A Sociocognitive Study of Elizabeth'S Ii Speeches On Her Daughter-In-Law
A Sociocognitive Study of Elizabeth'S Ii Speeches On Her Daughter-In-Law
By:
Baneen Adnan Jafar
Supervised by:
Prof. Haider Kadhim Kudair Bairmani (Ph. D)
INTRODUCTION
1.0 Preliminary Remark
The use of certain linguistic patterns therefore reflects the importance of language
in the creation of ideas in the press. So, although language is a very useful middle
ground, it is not neutral (Fowler, 1991). For example, there's no objective way to
present a single individual; rather, it's about drawing attention to particular aspects
of identification that are connected to particular discourse genres (Machin & Mayr,
2012).
That is, different representations of the same thing arise because of ideological
differences rather than because there are a lot of different ways to state it (Fowler,
1991, p. 4). Regarding the incident that is being looked at, this is accurate.
Sociocognitive Discourse Studies (henceforth, SCDS) uses a sociocognitive
framework to investigate the relationship between discourse structures and social
structures. It looks at how common information, attitudes, and ideologies affect
language use in addition to examining the cognitive components of concepts and
metaphors, such as conversations regarding foreign nationals. A sociocognitive
approach emphasizes the importance of mental representations and demonstrates
how many speech structures are only completely understandable in terms of
cognitive ideas of information, beliefs, and knowledge, such as phonological stress,
grammatical order, and coherence relations. (Van Dijk, 2018).
The study focuses on the Queen's speeches. Some of her speeches made to the
royal family members, and these speeches attract the researcher attention to be
studied as they carry a political significant. There is a wealth of literature on
sociocognitive studies by scholars such as Hiebert (2014), Mislevy (2018), Assia
(2017), and others but it is noteworthy that no one has used this model to Queen
Elizabeth's speeches despite the fact that they frequently have a significant
sociocognitive influence. This research attempts to address the following question
in order to fill this gap:
1. What are the speech acts, presupposition, adverbs, opinion and emotions,
metaphor, deictic and indexic, hedges and boosters that are utilized in
Elizabeth speeches?
2. What are the ideologies, attitudes, mental model, victimization that are
utilized?
3. What are the societal situation and action of those speeches?
1.3 objectives
1.4 Procedures
To achieve the aims of the study, the researcher follows the following procedures: 1.
Surveying the relevant literature on critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach and
the concept of sociocognitive as tools to move the discussion that is done in queen’s
words and some other related topics.
2. Adopting an appropriate model for the analysis of the speeches to the women of
the royal family.
5. Discussing the results, drawing conclusions based on the findings of the analysis,
and giving some recommendations and suggestions for further research.
1.5 Limits
1.6 Significance
The current study is of importance for those who are interested in political
critics and political newspapers. Such speeches played a major role in the country's
politics and how power was divided between sons and daughters-in-law. The
sociocognitive approach applies a good explanation of some controversial words and
reveals the implicit meaning of these speeches. Thus linguists can address them in
speech analysis. Moreover, this study works to attract the attention of those
interested in feminist ideologies and expand their understanding of political feminist
movements and their importance in understanding how women manage the country
and their management and forms of imposing control.
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter presents the linguistic issue adopted as a field of study in this thesis: Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA). Some related issues to CDA are tackled, namely: Van Dijk’s Theories
in CDA, the Sociocognitive Approach, the Triangle of Discourse, Cognition, and Society, and
Discourse Components and Structures, along with Ideological Mechanisms in Discourse
Structures, the Cognitive Component, and the Social Component. It then provides a comprehensive
overview of The Life of Queen Elizabeth II, followed by an exploration of Queen Elizabeth II’s
daughters-in-law and their impact and contributions to the royal family. The chapter concludes
with a review of previous studies conducted in relation to the topic of this thesis and introduces
the current study, outlining its scope and significance.
Van Dijk's theory of ideology examines the ways in which ideologies impact the creation and
understanding of discourse. According to his theory, ideologies are belief systems that are common
to a group and influence how people and groups interact. Discourse can contain ideologies that
influence what one considers appropriate or normal in a particular context. van Dijk contends that
ideologies serve to legitimize or reinforce inequality in society (Van Dijk, 1998).
2.1.1.2 Elite Discourse and Racism (1993)
Van Dijk examines in elite Discourse and Racism how elites such as media organizations
and political figures use discourse to uphold their control over marginalized populations, especially
when it comes to racism. He looks at how societal injustices can be perpetuated and justified
through the discourse of influential groups. This process is described as a type of symbolic power,
in which existent power structures are reinforced by presenting particular viewpoints or attitudes
with legitimacy (Van Dijk, 1993).
Van Dijk describes in the sociocognitive theory how discourse and social systems interact
cognitively. This theory emphasizes how mental models represent cognitive depictions of social
events or circumstances, and then influence the creation and perception of discourse. According
to the notion, discourse is also influenced by the common beliefs and knowledge of social
groupings. Individual cognitive processes act as a mediator between discourse and social
structures, allowing discourse to both produce and be a product of social reality (Van Dijk, 2008).
2.1.1.4 Context Models (2009)
Van Dijk explores how discourse serves as a means for power in his book Discourse and
Power. He clarifies how speech is used by influential groups, such politicians or media elites, to
shape public opinion, manage information, and maintain their authority. According to the theory,
discourse can be used as a tool of social control by legitimizing and reproducing power dynamics
(Van Dijk, 2008).
According to van Dijk's Context Models theory, people comprehend and interpret
discourse in certain contexts by using cognitive representations. Context models are conceptual
frameworks that assist people in understanding the situational context of communication by taking
into account elements such as setting, audience, and cultural norms. The theory emphasizes that
these context models affect listeners' interpretations of speech in addition to how it is created (Van
Dijk, 2009).
According to van Dijk, discourse is a type of social action that simultaneously influences
and reflects social structures. According to this idea, language has the ability to create and reshape
structures of society in addition to reflecting reality. Cultural norms and power dynamics can be
reinforced or challenged through discourse. Van Dijk states that CDA studies how language is
used to either maintain or disrupt power relations and social inequality (Van Dijk, 2001).
Van Dijk uses social critique as the foundation for his CDA approach. He supports the idea
that CDA is a method for identifying and unraveling hidden power and inequality structures in
discourse. CDA is regarded as a technique for uncovering the ways in which language maintains
biases, stereotypes and social inequalities as well as for offering strategies for rejecting prevailing
beliefs (Van Dijk, 2009).
