Communicatio

South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research

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Does Television Shatter the Glass Ceiling?

Representation of Women’s Roles and Occupations
in the South African Soap Opera Muvhango

Thembisa Mjwacu

To cite this article: Thembisa Mjwacu (21 Nov 2024): Does Television Shatter the Glass Ceiling?
Representation of Women’s Roles and Occupations in the South African Soap Opera Muvhango,
Communicatio, DOI: 10.1080/02500167.2024.2408310

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 Article

Does Television Shatter the Glass Ceiling?

Representation of Women’s Roles and Occupations
in the South African Soap Opera Muvhango
Thembisa Mjwacu
https://orcid.org/0009-0009-2543-5290
Durban University of Technology
[email protected]

Abstract
Millions of South Africans watch soap operas every day, not only for
entertainment but also to learn about current trends and developments. These
soap operas tell a story of real people in real-life situations in relatable spaces
such as homes, corporate spaces, and many other types of organisations. The
portrayals of occupations on television, particularly in soap operas, can have an
impact on how viewers perceive occupations. This article provides an insight
into how one South African soap opera, Muvhango, positions men and women
concerning roles and occupations in it narrative. These associations and
portrayals determine whether or not Muvhango attempts to smash the glass
ceiling. The study used content and textual analysis to determine themes that
recur on the soap opera with regard to women’s roles and occupations. The
findings suggest that soap operas are, to a certain extent, able to smash the
cultural and occupational class ceiling; however, there is still a long way to go.
The study suggests revisiting the power of media in formulating policies on
gender equality, and advocating for media to adopt a more socially responsible
role while exercising their freedom of expression through artistic and cultural
products like soap operas.

Keywords: gender roles; glass ceiling; media effects; occupations; representation;

soap opera

Communicatio https://doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2024.2408310
www.tandfonline.com/rcsa ISSN 1753-5379 (Online), ISSN 0250-0167 (Print)
© The Author(s) 2024

Co-published by Unisa Press and Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. This is an Open Access
article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
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upon in any way. The terms on which this article has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript
in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.
 Mjwacu

Introduction
The South African Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill (Republic of South
Africa 2013) mandates that both public and private entities must create and execute
strategies and actions to ensure the inclusion and active involvement of women in
decision-making roles and structures. These entities have the responsibility to ensure
that they actively support and enhance women’s ability to participate, enhance
community awareness, and foster attitudes that recognise and value women’s abilities
and contributions on par with men. As to the designated portion of the bill, in order to
empower women and attain gender equality, it is necessary to enhance communities’
comprehension and attitudes towards women, so that their abilities and involvement are
acknowledged. This study is founded on the assumption that the media, specifically
television, has a substantial influence in shaping people’s comprehension and opinions
by the way they depict various topics, events, and groups in different programmes and
productions. Holtzhausen et al. (2011) contend that research on the depiction of women
in television advertisements reveals a lack of powerful portrayals. Instead, women are
frequently depicted as stereotypical carers or sexual objects. Regrettably, this portrayal
fails to align with the evolving societal roles and significance of women in the
workplace and society as a whole. Women in South African history have achieved
liberation by actively pursuing education, participating in political leadership, engaging
in various entrepreneurial ventures, and assuming leadership roles in multiple areas. The
difficulty, nevertheless, is the degree to which television content in soap operas
accurately portrays this reality in relation to gender norms.

Problem Statement
The main scope of this study is the representation of women in the media. Its focus is
on how television portrays women’s responsibilities and professional skills, and how
this portrayal can either reinforce or break the barrier that prevents women from
reaching high-level positions of authority and leadership. The selection of television
soap opera as an area of interest and case study is based on its widespread popularity
and dominant position in terms of television viewership in South Africa. The primary
premise of this study is that the media presents viewers with models of behaviour and
roles attributed to female characters. Consequently, female viewers may experience
either motivation or discouragement from the prevalent portrayal of women in their
preferred soap operas. The media’s cultivation impact is acknowledged, based on
Shrum’s (2017) assertion that television influences viewers’ perceptions, beliefs,
attitudes, and values.

Research Question
The research question for the study is as follows: To what extent does Muvhango shatter
the glass ceiling by its portrayal of women’s roles and occupations?

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Why Focus on Soap Operas?

