Download Full Version ebookmass - Visit ebookmass.

com

The Porta Stabia Neighborhood at Pompeii: Volume I

Structure, Stratigraphy, and Space 1st Edition
Steven J.R. Ellis

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-porta-stabia-neighborhood-
at-pompeii-volume-i-structure-stratigraphy-and-space-1st-
edition-steven-j-r-ellis/

OR CLICK HERE

DOWLOAD NOW

Discover More Ebook - Explore Now at ebookmass.com

 Instant digital products (PDF, ePub, MOBI) ready for you
Download now and discover formats that fit your needs...

The Porta Stabia Neighborhood at Pompeii Volume I:

Structure, Stratigraphy, and Space Steven J. R. Ellis

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-porta-stabia-neighborhood-at-
pompeii-volume-i-structure-stratigraphy-and-space-steven-j-r-ellis/

ebookmass.com

Quantum Space: Loop Quantum Gravity and the Search for the
Structure of Space, Time, and the Universe Baggott

https://ebookmass.com/product/quantum-space-loop-quantum-gravity-and-
the-search-for-the-structure-of-space-time-and-the-universe-baggott/

ebookmass.com

Physics I For Dummies, 3rd Edition Steven Holzner

https://ebookmass.com/product/physics-i-for-dummies-3rd-edition-
steven-holzner/

ebookmass.com

eTextbook 978-0133867541 The Philosopher’s Way: Thinking

Critically About Profound Ideas

https://ebookmass.com/product/etextbook-978-0133867541-the-
philosophers-way-thinking-critically-about-profound-ideas/

ebookmass.com
Project Management For Dummies, 6th Edition Jonathan L.
Portny

https://ebookmass.com/product/project-management-for-dummies-6th-
edition-jonathan-l-portny/

ebookmass.com

Migrant Construction Workers in Times of Crisis: Worker

Agency, (Im)mobility Practices and Masculine Identities
among Albanians in Southern Europe Iraklis Dimitriadis
https://ebookmass.com/product/migrant-construction-workers-in-times-
of-crisis-worker-agency-immobility-practices-and-masculine-identities-
among-albanians-in-southern-europe-iraklis-dimitriadis/
ebookmass.com

The Complexities of John Hejduk’s Work: Exorcising

Outlines, Apparitions and Angels J. Kevin Story

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-complexities-of-john-hejduks-work-
exorcising-outlines-apparitions-and-angels-j-kevin-story/

ebookmass.com

Better than Alpha Christopher M. Schelling [Christopher M.

Schelling]

https://ebookmass.com/product/better-than-alpha-christopher-m-
schelling-christopher-m-schelling/

ebookmass.com

A Pharmacology Primer: Techniques for More Effective and

Strategic Drug Discovery 5th Edition Terry P. Kenakin

https://ebookmass.com/product/a-pharmacology-primer-techniques-for-
more-effective-and-strategic-drug-discovery-5th-edition-terry-p-
kenakin/
ebookmass.com
Job Readiness For It And Ites R Anand

https://ebookmass.com/product/job-readiness-for-it-and-ites-r-anand/

ebookmass.com
T H E P O RTA S TA BI A N E IG HBORHOOD AT POM PE II
 The Porta Stabia
Neighborhood at Pompeii
Volume I
Structure, Stratigraphy, and Space

ST EV E N J. R . EL L IS,
ALLISO N L . C . E M M E R S O N,
AN D K E V IN D. DICU S

With major contributions by

Eric E. Poehler, Jenny R. Kreiger, Gina Tibbott, Mark Robinson,
Christopher F. Motz, Ivo van der Graaff, Ambra Spinelli,
Jacqueline DiBiasie-­Sammons, Catherine K. Baker, Gregory Tucker,
Sarah Wenner, Aimée Scorziello, and John Wallrodt
 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Steven J. R. Ellis, Allison L. C. Emmerson, and Kevin D. Dicus 2023
The moral rights of the authors have been asserted
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2023934094
ISBN 978–0–19–286694–3
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192866943.001.0001
Printed and bound by
CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
 TA B LE O F C O N T EN T S

Preface and Acknowledgments vii

List of Illustrations ix
List of Tables xviii
List of Abbreviations xix

PART I

1. Introduction 3
2. Methodology 23
3. The Database Christopher F. Motz and John Wallrodt31
4. The History of Excavation and Research Activity in Insulae VIII.7
and I.1 Ambra Spinelli and Aimée Scorziello42
5. A Ground-­Penetrating Radar (GPR) Survey of Insulae VIII.7
and I.1 Gregory Tucker60
6. The Architecture of the Porta Stabia Neighborhood: Method, Design, and
Construction Eric E. Poehler70
7. The Geomorphology and Topography of the Area of the Porta Stabia
Excavations (Insulae VIII.7 and I.1) Mark Robinson90

PART II

8. Phase 1: The Earliest Structures and Surfaces (Sixth–Third Centuries bce)101

9. Phase 2: The Beginning of Production Activity (Third–Second Centuries bce)121
10. Phase 3: The Establishment of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 (c. 125–c. 80 bce)129
11. Phase 4: Fish-­Salting and Other Activities across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1
(Early First Century bce–Early First Century ce)155
12. Phase 5: The Rise of Retail in the Early Imperial Period (Early First Century ce)200
13. Phase 6: The Julio-­Claudian Years (Mid-­First Century ce)246
14. Phase 7: The Final Years Following the Earthquake/s (Early 60s–79 ce)260
15. The Properties through the Phases 281

PART III

16. The Porta Stabia Gate and Fortification Ivo van der Graaff309
17. The Porta Stabia Necropolis Allison L. C. Emmerson334
18. Conclusions344
vi · table of con t e n t s

PART IV

19. Appendices 357

19.1 The Bar Counters of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Sarah Wenner358
19.2 The Cisterns of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Christopher F. Motz361
19.3 The Cooking Facilities of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Jenny R. Kreiger378
19.4 The Doorstops of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Steven J. R. Ellis384
19.5 The Drains of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Christopher F. Motz388
19.6 The Fish-­Salting Vats of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Christopher F. Motz404
19.7 The Floors of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Jenny R. Kreiger413
19.8 The Quarry Areas of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Eric E. Poehler417
19.9 The Ritual Contexts in Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Jenny R. Kreiger and
Ambra Spinelli429
19.10 The Soak-­Aways of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Catherine K. Baker435
19.11 The Thresholds of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Steven J. R. Ellis445
19.12 The Votive Objects of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Kevin D. Dicus452
19.13 The Toilets and Cesspits of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 Kevin D. Dicus460
19.14 The Graffiti and Dipinti of Insulae VIII.7
and I.1 Jacqueline DiBiasie-­Sammons468
20. The Contexts 476
21. The Harris Matrices 687

Bibliography 729
Index 745
 P R E FACE A N D AC K N OW L ED GMEN T S

Bringing archaeological excavations of any size and scale to Massimo Osanna, and not least Gabriel Zuchtriegel. Especial
publication is often an insuperable challenge. The types of thanks is due to both Massimo Osanna and Gabriel Zuchtriegel
data we create are not always suited to a clear description and for providing such critical support for our project once we had
an ordered narrative, irrespective of print or digital media. transitioned from excavation campaigns to the study of the
The data are normally incomplete, the information often materials. Their leadership and support extended throughout
unclear. Moreover, the time it takes to undertake the field- the Superintendency, and we are forever grateful to the fol-
work, and then to commit that data and information to text lowing for their ongoing assistance and guidance of our field-
can seem endless; indeed, the whole process can often outlast work, and not least their friendship: Grete Stefani, Antonio
the various individuals and groups and teams responsible for Varone, Antonio D’Ambrosio, Ernesta Rizzo, Giuseppe Di
bringing it all together. So in spite of the necessity to suffi- Martino, Patrizia Tabone, Ulderico Franco, Enrico Busiello,
ciently publish archaeological excavations, the experience of Laura Desposito, Luana Toniolo, Stefania Giudice, Giuseppe
doing so serves as a reminder as to why too few arch­aeo­ Scarpati, and Raffaele Martinelli. At risk of singling out one
logic­al projects reach this milestone. That we have ourselves individual from among the many, still something special must
arrived at this point comes with another, overwhelming be said of Giuseppe Di Martino. To him we owe our highest
reminder: all of what follows is entirely due to the excellent gratitude, and echo the same from all of the many members
and tireless efforts of many individuals and institutions that of our team from over the years. Peppe took a keen interest in
supported our fieldwork, the research, and the ultimate pub- enabling not only our work on site but also our well-­being on
lication of our efforts. a daily basis in Pompei. His care and friendship continues to
The excavations were carried out under the auspices of the this day, now long after his retirement.
University of Cincinnati, with generous financial and institu- The project owes an enormous debt to the American
tional support from the Semple Fund of the Department of Academy in Rome. As an affiliated archaeological project of
Classics at the University of Cincinnati. More than supporting the Academy, we enjoyed enormously generous infrastruc-
the excavation of each field season since 2007, the financial tural and intellectual support over the years. From the use of
support from Cincinnati allowed for ongoing field research various spaces for the storage and study of the materials to
throughout the off-­seasons as well as, and crucially, the provi- the hosting of regular meetings and events that brought the
sion of multiple study seasons. Further financial and institu- three affiliated projects together (Morgantina, Gabii, and our-
tional support came through grants and fellowships from the selves), the Academy provided the perfect Italian base for our
National Endowment for the Humanities, the National efforts beyond Pompeii itself. Moreover, the three primary
Geographic Society, the Loeb Classical Library Foundation, authors of the present volume each were awarded Rome
the American Council of Learned Societies, the American Prizes, which helped the production of this volume enor-
Academy in Rome, and the Archaeological Institute of mously: Steven Ellis in 2012–­13 (National Endowment for the
America. We remain ever-­g rateful for the financial support of Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Post-­Doctoral
Ann and Harry Santen, John Yarmick, Charlotte and David Rome Prize), Kevin Dicus in 2016–­17 (Andrew Heiskell Post-­
Ackert, and an anonymous donor. Doctoral Rome Prize), and Allison Emmerson in 2018–­19
At the heart of our endeavors was the Parco Archeologico (Emeline Hill Richardson Post-­Doctoral Rome Prize). Thanks
di Pompei, to which we remain ever grateful. Having begun to a Frederick Burkhardt Residential Fellowship from the
in 2005, our project has experienced multiple generations of American Council of Learned Societies, Steven Ellis was able
administrative support and on-­site collaborations with staff. to return to the Academy for the academic year of 2015–­16 to
Among the many we take pride in thanking, we want first to focus on the production of the present volume. Thus, the
thank Pier Giovanni Guzzo for his invitation to carry out the American Academy in Rome has played a very special role in
research and for his kindness and hospitality in those first the success of our field seasons as much as our ongoing pub-
years to help ensure that our team became established. A suc- lication program. Beyond the institutional support itself, we
cession of superintendents followed, and we thank them all thank especially the individual efforts of Chris Celenza, Kim
for their continued support: Mariarosaria Salvatore, Giuseppe Bowes, John Ochsendorf, and Lynne Lancaster. And with
Proietti, Jeannette Papadopoulos, Teresa Cinquantaquattro, much of our time at the Academy being spent in the library,
viii · prefac e an d ac k n ow l e d gme nt s

we give warm thanks to Sebastian Hierl and Paolo Imperatore Evans, its conversion to a model by Gregory Tucker. The stud-
for their endless support along the way. ies of the bioarchaeological and artifactual materials, which
Critical to the success of reaching publication are the pub- will feature in successive volumes but of course underpin
lishers themselves, Oxford University Press. We thank OUP much of the present, were carried out by: Leigh Lieberman,
for their trust, support, and willingness to take on projects of Catherine Baker, Laure Marest, and Allison Sterrett-­Krause on
this type. And central to all of this was Charlotte Loveridge, the artifacts; Archer Martin, Esperança Huguet Enguita, Sedef
who has been with us from the beginning. Charlotte’s guid- Kinacioglu, and Albert Ribera on the ceramics; Giacomo
ance through all the many steps of the process was always Pardini on the coins; and Mark Robinson, Andrew Fairbairn,
delivered with a kindness and patience that will forever be Michael MacKinnon, and Jennifer Robinson on the bioarchae-
appreciated. Our thanks on this front goes also to Joanna ological remains. Many of the illustrations for the present
Harris, Jamie Mortimer, Saraswathi Ethiraju, and Gillian volume were prepared by Gina Tibbott, while it was Gareth
Northcott Liles. We are also very grateful to Jennifer Sacher Blayney who built the site reconstruction. Alison Whyte
for her advice on so many matters of the publication process. expertly led our conservation program. Chris Motz deserves
Of all the challenges of bringing an archaeological project much praise for managing, maintaining, and developing the
to publication, one of the most pressing is that of conveying database–first designed by John Wallrodt–on which so much
the gratitude we have to the many members of our team. of our project and this publication depends. And it was Jenny
Their critical role in publishing the excavation should at once Kreiger who brought together all of the appendices and their
be evident in their many contributions throughout this vol- authors in the present volume, which we believe are a real
ume. But as for any successful archaeological project, their highlight of our work.
efforts have underpinned the project at every stage from setup As much as we take pride in thanking everyone here, our
through fieldwork and post-­excavation seasons, and now the one main hope is that the many students and other in­di­vid­
publication. And with so much time being taken by field sea- uals who joined us each year will know the extent of our
sons, we extend our appreciation to their families and loved ap­pre­ci­ation for the time they spent with us and the contribu-
ones for supporting their efforts and their time away from tions they have each made to the field work, the research, and
home. Gary Devore deserves our first expression of ap­pre­ci­ the publication. It is impossible to thank everyone adequately,
ation, given his essential role in the earliest years of our pro- but we are ourselves reminded of our appreciation on every
ject. Aimee Scorziello and Ambra Spinelli were instrumental page that follows.
in helping to manage all the various moving pieces of the pro- Finally, we extend heartfelt thanks to our own families,
ject. To the supervisors of each trench, we owe a special note who supported us through so many years of work at the
of thanks: John Bennett, Christian Cloke, Flint Dibble, Alex Porta Stabia, and without whom this volume would not have
Marko, Amanda Pavlick, Nick Ray, Taco Terpstra, Gina Tibbott, been possible.
and Sam Wood. Eric Poehler brought together the study of
the architecture, and was instrumental in helping us to think Steven Ellis
through the phasing as well as the final writing of the present Allison Emmerson
volume. The total station survey was undertaken by Sydney Kevin Dicus
 LI S T O F IL LU S T R AT IO N S

1.01 Aerial view of the Porta Stabia neighborhood (Insulae VIII.7 and I.1) 4
1.02 Map of Pompeii, indicating the location of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 4
1.03 The site-­wide Harris Matrix for the excavations of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1; each unit represents the phase of a
trench (the horizontal arrangement is according to the spatial relationships of and between each property) 9
1.04 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 1 10
1.05 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 2 11
1.06 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 3a and 3b 12
1.07 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 4a, 4b, and 4c 14
1.08 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 5a and 5b 18
1.09 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 6 20
1.10 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 7 21
1.11 Reconstructed view of the Porta Stabia neighborhood, looking north (digital reconstruction by Gareth Blayney
on behalf of the project) 22
2.01 The location of excavated trenches across Insulae VIII.7, I.1, and the Porta Stabia 25
2.02 The principal categories of contexts excavated by PARP:PS 29
3.01 Illustration of the technical components of the PARP:PS data model 33
3.02 The main data tables in the PARP:PS database 34
3.03 Screenshot of the Structural diagram of the PARP:PS data model 36
3.04 Screenshot of the Context tab including the main SU page 38
3.05 Screenshot of the Finds tab including the main small finds list page 38
3.06 Screenshot of the list of small finds recovered from selected SU 39
3.07 Screenshot of the list of absolute dates for artifacts from SUs in selected phase 39
3.08 Screenshot of the detailed information about the selected small find (cf. Figs. 3.05 and 3.06) 40
3.09 Screenshot of the page for analyzing spatial, chronological, and contextual distributions of artifact classes.
The number of structural fragments is shown here as a percentage of all small finds recovered from different
contextual categories of SUs 40
4.01 La Vega’s 1809 map of what would become the Porta Stabia neighborhood, indicating the partial exposure of
the northern limits of Insula VIII.7 43
4.02 Tascone’s 1879 map of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 45
4.03 Jacob Hackert’s 1799 oil painting of Pompeii, with the highest parts of insula VIII.7 exposed and those of
Insula I.1 not yet excavated. Attingham Park, The Berwick Collection, National Trust; inventory no. 608992 46
4.04 Close-­up of Jacob Hackert’s 1799 rendering of the rear (westernmost) area of Insula VIII.7; the awning against
the Quadriporticus may have covered the lime pit. Attingham Park, The Berwick Collection, National Trust;
inventory no. 608992 46
4.05 The outline of the lime pit survives against the outside of the Quadriporticus (WF 178) 47
4.06 The distribution of paintings and inscriptions across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 (courtesy of G. Tibbott) 52
4.07 The quantity of portable finds sorted by material class across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 (courtesy of Gina Tibbott) 54
4.08 The distribution of stray coins found in the 79 ce contexts for Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 (courtesy of Gina Tibbott) 55
4.09 Drawing by Discanno of the painted lararium (Hospitium Hermetis) in Room 23 of I.1.6–9, WF 1220 (after PPM I,
7, no. 4) 56
4.10 The triclinium and masonry table in Room 46 of VIII.7.6–9, viewed from the south 57
4.11 Close-­up of masonry table in Room 46 of VIII.7.6–9, with a staging of the various objects found nearby 57
4.12 The military diploma of Marcus Surus Garasenus, in two leaves. Side A is the visible, principal text; Sides B and
C are the inner, concealed “copies” of the text; Side D is the visible collection of witnesses (with evidence for
the bindings and seals). Leaves are 16.5 cm × 12.5 cm. Photos courtesy of MANN 58
x · list of i l lu st r at i on s