2.2 The Sociocognitive Approach in CDA
The CDA is a type of discourse analysis that focuses on how language and text in social and
political contexts enact, uphold, and challenge domination, inequality, and abuse of social power.
Taking an obvious position in such dissident research, CDA aims to analyze, reveal, and eventually
struggle the injustice of society (van Dijk, 2001). van Dijk's sociocognitive approach, which is part
of the larger framework of critical discourse studies, focuses on the cognitive elements of discourse
production and comprehension (Van Dijk 2014a). While all CDA approaches examine the
connections between discourse and society, a sociocognitive approach asserts that these
connections are mediated by cognition. Social structures and discourse structures are connected
by the shared knowledge, attitudes, and ideologies of society as well as the mental representations
of language users (van Dijk, 2016). Van Dijk has created this approach, arguing that it is a novel
technique that examines discourse structures through a perspective of their social and cognitive
settings, resulting from the integrating of CDA and cognitive linguistics (Attia, 2007).
Additionally, van Dijk contends that discourse structures and social structures do not directly or
linearly correspond, but rather operate through a cognitive interface known as "the mental
representations of language users as individuals and as social members" (Van Dijk 2015a, p. 64).
According to van Dijk (1998), CDA is the study of spoken and written texts with the goal of
identifying the discursive bases of inequality, power, dominance, and bias. It examines how these
discursive elements are maintained and reproduced across various historical, social, and political
contexts. CDA is not a methodology but rather a critical perspective, viewpoint, or belief in the
field of interdisciplinary discourse studies. The acronym CDA thus represents "discourse analysis
with an attitude" (van Dijk, 2001). In recent years, van Dijk and others have used the larger name
"critical discourse studies" (CDS) to underline the field's institutional resemblance to other
multidisciplinary disciplines, including women's studies, cultural studies, and gender studies. This
will be discussed in greater depth in the coming sections.
According to the sociocognitive approach, learning is the outcome of the interaction between
cognitive and social processes; knowledge is not acquired in an isolated setting, but rather is shaped
through interactions with one's social and cultural environment; knowledge is built through social
structures like media, culture, and social classes, which facilitate knowledge sharing across
members of society; and through these interactions, people learn "social facts" based on collective
understanding that has been formed over time (Van Dijk, 2008). This approach also emphasizes
how people actively contribute to the creation of "social realities" through their interactions with
shared beliefs within their epistemic communities and their own personal experiences, rather than
passively absorbing knowledge. Therefore, knowledge is more than just a collection of knowledge;
it is a socially situated and politically driven process, and the types of knowledge that can be
considered acceptable are frequently determined by power dynamics (Van Dijk, 2011). In this
process, discourse is crucial because it shapes people's perceptions of and their relationships with
the world (Fairclough, 1995).
Individuals inside a culture learn socially constructed realities when they receive what it
means to belong to a specific social class in a specific place and time. In this way, the socio-
cognitive approach grounds the postmodern epistemological framework in more practical, lived
experiences, so complementing it. It is not enough to only comprehend the construction of reality
and acknowledge how people function within a social dialectic; action and change-making are
equally essential. So, even if people are socially situated and do not actively create "the truth,"
they maintain the power to shape the world around them (Fairclough, 1995). Consequently, the
socio-cognitive approach emphasizes the necessity for people to interact with the systems in their
environment, questioning and possibly transforming them (Van Dijk, 2008).
Sociocognitive discourse addresses how social and cognitive dynamics are reflected in
language. The study of sociocognitive discourse investigates the intricate sociocognitive
interaction that connects discourse structures to social structures. This study examines the
cognitive characteristics associated with the use of particular concepts or metaphors in order to
gain an understanding of how discourse participants' mental representations interact with social
structures. This approach is comparable to cognitive linguistics, which studies how language
meanings and mental representations are shaped by the human mind (Van Dijk, 2006). On the
other hand, sociocognitive discourse research focuses on participants' shared social knowledge and
continuous communicative common ground. As modern communicative participants and members
of social groups and communities, it also emphasizes the attitudes and ideologies of language users
(Kaal, Krennmayr, & Kaal, 2014). This approach emphasizes how crucial mental representations
are in forming discourse by showing that several aspects of it can only be completely described in
terms of different cognitive conceptions, especially those pertaining to participants' knowledge,
information, and beliefs. For example, important components in creating meaning in conversation
include syntactic word order, phonological stress, topic and focus, proposition structures, local
coherence links between propositions, pronouns, and co-reference. Furthermore, people organize
their interpretations and comprehensions of discourse through the use of metaphors, frames,
implications, presuppositions, and arguments (Fauconnier & Turner, 2002).
A Sociocognitive discourse study does this by examining explicit psychological theories
of mental representations, such as particular mental models of language users or journalists, and
how these models function as a mediator between societal structures, shared social cognition
(knowledge, attitudes, and ideologies), and real text and speech. In contrast to other CDS research,
that examines and explains discourse in relation to its political and social settings, by adding a
cognitive bridge between discourse and society, SCDS goes one step further. It contends that social
and political structures may only affect text and speech through language users' thoughts and that
there is no direct connection between different structures, such as discourse and society. This is
made feasible by the fact that social members mentally represent both discourse and social
structures, enabling them to make cognitive connections between them before expressing them by
speech and in text (van Dijk, 2016).
According to van Dijk (2016) CDS examine the social and political aspects of speech and
writing with an emphasis on how media organizations might influence public opinion, especially
with regard to immigration. CDS studies the ways in which media and political elites shape
discourse, which may serve to further xenophobia and racism. Scholars in this field emphasize the
discursive reproduction of power abuse and opposition to it, placing a high priority on social equity
and justice. CDS takes a multidisciplinary, problem-oriented approach and calls for an ethical
framework for evaluating discourse. It frequently criticizes speech that infringes on human rights,
including racist or sexist rhetoric.
In critical discourse studies (henceforth CDS), van Dijk's sociocognitive approach is based
on the interaction of discourse, cognition, and society. The sociocognitive approach highlights the
mediating function of cognition in a unique way, even if other CDS paradigms examine the
reciprocal relationship between speech and society. Despite their underlying differences, discourse
and social structures are linked by language users' cognitive processes, which allow them to
function as both individuals and social group members (Van Dijk, 2008). In order to understand
social interactions and derive meaning from conversation, language users rely on mental models.
