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Member. This act raised a storm throughout the country, which
prostrated most of its supporters. The hostility excited was especially
strong in the West, then very poor, especially in money: $1,500 then,
being equal to $4000 at present. John Pope (afterward Gen.
Jackson's Governor of Arkansas), one of the ablest men in Kentucky,
a federalist of the old school, and a personal antagonist of Mr. Clay,
took the stump as his competitor for the seat, and gave him enough
to do through the canvass. They met in discussion at several local
assemblages, and finally in a pitched battle at Higbie; a place central
to the three counties composing the district, where the whole people
collected to hear them. Pope had the district with him in his
denunciation of the Compensation Bill, while Clay retorted with effect,
by pressing home on his antagonist the embittered and not very
consistent hostility of the latter to the war with Great Britain, recently
concluded, which uniformly had been very popular in Kentucky. The
result was decisive: Mr. Clay was re-elected by about six hundred
majority.
That excited canvass was fruitful of characteristic incidents like the
following:
While traversing the district, Mr. Clay encountered an old hunter, who
had always before been his warm friend, but was now opposed to his
re-election on account of the Compensation Bill. "Have you a good
rifle, my friend?" asked Mr. Clay. "Yes." "Did it ever flash?" "Once
only," he replied. "What did you do with it—throw it away?" "No, I
picked the flint, tried it again, and brought down the game." "Have I
ever flashed but upon the Compensation Bill?" "No!" "Will you throw
me away?" "No, no!" exclaimed the hunter with enthusiasm, nearly
overpowered by his feelings; "I will pick the flint, and try you again!"
He was afterward a warm supporter of Mr. Clay.
An Irish barber in Lexington, Jerry Murphy by name, who had always
before been a zealous admirer and active supporter of Mr. Clay, was
observed during this canvass to maintain a studied silence. That
silence was ominous, especially as he was known to be under
personal obligation to Mr. Clay for legal assistance to rescue him from
various difficulties in which his hasty temper had involved him. At
length, an active and prominent partisan of the speaker called on the
barber, with whom he had great influence, and pressed him to dispel
the doubt that hung over his intentions by a frank declaration in favor
of his old favorite. Looking his canvasser in the eye, with equal
earnestness and shrewdness, Murphy responded; "I tell you what,
docthur; I mane to vote for the man that can put but one hand into
the Treasury." (Mr. Pope had lost one of his arms in early life, and the
humor of Pat's allusion to this circumstance, in connection with Mr.
Clay's support of the Compensation Bill, was inimitable.)
Mr. Clay was confessedly the best presiding officer that any
deliberative body in America has ever known, and none was ever
more severely tried. The intensity and bitterness of party feeling
during the earlier portion of his Speakership cannot now be realized
except by the few who remember those days. It was common at that
time in New England town-meetings, for the rival parties to take
opposite sides of the broad aisle in the meeting-house, and thus
remain, hardly speaking across the line separation, from morning till
night. Hon. Josiah Quincy, the Representative of Boston, was
distinguished in Congress for the ferocity of his assaults on the policy
of Jefferson and Madison; and between him and Mr. Clay there were
frequent and sharp encounters, barely kept within the limits
prescribed by parliamentary decorum. At a later period, the eccentric
and distinguished John Randolph, the master of satire and invective;
and who, though not avowedly a Federalist, opposed nearly every act
of the Democrat Administrations of 1801-16, and was the unfailing
antagonist of every measure proposed or supported by Mr. Clay, was
a thorn in the side of the Speaker for years. Many were the passages
between them in which blows were given and taken, whereof the
gloves of parliamentary etiquette could not break the force: the War,
the Tariff, the early recognition of Greek and South American
Independence, the Missouri Compromise, &c. &c., being strenuously
advocated by Mr. Clay and opposed by Mr. Randolph. But of these
this is no place to speak. Innumerable appeals from Mr. Clay's
decisions, as Speaker, were made by the orator of Roanoke, but no
one of them was ever sustained by the House. At length, after Mr.
