Received: 23 November 2021 Revised: 1 February 2022 Accepted: 22 February 2022

DOI: 10.1111/asap.12308

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’:

A thematic analysis of beliefs about men and
women on The Red Pill and Incel

Michael Vallerga Eileen L. Zurbriggen

University of California, Santa Cruz, Abstract

California, USA
Websites, blogs, and message boards of the “manosphere”
Correspondence are dedicated to a worldview that celebrates hegemonic
Michael Vallerga, Department of masculinity and decries feminism. In a reflexive thematic
Psychology, 1156 High St., University of
California, Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, CA analysis of 227 posts (389,189 words) from two manosphere
95064. message boards (The Red Pill and Incel), we analyzed how
Email: [email protected]
posters viewed women and men. We found that beliefs
Author Note: We thank Madison Meade about women and men formed an ideology comprised of
and Sofia Safranek-Uribe for assistance (a) evolution-based views of gender essentialism, (b) an
with coding and Brandon Balzer Carr,
informal psychology of women’s motivations, and (c) a
Sarah Harsey, Sona Kaur, and the
Narrative Identity Research Group for typology of men. Women were seen as having three pri-
helpful discussions about this project. mary motives: to deceive and manipulate men, to promis-
This project was supported by a
Dissertation Proposal Development
cuously satisfy their own sexual needs, and to trade sex for
fellowship from the Social Science power. Men were seen as falling into two (The Red Pill) or
Resarch Council to Michael Vallerga. A three (Incel) types: alpha men who are attractive, powerful,
preliminary version of the results was
presented at the annual conference of the and sexually successful, beta men who give to women as
Society for the Psychological Study of their only route to sexual interactions, and incel (involun-
Social Issues in 2019. Data and materials
tarily celibate) men who are too unattractive to achieve sex-
are available from the authors upon
request. The study was not preregistered. ual success. Posters acted on these beliefs either to improve
themselves (The Red Pill) or give up on life and endorse sui-
cide and/or violence (Incel). We discuss these beliefs and
actions in relation to theories of sexual aggression, the psy-
chology of radicalization, and the American Psychological

This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits
use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or
adaptations are made.
© 2022 The Authors. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of Society for the Psychological
Study of Social Issues.

602 wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/asap Anal Soc Issues Public Policy 2022;22:602–625.

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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 603

Association’s Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys

and Men.

In 2014, Elliot Rodger committed a mass shooting in Santa Barbara, California, killing six people
and wounding more than a dozen (Branson-Potts & Winton, 2018). Hours before, he uploaded
a YouTube video explaining his intent to punish women for not sleeping with him, and sexu-
ally active men because he envied them. Rodger also discussed these beliefs on PUAhate.com
which was frequented by people known as incels (short for “involuntarily celibate”). This message
board is part of the “manosphere,” a collection of websites, blogs, and message boards dedicated
to a worldview that celebrates traditional masculinity and decries feminism as a source of male
weakness or subordination (Ging, 2019). The Texas Department of Public Safety’s (2020) Domes-
tic Terrorism Threat Assessment states that incels are an “emerging domestic terrorism threat”
(p. 3), noting the severity of the violent online rhetoric. Our goal for this study was to conduct a
reflexive thematic analysis of posts on two websites that are part of the manosphere (The Red Pill
and Incel.me), to better understand the men who are part of this community and to gain a better
sense of the ways in which traditional and hegemonic masculinities are currently enacted among
one group of younger, more technologically savvy men.

HEGEMONIC AND TRADITIONAL MASCULINITY

The ways that men in manosphere communities see women and other men have been com-
pared with hegemonic masculinity (Ging, 2019; Van Valkenburgh, 2018). Hegemonic masculinity
is the configuration of enacting gender in a way that grants legitimacy to patriarchy, and sub-
sequently to the dominance of men and subordination of women (Connell, 2005). In addition
to hegemonic masculinity, there are other constructions of masculinity that legitimize patriarchy
(Connell, 2005). Subordinated masculinity involves practices that constitute the reception of dom-
inance from other men. Complicit masculinity consists of practices by men who do not embody
hegemonic masculinity but go along with patriarchy and thus benefit from men’s domination of
women. Marginalized masculinity encompasses practices of men with other intersectional iden-
tities such as race, that results in their dominance from other men. Scholars who theorize hege-
monic masculinity are typically less concerned with the degree to which men live up to these
enactments (few men actually do), but more concerned with how the attempts to do so rein-
force patriarchy (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Hegemonic masculinity may present differ-
ently across time and place. However, a constant is that implicit or explicit threats of violence
are directed towards women in service of the hegemonic masculinity project of legitimizing patri-
archy (Connell, 2005).
In their current forms, these hegemonic legitimizations of patriarchy become central to an
identity that strongly emphasizes adherence to traditional masculinity in the face of perceived
threats to it. Traditional masculinity ideology refers to a constellation of beliefs about what mas-
culinity should be. Because cultural definitions of masculinity, even traditional masculinity, are
fluid and multiple, a static definition is not practical (Pleck, 1995). However, consistent compo-
nents of these beliefs (hostility toward femininity, dominance and aggression, nonrelational sexu-
ality, and restrictive emotionality) are seen in the measurement of the endorsement of traditional
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604 Vallerga et al

masculinity ideology (Levant, 2011). These are difficult ideals to live up to and men face negative
consequences attempting to do so.
O’Neil (2013) summarized 30 years of research on such consequences describing several forms
of gender role strain. Self-imposed restrictions connected to traditional masculinity are related
to anxiety, intimacy problems, loneliness, and emotional dysregulation. Violating traditional
male gender roles is related to substance abuse, self-objectification, and suicide. Endorsement of
traditional male gender roles is related to violation of others through hostile sexism, dating vio-
lence, rape myth acceptance, and violence. All of these are common experiences of men, which
we expected to see represented in posts on The Red Pill and Incel.
How people enact gender is deeply important to their self-identity. For men who construct a
masculine gender identity using sexist attitudes, enactment of those sexist attitudes has generally
gone underground (Glick & Fiske, 2011). However, in community spaces friendly to displays of
sexist constructions of masculinity and femininity men congregate and reinforce these beliefs
(Matthews, 2014). Our research examines discursive constructions of masculinity and femininity,
represented on The Red Pill and Incel message boards. The semi-anonymity of these boards and
the community culture facilitate frank discussions of these gender constructions.

