Ewing Et Al 2022
Ewing Et Al 2022
Abstract
Although growth management programs have many purposes, a critical one is to contain urban and suburban sprawl. Their effi-
cacy in this regard is not well understood. In this paper, we review a comprehensive set of growth management tools, used by
urban planners and policymakers to curb sprawl, starting with the history of the tool, then describing how it works in practice,
and finally presenting any available empirical evidence on how well it works to curb sprawl and/or achieve other public purposes.
While growth management isn’t a panacea for controlling sprawl, it is certainly not the failure implied by critics.
Keywords
growth management tool, sprawl, compact development, smart growth, inside game, outside game
Inside game Form-based code Zoning Manage physical form to create a walkable, compact and mixed-use
development with a high-quality public realm
Density bonus Zoning Incentivize density bonus to developers who support infrastructure
improvements, creation of public spaces, building affordable housing
units and environmental conservation
Tax increment financing Legislation/ policy/ Channel tax increments from new developments into economic
project developments and other environmental improvements
Concurrency/adequate Zoning Direct growth to areas with adequate public facilities and service
public facilities ordinances
Priority funding areas Legislation/ policy/ Promote growth in specific areas to preserve existing communities
project
Impact fees Legislation/ policy/ Compensate communities for the increased demand for infrastructure
project and public services generated by new development
Outside game Agricultural protection Zoning Protect farmland and farming activities from incompatible nonfarm
zoning uses
Purchase of development Legislation/ policy/ Preserve large contiguous blocks of agricultural or environmental
rights (PDR) project lands
Mixed Urban containment policies Legislation/ policy/ Promote density in the urban core, limit sprawling development in
project rural areas, and preserve agricultural and natural landscapes
Transfer of development Legislation/ policy/ Allow denser development in some areas and leave other areas with
rights (TDR) project unique land features undeveloped
Perhaps it most depends on how growth management tools In addition, one can think of compact development and
are packaged together, as is often the case. Growth management sprawl as lying on a continuum, with compact development
tools individually or in packages aren’t a panacea for control- having higher densities, more diverse land uses, more intercon-
ling sprawl, but as we will show in this paper, they are certainly nected streets, more accessible destinations, and less distant
not the failure implied by some critics. transit (the 5 Ds – Ewing and Cervero 2010; Ewing and
Hamidi 2017).
Growth management programs vary widely (see Table 1).
Growth Management Generally Growth management to curb sprawl has two components: a)
This review uses the term growth management to encompass The Inside Game - where development is desired and promoted;
both growth management in its original form and what has and b) The Outside Game - where development is generally dis-
more recently been called smart growth. The former began in couraged and allowed only at low density (inside/outside termi-
the 1970s, emphasizing traditional anti-sprawl growth manage- nology is borrowed from Rusk 2010). Some tools do not neatly
ment policies. The latter began in the 1990s, concentrating fall into one category or the other. These, we refer to as mixed.
growth in walkable urban centers. The tools of growth manage- While controlling sprawl has long been identified as the “prin-
ment and smart growth overlap, as do the purposes. Both strive cipal spatial objective” of growth management measures, the
for compact development over urban sprawl. One can think of efficacy of regulations in realizing such an objective remains
smart growth as the end, and growth management as the means. largely debatable (Landis 2000). Caruthers (2002) expresses
This is not to say they are the same but rather to say the tools this ambiguity by noting “Despite their considerable promise
covered in this review encompass both. for reducing sprawl, growth management programs remain con-
Perhaps the feature that most distinguishes “smart growth,” troversial because there is little rigorous empirical evidence of
as initiated in Maryland, from its growth management predeces- their effectiveness” (Carruthers 2002). To the contrary,
sors is its reliance on spatially specific incentives instead of land land-use controls have sometimes been found to encourage,
use regulations. and even incentivize, urban sprawl (Cowan 2006; Landis
1992; Pendall 1999).
“Local governments can grow anywhere they want but State funds Though studies of sprawl have yielded a diverse volume of
for accommodating development are available only within priority definitions and interpretations of the term, an established and
funding areas (PFAs). Property owners need not clean up and rede- widely cited report by Ewing et al. identifies urban sprawl as
velop their properties but grants are available for doing so…. Such embodying four predominant features: a population that is
reliance on incentives is what enabled these programs to pass the widely dispersed in low-density development, a rigid separation
Maryland legislature and what makes them so attractive to other of land uses, a lack of well-defined activity centers (including
states” (Knaap 2017). regional, town and neighborhood centers), and a road
Ewing et al. 435
network typified by large blocks and poor connectivity This paper strives to shed light on current knowledge of
(Ewing, Pendall and Chen 2003a; Ewing, Schieber and growth management effectiveness. We present nine sections
Zegeer 2003b). The effects of this type of development that discuss single growth management tools or multiple
pattern have been extensively studied in the planning literature closely-related tools. We start by outlining the tools’ history,
and include more traffic fatalities (Ewing and Hamidi 2015; then proceed to explain how the tools work. We conclude by
Ewing, Schieber and Zegeer 2003), poorer health outcomes providing empirical evidence, if it exists, on how these
(Berrigan et al. 2014; Ewing et al. 2014b; Fan and Song growth management strategies either contain or do not
2009; Hamidi and Ewing 2020; Plantinga and Bernell 2007), contain sprawl.