Clay had left Congress, and Mr. Randolph been transferred to the
Senate, a bloodless duel between them grew out of the Virginian's
unmeasured abuse of the Kentuckian's agency in electing J.Q. Adams
to the Presidency; a duel which seems to have had the effect of
softening, if not dissipating Randolph's rancor against Mr. Clay.
Though evermore a political antagonist, his personal antipathy was
no longer manifested; and one of the last visits of Randolph to the
Capitol, when dying of consumption, was made for the avowed
purpose of hearing in the Senate the well-known voice of the
eloquent Sage of Ashland.
On the floor of the House, Mr. Clay was often impetuous in
discussion, and delighted to relieve the tedium of debate, and modify
the sternness of antagonism by a sportive jest or lively repartee. On
one occasion, Gen. Alexander Smythe of Virginia, who often afflicted
the House by the verbosity of his harangues and the multiplicity of
his dry citations, had paused in the middle of a speech which seemed
likely to endure for ever, to send to the library for a book from which
he wished to note a passage. Fixing his eye on Mr. Clay, who sat near
him, he observed the Kentuckian writhing in his seat as if his patience
had already been exhausted. "You, sir," remarked Smythe addressing
the Speaker, "speak for the present generation; but I speak for
posterity." "Yes," said Mr. Clay, "and you seem resolved to speak until
the arrival of your auditory."
Revolutionary pensions were a source of frequent passages between
eastern and western members; the greater portion of those pensions
being payable to eastern survivors of the struggle. On one occasion
when a Pension Bill was under discussion, Hon. Enoch Lincoln
(afterwards Governor of Maine) was dilating on the services and
sufferings of these veterans, and closed with the patriotic adjuration,
"Soldiers of the Revolution! live for ever!" Mr. Clay followed,
counselling moderation in the grant of pensions, that the country
might not be overloaded and rendered restive by their burden, and
turning to Mr. Lincoln with a smile, observed—"I hope my worthy
friend will not insist on the very great duration of these pensions
which he has suggested. Will he not consent, by way of a
compromise, to a term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years instead
of eternity?"
A few sentences culled from the remarks in Congress elicited by his
death, will fitly close this hasty daguerreotype of the man Henry Clay.
Mr. Underwood (his colleague) observed in Senate that "his physical
and mental organization eminently qualified him to become a great
and impressive orator. His person was tall, slender and commanding.
His temperament, ardent, fearless, and full of hope. His countenance,
clear, expressive, and variable—indicating the emotion which
predominated at the moment with exact similitude. His voice,
cultivated and modulated in harmony with the sentiment he desired
to express, fell upon the ear with the melody of enrapturing music.
His eye beaming with intelligence and flashing with coruscations of
genius. His gestures and attitudes graceful and natural. These
personal advantages won the prepossessions of an audience even
before his intellectual powers began to move his hearers; and when
his strong common sense, his profound reasoning, his clear
conceptions of his subject in all its bearings, and his striking and
beautiful illustrations, united with such personal qualities, were
brought to the discussion of any question, his audience was
enraptured, convinced and led by the orator as if enchanted by the
lyre of Orpheus.
"No man was ever blessed by his Creator with faculties of a higher
order than Mr. Clay. In the quickness of his perceptions, and the
rapidity with which his conclusions were formed, he had few equals
and no superiors. He was eminently endowed with a nice
discriminating taste for order, symmetry, and beauty. He detected in a
moment every thing out of place or deficient in his room, upon his
farm, in his own or the dress of others. He was a skilful judge of the
form and qualities of his domestic animals, which he delighted to
raise on his farm. I could give you instances of the quickness and
minuteness of his keen faculty of observation, which never
overlooked any thing. A want of neatness and order was offensive to
him. He was particular and neat in his handwriting and his apparel. A
slovenly blot or negligence of any sort met his condemnation; while
he was so organized that he attended to, and arranged little things to
please and gratify his natural love for neatness, order, and beauty, his
great intellectual faculties grasped all the subjects of jurisprudence
and politics with a facility amounting almost to intuition. As a lawyer,
he stood at the head of his profession. As a statesman, his stand at
the head of the Republican Whig party for nearly half a century,
establishes his title to pre-eminence among his illustrious associates.