THE MANOSPHERE

The manosphere is a collection of digital spaces in which hegemonic and traditional masculinity
are articulated bluntly and without artifice. These spaces are rich in useful data for researchers
interested in documenting the ways in which these masculinities are enacted, because it is not
necessary to “read between the lines” to discern the meaning of coded messages. In addition,
many sites in the manosphere have a large membership and produce an outsized impact on the
world. The Elliot Rodger mass shooting is one key example but, in addition, many spaces in the
manosphere seek to encourage men to internalize core red pill tenets, one of which is to subjugate
women and coerce them into sex (Dignam & Rohlinger, 2019). These sites often redefine sexual
assault to exclude the kind of coercion promoted there (Gotell & Dutton, 2016). Furthermore, the
manosphere is an echo chamber where sexism and misogyny are reinforced and escalated (Ging,
2019).
Research on the manosphere generally focuses on one or more distinctive subcultures, includ-
ing Men’s Rights Activists (MRAs), masculinist separatists called Men Going Their Own Way
(MGTOW), groups formed around misogynistic seduction techniques, called Pick-Up Artists
(PUA) or red pill groups, and incels. In their discourse analysis of MRA websites, Gotell and Dut-
ton (2016) found that the focus has moved away from fathers’ rights and toward recruiting young
men by stirring up anxiety around changing consent standards and sexual assault. A recent con-
tent analysis of a MGTOW site revealed that many of the discussions about why posters identify
as MGTOW concerned misogynistic constructions of women as a threat (Wright et al., 2020). In
an ethnography of London-based PUA communities O’Neill (2018) elucidated how neoliberalism
and post-feminism shape men’s engagement with PUA instruction-based seduction communities.
Similar dynamics between masculinity and neoliberalism were present in The Red Pill message
board’s ‘sidebar’, a collection of essential readings prescribed by the moderators of the message
board (Van Valkenburgh, 2018). Cosma and Gurevich (2020) conducted a discourse analysis with
PUA media and found that women’s bodies were constructed as commodities and used to bolster
men’s masculinity. In another study, members of the manosphere construed men as active and
women as passive and discussed women through misogynistic lenses including objectification,
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 605

gendered scrutiny, and the assumption that women are immoral and untrustworthy (Krendel,
2020).
In general, incels have not been included in data collection as part of larger explorations of the
manosphere. Understandably, incels are typically discussed as a culture unto themselves, with
a focus on their violent acts and violent discourse. Tomkinson et al. (2020) defined incels as a
violent extremist threat and recommended government intervention in terms of mobilizing public
security agencies and employing deradicalization processes. The incel subculture has been found
to malign women, validate male oppression of women, and encourage violence (Glace et al., 2021;
O’Malley et al., 2020). In a recent study, incels presented themselves as the victims of new dating
technologies, with women manipulating this new system to give themselves a higher status than
(male) incels (Preston et al., 2021). Maxwell et al. (2020) theorized that incels, beset by severe
loneliness and unable to live up to internalized masculine ideals, become radicalized through
experiencing romantic rejection and commiserating with the incel community.
Despite the separate treatment of the incel community in the literature, the Incel message board
is embedded within the manosphere, both in terms of shared membership (Ribeiro et al., 2020)
and beliefs about gender (Hoffman et al., 2020). These beliefs about gender center around the
idea that there is a surface level cultural story (that women are oppressed by patriarchy) which
covers up the true nature of gender relations (that male dominance represents the natural order,
which feminism is upsetting with negative consequences for everyone). This is codified through
a metaphor taken from the film “The Matrix”, in which a blue pill would allow the protagonist to
return to his existence in the false world and a red pill would allow him to break free and learn
the truth about reality. The term “red pill” is shared across the manosphere, tying different groups
together with the underlying belief that the metaphor represents (i.e. a kind of libertarian hetero-
sexuality in which men and women are rational actors seeking to maximize different kinds of
gains; Gavey, 2005, Hoffman et al., 2020). This is where The Red Pill forum in the manosphere
gets its name. The corresponding “blue pill” in the ideology of the manosphere represents every-
one else who remains ignorant of red pill “truths” (Labbaf, 2019). Both Incel and The Red Pill
position themselves in opposition to the blue pill ideology, the only difference being the presence
of “black pill” terminology among incels, which represents the additional “truth” of permanent
hopelessness (of having a romantic or sexual relationship) that they accept for themselves (Hoff-
man et al., 2020).
The relatively small body of social scientific research on the manosphere has been somewhat
diffuse in both purpose and focus. The studies conducted to date differ from our proposed study
most centrally in terms of scope, in that no research thus far has collected data from both The Red
Pill and Incel. Our study seeks to do so in recognition of the fact that Incel formed in reaction to
The Red Pill and other communities like it (Labbaf, 2019) and the two communities continue to
be in dialogue with each other. Our study also differs from past research in that the only previous
study that conducted a content analysis on data from The Red Pill examined core ideological
texts rather than direct member discourse (Van Valkenburgh, 2018). Research focused on Incel
has relied on exploratory thematic analyses of member discourse, similar to ours (Maxwell et al.,
2020; O’Malley et al., 2020). However, our analysis of the Incel community connects it back into
the larger manosphere, weaving common threads together to speak to the diverse responses that
participants in the manosphere can have to similar underlying misogynistic ideologies. This goal
is in line with quantitative findings that, over time, different spaces within the manosphere tend
to share the same user base (Ribeiro et al., 2020).
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606 Vallerga et al

THE PRESENT STUDY

To better understand hegemonic and traditional masculinity in the current sociohistorical

moment, and to explore the ways in which masculine ideology is articulated in online message
boards that are part of the manosphere, we conducted a reflexive thematic analysis of posts on The
Red Pill and Incel message boards. Our goal was to better understand these men’s beliefs about
men and women. To facilitate this exploratory study, we used a thematic analysis of conversations
in the message boards to develop themes that highlight and explain members’ ideologies.

METHOD

We conducted a reflexive thematic analysis of posts on two online forums: The Red Pill (https:
//www.reddit.com/r/TheRedPill/) and Incel (https://incels.me/). These forums were chosen
because they have large numbers of posters and posts, they have a relatively high profile in the
broader culture (Ribeiro et al., 2020), and posters speak directly to each other and their communi-
ties, in a publicly accessible space. Although an account is needed to post, posts on the forums can
be accessed without creating an account. Further, the content of the message boards is indexed
by search engines such that posts can be found directly through web searches, unlike internet
content intended to be private (commonly called the Deep Web or Dark Web; BrightPlanet, 2014).
Participation is largely anonymous, so a precise estimation of the demographics of the posters
is not possible. However, we were able to extrapolate some information about posters from the
data itself. Users on both boards seemed to agree that women and gay men could not be Incel. In
our sample, we found only one self-identifying woman (on The Red Pill) and no self-identifying
gay men. Given our observations and the intent and culture of these boards, it seems likely that
nearly all posters are male and heterosexual. It is also likely that most posters are relatively young.
One internal survey (on Incel.me) found that 66% of respondents were under 25 (Jeltsen, 2018).

Sample

The week of June 4th 2018 to June 10th 2018 was randomly selected (from weeks in the period
July 2017 to June 2018) for coding. This period was the immediate past when we began the study
and, due to the large amount of repetitive content on the sites, we believe we coded enough data
to capture major themes that recur in this social network space. Every message board post made
during that week, along with its ensuing comments, was collected from both The Red Pill and
Incel.
This method of sampling generated a large amount of data. To make analysis more tractable,
we randomly selected half (n = 27) of The Red Pill’s 54 posts to code. Because each post generates
many responses, this resulted in 202,517 words of text. Individual posts and responses tended to
be shorter on Incel, but there were many more posts. A single day of data capture on Incel yielded
approximately the same amount of text as we had randomly selected from The Red Pill. For that
reason, we included only Incel posts and responses from June 10th; this comprised 200 posts and
ensuing comments and a total of 186,672 words. We chose to reduce the number of posts coded,
but to include all responses to each post, rather than to code all posts sampled but to include only
the original post, not the comments and responses. We made this choice because we wanted to
examine how men interact with one another socially in these community spaces. The majority
of the text on the boards is found within the responses to a post, and these responses include
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 607

important information such as clarifying community beliefs and providing clear and detailed
advice for new members. This text was managed and coded using the NVIVO qualitative data
management software.

