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Women and Employment Housewives First Career Women Second

This thesis by Madelaine Clancy examines women's expectations regarding family and work life, focusing on how race, marital status, employment, age, and education influence attitudes toward workplace suitability for mothers. Utilizing data from the Washington Post: DC-Region Moms Poll, the study finds that race and education significantly predict attitudes about workplace support for mothers, while marital status, employment status, and age do not. The research highlights ongoing gender inequalities and the need for workplaces to adapt to better meet the needs of working mothers.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
23 views45 pages

Women and Employment Housewives First Career Women Second

This thesis by Madelaine Clancy examines women's expectations regarding family and work life, focusing on how race, marital status, employment, age, and education influence attitudes toward workplace suitability for mothers. Utilizing data from the Washington Post: DC-Region Moms Poll, the study finds that race and education significantly predict attitudes about workplace support for mothers, while marital status, employment status, and age do not. The research highlights ongoing gender inequalities and the need for workplaces to adapt to better meet the needs of working mothers.

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© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Women and Employment: Housewives First, Career Women Second

by Madelaine Clancy, Bachelor of Arts

A Thesis Research Project Submitted in Partial


Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
Master of Arts
In the field of Sociology

Advisory Committee:

Florence Maätita, Chair

Georgiann Davis

Marvin Finkelstein

Graduate School
Southern Illinois University Edwardsville
May, 2014
UMI Number: 1568388

All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL USERS


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and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.

UMI 1568388
Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC.
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unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code

ProQuest LLC.
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ABSTRACT

WOMEN AND EMPLOYMENT: HOUSEWIVES FIRST, CAREER WOMEN SECOND

by

MADELAINE CLANCY

Chairperson: Professor Florence Maätita

This study investigates women’s future family and work expectations and

anticipations. It uses data gathered from the Inter-University Consortium for Political

and Social Research (ICPSR), specifically from the Washington Post: DC-Region Moms

Poll, April 2005 dataset. Focusing on women and their expectations for future family

and work life, the study aspires to examine what motherhood has to offer women as

well as how women experience employment. Regarding workplace suitability for

women who are also mothers, it was hypothesized that attitudes in agreement with

workplaces being set up to handle the needs of mothers would be higher for (1) white

women than women of racial minority, (2) women who are currently married than

women who are not currently married, (3) women who report that they have a paid job

in addition to being a mother than women who report that they do not have a paid job

in addition to being a mother, (4) women aged thirty through thirty-nine years than for

women of other ages, and (5) women who have attended college than for women who

have not attended college. The dependent variable is attitude about whether

workplaces are set up to handle the needs of mothers; the independent variables are

race, marriage status, paid job in addition to motherhood, age, and education level. My

findings suggest that race and education level significantly predict one’s attitudes about

ii
whether workplaces are set up to handle the needs of mothers. However, marital

status, paid job in addition to motherhood, and age did not significantly predict one’s

attitudes about whether workplaces are set up to handle the needs of mothers. This

study is consistent with previous research and suggests there are differences between

individuals in terms of their future family and work expectations.

iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...2

LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..5

LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….6

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………………………………..7

Sociological Significance……………………………………………………………………………………..7

II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE……………………………………………………………………………………10

Gender Segregation in Work and Occupations………………………………………………….10


Gender Role Attitudes and Their Influence on Commitment…………………………….12
Ambition and the Satisfaction Gap……………………………………………………………………16
Hypotheses……………………………………………………………………………………………………….17
Dependent Variable………………………………………………………………………………………….17
Independent Variable……………………………………………………………………………………….18

III. METHODS…………………………………………………………………………………………………………23

Dataset…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….23
Participants………………………………………………………………………………………………………25
Data Analysis…………………………………………………………………………….……………………..27
Data Limitations……………………………………………………………………………………………….27

IV. FINDINGS………………………………………………………………………………………………………….29

Logistic Regression Analysis……………………………………………………………………………...29

V. DISCUSSION………………………………………………………………………………………………………36

VI. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………………………….40

REFERENCES ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..42

iv
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. General Hypotheses for Models of Workplace Agreement…..…………………….15

v
LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Demographics of Washington Post: DC-Region Moms Poll, April 2005………..24

2. Logistic Regression Results Predicting the Expected Odds that Workplaces


are Set Up to Handle the Needs of Mothers……………………………………...34

vi
CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Gender inequalities extend to the beliefs and expectations that women and men

have regarding their future family and work lives. Why women and men hold such

beliefs about their future family and work lives has continued to be a central topic of

gender scholarship. As researchers continue to investigate this area, the balancing act

that women face when they desire both family and career can be uncovered.

Ultimately, continued research in this area will explore the hardships that women as a

group continue to face in their pursuit of raising a family while concurrently pursuing a

career (Hanson 2000; Findlay, Findlay, & Stewart 2009; Wetlesen 2010). The study

proposed in this thesis aims to answer the question: How do women’s attitudes

regarding workplaces being set up to handle mothers’ needs vary by race, marital

status, having a paid job in addition to being a mother, age, and education level?

Sociological Significance

This research is timely and compelling due to the increase of white women in the

workforce. Because of white women’s increase within the workforce it is essential to

explore and recognize how women view opportunity structures within family and

workplace. As much research has been conducted in exposing how and why gender

inequalities are still perpetuated through the exploitation of women within the

institutions of family and employment, this paper will focus on women’s anticipations

and expectations of future family and work life (Dencker 2008; Feather 2008). Studying

women’s attitudes about workplace suitability is a unique and different approach to


2

take. Past research reveals that there is a lot of evidence suggesting that workplaces are

changing. However, past research does not focus on whether women themselves feel

that these workplaces are addressing their needs. Unlike past research, this study seeks

to examine women’s attitudes regarding whether workplaces are set up to handle

mothers’ needs and how their attitudes vary by race, marital status, having a paid job in

addition to being a mother, age, and education level.