The 2023 Television Establishment Survey (ES) revealed a significant decrease in South
Africa’s television viewing landscape compared with the last universe update in 2019.
Gary Whitaker, CEO of the Broadcast Research Council (BRC) of South Africa,
confirmed this shift, despite a significant increase in streaming activities among people
of all ages (Bizcommunity 2024). In addition, the Television Audience Measurement
Survey (TAMS) revealed that SABC 1 and SABC 2 soap operas occupied the top spots
on the May 2023 top television programmes’ statistics. According to the TAMS
(https://brcsa.org.za/may-2023-top-tv-programs/), Muvhango has the highest SABC 2
primetime viewership with 1 390 965 viewers. This viewership is lower than that of
Uzalo on SABC 1, which had a viewership of 5 424 116 during the same period. These
figures might not be high compared with the actual total population figures of South
Africa, but they signify the prevalence of soap opera consumption among other
television programmes. Based on these facts, it is necessary to examine television’s role
and impact on social dynamics and perspectives. Blose (2020) states that viewers
identify with characters in soap operas because of shared social and cultural norms: the
colour of their skin, how they portray themselves, the language they speak, and even the
storylines they exhibit. The representation of women in certain roles, occupations, and
power dynamics has the potential to influence viewers’ choices and how they articulate
themselves in the real world. As a result, soap operas are critical elements of analysis
and research because they reflect ideological and socio-economic circumstances as well
as a country’s cultural context (Lockyear 2004). Ashifa (2024) also contends that soap
operas are a staple of daily television programming, and they hold a magnetic appeal
for female viewers, serving as a window into dramatised lives that resonate with
individual experiences and societal norms.

Women have consistently been confined to roles that are home-bound, while men are
exposed to the corporate world to which higher status and social influence are attached.
Blose (2020) asserts that soap opera storylines send subtle messages that promote low
self-esteem, especially among the black female audience, as they see themselves as
weak, imperfect, and not good enough, among other stereotypes. Nonetheless, Suparsad
(2023, 2948) postulates that “there are instances where television shows and characters
push back on these expectations through the representation of complicated characters
that attempt to better capture the actual nuances of human life and womanhood,
something that is far more complex than the status quo cares to admit.”

Literature Review
Stereotypes and Glass Ceiling in the Media
Gender stereotypes manifest in many ways in the workplace. Tabassum and Nayak
(2021) argue that gender stereotypes continue to create problems in the progress of
women’s careers. The influence of stereotypes in the workplace jeopardises women’s
leadership and managerial advancement compared with that of men, thus creating a

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glass ceiling. Despite the existence of advanced employment equity legislation that
addresses inequalities and discrimination in South Africa, the glass ceiling still inhibits
the advancement of women to top positions in both the private and public sectors (Mbuli
2022). According to Mbuli, “glass ceiling” describes discriminatory practices
prohibiting women from achieving higher levels of success and leadership within an
organisation because of their gender. The media might not be the originators of gender
stereotypes and discriminatory practices; however, they are a platform through which
these can be challenged or perpetuated. Some major media organisations such as the
Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA) (2019), the South African National
Editors Forum (SANEF) (2006), and Gender Links (2012) have conducted research on
women’s advancement in media houses. This article, however, argues that fictional
programmes such as soap operas have a role to play in either legitimising or shattering
the glass ceiling through their storylines and roles assigned to women.

Contextualising the Glass Ceiling Effect

Inequality in the workplace is not a problem of the twenty-first century, nor is it a South
African or African barrier for women or any other underprivileged group. The term
“glass ceiling” originated in corporate America, where the Glass Ceiling Commission
(GCC) was formed to investigate why women’s employment in the United States was
not proportional to their representation in senior management (Kiaye and Singh 2013).
It is claimed that as women began to work outside the home and seek professional jobs,
they encountered the challenge of not being recognised on the same terms as men in
terms of ability. The term “glass ceiling” was coined in the 1980s to characterise the
difficulties that women encounter when their careers stagnate in middle-management
positions, preventing them from advancing to higher leadership or executive positions
(Reiners 2022). In post-apartheid South Africa, women entering the workplace have
faced several barriers which have negatively impacted on their career progression
(Mwashita et al. 2020). Studies have found that the glass ceiling is caused by situational
factors, gender discrimination, lack of respect from male colleagues, and insensitivity
towards women’s multiple roles (Kiaye and Singh 2013). As a result, women occupy
10% of directorship positions at Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) led companies
(Mabaso 2020). Women have always been associated with uncompensated household
chores and child-caring responsibilities, while their husbands work at a paying job
(Derera 2015). Therefore, the dual nature of women’s duties in the workplace and home
is likely to negatively influence their progression for top management positions (Khwela
2019).