In the words of van Dijk (2014), "mental models are the cognitive interface between discourse and
society, allowing individuals to construct meaning from discourse based on their experiences and
knowledge" (p. 68). These mental models, which are influenced by beliefs, attitudes, and
knowledge, serve as a link between individual thought processes and social standards. A public
speech about economic injustice, for example, may have an impact on society views if its themes
are consistent with the listeners' pre-existing mental model of justice and equity. similarly, Wodak
and Meyer (2015) contend that "social cognition is central to understanding how discourses shape
and are shaped by societal structures and individual interpretations" (16). Future discourses may
be influenced by these interpretations, establishing a dynamic feedback loop between social
structures and mental processes. With respect to Chilton (2004), the sociocognitive approach
shows how discourse actively changes society structures in addition to reflecting them. He notes
that how social groupings are portrayed in the media may reinforce power disparities in society by
feeding discrimination. He contends, for instance, that "language functions as a tool of power by
normalizing certain ideologies while marginalizing others" (p. 45). However, changes in public
opinion have the power to subvert prevailing narratives and give rise to fresh discourse styles that
alter our perception of the world. Thus, the opinions of these scholars as a whole highlight how
important discourse is in forming society norms and ideology through the complex interplay
between social structure and individual cognition.
SCA aims to (1) "identify" and "map" the cognitive tools that are employed to generate
and comprehend discourse, and (2) explain how these tools affect the "structure" and
"interpretation" of discourse in a given situation. According to van Dijk, SCA is an
interdisciplinary framework that uses techniques from cognitive psychology and sociology to
examine the function of knowledge in discourse rather than being a method (Gyollai, 2020).
Van Dijk's work, which focuses on how social cognition, including cognitive "models" and
"schemas," influences news generation and consumption, is a shift from text analysis to discourse
analysis. He illustrates how habitual activities shape micro-level social relationships and processes
by connecting media texts to their context (Fairclough, 1995).
Furthermore, sociocognitive theories emphasize that the relationship between text and
society is mediated by cognitive processes, which aids in the explanation of the discursive
construction of social inequality. These models show how textual structures and social
formation are influenced by social cognition. In keeping with Teun van Dijk (2008), "social
cognition refers to the mental representations and cognitive processes that group members use to
interpret and understand the world, which in turn shapes both texts and social structures" (p. 64).
He contends that social cognition functions as a bridge connecting the macro-level social structures
and the micro-level textual structures. Therefore, examining the relationship between textual
structures and cognitive factors influencing both individuals as well as groups is necessary to
comprehend how texts might have influence on society. The model suggested by the socio-
cognitive approach is diagrammatically represented in Figure 2, where the bidirectional arrows
show the dialectical relationship between textual structure and social structure mediated by social
cognition, and the shaded area denotes the microlevel focus of text analysis (Hart, 2010).
The cognitive, social, and discourse components are therefore the three divisions of van
Dijk's sociocognitive theory. These components are discussed in details in the following
sections.
Discourse
Structure of discourse ideological structures of discourse
Component
In the words of Swales (1990), "discourse communities," which have an impact on how
texts are constructed to satisfy the common objectives and expectations of particular groups,
greatly influence discourse structure. While early approaches focused on structural grammars, later
theories offered a variety of organizational frameworks, such as summaries, orientations, and
resolutions, that were specialized to particular genres. Likewise, Bhatia (2004) highlights that
"genre-specific discourse structures are designed not only to organize information but also to serve
specific communicative purposes, reflecting the strategic intentions of the writer" (p.22). This
demonstrates how these kinds of structures can achieve goals like evaluation, explanation, or
persuasion, improving communication's capacity for effectiveness. Building on these concepts,
van Dijk (2009) emphasizes how discourse structure incorporates phonological, syntactic, and
semantic components in addition to linguistic ones in order to establish coherence through mental
models. Discourse can be tailored to a range of communication objectives thanks to these
structures, from cultural products like television shows to argumentative genres like editorials.
Ultimately, discourse integrates cognitive and structural elements to shape societal power relations and
identity.
The study of CDA looks at how social inequality and power dynamics are (re)produced via
discourse systems. By exposing how language either supports or undermines power, it reveals the
ideology of dominant groups through patterns such as polarization and pronoun usage (Wodak,
2021). Van Dijk (2005) outlines a number of important ideological discourse structures that
support social inequality and the (re)production of power. The structures in question consist of:
• Polarization: Draws attention to the sharp difference between an ingroup that is shown
positively and an outgroup that is portrayed negatively. This distinction can frequently be
used to justify contrary opinions or behaviors toward others and improve group loyalty.
• Pronouns: While "they" and "them" are used to establish opposition and distance toward
outgroups, terms like "we," "us," and "our" are used to promote harmony and solidarity
within the ingroup. Ideological discourse is frequently characterized by this binary
differences.
• Identification: Represents how members support their organization by using phrases like
"As a feminist, I/we…," which strengthens the group's identity and shared ideals.
• Emphasis on positive self-descriptions and negative other-descriptions: Maintaining
moral superiority, emphasize the good aspects of the ingroup and minimize its flaws
while negatively portraying the outgroup.
• Activities: Groups are frequently recognized by their typical roles or behaviors, which
highlight their acts as essential to their ideology.
• Norms and values: Uses common ideals like equality, justice, and freedom to defend
actions of the ingroup and criticize the outgroup.
• Interests: Reflects the competitiveness inherent in ideological struggles, emphasizing
material or symbolic benefits like as power, position, and access to public discourse.
Since cognitive linguistics fills the gap between language and conceptual structures and
their social implications, its inclusion in CDA is appropriate. According to Dabrowska & Divjak
(2015), "cognitive linguistics provides CDA with the 'missing link' it requires explaining the
connection between discursive and social behaviors" (p.90). Although cognitive linguistics aids
CDA in explaining how language influences conceptualization, CDA expands on cognitive
linguistics by tackling social norms that limit behavior and discourse. It is crucial for discourse,
cognition, and ideology to interact because language transmits meanings that may impacts social
beliefs, attitudes, and ideologies. For example, euphemisms and metaphors can impact how people
see social issues such racism (van Dijk, 2008).
Van Dijk (2006) says that, Context models, which reflect participants' subjective
evaluations of communication setting, are essential for bridging the gap between cognition and
societal integration . Language choices and strategies for communication are impacted by these
models, which are shaped by knowledge, beliefs, and intentions. According to Golmohammadi et
al. (2014), cultural and cognitive differences have a big impact on the way that communication is
structured and perceived. Native academics, for instance, may use additional engagement
indicators to connect with readers and offer clear communication, illustrating how social and
cultural settings shape speech.