By investigating women’s attitudes about workplace suitability within the

institution of employment, we can draw better conclusions as to what women’s

anticipations are in terms of the workplace (Fetterolf & Eagly 2011). In addition,

employers can become aware of the need to create more flexible workplaces that

effectively meet the needs of mothers (Christensen 2013). To do so, women’s attitudes

about workplace suitability for mothers who are also raising families will be explored.

To help explain why women may have such mindsets about the workplace, information

from past literature will include how gender segregation in work and occupations aid in

women’s formation of aspirations of their future work lives (Fetterolf & Eagly 2011;

Westover 2010). Past research in this area has failed to challenge the hardships that

women as a group continually perceive in their pursuit of having it all – career, marriage,

and motherhood (Hanson 2000; Findlay, Findlay, & Stewart 2009; Wetlesen 2010). This

specific study will address the constraints on family and work life that hinders women

from obtaining their highest aspirations.

Women who seek to have it all – career, marriage, and motherhood - will be

represented in this research. The research conducted in this paper presents the outline
3

that there are barriers to equality among the genders (Christensen 2013). These

barriers to equality include gender gaps between women and men with respect to

gender segregation in work and occupation, gender role attitudes and their influence on

commitment, and ambition and satisfaction gaps (Huffman et. al. 2010; Westover 2010;

Dodd-McCue & Wright 1996). Becoming aware of the attitudes women have with

regards to workplace suitability for mothers can allow for the hegemonic discourse to

be changed along with the reshaping of hegemonic masculinity that has control over the

institutions of family and work (Roth 2009).


4

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Gender Segregation in Work and Occupations

Gender ideologies include a set of beliefs that may guide marital decisions,

workforce participation, and family formation. Such ideologies allow us to understand

how individuals develop expectations about their future family and work participation

(Damaske 2011). West and Zimmerman’s ideas of doing gender takes into account

scripts that have been socially constructed for women and men to follow in their pursuit

of gender achievement so they can interact as socialized individuals (West &

Zimmerman 1987). Once gender is accomplished, attention shifts to focus on

interactional and institutional arenas (Fenstermaker & West 2002).

Past research has found that education level correlates with occupational

attainments (Johnson & Reynolds 2013). As women and men in college today think

about their future and plan for family and work, they are exposed to a variety of mixed

messages relating to gender. Gender ideologies continue to influence people’s

identities as they embark upon their family and career paths (Spade & Reese 1991).

Thus, gender ideologies are an important aspect of occupational segregation that

maintains inequality and keeps women and men working in different occupations due to

a combination of forces. Women remain a minority in many of the higher-ranked,

higher-salaried, and more powerful positions in professional occupations (Westover

2010). Furthermore, even in women dominated occupations, men tend to progress

faster in the occupational hierarchy, be located in top-level positions, and receive higher
5

salaries. Even so, women consistently report that higher levels of work effort are

required from them as compared to their male co-workers (Westover 2010). To address

gender segregation in work and occupations research has been focused on examining

issues of gender and work-family factors. For example, Glass (1988) explored the

impact of work conditions and family factors on a woman’s likelihood to quit or change

jobs and found that employment conditions and family factors such as pregnancy or

child care do impact a woman’s decision to change or exit the labor force. This suggests

that the gender difference in reported work effort is likely related to stricter

performance standards imposed on women, even when women and men hold the same

jobs (Damaske 2011; Riggio & Desrochers 2006).

Job characteristics valued by women and men differ. Therefore, why some

women perform work outside of the paid labor market, commonly known as invisible

labor or domestic work, rather than seeking employment in the paid labor market can

be addressed through gender segregation in work and occupations (Damaske 2011;

Riggio & Desrochers 2006; Westover 2010). Furthermore, women who are married

have more flexibility and the financial support of their husbands to perform work

outside of the paid labor market by staying home to care for their children and family.

In contrast, it is likely women who are not married need the financial security of a paid

job within the labor market in order to support their children and family. In addition to

financial security, societal attitudes and concerns about mothering also contribute to

the expectations, aspirations, and decisions of thoughts about one’s future family and

work life (Riggio & Desrochers 2006). As knowledge about gender segregation in work
6

and occupations is inspected gender role attitudes and their influence on commitment

can be better understood (Riggio & Desrochers 2006).

Gender Role Attitudes and Their Influence on Commitment

Attitudes about gender impact the various roles in which women and men

participate. One’s gender role attitudes reflect her or his beliefs about the roles of

women and men (Hoffnung & Williams 2012). One’s attitudes about multiple gender

roles can be understood by breaking down the idea within the expansionist-

enhancement perspective or role accumulation. This theoretical perspective

acknowledges multiple roles as providing advantages to an individual. Due to each role

providing different privileges, resources, and ways to ego enhancement, a combination

of roles increases one’s social capital and opens them up to more opportunities for

rewards, security, satisfaction, and pleasures (Hoffnung &Williams 2012). Role

accumulation states that experience or participation in one role increases the quality or

performance in the other role (Sieber 1974). Thus, having multiple life roles can be

enriching. Therefore, it is thought that women who seek to have it all – career,

marriage, and motherhood -- will experience enrichment as a component of their

multiple roles (Cancian & Oliker 2000). However, for mothers to accumulate a role

within the workplace the workplace needs to be set up to handle mothers’ needs.

