Tondo
based on reports that in the barrio of Tutuban she would go
out and spend the night in the homes of the Chinese.
Placida Gabriel, a resident of Mariquina and a widow of 30
years old was said to have many clients — among them
were Chinese men according to the Alferez Comandante of
7 the Guardia Civil of Mariquina. Other prostitutes, however, |
were arrested inside the opium dens of the Chinese, which
probably were functioning as prostitution houses too. True
enough, in 1900, the American Acting President of the
Board of Health commented that an opium joint was also a
house of prostitution; “patrons “hit the pipe’ in connection
| with Finally,
other pleasures.”!/ : :
the last category of prostitutes were those who
serviced clients in their own homes. Belonging to this
category were the likes of Trinidad Sanchez, a Spaniard
who lived in number 6 Calle Uli-uli in San Miguel; Antonelle
| Dusand, an American who lived in number 16 Calle Labasan |
 - Mujeres Publicas* 11]
in Sampaloc; and Lorenza Ida, an Englishwoman who lived 7
in number 20 Calle Balmes in Quiapo. Presumably these

| _of society. , |
women catered to men who belonged to the higher bracket

What were their chances of leaving their life as

prostitutes? Once released from prison, did these women
turn a new leaf? As previously noted, a number of
prostitutes who had been arrested and detained at the
Carcel de Bilibid were later rearrested for their activities as —
prostitutes. However, deportation to either Davao or
Balabac or banishment from one’s province was so cruel a
punishment that could discourage a prostitute’s return to
_ this profession. Marriage could also have reformed the
prostitute. There was startling report, however, regarding
the case of a husband who forced his wife into prostitution
and later lived by the earnings of his wife. Ceferino
Fernandez, a tailor, ceased practicing his profession and
spent his days gambling while his wife prostituted herself. . :
The gobernadorcillo and the principales of Tondo
recommended his deportation to Mindanao, a punishment
which was carried out. | | |
It is difficult to capture how these women felt about |
|
their profession, what their aspirations in life were, or even |
how they appeared in public. Was their profession apparent
| from their manner of dressing or acting? Considering the ©
_ dearth of information on their views about themselves and —
the impossibility of interviewing these women, we have to |
content ourselves with available data regarding the public
perception of prostitutes. | a
From the various terms by which they were called and
labelled, a value judgement was already evident. The
 112 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century .

prostitutes were called by various names—prostituta, mujer

publica, vagamunda and indocumentada.. The term
vagamunda reflected the roving lifestyle of the prostitute;
her inability to be registered in a particular locality earned
for her the title indocumentada. When arrested, therefore,
the prostitute was not only penalized for sexual trafficking
but also for not paying a cedula which was the document
necessary for her not to be classified as a vagamunda or
_ indocumentada. This wandering lifestyle was alluded to in
works which dealt with the life of prostitutes. _

“You ask me, how my life was? It was like that of the |
| others of my kind. Days of bonanza, tempestuous © |
nights, caresses by fortune, and the floggings by fate.
_ This, in a nutshell, is my history. I went through towns

them ...”18 | - |
dispensing smiles never thinking of the mothers, wives,
sisters, daughters who perhaps were to cry because of

Literary works alluding to the life of prostitutes were

rare for the 19th century. This was due to the fact that _
| religious literature pervaded the said period. By the
beginning of the 20th century, there would be allusions to |
prostitutes but they were few and far between. In a novel |
by Faustino Aguilar entitled Pinaglabuan published in 1907.
there was a mention of prostitutes. They were depicted in
this novel as women who call attention to themselves
because of their loud laughter, gaudy manner of dressing,
and the smell of cheap perfume. |
_ At sa alaala ni Roman ay binasa ang isang mababang
talaan ng mga babaying kung araw ay makikinang,
 7 : | Mujeres Publicas » 113
_ datapwa't kung gabi’y nangagbibili ng pag-ibig sa
bawa’t makaaabot sa halaga ng isang halik, ng isa
nilang yakap. Marami sa mga babaying ito'y
| nangapalulong sa gayong bubay sapagka’t ibig
magsikislap ay wala namang kaya, marami ang dabil |
sa talagang nagmamasarap sa buhay na pagayong
punong puno ng aliw, nguni’t may ilan din namang
| kaya nagsisama ay sa kasalanan ng lahat, sa mga
_ buling ito’y kabilang ang mga ulilang kulang sa mag- |
ampon, ang nilinlang ng mga walang pusong
mangangalakal ng laman, ang mga dukbang sa
kakulangan ng mag-akay, ay nangapilit sa pagbibili ng
katawan upang may ikabubay.'? |
_ This short literary passage revealed the many reasons why
women enter prostitution—ranging from the desire for |
sexual pleasure to outright deception by people engaged in
the flesh trade. We came across instances wherein women |
hired as criadas or domestics ended up being prostitutes.
Such was the case of Florentina Canlas,2° 16 years old anda |
native of San Fernando, Pampanga. Florentina Canlas was
hired as a domestic by Gregorio Sarmiento with a monthly _
salary of two pesos. According to Canlas, after a week of
being under the employ of Sarmiento, she was brought by
the latter to a prostitution house owned by Gregorio
Betong. She escaped from the prostitution house since she _
7 could no longer stomach the shame and exploitation she
was being subjected to. Gregorio Sarmiento, when
| questioned, asserted that Florentina Canlas became a
_ prostitute out of her own free will — “esta lo hace de su a
propia voluntad por ser de profesion.” Sarmiento stated that —
Canlas bought clothes from him amounting to 94 pesos and
 114 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

20 centavos and that when he wanted to collect this amount

from Canlas, she left the house. |
Stories of women who were hired as dornestics but
were turned over to prostitution houses by the mistress of
the house seemed to be a common occurrence during the

houses. |
| 19th century. Some of the masters of these domestics could
have been in connivance with those who run prostitution

We came across one interesting case—that of Faustina

Trias. Faustina Trias was 16 years old, a native of Orani,
, Bataan and married to Candido Ramos, 24 years old and a
native of Calumpit, Bulacan. Candido Ramos was a
domestic by profession. According to the testimony of
Candido Ramos, his wife owed their master Dofia Ladislawa
23 pesos. Martina Rafael volunteered to lend Faustina 23 |
pesos but the latter was to work for her as a domestic.
Candido Ramos meanwhile worked as a cochero of Don
Catalino Sevilla. Martina Rafael, after a month, reported to
Candido Ramos that Faustina left her household and was |
now working as a domestic of Dofia Gabriela Ventura.
| When Candido went to the house of Dofia Ventura and
confronted Faustina, the latter revealed that Martina Rafael
brought her to a prostitution house owned by Alejandra

accusation. |
Umali. Upon interrogation Martina Rafael denied the

The alarming incidence of syphilis in the colony by the

late 19th century signalled the need for a closer supervision |
of the activities of prostitutes. From the early punitive
measures adopted by colonial authorities in the middle of
the 19th century, we notice the formulation by the late 19th
century of rules and regulations aimed at preventing the
 | , Mujeres Publicas * 115
spread of communicable diseases contracted through
prostitution and breastfeeding. Apparently, there were also
wet nurses in the colony. _ - |
The concern over the spread of venereal diseases, |
especially syphilis, led to the creation of a Bureau of Public
Health. The Reglamento of 18972! which guided the |
operation of the Bureau was inspired by a Reglamento
which had earlier been formulated in Spain. A mujer
| publica was defined in the document as one who was
regularly engaged in the flesh trade. The Reglamento
| mentioned three categories of mujeres publicas: 1) women |
who stayed in authorized prostitution houses, 2) women
who stayed in their own homes and engaged in prostitution,
and 3) women who went to the homes of their clients. -
To keep tab of those engaged in the trade, the new
Bureau of Public Health instituted the licensing of prostitutes
in Manila. The licensing of prostitutes did not only facilitate
a census of prostitutes in Manila but more significantly, it
checked the spread of syphilis in the city. The licensed
| prostitutes were required to undergo examination twice a
week; this was done by medical authorities who made the
rounds of licensed prostitution houses. Amas or owners of
prostitution houses who prevented the hospitalization of -
women infected with syphilis were punished by
imprisonment. The San Juan de Dios Hospital appeared to
be the hospital designated to take care of women afflicted |
with syphilis.
Soliciting of clients in public was strictly prohibited. _
Prostitutes were prohibited from soliciting clients in streets
or street corners and likewise forbidden to station themselves _
in entrances and balconies of homes. Furthermore, they |
 116 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

were not allowed to converse with men in the streets or use

all sorts of provocations which would offend public morals.
It appears that for the colonial authorities of the period,
prostitution was to be tolerated but should be regulated.
The regulation of the activities of prostitutes was intended |
| not only to check the spread of venereal diseases but to
guard public morals as well. This is evident not only in the
interdiction imposed on public soliciting of clients but also
in the insistence that prostitution houses be located in |
places where there was not much human traffic. The
Reglamento also forbid prostitution houses from revealing
their real purpose through billboards. - ;
From the point of view of the colonial authorities, the
regulation of prostitution was an important public health
measure. However, from the point of view of the native
| population, this constituted an application of a repressive or
dissuasive strategy against sexual freedom. The early
Filipinos appeared to have more sexual freedom than the
Filipinos of the Spanish period—an observation overly
emphasized by the early missionaries since it was a |
| violation of the restrictions imposed on the Spanish woman
during the same period. -
For the Filipino woman of the 19th century, the flesh
trade was definitely a source of livelihood; whether it was —
decent or not was immaterial. What counted was that it was
an occupation open to women. | ee
 ! , Mujeres Publicas « 117
| Notes _ _
1. A. Corbin. “Le peril veneri en au debut du siecle: |
prophylaxie sanitaire et prophylaxie morale,” L’Holeine des
Faubourgs. (Fontenay-sous-Bois: Recherches, 1978) p. 245.
2. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1887-1897. |