Data analysis

We followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006; 2021) six-phase framework for reflexive thematic analysis,
using an interpretivist approach, which complemented our exploratory aims (Tappan, 1997). Anal-
yses reported here were oriented around two broad research questions about message posters’
beliefs and ideologies concerning gender: “How do posters view women?” and “How do posters
view men?” These two research questions guided the analysis for both The Red Pill and Incel
boards, which allowed similarities and differences to be shown. We used this structure because of
the similar gender beliefs and history across these two boards. Codes were developed in response
to these two research questions separately for each board: first for The Red Pill, then for Incel.
Additional analyses concerned the questions “How do posters view each other” and “How do
posters view the world”; however, these analyses are not reported here. We did not have any for-
mal a priori coding expectations and were largely able to avoid them through a lack of experience
with these communities (the first author was the most familiar, having done a cursory exploration
of these message boards).
The initial coding was done by one white, male graduate student researcher (the first author)
and two female undergraduate research assistants (one white, one Latina), who read all of the
posts and comments multiple times, taking notes and identifying potential codes. From these
notes and discussions, the coders developed an initial set of 45 codes which were potentially appli-
cable to the guiding questions. Each instance of conversational contribution, either making an
original posting or posting a comment, was coded as a single unit. These units of text were typi-
cally between three and five sentences but ranged from just a few words to multiple paragraphs.
Consistent with Braun and Clarke’s (2021) description of reflexive thematic analysis, no formal
codebook was created. Instead, coders met frequently (two 2-hour meetings every week for three
months) to discuss their decisions and to resolve any confusion about specific codes or discrepan-
cies in coding. These meetings focused on each coder’s concerns about codes, as well as any clear
differences in approach to the codes. The team engaged in productive discussion until a consensus
on the nature of the codes was reached and divergent coding practices were redirected towards
consensus. This allowed the reflexive coding process to be collaborative, as Braun and Clarke’s
approach explicitly eschews inter-coder reliability.
Consistent with Braun and Clarke’s (2006; 2021) approach, after the initial coding was complete,
the first (white, male) and second (white, female) authors further refined, dropped, or combined
codes into themes. Themes were also organized into a tiered structure for further clarification.
For example, there were 11 codes that expressed a common understanding of the motivations
of women (e.g., “hypergamy”), so we organized all these codes into three themes (“Deceptive,”
“Promiscuous,” and “Trading Sex for Power”), which was later organized into a tier of themes
capturing posters’ beliefs about the nature of men and women. The authors compared themes
with the text twice, revising them each time. Authors defined themes, grouped them together,
and organized them into a coherent structure to better understand how they relate to each other
in the ideologies of the communities on these message boards.
The discourse that we analyzed is rich in community-specific jargon. Our own understand-
ing and definitions of this jargon was based on contextual clues, supplemented by other authors
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608 Vallerga et al

FIGURE 1 Thematic map depicting eleven themes organized within a three-tiered framework

who defined these terms (Glace et al., 2021). We also relied heavily on glossaries provided by the
message boards themselves (https://www.reddit.com/r/TheRedPill/comments/2zckqu/updated_
glossary_of_terms_and_acronyms/; https://incels.wiki/w/Incel_Forums_Term_Glossary).
We approached this research from a feminist social psychological perspective, which predis-
posed us to a critical evaluation of the ideologies presented in The Red Pill and Incel. Researchers
from a different positionality might have different perspectives that would enable them to notice
different themes or make different interpretations. At the time of the commencement of this
research, there had been few explorations into manosphere communities, despite an outsized
presence in news media. Our original orientation to these communities was thus influenced more
by popular media accounts than by theoretical treatments in the psychological or sociological lit-
erature. Both authors were born in the United States and reside there, which may have further
influenced our analysis.

RESULTS

Eleven themes emerged from the data, as shown in the thematic map presented in Figure 1.
Themes are presented in a tiered structure in which the first tier describes the scientific language
with which posters couched their justifications, the second tier presents posters’ attitudes and
beliefs concerning the motivations of women and typologies of men, and the third tier enumer-
ates actions those beliefs normalize. These three tiers are interrelated. The scientific language dis-
cussed in the first tier shapes and constrains the discussions around motivations of women and
typologies of men. These community consensuses about the motivations of women and typolo-
gies of men, in turn, proscribe and limit possible actions and responses to the realities presented
by The Red Pill and Incel posters.

Tier 1: Scientific justification

The Red Pill and Incel posters see themselves as rational, logical, and unemotional, echoing a
characteristic of traditional masculinity (Levant, 2011). This is stated plainly on The Red Pill:
“Work on your frame [the way you present yourself], never be the sad and emotional one (be the
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 609

man, please).” Another commenter from The Red Pill noted that “A man’s primary dimension is
reason, a woman’s is emotion.” Although this identity as rational and unemotional was not a point
of pride on Incel as it was on The Red Pill, it still formed part of the worldview espoused there. For
example, in response to a post about instincts being powerful for incels, an Incel poster retorted
“Only [for] foids [women]. Men possess the Logos [reason].”
Practically, this rational and scientific self-image allowed posters to insist that pseudo-scientific
discussion of gender differences in these communities be taken seriously. This carried over into
discussions of the origin of differences between men and women as intrinsic, and a reliance on
evolutionary psychology as an explanation for gender differences.

Theme 1: Gender essentialism

Gender essentialism is a form of psychological essentialism which assumes people of the same
gender share a deep, underlying essence that shapes the way they exist in the world (Bem, 1993;
Prentice & Miller, 2006). On both boards, posters discussed gender and gendered behavior as being
fixed. Men and women were characterized as having completely distinct attributes. Posters used
scientific jargon in their description of these beliefs.

Women appear to be master manipulators because their biology allows them to hold
multiple contradictory beliefs at the same time - that she loves Billy [a ‘beta’, or
second-tier man] and wants to get fucked by Chad [an ‘alpha’ man]. In fact [not]
only does their biology allow for this, but it is actually the lynchpin of female sexual
strategy. The fact that these beliefs are sincerely held is what makes them so effective.
Humans are evolved to have a sixth sense for when we are being lied to by someone
we know well. Female cognitive dissonance evolved to defeat the human brain’s lie
detecting ability. (The Red Pill)

An incel commenter similarly noted: “Neurologically, the famale [sic] brain hasn’t changed
much since the caveman era. They still desire whatever what [sic] was the best genetic fit for
them back in the day.”
Endorsing gender essentialism is related to the endorsement of gender stereotypes for both
self and others (Skewes et al., 2018). Endorsement of stereotypes, in turn, results in ideological
beliefs about social issues, such as opposition to male political candidates who do not conform to
gender stereotypes (Swigger & Meyer, 2019) and opposition to women’s and trans rights (Wilton
et al., 2019). More directly, viewing gender essentialism as predestined can lead to dismissal of
attempts to foster equality between men and women as an impossible pursuit (O’Neill, 2018).
Indeed, this belief in gender essentialism tended to also take the form of endorsing traditional
gender roles, as is common in broader culture (Bem, 1993). On both boards, posters attempted to
use biology to explain the essentialized gender differences in motivations for women in particular
(as exemplified by selected quotes in Tier 2).