5.01 Aerial image of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 with GPR data indicating shallow depth results 60
5.02 The presence of walls from Phase 4 in the GPR survey of I.1.3–5 (Time-­slice 06: ~0.64–0.81m) 64
5.03 The presence of wall (SU 1050) in Room 7, farther north of its excavation in Room 1 of VIII.7.1–4 64
5.04 The corner of the Phase 4a tank in Room 9 of VIII.7.1–4; note the potential presence of tanks at a similar level
in Room 7 (Time-­slice 06: ~1.05–1.30m) 65
5.05 The presence of Fish-­Salting Vat 5 in the GPR survey of Room 101 of I.1.1–2 (Time-­slice 06: ~0.64–0.81m) 65
5.06 The presence of Drain 25 northward of its excavation in Room 78 of VIII.7.13–15; note also the potential
presence of Drain 30 (Time-­slice 04: ~0.63–0.88m) 66
5.07 The presence of Drain 3 in VIII.7.1–4 (Time-­slice 03: ~0.42–0.67m) 66
5.08 The shallow, structural feature in Room 51 of VIII.7.9–11 (Time-­slice 04: ~0.63–0.88m) 68
6.01 Reconstructed view of the Porta Stabia neighborhood, looking north (drawing by Gareth Blayney on behalf of
the project) 71
6.02 The retail shops, bars, restaurants, and inns of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 75
6.03 The inns at the Porta Stabia neighborhood 76
6.04 VIII.7.12 in its final phase 78
6.05 The restaurants at the Porta Stabia neighborhood 79
6.06 The bars at the Porta Stabia neighborhood 81
6.07 The shops at the Porta Stabia neighborhood 82
6.08 An example of the use of opus incertum at the Porta Stabia neighborhood (the south wall (WF 1061) in Room
108 at I.1.2) 84
6.09 The “zig-­zag” brickwork at the northern entrance to VIII.7.7–8 85
6.10 The Wall Construction Units (WCUs) for Insula VIII.7 86
6.11 The Wall Construction Units (WCUs) for Insula I.1 87
7.01 The urban landscape of the Porta Stabia as seen from the air, looking north 90
7.02 The lava cliff to the west of the Porta Stabia, beneath Insulae VIII.2 92
7.03 Exposed lava in the north face of Trench 26000 in Room 65 of VIII.7.12 92
7.04 Exposed lava in the courtyard of the house at I.2.2–4. Photo courtesy of Eric Poehler 93
7.05 The location of excavated trenches across Insulae VIII.7, I.1, and the Porta Stabia 94
7.06 The typical geological sequence (as encountered here in Trench 51000) of lava (SU 51131) beneath the
yellow Mercato ash (with white lapilli at the top; SU 51125), and the brown prehistoric paleosol/ash above
(also SU 51125). (scale = 50 cm) 95
7.07 Accumulation of colluvial soil in Trench 54000 (within later Room 106 of I.1.2). (scale = 50 cm) 96
8.01 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 1a 102
8.02 The Phase 1a road surface, with possible wheel rut, in Trench 52000 under (later) I.1.6–9 103
8.03 Location of the pappamonte foundations of a Phase 1a building in the southern area of (later) Insula I.1 103
8.04 The pappamonte foundations in Trench 54000 (SU 54121); Room 106 of (later) I.1.2 104
8.05 Section view of the construction trench for the pappamonte foundations in Trench 54000; Room 106 of (later)
I.1.2105
8.06 The two pappamonte blocks in the northeast corner (right of photo) of Room 37 in (later) VIII.7.7–8 106
8.07 The tree-­throw pit (SU 50094) in Trench 50000; viewed from the west. (scale = 50 cm) 107
8.08 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 1c 108
8.09 The hard-­packed gray volcanic ash road (of Phase 1c) overlying the earlier Mercato ash road (from Phase 1a);
Room 118 of (later) I.1.3–5 109
8.10 Section of sequence of gray ash road revealed in Trench 54000; Room 106 of (later) I.1.2. (scale = 50 cm) 109
8.11 Section of gray ash surface in window trench southeast of later Fish-­Salting Vat 6; Room 106 of (later) I.1.2.
(scale = 50 cm) 110
8.12 The gray ash and cobblestone road (SU 54058) in Room 106 of (later) I.1.2. Shown from above (top) and in
section (bottom) 111
8.13 Phase 1c wall (Sus 55113 and 55118) in Room 120 of (later) I.1.3–5, viewed from the south 114
8.14 Phase 1c wall formed by three irregularly shaped pappamonte blocks (SU 16071); Room 15 of (later) VIII.7.5–6 115
8.15 One of the two irregularly shaped pappamonte blocks that had been incorporated into the foundation of a
later wall; Room 15 of (later) VIII.7.5–6 115
 l i st o f i l lust r at ions · xi

8.16 The single pappamonte block in the southeast corner of Room 1 in (later) VIII.7.1–4, topped by courses of
small lava stones; viewed from the north 116
8.17 Ritual pit cut in association with the pappamonte foundation (Ritual Context 11) in Room 15 of (later)
VIII.7.5–6; viewed from the north 117
8.18 Ritual pit (Ritual Context 11) in Room 15 of (later) VIII.7.5–6 during excavation; viewed from the east 117
9.01 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 2 122
9.02 Kiln 1 under Room 103 of (later) I.1.1/10; viewed from the north 123
9.03 Outline of the shape of Kiln 1 under Room 103 of (later) I.1.1/10; viewed from the south 123
9.04 The rounded tank in Room 37 of (later) VIII.7.7–8 124
9.05 The rounded tank with the pipe and perforated lead sheet in Room 37 of (later) VIII.7.7–8 125
9.06 Fish-­Salting Vat 9 in Room 106 of (later) I.1.2 126
9.07 Tank in Room 106 of (later) I.1.2 126
9.08 The “sidewalk” surface beneath (the later) Room 9 of VIII.7.1–4; viewed from the west 127
10.01 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 3a 130
10.02 Plan of Property VIII.7.1–4 during Phase 3a 131
10.03 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–8 during Phase 3a 132
10.04 Plan of Property VIII.7.9–13 during Phase 3a 133
10.05 The cesspit (Waste Feature 14) in Room 58 of (later) VIII.7.12 135
10.06 The eastern tank in Room 48 of VIII.7.9–13 136
10.07 Waste Feature 13 in (later) Rooms 57/66 of VIII.7.12 136
10.08 Soak-­Away 17 built with WCU 014 in Room 68 of (later) VIII.7.14–15; viewed from the north 137
10.09 Plan of Property I.1.1–2 during Phase 3a 137
10.10 The poured mortar foundation for the eastern boundary wall of I.1.1–2 (WCU 1030); viewed from above 138
10.11 The poured mortar foundation for the eastern boundary wall of I.1.1–2 (WCU 1030); viewed in section 139
10.12 Kiln 2 in Room 105 of I.1.1–2 140
10.13 Interior of Kiln 2, with sections of the floor surface 141
10.14 Interior of Kiln 2 during excavation with an olla in situ; form of the vessel pulled from the kiln 142
10.15 Ritual Context 12 in Room 103 of I.1.1–2 during excavation; below: the nine votive cups at the time of
excavation144
10.16 The public well in Room 102 of I.1.1–2; note the increased wear marks along the western internal face 146
10.17 The four sections of the well in Room 102 of I.1.1–2, with the coring to indicate the nature and depths of the
deposits147
10.18 The paving of the via Stabiana148
10.19 The earlier curbstones of the via Stabiana; note also the later lead pipe that fed the fountain, as well as Drain 1
(at left). Viewed from the south 149
10.20 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 3b 150
10.21 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–8 during Phase 3b 151
10.22 Plan of Property VIII.7.9–13 during Phase 3b 152
10.23 Drain 21 leading toward Waste Feature 14 in Room 58 of VIII.7.9–13 153
10.24 Plan of Property I.1.1–2 during Phase 3b 153
11.01 Aerial view indicating the properties (VIII.7.13–15, I.1.3–5, and I.1.6–9) that were newly constructed in Phase 4;
viewed from the west 156
11.02 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 4a 157
11.03 Plan of Property VIII.7.13–15 during Phase 4a 158
11.04 Drain 25 in the northwest corner of (later) VIII.7.15; viewed from the west 158
11.05 Stone structure (SU 28047) in the northwest corner of (later) VIII.7.15; viewed from the south 159
11.06 Terracotta fragments of a left foot (TC28-­5) and a face (TC28-­6); both from SU 28012 160
11.07 Plan of Property I.1.3–5 during Phase 4a 161
11.08 The “workbench” along the southern side of (later) Room 118 of I.1.3–5 162
11.09 Soak-­Away 8 within Waste Feature 20 in (later) Room 118 of I.1.3–5 163
11.10 Soak-­Away 8 (Punic amphora of type: T-­7.4.1.1) within Waste Feature 20 after the removal of the fills (SUs
51072 and 51087); in (later) Room 118 of I.1.3–5, viewed from the south 164
xii · list of i l lu st r at i on s

11.11 The pit (SU 55098) in Room 120 of I.1.3–5 following excavation; viewed from the south 164
11.12 The lava bedrock at the bottom of the pit (SU 55098) in Room 120 of I.1.3–5 165
11.13 The footholds cut into the pit (SU 55098) in Room 120 of I.1.3–5 165
11.14 Plan of Property I.1.6–9 during Phase 4a 166
11.15 Fish-­Salting Vat 7 in Room 122 of I.1.6–9; viewed from the south 166
11.16 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–8 during Phase 4a 168
11.17 Fish-­Salting Vat 1 (at left, beneath entrance) in Room 32 of VIII.7.5–8; note also Cistern 5 (center) and the
column base (at right), both of Phase 5a 169
11.18 Waste Feature 12 in Room 37 of VIII.7.5–8 169
11.19 The opus signinum surface (SU 25023) in Room 20 of VIII.7.5–8 170
11.20 The Sarno limestone blocks that formed the latrine (Waste Feature 2) in Room 20 of VIII.7.5–8 171
11.21 Plan of Property VIII.7.9–12 during Phase 4a 172
11.22 Fish-­Salting Vat 2 just inside the entrance (at left) to Room 38 of VIII.7.9–10; viewed from the north 173
11.23 Cistern 4 in Room 38 of VIII.7.9–12; visible also is Fish-­Salting Vat 2 at left (not yet fully excavated), and
Soak-­Away 1 174
11.24 Fish-­Salting Vat 3 in Room 48 at entrance VIII.7.11 174
11.25 Fish-­Salting Vat 4 in Room 58 at entrance VIII.7.12 175
11.26 The tannery tanks in Room 56 of VIII.7.9–12; viewed from above looking west 175
11.27 The tannery tanks in Room 56 of VIII.7.9–12; viewed from the south with footholds visible in the southern tanks 176
11.28 The amphora base, with the ash-­based contents, in situ in Room 55 of VIII.7.9–12 176
11.29 Plan of Property I.1.1–2 during Phase 4a 177
11.30 Fish-­Salting Vat 5 in Room 101 of I.1.1–2; viewed from the east. Note also Threshold 16 and Bar Counter 1 177
11.31 Fish-­Salting Vat 6 in Room 106 of I.1.1–2; viewed from the west. Note also Bar Counter 2 178
11.32 The bronze spatula (BR54-­14) and lead weight, shaped in the form of a Greco-­Italic amphora (PB54-­3),
recovered from the lowermost deposit of Fish-­Salting Vat 6 (SU 54044) in Room 106 of I.1.1–2 179
11.33 The tile (SU 58067) and amphora (SU 58066) in situ in Room 107/8 of I.1.1–2, and after excavation 180
11.34 Plan of Property VIII.7.1–4 during Phase 4a 181
11.35 The tank (SU 24033) and dolium base (SU 24026) in Room 9 of VIII.7.3–5; viewed from the west 182
11.36 Plan of Property I.1.3–5 during Phase 4b 183
11.37 The architectural terracottas recovered from I.1.3–5 (above), with one (the larger) alongside those from
I.9.9 (below) 184
11.38 Locations for the architectural terracottas recovered from I.3–5 and I.9.9 185
11.39 Foundations for the brick pillar (WCU 1058) in I.1.3–5; viewed from the west 185
11.40 Cistern 8 in Room 118 of I.1.3–5; viewed from the west 186
11.41 Doorstop 3 in Room 118 of I.1.3–5 186
11.42 Part of the shaft of the well in I.1.3–5, beneath the later (Phase 5a) Cooking Facility 9; viewed from the west 187
11.43 Plan of Property I.1.6–9 during Phase 4b 188
11.44 Fish-­Salting Vat 8 in Room 122 of I.1.6–9; viewed from the south 189
11.45 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–8 during Phase 4b 190
11.46 Cistern 3 in (later) Room 44 of VIII.7.5–8: left southern end (note the Phase 5a blockage and the Phase 7
repairs); right northern end; bottom mouth 191
11.47 Plan of Property VIII.7.9–11 during Phase 4b 192
11.48 Plan of Property VIII.7.12 during Phase 4b 193
11.49 Plan of Property I.1.3–5 during Phase 4c 194
11.50 The collapse of the surface (SU 59047), and Cistern 9 (SU 59039) in Room 114 of I.1.3–5; viewed from
the north 195
11.51 Plan of Property I.1.6–9 during Phase 4c 196
11.52 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–8 during Phase 4c 197
11.53 The basin (SU 16020) in Room 15 of VIII.7.5–8 198
11.54 Plan of Property VIII.7.12 during Phase 4c 199
12.01 An indication of the types of properties (as they will appear in their final form), noting the predominance of
retailing and hospitality activities that mostly appear from Phase 5 201
 l i st o f i l lust r at ions · xiii