Parenting is marked as a highly valued role due to the amount of intangible

rewards it has to offer. Bringing significant rites of passages and sources of meanings in

life, parenting for women is much different than it is for men (Koropeckyj-Cox & Pendell

2007). Women are deemed main caregivers because society has constructed care giving
7

as women’s responsibility. This construction of care giving can be explained as social.

The sociological perspective takes ideas and practices of care giving to explore how they

are molded and shaped throughout the life cycle (Cancian & Oliker 2000). The feelings

and motives of caring for someone that are derived from within an individual come from

their relations with others and their participation in social groups and institutions.

Therefore, women or men will tend to be good caregivers if caring confirms their

identity and aligns with cultural beliefs about gender (Cancian & Oliker 2000).

Multiple roles have an impact on one’s attitudes about various aspects in life,

particularly family life (Hoffnung & Williams 2012). Motherhood offers women more

intensive involvement in parenting through gratification and emotional closeness, but a

grave personal cost in terms of responsibility, sacrifice, stress, time commitment, and

social scrutiny (Koropeckyj-Cox & Pendell 2007). Past research explains women’s

underrepresentation in the workplace, particularly in higher positions, to be attributed

to low attitudinal job commitment. Rather than committing themselves to their places

of employment, women often feel that they should be committed to the caring and

nurturing of their children and family (Dodd-McCue & Wright 1996).

The demands of the paid workplace often take priority over unpaid work and

care giving within the family that is often trivialized, ignored, and unsupported. The

devaluation of caring is observed through the social construction classifying women as a

housewife, suggesting that the many hours of skilled work that she devotes to her

children and husband are not worth much (Cancian & Oliker 2000). Moreover, we tend

to not even think of such work as “work”. Devaluation is due to the assumption that
8

caring is an instinctive ability of women that does not require skill or training. The work

of high-status people receives more importance and prestige than the work of low-

status people. Consequently, the devaluation of care giving is linked to the devaluation

of women thus, it seems reasonable to give them minimal respect (Cancian & Oliker

2000).

Attitudes about gender roles impact how women and men act. Gender role

attitudes and their influence on perceptions of female and male work performance are

important aspects to understanding family and workplace gender inequality (Cohen

2013). Many continue to identify femininity with caring for others, being considerate,

and emotional. Masculinity is comparable with being aggressive, dominant, and rational

(Hoffnung & Williams 2012). The characteristics associated with masculinity are

different than that of femininity and are less likely to fit the model for a good child

caregiver. In line with societal attitudes, men are dismissed from the home and

dispersed into the role of provider, allotting the role of nurturer to women (Cancian &

Oliker 2000). However, egalitarian attitudes disperse the roles of providing and caring

for a family as the responsibilities of both women and men. Egalitarian values support

mothers who uphold their careers when they have young children. The responsibility

for parenting is a shared role between mothers and fathers. Although some women

have always been in the paid labor force, egalitarian values provide for women who

wish to enter the paid labor force the belief that they too can seek employment outside

of the home (Hoffnung & Williams 2012). Through egalitarian views light is shed on

what motherhood does not offer women.


9

Not only do we see gender role attitudes in regards to the choices that women

make about their workforce participation, but attitudes can affect the commitment that

they have to certain types of jobs (Christensen 2013). The gender model is a theoretical

model that lends support as to what jobs women and men participate in. The gender

model explains that women and men have different levels of commitment because

women, as a result of their socialization, place a greater emphasis on their family roles

than men (Dodd-McCue & Wright 1996). This results in different orientations and

affects the role and importance of work. Through the gender model women establish

their identity through their interdependent, nurturing relations with others and place

primary emphasis on family roles (Dodd-McCue & Wright 1996). Hence, family life and

work life affect one another in a number of ways. Due to traditional gender roles,

working women are more affected than men by the conflict between the expectations

of work and those of home labor. Women’s experience in the paid labor force has a

different history than that of men in terms of opportunities, conflict with family,

commitment and reward (Haas, 2006). These constraints can be seen across societies

where men have traditionally participated in the majority of paid labor while women

have carried out most of the unpaid household labor. Although the gender role division

of labor has changed, it remains to be a major influence today (Hill et al. 2004).

Commitment pertaining to employment entails attributes such as loyalty,

dedication, devotion, responsibility, and obligation. The contradiction women face

between their commitment to their work and their commitment to their child and/or

family is part of a larger cultural contradiction (Hays 1996). Mothers are associated with
10

two contradicting cultural images: they are either mothers who selflessly nurture their

children or business women who selfishly compete in the paid labor force. In modern

times women are being pulled between the two in attempts of maintaining both a

family and a career. Yet, as Hays maintains, women adopt a number of strategies to

manage these seemingly contradictory expectations such that they can be both career

and family oriented. The demands of paid work and child care require mothers to make

choices about their role within the family and workplace. In choosing their roles,

mothers often find that they are more successful when committing to certain types of

jobs that require less demand with less room for upward mobility (Cancian & Oliker

2000). Therefore, women’s commitment also factors into their ambitions to aspire in

career, marriage, and motherhood (Starbuck 2010).