Theme 2: Appeals to evolutionary psychology

One of the most pervasive lay theories of gender essentialism in the modern era is biological
essentialism, a theory that proposes innate and immutable biological differences as the cause of
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610 Vallerga et al

differences in behavior (Wilton et al., 2019). Posters justified their beliefs in gender essentialism
by invoking evolutionary psychology theories. Posters reinforced this through casual reference
to gendered behaviors as genetic, biological, or having evolved. On The Red Pill, one member
posited to another “Your male genes are programed [sic] to want women just for sex cause your
male superiority doesn’t need anything better from them.” On Incel, a commenter noted that
“We are, indeed, no longer in hunter-gatherer times. However, much of what was at play then
still applies today. This includes women of course desiring bigger and more physically intimi-
dating men, among many other things. It’s all evolutionary behavior bro.” Invoking evolutionary
psychology to explain gendered behaviors has been found in other research with the manosphere
(Ging, 2019; O’Neill, 2018) and represents a common thread that runs through gender essentialism
in culture more broadly (Bem, 1993).
The importance of such theories in lay understanding of gender is highlighted by Connell
(2005), who argued that science has replaced religion as the primary legitimization of hegemonic
masculinity. Empirical studies also support the role of biological essentialism in people’s beliefs
about gender. For example, in a qualitative study of boxing gym members, biological explanations
for gender differences were common and were used to normalize gender inequality (Matthews,
2014). Not surprisingly, then, we found that scientific appropriations to justify beliefs of biological
gender essentialism were a major point of discussion on The Red Pill and Incel.

Tier 2: Attitudes and beliefs

Endorsement of essentialistic gender differences on both message boards led posters to speculate
on the innate motivations of all women and the different archetypes that men conform to. In this
construction of gender, women are a homogenous group with the same innate motivations: to
be deceptive, promiscuous, and to trade sex for power. In contrast, men were constructed hetero-
geneously, comprising three distinct groups: alpha males, beta males, and (on the Incel board)
incels. Moreover, men were generally seen as having some agency to move between groups (this
perspective was much more prevalent among The Red Pill than Incel posters).

Theme 3: Motivations of women—Deceptive

The first of three themes concerning women’s motivations is that women are inherently deceptive,
even toward themselves, and that this deceitfulness is a means of manipulating men. This was
seen across both message boards, but on the Incel board, posters often reacted with frustration
and anger, as well as resignation and flat “factual” acceptance.

Yeah man all women are going to lie about that. It’s in their nature to deceive sexu-
ally, whether it’s lying about their past exploits and N counts [number of sexual part-
ners], or tricking people into pregnancy or cheating and using sex in a relationship
to manipulate behaviors. (The Red Pill)

There is no bigger liar than the female human. All the rising false rape charges essen-
tially prove this. All the false hope they give toward sub8 [below 8 points on a 10 point
attractiveness rating scale] men also proves this fact. (Incel)
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 611

Here, the poster was both explicitly making a rape fabrication claim and referring to the sexual
nature of this deception: the implication that women will falsely indicate sexual interest.
This theme relates to Burt’s (1980) concept of adversarial sexual beliefs: the expectation that
heterosexual romantic relationships pit men and women in competition with each other, with
each utilizing manipulation and secrecy to exploit the other, resulting in a lack of trust. Believing
women to be deceptive is core to this belief and helps justify men’s domination and deceit because
it is seen as necessary to counteract women’s manipulations. Belief in the inherent deceptiveness
of women thus precludes honest treatment of women, as equals.
As seen in the second quote, belief in women’s deceptiveness becomes especially problematic
concerning sexual aggression. If women are inherently deceptive, no accusation of rape is believ-
able. The belief that most accusations of rape are lies is a central rape myth (Burt, 1980; Lonsway &
Fitzgerald, 1995). Endorsement of rape myths is a strong risk factor for sexually aggressive behav-
ior and rape (Chapleau & Oswald, 2010).

Theme 4: Motivations of women—Promiscuous

The second theme about women’s motivations, that women are inherently promiscuous, was
prominent across both boards. This promiscuity was attributed to an evolutionary origin: the need
to find the most (evolutionarily) fit mate: someone who is physically fit and well-resourced. On
The Red Pill one commenter posited “Women can’t handle freedom to a point where if you leave
them to their own devices they will fuck around like crazy. And science has proved it many times
over but people just ignore it.” On Incel, a commenter contended “That’s the current state of
females fellas. They are nothing but whores and parasites seeking to get fucked by as many Chads
[alpha men] as possible.” Another commenter on Incel conveyed a similar sentiment:

yup.. genetics are the only thing that matter. femoids [women] can give typical blue
pilled response but once my aunt saw the hunter eyes and superior frame of the chad
she immediately got wet like a dog in heat. . . . femoids can’t fight biological ticks
(Incel)

The Red Pill posters generally saw promiscuous women as an opportunity for sexual domina-
tion. Incel posters saw them as a sign of moral decay.
What’s good for us ephemerally is not necessarily what’s good for them, or society,
as a whole. Hence the adage “enjoy the decline.” Would the 21 year hotbody be bet-
ter off being hung up on the 37 year old with no intention of monogamy/marriage/
commitment or someone closer to her age who wants a wife and kids? I’d argue that
the latter is what’s good for society and would be way better for her long term. Buuut,
that’s not what gets her motor running, so I’ll enjoy fucking her (and her friends!)
until i get bored of her. (The Red Pill)

What I’ve grown to hate about women is their low sentience. Men at least can admit
that our masculine nature has it’s [sic] drawbacks along with it’s [sic] positives and
that we are to strive to find the best way to express it in a positive, productive man-
ner. Women will consume the entire world and then blame us for not stopping them
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612 Vallerga et al

. . . Women are just like Lampwick and the boys indulging themselves on Pleasure
Island in Pinocchio. (Incel)
These attitudes can be understood in relation to the concept of ambivalent sexism and its com-
ponent parts: benevolent sexism and hostile sexism. Benevolent sexism is reserved for women
who adhere to traditional gender roles and hostile sexism is directed towards women who violate
them (Fowers & Fowers, 2010). The nature of the “truths” revealed by The Red Pill and Incel is
that all women are biologically designed to violate traditional gender roles. Thus, benevolent sex-
ism is eschewed, and hostile sexism is applied to all women. In an effort to resist the benevolent
sexism cultural narrative that “many women have a quality of purity that few men possess” (Glick
& Fiske, 1996, p. 512), posters consistently reminded each other that no woman has this purity, and
all women are fundamentally motivated by promiscuity.

Theme 5: Motivations of women—Trading sex for power

There were frequent references to a belief that women inherently seek power from men through
their sexuality. Men’s power exists in many forms, including money, fame, and physical strength,
but women’s only power is their sexuality. Posters attributed this motivation of women to an evo-
lutionary advantage that accrues from manipulating men. The Red Pill posters seek control by
not providing any material support or emotional attention, but instead by offering themselves as
muscular and as strong as they can become (new posters are encouraged to not date until they
have done this).