12.02 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 5a 202
12.03 Plan of Property VIII.7.9–11 during Phase 5a 203
12.04 Drain 18 along with the filling of Fish-­Salting Vat 3 in Room 48 of VIII.7.9–11; viewed from the west. Note also
Threshold 11 204
12.05 The viewshed from the street through to the rear room (Room 56) of VIII.7.9–11 205
12.06 a. Drain 17 passing through the newly opened doorway that had previously separated properties VIII.7.5–8
(at right) and VIII.7.9–11 (at left); viewed from the west. b. Inlet basin to Drain 17 in Room 44 of VIII.7.9–11 206
12.07 The catchment in Drain 17 (above) with lava capstone (below) in VIII.7.9–11 207
12.08 The projection of the downpipe (SUs 15009 and 2065) from Room 55 southward into a basin (SU 2034) in Room
46 in VIII.7.9–11; note the north wall of the tank from Phase 4b 208
12.09 The water system in Room 46 of VIII.7.9–11: top, overflow from the first settling (and display) basin;
middle, the second settling basin; bottom, access to Cistern 3 209
12.10 Cooking Facility 4 in Room 44 of VIII.7.9–11; viewed from the north 210
12.11 The exposed eastern part of the triclinium in Room 46 of VIII.7.9–11; viewed from the north 210
12.12 Plan of Property VIII.7.7–8 during Phase 5a 211
12.13 Cistern 5 in Room 32 of VIII.7.7–8 212
12.14 Inside Cistern 5 in Room 32 of VIII.7.7–8; the three votive cups during excavation 213
12.15 Plan of Property VIII.7.12 during Phase 5a 214
12.16 The above-­g round tank and Cooking Facility 6 in Room 66 of VIII.7.12: above, viewed from the west
(and above); below, viewed from the south 215
12.17 Plan of Property I.1.1–2 during Phase 5a 216
12.18 The Phase 5a fills of Fish-­Salting Vat 5 in Room 101 of I.1.1–2; note Drain 33 (Phase 5b) 216
12.19 The storage vessel (SU 54052) during excavation in Room 106 of I.1.1–2 217
12.20 Plan of Property I.1.6–9 during Phase 5a 218
12.21 Decorated wall plaster and opus signinum flooring in the northeast corner of Room 132 of I.1.6–9; note also
Bar Counter 4 218
12.22 Bar Counter 4 and Drain 41 in Room 132 of I.1.6–9 219
12.23 Drain 41 in Room 132 of I.1.6–9: above, the eastward stretch (with capping removed) along Bar Counter 4;
below, the southward stretch toward Room 123 220
12.24 Plan of Property VIII.7.1–4 during Phase 5a 221
12.25 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–6 during Phase 5a 222
12.26 The capping of Waste Feature 2 in Room 20 in VIII.7.5–6 (at right); note the new opening formed from an amphora 223
12.27 Waste Feature 3 in Room 20 of VIII.7.5–6; viewed from the east 224
12.28 Waste Feature 1 in Room 20 of VIII.7.5–6; viewed from the east 224
12.29 Plan of Property VIII.7.13–15 during Phase 5a 225
12.30 The arrangement of two small, narrow rooms uncovered in (later) Room 78 of VIII.7.13–15; viewed from
the south 226
12.31 Waste Feature 5 in (later) Room 78 of VIII.7.13–15; viewed from the west 227
12.32 Plan of Property I.1.3–5 during Phase 5a 228
12.33 Doorstop 4 (above Doorstop 3) directly behind the “night-­door” of Threshold 20 in Room 118 of I.1.3–5: above,
viewed from the west; below, viewed from the east 229
12.34 Bar Counter 3 in Room 118 of I.1.3–5; viewed from the west 230
12.35 The low-­walled feature on the sidewalk fronting I.1.5; note the cobblestone surface of Phase 4c 230
12.36 Cooking Facility 9 in Room 110 of I.1.3–5: above, viewed from the west; below, viewed from the south to
show opening 231
12.37 The eastward extension of the Quadriporticus 232
12.38 The (northern) section of fill in Drain 25 in VIII.7.13–15 233
12.39 Drain 30 in the vicolo north of Insula VIII.7; viewed from the north 233
12.40 Plan of Property I.1.1–2/10 during Phase 5b 235
12.41 The Fountain at the Porta Stabia; note also Drain 1 236
12.42 Drain 33 in Room 101 of I.1.1–2/10; viewed from the west 237
12.43 Bar Counter 1 in Room 101 of I.1.1–2/10; viewed from the north 237
xiv · list of i l lu st r at i on s

12.44 The facade of I.1.1–2/10, with Bar Counter 1 blocking Entrance 1a 238
12.45 Doorstop 6 in Room 106 of I.1.1–2/10; viewed from the west 239
12.46 Bar Counter 2 in Room 106 of I.1.1–2/10 240
12.47 Cooking Facility 8 in Room 108 of I.1.1–2/10; viewed from the east 240
12.48 Plan of Property VIII.7.1–4 during Phase 5b 241
12.49 The four tanks along the north of Room 1 of VIII.7.1–4 242
12.50 Plan of Property VIII.7.9–11 during Phase 5b 243
12.51 Cooking Facility 5 in Room 53 of VIII.7.9–11; viewed from the north 244
12.52 The construction fills associated with each phase of development, indicating the spike in both
Phase 4 and Phase 5 244
12.53 The number of finds associated with each phase of development, with a pronounced spike in Phase 5 244
13.01 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 6 247
13.02 Plan of Property VIII.7.1–4 during Phase 6 248
13.03 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–6 during Phase 6 249
13.04 Amphora set into the basin (from Phase 5a) in northwest corner of Room 11 of VIII.7.5–6 250
13.05 Possible base to a staircase in the southwest corner of Room 11 of VIII.7.5–6 250
13.06 Plan of Property VIII.7.7–8 during Phase 6 251
13.07 The course of Drain 10 and Drain 11, running west–east, in VIII.7.7–8 251
13.08 The overflow system of Drain 11 between the cesspit (SU 17020), its new head (SU 17006), and secondary
catchment basin (SU 17100) in Room 37 of VIII.7.7–8; viewed from the northeast 252
13.09 The merging of Drain 10 and Drain 11 in Room 32 of VIII.7.7–8 before exiting onto the via Stabiana252
13.10 Plan of Property VIII.7.9-­11 during Phase 6 253
13.11 Plan of Property VIII.7.12 during Phase 6 254
13.12 Doorstop 2 (at left and above Doorstop 1 from Phase 5a) in Room 58 of VIII.7.12; viewed from the west 254
13.13 The passage of Drain 24, passing to the south of Waste Feature 14 in Room 58 of VIII.7.12;
viewed from the west 255
13.14 Plan of Property VIII.7.13–15 during Phase 6 255
13.15 Plan of Property I.1.1–2/10 during Phase 6 256
13.16 Plan of Property I.1.3–5 during Phase 6 256
13.17 Threshold 32, between Rooms 110 and 114 of I.1.3–5, raised in Phase 6 (on fill SU 59041); viewed from the west
(Room 110) 257
13.18 The slight widening of the via Stabiana outside I.1.3–5; viewed from the west 257
13.19 Plan of Property I.1.6–9 during Phase 6 258
13.20 Bar Counter 4 in Room 132 of I.1.6–9; viewed from the southwest 258
14.01 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 7 261
14.02 Plan of Property I.1.1/10 and Property I.1.2 during Phase 7a 262
14.03 Plan of Property I.1.1/10 during Phase 7a 262
14.04 The toilet (Waste Feature 6) in the southeast corner of Room 103 of I.1.1/10 263
14.05 Plan of Property I.1.2 during Phase 7a 264
14.06 Plan of Property I.1.3–5 during Phase 7a 265
14.07 Out-­of-­plane failure in the rear (easternmost) wall of I.1.3–5 266
14.08 Plan of Property I.1.6–9 during Phase 7a 266
14.09 The portion (of a once larger section?) of lava pavement across Room 126 of I.1.6–9; viewed from the south 267
14.10 Plan of Property VIII.7.1–4 during Phase 7a 268
14.11 The blocking of Ritual Context 3 in the southeast corner of Room 1 of VIII.7.1–4 269
14.12 The course of Drain 3 in Room 5 of VIII.7.1–4; viewed from the west 269
14.13 The course of Drain 3 in Room 9 of VIII.7.1–4 during excavation; viewed from the west. Note also Threshold 4 270
14.14 The outlet of Drain 3, from VIII.7.1–4, onto the via Stabiana270
14.15 The opus signinum surface in Room 5 of VIII.7.1–4; note the missing features along the southern side of the
room (at right), the masonry bench along the northern side of the room (at left), and the blocked
doorway to Room 10 271
14.16 Plan of Property VIII.7.5–6 during Phase7a 272
 l i st o f i l lust r at ions · xv

14.17 Cooking Facility 1 in southeastern corner of Room 15 of VIII.7.5–6; viewed from the north 273
14.18 Construction of Cooking Facility 1 over the opus signinum surface and the layer of ash in Room 15 of VIII.7.5–6 273
14.19 The partial inscription (I16-­1) that formed part of Threshold 35 between Room 15 and Room 16 of VIII.7.5–6 273
14.20 Waste Feature 22 in the northwest corner of Room 20 in VIII.7.5–6; note also the head to Cistern 7 against the
western wall 274
14.21 Plan of Property VIII.7.7–8 during Phase 7a 275
14.22 Plan of Property VIII.7.9–11 during Phase 7a 276
14.23 Plan of Property VIII.7.12 during Phase 7a 277
14.24 Threshold 12 at VIII.7.12 277
14.25 Plan of Property VIII.7.13–15 during Phase 7a 278
14.26 The pumice within Cistern 3 of VIII.7.9–13 278
14.27 Impressions of both the wooden beams and the basket in the ash that filled the well in Room 102 of I.1.1/10 279
15.01 The ten properties of insulae VIII.7 and I.1 in 79 ce282
15.02 The location of trenches in I.1.1–2 (later I.1.1/10 and I.1.2) 283
15.03 The phases of development for I.1.1–2 (later I.1.1/10 and I.1.2) 284
15.04 The location of trenches in I.1.3–5 285
15.05 The phases of development for I.1.3–5 286
15.06 The location of trenches in I.1.6–9 288
15.07 The phases of development for I.1.6–9 289
15.08 The location of trenches in VIII.7.1–4 291
15.09 The phases of development for VIII.7.1–4 292
15.10 The location of trenches in VIII.7.5–8 (later VIII.7.5–6, VIII.7.7–8, and VIII.7.9–11) 293
15.11 The first four phases of development for VIII.7.5–8 (later VIII.7.5–6, VIII.7.7–8, and VIII.7.9–11) 294
15.12 The development of VIII.7.5–6 from Phase 5 296
15.13 The development of VIII.7.7–8 from Phase 5 297
15.14 The location of trenches in VIII.7.9–13 (later VIII.7.9–11, VIII.7.12, and VIII.7.13–15) 299
15.15 The first four phases of development for VIII.7.9–13 (later VIII.7.9–11, VIII.7.12, and VIII.7.13–15) 300
15.16 The development of VIII.7.9–11 from Phase 4b 301
15.17 The development of VIII.7.12 from Phase 4b 302
15.18 The location of trenches in VIII.7.14–15 (later VIII.7.13–15) 303
15.19 The development of VIII.7.14–15 (later VIII.7.13–15) 304
16.01 Plan of the Porta Stabia with phases marked. After Van der Graaff 2018, fig. 3.2 311
16.02 Overview of the Porta Stabia; viewed from the south 312
16.03 Before (left) and after (right) the restoration. Left image after BSR ppm-­0753; right after Cotugno et al. 2009,
fig. 008 313
16.04 First drawing of the Porta Stabia. After Fiorelli 1873, pl. 14 314
16.05 Plan of the Porta Stabia with the presumed guardhouse marked. After Overbeck-­Mau 1884, 50, fig. 15. 316
16.06 Overview of areas A, B, and C in Trench 14000 (Area B incorporates Trench 10000) 317
16.07 Mercato ash layer (SU 14227) in Trench 14000; viewed from the south 318
16.08 Surface (SU 14225) in Trench 14000; viewed from the west 318
16.09 The closing mechanism and construction surface of the earliest gate (SU 14121 and SU 14120); viewed from
the east 320
16.10 The first surface (SU 14233) and the later altar; viewed from the west 320
16.11 Closing mechanism (SU 14212) with the underlying block of the earlier mechanism (SU 14234; outlined in
purple); viewed from the west 321
16.12 Altar (Ritual Context 8) and the two niches (above, Ritual Context 1; below, Ritual Context 2) 321
16.13 The Oscan inscription at the Porta Stabia: above, the copy shown in the original location, in situ; below, the
original on temporary display in the Scuderie del Quirinale (Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli) 323
16.14 Northern section of Area A in Trench 14000 showing the foundation of the vault 324
16.15 The Phase 4 surface (SU 14109) associated with the vault; viewed from the west. Note also the semicircular
concrete base (at left) 325
16.16 The Phase 4 altar with its deposit of votive objects in situ; the vessel that held the votives and the votive cup 327
xvi · list of i l lu st r at i on s

16.17 The terracotta figurine (TC10-­1) associated with the Phase 4 altar 329
16.18 Phase 5 sidewalk in Trench 14000; viewed from the west 330
16.19 Inscription of L. Avianius Flaccus and Q. Spedius Firmus at the Porta Stabia 331
16.20 Holes for a closing mechanism cut into the vault of the Porta Stabia: above, the eastern hole;
below, the western hole 332
17.01 The tombs of the Porta Stabia at Pompeii. After Osanna 2018, fig. 1 334
17.02 The two schola tombs at the Porta Stabia (the tomb of Marcus Tullius below, that of Marcus Alleius Minius
above); viewed from the northwest 335
17.03 The tomb of Marcus Tullius at the Porta Stabia 336
17.04 Boundary stone of Marcus Tullius built into the northern end of the tomb 336
17.05 The tomb of Marcus Alleius Minius at the Porta Stabia 337
17.06 View south toward the tombs built over the paving stones of the via Stabiana; note also the opus reticulatum
wall that flanked the western sidewalk beyond the Porta Stabia 338
17.07 The southernmost of the two altar tombs built upon the via Stabiana; viewed from the south 339
17.08 Charcoal graffiti upon the southern door to the tomb at the Porta Stabia 339
17.09 The northernmost of the two altar tombs built upon the via Stabiana; viewed from the north 340
17.10 The Tomb of the Magistrate at the Porta Stabia. After Osanna 2018, fig. 2 340
17.11 The marble relief from the Tomb of the Magistrate at the Porta Stabia. After Stefani 1998, 34 341
18.01 The excavation of complex urban deposits by members of the PARP:PS team 345
18.02 A more “typical” taphonomic process (with construction, occupation, and abandonment contexts)
recovered by the University of Cincinnati excavations at Tharros, Sardinia 346
18.03 The spatial and chronological distribution of stratified coins at Insulae VIII.7 and I.1. After Ellis 2017,
figs. 10.3 and 10.8; the chronological distribution is normalized to thirty-­year ranges 348
18.04 The numbers of non-­ceramic finds associated with each Phase of development at Insulae VIII.7 and I.1;
note that Phase 5 constitutes c. 46 percent of the total finds 353
19.1.01 The distribution of bar counters across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 359
19.2.01 The distribution of cisterns across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 362
19.2.02 Cistern cross-­section, indicating terminology and features found in the present text.
After Klingborg 2017, fig. 1 363
19.2.03 The cistern head for Cistern 3 in Room 45 of VIII.7.9–11; viewed from the south 364
19.2.04 The puteal found in Room 20 of VIII.7.6 (Archival Find 403) 364
19.2.05 Water running down the via Stabiana towards the Porta Stabia following a rainstorm on July 5, 2011 366
19.2.06 A reconstruction of the roofed areas of each property 367
19.2.07 The evolution of the water capture systems in properties VIII.7.5–8, VIII.7.7–8, and VIII.7.9–11 368
19.2.08 Estimated number of times each cistern could have been filled by the rain that fell on its roof
catchment area (taking an estimate from June through August of the modern era) 369
19.2.09 The size of each cistern relative to its roof catchment area 371
19.2.10 Drain 9 and the masonry tank (SUs 17042, 22012) in Room 37 of VIII.7.7–8; note Drain 7 to the
right and Drains 10 and 11 in the bottom left 372
19.2.11 The row of amphorae next to Cistern 6 in Room 32 of VIII.7.7–8 373
19.2.12 Water filtration system at Emporiae. Photo courtesy of C. Motz 374
19.2.13 The interior of Cistern 10 in Rooms 123–124 of I.1.6–9 376
19.3.01 The distribution of cooking facilities across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 379
19.3.02 Examples of the three principal types of cooking facilities: top, hearth (Cooking Facility 4 in Room 44
of VIII.7.9–11); middle, stove (Cooking Facility 8 in Room 108 of I.1.2); and bottom, small oven
(Cooking Facility 9 in Room 110 of I.1.3–5) 380
19.4.01 Plaster cast of doorstop system at I.7.10. Inset: in situ doorstop (Doorstop 6) in Room 106 of I.1.2 384
19.4.02 The distribution of doorstops across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 385
19.4.03 The replacement of Doorstop 3 (below) with Doorstop 4 (above) in Room 118 of I.1.3–5 386
19.5.01 The distribution of drains across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 389
19.5.02 Drain 26, fed by a downpipe, in Room 78 of VIII.7.13–15; viewed from the south 390
 l i st o f i l lust r at ions · xvii