Ambition and the Satisfaction Gap

Aspirations play an imperative role in future attainments in addition to well

being. Plagnol and Easterlin (2008) describe satisfaction as a domain that depends on

the balance between aspirations and attainments. The aspirations of family women and

men have is not only different but seems to be fulfilled at different time periods in their

lives (Plagnol & Easterlin 2008). Women’s family satisfaction is fulfilled earlier in life

than men as they enter marriage, pregnancy, and motherhood (Plagnol & Easterlin

2008). The social construction of gender worth advises women that a family will provide

them with fulfillment. Women begin to tell themselves that they want a family. Their

mindset is that being a nurturer, caregiver, and housewife will bring them satisfaction

(Cancian & Oliker 2000). Their mindset encompasses the idea that their husband is the
11

one who should embark upon his ambitions while they take care of the household labor.

The gender biases and images reserve women to remain institutionally more likely to

end up in jobs that pay less than men’s jobs, which have less status and prestige than

men’s jobs, and with less likelihood of upward mobility than found within men’s jobs

(Starbuck 2010). As women satisfy their wants pertaining to family early in life they

dismiss their other ambitions and remove themselves from other areas of life such as

the paid labor force (Zhou 2006; Plagnol & Easterlin 2008). Therefore, the early

adulthood choices that young women make play an imperative role in their future lives

(Starbuck 2010).

Hypotheses

The purpose of this research is to explain the variation of women’s attitudes

regarding family and work. The model will use logistic regression to assess the level of

agreement women have about whether workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs

and whether their level of agreement varies by race, marital status, having a paid job in

addition to being a mother, age, and education level. With a focus on explaining the

variance in attitudes about workplace suitability, this study can move research from an

awareness of workplace inadequateness to a better understanding of the factors

contributing to the variation in the attitudes about workplace suitability. Figure 1

describes the hypotheses to be examined.

Dependent Variable

I have chosen one dependent variable to analyze: women’s attitude about

whether workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs. The dependent variable
12

measures the anticipations and expectations of the perceived workplace. Respondents

rated the original question, “Most workplaces are set up to handle the needs of

mothers” from the Moms Poll Questionnaire (MPQ) with levels of agreement varying

from strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree, and strongly disagree.

Respondents did have the option to refuse to answer or provide no opinion. The

dependent variable, “attitude about workplaces handling mothers’ needs,” was

collapsed from four categories (strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree,

and strongly disagree) into two categories (agree and disagree). Participants who

responded strongly agree and somewhat agree were collapsed into the category of

agree. Participants who responded somewhat disagree and strongly disagree were

collapsed into the category disagree. Seventy-five percent of respondents were in

disagreement with the statement that workplaces are set up to handle the needs of

mothers and only twenty-five percent were in agreement with the statement that

workplaces are set up to handle the needs of mothers. The majority of respondents

perceive that workplaces are not set up to handle the needs of mothers regardless of

race, marital status, having a paid job in addition to motherhood, age, and education

level.

Independent Variables

In addition to my dependent variable of attitudes about workplace, multiple

independent variables were used to predict the dependent variable of attitude about

workplaces handling mothers’ needs. Through the use of these independent variables

the hope was to be able to predict whether these factors contribute and affect one’s
13

attitude about workplaces and meeting the needs of mothers. Race was accounted for

to access any differences between racial groups in the sample. Cultural norms vary

across racial groups and therefore differences in attitudes about gender roles are likely

to be interpreted differently when assessing attitudes about unpaid and paid labor

(Spade & Reese 1991). The independent variable race was collapsed from seven

categories (White, Black, White Hispanic, Black Hispanic, Hispanic, Asian, and Other

Race) into two categories (white and racial minority). Participants who responded

Black, White Hispanic, Black Hispanic, Hispanic, Asian, and Other Race were collapsed

into the category racial minority. Participants who responded White remained in the

category white.

Marital status was selected as an independent variable due to the influence of

gender ideologies that likely guide marital decisions, workforce participation, and family

formation (Damaske 2011). Additionally, if a woman is married in addition to being a

mother she is likely to have better opportunities for upward mobility within her place of

employment than a woman who is a mother but is not married (Cancian & Oliker 2000;

Moss-Racusin & Rudman 2010). The independent variable marital status was collapsed

from six categories (currently married, living with a partner, widowed, divorced,

separated, and never married) into two categories (married and not married).

Participants who responded as living with a partner, widowed, divorced, separated, and

never married were collapsed into the category not married. Participants who

responded as married remained in the category married.


14

Having a paid job in addition to being a mother was selected as an independent

variable to account for ambition. If a woman has a paid job in addition to being a

mother, it is likely that she will be in agreement that workplaces are set up to handle the

needs of mothers (Wax 2004). In contrast, if a woman does not have a paid job in

addition to being a mother it is likely that her workplace did not support the needs of

raising a family (Wax 2004). The independent variable paid job in addition to

motherhood was collapsed from three categories (yes, no, and usually, but currently

unemployed) into two categories (yes and no). Participants who responded no and

usually, but currently unemployed were collapsed into the category no. Participants

who responded yes remained in the category yes.

Age was selected as an independent variable to evaluate anticipations and

expectations of women who are likely to be entering marriage and motherhood. During

the ages of thirty through thirty-nine women are likely to be balancing their work and

family lives. Women who are older are likely to be settled in with their significant other

and therefore may not have the pressures that come along with being newly married

while simultaneously raising a child and working within the paid labor force (Fischer et.

al. 1989). The independent variable age was collapsed from five age groups (eighteen

through twenty-nine, thirty through thirty-nine, forty through forty-nine, fifty through

sixty-four, and sixty-five plus) into two age groups (ages thirty through thirty-nine and

all other ages). Participants who responded eighteen through twenty-nine, forty

through forty-nine, fifty through sixty-four, and sixty-five plus were collapsed into the
15

category all other ages. Participants who responded thirty through thirty-nine remained

in the category ages thirty through thirty-nine.