Our gynocentric society is full of propaganda that says men should chase women, that
women are the prize, that the man who buys flowers and stays by her side (sometimes
chasing for years) . . . eventually wins. That is a load of horse shit. The man of value,
instead, brings wisdom, strength, mental fortitude, leadership, wealth, and excite-
ment to the table. Women (girls) crave this. It is built into their evolutionary psychol-
ogy and biology. It is so hard-wired into them . . . [that] not even all the movies, TV
shows, media propaganda, and fiction books can overcome this instinct. Women may
say one thing (that they should be attracted to nice guy soy boys [vegetarians biologi-
cally feminized through consumption of soy] who buy them dinner and drinks), but
we at the RedPill know not to listen to what women say, but watch what they do. (The
Red Pill)

Incel posters saw women seeking power through sexuality as a trade they find frustrating, but
also hopeful in that it is one of the only viable paths for romantic and sexual interaction with
women available to them. In fact, Incel posters believed having enough money to attract women
is incompatible with being “involuntarily celibate,” as exemplified by one commenter: “Would be
funny to see a billionaire incel here, though if you even have over a million there is no way you
can be incel.”
They emphasize that being physically attractive determines sexual success so much so that an
attractive man is incapable of a lack of sexual success and an unattractive man faces a nearly
insurmountable barrier to sexual success.
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 613

And the science (not exactly science just common sense again) is: Chad [an attrac-
tive alpha man] can do whatever he wants, and he will be perceived as all-good, sub-
human [self-identified incel] can do whatever he wants too, he will be perceived as
all-bad. (Incel)

Those who endorse adversarial sexual beliefs expect relationships to be fundamentally exploita-
tive (Burt, 1980). Men expect women to use their promiscuity to exploit men, gain power, and even
dominate them. Fearing this, men dominate women, to avoid domination themselves (Johnson,
2014). These fears are made explicit in Glick and Fiske’s (1996) hostile sexism scale, with items
like “Women seek power by gaining control over men” (p. 500). Men on these boards applied this
hostility to all women.

Theme 6: Typologies of men—Alphas/Chads

Both boards endorsed a reified taxonomy of men. Sexually successful men were referred to as
“alphas” on The Red Pill and “Chads” on Incel. Both boards agreed that sexually successful men
tend to have other socially desirable traits that make multiple aspects of their lives successful.
Alphas, in the abstract, embody hegemonic masculine ideals of dominating women and sexual
success.

Because they are the submissive inferior and thus you can do what you want with
them & they take it. They’re the doormats, you’re the superior . . . Keep your guard
up & don’t ever make a bitch feel cute or like anything ever again unless she EARNS
it. No meaningful attention until she earns it by being a dope ass girl whose always
there when u want her etc. She gets a treat when she does right by you. Not for being
a breathing vagina owner. (The Red Pill)

The boards differed on the options a man has in aspiring to be an alpha. Whereas Incel posters
believed that successfully enacting hegemonic masculinity is not possible for them (or is even
dangerous), The Red Pill posters believed all men are able to make changes and choices in their
lives that allow them to be an alpha. However, many The Red Pill posters reported experiences
that reflect imperfect replications of hegemonic masculinity, so The Red Pill posters are likely
a combination of those who embody hegemonic masculinity and those who embody complicit
masculinity. An example of the latter was an emphasis on mutual enjoyment and an egalitarian
lack of possessiveness of women (attitudes that contrast with hegemonic masculinity’s focus on
dominating women).

But also do it with the knowledge that she’s not yours, it’s just your turn. Would
you have felt as bad post-breakup if your mindset throughout had been that the rela-
tionship would end sooner rather than later, and to just enjoy the time you do have
together while you can? (The Red Pill)

Hegemonic masculinity is an abstract ideal that few precisely embody and that lacks static,
observable characteristics across all contexts (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). Instead, most men
have a more complex relationship with hegemonic masculine ideals (Wetherell & Edley, 1999).
Those who would seek to become an alpha man, at least as they presented themselves on The
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614 Vallerga et al

Red Pill, narrow themselves into only manifesting patriarchal dominance of women, sexually,
relationally, and culturally. This has negative impacts on quality of relationships (Bay-Cheng et al.,
2018) and can lead to rape (Gavey, 2005). The constraining male role norms that these men place
upon themselves can cause anxiety and depression if not achieved and poor relations and violence
if they are (Levant, 1996).

Theme 7: Typologies of men—Betas

Many masculinities exist across cultures (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005) and are available to
men who do not limit themselves to pursuing the ideal of hegemonic masculinity. These alternate
forms include complicit masculinity and masculinities that contest or reject hegemonic masculin-
ity (Connell, 2005). On both boards, alternate forms of masculinity were over-simplified as the
second type of man discussed—the “beta.”
Betas are defined as weak men who rely upon trading money, power, or (worse) emotional inti-
macy for sex. This is reflected in the terminology “beta bux,” referring to men who are seen to
provide financial security to women in exchange for a relationship that includes sexual intimacy
(Glace et al., 2021). Both boards displayed a vitriol for betas, whose behaviors are seen as putting
them at risk of having a relationship with a woman who cheats with a more “alpha” man, some-
thing to be feared and avoided. Posters of both boards believed one could avoid being a beta. The
Red Pill posters believed betas do not try hard enough to be alpha and this lack of masculine effort
reflects a weak and feminine existence. Incels were included in The Red Pill’s typology of betas
because of their refusals (regardless of the reason), to work toward becoming an alpha.

Sorry kid, you are Beta as fuck. Its laughable how big your ego is. You are the defini-
tion of a girlfriend. Chicks talk shit about guys they manipulate and don’t bang you
. . . You realised you would never be able to get this girl, so you sabotaged her yourself.
You’re pathetic. (The Red Pill)

Incel posters loathed men who would stoop to having sex with a woman who is assumed to be
using them (although many fantasized about doing so).

Are you so desperate that you are now at the point in which you are 100% willing to
beta provide? Also are you wealthy or earning enough to do this? in case you finally
have a chance to beta bux a hot women. If you beta bux and marry the bitch then you
deserve inceldom for life and eternal punishment for being a cuck. If you beta bux
for that pussy for a little while and then dump the bitch on the streets then that is
ultimate revenge for your life thus far. (Incel)

Betas were discussed in negatively feminine ways. This relates to “precarious manhood” where
masculinity is not assumed to be stable within a man, but is fragile and can be lost at any time
(Bosson et al., 2009). Proving manhood is done by distinguishing oneself from femininity, consis-
tent with traditional masculinity (Levant, 2011). A man who fears appearing feminine (undergoing
gender threat), would identify femininity externally from himself and be hostile toward it (O’Neil,
2013).
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 615

Theme 8: Typologies of men—Incels

Inclusion of incels as a typology of men was unique to the Incel board. Incel posters believed that
incels are genetically, physically, or mentally undesirable in a way that is unchangeable without
surgery. Incels saw themselves as isolated without any hope for change and expressed depression,
suicidality, and anger towards particular people and the world.