}| 13
Comercio: , ,
3. These advertisements appeared in the following issues of El

de Julio 1876 OS
20
24 de Julio
de Julio 1876 7 |
1876 , 1876 | | |
9 de Diciembre
4. Asian Center, University of the Philippines. Manila Complex |
Microfilm Collection. Reel 14, Item 1, Document 4. |
5. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1881-1886.
| 6. Asian Center, University of the Philippines. Manila Complex
_ Microfilm Collection. Reel 14, Item 1, Document 4. |
7. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1862-1879. ,
8. The petitions of Romana Pablo, Sotera Almario, and Remigia
| Sebastian are found in Reel 14, Item 1 and Document 4 of the
Manila Complex Microfilm Collection found in the Asian
| Center, University of the Philippines.
9. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1882-1879.
10. Asian Center, University of the Philippines. Manila Complex |
Microfilm Collection. Reel 14, Item 1, Document 5. |
11. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1862-1879.
12. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1881-1879.

| supervision. ,
13. These were individuals who had a group of girls under their

14. Knowledge of these streets is derived from a document

making a listing of prostitutes and the areas where they |
station themselves. This document is found in the Philippine -
National Archives, Prostitucion 1887-1897. |
 118 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

15. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1881-1886. |

16. United States National Archives. Bureau of Insular Affairs
Records. Prostitucion General Record 2039. Letter of Major
Ira Brown, Acting President (Board of Health) to the Acting
Adjutant General, Manila, Philippines, May 16, 1900.
17. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1862-1879.
18. Teofilo del Castillo and Buenaventura S. Medina. Philippine
| _ Literature: From Ancient Times to the Present. (Quezon
City, Philippines: Del Castillo, 1964) p. 248. |
19. Fausto Aguilar. Pinaglabuan. Unang Pagkalimbag. (Maynila:
Manila Filatelico, 1907) p. 117. |
20. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1887-1897
21. Philippine National Archives. Prostitucion 1887-1897.
 Conclusion a
TT he depiction of
4. interrogates theFilipino working
stereotyped women
notion of in
thethis study
Filipino
woman during the Spanish period. The Filipino women of
| the Spanish period had a mind of their own, assertive, active
and enterprising. The idealized notion of the Filipino © |
women as coy, shy and retiring was an idea which the
Spaniards tried to impose on the Filipino women. Naturally, |
| the Filipino women balked from this imposition considering _ |
the egalitarian status they had enjoyed in the past. The —
emancipated status of Filipino women in the 19th century
was observed to be true not only among women of the
laboring class but among the upper class as well.
It was the Spaniards, and specifically the friars, who © |
insisted that Filipino women be weak and subservient like
_ their Spanish women of the period. For this reason, caution
| should be taken in using accounts of friars when describing |
the status and role of the Filipino women. The early
missionaries overly emphasized the sexual freedom of |
Filipinas which contrasted with the restrictions imposed on
Spanish women during the same period. Oo |
The idealization of the weak and subservient Filipino |
| woman was evident in works like the Lagda (a manual of
good conduct) and Urbana at Felisa. Both works glorified a
meek and servile Filipino woman. Oo
 120 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

One thing demonstrated in the study was how frailocracy

intruded and dominated the life of Filipino women, more
specifically the life of Filipino working women. A cigarrera
when applying for a position in the tobacco factory had to
present a letter of reference from the parish priest of the
town where she came from. The mujeres publicas or
prostitutes petitioning that they be allowed to return to their |
families from exile in far-off Balabac as punishment, had to
accompany the petition with a letter from the town parish
certifying that she had indeed been reformed and had ~
turned her back on her past life of sin. On the other hand,
the maestras had the town priest as the local school
inspector. It was the town priest who visited the maestra to
check on her teaching. It was the town priest who acted as
reference when a teacher was transferring from one
assignment to another. We mentioned earlier how one
teacher was imprisoned for refusing the advances of the ~
friar who was the local school inspector. This incident
_ dramatized the crucial role played by the friar in the
working life of Filipino women. If one were to speak of the ©
problem of sexual harassment among the working Filipino _
women, we could say that the problem existed as far back
as the 19th century, with the friar as the principal offender. _
We came across allusions to the friar’s depraved
intentions with regards the Filipino women. Rizal’s novel
Noli Me Tangere dramatized this fact while Marcelo H. del |
| Pilar’s Dasalan at Tuksuhan parodied it. Understandably,
, the Katipuneros discouraged Filipino women from having
anything to do with the friar out of fear that they would ©
reveal the existence of a secret society intending to
overthrow the government. True to the fears of the
 , , | a Conclusion «121
Katipuneros, it was a Filipino woman (not belonging to the

_ Katipunan. | | a
- emancipated lot) who revealed the existence of the
The friar proved to be a bane in the life of Filipino ©
women in the 19th century. The few secular works of the
period attest to this. In a poem written by Mariano Sequera
in the late 19th century entitled Puno ng Salita, a daughter
| of a widow caught the fancy of the friar who promised her _ |
a position as a maestra. In exchange for this opportunity, ©
| the friar wanted the widow’s daughter to become his
_ mistress. The poem illustrates how powerful the friar was; |
Ministers of God. | ;
it also presents the state of morality of these so-called
| Though deprived of political rights and education, the
Filipinas took active part in the economic life of the country.
The Filipinas were generally enterprising. They would |
| usually take the initiative of supplementing the family
income by pursuing some form of trade at home. Hence, _
_ the Filipino women could be a costurera and a bordadora
on the side. By the 19th century, however, the Filipino — |
women were earning a living which required them to leave |
| their home. This was evident when women were hired to
work in the government-owned tobacco factories. This
event highlighted the fact that women were a significant —_
component of the colony’s labor force. Their growing |
_ significance became apparent when the colonial government
exerted efforts to avert the occurrence of alborotos or strikes
or bring about a speedy settlement of the strikes staged by
_ the cigarreras. Management knew how these strikes .
| prejudiced production in one sector of the economy which
was a successful revenue earner for the colony—the
 122 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

tobacco monopoly. The situation illustrated and underscored

the importance of the cigarreras as an urban work force. It
is important to note that the cigarreras were conscious of
their strong bargaining power. |
| The hiring of women in the tobacco factories whose
number ran by the thousands, introduced the Filipino
women to the factory system, subjecting them to regular

, strict supervision. | a
working hours, work regulations, a standard salary and
The cigarreras were far from being a group of meek and
easily intimidated Filipino women. It was so elating to |
discover how Filipinas during the 19th century really fought
for what they thought they deserved. There is evidence to
show the active involvement of Filipino women in mass
actions to demand improved work conditions. For instance,
the cigarreras felt that they should not be treated arbitrarily |
with regard to the time of entering and leaving the factory |
premises or be reprimanded publicly by their immediate
supervisors. Complaints from the cigarreras stemmed more |
from the abuses committed by fellow Filipinas (the maestras
and the celadoras). Strongly objected to was the verbal
abuse they received from their immediate supervisors. This |
was reason enough for the cigarreras to stage a strike.
Respect for their persons appeared to be paramount
concern in the demands of women for better working |
conditions. Even criadas or female domestics of the period
lodged complaints against their masters who maltreated
them verbally or physically.
In the 19th century, we see the entry of women into the ©
professions with the emergence of maestras (female teachers)
and matronas (midwives). These two professions required |
 Oo | Conclusion * 123
special training: the maestras went to the Superior Normal
School for Women established in 1892 while the matrona
went to the School for Midwives established in 1879. The
professional school for midwifery antedates the Normal
| School for Women by 13 years. The priority given to the |
training of midwives vis-a-vis the teachers was due to the
_ pressing need for professional midwives trained in western
medicine. Colonial authorities, alarmed and appalled by
| the “primitive and barbarian” practices of the traditional
midwifery. ; | | | |
bilot, felt the necessity of establishing a school of |
Both professions not only required special training but
also licensing examinations. The eventual postings depended
onthe grade women obtained in the licensing exam. Those
who passed with flying colors were assigned to the first
third class provinces. a | |
class provinces with the rest were distributed to second and