19.5.03 Drain 12 in Room 37 of VIII.7.7–8 390

19.5.04 Drain 3 in Room 5 of VIII.7.1–4 391
19.5.05 Drain 28 and Drain 29 in Room 68 of VIII.7.13–15; viewed from the north. Note the masonry feature of
Phase 7a 392
19.5.06 Drain 1 at the southwestern limit of the via Stabiana392
19.5.07 The chronological distribution of the drains at Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 394
19.6.01 The distribution of Fish-­Salting Vats across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 405
19.6.02 Fish-­Salting Vat 3 in Room 48 at entrance VIII.7.11 406
19.6.03 Fish-­Salting Vats 7 and 8 in Room 122 of I.1.6–9; viewed from the south 406
19.6.04 Fish-­Salting Vat 5 in Room 101 of I.1.1–2; viewed from the east 407
19.6.05 Fish-­Salting Vat 4 in Room 58 of VIII.7.9–12 408
19.6.06 Fish-­Salting Vat 1 in Room 32 of VIII.7.5–8 408
19.6.07 Fish-­Salting Vat 2 (with Cistern 4 at right and Soak-­Away 1 at top) in Room 38 of VIII.7.9–12; viewed from
the north 409
19.6.08 Fish-­Salting Vats 6 and 9 in Room 106 of I.1.1–2; viewed from the west. Note also Bar Counter 2 410
19.6.09 Fish-­Salting Vat 9 in Room 106 of I.1.1–2; viewed from the west 410
19.7.01 The various floor construction events by phase 413
19.7.02 The main floor types encountered across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1: top, packed earth (SU 24035 in Room 9 of
VIII.7.1–4); middle, mortar (SU 56027 in Room 132 of I.1.6–9); and bottom, opus signinum (SU 5003 in
Room 5 of VIII.7.1–4) 414
19.8.01 The distribution of quarry areas across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 419
19.8.02 Evidence of wedging and fracture of the lava in Quarry Area 14 in Rooms 126 and 127 of I.1.6–9; viewed
from the west. Note also the masonry platform for a lifting device 420
19.8.03 Number of events of quarrying for lava stone (black) and Mercato ash (gray) per phase 422
19.9.01 The distribution of ritual contexts across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 430
19.9.02 Examples of the principal types of ritual context across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1: a. the niche (above, also
below) and altar (below) at the Porta Stabia; b. the painted lararium in Room 23 of I.1.6–9 (see Fig. 4.09);
and c. the in situ votives in Ritual Context 11 from Room 15 of (later) VIII.7.5–6 (see Fig. 8.18) 431
19.9.03 The altar (Ritual Context 9) outside the southeast corner of Insula I.1 433
19.10.01 Reconstruction of a generic soak-­away system (drawing by Gina Tibbott) 435
19.10.02 The distribution of soak-­aways across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 436
19.10.03 The opening to Soak-­Away 9 in Room 122 of I.1.6–9 438
19.10.04 Soak-­Away 14 in Room 132 of I.1.6–9 (drawing by Gina Tibbott) 438
19.10.05 The chronological distribution of the soak-­aways at Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 440
19.11.01 The distribution of thresholds across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 446
19.11.02 A standard, retail threshold (Threshold 10 into VIII.7.10); plaster casting of the shuttered door at
IX.7.10, Pompeii 447
19.11.03 Threshold 5 at VIII.7.5; note the socket for a wooden lintel at right (northern end); viewed from the
northeast448
19.12.01 The distribution of votives among the excavated trenches at Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 (numbers indicate the
number of votives per location) 453
19.12.02 The types of contexts in which votive objects were found (gray = Secondary Context; black = Primary
Context)454
19.13.01 The distribution of waste features across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 461
19.14.01 The distribution of graffiti and dipinti across Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 (note that all examples, except #2, are
no longer extant and thus precise location is less than certain) 469
19.14.02 CIL IV.1014 at the (south end) entrance to I.1.1 (unenhanced photograph) 470
19.14.03 CIL IV.1014 at the (south end) entrance to I.1.1; DStretch image with CRGB (above) and LABI
colorspace (below) 471
19.14.04 Programma for Cuspius Pansa at the (south end) entrance to I.1.1/10 (CIL IV.1014 add.199);
DStretch image with LBK colorspace 472
 LI S T O F TA B L ES

4.01 The archive of finds from the first excavations of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 49
5.01 Survey details 61
19.2.01 Estimates of water entering each cistern during a rainstorm 370
19.7.01 Packed-­earth floors 416
19.7.02 Packed-­earth floors with mortar 416
19.7.03 Opus signinum floors 416
19.7.04 Other floors 416
19.12.01 Contexts in which votive objects of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 were found 456
 LI S T O F A B B R EV IAT I O N S

Primary source abbreviations follow the Oxford Classical Dictionary; journal abbreviations follow the American Journal of Archaeology.
AP Ante-Plinian
CAD Computer-Aided Design
cm centimeter
elev. elevation
GIS Geographic Information System
GPR Ground-Penetrating Radar
m meter
masl meters above sea-level
pres. preserved
SR Stratigraphic Relationship
SU Stratigraphic Unit
UUID Universally Unique Identifier
WCU Wall Construction Unit
WF Wall Face
WS Wall Segment
AAR American Academy in Rome
APSS Archaeological Prospection Services of Southampton
BSR British School at Rome
MANN Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli
MoLAS Museum of London Archaeology Service
PARP:PS Pompeii Archaeological Research Project: Porta Stabia
PQP Pompeii Quadriporticus Project
SAP Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei (now Parco Archeologico di Pompei)
AE L’Année Epigraphique
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CTP Vander Poel, H.B. 1977–81. Corpus Topographicum Pompeianum, Vols. 1–5 (Roma)
GdS Giornale degli Scavi di Pompei
GdS NS Fiorelli, G. 1868. Giornale degli Scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, Vol. 1 (Napoli)
GdS UP Giornale degli Scavi di Pompei (unpublished)
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae
Librette Librette pel rinvenimento degli oggetti antichi
Notamenti Notamenti di spedizione degli oggetti trovati negli scavi di Pompei
PAH Fiorelli, G. 1860–1864. Pompeianarum Antiquitatum Historia (Napoli)
PPM Baldassarre, I. 1990. Pompei. Pitture e mosaici (Roma)
PART I
 c h a pt e r 1

Introduction

This volume, the first of four in a series, presents the results multiple neighboring properties rather than individual
of the archaeological excavations undertaken by the Pompeii ­structures, as well as by focusing on a neighborhood with a
Archaeological Research Project: Porta Stabia (PARP:PS), a distinctly sub-­elite character, we aimed: to uncover the liveli-
project of the Department of Classics at the University of hoods of the Pompeian sub-­ elite by reconstructing their
Cincinnati. Excavations began in 2005 following a conversa- socio-­economic developments over generations, indeed cen-
tion between then Superintendent, Pier Giovanni Guzzo, and turies; to reveal the structural and social relationships over
the project’s director, Steven Ellis, about the necessity of ask- time between neighbors with variable economic portfolios;
ing new questions of the city of Pompeii, and on the potential to determine the role that sub-­elites played in shaping Roman
value of systematic investigations of under-­studied neighbor- urban networks; and to register their responses to city- and
hoods. Although Pompeii had experienced a flurry of subsur- Mediterranean-­ wide historical, political, and economic
face excavations during the 1990s, still we saw an opportunity developments.2 In addition to targeting these social questions,
for an international collaboration that could make a new con- we also looked to develop a new understanding of the
tribution to the study of the city and to Roman urbanism ­connections between urban infrastructure (especially waste
more broadly, one that went beyond individual elite buildings, management) and the construction of cities.
or even individual insulae, to examine the social and struc- One primary goal was thus to move beyond the more trad­
tural development of an entire, seemingly sub-­elite, Pompeian ition­al, hyper-­localized approaches that normally are limited
neighborhood.1 to documenting the structural development of one property
The neighborhood under investigation encompassed more or another. This is not to unfairly criticize archaeological pub-
than 4,500 m2, and by 79 ce comprised ten (structurally) inde- lications that take this aim as their focus; such outlines of
pendent properties across two insulae—­VIII.7 and I.1—on course provide the essential foundations for any given
either side of the southern length of the via Stabiana (Figs. 1.01 research program. It is rather to demonstrate that we should
and 1.02). Even from cursory observation, it was clear that expect more from certain sites, particularly those as “data-­
these properties had once functioned as shops, workshops, rich” as Pompeii. The city’s complexity as an archaeological
and modest residential and hospitality oriented spaces. While dataset can hardly be overestimated. More than a site that can
the non-­elite, and non-­monumental character of the remains boast over 1,000 exposed properties across an urban area of
has contributed to their general neglect in scholarship, it was about 627,000 m2, with artifact assemblages that number in
precisely these qualities that drew us to this particular corner the hundreds of thousands, Pompeii has attracted more
of the city where we could explore new questions about intensive academic research across more languages and over a
Pompeii’s socio-­economic life. Given that we sought the full- longer period than any other. We should expect more from a
est possible understanding of the area, our work necessarily Pompeian excavation because the site simply has more of
encompassed not only the properties themselves, but also every­thing. Thus, our approach was to target three broad,
the principal thoroughfare that divided the insulae (the via interrelated questions relating to ancient urbanism:
Stabiana), as well as the Porta Stabia and the necropolis
• How could the results of our excavations contribute to an
beyond it.
understanding of the social making of the city?
Beyond simply investigating the urban landscape as it stood
• How could the results of our excavations contribute to an
in 79 ce, we sought to unravel the full sequence of historic
understanding of the structural making of the city?
development in the area, from identifying the important
• How could the results of our excavations be more broadly
layer­ing of geological events, to charting the sequence of
contextualized, both within the macrohistory of the Roman
human activities predating the construction of the standing
Mediterranean as well as the microhistory of the creation
properties, to delineating the dynamic history of each building,
of this particular archaeological site?
each business and household, destroyed in 79 ce. By ­excavating
2 Kim Bowes took a relatively similar approach to the Roman rural poor,
1 In those earliest years the project was co-directed by Steven Ellis and but we regret that her landmark volume appeared too recently for its results
Gary Devore. to be properly integrated with our own work—­see Bowes 2020.

The Porta Stabia Neighborhood at Pompeii, Volume 1: Structure, Stratigraphy, and Space. Steven J. R. Ellis, Allison L. C. Emmerson, and Kevin D. Dicus, Oxford University Press.
© Steven J. R. Ellis, Allison L. C. Emmerson, and Kevin D. Dicus 2023. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192866943.003.0001
Fig. 1.01 Aerial view of the Porta Stabia neighborhood (Insulae VIII.7 and I.1).

Fig. 1.02 Map of Pompeii, indicating the location of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1.
 I n t ro d uc tion · 5

From the commencement of the project, we framed our necessary for the construction of a city—­from quarrying and
methodology around these questions, using them to unite the terracing the landscape, to managing and storing water and
many disparate tasks and teams of a large-­scale excavation other resources, to removing and recycling waste—­and to
and to guide each step of the work. understand how these events shaped the volumetric matrix of
the site. Consequently, we prioritized the taphonomic for-
mation of artifact assemblages that made up the series of
The social making of the Porta Stabia excavated fills, floors, and features, seeking to discern the
neighborhood processes of their deposition, the locations from which they
Our desire to make a new contribution to Roman urban stud- had ori­g in­ated, and why they took on their ultimate forms
ies lay behind the decision to examine a seemingly sub-­elite and locations in the soil deposits.
neighborhood of Pompeii. Insulae VIII.7 and I.1, located just Archaeological scholarship, and not just of the Roman
inside the Porta Stabia, are entirely populated by notably period or of the Mediterranean region, often seems to lack a
modest structures; here there are none of the atrium-­style consistent model for interpreting the complex taphonomic
houses that are a typical signature of upper-­scale living. This processes at multi-­phased urban sites, which can lead to mis-
situation is unusual for Pompeii, where most city blocks fea- interpretation of recovered artifacts. Among the problematic
ture at least one such house. The area thus presented an results are artifact and archaeobotanical studies that assume
opportunity to move beyond the prevalent focus on elites in that the presence of an artifact within a stratified arch­aeo­
order to test hypotheses about Pompeian, Roman, and logic­al context directly pertains to its use in that very space.4
ancient urban social stratigraphy. Our approach thus recalled In reality, the vast majority of excavated contexts within a
some of the tenets of the French Annales School, but with a Roman urban site resulted from the reuse of refuse as build-
concurrent recognition that focusing on the “masses” can ing material within a sophisticated construction industry. For
obscure the extensive diversity within that group, as well as example, the spatial distribution of the more than 1,000 coins
the social and economic hierarchies that structured it.3 By recovered in stratified contexts during our excavations reveals
studying an entire neighborhood, we aimed to illuminate the that 70 percent of them came from shopfronts. The first
sub-­elite with as much subtlety as possible, adopting ques- impression, therefore, is that we find them where they were
tions, methods, and ways of thinking that could recognize used and dropped. Closer analysis, however, shows that only
heterogeneity. a handful of the coins were recovered on a floor or in some
Our interests in the social making of the city were thus both other association with the use of that space. The overwhelm-
specific and broad, and our questions targeted overall patterns ing bulk came from leveling fills, which consisted of debris
as well as the specific textures of social stratigraphy within imported to the site during phases of construction and recon-
the neighborhood. For example: could we recognize socio-­ struction in order to raise the space in preparation for laying a
economic distinctions between one property and its neigh- new floor. The coins’ find-­spots, therefore, have no direct rela-
bor? Could our study of the neighborhood as a whole help us tionship with the use of the room; they appeared in shop-
to learn more about the role of sub-­elites in shaping urban fronts more often than in other spaces simply because these
space? Could we generate a more detailed understanding—­ rooms were remodeled most often, requiring the greatest vol-
even def­in­ition—­of urban living conditions? And could we ume of infill.5 In all stages of our work, we aimed to prioritize
effectively monitor the response of sub-­ elites to broader taphonomy, focusing not just on what we recovered, but on
socio-­economic changes? While some of these questions why it was found in one deposit or another.
could be approached more productively through the material
remains than others, each was essential for framing the Contextualizing the Porta Stabia
Project’s intentions, methodologies, and ultimate results.
neighborhood
Important as these social and structural questions were,
The structural making of the Porta the ultimate aim of the project was to situate our results, as
Stabia neighborhood
Beyond these social questions, we also sought to illuminate 4 In spite of the principles of archaeological and systemic context having
been canonized some forty years ago by Michael Schiffer (Schiffer 1972), there
the structural making of urban space. In this we had, essentially, are countless examples in archaeological scholarship that demonstrate a lack
two objectives: to examine the infrastructural components of awareness of those principles; some prominent examples include Binford
1981 (cf. Schiffer 1985) and Blackburn 1989; more recently, see Beliën 2009;
Feugère and Py 2011; Kemmers and Myrberg 2011; Reece 2011; Hobbs 2013;
3 For some useful introductions, see Storey 1999, 209–12; Knapp 1992; and Murphy, Thompson, and Fuller 2013.
Bintliff 1991. 5 Ellis 2017.
6 · the P orta S tab i a N e i gh b or h o od at P o m pe i i

completely as the data might allow, within a broader cultural excavation of the subsurface deposits.9 A recent count finds
and historical framework. Of course, such contextualization that some eighteen insulae have been studied with some
should be an expectation for any archaeological project, but approximate (albeit inconsistent) level of fullness.10 First and
the scale of data that emerges from a site like Pompeii can foremost among these, to judge by publication record and
challenge even the best of intentions. Certainly, the variety overall contribution to scholarship, were the excavations of
and enormity of available datasets, each of which can be tied Insula I.9 by the University of Reading and the British School
into a wider framework of published studies, can feel over- at Rome.11 Other significant and near-­contemporary efforts
whelming. The rewards of undertaking such an effort, how- were made by the University of Bradford at Insula VI.1,12
ever, are many. As just one example from our excavations, the and not least by Filippo Coarelli and Fabrizio Pesando in
wholesale changes that will define the fifth phase of site-­wide Region VI; the latter group had an arguably different focus,
development, dated to the Early Imperial period, were shaped with their individual excavations being many in number but
by contemporary events and economic currents that ran smaller in size, and scattered across various parts of the
across the (especially western) Mediterranean. Without an region.13 The Swedish Pompeii Project aimed their excava-
understanding of those broader developments, we would not tions at the development of Insula V.1,14 while a team from
have been able to connect the local dismantlement of fish-­ the University of Helsinki focused on Insula IX.3.15 More
salting vats at that time to wider economic history. If we had recently, a detailed study has been made of Insula IX.7.16
not prioritized cultural/historical context from the start of Similar impulses guided these projects: to create detailed
the excavations, we might have described the vats—­or any docu­men­ta­tion of each property in the area of interest and to
other uncovered feature, for example, bar counters, cisterns, reveal their developmental his­tor­ies. But valuable as the idea
doorstops, thresholds, waste features6—while overlooking of conducting excavations over entire insulae has been, the
how the physical remains related to the larger sweep of his- ultimate challenge has been to match the ambition necessary
tory, and how they might inform new understandings of for engaging with so much data with the ability to fully—­or
Pompeii and its world. even adequately—­publish the results.17