more air pollution (Schweitzer and Zhou 2010; Stone 2008),
more extreme heat events (Stone, Hess, and Frumkin 2010),
higher residential energy use (Ewing and Rong 2008), lower Zoning – Inside Game
social capital (Nguyen 2010), longer emergency response In 1926, the concept of land use regulation was so novel that
times (Trowbridge, Gurka, and O’Connor 2009), increased the New York Times encased the term zoning in quotation
teenage driving (Trowbridge and McDonald 2008), greater marks in a news account describing the emerging regulatory
private-vehicle commute distances and times (Ewing, Pendall, trend (New York Times 1926). Nine decades later, zoning
and Chen 2003a; Ewing, Schieber, and Zegeer 2003b; Ewing remains the hallmark of land use regulatory frameworks in
et al. 2014a; Hamidi et al. 2015; Hamidi and Ewing 2015; American cities and towns. And yet as concerns have
Ewing et al. 2014b; Ewing et al. 2016a; Ewing, Hamidi and shifted from the “evils of overcrowding” (Euclid v. Ambler
Grace 2016b), higher housing plus transportation costs 1926 [Revell 1999]) to problems associated with sprawl pat-
(Hamidi and Ewing 2015), lower upward economic and terns of development, local and state governments have insti-
social mobility (Ewing, Hamidi et al. 2016a, 2016b); emer- tuted, nearly as expeditiously as zoning gained a foothold in
gence of food deserts (Hamidi 2020); shorter life expectancy the nation, various zoning reforms.
(Hamidi et al. 2018), higher mortality rates from the Zoning for large lots can limit the supply of new housing in
COVID-19 pandemic (Hamidi Sabouri, and Ewing 2020; the jurisdictions that impose them. Demand for housing that
Hamidi, Ewing, and Sabouri 2020), higher adherence to goes unmet because of the control will probably be met in
social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic (Hamidi another location, but empirical studies provide mixed evidence
and Zandiatashbar 2021) and lower innovation and economic on whether development will occur as infill in existing urban-
productivity (Hamidi and Zandiatashbar 2019; Hamidi, ized areas or as sprawl in newly developed areas (Pendall
Zandiatashbar, and Bonakdar 2019). 1999). Conventional zoning (also referred to as Euclidean
In response, growth management efforts in recent years have zoning) stands on the principle of homogeneity, separation,
focused on challenging these trends, particularly emphasizing and exclusion that makes it what some consider
development that is compact and pedestrian-friendly and ‘sprawl-inducing zoning.’ Conventional zoning often limits
embraces medium-to-high densities, mixed-use centers, and the accessibility of people in need of public amenities by
high levels of street connectivity. placing housing far from nonresidential uses. The restrictions
Which growth management measures, if any, effectively on maximum units per acre, minimum lot size per unit,
contain sprawl patterns of development and trigger the build- minimum street frontage per unit, front yard setbacks and enor-
ing of compact, mixed-use centers? Many states with the most mous parking lots called for by conventional zoning negate the
comprehensive of growth management regulatory structures possibility of compact development (Barry 2008; Hall 2007;
lack basic performance measures to gauge efficacy (Landis Talen 2013). To combat these challenges caused by conven-
2021). Further, as programs and priorities for smart growth tional zoning, several zoning reforms have emerged.
differ from state to state, successful policies also vary Form-based codes, density bonuses, upzoning, and cluster
widely. While states with well-established growth manage- zoning are some of the growth management strategies that
ment programs were successful in some of their priority poli- have the potential to counter sprawl (Talen 2013).
cies, they also performed poorly in other policy areas (Ingram
et al. 2009). Though cities and towns have instituted a great
number of regulations and incentives in hopes of curtailing Form-Based Code
sprawl, lack of systematic empirical evaluations of growth History. Modern initiatives for embracing physical form as the
management policies has handicapped efforts to accurately core principle of land development regulation first began in
measure overall effectiveness (Bengston, Fletcher, and 1980s when it started to become evident that urban sprawl
Nelson 2004). was a result of conventional Euclidean zoning. Form-based
What is clear is that in many regions, sprawl development codes emerged as one of the promising alternatives to mitigate
continues largely unabated (Landis 2017; Linkous 2017). sprawl (Parolek, Parolek, and Crawford 2008; Talen 2009;
Preference for strong local government autonomy and the Talen 2013).
enduring popularity of low-density zoning appears to effec- Among large American cities, Miami was the first to adopt
tively handicap smart growth efforts in many regions, even in a form-based code (FBC) followed by Denver (Parolek,
those that advocate anti-sprawl efforts (Richardson 2003). Parolek and Crawford 2008). Borys and Talen (2017) have
436 Journal of Planning Literature 37(3)
identified more than 600 codes in the US that meet the number of urban design features, particularly those linked to
Form-Based Codes Institute (FBCI) criteria mostly clustered urban design qualities such as imageability, complexity and
in the Southern California region. human scale.