_ It was surprising to know how mobile these teachers

and midwives were. Never did we come across a petition
asking for a change of assignment even if the assignment
was far from the residence of the teacher. Separation from |
the family for those who were married seemed immaterial _
in the choice of assignment. A matrona or maestra who
lived in Manila and had a family in Manila did not mind
being assigned to Ilocos Norte or Pangasinan. At that time,
travel between Manila and the provinces in the North was
| difficult and inconvenient. However, no word of complaint |
was heard from these brave teachers or midwives. _ |
The criadas or female domestic servants were few in
number compared to the male domestic servants. At the |
turn of the century, fewer than half of all domestic servants
 124 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century _

were females. Women were not in demand as much as

men in households of the 19th century. Nonetheless, the
criada often doubled as a seamstress and laundry woman
of the household. The other household chores were farmed
out to the male servants. Cooks were often males too. In
the 19th century, rich Spanish families and families of
foreigners were the ones who could afford to hire the
services of domestic servants. The female servants were
required to register with police authorities. |
Going over the documents on the Servidumbres
Domesticas reveal how little the changes have been with
regards the life of the criadas. Apart from the fact that they
| had to be registered and that masters or mistresses of
households were encouraged only to hire registered servants,
the conduct of female servants of the 19th century varied
little from the present-day behavior of female domestics. —
The practice of asking for a salary advance because of death
or sickness of a family member, stealing and leaving the
household without permission existed then and now. It
| was observed that when a domestic help suddenly left a |
household, in more cases than one, she would be taking
with her jewelry or money from the master or mistress of
the household. What was peculiar to the period, however,
| was how the missing domestic helps were advertised in the
newspapers with a reward promised to whoever should
provide any information on the whereabouts of the fugitive
domestic help. =>
| The entrepreneurial spirit of Filipino women was
_ observed and admired by foreign visitors of the 19th
century. As tenderas and vendadoras, costureras and
bordadoras, Filipino women supplemented the family
 | | , , Conclusion ° 125 _
income. It was even vaunted that the wealth of some
Filipino families were built through the efforts and energies

period. BO
of Filipino women. This fact refutes the popular notion that
_ Filipino women were weak and useless during the Spanish

_ So far, we have considered women engaged in legitimate

occupations, yet we have some Filipino women. engaged in -
_ what has been considered a deviant occupation. |
The prostitute or the mujer publica of the 19th century |
often mentioned upon arrest another legitimate occupation
such as being a costurera (seamstress) or a cigarrera |
_ (female tobacco factory worker). It could be that their |
earnings from these legitimate occupations were not
enough to live on decently. It is probably in this context
that the Filipinos of the 19th century were not that —
condemning of prostitution. This was reflected in the
seeming absence of a stigma attached to prostitutes. The
_ Filipino male of the 19th century appeared to be willing to
marry a woman who had a past. Moreover, parents did not |
abandon daughters who were caught engaged in prostitution. |
_ Whether the Filipino woman was engaged in a legitimate
or an illegitimate occupation, we see her in the 19th century |
in Manila. | oe i |
as a significant and active member of the urban labor force _
Recent years have seen a growing interest in women
studies, a trend which gathered momentum in 1976 when
_ the United Nations declared the Decade for Women. While |
women studies veered towards regarding the Filipino
woman as a sociological or economic determinant, there is
a dearth of studies which consider the Filipino woman as a
historical determinant. Much less do we have studies
 126 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

documenting the development of the Filipino women from

a historical perspective.
Early works have in a way contributed to the oppression __
| of Filipino women when they unduly emphasized their
subservient role in the Spanish and American period.
However, when we consult archival sources, we discover |
that the Filipino women, notably the Filipino women from
the laboring class, were far from being effete. The
cigarreras, for instance, were reported to have staged
strikes referred to as alborotos to demand wage increases
and better working conditions. Admittedly, the early works —
on the Filipino women have failed to document the
oppression and exploitation which was and still is the lot of
| _ Filipino women.
Perhaps the task of history precisely is to document
how Filipino women have struggled against oppression and
exploitation. This concern is just one aspect in the life
| history of Filipino women. |
The world of work is the area wherein exploitation of
women is most evident. It is in this context that we took an |

in the 19th century. |

interest in documenting the life of Filipino working women _

What conclusions can be derived from the study? a

. 1. There was, as early as the 19th century, evidence of
concerted action among women workers as exemplified
by the cigarreras who staged strikes to demand better
wages and improved working conditions. |
2. Discrimination based on gender existed as shown by
| the wages of female teachers. Female teachers were |
 | , | — Conelusion + 127
paid lower wages compared to male teachers. |
3. The Filipino working woman had to reckon with the
presence and influence of the friar. Application for
-_ work or for ptofessional examinations like in the case of |
the maestra (teacher) and the matrona (midwife) ;
required a letter of reference from the friar. Moreover,
the maestra was directly responsible to the friar who
| acted as the local school inspector. Petitions of
prostitutes asking for commutation order also necessitated

indeed reformed. | a
a letter from the friar attesting that the petitioner had

4. The economic exploitation of women was evident in

the very low wages that they received. This was most
apparent among the ranks of the cigarreras and the |
bordadoras. Of the two, the cigarreras comprised the |
| more organized group, which explains their ability to |
engage in mass action. | | .
5. Oppression experienced by women workers were also :
| - due to exploitative practices committed by the Filipino
women themselves like the celadoras and maestras in —

| the bordadora. | oo |
the tobacco factories or the sinamayera in relation to ~

6. The entrepreneurial skills of the Filipino women made

them play an active role in the economic life of the
| , colony. By engaging in some business or in some trade |
| dike the case of the tenderas, the costureras, the | |
buyeras, and lecheras), Filipino women demonstrated
their ingenuity in supplementing the family income.
One female author (Maria Paz Mendoza-Guanzon)
- commented that “whenever a family rises from the
_ lower ranks of society to a position of comparative
 128 « Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

affluence and social importance, it is usually found to

be due to the tact, energy and close attention of the
female member of the matrimonial partnership.”
| 7. The working Filipino woman revealed her political
consciousness when she took an active part in the
- Philippine Revolution as shown by some female teachers
who were removed from their teaching position due to
their involvement in the revolution against Spain. a
8. The Filipino woman had the chance to acquire
maestra or a matrona. | |
_ professional education as she prepared to become a

| 9. Working as a domestic help for the Filipino woman

gained importance in the 19th century. At the turn of
| the century, fewer than half of all domestic servants |
were women (based on the 1905 Census of the
~ Philippines). This was an occupation which did not

income. Oo , ,
require additional skills or educational training for
| Filipino women but proved to be a legitimate source of
10. The 19th century saw the beginnings of female migration
| from the countryside to Manila where opportunities to
earn a living abound. |
From here, the study makes the following
recommendations: |
| 1. That research be continued to cover the life of working
Filipino women during the American period. |
2. That a systematic research be undertaken to document
other turning points in the life history of the Filipino
women, with the entry of women in the world of work
 , | Conclusion ¢ 129 ,
as already one of these turning points. By so doing, one
can completely recount the struggle of the Filipino
women against oppression and exploitation. |
3. That more Filipino women assume the task of writing __
the history of women in the Philippines. There is
presently a dearth of historical studies on the Filipino
women. Hopefully, more Filipino women will add to |
the very few historical works on the Filipino women |
and at the same time present a feminist perspective to |
_ their history. a
It is hoped that this initial effort to document the entry
of the Filipino women in the world of work would put this |
event in its proper context. | |
| Knowledge of the Filipino women’s history would :
enable the present feminist campaign to formulate and
launch programs based upon lessons drawn from the past.
Considering that the campaign against women oppression
entails the campaign for reeducation of women, historical
studies on the Filipino women should be able to provide
guidance and inspiration as they continue to. struggle
against oppression and exploitation. Herein lies the
contribution of history to the present feminist movement.
130 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century
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Islands and the Philippines. Boston: The Page
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Armengol, Pedro Ortiz. Intramuros de Manila de 1571
Hasta Su Destruccion en 1945. Madrid: n.p., 1958.
Balmori, Jesus. “Epoca de Pinas”. El Libro de Mis Vidas —
_ Manilenas. n.p.: 1925. p. 195. _
Balmori, Jesus. “Sed Dalagas, Por Dios!”. El Libro de Mis
Vidas Manilefias. n.p.: 1925. pp. 153-154.
Benoist de la Grandiere (Dr. Auguste). Souvenirs de
Chevalier, 1869. a |
Campagne: les ports d’Extreme-Orient. Paris: Le

1859. , _ | |
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 , _ 136 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

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 | Bibliography * 137
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 138 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

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 140 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century — , ,

La Opinion. 14 de Mayo de 1880. | |

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 | | _ OO Bibliography « 141 —
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1964. | Oo
n.d. | | |
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1980. - | a
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 142 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

Il. Articles | |
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Laureola, Asuncion. “Musical References from Books

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| Colonial. Period as Reflected in Literature.” U.P.-PCAS:
Thesis, July, 1979.
Appendix
BLANK PAGE Oo
 - 7 Appendix A oe
ae List of Maestras Dismissed from the a |
: Fabrica de Princesa as of 1874 |

| [ corresponding position
termination from category as
employment maestra,
and date of
the reasons for
dismissal of each maestra were given. Fifty-five maestras
| were listed from 1863 to 1874. a
| Of the 55 maestras dismissed during the eleven-year |
period, 76 percent were maestras terceraswhile only seven ©
percent were maestras primeras.. Although the average |
number of maestras dismissed per year was five, in 1864
and 1865, there were no maestras dismissed. Only one
_ - maestra was dismissed in 1867 and in 1869. The most |
number of maestras dismissed for a single year was fifteen.
This was in 1871. Among these women, nine had been
fired on account of unfavorable notes and the rest had gone
on leave due to the closure of the Fabrica de Tanduay.
Other reasons cited for dismissal included abuses or

voluntarily. |
offences comimitted in the fulfillment of duties, negligence,
incompetency and repeated absences. A few resigned |
 146 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

Category | Name Date of Reasons for

, | Termination | Termination [| .
| | offences
| Maestra la | Borja Francisco March 6, 1874 | Dismissed by |

| | | | committed in
| virtue of | |
, | | | the exercise of
, ~ | her duty.|
, | the closure of |
Maestra2a | Maria Santa Ana | June 2, 1873 On leave due to
Tanduay.
| Maestra3a | Juana Cruz June 10, 1870 Voluntarily _
Resigned
Maestra3a | Juana Mauricio June 2, 1871 -| On leave due to |
| the closure of
Tanduay.
Maestra3a | Filomena Andres |
Maestra3a | Yrene Rodriguez

| | poor judgement. |
Maestra3a | Maxima Jose May 19, 1871 Fired due to ,
Maestra 3a | Tomasa Guerrero , |
, | —_ resigned |
Maestra 3a | Sabina Bayani June 26, 1873 | Vohuantarily .