Approaching our questions: insula Using this volume

excavations The present study represents the first part of a series of vol-
Owing to the scale of our questions, answering them required umes and online material intended to provide the full publica-
equally extensive fieldwork. While much can, of course, be tion of the Porta Stabia neighborhood. The primary aim of
gained from a systematic study of a single Pompeian build- the present volume is to tell the story. That is, this book nar-
ing, examining groups of properties facilitates a clearer rates the overall structure and shape of the site and of its his-
understanding and more meaningful contextualization of tory, as well as introduces the organization of the project
each story. In short, our excavation of ten adjacent properties itself. It is thus something of a bedrock for the remaining pub-
within two insulae provided an opportunity to detail the lications, particularly with regard to outlining the structural
developmental histories of each building, as well as the activ- and chronological organization of the datasets. The three
ities of its inhabitants, across an entire urban neighborhood.7 subsequent volumes will focus on different material aspects
Excavations at this scale were certainly not new to
Pompeian archaeology when we began the project. Though 9 See Guzzo and Guidobaldi 2005; 2008; Dobbins and Foss 2007; Ellis
Pompeianists had long thought of the city in terms of its 2011b; 2011c.
10 For the list, see Zanella 2019, 187, n. 461.
insulae, the first effort to target a whole town block in a
11 Fulford and Wallace-Hadrill 1999; Hay 2016.
detailed, systematic way normally is attributed to Roger 12 One of the properties of the Insula VI.1 excavations has since been pub-
Ling’s architectural survey of the Insula of the Menander lished (Anderson and Robinson 2018).
(I.10) in the 1980s.8 Following Ling’s work, a flurry of activity 13 Coarelli and Pesando 2006b; 2011; Annibolettit et al. 2007; Giglio 2008;
Verzár-Bass and Oriolo 2009; Pesando 2010; Zaccaria Ruggiu and Maratini
in the 1990s targeted the diachronic history of entire
2017.
Pompeian insulae through both architectural survey and 14 Boman and Nilsson 2008; Karivieri and Forsell 2008; Leander Touati
2008; Staub Gierow 2008; for potential updated bibliography, see http://
www.pompejiprojektet.se/index.php.
6 For more on such features, see Chapter 19. 15 Castren 2008; for potential updated bibliography, see http://blogs.hel-
7 Valid doubts have been raised, since the 1960s and 1970s, about the danger sinki.fi/pompeii-project/.
of placing too much value on any series of targeted, “keyhole” excavations 16 Pesando and Giglio 2017.
across a sizable urban area. See, for example, the concerns raised by 17 Many have published individual, preliminary reports of the fieldwork,
Hurst 2013, 64–5; also Barker 1986, 77–85. others synthetic treatments, but few full publications. On dissatisfaction in
8 Ling 1978; 1997. See also Painter 2001; Allison 2004. the model of publishing urban excavations, see Hurst 2013, 64.
 I n t ro d uc tion · 7

of the project, but all depend on the foundational material and essays, with catalogs of the relevant data, on various
presented here. The three volumes to follow are: structural fixtures that feature regularly throughout the phase
narratives of Part II (cooking facilities, drains, thresholds,
• Vol. 2, The Artifactual Record
vats, etc.). A selection of the most important data to the vol-
• Vol. 3, The Environmental Record
ume is included in this fourth part, which includes a table of
• Vol. 4, The Ceramic Record
(abbreviated) data for each context, as well as the Harris
Additional online material can be found at: https://classics. Matrices for each trench as well as that for the phases across
uc.edu/pompeii. At the time of publication, this online the whole site.
ma­ter­ial includes the primary datasets such as the database; This volume—­and indeed the series of publications that
photographs, drawings, and spatial files (CAD, etc.); as well as will follow—­hinges on the phase narratives of Part II, which
searching aids to enable the retrieval of information. Some of provide the overall history of the Porta Stabia neighborhood.
the digital data necessarily mirrors that found in the present These chapters present our results as a synthetic narrative
volume, but in many cases (say the attendant information for rather than a detailed description of each and every deposit
an SU) we are able to include more and more detailed infor- and their sequences, in this way tracing the diachronic occu-
mation in the online version. And though much of this infor- pational history of the site.18 While our approach privileges
mation is presently available, still we intend for the repository synthesis and story, the data is essential to the narrative; con-
to include increasingly more datasets and information over sequently, relevant stratigraphic units, architectural features,
time, during the “post-­publication” phases, as additional find- and artifacts are listed throughout. They can be used with the
ings are made available or updated and improved. Harris Matrices provided in Part IV of this volume as well as
As is necessary for any series of publications centered with the digital datasets; we hope that these resources allow
around an archaeological excavation, we have sought to con- the reader to engage with the narrative in as much detail as
nect the information included in each volume and to tie it as necessary for their own interests.
well to the online content. To that end, cross-­referencing has It is also worth noting that in most but not every instance
been included where we believe necessary and appropriate, we have preferred to include relatively more color photo-
but the reader should expect that for a project of this scale not graphs of the archaeological contexts—­ with coverage of
all opportunities to cross-­reference have been taken or even their relationships in plan and in section—­ than two-­
identified. In several instances, particularly with regards to dimensional line drawings of the same. While (essentially
assemblages of finds within certain contexts, we give ­relatively stylized) line drawings can simplify otherwise complicated
general descriptions here, since more detailed information on archaeological relationships, color photographs, when
such assemblages—­collectively or as single objects—­can be accompanying the text, can offer a heightened clarity of the
found in the relevant volume or online dataset; these indirect same information.
cross-­references are navigable by the Stratigraphic Unit (SU) By structuring the text in this way, our chief aim has been
number. to present the story of the site rather than simply to describe
Turning our attention more directly to the book at hand, its components. There were several reasons for our approach.
this first volume of the full publication of the Pompeii First, we wished to produce a volume that was both digestible
Archaeological Research Project: Porta Stabia is divided into and realistically publishable. Given the scale of the project,
four parts. The first (Part I) provides some necessary back- attempting to engage with each context and its multiple rela-
ground to the project and the site, and thus includes a series tionships to others, even at the most basic descriptive level,
of chapters that outline our approach and methodology, the would have required a text that was both too long for a press
structure of our database, the history of excavations prior to to produce and too unwieldy and granular for a reader to
our arrival in 2005, the geophysical and architectural surveys, navigate. We also felt that traditional publication can ask too
and the topographic landscape of the site. Part II, outlined much of the reader: careful description of the data creates a
more fully below, can be described as the principal compo- valuable record but demands that the reader undertake the
nent of the volume. It comprises eight chapters that chronicle task of understanding and analysis. Approaches that prioritize
the history of the entire neighborhood, by phase, and con- description over interpretation are a product of archaeology’s
cludes with a chapter that highlights the architectonic phases general “archival anxiety,” the desire to create records that
of each individual property. The third part of the volume will remain accessible for the researcher of the near and
(Part III) provides some broader context by including chapters
on our work on the Porta Stabia gate itself and the adjacent 18 For a more conventional, trench-by-trench record, see our annual
reports published in the Journal of Fasti Online and Rivista di Studi Pompeiani
extramural necropolis. A conclusion further contextualizes
(Devore and Ellis 2005; 2008; Ellis and Devore 2006; 2007; 2008; 2009; 2010;
the results. There follows Part IV of the volume, which pro- Ellis et al. 2011; 2012; 2015). Where details and conclusions diverge, this full
vides a series of appendices that provide concise statements publication, of course, takes precedence over those interim reports.
8 · the P orta S tab i a N e i gh b or h o od at P o m pe i i

d­ istant future. While we share that desire and have structured Chronologically wedged between datable activity of the sixth
our records to encourage future work, the fact remains that and fourth centuries bce, Phase 1b likely relates to the general
no matter how well presented and recorded archaeological period of fifth century bce hiatus recognized by others at
data might be, few can understand it in as much detail and excavations across Pompeii.20 In Phase 1c we see the resump-
complexity as those involved in the original excavations. Of tion of activity, attributable to the later fourth and early third
course, we do not imagine that we have exhaustively covered centuries bce, with the arrival of some new buildings that
all possible interpretations of the site; readers will find used a combination of (likely reused) pappamonte and other
and—­we hope—­fill the gaps in data and knowledge we have stone types for their foundations. As in Phase 1a, their poor
left behind, ignored, or overlooked. Nevertheless, we feel that state of preservation precluded us from delineating the shape
it is our ethical duty as the archaeologists responsible for the of any single building. The buildings were located to either
excavations to present the first full interpretation of the site, side of a road surface of packed gray ash; the road appeared
rather than simply publishing its description, since we can to have been in use over a long period and to have received
engage with the material in a different capacity than will regular patchings and resurfacings.
future researchers.
Phase 2: Evidence for standing architecture also was sparse in
The narrative presented here is organized by what we call
Phase 2, although activity in the form of a ceramics workshop
subphases and phases. In simplest terms, the subphases repre-
was introduced at this time (Fig. 1.05). Belonging to the later
sent identifiable periods of development within the relative
third and second centuries bce, this period was marked by
chronology of a particular trench. Because many of these
small, simple, and scattered structures that likely utilized
developments connect—­ physically and analogically—­ to
some architecture still standing from Phase 1c. Although the
­others within and beyond the trench, even the property, we
road appears to have underlay the final paving of the via
collect groupings of subphases into phases (for more on this
Stabiana, making it inaccessible to excavation, we identified
process, see Chapter 2). The phases therefore represent
some mortar sidewalks that had been laid down to either side
broader, contextualized sequences of activity that can be
of it.
linked to historical periods of development at Pompeii and in
the Roman world more generally. Thus, while the subphase Phase 3: The insulae underwent their most dramatic struc-
records activity from one area of excavation—­usually one tural changes in Phase 3, with the construction of four large
room or parts of neighboring rooms—­the phase collects the buildings, three on the western side of the via Stabiana and
relevant subphases into an intelligible grouping so as to tell one to the east (Fig. 1.06; Properties VIII.7.1–4, VIII.7.5–8,
the story of the site as a whole, stretching the interpretation VIII.7.9–13, and I.1.1–2). This major event, which can be dated
and the narrative across rooms, properties, insulae, and to the second half of the second century bce, coincided with
beyond. Within our seven phases of development (some of the “Golden Age” of Pompeii’s development. It is here
which we further divide into earlier and later parts, e.g., Phase assigned to Phase 3a, while some minor alterations followed
5 encompasses Phases 5a and 5b), we have situated 220 sub- in Phase 3b. Also associated with Phase 3a was the cutting of a
phases, of which the site-­wide Harris Matrix offers a synoptic public well in the southwestern corner of Insula I.1, alongside
view (Fig. 1.03).19 the via Stabiana and just inside the Porta Stabia. Some ceram-
To expand on that Harris Matrix, the seven ancient phases ics production continued into this period, but otherwise there
of development in the neighborhood of the Porta Stabia can were few indications for the specific types of activities that
be summarized as: took place in the neighborhood in this period.
Phase 1: The earliest phase of development is divided into Phase 4: From the early first century bce, around the time of
three parts (Fig. 1.04). Phase 1a saw the introduction of the the foundation of the colony, a series of significant structural
first structures, which can be dated to the sixth century bce. and functional developments characterized Phase 4 (Fig. 1.07).
The remains were minimal, consisting of two short lengths We divided this phase into Phases 4a, 4b, and 4c; the latter two
of foundations in the soft volcanic stone known as pap- phases mostly involved minor alterations from the first. The
pamonte, and no coherent plan can be drawn from them. northern properties of each insula (VIII.7.14–15, I.1.3–5, and
They were located to either side of an early road made I.1.6–9) were added in Phase 4a, bringing to near completion
of hard-­packed ash derived from the Mercato eruption of the final shape of the area. The properties now appear to have
Vesuvius (see Chapter 7) and following generally the same centered their economic activities on production. Several fish-­
alignment as the later via Stabiana. There followed a period—­ salting vats operated in street-­front rooms on either side of
Phase 1b—­ of what can only be described as inactivity. the via Stabiana, while a tannery was installed in the rear of
one property.
19 Phase 8 represents modern interventions pre-dating our excavations.
The 220 subphases do not include another 32 that were encountered in the
natural, geological sequences, nor the 42 modern subphases. 20 Coarelli and Pesando 2011, 47–8; Esposito et al. 2011, 131–3.
Fig. 1.03 The site-­wide Harris Matrix for the excavations of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1; each unit represents the phase of a trench (the horizontal arrangement is according to the spatial relationships of and between
each property).
10 · the P orta S tab i a N e i gh b or h o od at P o m pe i i
Fig. 1.04 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 1.
 I n t ro d uc t ion · 11
Fig. 1.05 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 2.
 12 · the P orta S tab i a N e i gh b or h o od at P o m pe i i
Fig. 1.06 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 3a and 3b.
I n t ro d uc t ion · 13
Fig. 1.06 continued
 14 · the P orta S tab i a N e i gh b or h o od at P o m pe i i
Fig. 1.07 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 4a, 4b, and 4c.
I n t ro d uc t ion · 15
Fig. 1.07 continued
16 · the P orta S tab i a N e i gh b or h o od at P o m pe i i
Fig. 1.07 continued
 I n t ro d uc t ion · 17