Education level was selected as an independent variable to estimate ambition

and aspirations. Women who have attended college are more likely to have plans for a

future career and may be expecting to put off marriage and motherhood until they have

established themselves within their professions. Women who have not attended

college are less likely to be planning for a career, and more likely to be planning for

marriage and motherhood (Spade & Reese 1991). The independent variable education

level was collapsed from six categories (eighth grade or less, some high school,

graduated high school, some college, graduated college, and post-graduate) into two

categories (attended college and never attended college). Participants who responded

eighth grade or less, some high school, and graduated high school were collapsed into

the category never attended college. Participants who responded some college,

graduated college, and post-graduate were collapsed into the category attended

college.
16

Figure 1:
General Hypotheses for Models of Workplace Agreement

Attitudes in agreement with the statement, “Workplaces are set up to handle mothers’
needs” will be higher for:

1. White women than racial minority women.

2. Women who are currently married than women who are currently not married.

3. Women who report that they have a paid job in addition to being a mother than
women who report that they do not have a paid job in addition to being a
mother.

4. Women aged thirty through thirty-nine than for women of other ages.

5. Women who have attended college than for women who have not attended
college.
17

CHAPTER III

METHODS

Dataset

In my thesis, I question the attitudes women have about whether workplaces are

set up to handle mothers’ needs. To address this question, I have conducted secondary

data analysis utilizing the 2005 Washington Post: DC-Region Moms Poll Questionnaire

(MPQ) dataset obtained from the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social

Research (ICPSR). The specific title of the dataset is Washington Post: DC-Region Moms

Poll, April 2005. This special topic poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys

that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social

issues. The focus of this data collection was respondents' experiences as mothers living

in the Washington, DC, area. The principal investigator of the dataset was the

Washington Post. The dataset can be located within the ABC News/Washington Post

Poll Series. The geographic coverage includes the areas of Baltimore, District of

Columbia, Maryland, and Virginia within the United States. The data type was survey

data with the mode of data collection being telephone interview. The dates of data

collection went from April 14th, 2005 to April 23rd, 2005. The unit of observation was

individual and included Females aged 18 and over, who identified themselves as

mothers, living in households with telephones in Washington DC, Maryland, and

Virginia. Households were selected by random-digit dialing. Within households, the

respondent selected was the adult living in the household who last had a birthday and

who was home at the time of the interview. For the purposes of this research logistic
18

regression will be the regression analysis used. This dataset contains 110 variables with

603 participants. The dataset was obtained online at

http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/ICPSR/studies/4324?timePeriodFrom=2000&tim

ePeriodTo=2014&paging.startRow=26&searchSource=find-analyze-

home&q=women%2C+family%2C+and+career&dataFormat%5B0%5D=SPSS.

The data that was used for this research included a weight variable. Weight

variables are typically used for one of the two following reasons: (1) when one wants

results based on the population figure instead of the sample size and/or (2) to adjust for

sampling methods.

This particular data was collected through random sampling. Random sampling

is a widely used method that is a probability based method of data collection that

ensures each portion of the population undergoing studying has a chance to be selected

at random. It is most often used when time or finances are both not issues, but instead

a more accurate selection of the population must be called out so that the array of data

reflects every subset of the populous. This method allows for a more accurate theories

to be developed and is overall a more thorough form of data collection, though it is

more time consuming and generally more expensive than other types of sampling.

Most researchers agree that random sampling should be used over other types of

sampling whenever possible; this form of gathering data is simply more accurate and

helps demonstrate trends over entire groups of people, rather than just small subsets.

This particular poll was appropriate for my research because it focuses on the

attitudes of mothers. More so, the dataset facilitates to how women understand and
19

perceive the workplace to be. By utilizing this dataset, I was able to gather data about

mothers and their attitudes regarding workplace suitability for women who are

mothers. Thus, attitudes will be operationalized in terms of whether women agree or

disagree as to whether workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs.

Participants

The dataset included 603 women ranging in age from 19 to 69 years old. Fifty-

four percent of the participants identified as white and forty-six percent indentified as a

racial minority. Seventy percent of the participants indicated that they were married

with only thirty percent indicating that they were not married. Seventy-four percent of

the participants responded that they had a paid job in addition to being a mother, with

only twenty-six percent responding that they did not have a paid job in addition to being

a mother. The sample consisted of all women, thirty-five percent of whom were 30-39

years old and sixty-five percent were 19-29 years old and 40-69 years old. Sixty-six

percent of the respondents indicated that they have attended college with only thirty-

four percent reporting that they have not attended college. Table 1 displays the

demographics of those that responded to the MPQ in 2005.


20

Table 1:
Demographics of Washington Post: DC-Region Moms Poll, April 2005

Moms Poll Respondents


Race
Racial Minority 45.7% (273)
White 54.2% (323)
N = 596
Marital Status
Not Married 30.0% (181)
Married 70.0% (422)
N = 603
Paid Job in Addition to Motherhood
No 26.4% (159)
Yes 73.6% (443)
N = 602
Age
Other Ages 64.8% (391)
30-39 35.2% (212)
N = 603
Education Level
Never Attended College 33.8% (203)
Attended College 66.2% (397)
N = 600

Dependent Variable:

Workplace Meets the Needs of Mothers


Agree 25.0% (141)
Disagree 75.0% (425)
N = 566

N = 603
Source: ICPSR 4324 Washington Post: DC-Region Moms Poll, April 2005
21

Data Analysis

Using SPSS, the corresponding dataset included nominal, ordinal, and interval-

ratio variables that were measured for central tendency, variation, and correlation.