,| record
resigned,
Maestra3a | Casimira Soto August 18, 1873 | Fired due to —
| negligence.

stated
Maestra3a | Narcisa Martin April 22, 1874 | Voluntarily |

that she had

a of her duty. | behaved poorly

in the discharge
 , , Appendix A ° 147
|Category | Name | Dateof = | Reasonsfor | oe
| : | | Termination | Termination | |
; | | ‘| resigned but |
| Maestra 3a | Pia Javier | April 22,1874 | Voluntarily |
| | 7 : | considered unfit |
| : | forherjob. = |
| Maestra ia | Apolonia Romero | April 3, 1869 Dismissed from |
| | | incompetency. | | her job due to |
| Maestrala | Leonarda Mojica | May 31,1872 | Resigned from |
|| | |_ofJosefa
her daughter
| her job in favor |
| | also
| | brought
due
Perez to
, | ailments
about
and]{ |
| ,
|

||7|||—
due to
unfavorablei,
| notes. , | | by old age. ,
7 , , , : | from her job ,
Maestra 1a | Margarita Aranzanaj May 18,1871 | Declared fired

2 | | account
en |offenses of |
| committed in |
Maestra2a | Luisa Jose April 21, 1863 Dismissed from
| the job on

, the fulfillment
| of her duty. [|
,| |an, due to illness,
Maestra 3a | Braulia Bonagan | Sept. 10, 1866 Gave up her job |
- promising to |
| | | when her health |
| return to work |
permits it. ,
 148 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century ,

_ | Category Name Date of Reasons for

Termination Termination ,
Maestra 3a | Antonia Eugenio | 1866 | Resigned
| voluntarily
Maestra 3a | Susana Colandrino | May 4, 1868. Fired from the

neglect. !
job due to

a :extracted a|
| work for having
, Maestra 3a | Petrona Jose August 4, 1866 Dismissed from

| notes. | Oo work afor

, unfavorable
bundle of |
| other ,
tobacco and

Maestra3a | Severa Suico October 7, 1866 | Dismissed from

various
offenses
, committed,
| among them
,
| , dyeing finished |
| the necessary | , : tobacco without |
| conditions.
Maestra3a | Juana Bantigui June 27, 1868 Dismissed from |
_ negligence. , | work due to |
| | | | account
ae , unfavorable of
| Maestra 3a | Petronila Duarte | May 19, 1871 Dismissed on |
J
~ | notes.
 | | | | Appendix A 149
, Category Name Date of — Reasons for -
, | Termination Termination
, | Maestra 3a | Clemencia Jose May 19, 1871 Dismissed on
account of |
7 , ! | unfavorable
a OO notes. ae |
: , oe the job due to
Maestra 3a | Juana Noquera August 8, 1871 Dismissed from

,| || || work
disability. |
for having
| poor judgement
: and perpetual ©
Maestra 3a | Marcela Castaneda | October 17, 1871] Dismissed from

: | dyed
, to. brown
| | tobaccos the
lacking in weight.

, |,:,job due to the

of©the
,
«| Maestra3a | Celestina Roque | June 2, 1871 On leave from
| | closure
| Fabrica de
yo | «| Tanduay. |
| |q| ,| ,job due to the ;
| Maestra3a | Eugenia Davila June 2, 1871 On leave from
closure of the
a | a fo| Fabricade
Tanduay. —S |
|
, , |,
| || |, in | the jobfor
having
bad
ff
| Maestra 3a | Valentina Gutierrez] Nov. 6, 1872 Dismissed from

| : worked
faithhin ||
| 7 | finished |
. the grading
] ; tobacco. of |
 150 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century ,

_ | Category Name Date of Reasons for

| Termination | Termination |
||. |||| |in , | the
bad job for
| Maestra 3a | Julia Nicolas Nov. 6, 1872 | Dismissed from
| having worked|
faithin
| | finished
| tobacco. | , |
, | the grading of |
Maestra 3a | Justa Francisco Sept. 6, 1872 Dismissed due |
, , absences. | . | torepeated —s ff

a | to abuse in the |
||| || ||toexercise
duty. |
Maestra3a | Margarita de Jesus | Feb. 16, 1874 Dismissed due |
exercise of her

, job. t abuse in the

| Maestra3a | Anselma Bautista | June 17, 1874 Dismissed due |
of her , duty. |
Maestra3a | Trinidad Garcia Dec. 29, 1873 | Dismissed due |
| to neglect of the
 Oo Appendix B
| List of Domestic Servants in 1852 | |

IT nthe
thenames
1852 census of criadas
of these women(female domestic
were listed workers),
together with the |
calle (street) where they reside in Manila and their
respective amos (employers). Their corresponding ages
were also indicated. Two hundred sixty-eight criadas were |
registered as of 31 December 1852. |
Almost 72 percent of the employers who registered their _
domestic servants were male, while 21.56 percent were
- female. There were three institutional employers, namely |
the Colegio de Santa Potenciana, the Colegio de Santa Isabel
and the Convento de San Juan de Dios. The two colegios |
had seven and six criadas respectively, while the convento —
had only one. The private employers, on the other hand,
hired an average of two to three criadas each.
| Regarding the criadas themselves, the youngest was 18
years old and the oldest was 71 years old. The average age
of the criadas registered for the year 1852 was 30 years old.
 152 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

| SERVANTS
STREET MASTERS FEMALE DOMESTIC |AGE

Artillera D. Candido Furriel Maria Pascual 30

| 1D.
Matea Alvarez 26
Domingo Garcia Nicolasa de Luna 29 | |
D. Fernando Pico Inocencia Bagsic 66
D. Jose Assiguer Tomasa Rojas 21
, Maria Santa Ana 21
Arzobispo _| D. Jose Manariz Maria Isabel de la Rosa | 40 | |
_ | D. Jose Corrales de
Toledo Anastacia 17 | ,
D. Ygnacio Hidalgo Alejandra Sandigan 4]
Da. Tereza Pabia =— | Dominga David 30 |
| Alejandra Peria 24 |
de Pefiaranda Paula Divinaflores 28 |
D. Manuel Maria | Da. Faustina Palimpin 53
Da. Ysidra Fernandez | Macsimina Ramus 18
| Palacio D. Marcos Gonzales Maria Emiterio 42
D. Agustin de Ygnacia Hernandez 62
la Casada Maria Antonio 18
D. Pedro Lacambra Ana Gabriel 20
D. Carlos Linat Maria Ciriaca Martinez 52
Da. Dolores de la Rita Correa 20 |
| Fuente y Laguna |Petrona Baluyot | 34
Ciriaca Javier —-30-
Colegio de Santa Vicenta Padua | 44 |
, | — Potenciana Alberta Nabo — 24
- , MariaMaria
Osorio 45,
de Castro 21
| —_ |Casimira Magpayo
Petronila Capili 24 - 2/ ,
Paula Josefa , 29
| D. Ygnacio Faban Juana Giron 51
y Esquibiel Bernabela Mendoza 28 |
D. Jose Gabriel Gonsalo | Catalina Garcia 18
 , , _ Appendix B« 153
| oo SERVANTS
STREET FEMALE DOMESTIC |AGE

'| _Maria Garcia : 22 ,

D. Jose Varela Eugenia Garcia 34
Francisca Ygnacio 23
ot D. Jose Maria Valino Maria Benita Nebro (63
ne Mamerta Bustamante 53
| , D. Julian Valle y Gorriz | Romana Francisca 24
. | Colegio de Santa Isabel} Petrona Cabrera 25
| | Dolores Blanco | 20
| | | | ,Paulina
EpitaciaSilvestra
Cuenca 2225 |
,: «|a Victoria
Basilia Torres
Lopez Pefia— 21
22
D. Jose Cortes Ciriaca Blas 52
—_| D.Efipania Dorotea_ 21 |
Santiago Ruiz Delgado] Petrona Cubell , 27
|qT _|toD. Jose
| |Montes
Tomasa Cristobal 18
de Oca_ | Maria Agueda Rodriguez | 53.
| Cabildo D. Eduardo Fernandez oe , : |
2 - deLluna — _| Candida Lacambral 18
7 D. Jose Mendiola | Juana Santa Agueda 24 |
i Maria Juana 30 | ,
, oe | Alejandra de Jesus 44 |
- _|D.Jose Fery = -Agapita Ygnacio — 22 ~—— |
D. Luis Aviles Antonia de los Reyes | 20° | ©
| | | D. Felizardo Evangelista | Estefania Roque | ; 18 |
_| Da. Leoncia Pinzon Ambrosia Pablete | 36
| Da. Dolores Celis Josefa Marcela ss || 30S |
_ _ |D. Paricio Gonzales —_| Tomasa de la Cruz 39 fC |
| y Olloquis .. - Nicolasa Casinding 39
_| D.aAntonio
Dorotea Garcia _ 45
| oe -| Da. Rafaela Robles Bonifacia Facundo > 26
Gimenes _| Teodora Fernandez 18
|
| Da. Romualdo de Estrella] Florentina de Gusman 20 |
po | D. Vicente de Conti =| Juana de Gusman | 34
 154 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

| SERVANTS | an
STREET FEMALE DOMESTIC |AGE |
| Anacleta deHermogenes
Sevilla 53
Gimenes 17 |
D. Luis Foxe Anastacia de Castro 23 |
Farol | D. Felipe de la Corte | Rafaela San Juan 17 |
|, D.Maria Candelaria 235 F
D. Jose Tierra Gabriela del Rosario 29
-
de la Pena | |
Juan Novella y Buvier | Juana del Sacramento 23 |
D. Juan Bautista Camus | Tomasina Gimenes — 35 |
D. Juan Mendoza
y Sirafeles Francisca de la Cruz 2355 7
D. Manuel Maria Bayot | Maria Matta 32
Cipriana Lingat is |
, Petona Espiritu 44
| D. Manuel Telesforo
de Andres Ynocencia de la Cruz 23
D. Julian Ysasi Teodora de la Cruz 18
Da. Nieves Nolasco Maria Samaniego 54
Gregoria de los Reyes 20
Da. Maria Dolores Estefania Lorenso 47 |
Alberto Gomes |
Tortuga — | Da. Margarita Noquera_ | Ygnacia Francisca 25