Van Dijk's multidisciplinary framework adds historical, social, and institutional contexts
to our understanding of cognition, going beyond individual processes. Not only is discourse a
means of communication, but it also reinforces and reshapes reality in society. By emphasizing
the dynamic interaction between discourse, mental models, and social structures, this
comprehensive approach provides a better comprehension of how language shapes and reflects
society (van Dijk, 1992). The Cognitive component is diagrammed as follows:
Cognitive
component
Attitudes & Ideologies
Figure (3) Cognitive component (Adopted)
2.2.2.2.2 Knowledge
Knowledge is described as beliefs that serve as the basis for understanding, interaction, and
cognition and that meeting the epistemic norms of a society. Van Dijk (2009, 2002) makes a
distinction between group-specific information, which may be written off by outsiders as "beliefs"
or "opinions," and generally accepted generic knowledge, which is undeniable and shared
throughout society. Through discourse, knowledge can be acquired and maintained, influencing
individual mental models and passing along cultural values and norms. in this vein, Foucault
(1980) highlights how knowledge systems are intrinsically linked to power structures, with those
in control of knowledge having the ability to shape public opinion, manipulate society ideas, and
uphold prevailing ideologies. In an equivalent manner, Hart (2022) explains that "the interaction
between language, cognition, and power shapes the negotiation of 'truth' in society, where
knowledge is continuously contested and redefined in various social contexts" (p.178). Knowledge
is a social force that controls and guides the discourse in society, rather than merely an intellectual
production.
Socially shared ideas, such as attitudes and ideologies, are group-based and evaluative. In contrast,
social knowledge is not universally accepted and differs from these shared ideas (Van Dijk, 2002).
Underlying ideologies influence attitudes, which are schematically constructed beliefs that
encompass views of personal identity, origin, and intergroup connections. Ideologies like racism,
for example, shape attitudes toward immigration, education, and culture by arranging collective
beliefs into a polarizing "Us vs. Them" framework. Power dynamics, ingroup and outgroup
representation in language through themes, arguments, and metaphors are all governed by this
polarization (Van Dijk, 2009).
Van Dijk additionally discusses the manner in which ideologies form mental models that
impact discourse and individual experiences, so serving as the basis for attitudes. Biases in
ideological discourse are shown through polarized interpersonal relationships that are captured in
text structures, vocabulary, and narratives (Van Dijk, 2016). Social actors hold similar opinions
on important societal issues like immigration and terrorism because they are part of movements or
ideological organizations. Ideologies like feminist movements, militarism, or neoliberalism which
structure social cognition around identity, objectives, and resources, influence these common
attitudes. Discourse practices, mental models, and social attitudes all show polarization between
ingroups and outgroups (Van Dijk, 2009, 2016).
In the opinion of Van Leeuwen (2008), discourse is a social engagement that is intricately
entwined with society institutions and power relations, rather than only being a cognitive process.
He investigates the ways in which hegemonic organizations manipulate public discourse to
maintain social hierarchies. Social cognition plays a major role in this process of regulation since
shared information and ideologies shape how discourse gets generated and perceived. Discourse
analysis, in the author's view, needs to take these cognitive and sociological factors into
consideration in order to properly comprehend how language either supports or challenges
inequality and power.
Social
Component
Micro and Macro Power and Domination Figure (4) Social component (Adopted)
Users can switch between these levels through cognitive processes, highlighting various
abstractions according to the purposes of interactions. Although they are frequently implicit, macro
settings provide a background for communication and influence the interpretation and producing
of discourse. In formal or explanatory interactions, higher-level contextual elements—such as
social identities and cultural frameworks—become more noticeable under the influence of social
and cognitive structures (van Dijk, 2007). As seen in news reporting, where more general subjects
come before specifics, macrostructures like overarching themes arrange material in a hierarchical
manner and influence how credible a story is perceived (Fairclough, 1995).
In the opinion of Van Dijk (2008, 2009), context models function at many levels of
abstraction, ranging from localized discourse to social structures. A racist comment in parliament,
for example, might serve as a localized interaction that reflects broad issues within society like
inequality in races. Communication helps create and reproduce social realities, such as institutional
norms and power dynamics, by fusing macro-level meanings with micro-level details. In
discourse the micro and macro levels frequently overlap. For instance, language use is a
component of social order at the micro level. Inequality, power, and domination are issues at the
macro level. One sociological framework that fills the conceptual gap between these levels is CDA
(Fairclough, 1995).
The following are important processes that connect these levels:
1. Members and groups: Individuals engage in conversation as part of groups that take
collective action through their members.
2. Actions and processes: Individuals' social actions influence broader society processes like
news production or legislation.
3. Context and social structure: Press conferences and other discursive events are institutional
practices that are ingrained in social institutions.
4. Personal and social cognition: Social actors have shared knowledge and personal memories
that affect discourse.
Macro-level information typically serves as implicit backdrop, supporting discourse
generation and understanding but less commonly taking the focal point. Micro-level interactions
and macro-level frameworks operate together to create meaning and influence social processes
because of this dynamic interplay (Fairclough, 1995; van Dijk, 2009).
The terms "power" and "domination" do not refer to qualities of interpersonal, but rather
to the control connections that exist between social groupings or organizations. Power functions
on a social and cognitive level, affecting the mental models, knowledge, attitudes, and ideologies
of dominated groups in addition to controlling their discourses and actions. Discourse has a
significance for controlling other groups' thoughts in order to maintain power (van Dijk, 2009). A
group's ability to influence another's behavior or thoughts by gaining access to valuable resources
like wealth, education, or status is known as social power. This power, which can be persuasive or
coercive, can indirectly govern people by influencing their way of thinking. CDA examines how
dominance or abuse of power helps the powerful group while harming the weaker ones. In
democratic settings, power can be frequently justifiable, but when it is misused, it can cause
inequality (van Dijk, 2009).
Group power is based on both symbolic (knowledge, position) and material (property,
capital) resources. Ethnicity, skin tone, and nationality are examples of symbolic elements that can
be used to exert power in ethnic encounters. Societal (including macro and micro-level structures),
cognitive (individual or societal mental models), and discourse (controlling interaction and
communication) are the three main components of CDA. Dominance leads to inequality in society
since it is the misuse of social power (van Dijk, 2009). Racism is a type of dominance in which a
particular group, typically white people, uses strategies like manipulation and persuasion to control
access to resources. Dominant groups shape political, media, and educational narratives for the
reason they have preferential access to public discourses. They have influence over the time,
location, and subject matter of discourse, while less powerful organizations have limited access.