Phase 5: A significant development in the use of (especially The third component of the volume, Part III, includes two
street-­front) space swept across all properties and both insulae chapters (Chapters 16 and 17; the first on the Porta Stabia gate
during Phase 5, which dates to the Early Imperial period (gener- itself, the second on the Porta Stabia necropolis just beyond)
ally being placed in the first thirty-­five years of the first century and a conclusion (Chapter 18) that attempt to draw the
ce; Fig. 1.08). At this time the production activities that had char- focused research on Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 into a broader con-
acterized the neighborhood in the previous phase came to an text. Part IV then comprises a series of appendices on com-
end, replaced for the most part by retail. This shift from work- mon features uncovered in our excavations (Chapter 19.1–14).
shops to shops, production to commerce, had a profound These were written not only to collect complementary infor-
impact on the socio-­economic life of the neighborhood, essen- mation into easily located and digestible essays, most of
tially recharacterizing the streetscape. With the introduction of which are accompanied by a catalog, but also to reduce redun-
spaces dedicated wholly to retail came a specialization in their dancy within the narratives. The appendices allow a reader
forms. New shopfronts were designed to showcase the shop interested in a specific type of fixture or feature—­for example,
counter; their masonry forms signal a commitment to, and con- cisterns, soak-­aways, vats, cesspits, shrines, etc.—to more
fidence in, the retail economy writ large. These massive changes readily find all relevant examples from our excavation. At the
affected not only the activities occurring in the neighborhood same time, the appendices simplify our narrative; rather than
but also the volume of ma­ter­ials brought in to make the new (re)introducing and describing a particular drain, for ex­ample,
spaces; one consequence is that we register more finds for this each time we mention it in the text, we instead identify it by
period than for any other. While most developments of this its appendix catalog number. We invite readers to consult
period are assigned to Phase 5a, a few related changes followed these appendices as their needs and interests dictate.
in Phase 5b, including the enclosure and privatization of the Moreover, the topics selected for them were, we believe,
public well that had been in place since Phase 3a. ­worthy of individual treatment; some compelling and sig-
nificant stories not directly related to the phased development
Phase 6: Given the scale of change that characterized the
of the neighborhood—­for example, the widespread use of
preceding period, Phase 6 is noted rather for minor, localized
small and hyper-­ localized quarry pits during phases of
renovations to various buildings (Fig. 1.09). Thus for this
reconstruction—­risked being lost in the larger narrative. By
period we can record some new surfaces and walls, but no
isolating each topic into its own appendix, we could explore it
major changes in terms of activity. The phase dates broadly to
in more detail and elucidate its wider significance more
the mid-­first century ce.
clearly. We hope the appendices prove useful as a foundation
Phase 7: The final phase of ancient activity is well known to for still larger studies, by students and scholars alike.
Pompeian scholarship, catalyzed as it was by the earthquake/s
of the early 60s ce (Fig. 1.10). Whether one earthquake or
more, the seismic impact was pervasive across both insulae;
Conclusion
essentially every property was affected, with almost all walls What follows is a volume that aims to document a large urban
showing signs of having been rebuilt. It is noteworthy that excavation at one level, while on another outlining the social
these efforts prioritized rebuilding the preexisting structures and structural making of a city. To be clear, the analyses com-
and spaces rather than exploring opportunities to design new municated in the present volume necessarily supersede those
and different buildings or to alter the types of activities hap- expressed in the earlier preliminary reports, and, to a lesser
pening inside. Also significant is the loss of most soil stra­tig­ degree, our more synthetic readings.21 Even so, the value of
raphy from this phase; excavations of the eighteenth to the periodic publications for developing our understanding of
twentieth centuries had removed most of the latest deposits the site should not be diminished. Apart from providing the
(see also Chapter 4). immediate results of each season, the creation of the reports
required us to develop clear ideas during the ongoing process
These seven phases form the focus of the present volume and
of field research, furnishing the seeds grown throughout the
structure the chapters to follow. The phased narrative con­
present publication. Our main hope now is that this volume,
text­ual­izes the neighborhood as a whole, but we recognize
together with those that will follow, provide the necessary
that a phase-­by-­phase presentation disjoints the story of any
data and ideas for others to develop their own conclusions or
individual property, severing its sequence from one phase to
to improve on our own (Fig. 1.11).
the next. Thus, at risk of redundancy, heavily abbreviated
summaries of the development of each property are included
in Chapter 15. These summaries should allow the reader, if 21 For example, Emmerson 2010 (on the Porta Stabia necropolis); Ellis
2011d (on the fish-salting industry); Ellis 2017 (on coin-finds); Ellis 2018 (on the
interested in the development of one property or another, to
retailing of food and drink); Holt and Palazzo 2013 (on rodents); Dicus 2014
follow that story more easily; more detailed treatments will (on refuse and finds assemblages); and Van der Graaff and Ellis 2017 (on the
remain, however, in the phase narrative chapters. Porta Stabia shrine).
 18 · the P orta S tab i a N e i gh b or h o od at P o m pe i i
Fig. 1.08 Plan of Insulae VIII.7 and I.1 during Phase 5a and 5b.
I n t ro d uc t ion · 19
Fig. 1.08 continued
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
on kuoltuaan jättänyt jälkeensä, paitsi täydellistä pesää, jopa 3 à 400
riksiä puhtaassa rahassa. Hyvinä vuosina jotkut parempiosaiset
korjaavat enemmän viljaa kuin mitä omassa taloudessa tarvitaan, ja
ylijäämät huolellinen säästää katovuosia varten. On niitäkin, jotka
töistä, 20:stä tahi 25:stä lehmästään — eräässä talossa Kittilässä
tapasin 30:täkin — myyvät 25, jopa 50 ja vieläpä useammankin
leiviskän voita vuodessa. Usealla on sitäpaitse melkoinen joukko
poroja, joista hän, muuta hyötyä mainitsematta, saa lihaa, sarvia ja
vuotia myytäväksi.

Metsänriistakin on talollisille melkoinen tulolähde. Mutta kun

paikkakunta on kaukana merestä, ei ole vielä, mitä itse metsään
tulee, ymmärretty sen runsaista aarteista ammentaa. Paitsi
talontarvepuita, on saatu joku vähäinen tulo potaskan polttamisella,
jota on ruvettu harjoittamaan Kuusamossa, sekä myymällä
sahapölkkyjä, joita viedään Kittilästä ja Sodankylästä erääseen
sahalaitokseen Rovaniemellä.

Inari on köyhä seutu. Se on ylänkömaata ja näyttää etelästä

saapuneelle karulta, viljelykselle mahdottomalta, semmoiselta, josta
viljelijän kaikki vaivat menevät hukkaan; sillä jäätyneitä järviä ja jokia
tavataan täällä vielä kesäkuussa, ja tunturien lumikinokset tekevät
ilman vielä Juhannuksen jälkeen tuuliseksi ja kylmäksi. Mutta kun
suvella tulee Utsjoelta Inariin, viriävät muissakin melkein samat
tunteet kuin norjalaisessa, joka uhmattuansa Jäämeren myrskyjä ja
aaltoja Ruijasta saapuu tänne. Moni Ruijalainen on minulle sanonut:
"Oi, mikä ihana maa tämä Inari, täällä tahtoisin elää talvet ja muuttaa
rannikolle keväällä; kuinka mainioita metsiä tapaakaan täällä, mitä
somia honkia, kuten aarniometsässä, josta puhutaan Salomo
kuninkaan ajoilta; ihme, ettei täällä viljellä ohraa". Norjalainen pitää
ohran viljelemisen mahdollisena kaikkialla missä honka menestyy.
Tosin tuntuukin ilma täällä toisenlaiselta kuin Norjan Ruijassa ja
Utsjoella, joissa pohjoistuuli suvellakin saa lumen ja pyryilman
liikkeelle, ja saattaapa heinä- ja elokuullakin sattua semmoisia.
Pihkaa tuoksuva honka suokin suvella mieluisan viileyden Inarissa,
josta kylmyys ja pahat ilmat silloin näkyvät olevan karkoitetut.
Aarniometsien kautta virtaa jokia hymyilevien laaksojen läpi, ja
ruohoiset rannat ja saaret ennustavat täällä hyvää tulevaisuutta
karjanhoidolle; mutta siitä ei voi paljon koitua, niinkauvan kuin
heinänteko on jätetty naisille, lapsille ja ukoille, mieskuntoisen väen
Jäämerestä pyytäessä turskia tai sen lahdissa onkien monenmoisia
kaloja, tai vaanien peuroja tuntureilla, ajattelemattakaan maan
muokkaamista, johon varatkaan eivät kai riitä. Inarissa ei tosin honka
pääse samaan paksuuteen ja pituuteen kuin Kemin ja Tornion
vesiväylien varsilla, mutta aarniometsiä täällä tavataan useammin
kuin etelämmässä. Syynä siihen on selvästi se, että vaikka
ruotsalaisille ja suomalaisille, jotka halusivat asettua uutisasukkaina
Lappiin, vakuutettiin melkoisia etuja, ei heitä mainittavassa
määrässä ole saapunut. Lappalainen pitää metsästä huolta, sillä jos
metsä palaa, niin tuhoutuu jäkäläkin, johon hänen toimeentulonsa
perustuu. Uutisasukas sitä vastoin sytyttää metsän asuntonsa
ympärillä, saadaksensa parempaa laidunta karjallensa. Kun suvet
ovat kuivat, leviävät metsäpalot suurille aloille, koska niitä alussa ei
tahdottu, ja sittemmin ei voitu sammuttaa. Hitaasti on uutisasutus
edistynyt Inarissa. Mutta on se sielläkin alulla.

Olen toisessa paikassa kertonut, miten tohtori Deutsch,

seuralaistensa kanssa, ja minä saavuimme uutisasukkaan Tuomas
Kyrön taloon Ivalojoen varrella. Varakkaalta ja hauskalta se tuntui.
Isäntä toi meille rieskamaitoa hopeapikarissa, jonka hänelle oli
lahjoittanut Keis. Suomen talousseura. Kääntyen minun puoleeni,
kun olin hänelle tuttu, kysyi hän nöyrästi ja häveliäästi, kuinka suuria
herroja seurassani kulki, ja pitikö hänen panna rintapieleensä
mitalinsa, jota kuitenkin pidin tarpeettomana, kun muka nyt oli niin
myöhäinen. Mutta toisena aamuna ukko esiintyi juhlapuvussa, mitali
rinnassa. Tätä uutteraa suomalaista ei ollut peljättänyt perimmäisen
pohjolan syvät kinokset ja jylhät tunturit, joiden takana hän oli
pohjattomista nevoista hankkinut itselleen toimeentulon. Kunnaalle
joenlaakson yläpuolelle hän oli rakentanut asuntonsa, tummiin pilviin
kohoavien honkametsien suojaan, sieltä silmäilläkseen niitä syviä
nevoja, jotka hän, kuivaamalla ja keväällä tulvavedellä kastamalla,
oli muuttanut heinämaiksi. Peltoa hänellä tosin ei vielä ollut kuin noin
2 — 3 tynnyrinalaa, mutta hän korjasi suvella kokonaista 300
kuormaa heiniä, joilla hän ruokki melkoisen karjan ja sen avulla
pakotti ohran tuleentumaan ja hyvää satoa antamaan tässä
pohjoisessa ilmanalassa.

Mitä vankka, uupumaton, ahkera suomalainen saa aikaan

erämaassa, siitä on Tuomas Kyrö kuvaavana esimerkkinä. Hän
syntyi 1776 Sodankylän Kittilän kylässä, jossa hänen isällään oli talo.
1804 hän nai vielä elossa olevan vaimonsa Anna Pietarintyttären
Peltovuoman. Paitsi kuuttakymmentä riksiä sai hän perinnöksi
vanhan tamman, viisi lehmää ja lampaan, jota vastoin talo, joka oli
kruununtila, siirtyi vanhemmalle veljelle. Näiden perityiden elukkain
ruokkiminen niillä heinillä, joita hän saattoi koota Kittilän vielä
jakamattomista soista, kävi vaikeaksi. Mutta hän oli kuullut
puhuttavan Ivalojoen hedelmällisistä rannoista, ja hän lähti sinne
metsästysmatkalle, löytääksensä siellä, mikäli mahdollista, sopivan
paikan uutistalolle. Seutu miellytti häntä, mutta parhaat paikat olivat
jo 1760-luvulla tarkastetut Kyrön kruununtilalle, ainoalle, joka siihen
aikaan oli Ivalon vesijakson varrella. Tila oli kuitenkin ensimäisen
perustajan kuoleman jälkeen ollut autiona, ja hänen neljää
poikaansa olivat sukulaiset Kittilässä hoitaneet ja kasvattaneet.
Mutta kun he olivat varttuneet ja naineet, päättivät he jatkaa
vanhempiensa alkamaa viljelystä, ja jakoivat siinä tarkoituksessa jo
nurmettuneet avarat tilukset neljään osaan. Yksi pojista luopui
kuitenkin toivosta saada osansa viljellyksi ja lähti kalastajaksi
Varanginvuonoon. Tämän osan osti Tuomas, ja 60:sta riksistään hän
maksoi suostutun kauppasumman, 55 riksiä. Palattuansa kotia hän
lähti vaimonsa ja jonkun viikon vanhan poikansa, hevosensa, 5
lehmänsä ja lampaansa kanssa, sekä kalustona hyvä pyssy, jotkut
kirveet, viikatteet ja verkot, 30:n penikulman taipaleelle erämaan
halki rakentaaksensa itselleen talon jylhään metsään. Pyssyllään ja
verkoillaan hän matkalla hankki elatusta perheelleen, ja syyskuun 20
p:nä 1805 hän majautui kunnaalle Ivalojoen rannalla synkkään
metsään ja noin penikulman päähän siitä paikasta, jossa Kyrön
uutisasutus sijaitsi. Vaikka vuodenaika olikin myöhäinen, onnistui
hänen kuitenkin koota sen verran kuihtunutta ruohoa, että siitä riitti
elatusta hänen elukoillensa, jonka ohessa hän myös ryhtyi
asumuksen rakentamiseen. Kalastusta ja metsästystä täytyi myöskin
harjoittaa elatuksen hankkimiseksi; mutta tästä kaikesta huolimatta
oli asunto ja elukkain suojat valmistuneet 8 viikon ajalla. Saattaa
käsittää millä mielihyvällä perhe muutti uuteen, tulisijalla varustettuun
asuntoonsa, vietettyänsä koko rakennusajan nuotiotulen ääressä.
Nyt hän oli noin 21 vuotta asunut tässä paikassa, kaksi penikulmaa
ylempänä Ivalojoen laskupaikasta Inariin, ja omisti 20 lypsävää
lehmää, 3 hevosta ja 100 lammasta, lisäksi vielä joukon poroja.
Vuonna 1819 hänellä oli ollut 130 lammasta, joista susi oli puolet
tappanut.

Suvella 1820 tarkastuksessa ja arvioimisessa, jota hänen

pyynnöstään tilalla pidin lappalaisnimismiehen Juhana Morottajan ja
kihlakunnan lautamiehen Martti Matinpoika Wallen avustamana,
arvosteltiin: asuinrakennus, joka oli 24 kyynärää pitkä, 9 kyynärää
leveä ja 5 kyynärää korkea perustuksesta katonrajaan saakka ja
sisälsi kaksi tupaa ja kamarin tulisijoineen, sekä muut rakennukset,
nim. 2 navettaa, kaksi lammashuonetta ja niihin kuuluvat heinäladot,
navettakyökki, sauna, talli, viisi kalu- ja vilja-aittaa, riihi ja jalkamylly,
yhteensä 430 hopearuplaksi; kulut 2 tynnyrinalan suuruisen pellon
muokkaamisessa 80 ruplaksi; 130 heinäkuorman alan perkaaminen
ja ojittaminen niityksi 950 ruplaksi; vanhojen metsistyneiden niittyjen
parantaminen, josta ennen oli saatu 30, mutta nyt 60 kuormaa, 600
ruplaksi; 14,000 kyynärää aitaa 140 ruplaksi; siis kaikkiaan 2,200
hopearuplaksi. Ensimäisinä vuosina ei hänen talossaan ollut muita
kuin hän itse, hänen vaimonsa ja silloin pieni poikansa. Nyt on siinä
kuusi täysi-ikäistä henkilöä; paitsi äskenmainittuja renki ja 2 piikaa.
Tämä työvoima oli tietysti suvisin riittämätön laajojen niittyjen
korjaamiseen, mutta silloin oli hänellä tässä apuna runsas liha-, voi-
ja jauho y.m. varastonsa. Melkein jokainen metsästäjä, joka
elokuussa täältä lähti likeisille tuntureille peuranajoon, etsi täältä
eväitä. Niitä he saivatkin, mutta ainoastaan sillä ehdolla, että he
ainakin viikon ajan olivat heinänkorjuuta avustamassa, jonka
tehtyään saivat kolmen viikon eväät lainaksi. Mutta oli siitä toinenkin
etu. Metsästäjä ei siten ainoastaan tottunut heinäntekoon, vaan työ
viritti hänessä halua karjanhoitoon, ja hän huomasi, että kun
metsästys ja kalastus usein epäonnistuivat, uutisasukkaan aitasta
sensijaan ei koskaan puuttunut voi, liha, taljat ja villat, kaikki sellaista
tavaraa, joka paikkakunnalla ja semminkin Norjassa meni hyvin
kaupaksi. Metsästäjän vaivaloinen ja alituinen taistelu metsänpetoja
vastaan sateessa, kuivuudessa, myrskyssä ja pyryilmassa, ei voinut
suojata häntä köyhyydestä, ja vanhana menetetystä terveydestä,
jota vastoin uutisasukas silloin nautti rauhaa mökissään lapsiensa
hoitamana; ja kun metsästäjä hävitti tai karkoitti kaukaisiin erämaihin
metsän elukat, joten hänen toimeentulonsa kävi yhä vaikeammaksi,
parantuivat sitä vastoin uutisasukkaan olot vuosi vuodelta. Usein
olivat lappalaiset, jotka metsästyksellä ja kalastuksella elivät kädestä
suuhun, ihmetelleet hänen kestävyyttään työssä, josta hän vasta
tulevaisuudessa sai korvausta; mutta kyllä he jo rupesivat
huomaamaan, että hän yhä edistyi varmemmin ja paremmin kuin he,
ja moni heistä osti jo häneltä vasikan tai lehmän — ikävä vain että
hinnat olivat jotensakin korkeat, ja ettei täällä semmoisia muualla
ollut saatavissa.