Plaza de ,
D. Francisco Farriol Maria Peralta 20
Plaza de D. Francisco Gay Francisca Morales | 20 |
Palacio | Grabiela Sarumdaran 19 |
Santiago | D. Juan Soto Dominga Umali 26
Fonda D. Jose Fernandez Rafaela Aguilar 34
Ambrocia de los Santos 23 ,
| D. Federico Beza Da. Fabiana Huerta 69 |
Da. Trinidad Celis Cristina Lorenzo © 16
D. Bernabe Crispulo ,
de Mesa Ysidra de los Santos 16
Beatano | Da. Dolores Otab Dolores Hernandez 21
| Appendix B+ 155
| STREET MASTERS , FEMALE DOMESTIC |AGE >
SERVANTS | |
, D. Vicente Arrieta Tomasa Guerrero 27 |
, Real de | D. Fernando Munoz Jacinta Dizon 40
| Parian de Hernandez Nicolasa Manas 29 |
, | .Candelaria Alcantara
Convento de | , | | 20 |
| , |delDa. Maria Dolores ,
7 San Juan de Dios | Cipriana Eugenio 67 «|
Rosario , Rita Tolentino | 52
Da. Maria Beltra ,
de Coyugan Margarita Mauricio 44 | |
Matea Landicho 56 |
Da. Narcisa Constantino} Cristina Manuela 20
| D. Pedro Escolar Apolonia Martinez 26
D. Tomas Rodrigues _| Pabiana Plamenio | 36
| | | D. Manuel Alvares Pascuala Palileo 28 |
D. Guillermo Yturralde | Engracia de Godoy 40 _
Rosario — ‘| D. Leandro Gruet Maria Bana 16 |
an| || | Regina
-. | Beronica Celis
de Lara 25_ 21
D. Benito Perez | Saturnina Bergara 16
, -Da. Dolores Regidor
| de Moran Maria de la Cruz 26°
D. Fermin Javier Matea Ursula 22
|
Da. Juana de Castro Eugenia de la Cruz 33
Escolta. D. Jose Maria Tuason Maria Prajedes 22
| | Justa Francisco” 24 .
D. Lorenzo Negra | Joaquin de la Concepcion] 34
-D. Santiago Oico Ysidra Crisostomo 25
|| , Sres.
| Gregoria Balagtas . 38
Santos y Sarate | Ynocencia Arevalo 33
, D. Jacobo Gruet Patricia Nolasco 22
_ | Da. Ciriaca de los Santos | Hilaila Leonardo 29
Plazuela de | D. Matias Vizona _—‘| Saturnina Enriquez _ 34
S. Gabriel | D..Luisde Masa | Luisa Sevia 17
 156 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

- . a SERVANTS
STREET — | MASTERS FEMALE DOMESTIC |AGE

,SanD. Lorenzo Calvo

Vicente |Da. Lucena Arroyo Maria Marcelo | 34
| Apolinaria Pascual | 23 |
Teatro Da. Margarita Orinday | Antonina Tindo 20 |
—y su hermana
Da. Romana Quintina Rivero 16 |
, D. Estevan Salazar Ysabel Bernardo 50 | ,
| Da. Ysabel Tuason Felicia Cuenca | 28 | ,
S. Fernando |D. Ciriaco Bautista Juliana Macalinao 32 «4
Feliciana Salvador 67 |
D. Nicolas Moreno Feliciana Avedana | 34 f
| | Da. Francisca de Josefa Bartola 20 |
San Mateo _ | Catalina Tolentino 20 |
Barraca D. Francisco de Gleas | Josefa Silvestre 34 ,
| Ynes de los Reyes 56 |
Da. Concepcion Maria Pamposa 16 |
, Cortes de Rubira_ | Lorensa de los Reyes 16 | ,
D.Mercayda
Juan Bautista | ,
© | Agustina Cuaresma 29 4
| Sto. Cristo | D. Andres Avelino Pineda Dominga Pavilla | 25 |
, Da. Eduviges Mijares | Estagina Eguia | 30 |
Olivares Da. Remigia Ramos
| de Calleja Damacia de los Reyes | 64 §
|Murallon D. Agustin Palabra Francisca Ramos / 20 fF
_ fReventas D. Tomas Beech Justa Sanches | 40 |
Condesa
, | Morillo D.
Maria Ramon Timoteo
Estanislao | 25 | | |
Quiolan Da. Potenciana de ,
| S. Agustin Francisca de los Angeles | 22 |
Isla de D. Agustin Ortiz Gregoria Pascual 20:
| Romero |D. Carlos Bustamante | Agustina Losano 44 |
D. Jose Yuson Miguela Villanueva 20 |
Da. Eusebia Vasquez | Juana Asuncion 19 |.
de Olea Victoria. Siso — 19 |
 , , , Appendix B 157
| | SERVANTS — |
[STREET MASTERS ‘| FEMALE DOMESTIC |AGE |

1Gunao D. Juan Mesia |MariadelaCruz | 57 |

a , D. Francisco de la Canal | Feliciana Dison Luciana | 31 |
| D. Urbano Enrico Dominga Pineda | 18 §
— {Sampaloc Da. Manuela Mendicta | Francisca de la Cruz | 21
Tt. | D. Jose Vicente Gomez | Cayetana Gregorio | 49 | |
iS. Sebastian | Da. Magdalena Solis Ana Portillo | 32 |
D. Jose Maria de | , ;
| | los Reyes Maria de los Santos | 24 |
| D. Vicente de Asis | Teodorica Bayra | 41 §
| D. Manuel Ponce | en
| | — Maria Ygnacia Clemencia] 22. |
a de Leon _ | Benedicta Francisca | 29 |
i Da. Manuela Blanco | Esteva Orita — | 25 |
iS. Miguel D. Estanislao Miranda |Lasara Y __ya | 17 |
Po 1D. Lorenzo Moreno Paulina Domingo | 32 |
: q|| ||,deDa.
Conde | Andrea Leonardo
Antonina Bersosa_|
Suniga | Manuela Elias © | 39 |
| 35 |§ |, |
1 | Sres Rojas e hijos © —«| Agustina Gonzales | 49 |
_ | | Maria Vicente Buen | 69 § |
| | D. Jose Ferreras Francisca dela Cruz | 24 |
| on
| D. Jose Vicente de i
| Velasco Braulia Pascual | 29 |
a |
{Malate | D. Tranquilino’Clemente | Romana de la Roya | 45 |
, | | | Nepomucena de la Cruz | 49 | |
|Paco | D. Miguel Flores | Maria de la Concepcion | 24 | |
Santa Ana D. Jose Bos © | Manuela Hilaria | 67 |
| D. Nicola Keysell | Clara de la Cruz | 38 4
[Divisoria | Da. Candelaria | 7 | :
| Dominga de Ojeda _ | Placida Lapira | 18 §
[Tondo | D. Lecadio Ramires Maria Mauricio | 45 |
] | Da. Carmen Henriquez | Mauricia Luna 22 |
Illaya _ | D. Jose Lopez Porras | Baltazaza de los Santos | 18
a | | | Maria Juana del Castillo | 63 |
 158 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

, SERVANTS _
| STREET | MASTERS FEMALE DOMESTIC |AGE |

Nactajan | D. Jorge B. de Esturgis _| Felizarda Cabral 27

, | Guillerma Martinez 30
Sta. Cruz D. Juan Manuel de Maria Antonia 24
, | : | la Mata Celedonia Marquez | 25
David |D. Diego Vina | Silvestra Aniceto | 16

| D. Eustaquio de Ocampo | Apolinaria } 20 |

| Leoncia Sorio 42 |. Narcisa de S. Marcos | 38 |
D. Felipe Santiago Blanco} Maria Martina 39 «OY
Anselma Caldenas 26 |
D. Gabriel Linan _ |Josefa Robles 16 |
D. Prudencio de Santos | Josefa Casas 66
- {Quiapo D. Jose Maria de Arce | Manuela San Jose 22
Da. Josefa Fernandez |
de Valdes Pascuala Maria 27
Da. Josefa Escobal
de Blanco | Catalina de Guzman 38
Meysic D. Serafin Herrero Maria Saturnina 18
S. Miguel D. Ignacio de Ycaras_ | Arcadia Yamson 22 |
Quiapo D. Antonio Busca Teodora Basilia 40
jAnluage D. Jose de Arrieta Justa Lucas | 29 |
Ysla de | D. Santiago Fortunato Aniceta Baulia Tadeo 25 |.
|= Romero , Maria de la Concepcion 20
, | Potenciana de los
Dolores 40