United Nations Women (2020) asserts that film and television have a powerful influence
in shaping cultural perceptions and attitudes towards gender and are key to shifting the
narrative for the gender equality agenda. This organisation further states that if a picture
is worth a thousand words, the message is worth a million: If we are to shift stereotypical
notions of gender and reflect women’s realities, we need more women in film, on-screen
and off-screen. In the media, the glass ceiling notion can be handled in a variety of ways.
One way is to investigate the position of women in media houses or media workplaces.
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Another way is to focus on the “media lens,” or how the media lens catches and presents
workplace dynamics between men and women. There is limited research on the latter
aspect, hence this study’s main interest. Research by the Geena Davis Institute on
Gender in Media highlights that women make up a sizable portion of the workforce but
occupy heavily stereotyped roles and occupations in family films. It argues that the
labour market in family films is filled with traditional roles and stereotyping. The report
further states that very few females are shown in high-ranking leadership positions,
which severely limits the range and complexity of aspirational role models for young
female viewers (Smith et al. 2012).

Other research suggests that public perceptions of women in positions of leadership

influence how women managers are perceived in general (Chinyamurindi et al. 2021).
One participant in this study raised a concern about the complexities and severity of
women’s professional challenges, relating it directly to how society (including the
media) handles women. It is further asserted that if women are not being treated well in
society generally, it cannot be expected that they are treated differently in the workplace
(Chinyamurindi et al. 2021). The positive representation of women in the media is
crucial if society desires to see women advancing in all aspects of life. The dominant
images of, and narratives about, women need to be reviewed. This exercise is pivotal
considering the many effects that media can have on viewers and in shaping ideological
perspectives.

Representation of Women on Television: Why It Matters

Gender equality has been high on the agenda of intergovernmental organisations as one
of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs;
https://sdgs.un.org/goals). Starting from the United Nations Beijing Declaration and
Platform for Action (1995) to the UNESCO discussion on gender equality and the media
(UNESCO 2022), the echo is that the media, especially public service media, has a
significant role to play in improving gender equality. Resolutions have been made on
such platforms to pave the way for women to influence the media and other formalised
workplace and social structures. The media has a responsibility to combat gender
stereotypes, which are sometimes created unconsciously by media professionals and
content producers for media products such as soap operas. SDG5 declares that all forms
of discrimination against women and girls everywhere should be eliminated. This calls
for the media to review their products, from news to fiction, to ensure that they are not
perpetuating any form of discrimination against women.

Research shows that problematic representations of women on television date as far

back as the 1990s. Pretorius (2010) argued that in television dramas and soap operas,
the homemaker portrayal of women is favoured, while the woman in power is often
shown as the villain. She further argued that women are often represented as being less
intelligent than men and having to rely on them. According to Pretorius (2010), it is
important to note the effects that these portrayals have on people. The Media Monitoring
Project (MMP) (1999) revealed that during the 1990s, women mostly appeared in social
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roles as mothers, wives, girlfriends, and daughters, but when it came to careers, they
appeared as entertainers or objects of male satisfaction. Thus, it is stated that the extent
to which the media allows and opens our eyes and minds to the rights and roles of
women in our society helps to shape public perceptions and the attitudes of people in
our country towards the rights of women and against discrimination (MMP 1999).

Cape Talk also investigated whether stereotypical female roles still exist in South
African television. This evaluation noted that women in the film and television
industries are working to establish a more equitable, diverse, and valuable depiction of
women in mainstream media, but it also acknowledges that there is still a long way to
go (Goodall 2022). The on-screen image of women requires attention since it serves as
a road map for women to discover their strengths, ambitions, and dreams. The MMP
(1999) agrees that the media’s portrayal of the world is vital; it can open people’s eyes
to new ideas, challenge their creativity and imagination, and encourage their thinking.
At the same time, it has the potential to limit people’s thinking and close them off from
new ideas.

Osborne (2022) argues that male characters are far more likely to be depicted in
prestigious professions than female characters, creating a cumulative effect and implicit
bias that shapes the assumptions and conclusions made about men and women. Osborne
also argues that stereotypes about women plays a key role in shaping harmful attitudes
of disrespect, inequity, and even violence towards women. People’s exposure to a
constant stream of images and stories can inspire their aspirations, shape their hopes and
dreams, affect what they wear, influence how they raise their children, and so much
more.