almost every other state in the nation was actively using it There is some evidence that TIF positively impacts real
(Briffault 2010; Johnson and Kriz 2019). Though data on TIF estate value growth (Byrne 2006; Ginsburg 2003; Smith
is difficult to come by, estimates of the number of existing 2009; Blackmond Larnell and Downey 2019). A recent study
TIF districts is in the thousands, and in 2001 more than 10% suggests that parcels located within TIF districts sold for
of California’s property tax base was located within a TIF boun- more than parcels outside of TIF districts by approximately
dary. The rapid rise and popularity of TIF can be attributed to $5,000 (He and Azizi 2020). This premium is mainly due to
several factors. One commonly cited factor is that TIF is a the positive effect on commercial and agricultural parcels,
way for municipalities to raise funds for development without which outweighs the negative TIF impact on residential types.
voter approval as opposed to issuing bonds. In the 1980s, Conversely, Merriman et al. (2011) found that while
many states began limiting city taxes and expenditures. This, Wisconsin’s use of the tool has revitalized development
coupled with federal withdrawal of redevelopment funds, put within TIF districts, property values have been unaffected.
pressure on cities to use creative methods to fund infrastructure Some scholars, though, have documented a negative impact
projects (Briffault 2010). on property values (2003; Weber, Bhatta and Merriman 2003
Johnson and Kriz (2019), in their book Tax Increment & Dye and Merriman 2000). A recent study showed that as
Financing and Economic Development, provide a comprehen- the share of county assessed value in TIF increases, assessed
sive review of the implementation, use, and structure of value in non-TIF areas decreases and assessed value within
various TIF programs across the country. TIF was initially TIF districts stays the same, which raises concerns about the
adopted to fund relatively small projects in community devel- efficacy of TIF (Hicks et al. 2019).
opment, and the source of financing was primarily the property From a growth management perspective, our understanding
tax increment. The types of projects, funding sources, and agen- of TIFs is quite limited. Dye and Merriman (2000 and 2003)
cies that use TIF have expanded and diversified widely found that development within a TIF district substitutes for
(Johnson and Kriz 2019). growth outside it, with the exception of manufacturing real
estate. LeRoy and Walker (2006) found that TIF relocations
to Minneapolis’ urban fringe stimulated suburban sprawl.
How It Works Skidmore et al. (2009) found that TIF implementation was
related to municipal annexation decisions and showed that in
When property values rise in an area after a nearby redevelop-
Wisconsin each TIF district is tied to a 3% increase in municipal
ment project is completed, the additional tax that is generated is
land area. Between 1990 and 2013, this equated to half the total
the tax increment. In designated TIF districts, all the tax incre-
annexed land area in Wisconsin, which raises concerns about
ment that results from a new development or redevelopment
farmland conversion.
project is diverted from the usual pools of funds and channeled
A 1999 study found that almost half of Wisconsin’s 661 TIF
into subsidizing the new development for a designated period of
districts had included open space—mostly farmland (LeRoy
time. One of the most common ways this is done is to issue
2008). If TIF is to be an effective growth management tool,
bonds to pay for necessary infrastructure improvements,
its efficacy and equitability must be improved. Zhao, Das,
backed by the TIF revenue stream. These can include upgrading
and Larson (2010) recommend that jurisdictions collaborate
streets, curbs, water mains, sewage facilities, storm drainage,
on the implementation of TIF, take a close look at context,
parks, or providing environmental remediation, land grants, or
protect existing local businesses and original residents,
planning services (Briffault 2010; Merriman, Skidmore, and
involve community groups in the process, and allow for
Kashian 2011; Smith 2009).
annual adjustments to aid other city services. Halls and Bartel
Because TIFs are meant to concentrate economic develop-
(2014) suggest improving TIF accountability and performance
ment, theoretically they should in turn limit growth on the
by filling the gaps between design, implementation, and
urban fringe (unless the urban fringe is designated a “redevelop-
evaluation.
ment” area).
fulfill a legitimate public purpose and not constitute a regulatory outlying areas is encouraged due to freely available roadway
taking, that is, an elimination of all economic opportunities for a capacity.
piece of land; there also had to be a plan for correcting the infra- One study found that concurrency and APFOs can affect
structure deficiency within a finite time frame (Boggs, Glenn, and housing prices, developers’ certainty and willingness to
Apgar 1991). invest, housing affordability, and job location (Anthony
Following the confirmed legality of adequate public facilities 2003). In an update to this work, Anthony (2017) also sug-
ordinances, more municipalities adopted similar policies. gested that there are some indications that Florida’s concur-
Florida’s concurrency law often gets heralded as the poster child rency and APFO policies had led to a reduction in sprawl. In
of this approach (Ben-Zadok 2005). In 1975, the State formed any event, the concurrency policy in Florida was mostly
the Department of Community Affairs (DCA) and legislated con- driven by development and economic growth and as a result,
sistency (idea that growth should follow an adopted plan). Finally, the state withdrawal from transportation and school concur-
in 1985, the idea of concurrency was adopted in law by the State. rency (the most complex and costly facilities) largely elimi-
In 1999 the Urban Infill and Redevelopment Act pushed the nated the spatial components required to mitigate suburban
boundaries of concurrency to include transit, bicycle, and pedes- sprawl.
trian infrastructure (Phillips and Guttenplan 2003). Pendall (1999) hypothesized that APFOs—which require
In 1991, Maryland also passed an APFO law to ensure that new development to pay its own way—encourages higher
the spillover growth from Washington D.C. did not outpace density in new development. His results were consistent with
Maryland’s infrastructure. At this time, 14 of the 25 counties this hypothesis: for every 10 percent of a county’s land area
adopted APFOs (Balashov 2014). A national survey of 728 controlled by an APFO, its density increased by about 9 new
jurisdictions in 1994 and 2003 reported that APFOs have residents for every 100 new urban acres. One would expect
been mainly popular in fast growing sunbelt states of Florida, impact fees to have a similar effect.