"Mr. Clay was deeply versed in all the springs of human action. He
had read and studied biography and history. Shortly after I left
college, I had occasion to call on him in Frankfort, where he was
attending court, and well I remember to have found him with
Plutarch's Lives in his hands. No one better than he knew how to
avail himself of human motives, and all the circumstances which
surrounded a subject, or could present themselves with more force
and skill to accomplish the object of an argument.
"Bold and determined as Mr. Clay was in all his actions, he was,
nevertheless, conciliating. He did not obstinately adhere to things
impracticable. If he could not accomplish the best, he contented
himself with the nighest approach to it. He has been the great
compromiser of those political agitations and opposing opinions
which have, in the belief of thousands, at different times, endangered
the perpetuity of our Federal Government and Union.
"Mr. Clay was no less remarkable for his admirable social qualities,
than for his intellectual abilities. As a companion, he was the delight
of his friends; and no man ever had better or truer. No guest ever
thence departed, without feeling happier for his visit."
Mr. Hunter of Virginia (a political antagonist) following, observed: "It
may be truly said of Mr. Clay, that he was no exaggerator. He looked
at events through neither end of the telescope, but surveyed them
with the natural and the naked eye. He had the capacity of seeing
things as the people saw them, and of feeling things as the people
felt them. He had, sir, beyond any other man whom I have ever seen,
the true mesmeric touch of the orator,—the rare art of transferring
his impulses to others. Thoughts, feelings, emotions, came from the
ready mould of his genius, radiant and glowing, and communicated
their own warmth to every heart which received them. His, too, was
the power of wielding the higher and intenser forms of passion, with
a majesty and an ease, which none but the great masters of the
human heart can ever employ."
Mr. Seward of New-York, said: "He was indeed eloquent—all the world
knows that. He held the key to the hearts of his countrymen, and he
turned the wards within them with a skill attained by no other master.
"But eloquence was nevertheless only an instrument, and one of
many, that he used. His conversation, his gestures, his very look,
were magisterial, persuasive, seductive, irresistible. And his appliance
of all these was courteous, patient, and indefatigable. Defeat only
inspired him with new resolution. He divided opposition by the
assiduity of address, while he rallied and strengthened his own bands
of supporters by the confidence of success, which, feeling himself, he
easily inspired among his followers. His affections were high, and
pure, and generous; and the chiefest among them was that one
which the great Italian poet designated as the charity of native land.
In him, that charity was an enduring and overpowering enthusiasm,
and it influenced all his sentiments and conduct, rendering him more
impartial between conflicting interests and sections, than any other
statesman who has lived since the Revolution. Thus, with great
versatility of talent, and the most catholic equality of favor, he
identified every question, whether of domestic administration or
foreign policy, with his own great name, and so became a perpetual
Tribune of the People. He needed only to pronounce in favor of a
measure or against it, here, and immediately popular enthusiasm,
excited as by a magic wand, was felt, overcoming and dissolving all
opposition in the Senate Chamber."
In the House, about the same time, Mr. Breckenridge of Kentucky
(democrat), spoke as follows:
"The life of Mr. Clay, sir, is a striking example of the abiding fame
which surely awaits the direct and candid statesman. The entire
absence of equivocation or disguise in all his acts, was his master-key
to the popular heart; for while the people will forgive the errors of a
bold and open nature, he sins past forgiveness who deliberately
deceives them. Hence Mr. Clay, though often defeated in his
measures of policy, always secured the respect of his opponents
without losing the confidence of his friends. He never paltered in a
double sense. The country never was in doubt as to his opinions or
his purposes. In all the contests of his time, his position on great
public questions was as clear as the sun in the cloudless sky. Sir,
standing by the grave of this great man, and considering these
things, how contemptible does appear the mere legerdemain of
politics! What a reproach is his life on that false policy which would
trifle with a great and upright people! If I were to write his epitaph, I
would inscribe as the highest eulogy, on the stone which shall mark
his resting-place, 'Here lies a man who was in the public service for
fifty years, and never attempted to deceive his countrymen.'"