Media portrayals of women have been scrutinised from a variety of perspectives,

ranging from research to opinion expression to the establishment of specialised forums.
Caprino (2014), a Forbes columnist and contributor, presented a contrasting scenario
where women are said to be capable of ascending to leadership, launching their own
successful businesses, and sitting at the boardroom table and contributing equally with
men, versus how they are depicted in the media. To support this view, another Forbes
columnist (Lee 2018) argued that there have been far fewer opportunities for females
and other groups to play unconventional character roles; instead, the woman has often
been the girlfriend or wife of the lead character. Lee believes that this is sending a
message to everyone in society that women have less value.

Smith et al. (2012) maintain that positive female role models in the media can help
women become more ambitious, assertive, and even help them leave abusive
relationships. These insights were reached through a survey of 4300 women in nine
countries, including Brazil, China, India, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Russia, Australia,
the United Kingdom, and the United States, with the assertion that what people see in
movies and television can influence the careers they choose and the acceptance of
people in certain roles. However, findings suggest that females have not shattered as

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many glass ceilings in the “reel” world as one might suspect, as they reflect that, among
other issues, women are noticeably absent in some of the most prestigious occupational
posts (Smith et al. 2012). According to a draft paper on the media portrayal of women
and the media gender gap in Africa, women account for more than half of the population
in many African countries, yet they are underrepresented or misrepresented throughout
all existing media, whether online or offline, news media or entertainment. Their voices
are not heard, and they are more prone to being stereotyped (Gender Links 2018).

Theoretical Postulations: Media Effects

According to a study by ZenBusiness, 58% of workers say their career choice was at
least inspired by a movie, TV show, book, or other form of media (Lindzon 2020).
Media representation is powerful and has a direct or indirect impact on users. Much
research has been done into media and communication effects, with many theories
postulated as a result, to understand the nature of media’s impact on individuals and
society. Cultivation theory, for example, posits that people acquire conceptions about
the social world as a result of frequent exposure to consistent and repetitive TV images
(Mosharafa 2015). In other words, prolonged exposure to television content shapes
people’s outlook and makes them believe that it is reality. Arguments on media effects
suggest a “negotiated” or transactional approach, with its patrons arguing that media
present an image of social reality but compete with other opinion-forming sources such
as individual experiences or the social environment (Valkenburg et al. 2016). These
other sources can create resistance to the media’s influence on individuals (McQuail
2010). Even so, we cannot ignore or fail to critique the images that are prevalent in our
media, since programmes such as soap operas have become part of the daily media diet
for some television viewers, particularly women.

The study of soap operas has been approached from several perspectives. For instance,
research on prosocial soap operas encompasses a wide range of communication theories
that are thought to influence the attitudes and behaviours of the individuals who watch
these shows (Sherry 1997). A study conducted by Stern et al. (2007) examined the
detrimental impact of textual imagery portraying harmed female characters in soap
operas on the female audience, who make up the majority of viewers. They contend that
soaps have an impact on viewer motives, especially when there is interpellation, which
refers to viewers identifying with and projecting themselves into the behaviours and
relationships depicted on television. The issue lies in the fact that when examining the
impact of soap operas, viewer motivations are prevalent, such as living vicariously
through the characters or seeing them as substitute companions. This can be seen as
negative influences that reinforce the genre’s male-dominated values and behaviours
(Stern et al. 2007).

The modelling theory suggests that viewers of messages or products transmitted through
the media are capable of modelling their behaviour towards the behaviour of those they
relate to or look up to. This theory has been referred to many times in research about
media and violence but is also applicable to other factors, such as learning from
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characters playing occupations that we aspire to. From a psychological perspective, it is

stated that most human behaviour is learned observationally through modelling: from
observing others, one forms an idea of how new behaviours are performed, and on later
occasions, this coded information serves as a guide for action (Cherry 2022). The
relevance of observation and imitation from an individual’s point of view through the
characters depicted in the media and how they lead to change in their behaviour,
knowledge, attitudes, and values is emphasised by modelling theory. If the role model
has a highly esteemed status and engages in a highly valuable activity, imitation is more
likely to occur.