“I was born. I was socially inept. I was a trouble [sic] child. I played lots of video
games and spent a lot of time online. I struggled with my peers. My family distanced
themselves from me. My mental health worsened. I now play lots of video games and
spend too much time online watching anime and posting on forums/image boards. I
am ugly.” (Incel)

Incel posters’ views of themselves aligned with Connell’s (2005) “marginalized masculinity,”
where a subordinated group lacking authorization by the dominant group in a patriarchal sys-
tem still helps reinforce hegemonic masculinity. Incel posters felt discriminated against for not
embodying hegemonic masculinity, but did not question or reject this form of masculinity. More-
over, they still sought out domination of women. This is seen in the objectifying ways in which
Incel posters yearn for women: as objects that they simultaneously denigrate and wish to possess,
or as literal sex objects: reduced to their genitals. One commenter exemplified this: “Living as an
incel is basically dying. Not being able to put your penis inside a non escort will literally fuck your
life up.”

Tier 3: Actions, behaviors, and solutions

After accepting these beliefs, posters decide to change themselves through an intensive mental
and physical “self-improvement” journey (The Red Pill) or accept an additional “truth” that they
cannot meaningfully improve themselves (Incel). Here the functions of these boards diverge. The
Red Pill concerns itself with advice to improve oneself mentally (reading to become more knowl-
edgeable and practicing for approaching women) and physically (exercising). Incel posters gather
to share anger, loneliness, hatred of women, suicidal thoughts, and desires for violence. Key to
this is their shared objectification of themselves, each other, and women.

Theme 9: Self-improvement

The Red Pill posters shared strategies to become more agentic, less emotionally expressive, and
more physically attractive (muscular), matching their behavior with their endorsement of tradi-
tional masculine traits of being action-oriented, stoic, and physically and emotionally strong. As
one commenter on The Red Pill suggested, “Invest your personal time into positive outlets. Lift,
have a social network, have hobbies, make money outside work. Do the things you need to for
ranking up in SMV [Sexual Market Value].”
Often this took the form of specific advice to read particular content on The Red Pill.
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616 Vallerga et al

“In a nutshell mate, you’ve got a LOT to learn about Life and TRP’s [The Red Pill]
a great place for you to begin, (So, first read ALL the sidebar [saved posts] material
AND the sites like The Rational Male) and it will take some time (possibly years) for
you to ‘internalize’ TRP’s teachings/advice.” (The Red Pill)

Improvement of one’s physical attractiveness was measured through self-objectification to

check progress, through posts seeking confirmation of one’s assessment of their attractiveness.
This is consistent with findings that endorsement of traditional gender roles places constrictions
upon how men may present themselves (O’Neil, 2013). This includes self-objectification as a way
to achieve traditional gender roles relating to physicality, such as muscularity (Davids et al., 2018).
The Red Pill posters sought muscularity through weightlifting, exemplified by this commenter’s
suggestion “Talk to the iron. Lift. Can’t say it enough. Read any of the posts in TRP and you’ll see
this again and again. FUCKING LIFT. Get yourself in shape and sorted out before you try and get
girls.”
The Red Pill posters exemplify research showing men are less likely to perceive negative results
of self-objectification (Newheiser et al., 2010). This is true even though self-objectification has
negative impacts on men, including poor body esteem (Strelan & Hargreaves, 2005), body shame,
and body surveillance (Davids et al., 2018).
Incel posters that hold out hope for physical attractiveness sought it through body modification
like leg-lengthening procedures or plastic surgery. One Incel poster posited: “In fact, there’s no
such thing as a former incel unless you get plastic surgery.”

Theme 10: Giving up and suicide

The Incel board facilitated self-objectification in a way that led posters to believe that their lack
of romantic success is due to negative physical or mental characteristics that are permanent. This
left Incel posters believing there are no options to make their lives better (referred to as the “black
pill”). To relieve the pressure to behave sexually aggressively, they refrain from romantic pursuit
of women altogether.
The bright side of the blackpill is knowing it’s over anyway so I can relax and enjoy
watching the Brazil x Austria soccer game on tv with my family.

Before I’d be like “fuck games I need to approach 50 women today or I’m FUCKED”
- “YOU ONLY APPROACHED 4, FUCKER!!! PIECE OF SHIT!!!” (Incel)
Often Incel posters pessimistically decided that they will “lay down and rot” (LDAR). This was
coupled with expressions of how they find things less enjoyable than they used to and that they
find themselves sleeping a great deal. These experiences are consistent with ways in which depres-
sion manifests in men (American Psychological Association [APA], 2019), one possible conse-
quence of gender role conflict (O’Neil, 2013). An Incel poster expressed symptoms of depression
and panic at his lack of hope (instead seeking distractions, called “cope” on Incel).

i feel so burned out with life at just 16, im so tired already, what the fuck, i know
this isnt normal [. . . ] i dont know what to do, social isolation is mentally jarring and
i can feel myself deteriorating, i have no friends, hardly any family (even fewer of
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 617

which that care), no money and no life, i literally spent all day just rotting in bed and
thinking.[. . . ] I’m gonna need some next level cope for this one boys, help me out, im
being genuine here, i dont have the balls to rope [suicide by hanging] just yet, though
death sounds rather enticing right now. (Incel)

Endorsement of and failure to live up to traditional masculinity ideals also leads to anxiety and
stress (O’Neil, 2013). In the Incel community, this was seen in anguish over unfulfilled romantic
and sexual desire, loneliness, and social isolation. These are other ways in which depression in
men manifests and may contribute to the suicide rate amongst men being four times higher than
women (De Leo et al., 2013). Incel posters described a desire for death to end this pain. Sometimes
it is a plainly stated “I want to kill myself.” Other times, these feelings were described more thor-
oughly, as by this commenter: “i need to fucking die already. i live for nothing, and base pleasures
do nothing for me. my fear of death is nothing compared to the fear of waking up in the morning.”
The Incel community also had a darkly sarcastic humor around suicide. Posters encouraged
each other to commit suicide as a joke (although often the joking nature is not obvious). For exam-
ple, several “joking” responses encouraged suicide as how to deal with the depression expressed
by a previously discussed poster: “The best way to solve depression: suicide.” Another: “The best
cope is rope. Jk [just kidding]”

Theme 11: Violence against women

An extreme example of how endorsement of traditional masculinity can lead to harm is through
violence against others (O’Neil, 2013). When masculinity is under threat, men can react in an
aggressive manner (Bosson et al., 2009). As an expression of frustration with their lack of sexual
success (counterevidence to fitting traditional masculine roles), Incel posters spoke of their desire
for violence against other people. This often took the form of a reference to past Incel mass vio-
lence, such as Elliot Rodger (“ER”). One poster encouraged this: “If all of us grab a weap/knifu we
can make [this] the day of the incelindependenceday”. Another advocated violence for the sake
of “revenge”: “I wouldn’t rest until every incel gets his revenge. Go ER or fuck with the femoids
[women] for the sake of good ol’ times.”
Another way in which Incel posters imagined ending their loneliness and lack of sexual success
is through sexual violence against women. They casually discussed widespread sexual violence
against women as a natural societal solution to the existence of incels, as this poster did: “In the
past (caveman times), when men were refused sex and didn’t reproduce, they resorted to rape.”
Others had extended this as a societal prescription:

“thats what would ultimately happen. Im not encouraging it. Im [sic] just saying
based on how more and more men are becoming incel due to sexual distribution
getting more unequal. The only way some men would be able to obtain sex would be
via rape.” (Incel)

Others discussed a more personal desire to sexually assault women in order to have sex, like
one poster who off-handedly stated, “If I somehow manage to get laid, she’d be the only one on
drugs there.”
This is consistent with the way in which Incel posters endorse beliefs about women’s motiva-
tions being manipulative and promiscuous. The societal problem, in their view, is that women are
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618 Vallerga et al

not sharing their sexuality equally with everyone because they are acting upon their own sexual
preferences rather than the desires of people like incels. This is sexual entitlement, the belief that
one deserves sexual activity regardless of any other contextual factors. Sexual entitlement predicts
sexual aggression and, in combination with adversarial sexual beliefs, can predict self-reported
sexual coercion (Klement et al., 2019). Connell’s (2005) “marginalized masculinity” clarifies this
violence. Incels endorsed the hegemonic masculinity goals of sexually dominating women but go
further and also endorse violence against “normies” (complicit masculinities) who they perceive
as preventing their participation in hegemonic masculinity.

DISCUSSION

Through an examination of discussions on The Red Pill and Incel message boards, we elucidated
some of the interlocking beliefs that posters share which represent how they commonly react to
the world. As depicted in Figure 1, the logic of these beliefs starts from the premise that there are
clear distinctions between men and women (based on evolutionary psychology concepts and bio-
logical essentialism). Then, both communities codify their understandings of basic motivations
of women and a typology of men. Their understanding of the motivations of women highlights
how they always expect women to be deceptive, promiscuous, and power-seeking with their sex-
uality. These communities reify dominant, sexually successful alpha men (or Chads), and weaker
beta men who provide support in exchange for a relationship, but only the Incel board recognizes
incels as a meaningfully distinct identity. For The Red Pill, posters seek to become alpha through
self-improvement. For Incel, posters accept their perceived exclusion from heterosexual romance
and give up, desire suicide, and discuss violent revenge upon a perceived oppressive society and
sexual assault against women.
These themes attribute a lack of agency to women, whose behaviors are seen to be driven by
evolutionary motivations that dictate all actions. In contrast, complete agency is attributed to
men. This is true even for incels, who characterize themselves as unable to find romantic suc-
cess, but still choose how to act around women. This is consistent with stereotypes of men as
agentic and therefore dominant and women as non-agentic and therefore submissive (Rudman
& Glick, 2008). Even in the way in which men and women are discussed and analyzed by these
communities, stereotypes permeate the structure of the discourse and reinforce gendered beliefs
about dominance and submission.
Many of these beliefs closely align with traditional masculine gender roles and beliefs, including
hostile sexism, adversarial sexual beliefs, and rape myth acceptance. Together, they capture many
component parts of hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2005). Posters of both communities aspire
towards hegemonic masculinity goals. Posters of The Red Pill express forms of either hegemonic
masculinity or complicit masculinity (depending on their success of adhering to their ideals),
wherein they benefit from patriarchy. In contrast, because of their perceptions of being denied
participation in the rewards of patriarchy, Incel posters express a marginalized masculinity. They
direct their aggression and anger towards women as a display of their masculinity and towards
other men for their perceived role in marginalizing them. In addition, prior research and a larger
cultural context can help us examine what is unsaid.
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 619

The Red Pill and sexual aggression

Malamuth’s (2003) confluence model for sexual aggression describes two major factors in sexual
aggression in heterosexual men: (a) “hostile masculinity” directed towards women, which results
in adversarial views in relationships and cognitive distortions about women (Abbey et al., 2011)
and (b) “impersonal sex” where sex is seen as a game to be won by having as many emotionless
sexual encounters as possible. The influence of these two factors on sexual aggression are attenu-
ated by having empathy for others.
The Red Pill posters appear to meet both criteria of the confluence model. All three motivations
they attribute to women are cognitive distortions applied to all women. These cognitive distor-
tions are hostile, as evidenced by the denial of women’s agency, the narrowness of the boxes into
which women are placed, and the infantilizing and dehumanizing language that is regularly used.
The Red Pill posters frame masculinity as being successful at dominating women and they aspire
to succeed in having as much sex as possible without emotional connection. The discourse we
found in The Red Pill addresses a possible methodological issue with Malamuth’s (2003) model,
specifically that “hostile masculinity” is not actually a measurement of masculinity but instead a
more generalized antipathy towards women (McDermott et al., 2015). We found that The Red Pill
posters organized their enactment of masculinity around hostility towards women, thus essen-
tially constructing a hostile masculinity in alignment with how Malamuth uses the concept.
The fact that The Red Pill posters endorsed both hostile masculinity and impersonal sex sug-
gests that they have an elevated risk for perpetrating sexual aggression. This is likely compounded
by the fact that they also endorse a highly individualistic outlook and prize their lack of emotional
involvement with others. Men are encouraged to “Keep your guard up” and not display kindness
without getting anything in return. These are aspects of being self-oriented, the opposite of empa-
thetic: necessary conditions for hostile masculinity and impersonal sex to predict sexual aggres-
sion (Malamuth, 2003). O’Neill (2018) also found that sexual aggression is core to the London
in-person seduction community teachings.

Self-objectification

For The Red Pill men, self-objectification is core to the self-improvement process which focuses
upon making oneself as attractive to women as possible. This is consistent with restrictive embod-
iments of masculinity centering on muscularity. Although self-objectification negatively impacts
men, this was not seen in our data, perhaps because of the centrality of appearance to the cul-
ture and guidance on The Red Pill. The negative impact of self-objectification is more easily seen
in the Incel belief system which adopts a severely negative assessment of one’s physical body as
the reason for a lack of romantic success. This reflects poor body esteem and body shame that
impacts men who self-objectify (Strelan & Hargreaves, 2005). Incel posters also scrutinized their
physical appearance down to the millimeter, an extreme form of body surveillance associated with
self-objectification (Davids et al., 2018).

Incel and violent extremism

The psychology of radicalization (Kruglanski et al., 2014) describes violent extremists as following
a path from a more conventional life to one devoted wholly towards violence against perceived
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620 Vallerga et al

enemies. First, a person experiences a personal humiliation or a strong feeling of a loss of signifi-
cance in the world. Subsequently, that person goes on a “significance quest” to return to a sense of
having meaning in the world or to undo the effects of the personal humiliation. Because they feel
a lack of power, they may imagine violence as a way to impact the world. If they turn to violence
to achieve their quest, they become alienated from their social support network. To facilitate their
quest without the support of their network, they find a new network: a group and ideology that
supports violent means to gain significance.
Incel posters seem to follow a similar path. Posters described their humiliations in detail,
including both specific people and groups they blame. They discussed feelings of invisibility and
a complete lack of engagement with the world. Almost all Incel posters described a struggle for
significance in the modern world. As a community, Incel welcomes new posters and pushes them
towards accepting the “black pill” more fully by convincing them they have no hope. In the most
extreme form, they push each other to commit suicide. In parallel, incels consistently validate vio-
lent acts to express their frustrations and gain significance. To that end, they casually encourage
each other to commit mass violence. These encouragements to commit suicide or violence against
others might be defensively considered a form of dark humor. However, Incel posters frequently
discuss being on the autism spectrum, a feature of which is having difficulty understanding ironic
humor without any context clues that identify it as such. These encouragements are likely to be
understood, at least by some readers, as literal encouragement to do these things, especially con-
sidering the numerous violent attacks attributed to Incel members (Hankes & Amend, 2018).