Texas and California while Illinois also ranked second among
the 23 states in the sample (Pendall et al. 2018).
Funding
How it Works History
The idea of concurrency or APFO comes from municipalities’ Priority Funding Areas (PFAs) are locations where state or local
police power (White 1996). When areas experience rapid governments target infrastructure spending and development
growth in a short time, maintaining adequate levels of service incentives to support infill and compact growth. This ensures
becomes extremely difficult without a major increase in that the state is not responsible for subsidizing sprawl
public expenditures. Concurrency and APFOs are intended to (Maryland Department of Planning 2007). PFAs do not restrict
direct growth to areas with adequate public facilities and land uses, but rather incentivize and promote growth in specific
service, not to stymie it. They are also intended to slow the areas. In 1997, Maryland became a pioneer in land use policy
pace of growth to coincide with available revenues. with the adoption of the Smart Growth Areas Act. The central
Concurrency allows municipalities to establish minimum tool of this legislation was instigating priority funding areas
level of service (LOS) standards for roadways as well as (PFAs) across the state. This legislation directed state spending
other public facilities and services (DeGrove 1992). For concur- to PFAs, designated by local county and municipal govern-
rency or APFOs to have force in a municipality, they need to be ments. The Smart Growth Areas Act was the first piece of leg-
adopted into local ordinances. The issuance of building permits islation to implement PFAs, though similar growth
needs to hinge upon shown compliance with concurrency stan- management techniques such as urban growth boundaries
dards (Florida State Code 9J-5.0055). (UGBs), enterprise zones (EZs), and urban service areas
(USAs) had been used before with some success. No other
state has since implemented PFAs, though others have shown
Empirical Findings an interest (Sakowicz 2004; Salkin 1999).
already developed areas.” (Dawkins, Knaap, and Sartori can require decades to take effect. Accordingly, most of the
2012) studies on PFAs were conducted in the decade following imple-
mentation in Maryland—more recent and more comprehensive
PFAs can be considered a weak form of urban containment, analysis is needed before the true effects and best practices of
which is incentive-based rather than regulatory. Hence our PFAs can be determined.
treatment of PFAs separately from urban containment tools. There are also some successful examples of PFAs through
PFAs only incentivize specific kinds of growth. Additionally, transportation land use connected (TLC) programs. For
PFA boundaries are more flexible than those of UGBs. PFAs instance, SANDAG has developed a Smart Growth Concept
account for about 10 percent of total land area in Maryland Map and identified areas as smart growth opportunity areas.
(Landis 2021). Since 2008, SANDAG has provided $5 million every year to
Some MPOs only support projects that fall into a priority or local agencies to improve streetscapes and provide bicycle,
opportunity area (i.e., a PFA), but they might call it something pedestrian and transit access in the smart growth opportunity
different. For instance, San Diego Association of Governments areas or simply, PFAs (SANDAG n.d.). For other examples,
(SANDAG) calls PFAs Smart Growth Opportunity Areas, see Sabouri et al. (2019).
while North Central Texas Council of Governments describes
them as Sustainable Development Areas of Interest, and Impact Fees – Inside Game
San Francisco Bay region’s MPO labels them Priority
Development Areas.
History
The suburban development boom of the post-war period in the
United States presented new challenges to local governments.
Empirical Findings Municipalities were forced to come up with new and creative
In 2001, the Baltimore Regional Partnership conducted the ways to pay for the exploding costs of providing infrastructure
first evaluation of Maryland’s PFA strategy and found that to places that were once considered far beyond the geographic
based on the current zoning, almost a quarter of new extent of their authority. The housing growth of this time was
growth could occur outside of the PFA boundary between costing local governments more than the amount that they
2000 and 2020. PFAs did not seem to affect the conservation could recoup with traditional taxing structures, and the first gen-
of natural resource land (Jantz, Goetz, and Shelley 2004); eration of impact fees were levied in the form of water and
residential construction continued to proliferate outside of sewer connection fees (Adams et al. 1999).
PFA boundaries (Sohn and Knaap 2010); location decisions Growth continued in the 1960s and 70 s, and cities were
for economic sectors were mostly unaffected (Sohn and faced with even more pressure to fund their expected contribu-
Knaap 2005); compliance was spotty (Howland and Sohn tions to infrastructure and public services. Raising taxes and
2007; Sohn and Knaap 2005); affordable housing was issuing bonds were not a popular solution among residents
pushed to the outskirts of the boundary, essentially creating and voters, so the practice of levying impact fees expanded.
sprawl (Frece et al. 2003). Comparing communities with Impact fees were most rapidly adopted during the 1970’s, and
and without PFAs, Landis (2021) concluded that PFA is par- they have since been used in most states in the United States
tially effective in growth management. (Nelson 1988). The proliferation of this tool has continued
By 2009, ten years after implementation in Maryland, Lewis into the 21st century, with 60% of all US municipalities with
et al. (2011) declared that PFAs had “fallen short of expecta- populations greater than 25,000 imposing impact fees (Been
tions,” citing ineffectual boundary configurations, lack of inte- 2005). Impact fees are most common in the South and West
gration with land use decision making processes, and a spatially and are relatively rare the Northeast and Midwest (Nelson,
erratic allocation of funds. Many others agree (Calandrillo, Nicholas, and Juergensmeyer 2017).