Unequal access to communication legitimizes dominance and shapes public opinion (van Dijk,
1992).
These ideas were described by Van Dijk (2013) in order to clarify the institutional and
systemic character of power, its function in maintaining domination, and its impact on social
cognition. These presuppositions provide a framework for comprehending the relationships
between power and how they affect social unjust practices:
2.2.2.3.3 Ideology
The concept of ideology is fundamental to social theory, CDA, and sociocognitive studies
because it clarifies how social behaviors and human mental processes are influenced by power
dynamics, values, and beliefs. Early definitions of ideology, like the one given by Antoine Destutt
de Tracy, who named it the "science of ideas," concentrated on the nature of ideas (Eagleton,
1991). However, modern interpretations place a strong emphasis on its function in power dynamics
and social control (Gramsci, 1971; Althusser, 1971). Ideology is frequently understood as a set of
values and beliefs that social groups hold in common, influencing how people view the world,
understand interpersonal relationships, and defend hierarchies of power (van Dijk, 1998).
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels provided one of the most significant interpretations of
ideology, contending that ideology promotes a false consciousness among subordinate groups in
order to further the interests of the ruling class (Marx & Engels, 1846). Ideology is positioned as
being inextricably linked to signs, and the material manifestation of signifiers is how
consciousness emerges. As "inner speech," language binds people to a social network of meaning,
shaping awareness (Voloshinov, 1929). Ideology, according to CDA, is discourse that upholds and
maintains social inequalities, frequently favoring one group at the expense of others. In order to
reveal hidden realities, such as inequality between genders that endure in spite of assertions of
equality, it challenges hegemonic language for hiding power dynamics (Eagleton, 2014).
Reality and people's perceptions, which are influenced by ideologies, are not the same.
These ideas alter reality; for example, the notion of gender equality might mask the enduring power
disparities in the workplace and in families. People who experience this disparity develop "false
consciousness," in which they are unable to identify the ideological basis of their experiences. It
is the responsibility of the researcher to criticize ideologies in order to reveal this distortion and
promote a change in reality (Jorgensen and Phillips, 2002). Menard identifies two ideologies:
Sociological traditions perceive it as a strict worldview, whereas Marxist principles see it as a false
consciousness that reinforces domination by concealing contradictions. Marx maintained that
ideological frameworks could only be overturned by political action rather than intellectual
criticism, although his position has been criticized for supposing that there are objective ways for
understanding the world (Menard, 2017). The study of CDA focuses on ideologies as systems that
underpin social practices and events and serve to legitimize power dynamics and hierarchies.
Ideologies are viewed as methods that come from particular points of view and resolve disputes in
ways that advance dominating objectives. Ideologies are embodied in behaviors, genres, and
identities, and these practices are influenced by regular social interactions. In addition, different
points of view give rise to ideologies, which can result in conflicts and even domination. Through
the analysis of ideologies as practices and representations, CDA aims to reveal and challenge the
distorted perspectives that uphold dominance (Menard, 2017; Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999).
Ideology is shaped by viewpoints that uphold dominance by ignoring differences, and its
objectives are understood through cultural and historical analysis. Even while hegemony depends
on interrelated social structures, it is not complete, which for opposition to arise. Depending on
van Dijk, ideology is a social, cognitive, and sociocognitive construct that provides group members
with a framework for interpretation without being characterized as either true or false. It can range
from simple ideas to intricate systems that are relatively stable while being influenced by context
(Van Dijk, 1995). On the other hand, Kress and Hodge define ideology as a structured collection
of ideas arranged around one particular point of view, making it clear that the Marxist tradition
perceives it as a distorted representation of real world that advances the objectives of dominant
groups (Kress & Hodge, 1979).
Ideology is a sociocultural and cognitive phenomenon that permeates human cognition and
social relationships. Verschueren (2012) asserts that ideologies reflect a particular kind of
intersubjectivity since they are socially located and shared rather than purely individual products.
They be utilized as frameworks that arrange attitudes, values, and social beliefs, affecting group
identity and behavior. Persson and Neto (2018) support a multidisciplinary approach to ideology,
emphasizing its function in forming social norms and power dynamics by seeing it as the interface
between social systems and cognition. According to van Dijk (1998, 2000, 2005), ideologies
structure beliefs, norms, and goals, and act as the fundamental structures for social group identity.
They frequently use polarization strategies, dividing "us" from "them" in order to defend
domination and hierarchies of power. In order to preserve their power, dominant ideologies usually
use aspects of manipulation, distortion, and mystification. However, van Dijk (2001) also points
out that ideologies are not always negative because they can motivate resistance to oppression and
promote social change on a collective level. Ideologies influence words and actions by mediating
between micro-level interpersonal interactions and macro-level societal structures through their
cognitive and social functions.
2.7 The Life of Queen Elizabeth II: A Comprehensive
Overview
Elizabeth II, the first child of King George VI and Queen Elizabeth (the Queen Mother),
was born in London on April 21, 1926. She wasn't expected to take the kingdom at first because
her father wasn't the heir apparent. However, Elizabeth became the heir to the British throne when
her father succeeded her uncle, King Edward VIII, who abdicated in 1936 (McGreevy, 2022).
During World War II, Elizabeth spent a large portion of her early years in both the countryside
and London. The royal family relocated to Windsor Castle for safety during the war. Four children
were born to her and Prince Philip after their 1947 marriage (Pruitt, 2023).
As mentioned by Coleman and Simpson (2024), Elizabeth became queen in 1952 at the
age of 25, after her father, George VI, passed away. On June 2, 1953, Westminster Abbey hosted
her coronation. A new era of public interaction with the monarchy began with the broadcast
ceremony. As noted by Davies (2024), during her reign, Queen Elizabeth collaborated with 15
British prime ministers and was a significant diplomat in international affairs. Her participation in
crises, such as the 1956 Suez Crisis, and her travels throughout the Commonwealth contributed to
the preservation of Britain's standing in the world.
Queen Elizabeth adopted media technology as part of her adaptation to the modern era.
Since her first Christmas broadcast on television in 1957, she has pushed to increase public access
to the monarchy. Her ongoing development and modernization of her public persona have been
hallmarks of her lengthy reign (The Learning Network, 2022).
A number of personal issues surrounded her family, most notably the unstable marriage
between Princess Diana and her son Charles. These occurrences influenced how the public saw
the royal family, as did the splits of other family members (Davies, 2022). In spite of these
problems, the queen remained calm and came to represent stability for the British people. One of
the longest reigning monarchs in British history is Queen Elizabeth II. Her legacy includes
becoming a strong leader of the Commonwealth, modernizing the monarchy, and representing
Britain throughout turbulent times (The Learning Network, 2022). Her legacy and impact continue
to define British society and the monarchy's place in the world, even beyond her death in 2022.