Let me close this too hasty and superficial sketch, with a brief citation
from Rev. C.M. Butler, Chaplain of the Senate, who, in his funeral
discourse in the Senate Chamber, said:
"A great mind, a great heart, a great orator, a great career, have
been consigned to history. She will record his rare gifts of deep
insight, keen discrimination, clear statement, rapid combination,
plain, direct, and convincing logic. She will love to dwell on that large,
generous, magnanimous, open, forgiving heart. She will linger with
fond delight on the recorded or traditional stories of an eloquence
that was so masterful and stirring, because it was but himself
struggling to come forth on the living words—because, though the
words were brave and strong, and beautiful and melodious, it was
felt that, behind them, there was a soul braver, stronger, more
beautiful, and more melodious, than language could express."
Such was the master of Ashland, the man Henry Clay!
After this article was in type, we received from a Western paper the
following notice of the sale of the Ashland estate.
"We are glad to learn that Ashland, the home of Henry Clay, which
was sold September 20th, at public auction, was purchased by James
B. Clay, eldest son of the deceased statesman. The Ashland
homestead contained about 337 acres. It lies just without the limits
of the city of Lexington. The country immediately surrounding it, is
justly regarded as the garden spot of the West, and Ashland, above
all others, as the most beautiful place in the world. The associations
about it are of the most interesting character. When Kentucky was, in
fact, the 'dark and bloody ground,' the country around Lexington was
the only oasis—every where else, the tomahawk and the rifle were
more potent than laws. How many incidents of these terrible days are
garnered in the minds of the descendants of the old families of
Kentucky! In those thrilling days, Ashland belonged to Daniel Boone,
whose name is connected with many of the daring tragedies enacted
in the then Far West. It passed from his hands into those of Nathaniel
Hart, who fell, gloriously fighting, in the battle at the River Raisin,
where so many Kentuckians offered up their lives in defence of their
country. Henry Clay married Lucretia Hart, to whom the demesne of
Ashland descended.
"There is so much of the Arab in the habits of the Americans,—there
is so much migratoriness, and so little love for old homesteads,—we
were afraid the children of Henry Clay would allow classic Ashland to
pass into other and alien hands. But our fears are to gladness
changed; and Ashland is still the dwelling-place of the Clays.
"Mr. Clay was thoroughly versed in agricultural matters, and was
never better contented (as the editor of the Ohio Journal truly
remarks), than when surrounded by his neighbors, many of whom
knew and loved him when he was quite young and obscure, and
afterwards rejoiced at his fame, and followed his fortunes through
every phase of a long and eventful career. The residence does not
present any imposing appearance, but is of a plain, neat, and rather
antique architectural character, and the grounds immediately
surrounding it are beautifully adorned, and traversed by walks; not in
accordance with the foolish and fastidious taste of the present day,
for this, in every thing connected with the place has been neglected,
and the only end seems to have been to represent Nature in its
proudest and most imposing grandeur. Many of the walks are retired,
and are of a serpentine character, with here and there, in some
secluded spot along their windings, a rude and unpolished bench
upon which to recline. The trees are mostly pines of a large growth,
and stand close together, casting a deep and sombre shade on every
surrounding object. The reflections of one on visiting Ashland are of
the most interesting character. Every object seems invested with an
interest, and although the spirit with whose memory they are
associated, has fled, one cannot repel the conviction, that while
reposing under its silent and sequestered shades, he is still
surrounded by something sublime and great. Old memories of the
past come back upon him, and a thousand scenes connected with the
life and history of Henry Clay, will force themselves upon you. The
great monarchs of the forest that now stretch their limbs aloft in
proud and peerless majesty, have all, or nearly all been planted by
his hand, and are now not unfit emblems of the towering greatness
of him who planted them.
"The walks, the flowers, the garden and the groves, all, all are
consecrated, and have all been witnesses of his presence and his
care. In the groves through which you wander, were nursed the
mighty schemes of Statesmanship, which have astonished the world
and terrified the tyrant, beat back the evil counsels for his country's
ruin, and bound and fettered his countrymen in one common and
indissoluble bond of Union."