Deliganis, and Woods 2015; Dawkins, Knaap, and Sartori
2012; Hanlon, Howland and McGuire 2012).
On the other hand, some scholars have found benefits with How it Works
PFA implementation. Parcels within PFAs are more likely to Impact fees are one-time assessments charged to land develop-
be developed than those outside (Hanlon, Howland, and ers, designed to compensate communities for the increased
McGuire 2012, Irwin and Bockstael 2004); growth tends to demand for infrastructure and public services generated by
be more concentrated within PFAs than outside (Shen and new development. Nelson (1988) identifies the political objec-
Zhang 2007); and investments in water and sewer infrastructure tives of impact fees:
are more numerous within the PFA boundaries (Howland and
Sohn 2007). More recently, Towe et al. (2014) found that 1. Shifting the capital financing burden to new
PFA shifted new development away from areas outside the development
PFA boundary compared to their counterparts with similar char- 2. Coordinating new development with the construction of
acteristics inside PFAs. new infrastructure
Sakowicz (2004) explains that wherever smart growth prin- 3. Internalizing the costs of new development such that
ciples are implemented, there will be challenges, and policies indirect subsidies are wholly or partially eliminated,
440 Journal of Planning Literature 37(3)
allowing the market to more accurately allocate annexation of agricultural land was a permissible exercise of
resources to new development home rule expansion. The expansion of urban and suburban
4. Conciliating the anti-growth sentiments of local citizen areas outward toward historic agricultural lands continued as
groups market pressures incentivized the selling of these lands for res-
idential development (Plantinga, Lubowski, and Stavins 2002).
Impact fees are most commonly applied to water and sewer
facilities. The next most common application is the building
of new roads. However, impact fees have also been levied to How it Works?
pay for improvements to existing roads, recreational parks, Agricultural protection zoning refers to designations made by
public schools and other public institutions, emergency local jurisdictions that are intended to protect farmland and
medical services, police, and firefighting facilities (Landis farming activities from incompatible nonfarm uses (Coughlin
et al. 2001). Nelson et al. (2017) predicts that based on the 1991; Daniels and Bowers 1997; Nelson, Pruetz, and
observed trends (more than 77 percent increase of the nonutility Woodruff 2013). It is a primary zoning classification permitting
impact fees for single family homes), this tool will continue to open land uses such as grazing lands or pasture, crop and live-
grow at rapid rates until market forces or legislation limits it. stock production, and part-time small tract farming. This zoning
classification can also be applied to portions of an urban area
Empirical Findings that are designated as agriculture or as an urban reserve under
Only a few scholars have assessed how impact fees fare in their a city’s’ comprehensive plan. Agricultural zoning, in certain
ability to slow sprawl style development. Burge and Ihlanfeldt cases, also permits other compatible uses of an open nature
such as cemeteries, parks, and recreational uses on land that
(2006) determined that impact fees increased the construction
of new small homes within inner suburban locations (a sprawl- has favorable environmental conditions.
reducing effect) and increased construction of larger homes Agricultural zoning can be classified as exclusive or non-
exclusive. While exclusive zoning completely restricts any
throughout all suburban areas (a neutral or sprawl-facilitating
effect). This finding is counter to what had been the non-farm development, non-exclusive zoning is more flexible
previously-established consensus that impact fees suppress and allows construction of non-farm dwelling units (Coughlin
1991). If residential development is allowed in an agriculture
home building as builders and owners simply opt to develop
in municipalities without the fees (Skidmore and Peddle 1998). zone, it is limited by large lot size requirements (e.g., no
A novel approach known as a “zone-based” impact fee more than one to four units on 64 acres), fixed area ratio
limits (e.g., one house per 25 acres, the owner of a 100-acre
program was implemented in Albuquerque, New Mexico
(NM) with the hope of limiting sprawl. The municipality farm could subdivide four house lots of no more than two
intended to alter its pattern of growth by utilizing a tiered acres each, or a total of eight acres), or a sliding scale (e.g.,
one house for the first 20 acres, the second house for the next
impact fee structure which made infill and redevelopment
more economically viable. Suburban sprawling development 40 acres, the third house on the next 60 acres) (Daniels and
became much more costly under this program. When Burge Bowers 1997; Daniels and Keene 2018).
Agricultural protection zoning varies somewhat around the
et al. (2013) found that this program is linked to a drop in
total construction and a redistribution of the location of building United States. In the Midwest, it is generally one house per
permits, with the urban core exhibiting a much higher propor- 40 acres (quarter-quarter zoning). In the Northeast, it is one
house per 20 or 25 acres, and in the west, it is one house per
tion of the total permits than before the policy’s
implementation. 80 acres.