Manila , |
Dalumbayan | Chino Vicente Soponco |] Petronila Flores 17

Also in 1853 list

31 de Dec 1852
 7 Appendix C
List of Female Domestic Servants not Included in
| the List of Tribute Payers
For The Reason of Being Minors
[Names Age | “Names Age
_ | Leoncia Candelaria 14 Nicolasa Sangalan 11 | |
Rufina Santa Coloma 9 Rosa de la Cruz 15 |
Cecilia Cibug 14 Juana Olaguer Jelin 14
Ruperta Colon | 14 Toribia dela Cruz 14
| Dolores Amaco 15 Margarita 6
| Vicenta Calderon 13 Fragedes de la Cruz 10 |
Isabel Yrera | 13 Victoriana Canjuman 13
| Petronila del Castillo = 15 Maria Crivina 12
| Ildefonsa Roque del Castillo 11 Juana Manigat —=§ 12
| Maria Rodrigues 11 Fabiana Gregorio 14 | |
Modesta Mendosa. 15 Valentina 13
| Ciriaca de la Cruz 14 Balbina Solis 14
| Matea Yson 14 Valentina Serapia 11 |
| Maria de la Encarnacion 14 Dionicia 56 |
_ | Maria Dulag 12 | Ysberta Gueso Juan 15
Maria Camillo 14 Adelaida Victoria 10
Lucia Nepomuceno ~ 14 Ysabel Vida 12
, Hermenegilda Magpayo 13 Andrea Francisco —_-:12
Rosenda Goroniza 14 Calista Mora 15
_ | Marcela Raymunda — 15 Hermenegilda Apostol 12
| Maria Basilia _ | 15 | LucresiadelaPaz 15 To
Juliana Vicenta : 14 Ysidra Penado 7
Angela Maria Rosario Arayde 13 Antonina dela Paz 14
Vicenta Chacon 12 Gabina Perez 15 |
Marcela Dayao 11 Monica Duenas 11
Amande Alvares de Cordova 12 Romualda Aranda ‘14
Felipa de los Reyes de Vera 10 Maria Ramos 11
Ciriaca Esposo 14 Filomena Salvador 13
|| Aguana 9 Roberta de la Cruz 12
| Maria Pilar 10 Valeriano de San Juan 14
 Appendix D
List of Applicants for the Titulo de Maestra de
| Instruccion Primana -

T heinformation:
list of teacher
theirapplicants gave the
age, civil status, following
place of origin
(naturaleza), place of residence (vecinadad), school of
attended race (raza) and the grade obtained in the qualifying
examinations. Sixty-six applicants were listed.
Among the 66 applicants, 18 had applied for the titulo
in 1891, one in 1892 and 47 in 1893.
The youngest applicant was 13 years old while the oldest
was 24 years old, with the average age being 18 years old.
More than half of these applicants came from Manila _
and its arrabales, while 37.88 percent came from the.
provinces, mostly from the Luzon provinces of Cavite (seven),
Bulacan (six), Ylocos Sur (three), Morong (two), Pampanga _
(two), Laguna (one), Bataan (one) and Nueva Vizcaya (one). |
Only two came from Visayan provinces, one each from Iloilo
and Negros. Not even one came from Mindanao.
Thirty-four applicants had been educated in private
schools, either those ran by the religious or by private
individuals. Twenty-three studied in public schools while
the rest did not indicate where they obtained their education.
| | | Appendix D « 161
With regards to their ethnic grouping, almost half were
native women (30), 20 were mestizas, five were Espanolas
Filipinas and 11 did not indicate their racial identity. Of the _
-mestizas, 10 were mestizas chinas, seven mestizas Espanolas,
and one was a mestiza Inglesa. The ethnic origin of two
applicants were not specified. |
Most of the applicants got grades of Aprobada (28) and
Sobresaliente (27). Ten others got grades of Buena; the
grade of one applicant was not indicated. |
 162 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

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a 168 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

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 170 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

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 | | Appendix D*° 171 _
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 Reports Submitted by Matronas Titulares

FE 1rendered
to E6 are samples of statements of services
submitted by the matronas titulares. The
first four were reports for the period from the start of |
assignment to 30 June 1888, and the two others were for
the first semester of 1892. |
| These reports were required by decree in order to form
a body of statistical data which was to be submitted
periodically to the Ministerio de Ultramar. This
requirement was first enforced in June 1888. |
The reports submitted for the period covering October |
1887 to June 1888 by the different matronas varied in form.
This is illustrated by Appendices E.1 to E.6. The most
; comprehensive as to information provided was the report
of Rufina Alix, matrona municipal of Sta. Cruz, which gave _
complete details regarding her patients. One matrona,
Benita Miranda, however, submitted only the names of her
patients. From the reports in which the dates of assistance —

only one or two. | :

were given, the average number of patients per month was |

By 1892, a set pattern or format for the reports was _

already being followed. E.5 and E.6 are examples of the
semestral statistical reports submitted by the matronas }
titulares. From these reports, it was found that the average __
| number of patients had increased to three per month. a
ei
|||a||
_ Appendix E + 173

E.1 List of women given assistance for the period 1887- |

88, submitted by Ramona Mojica, matrona titulada, on 30 ,
June 1888. The month wherein the assistance was given,
the sex of the baby born and the residence (street and

listed. ,
pueblo) of the patient were indicated. Ten women were

Balentina, AY | Yd._|Yd._| Huertas | Yd. |

"yd, [Rosario Duenas |Yd_[Nino [vd [ya]
'Dec®__| Gerarda delos Santos _|yd._|¥d. [yd [Yd
|Abril__| Felisa del Rosario __| Yd._|Nina | Yd. | Yd.
[Mayo _|YnesC.AY. | Yd._|Yd._| Mamante | yd.
[Junio _|MamertaTuazon | Yd._| Nino | Excano [Yd |

| | 7 Manila 30 Junio de 1888 : |

a ; Ramona Mojica |
 174 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century | |

E.2 List of services rendered from the 8th of October of

the past year until the date the following names were
submitted by Juliana de los Santos on 30 June 1888. Only
| the names and pueblos of residence of the women assisted
were given. Although there was a column provided for

| women were listed. |

observations, nothing was written under it. Fourteen —

| Nombres | Pueblos Observaciones

Catalina Fernandez
Petrolina Perez id
Heérmita | |
Catalina Losaba
Francisca Arcialla id
> id
Gavina de la Cruz id
Josefa Ribera _ Malate ,
Elena Lumaban — id
Clara Mendoza : Paco
AnadelaCruz © id | oe
Romana Reyes
| Candida Jose id
id |
Catalina Macuan
_ Regina Francisca id
id |
Maria de la. Cruz id ,
| Hermita 30 de Junio de 1888 ©
: La Comadrona | ,
| Juliana de los Santos |
 , | Appendix E ° 175
E.4 List of the services given since 12 October of the
| past year until today 30 June 1888, submitted by Benita

given. _
Miranda on the date indicated. Eighteen women were
listed. No other information about these patients were

Nombres : : a Oo
Adriana C.A.Y | , 7 | OO
| Maria
Anacia Merced Rojo
C.A.Y. | | :
Dominga
D* Rosario id. id.
Lorenz id. OS
, | : , ,
Concepcion
Gregoria San
C.A.Y. Juan | ,. oo
-UnaJosefa id. id. id. ! | an
criada del Hotel de Espafia su nombre sighora
Maria Salazar
| Pantaleona de Ortazo
Isabel Faustino. | | :
Irene
Regina Benito
C.AY. ee
| | |
| |
|
Justa id. id. id. , |
Alejandra Arcinas | : |
Bernabela Trinidad | | _
|, | Maria de Jesus | | |
, , ||- -Benita
- Manila LaMatrona
30 de Junio
Miranda -
de 1888, - ,
 176 ° Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

E.4 List of the women assisted by the undersigned |

matrona from the date she took possession of her position
until the date indicated, submitted by Rufina Alix on 30
June 1888. The name, age, civil status, address, sex of the
baby born, raza, type of childbirth and dates of altas and
bajas (dates of natal assistance and discharge) of each of
the women assisted were given. There was nothing written
under the column marked observaciones. | |

ee |? [oe| | [oer
[Nombre _| Edad | Estado | Arrabal_| Calle___| Nifio_
Carriedo | Ze
[Silvestra Aragon | 25 | Yd. | Quiapo__| B° Bilibid | -
Salvador | | | a Ana | |
}Santos
| des {
[Silvestra Soriano _|35__|Yd____ | Ydem__| B°Bilibid | - |
|Gavina Enriquez |27 [Yd | Ydem__| B°Bilibid | -

/Marciana Sta.Ana|18 | Yd | Quiapo__| B°Bilibid | -

: (T”)
[Tomasa Estrada_| 38 |Yd | Ydem__| B°Bilibid | -
 aid
| - So | Appendix E * 177 |
[Nombre __| Edad | Estado _| Arrabal_| Calle | Nifio_

Salcedo _ {of
Santos | | (Tanduay) __

7 | jon |
Antonia Leoncia_|36 [Yd | Ydem | Yris_ |=
[Juliana Sernal__ | 20__ | ¥d__| Quiapo_| B® Bilibid | -
_ | Antonia Bemabe | 21__| Yd ____| Sampaloc | Alejandro |_ 42 _|