Stereotyping theory also has relevance to this study as its main premise is that media
harbour stereotypes of different kinds and these in turn affect how stereotyped groups
are viewed and treated in society. Mbandlanyana (2011) suggests that soap operas often
contain themes, plots, and narratives that may perpetuate various stereotypes, including
those related to gender, sexuality, and health status. Gender stereotypes and ideologies
are powerful and affect multiple aspects of our psychological functioning, including
perceptions, attention and memory, social behaviours, interests, and self-perceived
competencies (Ward and Grower 2020). Mbandlanyana (2011), in a commentary based
on Generations: The Legacy’s depiction of gay males, contends that soap operas must
take into account the various composition of society in all aspects. Soap operas not only
perpetuate negative gender stereotypes about heterosexual women and men, but also
support prejudices against LGBT individuals (Mbandlanyana 2011). It is crucial that we
acknowledge how the media depicts individuals or social groups in society, as they
function as a consciousness business. When the media is filled with stereotypes, it
increases the likelihood that we will stereotype each other. This is known as a media
effect. Fourie (2007) explains that stereotyping is a frequently cited example of how the
media influences our thoughts and actions. According to Fourie, the media can reinforce
established patterns of attitudes and behaviours towards certain individuals, groups, and
organisations, especially minority groups, by depicting them in stereotypical ways.

Some studies conducted on soap operas reveal uncomfortable positions and

representations of women and their effects on those who view them (Blose 2020; Stern
et al. 2005; Zaheen et al. 2021). Stern et al. (2005) studied the negative influence of
textual images of women in soap operas on female consumers. The prejudices that are
frequently present in representations, according to Palmer (2019), are harmful to young
women and can reduce their aspirations for academic and professional success.
Additionally, Salim (2018) contends that viewers’ perceptions and attitudes are
influenced, positively or negatively, depending on how much daily life is reflected in
soap operas.

Garcia-Muñoz et al. (2012) demonstrated that there is still inequality in the treatment of
gender in television fiction. The arrangement of characters by age and job prestige
reinforces preconceptions, even though more men and women are now represented in
vocational roles in this manner. Holtzhausen et al. (2011) state the same claim that

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women are not portrayed in powerful roles in television commercials as they are less
likely than men to be depicted as experts in products. Instead, women are frequently
portrayed as primary caregivers or sex objects (Alola and Alola 2020), which devalues
women in the workplace. Media portrayals of gender are significant because they affect
audiences’ collective social life and promote culturally prevailing (hegemonic) beliefs
about gender, which typically show women as inferior (Nzimande 2015).

Cultivation and modelling theories provide an appropriate theoretical framework for this
study. The relevance of cultivation theory is rooted in the assumption that soap operas,
being a popular and long-lasting television genre, enable viewers to develop a strong
attachment to the characters and their behaviours over an extended period. The primary
assumption of modelling theory for this study is that television viewers have the ability
to imitate the behaviours they observe being portrayed by characters. Muvhango has
featured several formidable female characters throughout its seasons, including
Thandaza, Gugu, and Susan. These characters are likely to be emulated by women who
can relate to their narratives or wish to be like them.

Methodology
Textual analysis is a key technique in media studies research. This technique allows the
researcher to better understand the underlying social context of the cultural object under
investigation. Textual analysis is popular in the social sciences, along with other
associated methodologies including thematic analysis, content analysis, and discourse
analysis. According to Caufield (2022), social scientists employ textual data to make
empirical judgements about social interactions. As a result, this methodology was
deemed appropriate for this study since it aims to learn from Muvhango about how men
and women interact in the workplace and other societal roles that are pertinent to this
soap opera. Furthermore, textual analysis has many approaches, one of which is content
analysis. Content analysis is used to identify, enumerate, and analyse occurrences of
specific messages and message characteristics embedded in texts (Frey et al. 1999).
However, in qualitative content analysis, researchers are more interested in the
meanings associated with messages than in the number of times message variables
occur. This is the approach that this study applied, as the analysis looked at the soap
opera and the cultural meanings and associations that it presents.

Textual analysis is a popular research methodology in media and cultural studies. The
focus point for textual analysis is to uncover the underlying meanings that the text may
carry for different viewers without assuming that there is a single meaning for texts. The
following textual analysis aims to uncover meanings behind the roles and occupations
of female characters in Muvhango, beginning with a brief audit of the nature of the roles
and occupations women characters play in the soap. The goal of this analysis is to
determine whether or not Muvhango’s portrayal of women’s roles and occupations
breaks the occupational glass ceiling. It is argued that if we want to understand the world
we live in, we must understand how people are making sense of it (McKee 2001).