The academic literature suggests that impact fees are more of
a public finance tool than a growth management tool. They are Empirical Findings
simply a way for local governments to internalize costs of
greenfield development, rather than a way to limit it. Anthony (2004) tested the effectiveness of state growth man-
agement laws in limiting urban sprawl analyzing the data in
49 states over a 15-year period and found that among different
Zoning – Outside Game growth management strategies, agricultural zoning has a signif-
icant effect in protecting farmlands and controlling sprawl. In
History Black Hawk County, Iowa, relatively little farmland has been
Agricultural protection zoning has been used widely at the re-zoned for non-farm uses, and several proposals for
county and municipal levels across the United States to non-farm uses have been denied. These figures suggest that
protect lands that produce food and fiber (Lawrence 1997). urban sprawl is being fairly well contained (Daniels and Reed
However, the statutory definition of “agriculture” or “farm” – 1988).
is not a resolved issue. Since the early 1930s, shortly after the Evidence indicates that loss of farmland is mainly due not to
proliferation of zoning practice, this definition came under liti- suburban sprawl but rather to rural residential development
gation. This happened as towns began to adopt zoning ordi- (Valliant and Freedgood 2020). Whether agricultural protection
nances following widespread judicial conclusions that zoning is effective in curbing suburban sprawl depends where
Ewing et al. 441
you are in the United States. Agricultural protection zoning has 2013). The money for PDRs comes directly from public
been effective in the Northeast and much of the Midwest and in dollars, and the development rights are retired rather than sold
parts of California and Oregon (Daniels and Bowers 1997; for bonus development. In fact, some have suggested that
Daniels and Keene 2018; Rothwell and Massey 2010). TDR programs grew out of the difficulty of funding PDR pro-
The reality is that agriculture zoning is best used as part of a grams (Wolfram 1981). Programs like PDRs require much
package of farmland protection techniques, including urban more funding to achieve the same goal of land conservation
growth boundaries, purchase of conservation easements, (Nelson, Pruetz, and Woodruff 2013).
right-to-farm protection, and use-value taxation based on pref-
erential assessment of agricultural land. Leading counties in
growth management that use these tools include: Baltimore Empirical Findings
County, MD, Lancaster County, PA, Lexington-Fayette
County, KY, and Sonoma County, CA (Daniels 2010). By comparing farmland loss between counties with and without
PDR programs, using a 50-year, 269-county data set, Liu and
Lynch (2011) found significant effect of having a PDR
Purchase of Development Rights program—annual farmland loss reduction of 375 to 550
(PDR) – Outside Game acres. There is less information, however, related to the
sprawl suppressing effects of PDR programs. It can be
History assumed that lands that are preserved by PDR programs
The primary focus of purchase of development rights (PDR) might have otherwise been developed in a sprawling pattern,
programs is preserving large contiguous blocks of agricultural but empirical studies of this effect have been scarce.
or environmental lands (Daniels and Payne-Riley 2017).
Besides community growth and development management,
PDR programs serve other goals, such as protecting the local Urban Containment Policies – Mixed Tool
agricultural industry, maintaining opportunities for locally-
grown food, and transitioning farmlands to the next generation History
(Daniels 2020). PDR programs provide a way for state or local Urban containment policies (UCPs) encompass a range of
government to financially compensate willing landowners for growth management techniques ranging from urban service
not developing their land. When buying development rights, limits (USLs) to urban growth boundaries (UGBs) and green-
the community obtains a conservation easement, that belts (Pendall, Martin, and Fulton 2002). While the objectives
(usually) permanently restricts development on the land. and outcomes of each approach are different, UCPs share a
Suffolk County in Long Island, New York, pioneered the use common goal of promoting density in the urban core, limiting
of PDR in 1972 (Daniels 1991). During a six-year period, sprawling development in rural areas, and preserving agricul-
development rights were purchased for 51 parcels of land tural and natural landscapes.
with a total of 3,214 acres. Maryland established the first state- UCPs are now commonplace, so much so that Nelson and
level farmland preservation program (the Maryland Dawkins (2004) described urban containment as the most sig-
Agricultural Land Preservation Foundation (MALPF)) in nificant movement in planning since the Supreme Court sanc-
1977, including PDR, which achieved preservation of tioned zoning in Euclid v. Ambler. Modern greenbelts
228,854 acres that took up 10% of its agricultural acres by developed in Europe in the 1800s and spread to Asia and
2013 (Daniels 2020; Horowitz, Lynch, and Stocking 2009). Australia, where they are still popular. They are less popular
In the 1980s, only four states – Connecticut, Maryland, in the United States, however, where only a few communities
Massachusetts, and New Hampshire – had enacted PDR pro- have bona fide greenbelts. The most prominent example,
grams but by 1990, nine states had adopted a PDR approach: located in Boulder, Colorado, has been in place for 50 years.
all six New England states along with Mid-Atlantic states of Boulder’s greenbelt now comprises 45,000 acres.
Maryland, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. Compared to other growth management tools, UGBs are a
more recent phenomenon. The first UGB in the United States
was established in Lexington, Kentucky in 1958 (Nelson and
How it Works Duncan 1995). Leaders in the city and host county of Fayette
PDR programs are similar to transfer of development rights felt compelled to preserve the landscape surrounding
(TDR) programs, with one big exception (Nelson, Pruetz and Lexington for horse farms and so implemented a strict UGB
Woodruff 2013). They differ in the way that the money to pre- that has been in effect—though amended—ever since.
serve sending sites is distributed. In TDR programs, money Much of the literature on UGBs focuses on Portland, OR
comes from the profits gained from the extra development in (Dempsey and Plantinga 2013; Kim 2013; Jun 2004; Kline
the receiving area. As a result, TDR programs can achieve sub- et al. 2014; Knaap 1985; J. Phillips and Goodstein 2000). By
stantial land preservation without money from bonds, the the turn of the century, more than 100 cities and counties had
general fund, state/federal grants, sales taxes, property taxes, adopted some form of growth boundary (Staley, Edgens, and
or private foundation funding (Nelson, Pruetz, and Woodruff Mildner 1999).