Clay's Birth-place

Calhoun.
 CALHOUN.
In writing the lives of our American Statesmen, we might say of
almost any of them, "that he was born in such a year, that he was
sent to the common school or to college, that he studied law, that he
was chosen, first a member of the State Legislature, and then of the
National Congress, that he became successively, a Senator, a foreign
Ambassador, a Secretary of State, or a President, and that finally he
retired to his paternal acres, to pass a venerable old age, amid the
general respect and admiration of the whole country." This would be
a true outline in the main, of the practical workings and doings of
nine out of ten of them: but in filling in the details of the sketch, in
clothing the dry skeleton of facts with the flesh and blood of the
living reality, it would be found that this apparent similarity of
development had given rise to the utmost diversity and individuality
of character, and that scarcely any two of our distinguished men,
though born and bred under the same influence, bore even a family
resemblance. It is said by the foreign writers, by De Tocqueville
especially, that very little originality and independence of mind can be
expected in a democracy, where the force of the majority crushes all
opinions and characters into a dead and leaden uniformity. But the
study of our actual history rather tends to the opposite conclusion,
and leads us to believe that the land of Washington, Franklin,
Jefferson, Patrick Henry, the Adamses, Clay, Webster and Calhoun, is
favorable to the production of distinct, peculiar, and decided natures.
At least we may be sure, that our annals are no more wanting than
those of other nations, in original, self-formed, and self-dependent
men.
Among these, there was no one more peculiar or more unlike any
prototype, than John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina. In the structure
of his mind, in the singular tenacity of his purposes, in the rare
dignity and elevation of his character, and in the remarkable political
system to which he adhered, he was wholly sui generis, standing out
from the number of his forerunners and contemporaries in bold,
positive and angular relief. He could only have been what he was, in
the country, and during the times, in which he flourished: he was a
natural growth of our American society and institutions: had formed
himself by no models ancient or modern; and the great leading
principles of his thought faithfully rendered in all his conduct, were as
much an individual possession as the figure of his body or the
features of his face. In seeing him, in hearing him speak, or in
reading his books, no one was ever likely to confound him with any
second person.
Mr. Calhoun was born in the Abbeville District of South Carolina, on
the 18th of March, 1782. His parents on both sides were of Irish
extraction, who had first settled in Pennsylvania, and then in Virginia,
whence they were driven by the Indians, at the time of Braddock's
defeat, to South Carolina. The father appears to have been a man of
the most resolute and energetic character, equally ready to defend
his home against the incursions of the savages, and his rights as a
citizen against legislative encroachments. On one occasion, he and
his neighbors went down to within thirty miles of Charleston, armed,
to assert a right of suffrage which was then disputed; and he always
steadily opposed the Federal Constitution, because it allowed other
people than those of South Carolina to tax the people of South
Carolina. "We have heard his son say," writes a friend of the latter,
"that among his earliest recollections was one of a conversation when
he was nine years of age, in which his father maintained that
government to be best, which allowed the largest amount of
individual liberty compatible with social order and tranquillity, and
insisted that the improvements in political science would be found to
consist in throwing off many of the restraints then imposed by law,
and deemed necessary to an organized society. It may well be
supposed that his son John was an attentive and eager auditor, and
such lessons as these must doubtless have served to encourage that
free spirit of inquiry, and that intrepid zeal for truth, for which he has
been since so distinguished. The mode of thinking which was thus
encouraged may, perhaps, have compensated in some degree the
want of those early advantages which are generally deemed
indispensable to great intellectual progress. Of these he had
comparatively few. But this was compensated by those natural gifts
which give great minds the mastery over difficulties which the timid
regard as insuperable. Indeed, we have here another of those rare
instances in which the hardiness of natural genius is seen to defy all
obstacles, and developes its flower and matures its fruit under
circumstances apparently the most unpropitious.