Limitations

Although our research team was diverse across race, gender, and age, we did not have any insiders
to the manosphere guiding our analyses; thus, it is possible that we overlooked some nuances of
the dialogue. Based on the quantity and repetitive nature of the posts sampled, we believe that
our sample was sufficient to shed light on our research questions. However, it is possible that
the posts could also have been unique to the particular context of these two message boards. As
such, these findings are not necessarily transferrable across different contexts, such as a different
manosphere message board.

Implications for action

A decade ago, Glick and Fiske (2011) believed hostile sexist attitudes had softened or gone under-
ground. However, the largely anonymous communities of The Red Pill and Incel provide an
example of hostile sexism beliefs being openly expressed, outside of the larger cultural discourse
described by Glick and Fiske. On the other hand, Reddit has “Quarantined” Red Pill (Fearnow,
2018) (i.e., labeled it with a prominent warning as being potentially offensive and harmful) because
of its misogynistic content, supporting the idea that misogyny is increasingly socially unaccept-
able. This quarantine led to a decline in activity on the board since our original data collection,
suggesting that public pressure has caused these beliefs to go further underground into other, less
visible virtual community spaces. However, politically powerful people, like Donald Trump, Jr.,
still endorse red pill ideologies, claiming that amongst others, “red pill” is a term “that conser-
vatives often use to express themselves” (Trump, 2019). The kind of misogyny and resentment
present in both message boards is part of a larger backlash against feminist gains in the latter half
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Hegemonic masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’ 621

of the 20th century which continues to be opposed by conservatism (Manne, 2017). In this way,
these message boards represent a particular reaction to the current sociohistorical context. As
such, any changes to The Red Pill and similar communities would need to come as part of larger
cultural changes, rather than targeted intervention to dislodge posters of beliefs they believe cen-
tral to achieving their goals of sexual success.
It is important to remember, as noted in the APA Guidelines for Psychological Practice with
Boys and Men (APA, 2019), that boys and men are struggling in general. Income inequality has
intensified (Horowitz et al., 2020), which is especially challenging for men who have internalized
the idea that they are solely responsible for the financial success or failure of their family. Tradi-
tional masculine gender roles are dangerous to follow and dangerous to challenge (O’Neil, 2013).
Strict adherence to traditional masculine gender roles hurts and impedes personal and intimate
relationships (Levant, 1996; Levant et al., 2014). As societal and cultural changes encourage, men
are trying to move past these restrictive roles, but often run against severe gendered expectations.
Manosphere spaces are one way (some) men try to respond to and navigate these changes, but as
our research shows, these spaces come with risks both to the men who inhabit them and to the
women they interact with outside them.
We painted a somewhat bleak picture, especially of the Incel community. How should soci-
ety respond? Tomkinson et al. (2020) advocate that identifying the Incel community as a secu-
rity threat is an important starting point, followed by preventing their radicalization. Theories of
deradicalization (Kruglanski et al., 2014) suggest that there is hope for either preventing radical-
ization or reversing it. Importantly, one must distinguish between explicit and implicit deradi-
calization. Explicit deradicalization involves ideological confrontations to dismantle one’s belief
in the necessity of violence, and pushing a cultural disincentive towards violent acts. Implicit
deradicalization focuses upon finding more acceptable ways to meet the emotional needs of a
radicalized person. The key is providing support, reducing feelings of insignificance, and healing
ostracization.
Stories from former Incel posters can help us understand there is a way out of these toxic com-
munities. Jack Peterson was an early and thoroughly enmeshed poster of the Incel community
since he was a teenager, writing thousands of posts (Jeltsen, 2018). Once the media focused on
incel violence, he became a spokesperson for the community. He rejected the violence of Incel,
but contact with reporters (particularly female reporters), gave him pause and broke through his
hopeless view of the world.
Explicit deradicalization of entrenched manosphere members can be difficult because of the
interlocking nature of their beliefs. Any argument is met with a counterargument (which would
then need to be dismantled) or simply writing the person off as untrustworthy. Peterson already
believed violence was immoral, even when fully enmeshed in the Incel community (Jeltsen, 2018),
which likely facilitated his deradicalization.
Implicit deradicalization is also a difficult path. Part of the belief system is a distrust in and
contempt for psychological intervention. However, Peterson described his media interviews as a
turning point. The empathetic concern and honest curiosity of reporters (many of whom were
women) gave him a different perspective (Jeltsen, 2018). This parallels the APA (2019) guidelines,
which advocate an explicit practice of fostering healthy social relationships with and between
boys and men. We need to find a way to bring men out from under crushing traditional gender
roles and back into the fold of a welcoming, and liberating, community.
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622 Vallerga et al

Conclusion

There were many similarities between The Red Pill and Incel message boards; posters shared
a misogynistic ideology that is associated with an increased risk of sexual aggression perpetra-
tion. On the Incel board, conditions for radicalization toward extreme violence were also present.
Both boards presented forms of hegemonic masculinities, with clear negative consequences for
both society and the posters themselves. Our exploratory foray into these specific corners of the
“manosphere” suggests that additional research is warranted. Such research should include addi-
tional thematic analyses but, ideally, would also encompass interviews or surveys with posters.
Communicating directly with people who post on The Red Pill and Incel would allow further
confirmation of the views in the present analysis, but could also move beyond the somewhat
restricted discourse present on the message boards themselves. With a deeper understanding of
the psychology of the men who are active in these spaces, and with attention to the development
of identities and beliefs that occur because of that activity, we believe that psychologists can offer
alternatives to these echo-chamber spaces, ones which will ultimately prove more helpful and
supportive to men.

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AU T H O R B I O G R A P H I E S

Michael Vallerga is currently a social psychology PhD candidate at the University of Califor-
nia, Santa Cruz. He earned his MA in experimental psychology at San Jose State University
in 2010. His research focuses upon authoritarianism, masculinity, conspiracy belief, and how
they are related.

Eileen L. Zurbriggen is a professor of psychology at the University of California, Santa Cruz

where she is also affiliated with the Feminist Studies department. Her research focuses on the
intersections between power, objectification, sexuality, and gender, with an interest in con-
necting interpersonal interactions to larger social structures and issues (e.g., the media, US
presidential elections and foreign policy, war, and the military). She is a fellow of SPSSI, the
American Psychological Association, and the Association for Psychological Science.

How to cite this article: Vallerga, M., & Zurbriggen, E. L. (2022). Hegemonic
masculinities in the ‘Manosphere’: A thematic analysis of beliefs about men and women
on The Red Pill and Incel. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, 22, 602–625.
https://doi.org/10.1111/asap.12308