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Discussion of Findings: Muvhango’s Depiction of Roles and

Occupations
Muvhango debuted on 7 April 1997. It is written by veteran journalist Duma Ndlovu. It
illustrates the conflict between South Africans’ contemporary way of life in the 1990s
and venerated and ancient tribal African traditions. The main languages on this soap
opera are English, Tshivenda, Southern Sotho, isiXhosa, and isiZulu, allowing it to
portray South Africa’s multicultural and multilingual society. Muvhango is a prime time
television soap opera about the royal Mukwevho family, which is governed by family
patriarch and village chief Azwindini Mukwevho. Set in the fictional rural town of
Thathe and the metropolis of Johannesburg, the series juxtaposes traditional beliefs and
ways of life with the problems of modern city life
(https://www.tvsa.co.za/shows/viewshowabout.aspx?showid=2727).

According to European soap opera models, Muvhango fits the definition of the
honourable patriarch model; this model is centred on a patriarch in business with a
professional stance who is upright and responsible, burdened by having to manage a
network of professionals, with dramatic tension resulting from the struggle for power
and authority (Liebes and Livingstone 1998). There are two notable patriarchs:
Azwindini Mukwevho for the Thathe village and James/Tenda for the city part of the
soap’s narrative. Both characters and worlds are instrumental in determining how
women are positioned in terms of the roles they play in the community (Thathe) and the
workplace (Mukwevho-Mudjalifa Milling [MMC] in Johannesburg). The following
discussion closely examines how Muvhango, as a media text, portrays women’s roles
and occupations in a changing society like South Africa.

Women’s Role in Thathe Village: The Power and Influence of Makhadzi

Muvhango’s narrative at Thathe currently revolves around three places: the Mukwevho
royal house, the mayoral office, and the Waterside restaurant. The royal house is the
centre of all activities in Thathe, whether political, social, or cultural. Azwindini
Mukwevho is the current chief and the one with the power and authority to judge matters
that affect the Thathe community. His kingship is stabilised by the presence of men and
women who are his advisors or kingmakers. Among these is Makhadzi, who is the sister
of Azwindini’s father and therefore holds the position of assisting the chief to make
decisions as more of a guide than an authority figure. There is also Masindi, Chief
Azwindini’s mother, who, as his mother, assumes the responsibility of advisor, just like
Makhadzi. Rendani, who is the chief’s sister, is regarded as the future Makhadzi for
Thathe village. Makhadzi is referred to as an aunt in the Tshivenda language. Makhadzi
plays an integral traditional role in the family, as she is usually entrusted with making
heavy decisions (https://howandwhen.org/what-is-the-meaning-of-makhadzi-in-
tshivenda).

Matshidze (2013) reveals that even though in most African societies women are
subordinate to men, there exists a special class of women who play a critical role in the

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public sphere and whom society highly regards. Muvhango has positioned Makhadzi in
a powerful position for as long as it has existed as a soap; it shows women playing
critical roles in succession, resolution of disputes, regency, initiation of girls, and
spiritual roles. Matshidze (2013, 9) argues that “it is imperative to understand the role
of Makhadzi in leadership because in South Africa today, some key political, cultural,
and social decisions are predominantly made by a large majority of men, with only
peripheral participation by women.”

Even with the presence of such powerful women on the set, there is still male dominance
in the decision-making process of Thathe village, as men referred to as khotsimunene,
which means the traditional leader’s paternal uncle, always challenge the Makhadzi in
contention for the authority to influence the leader. This plays out so clearly with
Makhadzi and Borosi (who is the khotsimunene), leaving the position and role of women
in the leadership questionable and doubted. Thus, while agreeing that in many societies’
leadership structures male dominance is high, although the level has not yet been
established, there is a postulation that in all African societies, women are subordinate to
men (Matshidze 2013). Muvhango gives a rendition that women can have power and
authority to a certain extent, but that power and authority are not enough without men
demanding and challenging them, as is always the case between Makhadzi and Borosi;
this indirectly retains the glass ceiling.