Multivariate analysis was used to cross classify, control for added variables, and

calculate expected odds. Due to the dependent variable being collected at the

categorical level logistic regression was chosen over linear regression. The statistical

analysis of logistic regression was used to observe the effects of the independent

variables on the dependent variable while controlling for other variables in the model.

For instance, it can be determined whether white or racial minority, if one’s education

level alters one’s attitudes regarding workplaces being set up to handle mothers’ needs.

Central tendencies were calculated using mean, median, and mode for nominal, ordinal,

and interval-ration variables. Hosmer-Lemeshow’s R2 was calculated to determine the

fit of my logistic regression model. All independent and dependent variables were

recoded to simplify data analysis.

Data Limitations

There are limitations to the analysis presented that should be highlighted. The

biggest limitation in this study was that the data was collected in the year 2005.

Because the data used in this research was collected years ago findings may be

different. To account for this it would be interesting to recreate the study today and

compare how things may have changed.

Furthermore, the current study only accounts for women who have children.

Because the sample only focuses on mothers it would be interesting to include women
22

who do not have children into the sample. By including women who do not have

children into the sample we may be able to gain a better understanding of women who

feel that they can not have it all in terms of career, marriage, and motherhood and thus

decided to not have children.

Another limitation surfaces due to data constraints. With the available dataset

including only a number of the variables generated by the literature to predict attitudes

about workplace, it is possible the results would differ if more predictor variables were

available. Therefore, future research should incorporate a more extensive model

accounting for more variables known to affect one’s attitudes about workplaces

handling the needs of mothers.


23

CHAPTER IV

FINDINGS

Logistic Regression Analysis

Logistic regression was used to predict women’s attitudes about workplaces

being set up to handle mothers’ needs. Table 2 displays the results of the logistic

regression including the regression coefficients, standard errors, and expected odds of

agreement with workplace setup that responded to the survey. Hosmer-Lemeshow’s R2

was calculated and using its findings I can report that 2.9% of the variation in attitudes

about workplaces being set up to handle mothers’ needs can be explained by the

variables in the model. The Hosmer-Lemeshow’s R2 accounts for the total percentage of

variance we see in the dependent variable that is accounted for by the predictors. The

Hosmer-Lemeshow’s Test is a measure of goodness-of-fit of our current model. Thus,

the higher the R2 value, the better our predictors are doing in accounting for the

variance in our outcome. Thus, an R2 of 1.00 would tell us that our dependent variable

is one hundred percent a function of our predictors. However, a value of 1.00 would be

highly improbable. Furthermore, in the model for this research our predictors are

accounting for 2.9% of the variance in our dependent variable. This means that our

predictors of race, marital status, paid job in addition to being a mother, age, and

education level are accounting for 2.9% of the variance in women’s attitudes regarding

workplaces being set up to handle mothers’ needs. There is still a large percentage of

variance in the outcome or dependent variable that is not explained by the predictors in

our current model.


24

The regression coefficient for race when analyzing attitudes about workplace is -

.528. These results tell us that racial minority women are forty-one percent less likely

than white women to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs

controlling for all other variables in the model. Furthermore, race is related to one’s

attitudes about workplace with racial minority women significantly (p<.05) less likely to

agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs than white women. Given

the research that talks about race and cultural norms, I was lead to believe that race

would be a significant predictor of one’s attitude about workplaces being set up to

handle mothers’ needs. My first hypothesis predicting that a white woman is more

likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs as compared to a

woman of racial minority was significant and thus supported by the data.

The regression coefficient for marital status when analyzing attitudes about

workplace is .045. This tells us that not married women as compared to married women

are five percent more likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’

needs controlling for all other variables in the model. However, the findings are not

significant and therefore my second hypothesis predicting that a woman who is

currently married would be more likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle

mothers’ needs as compared to a woman who is not currently married was not

supported by the data. I originally predicted that married women would be more likely

to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs than not married women.

I came to this prediction because married women are likely to have support both

financially and through spousal encouragement to pursue ambitions that lie outside of
25

the family. Although the findings are not significant and do not lend support, not

married women were found to be five percent more likely to agree that workplaces are

set up to handle mothers’ needs than married women. Reflecting back on my initial

thought process I believe this to be contributed to the idea that married women may

have left the workforce due to the financial security they have as a result of their

husbands being the breadwinner for their family. Applying the expansionist-

enhancement perspective or role accumulation, theoretically we can see that women

who are married not only maintain their roles as mothers but as wives also. The role

accumulation that married women experience in addition to motherhood is likely to be

apart of the attitude dynamic they have regarding workplace suitability (Huffnung &

Williams 2012). As presented earlier in the gender model women place a greater

emphasis on their family roles. Thus, women who are married not only have their

children to care for but their husbands too (Dodd-McCue & Wright 1996). In accordance

with the gender model is the fact that once a woman marries she is deemed the

nurturer and caregiver of the household meaning that she would be the one to take

more days off work to care for her children. This would then result in married women

removing themselves from their place of employment for fear that they will be unable

to tend to their children and family as needed (Dodd-McCue & Wright 1996). These

explanations as to why married women are less likely than not married women to agree

that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs is in agreement with past literature

and findings that women are more likely than men to remove themselves from the

workplace in terms of promotions for concern for their family’s well-being. Ultimately,
26

the married woman chooses family over work and becomes a stay at home mother. If a

woman is not married she may have child support to aid her financially. In addition to

financial help with her children she may also have custody split between herself and her

children’s father. If this is correct, I would suspect that not married woman may be

using their lack of marital security to excel them within their workplaces.