442 Journal of Planning Literature 37(3)
landmarks. Although the main purpose of a TDR program is the “helpful” category (Pruetz and Standridge 2008). Ewing
land preservation, it can also serve other functions like mitigat- (2009) used data for successful programs from the earlier
ing the effects of natural hazards or revitalizing urban areas. If article and analyzed degrees of success based on the presence
the landowner chooses to participate in a TDR program, they or absence of individual success factors using regression analy-
can sell their right to develop their sending area property hold- sis. Having a TDR bank was the only factor that added signifi-
ings while still holding onto ownership of the land itself cantly to the success of a program, on average, increasing the
(Triedman et al. 2014). By selling their development rights to amount of land preserved by almost 30,000 acres.
a landowner in a receiving area, they enable the receiving
area landowner to increase developmental density on the receiv-
ing land. Along with this, their sending area land must remain
undeveloped in perpetuity, or not developed any further Conclusions
(Woodbury 1975). The receiving site gains a density bonus We began this paper with a conceptual diagram that showed the
above what would otherwise be allowed by the zoning code. relationship among growth management tools -> compact devel-
In some cities’ master plans, potential receiving sites are specif- opment -> good outcomes. We noted that the literature relating
ically designated by the plan (Linkous 2016; Nelson, Pruetz, growth management tools to compact development is much
and Woodruff 2013; Rose 1984). weaker than the literature relating compact development to
good outcomes. This is only partly due to the greater volume
of studies in the latter category (Ewing and Cervero 2010;
Empirical Findings Ewing and Hamidi 2015). It also results from the greater
In the book The TDR Handbook, Nelson et al. (2013) extensively ability to operationalize (with existing data) compact develop-
elaborate on five essential types of preservation that result from ment and good outcomes than to operationalize growth manage-
TDR: farmland preservation, environmental preservation, rural ment tools, which are heterogeneous by nature. This isn’t to say it
character preservation, historic preservation, and urban design is impossible because Landis, Pendall, Daniels, and others have
and revitalization. Similarly, Landis (2021) compares the growth done it. But it is challenging. A suggestion for future research is
outcomes of Palm Beach County, FL which has a TDR to have more rigorous studies along these lines, which quantify
program with that of Broward County, FL which does not have the effectiveness of growth management tools.
such a program and finds that the TDR program has been partially Next, we categorized tools as Inside Game, Outside Game,
successful in preserving lands in fringe areas. or Mixed. Ten tools are so categorized: form-based code,
On the other hand, a number of studies argued that the per- density bonus, tax increment financing, concurrency/adequate
formance of TDR programs in the United States is mixed with a facility ordinances, priority funding areas, impact fees (all
few good examples and several failures (Fang et al. 2019; Shriar part of the Inside Game); agricultural protection zoning, pur-
and Akins 2018). It depends on whether the program aligns chase of development rights (Outside Game); and urban con-
with real estate market conditions in a specific area (Nelson, tainment policies, transfer of development rights (Mixed
Pruetz, and Woodruff 2013). Linkous and Chapin (2014) and Tools). Our sense is that the evidence in favor of mixed tools
Linkous (2016) analyzed the effectiveness of TDR programs is stronger than inside or outside alone, though evidence in
in managing growth in Florida and identified three distinct favor of anything is weak. It has been stated more than once
TDR approaches. The early TDR programs, that mostly facili- in this paper that the scholars in this area favor packages of
tated rural-to-urban transfers, had limited success. Hybrid TDR tools over individual tools, and that there is no silver bullet
programs with a smart growth orientation have been most suc- when it comes to managing growth. This conclusion, while
cessful at retrieving development rights in areas that cannot not empirically based, squares with common sense. We
support growth; and rural TDR programs with a focus on eco- would imagine that the best package would include a mix of
nomic development have saved many acres but at the expense inside, outside, and mixed tools. This sounds like Portland,
of increasing rural sprawl. Linkous and Chapin (2014) con- Seattle, Montgomery County, MD, and Arlington County,
cluded that the majority of TDR programs in Florida have VA, all successful examples of growth management.
little impact on managing growth and the acres saved is inade- A lack of rigorous research obviously hampers this literature
quate. Fang et al. (2019) drew a similar conclusion from their review. As one author quoted above put it, this review may leave
study on the TDR’s effect on farm preservation for three coun- “more questions than answers.” For every study that finds a
ties in Maryland—limited success in retaining farmland and strong relationship between growth management tools and
increasing amounts of low-to-medium density development. compact development, another finds no relationship or a weak
Pruetz and Standridge (2008) reviewed 191 TDR programs to or partial relationship. There could be many reasons for this.
investigate what factors applied to the 20 top successful pro- Contexts differ, as was clear from Daniels’ conclusion about
grams in terms of land preservation. They found that having ade- PDR programs being more effective in certain regions than
quate demand for TDRs because baseline densities are low ended others. Funding levels may differ from place to place. Time
up in the “essential” category; offering favorable transfer ratios since implementation may make a huge difference in effective-
was in the “extremely important” category; and having a publicly ness, as land use patterns change slowly over time. Political
operated TDR bank to buy and sell development rights fell into climate may make one region more tolerant of land use
444 Journal of Planning Literature 37(3)
regulation than another. There is no overstating the importance of constitute a package of growth management (grow inducing)
political feasibility in adopting growth management tools. techniques.