The other place where we can detect gender dynamics in roles in Muvhango is at the
Thathe police station, where men dominate as there is not a single woman police officer,
suggesting that this occupation is suitable only for men. This is not a true reflection of
reality, as our society now has many women police officers. Similarly, the Waterside
restaurant carries suggestive connotations about the kind of businesses suitable for
women. This establishment is dominated by women (owned by Tebogo, followed by
Vho Mukondeleli, then Sharon). Two of the three visible waiters in this restaurant are
women, maintaining the trend that this kind of job is suitable for women. The same is
witnessed in Dukathole (a restaurant on the Johannesburg side of the soap). Dukathole
is owned and managed by a woman, and most of the waiters are also women. This goes
with the stereotype that women are servants, and their place remains the kitchen; hence,
Nash (2018) argues that, typically, the media only reports on cultural trends.

Despite the fact that Makhadzi’s character portrays women in powerful and influential
roles, her talents are nevertheless constrained to the “home” environment. The lack of
clearly defined jobs for women in the Thathe royal family promotes the stereotype that
women’s roles are limited to the home and that it is challenging to overcome this
stereotype (Nash 2018). When given leadership roles, women are presented as being
lacking if a man is not there, implying that women are unable to run households and
enterprises on their own (Ndayi and Du Plooy 2019). This representation demonstrates
the ceiling that women frequently encounter; they can lead or accomplish things to a
point, but eventually men’s assistance will be required. Makhadzi’s lack of integrity
while in a position of such authority demonstrates that women cannot be trusted with

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positions of authority. To this end, Ndayi and Du Plooy (2019) contend that the soap
does not challenge patriarchal notions of women’s abilities and experiences in business
and economic situations.

The Mayor of Thathe: Elevating Women’s Status

Susan Mukwevho is the newly installed mayor of Thathe; she is not just a mayor, but
the first woman mayor in the history of Thathe. This is a unique and endearing soap
opera story because it gives the characters’ leadership positions the much-needed gender
balance. The following scene from the serial reveals Susan’s ability to give orders to
men and even daring them to test her authority; it depicts Susan conversing with the
police officer, Neshehe (episode 178, 9 September 2022):

Susan: There you are! Do you know how to answer your phone, or should I teach you?
Do you have any idea how many times I’ve called you?
Neshehe: I’m sorry, Vho-Mayara. It’s been an exceptionally busy day so far.
Susan: That’s an excuse. Answer your phone; that’s all.
Neshehe: I’m sorry, it wasn’t on purpose.
Susan: Don’t forget who pays your salary. Or maybe you think my days as mayor are
numbered, so you don’t care anymore?
Neshehe: I can never forget that, ma’am. I respect you. It was just a busy day.
Susan: Vho-Neshehe, have you done what I instructed you to do?

Being mayor has traditionally been seen as a man’s role in this society, thus this part of
the text proposes a step towards shattering the glass ceiling by challenging the
stereotype that women are incapable of leading. According to Ibrahim et al. (2017) in
their study on Malaysian drama’s representation of women, this position of authority
(as the conversation above demonstrates) departs from the idea that women in the world
of television are presented in the roles of domestic help, a wife, and a mother and are
portrayed as submissive and engrossed in common family affection and duties. To this
effect, Ibrahim et al. (2017) argue that decisions by media practitioners or programme
producers regarding the portrayal of gender are based on assumptions about the current
state of social and cultural values. According to them, societies have certain definitions
of masculinity and femininity, and these are replayed and reinforced by the media.

While celebrating Susan’s fight against the marginalisation of women in soaps, the norm
that women need to be kept under men’s control creeps in in the form of Tendamudzimu
(Tenda) Madau, who has a perfect plan to discredit Susan as mayor and thus capture her
to serve his needs and benefit his business instead. Now this narrative takes us a few
steps back, as Susan sees herself at the mercy of Chief Azwindini, who is waging war
against Tenda, as she is fighting a losing battle against him. The conversation below
shows this (episode 179, 12 September 2022):

Rendani: You can’t go to Joburg alone, Chief.

Susan: Yes. Meaning we’re coming with you to Joburg.
Chief: That is not going to happen.

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Susan: Tell me, was Tenda trying to corrupt me or you?

Chief: Hence, I’m going to face him and have a man-to-man conversation.
Susan: Really? You think we can’t fight him as women? [my emphasis]
Rendani: Tendamudzimu tried to make us his puppets, not you, chief.
Susan: Standing as we are, we’re going to Jo’burg to fight Tenda. By ourselves.
Rendani: If you’re going to fight him, we’re coming with you.
Susan: If not, remain behind. We’ll go.