Princess Diana, the ex-wife of Prince Charles, was one of the most well-known members
of the British royal family. The media prominently reported on her life, presenting her as a
representation of kindness and generosity. Despite her personal struggles, such as her divorce from
Prince Charles, Diana continued to be a well-known person throughout the world. She made a
major contribution to humanitarian causes, especially in the fields of AIDS awareness and
landmine removal (Morton, 1997). Despite her untimely death in 1997, she continued to have a
sizable fan base and emerged as an important figure in public involvement.
One of the most important members of the British royal family today is Kate Middleton,
the Duchess of Cambridge. Following her 2011 marriage to Prince William, she has been the
subject of media attention ever since. Kate is well-known for her wide humanitarian work,
especially in the areas of child welfare and mental health (Morrison, 2012). Her job as a princess
is crucial in parenting her children, Prince George, Princess Charlotte, and Prince Louis, and she
exemplifies elegance and composure while being independent.
Prince Harry's wife, Meghan Markle, was born in the US and used to be an actress.
Meghan's 2018 marriage to Prince Harry was a worldwide sensation, and her non-royal origins
and social views garnered a lot of attention. She started advocating for gender equality and human
rights after getting married. After she and her husband chose to leave royal duties in 2020, her
relationship with the royal family worsened despite her advocacy for social justice causes. They
wanted to live a more independent life, which is why they made this choice (Scobie & Durand,
2020).
Prince Charles's second wife is Camilla, Duchess of Cornwall. She had difficulties and
public attention throughout her life prior to her marriage to Prince Charles, especially because of
her previous involvement with him during his marriage to Diana. Following their 2005 marriage,
Camilla rose to prominence within the royal family and took part in a wide range of royal and
charitable activities such as campaigns to promote environmental awareness and mental health
(Bower, 2006). Although she has been criticized, she has become a revered member of the royal
family.
This section compares the current study to some previous ones in chronological order. All
of the studies are relevant to the current research; however, they are divided into two groups: the
first group discusses previous sociocognitive approach, while the second group focuses on Queen
Elizabeth II.
The study is entitled "The Sociocognitive Approach in Critical Discourse Studies and the
Phenomenological Sociology of Knowledge: Intersections." This article explores the potential of
phenomenological sociology to provide strong theoretical support to the Sociocognitive Approach
(SCA) in Critical Discourse Studies. The study aims to achieve two main objectives: (a) to
investigate the interconnections between knowledge, discourse, and society in SCA, with a focus
on the role of subjectivity, and (b) to demonstrate how phenomenological sociology’s exploration
of intersubjectivity can complement the insights of SCA.
The data for this article are based on a theoretical analysis of the intersections between
SCA and phenomenological sociology. The article examines key concepts from both fields,
analyzing how personal and socially shared knowledge are related, and how these correlations
influence discourse production and interpretation. Phenomenological sociology’s focus on the
conditions of intersubjective understanding and the relationship between subjective and objective
knowledge is integrated with the concepts from SCA.
The findings suggest that there is considerable overlap between the subject matter of
phenomenological sociology and SCA, with the potential for phenomenological sociology to
enrich the theoretical framework of SCA. This article advocates for greater attention to
phenomenological sociology within the field of Critical Discourse Studies as an underutilized
resource
The study is entitled “Sociocognitive Discourse Structures Presenting Suffering during the
Corona Crisis: Can We Trust the News?” It explores how sociocognitive discourse structures,
based on van Dijk’s Sociocognitive Discourse Studies and Chouliaraki’s theory on the Mediation
of Suffering, are used in news reporting during the Corona crisis to attract readers’ attention and
sell stories, often at the expense of trust and confidence. The research aims to identify
sociocognitive discourse strategies employed in the Canadian daily newspaper "The Globe and
Mail" during the Corona crisis in 2019/2020. The study focuses on how these structures are
utilized to mediate representations of suffering, particularly in headlines, and to address the "out-
of-sight-out-of-mind" phenomenon even when covering economically and politically equal
groups.
The data, drawn from a custom-compiled corpus named “Globe &Mail-Corp,” comprises
news reports on the pandemic, analyzed for sociocognitive structures that frame distant suffering.
The findings suggest that these discourse structures are primarily used to attract readers
rather than to build trust or foster confidence. They confirm that mediated representations of
suffering can heighten readers’ uncertainty and reflect violations of at least two core principles of
journalism.
The data consist of three speeches delivered by prominent American athlete celebrities,
selected for their wide appeal and influence. These speeches are analyzed using van Dijk’s socio-
cognitive approach (1995a, 2016), which emphasizes the interplay between discourse, social
structures, and cognitive processes. Particular attention is given to how athletes present
themselves, instill ideologies, and shape public attitudes through their discourse.
The findings reveal that athlete celebrities act as key influencers by employing language
imbued with inspiration, empowerment, and positive values. Their discourse consistently portrays
them in a favorable light, helping to spread their ideologies and mindsets to a broad audience. This
highlights the significant role they play as spokespersons in society, shaping cultural norms and
public attitudes.
The findings show that the dynamic interaction between language use, cultural context,
and cognitive processes is emphasized by sociocognitive approaches used in Malay Applied
Linguistics (MAL). They emphasize the field's interdisciplinary character by showing how
sociocognitive theories interact with linguistic and cultural studies to enhance MAL's theoretical
and practical aspects and offer more understanding of its intellectual development.
The study is entitled “Quantitative Analysis of Queen Elizabeth II’s and American
Presidents’ Christmas Messages over 50 Years (1967–2018).” This study aims to evaluate the
stylistic features of Christmas messages delivered by Queen Elizabeth II and American Presidents,
focusing on both synchronic and diachronic analyses, especially at the lexical level.
The data for this study are based on Queen Elizabeth II’s and American Presidents’
Christmas messages from over a span of 50 years (1967–2018). These messages are analyzed in
terms of vocabulary richness, thematic concentration, and the use of specific lexical indicators
such as "big words" and "hapax legomena" (words occurring only once in the corpus).
The study concludes that Queen Elizabeth II’s messages demonstrate a higher level of
vocabulary richness and lexical complexity over the five decades. Her vocabulary is more diverse
and intricate compared to the American Presidents’ messages. However, American Presidents
surpass Queen Elizabeth II in thematic concentration, using Christmas messages as opportunities
to publicize political opinions. On the other hand, Queen Elizabeth II focuses on multiple smaller-
scale themes, deliberately avoiding political topics and emphasizing the accuracy of her words.