The regression coefficient for paid job in addition to motherhood when analyzing

attitudes about workplace is -.071. This tells us that women who do not have a paid job

in addition to motherhood as compared to women who have a paid job in addition to

motherhood are seven percent less likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle

mothers’ needs controlling for all other variables in the model. Given the research that

talks about women and employment, women who have a paid job in addition to

motherhood were predicted to be more likely to agree that workplaces are set up to

handle mothers’ needs as compared to women who do not have a paid job in addition

to motherhood. Because the findings are not significant the previously mentioned

hypothesis is not supported by the data. Although, I am surprised that women who do

not have a paid job in addition to motherhood are not significantly less likely to agree

that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs than women who do have a paid

job in addition to motherhood. I anticipated that women who were not within the paid

labor force would be in strong disagreement that workplaces are set up to handle

mothers’ needs. Furthermore, I expected this to lend support as to why so many

women still remain outside of the paid labor force. Perhaps this is due to backlash and
27

the reaction that stay at home mothers have towards women who wish to pursue a

career while also raising a child.

The regression coefficient for age when analyzing attitudes about workplace is

.318. This tells us that women who are not between the ages of thirty through thirty-

nine as compared to women between the ages of thirty through thirty-nine are thirty-

eight percent more likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs

controlling for all other variables in the model. I initially predicted that women between

the ages of thirty through thirty-nine would be more likely to agree that workplaces are

set up to handle mothers’ needs as compared to women of other age groups. However,

the findings are not significant and therefore this hypothesis is not supported by the

data. I originally predicted that women aged thirty through thirty-nine would be more

likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs than women of

other age groups. I came to this prediction thinking that women between the ages of

thirty through thirty-nine would be likely to be established within their marriage and

within their roles as mothers. Although the findings are not significant and thus does

not lend support, it was found that women of other age groups are forty-eight percent

more likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs than women

aged between thirty through thirty-nine. Reflecting back on my initial thoughts I now

believe these findings to make more logical sense. Women between the ages of thirty

through thirty-nine are probably more likely to be adjusting into their roles as wife and

mother. As past research suggests, the life changes that have occurred for women

between the ages of thirty through thirty-nine are likely to be contributing to their
28

decision to leave the paid labor force so that they can adjust to their new roles as wife

and mother. In addition, research also shows that maternity leave is likely a

contributing factor when assessing attitudes about workplaces being set up to handle

the needs of mothers. Hence, women who are of other age groups are probably not

going through the same family changes that women aged thirty through thirty-nine are

experiencing.

The regression coefficient for education level when analyzing attitudes about

workplace is -.495. This tells us that women who have never attended college as

compared to women who have attended college are thirty-nine percent less likely to

agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs controlling for all other

variables in the model. Given past research that talks about ambition and aspirations, in

my final hypothesis I predicted that a woman who has attended college would be more

likely to agree that workplaces are set up to handle mothers’ needs as compared to a

woman who has never attended college was supported by the data. Furthermore,

education level is related to attitudes about workplace with women who never

attended college significantly (p<.05) less likely to agree that workplaces are set up to

handle mothers’ needs than women who have attended college.


29

Table 2:
Logistic Regression Results Predicting the Expected Odds that Workplaces are Set Up to
Handle the Needs of Mothers (N = 603; R2 = 2.9%; y-int = -.713)
Regression Standard Expected
Independent Variables Coefficients Errors Odds
Race
Racial Minorities -.528* .212 -41%
White --- --- ---

Marriage Status
Not Married .045 .228 4.6%
Married --- --- ---

Paid Job in Addition to Motherhood


No -.071 .222 -6.8%
Yes --- --- ---

Age
19-29 and 40-69 .318 .203 37.5%
30-39 --- --- ---

Education Level
Never Attended College -.495* .214 -39.1%
Attended College --- --- ---

Source: ICPSR 4324 Washington Post: DC-Region Moms Poll, April 2005
*p<.05 **p<.01
Hosmer-Lemeshow’s R2 is being reported
30

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION

This study was designed to address the question: How do women’s attitudes

regarding workplaces being set up to handle mothers’ needs vary by race, marital

status, having a paid job in addition to being a mother, age, and education level? To do

so, women’s attitudes of agreement or disagreement about workplaces and whether

they are set up to handle mothers’ needs was explored.

After doing extensive research in this area, I see this issue now much more in

terms of not valuing the work that women have traditionally done, not valuing the work

of care regardless of if it is done by an executive or a single mother. I think it is about

women being known as a good leader, a successful leader, or an effective leader rather

than being known as a woman leader.

On a different note, it is still more difficult for women to lead than it is for men

to lead, and people expect things of women that they do not expect of men. As Cohen

suggests, this is partially due to the persistence of workplace gender segregation which

remains to be one of the most defining elements of gender inequality in modern

societies (Cohen 2013). Due to workplace gender segregation women remain employed

part time or in low positions and are often found in jobs without the opportunity for

upward mobility. Workplace gender segregation reveals that when women act like

men, they are much more likely to be punished for it (Cohen 2013). Even more,

Buchanan explains that gender role attitudes influence the perceptions of female and

male work performance. Thus, if we want to understand gender inequality in the


31

workplace it is of crucial importance that we examine gender role attitudes and how

these attitudes shape the perceptions of female and male work performance (Buchanan

2014). Hence, this conversation needs to continue until we reach a situation where it is

no longer striking that a leader is a woman.