Also limiting this review are the multiple and different pur- Finally, there is the law of unintended consequences. An
poses of the different tools. APFOs or impact fees may lead to UGB a la Portland, or a greenbelt a la Boulder, or a rezoning
more compact development by raising the cost of land and that limits development in one spot may cause it to leapfrog to
housing, but that is not their main purpose. Their main a less desirable location. Sarasota’s five-acre ranchettes outside
purpose is to fund needed infrastructure in rapidly growing its urban growth boundary is the worst kind of sprawl
areas. So it comes as no surprise that there is more compelling (Linkous 2019). Are growth management tools effective in fos-
evidence of curbing sprawl in areas with UCPs than APFOs or tering compact development? As we said before, “it all depends.”
impact fees. Indeed, the only tools with the main purpose of
curbing sprawl are the strong UCPs.
Also limiting this review is the dearth of studies using rigor- Acknowledgments
ous research designs to infer cause and effect. Landis’s several The authors wish to acknowledge the contributions of three master’s
studies using quasi-experimental methods to compare outcomes students at the University of Utah, who wrote the first drafts of sections
for otherwise comparable municipalities with and without on individual growth management tools: Jordan Baker, Alex Barton,
growth management is the rare exception in this literature. and Amanda Dillon.
Most studies use descriptive statistics to suggest the magnitude
of program impacts, and individual case studies (however valu- Authors’ Affiliation
able) lack the external validity of cross sectional statistical and
Reid Ewing is a Distinguished Professor of City and Metropolitan
quasi-experimental studies.
Planning at the University of Utah. Torrey Lyons is a Transportation
Even in the more rigorous studies of urban growth boundar- Electrification Policy Analyst at the Idaho National Laboratory.
ies, the subject of these studies is nearly always Portland, OR, a Fariba Siddiq is a doctoral student at the UCLA Luskin School of
unique place with a unique form of government and unique Public Affairs and a researcher at the UCLA Institute of
political culture. From the weaker studies, it is impossible to Transportation Studies. Fatemeh Kiani is the Transportation Project
assert the counter-factual of what would have happened in the Manager at Utah Department of Transportation. Sadegh Sabouri is a
absence of growth management. It is certainly possible that Postdoctoral Associate at the Senseable City Laboratory in the
compact development and good outcomes would have hap- Urban Studies & Planning Department at the Massachusetts Institute
pened to some degree anyway, or it is possible that in the of Technology. Shima Hamidi is a Bloomberg Assistant Professor at
absence of growth management, the growth trajectory would the Bloomberg School of Public Health at Johns Hopkins University.
have been much worse. Dong-ah Choi is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of City and
Metropolitan Planning at the University of Utah. Hassan Ameli is a
Probably the biggest impediment to any simple assessment
Ph.D. candidate and instructor in the Department of City and
of the effectiveness of growth management tools in containing Metropolitan Planning, the University of Utah.
sprawl lies in the nature of implementation. One UGB isn’t
equivalent to another. One TDR program isn’t equivalent to
another. Perhaps nowhere in this paper is this more obvious Authors’ Contribution
than in the Albuquerque “zone-based” impact fee program. Ewing conceived the paper, supervised its drafting, responded to
While flat impact fees may be ineffective in directing growth reviewer comments, and edited the final draft. Lyon’s contributions
inward, or may even have the opposite effect, a fee that is grad- include original drafts of sections and supervision of drafting and
uated to favor infill development may be very effective. editing. Siddiq’s contributions were the original drafts of certain sec-
Perhaps the future of growth management lies in the combi- tions, review, and editing. Kiani’s contributions were the original
nation or packaging of tools together, either in the Inside Game drafts of certain sections, review, and editing. Sabouri’s contributions
and/or the Outside Game. As noted by an anonymous reviewer, were the original drafts of certain sections, review, editing, and prepar-
no one growth management technique is a silver bullet and it is ing responses to reviewer comments. Hamidi edited the paper exten-
sively to fit within the journal’s word limit. Choi’s contributions
common for local governments to combine two or more tech-
were the original drafts of certain sections, review, and editing.
niques to create a growth management package. As a result, it
Ameli was involved in preparing responses to reviewer comments
is sometimes difficult to attribute success or lack of success to and editing the final draft.
a single tool. For example, in the case of the Outside Game,
the use of PDR alone has not been effective in places with
heavy development pressure – e.g., suburban Boston. But com- Declaration of Conflicting Interests
bining PDR with strong zoning, and urban growth boundaries The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to
can create a package of tools that limits sprawl as in the case the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
of Sonoma County, CA, Marin County, CA, Baltimore
County, MD, and Lancaster, PA. Similarly, for the Inside
Game, combining Form-Based Codes with TIF and concur- Funding
rency, and targeted state infrastructure investment (PFAs) can The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship
and/or publication of this article.
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