Cruz of i= | | bide -
ee — Carcel _| Bilibid | : |
del Parto Mes | Mes -
|Naturales | Laboriosa |_9 | Nob*_| 87 | 21 |yd | Yd |
yd fyd | 8 [Db | yd | 12 |ya_ | ya
 178 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century |

= ESF Ere
del Parto Mes Mes =
|Ydem___ | Ydem__| 16 |yd | yd | 24 [yd | va

- _ | Europea |
|

Ydem | Natural_| 8 | Junio | yd | 11 [Junio _| Yd |

Yd | Natural | 19 [Junio [yd] | |

Sigue visitandolo
oe Manila 30 de Junio de 1888 | |
| |
| Rufina Alex |
La Matrona Titulada de Sta. Cruz
 - | Appendix E'* 179 -
E.5 Statement of the assistance rendered by the |
Municipal Midwife of Tondo, Ramona Mojica, in the first —
semester of 1892, submitted on 30 June 1892. Indicates the
name of the patient, sex of the baby (optional item), the
age of the patient, her civil status, the type of assistance (at
childbirth) given, the date of the service and the patient’s |
residence. Sixteen women listed. |

a | Asist- | | |
| d | , | de | | icillo |
d encia | _ ,
Ell
SPP PEa a
Cel
— |laCruz |. | | ral Enero | da |
Castro | of. || 7 |
Fea a al a Gl
| Juana Nifia | 18 | Casada 29 idjid |
Enrique Po | Febo a
| Cruz : | | elaria |
|| Remigia
Santiago | | | - || dad |
soos YS RR
| id 21 |id ~—i id 28 = jid J id
| 180 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

mE
Fea EP
a a
d encia |
| ida de | | icillo
Asist- | |
Fa
| esas
a| —a
Escueto | - __| Marzo | Z
Mendez
PLE| Abril
Gonzalez EE [ae| -ra ||
Albares | ___ | dad
[atte [PE ee
aa ai
Fae bal il a
| Antonio _ | faction
Bariz ral__| Mayo ta
de los | |
los Stos. | | Junio
_ | de pie |

| |
Jualiana | Nina | 29 | id id 16 Tid |id. |
| |
Lichuco |.
: Tondo 30 de Junio de 1892
| La Matrona , Ramona Mojica
 | : Appendix E * 181
E.6 Statement of the assistance rendered by the
Municipal Midwife of Quiapo, San Miguel and Sampaloc, —
Ygnacia Pardo, in the first semester of 1892. Fourteen
women were listed. _ |

al| - | aAsistencia
ol Ra| |
Fem a a LG
Fe kl Feo
{| Sevilla | | | Enero_ Quiapo No.20
| Abelarde fo | No. 1 Sta. Cruz |
Fel GG Fl
Fe ld
Enriquez | | , | No. 3 Sampaloc
| Barroso | __ | | Paco
Cornelia 28 Casada | Parto Laborioso | 18 de id | San Miguel ,
Datu : | con el Medico | Gen. — Solano | »

Fes a
| | San Miguel oe
Bautista , Marzo —30 Quiapo —

Fee a
_Ortanez ae Tandua
Fe a Gl GE
Flores | Abril | Quiapo
Santiago San Miguel
Javier | Mayo __| No. 6 Sampaloc
 ad
EEE
Ea aal
SE
182 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

_ 7 Asistencia |
al
Jacinto | | ___|_No. 30 Sta. Cruz |
Nufiez | | aborto | | No. 13 Sta. Cruz}

Em a a lB
Selis | | embarazo unio No. 17 Quiapo_ | —
| Ganantes | | | San Miguel _ :
 a Prostitucton 1862-1879

L ist of bundle
sthe prostitutes madeProstitucion
labelled from the documents found
1862-1879 in
at the
Philippine National Archives. The following information
were presented: the woman’s name, civil status, age, place
of origin (naturaleza), place of registration (empadronado)
- and "legitimate" occupation. A column for observations was |
provided for. Forty six women and one man were listed. a
This group of prostitutes was composed mostly of
solteras. All the rest, except for one whose civil status was
not given, were either casadas (6) or viudas(4). |
The youngest prostitute was thirteen years old and the | |
oldest was 60 years old. The average age was 26 years
old. Twelve were below 20 years old and the same number
were above 30 years old. a |
| With regard to birthplace, 23 came from Manila and its _
arrabales and 20 from the Luzon provinces. Half of the
latter came either from Cavite or Bulacan.
Majority (93.48%) were residents of Manila and its
arrabales, with eight each registered in Binondo and |
Hermita, five each in San Jose de Trozo and Santa Cruz,
four in San Miguel, three in Tambobo, two each in Dilao |
and Tondo, and one each in Pasig, Mariquina, Pandacan, |
Quiapo, Malate and Navotas. Only one was registered: in
the provinces, that of Cavite.
 184 * Working Women of Mansla in the Nineteenth Century

The legitimate occupations of majority of these

prostitutes were as costureras (14), lavanderas (14) and
| cigarreras (12). Among these women, were a partera and
| a corredora. One had even listed her occupations as being
both a cigarrera and a costurera. OO
| | Six prostitutes were noted to have syphilis. Basilia
Quitalio a lavandera of Hermita was indicated, however, to
be cured of the disease. Three women were mestizas
sangleyes and was a mestiza espaniola. /

unmarried. |
The lone male prostitute included in the list was a
pescador from Tondo. He was 35 years old and
 , : | 7 | Appendix F ¢ 185

mee se i cee
su su em_-
provincia de | provincia de

| | naturaleza padronado | oe -
Bataan | |
__ deFernando
Dilao| 7a-
Francisca soltera | 22 | San Binondo costurera | has syphillis
Alcantara
a| Quincias
| ll
___|alsangley
al7 .=| |
SBataan
=Fcosturera
Ee =|| |
| Fernando Fernando ,
de Dilao de Dilao oo 7

| | for.
‘Rosa , | | Cavite Trozo Oo | |
,, ,a, in
| previous
occasions ,
,
| Fabiana Ignacio San Jose imprisoned

| | | prohibited |
Santos Bulacan :
= Fea =p
_-Malonso
Reyes | Cavite
, Pangasinan |
| |
fe
ieee
al a
186 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

oe Pe =
:Ramirez
| BUlacan|| pS

,al
la
|ilNicolas
Cruz
ee 7
Maravillosa | Laguna | a a
santos Bataan | |
|Fal
Espanola
Gell|
Cavite
ll =a
Cavite 7 |
| oe al
| |
_
|
Dominguez. ee | | Sangle |
_| a
coe SB feee|h [e Pere [rere
|
provincia de | provincia de ,
su su em-
| naturaleza_| padronado | __ ,
Tarlac | phillis

| Rufina de Jesus | soltera | 14 | Sta. Cruz__| Sta.Cruz__| cigarrera |

all cal _ | | |al

| PlacidaJavier__| viuda_| 35 | Mariquina | Mariquina__| labandera |
Cruz | Pampanga
CE =
| | Appendix F ¢ 187 |

Fa
Ea da
lll
, provincia de | provincia de | _
| | naturalezasupadronado
su em- cy _ ft
Cruz. | |_| Bulacan _
Evangelista | __

Ea
Torralva _ = | | | |

=
=
EA
Faia=
Glll
= =
lll
il ll
ll
Salvador | : Pangasinan
Trinidad 7 | |
Santos oe | - : |
Fa
oP al
Cruz | |==
Miranda
al aFFE
|=Cavite
so =P = =P]
lal
Potenciano | Pampanga |
Inocencio | cigarrera_ |
Esguerra |
|
ll =a |al
|=
Lorenzo _ | Bulacan
Macapagal _ 7
 , 188 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

ee
Eo laa
=
== = =
Gonzales |
=| |=|
Sanson -

Santos
provincia de | provincia de
su. su em-
naturaleza padronado | |

FTE Ell _
, Sista Cabrera soltera | 17 San , San costurera
| de Dilao de Dilao
_ [Erene Dunca___| casada | 43 | Sta. Cruz___| Sta.Cruz__| labandera |
 Glossary a
Alcalde - governor —
Alferez Comandante Commanding Officer | |
arrabales - outskirts of a town Oo |
ASCENSO promotional —_ |
Justice | oe
Audiencia Royal Tribunal High Court of >
bastagueras o | sorters of tobacco os |
bastaqueras
bastidor - aframe, either round or square,
||— used for embroidery
bibinca native rice cake more viscous in —
So |
| | consistency thanthe puto © |
bizcocho de cana a cylindrical toast bread shaped | |
| of Molo, Iloilo | |
| | | like a tube of sugar cane typical |
buyo. betel chew ee
cabecillas | — section leader — | |
cabecillas de mesas heads of working tables a
cabo de cuadrilla head of a team of workers |
camisa | shirt | OO
capatas inspector foreman 7 | |
— carcel prison
castorcillo de a hat made of serge (a twilled
medio lado — worsted fabric) worn somewhat ,
| : cockily to one side a 7
 190 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

- certificate
cedula personal - personal document, card,
chocolate frances French way of cooking strong,
very thick chocolate drink
cigarilleros male cigarette maker
cigarillos cigarettes
cigarreras woman cigar maker
oo |
colegio school, college, academy
Guardia Civil Veterana 2. the Command |
3, Distict and troops
cortadores cutters
cuadrilleros rural policemen
|
cuartos centimes of a Spanish peseta |
Cuerpo de | Body of soldiers detailed to
Carabineros de pursue smugglers for _ |
Seguridad Public public security |
| entrada — initial
escribiente | clerk, scribe
|
escuelas publicas _ public schools
expedientes -_—s dossier, records, file
, fajinante = ~—~—_—_ porters, stevedores | |
gradillas shelves an
gobernadorcillo head of a town |