"The region of the country in which his family resided was then newly
settled, and in a rude frontier State. There was not an academy in all
the upper part of the State, and none within fifty miles, except one at
about that distance in Columbia county, Georgia, which was kept by
his brother-in-law, Mr. Waddell, a Presbyterian clergyman. There were
but a few scattered schools in the whole of that region, and these
were such as are usually found on the frontier, in which reading,
writing and arithmetic were imperfectly taught. At the age of thirteen
he was placed under the charge of his brother-in-law to receive his
education. Shortly after, his father died; this was followed by the
death of his sister, Mrs. Waddell, within a few weeks, and the
academy was then discontinued, which suspended his education
before it had fairly commenced. His brother-in-law, with whom he
was still left, was absent the greater part of the time, attending to his
clerical duties, and his pupil thus found himself on a secluded
plantation, without any white companion during the greater portion
of the time. A situation apparently so unfavorable to improvement
turned out, in his case, to be the reverse. Fortunately for him, there
was a small circulating library in the house, of which his brother-in-
law was librarian, and, in the absence of all company and
amusements, that attracted his attention. His taste, although
undirected, led him to history, to the neglect of novels and other
lighter reading; and so deeply was he interested, that in a short time
he read the whole of the small stock of historical works, contained in
the library, consisting of Rollin's Ancient History, Robertson's Charles
V., his South America, and Voltaire's Charles XII. After dispatching
these, he turned with like eagerness to Cook's Voyages (the large
edition), a small volume of essays by Brown, and Locke on the
Understanding, which he read as far as the chapter on Infinity. All
this was the work of but fourteen weeks. So intense was his
application that his eyes became seriously affected, his countenance
pallid, and his frame emaciated. His mother, alarmed at the
intelligence of his health, sent for him home, where exercise and
amusement soon restored his strength, and he acquired a fondness
for hunting, fishing, and other country sports. Four years passed
away in these pursuits, and in attention to the business of the farm
while his elder brothers were absent, to the entire neglect of his
education. But the time was not lost. Exercise and rural sports
invigorated his frame, while his labors on the farm gave him a taste
for agriculture, which he always retained, and in the pursuit of which
he finds delightful occupation for his intervals of leisure from public
duties."
It is not our purpose, however, to enter into any detail of the life of
Mr Calhoun. Suffice it to say that he was educated, under Dr. Dwight,
at Yale College, that he studied law at Litchfield in Connecticut, that
he was for two sessions a member of the Legislature, that from 1811
to 1817 during the war with Great Britain, and the most trying times
that followed it, he was a member of the lower House of Congress.
That he was then appointed Secretary of War, under Madison, when
he gave a new, thorough, and complete organization to his
department. That he was chosen Vice-President in 1825, and
subsequently served his country as Senator of the United States, and
Secretary of State, until the year 1850, when he died. During the
whole of this long period his exertions were constant, and he took a
leading part in all the movements of parties. Acting for the most of
the time with the Democratic party, he was still never the slave of
party, never guilty of the low arts or petty cunning of the mere
politician, always fearless in the discharge of his duties, and though
ambitious, ever sacrificing his ambition to his clearly discerned and
openly expressed principles. Mr. Webster, who, during nearly the
whole of his legislative career, and on nearly all questions of public
concern, had been an active opponent, in an obituary address to the
Senate, bore this testimony to his genius and his greatness.
"Differing widely on many great questions respecting our institutions
and the government of the country, those differences never
interrupted our personal and social intercourse. I have been present
at most of the distinguished instances of the exhibition of his talents
in debate. I have always heard him with pleasure, often with much
instruction, not unfrequently with the highest degree of admiration.
"Mr. Calhoun was calculated to be a leader in whatsoever association
of political friends he was thrown. He was a man of undoubted
genius and of commanding talents. All the country and all the world
admit that. His mind was both perceptive and vigorous. It was clear,
quick, and strong.