Tuomas oli onnistunut asuinpaikan valitsemisessa. Hän oli heti

kiinnittänyt huomionsa niihin syviin soihin ja nevoihin, jotka
ympäröivät sitä korkeata metsää kasvavaa multavaa kunnasta,
johon hän oli asuntonsa rakentanut. Hän puhkasi ne töyryt, joiden
välissä joki kulki, ja johti siten veden pois soista, jotka sitten
rupesivat heinää kasvamaan. Nämä ojat, jotka olivat vain muutaman
sylen pituisia, olivat siten kaivetut, että kevään tulvavesi niiden
kautta virtasi soille ja toi niihin mutaa, josta kasvullisuus edistyi.
Vähässä ajassa olivat siten nuo rämeiset, epäterveelliset ja
vesiperäiset laaksot ja nevat, jotka hänen tänne asettuessaan
ympäröivät hänen taloansa, muuttuneet lujiksi heinää kasvaviksi
kentiksi, joista hän sai melkoista lisää niihin heiniin, joita hän korjasi
perkaamistaan maaniityistä. Kaiken sen lannan, jota Tuomas ei
voinut käyttää pieniin peltoihinsa, hän levitti sellaisille niityille, joihin
ei noussut tulvavesi, ja sai siten varsin runsaasti kasvavia
maaniittyjä. Pyhiin kirjoihin ukko oli hyvin perehtynyt. Kirkossa hän
aina kävi, kun tiesi papin tulevan, mutta harvoin niissä kokouksissa,
joihin lappalaiset väliajoilla saapuivat. Joka pyhä hän luki kappaleen
raamatusta tai saarnakirjasta, ja oli varsin hyvillään, jos joku
vieraskin saapui niihin hartaushetkiin, joita hän piti talonväkensä
kanssa.
 Paitsi Tuomas Kyröä on tässä mainittava Puljun uutistalon isäntä
Kittilässä. Kun vuonna 1828 terveyteni parantamisen tähden olin
oleskellut Oulussa, saavuin paluumatkalla Puljun uutistaloon,
pohjoisin talo Kittilässä ja lähimmistä naapureista kolmen
penikulman päässä. Talo oli kauvan ollut sangen kurja uutisasunto,
mutta nykyinen isäntä, joka noin 15 vuotta sitten osti sen
parillakymmenellä riksillä, on uutteruudella, mutta valitettavasti
myöskin turmiollisella viinanmyynnillä lappalaisille, päässyt
varallisuuteen. Hänellä oli jo noin 20 lehmää, 50 à 60 lammasta ja
samanverran poroja. Hän kylvi vuosittain, vaikka asuikin tunturin
juurella, 3 à 4 tynnyriä ohraa, ja viime kymmenenä vuotena on
ainoastaan yhden kerran halla tehnyt vahinkoa. Karjastaan hän
vuodessa möi 40 à 50 leiviskää voita, osaksi tunturilappalaisille,
osaksi Norjaan, josta hän osti venäläisiä ruisjauhoja. Hänen
pöydällään näin sentähden yhtä hyvää leipää kuin ikinä talonpojilla
Suomessa. Asunto sitävastoin ei ollut kiitettävä. Paitsi varsin
siivotonta savupirttiä — jossa isäntä, hänen perheensä ja muu
talonväki asui ja sai sopia tilasta muutamien nälkäisten ja keskenään
riitaisten koirien, useiden lampaiden ja jonkun vasikan kanssa — oli
hänellä toisessa rakennuksessa vierashuone, jossa oli tavallinen
harmaasta kivestä tehty uunikin. Mutta tällä kertaa se oli täynnä
poronsarvia, eikä se siis ollut varsinaiseen tarkoitukseensa
käytettävissä. Navetta oli paras, ja tietysti runsaimmin tuottavakin
rakennus talossa. Hänen ainoa hevosensa käveli ulkona pihalla ja
sai silloin tällöin heinätukon. Kun se joskus koetti tunkea navettaan
päästäksensä suojaan raivoavalta ilmalta, karkoittivat naiset sen heti
sieltä. Sen karva olikin ainakin kolme kertaa pitempi kuin hyvin
hoidetun hevosen. Muutoin onkin huomattava, että mitä edemmäksi
pohjoiseen tullaan, sitä surkeammasti hoidettuna tapaa tämän
luonnostaan jalon eläimen, sillä talvellakaan ei sille anneta muuta
suojaa ilmaa ja tuulta vastaan kuin avoin vaja navetan ja heinäladon
välissä, ja niin niukasti ruokaa, ettei olekaan varsin harvinaista, että
sitä täytyy nostaa jaloilleen, kun se, heti kun maa on paljastunut,
ajetaan vielä harmaalle laitumelle. — Mutta on löytynyt ja löytyy
monta muutakin tarmokasta uutisviljelijää Lapissa, ja on siellä tilaa
vieläkin runsaassa määrässä, ei vain etelässä vaan myöskin
pohjoisessa.

Se joka esimerkiksi pohjoisimman Lapin yleensä karuilta mailta

saapuu Luton, Nuottijoen, Ivalon tahi Kaamasjoen, monin paikoin
ruohoisille rannoille ja reheviin metsiin, tuleekin ajatelleeksi, eikö olisi
suotava, että ainakin joku osa vangeistamme siirrettäisiin näihin
seutuihin, käyttääkseen hyväkseen täällä olevia elatuslähteitä.
Ainakin voitaisiin niitä panna täällä vapaalle jalalle samalla
menestyksellä kun Norjan kartoitettuja Ruijassa — kunpa vain heitä
seuraisi pappi ja valistunut sekä oikeutta rakastava virkamies — sillä
ehdolla ja velvollisuudella että täällä viljelevät itselleen uutistaloja.
Mitä mainioita karjanlaitumia täällä vähän ajan perästä olisikaan, jos
jokainen semmoinen työmies saisi omakseen sen maan, jota hän
viljelee. Tuollainen siirtolaiskunta kuitenkaan ei voisi menestyä ilman
mukavaa myynti- ja lastauspaikkaa. Sitä varten olisi tarpeen
muutama penikulma Jäämeren nyt autiota merenrannikkoa Patsjoen
ja Karabellan välissä. Sillä varmaa on, että meidän tunturintakaiset
lappalaiset ja uutisasukkaat eivät voi hyvin menestyä,
suurimmillakaan uhrauksilla valtion puolelta, ellei Suomelle suoda
maapalstaa jäämeren rannikolla.
III.

Lapin ilmanala.

Utsjoella jo tammikuun keskivaiheilla tekee etelän kaunis rusko

puolipäivän ajan valoisammaksi, saa ilman selkeämmäksi ja
läpikuultavammaksi, karkoittaa tähtitaivaan siintävän hämärän ja
herättää pitempien päivien toivon. Tammikuun loppupuolella alkaa
näkyä päivän sappeja etelästä taivaanrannalla, ja nekin ennustavat
auringon palaamista. Ne ovat siis yhtä mieluisia kuin tervetulleitakin
ilmiöitä, vaikka niitä usein seuraa pakkanen, lumituiskut ja pahat
säät. Tammikuun viimeisinä päivinä tai helmikuun alussa, riippuen
ilmasta, näkyy vihdoin todellinen aurinko täydessä loistossaan.
Silloin usein pakastaa ankarasti, mutta yleensä pilvisen talven sijasta
tulee nyt selkeämpi ilma ja tähtien valaisemia öitä. Pyryilmat käyvät
harvinaisemmiksi, lunta ei sada yhtä usein kuin ennen ja puolipäivän
aurinko lämmittää. Mutta vaikka aurinko päivä päivältä nousee
korkeammalle, on vielä päiväntasauksen aikana keväällä täysi talvi
ja mainio keli. Ensimäinen kevätlintu, lumivarpunen, saapuu jo
maaliskuun viimeisinä päivinä, jolloin ei ole vielä kevään
merkkejäkään. Sanotaan myös, että tämä lintu joskus täällä
talvehtiikin. Huhtikuun alussa ei hämäryys puoliyönkään aikana
muutu pimeydeksi, mutta 20 asteen pakkanen ei ole silloin vielä
harvinaista. Tässä kuussa saapuu vihdoin kaivattu kevät, sillä vaikka
yöt ovat kylmiä, puhdistaa aurinko oksat ja risut lumesta ja kuurasta.
Puolukan, sianpuolan ja variksenmarjan varret nostavat näkyviin
edellisen vuoden marjansa, jotka ovat tuleentuneet kinosten alla,
lumivarpunen ja västäräkki visertelevät, jään aukot koskissa
suurenevat ja maidonvalkoinen joutsen muistuttaa tulollansa etelän
ihanuutta. Tuhatlukuisina laumoina porot silloin, toinen toisensa
jäljissä, seuraavat omistajiansa merenrannikolle. Kun he lähenevät
pappilaa, antavat paimenet käskyn koirillensa ajaa porot läheiseen
rantaan, sillä lappalaiset tahtovat silloin aina, jos ovat omia
pitäjäläisiä, käydä puhuttelemassa ja jäähyväisiä sanomassa
papilleen. Ero tapahtuu harvoin ilman liikutuksen ja surun ilmaisuja
sen johdosta, että kaitselmus on asettanut niin, ettei Utsjoen pappi,
samoin kuin Norjan papit, suvella muuta merenrannalle.
Yksinäisyydessäni ajattelin usein, että jos suuri keisarimme saisi
tietoonsa asian oikean laadun, hän kyllä lahjoittaisi tälle
kovaonniselle kansalle aution Karabellan niemimaan suvi- ja
kalastuspaikaksi, jossa se oman pappinsa palvelemana saisi
omassa kirkossaan ylistää Jumalaa ja kiittää häntä meren antamasta
jokapäiväisestä leivästä.

Ei missään niin ikävöidä auringon tuloa, eikä se missään ole niin

tervetullut kuin Lapissa. Se ilmaisee tulollaan, että kuukausia
kestänyt yö nyt on lopussa. Se tyynnyttää myrskyt ja tuottaa
lievennyksen sairaille. Se sulattaa jäät, jotka ovat kasaantuneet
maan äidilliselle povelle, se poistaa sen valkoiset peitteet, ja
Vellamon neidet taas riemulla tanssivat purojen vaahdossa pitkin
vuorten rinteitä, joissa hento ruoho nousee niiden jäljissä. Monien
kuukausien kuluessa saa se paahtavilla säteillään kasvullisuuden
silmäänpistävällä nopeudella kehittämään kauneuttansa, ja valon
voimalla se tänne etelästä houkuttelee ilman siivelliset laulajajoukot
riemulla tervehtimään äsken herännyttä luontoa. Eikö siis
ihminenkin, joka on taivaltanut läpi napamaiden pitkän talven, täällä
enemmän kuin muualla, polvistuisi luomakunnan suuruuden edessä
syvän kiitollisuuden valtaamana Kaikkivaltiasta kohtaan, nauttisi
kevään ja suven suloudesta; ja tottakai se tunne minussakin
yksinäisessä pappilassani nousi voimakkaaksi, kun vuoden
yhdeksänä kuukautena luonto on jään ja lumen kahleissa, ja lähes
kolmena kuukautena ei näe auringon pienintäkään sädettä.

Talvesta kevääseen ja kesään siirtyminen, joskin se on pikainen,

ei kuitenkaan käy ilman häiriöitä. Pohjoistuuli usein ajaa ensimäiset
elävät olennot, joita kevätaurinko on esille houkutellut, takaisin
lymypaikkoihinsa, ja polttaa varhaisimmat kesäkasvit. Mutta rajusään
jälkeen Luoja suo auringon paistaa kahdenkertaisella voimalla.
Hallan jälkeen tulee etelätuulia, ja ne sekä auringon lämpö saavat
maan uudestaan kyyneleihin, niin että purot jälleen tulvivat ja seutu
taas pukeutuu täyteen kesäasuun. Lehdet kehittyvät, ja linnunlaulu
kajahtaa taas vuoristossa. Valtameren kalat pyrkivät jokiin, ja kaiken
sen, minkä usva ja pyry ovat hävittäneet, kaiken minkä pakkanen on
saanut jähmettymään ja kylmenemään, virkistää kirkkaasti loistava
aurinko, joka somistaa maan vereksillä kukkasilla, pensailla ja
lehvillä ja lehdot ilon väreillä. Kuinka suloista onkaan moisen
rajusään jälkeen nähdä koko seutu varsinaisena eläintarhana, jossa
linnut ja muut eläimet viihtyvät paratiisin viattomuudessa eivätkä
suurestikaan pelkää ihmisen läheisyyttä, vaan iloitsevat ja nauttivat,
vanhojen opettaessa poikasilleen luonteensa mukaisia tapojaan, kun
sorsat ruohostossa ja kiurut kivellä katselevat kuvaansa vedessä,
kun aallot lepäävät ja kala kutee laululintujen kuorossa riemuitessa
jokien ja lampien viheriöillä rannoilla.
 Mutta ilmanala on Lapin eri seuduissa sangen erilainen. Se ei riipu
yksistään kunkin paikan leveysasteesta ja korkeudesta
vedenpinnasta vaan muistakin paikallisista suhteista, esim. meren
etäisyydestä, nevojen ja soiden, tunturien tai metsien läheisyydestä.
Lapin ilmanala on kuitenkin melkoisesti lauhkeampi kuin saman
leveysasteen alla olevat Aasian ja Amerikan seudut. Utsjoella on
vuoden keskilämpö +2,09°, Enontekiäisissä +2,86°; Kuolajärvellä
lähteissä suoritetuista tutkimuksista huomasin maan lämmön +3,5
asteeksi. Ohra tuleentuu vielä 69:nellä leveysasteella, mutta
Siperiassa on 60:nellä ja Kanadassa 51:sellä asteella maanviljelys
mahdoton.

Kovimpia pakkasia tuottavat täällä koillistuulet, ja tammikuussa,

harvemmin helmikuussa, yltyy pakkanen ylimmilleen. Joskus sattuu
ankara pakkanen jo joulukuussa, mutta harvoin se on kestävä.
Sodankylässä talvi on ankarampi kuin Utsjoella, johon selvänä syynä
on Utsjoella meren läheisyys, ja sittenkin lämpömittari joskus siellä
alenee — 45:een, jota vastoin Vesisaaressa, joka sijaitsee
Varanginvuonon rannalla, se harvoin laskee —25:ttä alemmaksi.

Ankara ja pitkällinen talvipakkanen saa jään hyvin vahvaksi,

tavallisesti 6 korttelin paksuiseksi. Ikuisen lumen peittämiä
vuorenhuippuja ei ole, vaikka ei paljoakaan puutu, sillä lumiraja
täällä on noin 3,000 jalan korkeudessa merenpinnasta. Sitä vastoin
näkee kyllä suuria lumikinoksia koko kesän tunturien rotkoissa.

Talven pituus on painostava, ja sen pimeys on sitä vieläkin

enemmän, josta taas on seurauksena asukasten välinpitämättömyys
ja epäsiisteys. Sen valta tietysti kestää yhä kauvemmin, kuta
pohjoisempaan tullaan. Utsjoen pappilassa, jonka eteläpuolella ei ole
harjuja, aurinko pysyy näkymättömänä 66 vuorokautta.
Enontekiäisten vanhassa pappilassa sitä vastoin ainoastaan 40
päivää. Kuusamossa jo se näkyy läpi vuoden. Mutta jos talvella
valoa puuttuu, saa sitä kyllä runsaasti suvisin. Kun siihen lisää upeat
revontulet, joita alkaa näkyä jo syyskuussa ja joskus loimuavat pitkin
yötä, Lapin säteilevän tähtitaivaan ja sen kirkkaan kuutamon, joka
joskus on niin voimakas, että sen valossa saattaa lukea ja ampua
metsänriistaa, niin tuntuu melkein siltä, kuin taivaankappaleet täällä
loisivat enemmän valoa kuin etelämpänä.

Se sanomaton sulous, jonka synnyttää Lapin kaunis, valoisa ja

kirkas suvi, ei kuitenkaan korvaa talven pimeyttä ja kylmyyttä, sillä
suvi on lyhyt mutta talvi pitkä. Täällä syntyneet ja eläneet ovat siitä
onnelliset, että kun heiltä talvella puuttuu työtä tai pimeys estää heitä
sitä tekemästä, he voivat mielin määrin nukkua. Olen tavannut
kalastajalappalaisen, joka monipäiväisten vaivojen jälkeen nukkui
yhtämittaa 36 tuntia, lukuunottamatta sitä tuntia, jolloin hänet
herätettiin syömään. Eivätkä siirtolaisetkaan talvisin jää
uneliaisuudessa lappalaisista jälkeen.

Pimeä aika rasittaa lappalaisiakin, eivätkä he mielellään silloin

lähde pitemmille matkoille, ellei ole kuutamoa. Sentähden
lappalaisenkin katse ilmaisee iloa, kun tammikuussa, jolloin pimein
aika on ohi, hänelle huomauttaa, että pian on aurinko näkyvissä,
ennustaen suvea. Pakkanen sitä vastoin ei rasita lappalaista, päin
vastoin hän siitä on hyvillään, sillä kylmän talven jälkeen hän toivoo
lämmintä suvea.