Jefe chief, leader | |

: _ Inspector de Fabrica Inspector of the Factory
Junta de Sanidad Board of Health . Oo
| leyes reguladas regular laws, statutes, decrees
maestra teacher, lead worker of a cigarette .
factory _ a
Maestras de Balanza Master weigher
warden : |
Maestra Celadora custodian, curator, caretaker,
 ) | | Glossary * 19]
Oo , Rank — |
| Maestra Tercera Teacher of the Third (or Highest) -
merienda snack, light meal
operarias operator, laborer, worker
pinipit a native pastry braided in shape
poblaciones cities, towns, villages
| Polos y servicios forced labor rendered by the |
inhabitants during the Spanish
, — . colonization -
porteras _ door keepers, gate keepers | ,
principales
propietaria | native elite
proprietress | —
| | |
puto a native rice cake , |
reales Spanish coins around 10 US cents |
Reglamento del Regulations for domestic service
| Servicio Domestico | |
Reglamento Vigente Laws enforced in primary _ |
dePrimaria
Ynstruccion |_instruction
oo | | |
_. Seccion de Recibo Receiving Section :
| servidumbres — servants |
sobresaliente outstanding, excellent |
-
| Subdelegado _ Subdelegate | Oo
suman native pastry made of glutinous
, | rice paste, usually of fat,
| banana leaf ) | |
| cylindrical shape, wrapped in
tendera | shopkeeper
| Teniente de Alcalde | Deputy Governor > |
_ termino final | |
, vagamunda _ vagabond a |
vendedora vendor | | |
| 192 * Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century a
, a Index * 193

_ abaca fibers 27 | batalan 28 —

Aborto 98 , Batangas 89
abuses 14, 21, 121, 126 Beaterio de la Compania de |
| |
_ Academia de Dibujo 29 oe Jesus 62 |
advances 51, 121 betel nut 28, 30 |
advertisements 99, 100, 117 betel nut chewing 29
alborotos 121, 126 betel nut vendor 29 ,
alcalde mayor 100, 107 Bilibid 67 | 7
alumna interna 64 — Binondo 7, 24, 27, 43, 49, 65, |
ama 109 69, 78, 82, 89, 109
amo 109 bordadoras 1, 29, 39, 40, 121,
-
apog 29 124, 127
| areca 29, brothels 51 | ,
_Arroceros 3,5 Bulacan 15, 51, 75, 89, 108, 114
Artemio Ricarte 73 | buyera 29, 30, 33
Asilo de Huerfanas de Nuestra buyeras 127 7 |
Senor... 62 buyo 28, 30 |
Asilo de San Vicente de Paul 62
Audiencia
ayudantes de Manila
68, 69,5670C | || a
, _ zB cabecillas
cabecillas de mesa 16
7 |
, , , Calle Balmes 111
Balabac 102, 103, 105, 111, 120 Calle de la Paz 68 ,
bastagueras
bastidor 29 | 7Calle
| | Calle
Iris Escolta
109 | . 34 | |
bata 56, 59 Calle Labasan 110
Bataan 50, 89, 108, 114 Calle San Fernando 27 7
 194 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

Calle Uli-uli 110 Comandancia de la Guardia

Caloocan 33, 52 Civil Veterana 45, 46,54 |
Calzada de Iris 66 Comisaria de Vigilancia 101
, cambayas 13 corredora 110 ,
camisa de pitia 28 cortadora 16
-— Canacao 99 costureras 1, 42, 43, 79, 124,
Carcel de Bilibid 91, 101, 102, 125, 127 )
105, 107, 111 criadas 1, 45, , 49, 51, 52, 53,
_ castorcillo de medio lado 30 | 54, 55, 56, 79, 109, 122, 124
celadoras 7, 15, 107, 122, 127 cuadrilleros 14, 15 |
cedula personal 56, 89, 105 Cuerpo de Carabineros de _
child labor 59 Seguridad Publica 45
childbirth 85, 87, 92, 93, 95, 96 |
chocolate frances
cholera 86, 99 , |28 , D :
cou “hy 33, do 3 Deberes de Maestras 65
cigar factory 7 , deportation 100-107, 111
:; Direccion
cigarette General
factory 5 de
|;.
cigarreras 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11- Administracion Civil 90
15, 21, 79, 108, 120, 122, domestics 51, 52, 54, 58, 59, |
125-127 108, 109, 113, 114, 124
cocinero
cochero 114
55, 59 E
Colegio de la Concordia 73 | oo
Colegio de la Imaculada embroiderers 1, 29, 39 a
Concepcion 62 enfermedades venereas 99, 100
Colegio de la Nuestra Sefiorade =, pidemic 86, 99 ; , ,
Guia 62 Ermita 69, 77, 89
Colegio de la Sagrada Familia escribiente 15
, 62 | Escuela Municipal de Nifias 68,
Colegio de Nuestra Sefiora del 75,77 |
P ilar 66 . Escuela Normal de Maestros 65
Colegio de Santa Catalina 62 expediente 101, 108 , |
Colegio de Santa Rosa 62 —
comadronas 81, 82, 85,93 | _ - /
 , : Index ¢ 195
F Isla de Balabac 101, 105 , |
intrusas 87 ,
Fabrica-de Arroceros 5 ) | ||
Fabrica de Cavite
Fabrica de Binondo 14,18 | | J
. aca e oa | 2 18 , Jacobo Zobel 100
5 7
BTCA Oe MCISIC | Jefe de Sanidad 99
Fabrica de Princesa 14, 18 Jose Rizal 23
Fabrica de Puros 7,18 Juan Cailles 73 —_ |
friar-curate 65, 67, 107 Junta Superior de Ynstruccion
| ) Primaria®OS ———™
| G Junta Suprema de Sanidad 82 |
- Gandara
Gagalangin 109
33, 96| K
||,
gobernadorcillo 96, 105, 110, Katipunan 76, 121 , | ,
111
-.Guardia Katipuneros
gonorrhea 99, 100 120,
| | 121 |
Civil Veterana 56 L ,
Gremio de Mestizos 96 a
| | | ” _ Jabandera 21, 107,
— LlaErmita 42) ©
108
| | La Sinamayera 27 |
Hermita 24, 73, 81, 92 Lagda 119 ,
bilot 83, 88, 93, 94, 97, 123 Laguna 23, 66, 76, 77
Hojas de Servicio 75 lechera 32, 33, 34,127 |
Hospicio de San Jose 62 | licensed prostitution 115
101, 102, 107
Hospital de San Juan de Dios lintic na osioso 30
M©
: | maestra 2, 5, 6, 10-12, 14-18, 68,
icmo 30 69, 73, 77, 120-123, 127, 128
indocumentada 112 maestra de ascenso 77,90
, Intramuros 89, 94, 96, 97 _ maestra de entrada 90
 196 © Working Women of Manila in the Nineteenth Century

_ maestra de termino 90 | Q
Malate 24, 42, 67, 75, 81, 89, 96
manguera 34, 36 Quiapo 24, 66, 73, 77, 81, 85,
Mariano
matrona titular Gil81,76 8997111
89, 96, ,|,
matrona titulada 87 |
matronas 81, 85, 89, 90-93, 95-97, | R ,
122, 123, 127, 128
_ matronas titulares, 82, 85-88, 90- _ Real Colegio de Santa Ysabel 62
94 Reglamento del Servicio —
medico titular 76, 91 Domestico 45
milkmaid 33, 34 Reglamento Vigente de
| mujer publica 105, 112, 115, 120, . Ynstruccion Primaria 69
125
Ss.
N

81 |
_ Sampaloc 24, 33, 78, 81, 89, 111
Nueva Quipuzcua 100 San Fernando de Dilao 68, 78,
O San Jose de Trozo 109
| : San Juan de Dios Hospital 115
. San Miguel 24, 54, 69, 78, 81,
operarias 5, 6, 8, 10-13 39.111 _ |
Santa Cruz 24, 27, 66, 67, 69,
Pp 76, 77, 81, 89, 92, 109 |
School of Midwives 85
Paco 29, 39, 89 , Servidumbres Domesticas 60,
panguingui 11, 18 _ 124
parish priest 67. 70. 72, 120 sinamayera 27, 29, 39, 127
parteras 81, 82, 85, 86, 93 Superior Normal. School for
Pedro Serrano 73 _ Women 61, 62, 70

porteras 7 a |
Philippine Revolution 128 syphilis 99, 100, 114, 115
| pina 27, 39, 40 | ; sa |
116, 125, 127 , oe
prostitutes 51, 52, 99-104, 106-
 ss Imdex ¢ 197

T , WV _ ,
| Tambobo 58, 72 vacunadores 90 ,
—. tampipi 49 vagamunda 105, 112
! teachers 17, 65, 67, 71, 72, 74, vecindarios 124 : |
75, 79, 122, 123,126,127 ~vendadores 24, 124
tenderas 1, 2, 24, 27, 124 |
, (127 | |
- tobacco factories 3, 10, 15, 21, _ Ww .
Tribunal
| --wages
U , | on
12,de13,Naturales
14, 43, 53,49 68,| 71,
| 72, 73, 78, 89, 90, 122, 127 |
unlicensed midwives 81
| BLANK PAGE oe