The data for the study is the text of Queen Elizabeth II’s coronation speech, which serves
as the basis for identifying linguistic features and their ideological implications. The analysis
highlights how the Queen’s lexical choices portray a strong sense of national patriotism, while her
grammatical constructions emphasize shared responsibility with the parliament.
The findings reveal that: 1) The Queen’s use of specific lexical constructions conveys powerful
behavior and national pride. 2) The use of pronouns such as “I” and “We” demonstrates a balance
between personal accountability and collective responsibility. 3) The modal constructions in the
speech reflect the Queen’s determination and high degree of self-esteem. 4) The discourse
strategically fosters a sense of unity and mutual obligation between the monarchy and the
parliament, reinforcing her role as a committed and determined leader.
First, in most of the previous studies, the sociocognitive approach (SCA) has been applied
to analyze various domains such as critical discourse analysis (CDA), news reporting, athlete
celebrity speeches, and Malay applied linguistics. However, the present study, in contrast, adopts
van Dijk's sociocognitive model to investigate the sociocognitive dynamics between Queen
Elizabeth II and her daughters-in-law. This study examines how the interplay between cognition,
discourse, and social structures shapes their interpersonal relationships and how the Queen’s
sociocognitive strategies manifest in the analyzed discourse.
Second, the data and focus of the current study differ significantly. While the previous
studies analyzed political speeches, media discourse, or bibliometric trends, the current study is
unique in its selection of data, which is a discourse involving Queen Elizabeth II and her daughters-
in-law, a highly specific and underexplored interpersonal context. This study focuses on how
sociocognitive strategies and underlying ideologies are reflected in discourse, providing insight
into both power dynamics and social cognition within a royal family context.
Third, the model used for analysis in the current study builds on van Dijk's SCA but is
adapted to highlight specific discourse strategies used by Queen Elizabeth II. These strategies are
studied not only in terms of power practice but also in terms of power resistance within familial
and hierarchical relationships. This dual focus distinguishes the current study, as it moves beyond
institutional or media discourse to a more nuanced analysis of personal and familial interactions.
Finally, unlike the reviewed studies, which often analyze texts at the lexical or structural
level (e.g., vocabulary richness, stylistic features, or thematic focus), the current study emphasizes
the sociocognitive processes underlying the Queen’s discourse. It integrates concepts like shared
knowledge, ideology, and cognitive framing to explore how discourse is shaped by and shapes
social cognition in the royal family setting.
To conclude, to the best of the researcher’s knowledge, this is the first study to apply van
Dijk’s sociocognitive model to investigate Queen Elizabeth II’s discourse with her daughters-in-
law, filling a significant gap in both sociocognitive and discourse studies.
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Bryman (2012) defines the quantitative method as a research approach that prioritizes
quantification in the gathering and analysis of data. In addition, Williams (2007) explains that
doing quantitative research involves making calculations and obtaining data in a way that allows
it to be measured and statistically processed to support or refute alternative knowledge assertions.
However, quantitative analysis is defined as the use of mathematical techniques based on
numerical observations of particular aspects of phenomena; it draws conclusions from particular
cases in order to evaluate a theoretical hypothesis or find a general explanation; it looks for
calculation and analyses that are easy for other researchers to replicate (King et al., 1994).
Clark et al. (2008) explain that mixed methods analysis, often known as triangulation or
the amalgamation of techniques, refers to the combination of methods for collecting, analyzing,
and presenting data in analytical studies that incorporate both quantitative and qualitative
techniques. Neuman (2011) states that where qualitative and quantitative analysis approaches are
used together, their strengths complement one another, creating a more comprehensive, robust,
and enriched study that provides deeper insights into the research question.
For this study, the researcher used a qualitative analytic approach for several reasons. First,
qualitative techniques provide a deep understanding of how Queen Elizabeth II's speeches about
her daughters-in-law are influenced by sociocognitive factors. Second, the research focuses on
verbal communication in the form of speeches, rather than numerical data, making the qualitative
approach ideal for analyzing the language and discourse used by Queen Elizabeth II when
addressing or referring to her daughters-in-law. Finally, qualitative methods allow for dynamic
exploration, enabling the researcher to examine the nuances of her speeches, follow up on
particular phrases or themes, and uncover the sociocognitive dynamics at play. Although the study
is qualitative in nature, the researcher also employs frequencies and percentages to objectively
support the results and answer key research questions, offering a comprehensive perspective on
the language and its implications. مو اكيد نستخدم نسب مئوية تاكدي من شغل بالمستقبل
This section outlines the study's procedures and the criteria used for selecting the data.
3.2.1Procedures
The data collection followed in the current study is internet-based. The researcher looked for data
and discovered roughly 50 speeches delivered by Elizabeth II. She later reduced these speeches to
four key speeches about her daughters-in-law based on the criteria outlined below. Two official
speeches and two personal speeches by Queen Elizabeth II have been selected for analysis. It is
notable that Elizabeth does not always speak publicly but occasionally addresses certain topics in
family meetings or private occasions. All the selected speeches focus on significant events or
milestones related to her daughters-in-law. Additionally, some speeches by her daughters-in-law
will be examined as reactions to these events, providing a broader perspective on the relationships
within the royal family and the surrounding social and political contexts. نقاط لو فقرة تاكدي عدد الحطابات
يتغير
3.2.2 Criteria
The data in this study were intentionally selected based on the following criteria:
1. Since the current study is presented in English, the speeches chosen are in English, ensuring
that they align with the research focus and are accessible for analysis.
2. The study focuses on authentic speeches delivered by Queen Elizabeth II, sourced from
reputable magazines, books, and additional material retrieved from YouTube.
3. To focus specifically on the relationships within the royal family, the analysis centers on
Queen Elizabeth II's speeches related to her daughters-in-law, ensuring that the data reflects
the intended sociocognitive perspective.
4. The selected speeches provide insights into significant events or milestones and include
reflections on family relationships, demonstrating their broader sociocognitive impact.
5. The data prioritizes speeches addressing pivotal family dynamics, particularly those
involving her daughters-in-law. Additionally, the study will explore the reactions of the
daughters-in-law to Queen Elizabeth's speeches, providing a broader perspective on the
family relationships within the royal family.
6. All of the speeches selected highlight significant interactions and key moments involving
Queen Elizabeth II and her daughters-in-law, particularly in relation to major royal events,
significant milestones, or family matters.