Maanselän pohjoispuolella suvi ei ole likimainkaan niin lämmin

kuin Etelä-Lapissa, jossa lämpömittari joskus nousee 40 asteeseen.
Suvilämpö tulee Utsjoelle tavallisesti kesäkuun 1 päivän tienoissa,
jolloin koivutkin alkavat näyttää viheriöiltä. Mutta sitä kestää
säännöllisesti vain muutamia päiviä. Sen jälkeen seuraa viileä ilma,
joka joskus kestää heinäkuuhun. Vasta siihen aikaan, kesäkuun
loppupuolella, jolloin koivu on täysin viheriä, on suven valta taattu,
sillä kesäkuussakaan eivät lumisateet ole harvinaisia. Semmoisia
sattui esim. vuonna 1822 kesäkuulla 13 eri päivänä, viimeisen kerran
28 p:nä.

Mutta jos suvi onkin Utsjoella lyhyt, niin ovat kevät ja syksy sitäkin
lyhyemmät. Kevät saapuu myöhään, syksy varhain, ja saa melkein
sanoa, että suvi ja talvi astuvat toisensa jäljissä. Kyllä jo huhtikuussa
sattuu lauhkeampia ilmoja, mutta vasta toukokuussa purot juoksevat
pitkin tunturien rinteitä ja valavat vetensä vielä jäätyneisiin järviin ja
jokiin. Silloin saapuvat laululinnutkin ja pidetään kevään tulleen
laaksoihin, vaikka vielä on täysi talvi ylemmillä paikoilla. Tapahtuu
myös, että pieni Mantojärvi, jonka rannalla Utsjoen pappila sijaitsee,
pysyy jäässä aina heinäkuun alkuun saakka.

Kylmät pohjois-myrskyt, jotka alkavat syyskuussa, joskus

elokuussakin, tekevät kerrassaan lopun suvesta ja tuovat jo silloin
lunta, joka kuitenkin vähän ajan päästä katoaa, palataksensa
pysyväisesti Mikonpäivän aikaan, sittenkun se jo varemmin on
saanut varman talvisijansa tuntureilla.
IV.

Lappalaisten uskonnollisuudesta ja luonteesta.

En tunne Pohjolassa yhtään kansaa, jota kunnioittaisin puhtaitten

tapojensa vuoksi enemmän kuin inarilaista. Siinä yhtyy todellinen
jumalanpelko ja lainkuuliaisuus Jumalan, lähimmäisen, hallituksen ja
isänmaan rakkauteen. Tämä kansa ei tiedä mitään kateudesta eikä
ilkeydestä, vielä vähemmin ne ovat siihen juurtuneet. Se on, kuten
nykyiset lappalaiset yleensä, tietoja vailla, mutta siltä ei puutu tiedon
halua. Koulut eivät ole sille oppia antaneet, mutta perhe-elämä on
siihen juurruttanut velvollisuudentunnon, jumalanpelvon ja
kuuliaisuuden esivaltaa kohtaan, ja äidinmaidosta on lapsi imenyt
hellyyttä vanhempiansa kohtaan. Sekä pappi että siellä toimivat
katekeetat vaikuttavat suoranaisesti vanhempiin ja välittömästi
lapsiin vähemmin, joita pappi ainoastaan harvoin tapaa. Katekeetan
enin aika kuluu matkoilla seurakunnassa, jonka ala on noin 100
neliöpenikulmaa. Vanhemmat saavat katekeetoilta oppia millä tavoin
lapsia opetetaan, saavat heiltä halua lukemiseen ja kotihartauteen,
joka vähitellen on tullut mieluisaksi tehtäväksi ja yhä on semmoisena
säilynyt, ja jumalanpelkoa juurrutetaan lapsiin niiden ainoana
perintönä. Pakana-ajoista asti on lappalaisella ollut käsitys kahdesta
vallasta, hyvästä ja pahasta, ja kristinusko on hänelle lisäksi tuonut
sovitus-opin. Hänen uskonsa on puhdas ja horjumaton, ja
haaveilusta hän ei tiedä. Vielä vähemmin ovat jäykkä
oikeauskoisuus, välinpitämättömyys ja järkeisoppi jäähdyttäneet
hänen sydäntänsä. Lukutaitoinen inarilainen elää paljon muiden
lappalaisten parissa, kuitenkaan omistamatta heidän tapojaan. Hän
toimittaa hartautensa huolimatta muiden elämänkäsityksestä. Hän
näennäisesti ei tee mitään kristinuskon levittämiseksi, mutta hän sitä
enemmän sitä harjoittaa. Ne suuret ja hyödylliset toimet, joihin
esivalta ryhtyy, ovat hänestä Jumalan töitä, ja esivalta Jumalan
välikappaleena. Hän ymmärtää uuttatestamenttiaan yksinkertaisesti,
mutta se puhuu hänen tunteelleen sitä syvemmin, ja usein tuntuu
kuin olisivat kristinuskon opit hänessä myötäsyntyneet ja hänen
olentoonsa sulautuneet. Sanotaan tosin: mitä viisaampi ihminen on,
sitä sydämellisemmin hän palvelee Jumalaa. Mutta mistä siis tulee
tämä inarilaisen vilpitön jumalanpelko? Olen usein tullut heidän
mökkiinsä, ei semmoisiin, jotka ovat kulkutien varrella, vaan
kymmenien penikulmien päässä siitä, jopa lappalaisten luo, jotka
eivät ole olleet kodeissaan, vaan taivasalla kalastamassa ja
metsästämässä, ja olen heidät tavannut hartauden harjoituksessa.

Sanotaan, ettei mikään kansa jää kehityksessään paikoilleen, se

kulkee joko eteen- tai taaksepäin. Sukupolvet kuolevat, ja uusia
nousee. Se, mikä ennen on ollut tarpeellista, ei aina pysy
semmoisena, ja se, minkä tarpeellisuudesta ei ennen ole tiedetty,
käy välttämättömäksi. Mutta tämä on kaiketi totta ainoastaan niihin
kansoihin nähden, jotka ovat sivistyksessä joutuneet niin pitkälle,
että he pitävät sitä kalliimpana omaisuutenaan. Täällä ovat kansan
tavat, elämän muodot ja tarpeet, ikimuistoisista ajoista pysyneet
melkein muuttumattomina, sillä poikkeuksella, että jousi ja nuoli ovat
vaihtuneet pyssyyn ja ruutiin, pakanuus kristinuskoon; mutta
useimmissa muissa suhteissa he ovat melkein samalla kannalla kuin
vuosisatoja sitten. Muodot muuttuvat vireämmässä ympäristössä.
Siitä ovat inarilaisten läheisyydessäkin sattuvana esimerkkinä
Utsjoen lappalaiset, jotka varsin usein oleskelevat Jäämeren
rannoilla. He tuovat sieltä kotiseuduilleen monta uutta tapaa, monta
uutta kokemusta. Ne synnyttävät heissä tarpeita, jotka pian
kehittyvät tottumukseksi, ja tottumuksesta syntyy tapoja. Mutta ne
eivät enään ole niin puhtaita ja niin yksinkertaisia kuin entiset olivat.

Ne lappalaiset, jotka kauvemman aikaa ovat eläneet suomalaisten

ja muiden naapurikansojen yhteydessä ja ovat joutuneet sen
ylenkatseellisen ja nylkevän kohtelun alaiseksi, jota lappalaiset
näiden puolelta tavallisesti saavat osakseen, ovat vähimmin puhtaat
tavoissaan. Se, mitä he naapureiltaan ovat oppineet, on harvoin
hyvää, vaan he ovat tavallisesti omaksuneet näiden kansojen
huonoimmat puolet. Samoin kuin sivistymätön merimies harvoin tuo
valistuneesta Englannista mitä hyödyllistä on, samoin tavataan
semmoisissa lappalaisissa perheissä, jotka asuvat suomalaisten
keskuudessa, tahi oikeammin poropaimenina heidän
sydänmaissaan, ainoastaan poikkeuksena rehellistä väkeä. Kun
heitä Lapista pestataan, luvataan heille runsaasti, mutta sitten kun
ovat asettuneet uusille asuinpaikoilleen, kitsastellaan tahi maksetaan
heille turmiollisilla tavaroilla, viinalla tai kiiltokaluilla, jonka vuoksi ne
henkilöt, jotka Lapissa nauttivat jotakin arvoa, harvoin rupeavat
semmoiseen palvelukseen. Suostuvaiset taas joutuvat pian
köyhyyteen ja puutteeseen, jota koettavat korjata varastamalla
isänniltään poroja, ja ovat sentähden useimmat saaneet
raipparangaistuksia sekä ovat petokseen, alhaiseen voitonpyyntöön
ja muihin paheisiin taipuvaisia. Muiden elatuskeinojen puutteessa,
sitten kun heiltä on kaikki riistetty korvaukseksi ja
oikeudenkulunkeihin, he tavallisesti esiintyvät noitina ja
poppamiehinä, kuljeksivat niinä tahi kuohareina y.m., tahi missä
niihin ammatteihin ei panna arvoa elättävät itseään kerjuulla. Niiden
tietojen mukaan, joita on saatu näiden tämmöisten kurjien paheista,
arvostellaan sitten lappalaisväestöä yleensä, jonka vuoksi kylläkin
usein suomalaisissa pitäjissä Lapin rajoilla kuullaan pahankurisia
ihmisiä sanottavan lappalaisiksi. "Manaa kuin lappalainen", on
lauselma, joka viittaa semmoisiin noituutta harjoittaviin, samoileviin,
rappeutuneihin ja petollisiin lappalaisiin, jotka itsekin käsittävät
halveksitun tilansa ja kurjuudessaan tahtovat tulla huomatuiksi,
noituutta ja kaikenmoisia kepposia harjoittamalla kierrellessään
seutuja kerjäten. Moisten henkilöiden mukaan sitten muka
arvostellaan tunturien takana asuvia vapaita, itsenäisiä, isien
puhtaita tapoja harrastavia lappalaisia, joita ei ole koskaan nähty
eikä heillä käyty. Toisin kuin nämä kurjat, esiintyy kuitenkin
itsenäinen ja turmeltumaton Lapin mies, joka usein, oltuaan kauvan
kodistaan poissa, yhtä turmeltumattomana palaa kotiseudulleen.
Presidentti Vesvrotte Ranskan Dijonista vei sinne muassaan
lappalaistytön Jukkasjärveltä v. 1722. Tyttö joutui naimisiin erään
varakkaan käsityöläisen kanssa Parisissa, mutta miehensä kuoltua
hän möi omaisuutensa ja palasi Lappiin. Englantilainen Bullock osti
eräältä Sungesaudilta poroja v. 1815 ja vei ne Englantiin,
koettaakseen saada ne viihtymään sen vuoristossa. Näiden porojen
hoitoa varten hän niinikään vei muassaan nuoren lappalais-
pariskunnan. Näillä lappalaisilla oli hyvä olo Englannissa, mutta kun
porot eivät viihtyneet, Bullock luopui tuumastaan, lappalaiset
palasivat Norjaan, eivätkä pysähtyneet ennenkuin olivat saapuneet
rakkaille tuntureilleen.

Lappalainen ei pyri varallisuuteen, eikä hän harrasta muidenkaan

auttamista siihen. Kun puute ilmaantuu ja nälkä ahdistaa, ei hän
koskaan ole toivoton, mutta jos hän itse tai joku muu joutuu hätään,
on hän uupumaton tämän lieventämiseen. Sananlasku sanoo: "nälkä
pakottaa lappalaisen metsästämään." Mutta hän ei metsästä
ainoastaan omaa vaan muidenkin patoja varten, jos hän tietää ne
tyhjiksi. Ollen aina siinä varmassa luottamuksessa, että jos hänen
tekonsa on jalo ja hänen rukouksensa vilpitön, Jumala auttaa
hädässä; sillä lappalainen kyllä tietää, että kaikki tapahtuu Jumalan
tahdosta ja hänen käskynsä mukaan. He puhuvat kyllä esi-isien
suurtöistä ja ritarillisista seikkailuista, mutta niitä ei pidetä omalla
voimalla suoritettuina. Niinpä melkein aina heidän saduissaan
loukattu ja heikko vie voiton korkeamman mahdin avulla; ja
ulkoapäin annetulla voimalla he suorittavat valtavampia toimia, kuin
mihin inhimillinen tarmo kykenee. Mainitaan, kuinka rupinen Ruobba,
vaikka oli vain kääpiö, jopa veljiensäkin halveksima, taistelee ja
voittaa 18 leiviskää painavalla miekalla, nai kuninkaantyttären ja jää
kuninkaallisiin saleihin. Ihmisen, s.o. lappalaisen, rukouksen
johdosta Tiermes tuhosi lappalaisten väkevimmätkin vastustajat,
mursi vuoria, johti puroja jättiläisten luoliin, ja karkotti ne siten kauvas
lappalaisten asuntopaikoista. Rotto ryömi nelijaloin vuorten ja
laaksojen poikki, ja uhkasi mahtavia tuholla ja kuolemalla, halveksi
tavallisesti kurjia ja heikkoja; mutta heikommasta tuli hänen
surmaajansa. Sanalla sanoen: omalla voimallaan lappalainen vähän
sai aikaan, vaan voima tuli ulkoapäin; ja sieltä se vielä nytkin tulee
hänen mielestään, mutta nykyään yksin Jumalan kaikkia
hallitsevasta kädestä.

Ei ole vielä yksikään lappalainen kuvannut omia kansalaisiaan; ja

muut kirjailijat, heidän kieltään taitamattomina ja tuntematta heidän
elinmuotoja ja tapoja, eivät ole esittäneet niitä semmoisina kuin ne
todellisuudessa ovat, vaan kaikissa kertomuksissaan lappalaisista ja
Lapista noudattaneet sitä, mitä ovat suullisesti kuulleet lappalaisista
mainittavan ja pintapuolisesti kerrottavan niiden säälimättömiltä
naapureilta, ruotsalaisilta, norjalaisilta ja suomalaisilta, jotka ovat
niistä erillään asuneet, ja alusta alkain kasvatetut halveksimaan näitä
kovaonnisia naapureitaan. Siitä on ollut seurauksena, että on opittu
tuntemaan ainoastaan lappalaisten huonoja, eikä heidän parempia
puoliaan, vielä vähemmin lappalaisia semmoisina kuin ne tavataan
kotielämässään, vaan semmoisina kuin ne ovat kodittomina
kerjäläismatkoillaan. Noin 200 vuotta sitten kammoivat norjalaiset
lappalaisia siihen määrään, että lappalaisia heidän viattomien
noitarumpujensa tähden pidettiin niin vaarallisina, että jumalisten
ihmisten täytyi perustaa asuntonsa monien penikulmien päähän
heistä [kuningas Kristianin asetus vuodelta 1600] ja suomalaiset
täällä pohjan perillä suuttuvat vielä, jos heidän sukulaisuutensa
lappalaisten kanssa johdetaan likemmältä ajalta kuin Aatamista.
Eräs kirjailija [norjalainen vouti Blom], joka sanoo, että "kun on nähty
yksi lappalainen, kyllä ne kaikki tuntee, käykööt missä puvussa
tahansa", ei luule koskaan havainneensa mitään rumempaa
ihmismuodossa kuin nähdessään kerran kaksi lappalaismuijaa. Hän
mainitsee, että lappalainen ei rakasta lapsiansa, vaan myy niitä
norjalaisille. Tässä väitteessä varmaankaan ei ole muuta perää kuin
se, että lappalaiset joskus, nälänhädän aikana, ovat jättäneet
lapsensa kasvatettaviksi norjalaisille, jotka niitä väenpuutteen tähden
mielellään ottavat vastaan. Hän sanoo heidän lauluansa
rääkynnäksi, jolla kuitenkaan ei liene tarkoitettu muuta kuin heidän
rääkyntäänsä juopuneina ollessaan. En tiedä muita yliopistollista
sivistystä saaneita lappalaisia kuin lähetyssaarnaaja Fjellnerin,
pastori Lundelinin Arjepluogissa, erään ylioppilas Fällmanin
Jockmockissa ja Olli Sirman, joka oli provastina Enontekiäisissä,
mutta ei yksikään niistä ole kirjoittanut mitään maanmiehistään.
Lapissa kasvaneet Laestadiukset polveutuvat ruotsalaisista
vanhemmista, mutta ovat sittenkin teoksissaan noudattaneet
Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebookmass.com