Furthermore, I think it needs to be in both directions. That is, we should not only

be focusing on whether women are moving into men’s professions, but we need to be

focusing on whether men are moving into traditional women’s professions.

Occupational gender segregation accounts for both women and men entering work

positions outside of their traditional occupations (Westover 2010). The need to balance

work and family across the generations is a growing issue for families and employers in

the modern workplace. When families worked together long ago on farms or in small

businesses, work and family were not perceived as separate issues. Once work was

separated from the home, however, the issues of responsibility of the employer to the

employee and his or her family arose. Thus, the need for more supportive workplace

policies has become even more important (Christensen 2013).

People need to be equally able to choose the kind of profession they want, and

the combination of breadwinning and care giving they want. From Christensen’s work-

family research we can understand the need to create more flexible workplaces that

effectively meet the needs of employees and employers. Workplaces that recognize

and support family empower their workers to reach their highest potentials by means of

being sympathetic to the needs that arise from raising a family while also pursuing a
32

career (Christensen 2013). Assertiveness should not just be promoted in the workplace,

but also in the ways that women and men need to be caregivers. There needs to be

more willingness to say, “No, I can’t do that because I need to be home to care for my

kids.” As research shows, assertiveness that extends to the multiple roles one has is

healthy for development (Cancian & Oliker 2000). It allows us to live life well-rounded

and bring all of ourselves to the workplace as well as to family life.

I think a big factor in answering questions about women and employment stems

from questioning not only why there are not enough women at the top, but why are

there too many women at the bottom. Looking at these questions together will lead us

to find the right answers. When discussing the women’s movement, Gloria Steinem has

addressed and emphasized that it was a movement for all women. She talked about

bringing together all women to fight for equality in different ways. I think in order for

women to have it all - career, marriage and motherhood we need to reignite the

women’s movement that really captures what is common to all women, rather than the

very specific questions about women leaders versus single moms.

As I think about future research within the area of women and employment, I

think analysis of different generations of women would be both interesting and

beneficial to study. I believe this to be an interesting research avenue to take due to

generational shifts in attitudes about family and work. Seeing as older generations of

women got married at younger ages and entered motherhood at younger ages than

today’s generation of women it would be beneficial to see not only how these

expectations of family and work have shifted over the years, but it would be captivating
33

to hear why such aspirations about family and work have shifted over the years. In

addition, I think it would be valuable for young women who have high hopes of raising a

family while concurrently pursuing a career to hear what older women who have to say

about the hardships that play an impacting role when trying to have it all. In contrast, it

would be compelling to hear what fathers have to say about being the breadwinner of

their family. Do fathers feel that they are missing out? Does climbing the latter within

their place of employment outweigh the costs of family time? More so, what are the

opinions of fathers with regards to mothers being employed within the paid labor force?

Are they more supportive than women initially think they would be? All of these

questions can help to lead to gender equality and the need for equality between women

and men, regardless of gender presentation.

Ultimately, I think that whether or not workplaces are set up to handle mothers’

needs plays a crucial role in whether women can have it all – career, marriage, and

motherhood. I continue to be adamant that this issue of family and work regarding

women is one of critical importance. Understanding what career, marriage, and

motherhood means today as well as what they offer and fail to offer women today will

allow for a greater understanding of the experiences of the career woman, the wife, and

the mother.
34

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION

The research conducted in this study can contribute to the literature regarding

women and employment. There are a few reasons as to why the results from the study

were not necessarily all that significant. Since the data was collected through

convenience sampling, a random sample would have allowed for a more accurate set of

data from the population. If the method of collection employed had been random

sampling interactions between the independent variables and the dependent variable

may have revealed stronger findings with greater significance. Past literature as well as

the results of this study indicates that there has been change within the institutions of

family and employment. However, contradictions in anticipations and expectations for

work and family roles, which can lead to potential conflict, are also indicators.

Agreement of workplace suitability, specifically whether workplaces are set up to handle

mothers’ needs, was chosen as the dependent variable because I believe that in order

for women to have it all they need the support of their employer.

By investigating the viewpoints of women in relation to family and we can gain a

better understanding of what women’s family expectations are and how her family

expectations play a role in their career aspirations (Fetterolf & Eagly 2011). In

consideration of family, expectations are the discrepancies between what young adults

hope to happen and what they believe will actually happen regarding their futures.

Societal scrutiny is a harsh guilt for mothers to overcome. The motherhood penalty,

double binds, and empowerment also supply women with feelings of comparison and
35

less than (Lips & Lawson 2009). If workplaces are not handling the needs of mothers,

women feel the burden of trying to have it all – career, marriage, and motherhood. In

addition, it entails personal values and self views which include power, family,

considerations, occupations, and investments (Zhou 2006). Due to the social

construction of the traditional family many women remain trapped in the thinking that

in order to be a good mother they must remain at home with their children. Others

have broken away from the strictness of these traditional values and have sought work

outside of the home. Seeking work outside of the home often brings about dissonance

between mother and children in addition to husband and wife (Lips & Lawson 2009).

However, if workplaces do a better job to incorporate working conditions to handle

mothers’ needs, women will find that they have greater chances and opportunities to

have it all.
36

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