A. Information Power
As a sample size guideline, Malterud et al. (2016, as referenced in Aldiabat & Navenec,
2018, p. 248) introduced the phrase "information power." It can be defined as the type of power
based on information control to accomplish significant goals (Aldiabat & Navenec, 2018, p. 248).
Based on Malterud et al. (2016), information power is determined by three factors:
Accordingly, the current study incorporates all three aspects. It has specific and focused objectives,
as outlined in Chapter One. Furthermore, applying the critical discussion model to the analysis of
Queen Elizabeth II's speeches demonstrates that the theoretical framework is both relevant and
effective, with the data proving to be representative and rich in sociocognitive strategies. Finally,
the selection of speeches is guided by the criteria detailed earlier in this chapter.
c. Structure of Context
In order to comprehend and interpret words and expressions, context is essential. Co-text (the
surrounding utterances), "the immediate physical situation," the broader situation (both social and
power relations), and the participants' shared knowledge are the most important aspects of context
(Cruse, 2006, p. 35). The researcher uses Hymes' (1974) SPEAKING model to characterize the
contextual elements of the data under study since it provides a thorough explanation of context.
In his model, Hymes uses sixteen components. He then introduces the acronym
"SPEAKING," where each letter represents a component or a factor that influences the specific
speech occurrence and controls the commutation process (Hymes, 1974, pp. 55-62).
These elements are briefly described as follows:
b. Participants
According to Holmes (1974, p. 56), participants embrace the audience, the hearer, and the
speaker.
c. Ends
Ends refer to both the goals, representing the objectives of those involved in the situation,
and the outcomes, signifying the intended purpose of an event or activity (Hymes, pp. 56–57).
d. Act Sequence
It relates to the speech event's message content and message form (Hymes, pp. 54-5).
e. Key
"the tone, manner, or spirit in which an act is done," i.e. whether it is somber, joyous, or
mocking, is explained by the speech event's key (Hymes, p. 57).
f. Instrumentalities
Instrumentalities are the channel or medium of communication, which can be written or spoken
(Hymes, p. 58).
g. Norms
They relate to the socioculturally acceptable behaviors and customs that determine what
people can say, how they can say it, and to whom they can say it. These rules control speech
(ibid., p. 60).
h. Genre
According to Hymes, it stands for "the categories [of communication] such as poem, myth,
tale, proverb, riddle, curse…etc." (p.61) Stated differently, the kind of conversation that is used to
accomplish a speech event.
In the context of a sociocognitive study of Queen Elizabeth II’s speeches about her daughters-
in-law, Van Dijk's sociocognitive model serves as a valuable analytical tool for understanding
both the positive and negative aspects of these speeches. This model focuses on the interplay
between cognition, discourse, and society, making it suitable for exploring not only how the
Queen crafts her messages to reflect royal values but also the challenges and limitations these
speeches may face in achieving their objectives.
As Van Dijk (2008) explains, the sociocognitive model examines how mental models and
shared social knowledge influence the production and interpretation of discourse. In the case of
Queen Elizabeth II, these mental models often guide her approach to addressing complex familial
issues. However, her speeches may sometimes exhibit excessive caution or avoid direct
acknowledgment of contentious matters, which can be interpreted as an attempt to sidestep
conflict rather than address it transparently.
Van Dijk (2015b) emphasizes the importance of mental models in shaping discourse, but these
models may occasionally reflect a conservative royal perspective that diverges from the social
realities of the public. For instance, some speeches focus heavily on traditional values and royal
protocols, potentially creating a gap between the discourse and the public's expectations for more
candid and emotionally resonant messaging.
Additionally, the model highlights the role of discursive strategies in managing social
relationships and reinforcing symbolic authority. However, these strategies can sometimes appear
overly formal and constrained by protocol, diminishing the emotional connection with the
audience. This is evident in speeches that rely on formal language, which may fail to adequately
convey a humanizing dimension, particularly when addressing sensitive familial matters.
Applying Van Dijk's sociocognitive model helps uncover both the strengths and shortcomings
of Queen Elizabeth II’s speeches. On the one hand, these speeches demonstrate an ability to
uphold the image and values of the royal family. On the other hand, they reveal challenges in
effectively engaging a contemporary audience that increasingly expects greater transparency and
a stronger connection to social and familial issues.
Van Dijk proposes the socio-cognitive model of CDA. This method combines cognitive, social,
and discourse evaluations. It is based on the notion that discourse analysis concentrates on different
talk and text patterns, and that cognition acts as a mediator between society and discourse (van
Dijk, 1995). The micro-level analysis in van Dijk's framework examines elements like vocabulary,
syntax, semantics, and schematic structures, while the social analysis focuses on broader societal
systems such as democracy, capitalism, and issues like racism and group relations (van Dijk,
1995). At the macro level, the approach addresses power dynamics, dominance, and inequality
among groups (van Dijk, 2000). Van Dijk's political discourse analysis model highlights
ideological conflict in speech through a strategy of "positive self-representation and negative
other-representation," emphasizing the good qualities of one's group and de-emphasizing its flaws,
while doing the opposite for opposing groups (van Dijk, 2005). These strategies, supported by
micro-structural elements like syntax and lexical choices, reinforce group identities and ideologies
in public perception (van Dijk, 2002, 2005). Consequently, Van Dijk identifies ideological
instances in discourse by analyzing various levels such as syntax, semantics, lexicon, and context.
In his 2005 work, he introduced 25 discursive devices, which he describes as broad techniques for
producing ideological discourse and tools for recognizing and analyzing political discourse
ideologically. According to van Dijk (2005), these 25 discursive devices are:
Van Dijk's socio-cognitive theory (2005, 2016) was created for media and political
discourses (texts and speeches). Discourse is defined as "a complex communicative event that
also embodies a social context featuring participants and their properties" (Van Dijk, 1988, p. 2).
The framework allows for three levels of analysis: cognitive (the interface between the two),
social (the macro-level), and discourse (the micro-level) (Van Dijk, 2005)." At the macro level,
social analysis looks at how society's inequality of power is represented among its individuals
(Van Dijk, 1995, 2005). The model's unique feature is its "us versus them" component, which is
to say that one presents one's own group in positive terms ("Positive Self-Representation") and
other groups in negative ones ("Negative Other-Representation") (Van Dijk, 1995, p. 22).It
appears that van Dijk's (2005) model for political discourse analysis offers a thorough analytical
method for spotting ideological differences in political discourse. Here is a summary that he
offers.