"Sir, the eloquence of Mr. Calhoun, or the manner in which he
exhibited his sentiments in public bodies, was part of his intellectual
character. It grew out of the qualities of his mind. It was plain,
strong, terse, condensed, concise: sometimes impassioned, still
always severe. Rejecting ornament, not often seeking far for
illustration, his power consisted in the plainness of his propositions, in
the closeness of his logic, and in the earnestness and energy of his
manner. These are the qualities, as I think, which have enabled him
through such a long course of years to speak often, and yet
command attention. His demeanor as a Senator is known to us all, is
appreciated, venerated, by us all. No man was more respectful to
others; no man carried himself with greater decorum, no man with
superior dignity. I think there is not one of us, when he last
addressed us from his seat in the Senate, his form still erect, with a
voice by no means indicating such a degree of physical weakness as
did in fact possess him, with clear tones, and an impressive, and, I
may say, an imposing manner, who did not feel that he might imagine
that we saw before us a Senator of Rome, while Rome survived.
"Sir, I have not, in public, nor in private life, known a more assiduous
person in the discharge of his appropriate duties. I have known no
man who wasted less of life in what is called recreation, or employed
less of it in any pursuits not connected with the immediate discharge
of his duty. He seemed to have no recreation but the pleasure of
conversation with his friends. Out of the chambers of Congress, he
was either devoting himself to the acquisition of knowledge
pertaining to the immediate subject of the duty before him, or else
he was indulging in those social interviews in which he so much
delighted.

"My honorable friend from Kentucky[20] has spoken in just terms of

his colloquial talents. They certainly were singular and eminent.
There was a charm in his conversation not often equalled. He
delighted especially in conversation and intercourse with young men.
I suppose that there has been no man among us who had more
winning manners, in such an intercourse and such conversation, with
men comparatively young, than Mr. Calhoun. I believe one great
power of his character, in general, was his conversational talent. I
believe it is that, as well as a consciousness of his high integrity, and
the greatest reverence for his talents and ability, that has made him
so endeared an object to the people of the State to which he
belonged.
"Mr. President, he had the basis, the indispensable basis of all high
character; and that was, unspotted integrity and unimpeached honor.
If he had aspirations, they were high, and honorable, and noble.
There was nothing grovelling, or low, or meanly selfish, that came
near the head or the heart of Mr. Calhoun. Firm in his purpose,
perfectly patriotic and honest, as I am sure he was, in the principles
that he espoused, and in the measures which he defended, aside
from that large regard for the species of distinction that conducted
him to eminent stations for the benefit of the republic, I do not
believe he had a selfish motive or selfish feeling. However he may
have differed from others of us in his political opinions or his political
principles, those principles and those opinions will now descend to
posterity under the sanction of a great name. He has lived long
enough, he has done enough, and he has done it so well, so
successfully, so honorably, as to connect himself for all time with the
records of his country. He is now an historical character. Those of us
who have known him here, will find that he has left upon our minds
and our hearts a strong and lasting impression of his person, his
character, and his public performances, which, while we live, will
never be obliterated. We shall hereafter, I am sure, indulge in it as a
grateful recollection, that we have lived in his age, that we have been
his contemporaries, that we have seen him, and heard him, and
known him. We shall delight to speak of him to those who are rising
up to fill our places. And, when the time shall come that we ourselves
must go, one after another, to our graves, we shall carry with us a
deep sense of his genius and character, his honor and integrity, his
amiable deportment in private life, and the purity of his exalted
patriotism."
The event in Mr. Calhoun's political life which will give him the
greatest distinction in our history, was the bold and perilous course
he took on the subject of nullification. It brought him and his native
State directly in conflict with the powers of the Federal government,
and but for the compromise of the Tariff question, out of which the
controversy grew, would have ended in civil war. We shall not
undertake to narrate the origin or the purpose of this most fearful
crisis, referring our readers to the regular memoirs of Mr. Calhoun for
the details, but we cannot refrain from expressing our high
admiration of the gallant bearing of the great South Carolinian during
the whole of the protracted and embarrassing dispute. The energy
with which he pursued his ends, the originality with which he
defended them, the boldness of his position, the devotion to his
friends, the formidable objects that he had to encounter, the calm,
earnest self-reliance with which he encountered them, and, in the
end, the graceful concessions on both sides, by which the difficulties
of the juncture were avoided, are brilliant illustrations both of the
lofty energies of his spirit, and of the happy, peaceful working of our
national institutions. In any other country, and under any other
government, if it had been possible for such a conflict to arise, it
could only have terminated in bloodshed or war. Either the reigning
authority would have been overturned, or the chief agent in the
insurrection would have been executed as a traitor. Under the benign
and conciliatory genius of our constitution, by that pacific legislation,
which knows how to temper the rigid and inflexible exercise of law by
the spirit of concession, the struggle ended in compromise.
It was in his domestic life that Mr. Calhoun won the warmest homage
of the heart. Miss Bates, who was for many years a governess in his
family, and who enjoyed the finest opportunities for observing him,
has given us the following record of his private virtues and
peculiarities.
"In Mr. Calhoun were united the simple habits of the Spartan
lawgiver, the inflexible principles of the Roman senator, the courteous
bearing and indulgent kindness of the American host, husband, and
father. This was indeed a rare union. Life with him was solemn and
earnest, and yet all about him was cheerful. I never heard him utter
a jest; there was an unvarying dignity and gravity in his manner; and
yet the playful child regarded him fearlessly and lovingly. Few men
indulge their families in as free, confidential, and familiar intercourse
as did this great statesman. Indeed, to those who had an opportunity
of observing him in his own house, it was evident that his cheerful
and happy home had attractions for him superior to those which any
other place could offer. Here was a retreat from the cares, the
observation, and the homage of the world. In few homes could the
transient visitor feel more at ease than did the guest at Fort Hill.
Those who knew Mr. Calhoun only by his senatorial speeches, may
suppose that his heart and mind were all engrossed in the nation's
councils; but there were moments when his courtesy, his minute
kindnesses, made you forget the statesman. The choicest fruits were
selected for his guest; and I remember seeing him at his daughter's
wedding take the ornaments from a cake and send them to a little
child. Many such graceful attentions, offered in an unostentatious
manner to all about him, illustrated the kindness and noble simplicity
of his nature. His family could not but exult in his intellectual
greatness, his rare endowments, and his lofty career, yet they
seemed to lose sight of all these in their love for him. I had once the
pleasure of travelling with his eldest son, who related to me many
interesting facts and traits of his life. He said he had never heard him
speak impatiently to any member of his family. He mentioned, that as
he was leaving that morning for his home in Alabama, a younger
brother said, 'Come soon again, and see us, brother A—, for do you
not see that father is growing old? and is not father the dearest, best
old man in the world!'
"Like Cincinnatus, he enjoyed rural life and occupation. It was his
habit, when at home, to go over his grounds every day. I remember
his returning one morning from a walk about his plantation, delighted
with the fine specimens of corn and rice which he brought in for us to
admire. That morning—the trifling incident shows his consideration
and kindness of feeling, as well as his tact and power of adaptation—
seeing an article of needlework in the hands of sister A—, who was
then a stranger there, he examined it, spoke of the beauty of the
coloring, the variety of the shade, and by thus showing an interest in
her, at once made her at ease in his presence.
"His eldest daughter always accompanied him to Washington, and in
the absence of his wife, who was often detained by family cares at
Fort Hill, this daughter was his solace amid arduous duties, and his
confidant in perplexing cases. Like the gifted De Staël, she loved her
father with enthusiastic devotion. Richly endowed by nature,
improved by constant companionship with the great man, her mind
was in harmony with his, and he took pleasure in counselling with
her. She said, 'Of course, I do not understand as he does, for I am
comparatively a stranger to the world, yet he likes my
unsophisticated opinion, and I frankly tell him my views on any
subject about which he inquires of me.'
"Between himself and his younger daughter there was a peculiar and
most tender union. As by the state of her health she was deprived of
many enjoyments, her indulgent parents endeavored to compensate
for every loss by their affection and devotion. As reading was her
favorite occupation, she was allowed to go to the letter-bag when it
came from the office, and select the papers she preferred. On one
occasion, she had taken two papers, containing news of importance