Hingston and Etim (2016) argue that even though Muvhango depicts women achieving
and maintaining high-profile positions or succeeding in business or the workplace, they
are still expected to be under the dominance and control of men and to submit to them,
thus supporting the idea that men hold a powerful position in African society.

Occupations and Power Dynamics in the Workplace

Several studies on South African soap operas have echoed the sentiment that women
are portrayed unfairly compared with men in all spheres, including work, home, and
business (Fombang 2023; Macharia 2016; Mahlatsi 2018; Motsaathebe 2009; Ndayi and
Du Plooy 2019). In a study which investigated the impact of local soap operas on
relationships (Mahlatsi 2018), a participant highlighted the existence of gender-based
distinctions in employment preferences and occupations. Skeem Saam (SABC 1)
illustrated a family dynamic in which a mother and daughter-in-law were employed in
a supermarket, but their partners held occupations as a university professor and lawyer
(Mahlatsi 2018). According to Matshabane (2016), in a separate study on the impact of
role models on the career development of adolescents in school, it was found that the
participants acknowledged the significant influence of careers portrayed on television
or by media characters in shaping their decision-making process regarding their own
careers. Specifically, eight out of nine participants stated that the media had exerted an
influence on their employment choices.

Muvhango’s storyline moves between Thathe and Johannesburg, the home of MMC, a
construction firm with distinct roles for men and women. MMC is staffed by more
women employees than men, but what matters most is the gender dynamics in the
positions that women hold compared with those held by their male co-workers. MMC
is led by a board chairperson who is a man (Tenda), a CEO (chief executive officer),
James, and a COO (chief operations officer), Gugu. The discussion to follow reflects on
whether the dynamics at MMC as a workplace challenge the glass ceiling that women
often encounter alongside their male counterparts.

Male Domination and Influence on the Occupational Position of Women at MMC

It is argued that soap operas can reveal assumptions about women and work that are
firmly embedded in the public discourse (Czarniawska et al. 2013). More optimistically,
Iqbal and Abdar (2016) believe that a positive portrayal of women in soap operas can
effectively change perceptions and promote the independence of women with respect to
careers and education in real-life situations. They further state that “soap operas

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undoubtedly have immense potential to influence the audience by presenting an

empowered modern woman” (Iqbal and Abdar 2016, 10). To what extent can we agree
with the above assertion about South African soap operas? Occupational distribution at
MMC is presented in the tables below, demonstrating the extent of gender disparity.

Table 1: Women’s occupations at MMC (Ndlovu 2023)

Character’s name Occupation at MMC

Gugu/Khumo Chief operations officer (COO)
Imani Architect
Itseng Receptionist
Bubbles Receptionist
Marang Personal assistant (PA)
Hangwani Restaurant owner
Mpho Board chairperson (after Tenda)

Table 2: Men’s occupations at MMC (Ndlovu 2023)

Character’s name Occupation at MMC

James Chief executive officer (CEO)
Tenda Board chairman
Kgosi Information technology (IT)
specialist
Vutshilo Trainee/future CEO

Tables 1 and 2 paint several scenarios: women at MMC are not occupying top and
dominant positions. They are portrayed as playing a subordinate and male-anchoring
role, which questions their abilities. Women mostly play a supportive role, which
compels them to be submissive to their male bosses, who have the final say on business
decisions made in the company. Some of these women (Gugu and Imani, for example)
appear to be educated and focused, but that is not good enough for them to lead MMC,
let alone be taken into consideration. Instead, they are often portrayed in a more
domestic setting where roles such as mothering and wifely duties take centre stage.
Imani, as professional as she is, is hardly portrayed in a work setting but is always
juxtaposed against her husband (James), whose portrayal revolves around MMC,
making decisions, and giving orders as a boss. This narrative compels women to comply
with patriarchal positions at home and in the workplace, thus making it a challenge to
shatter the glass ceiling.

Muvhango portrays a lack of trust towards women’s leadership and professionalism;

most women submit to men or take orders from men; final decisions are made by men;
and women work to keep men at the top of their game (Gugu, Imani, and Marang). Their
jobs are not prestigious or mentally challenging, as all they need to do is smile and take
messages for their bosses (Itseng and Bubbles). Table 1 shows that out of six female
characters sampled, only one occupies an executive position (Gugu, then Khumo), only
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one has a clear profession (Imani), and the others are all in administrative positions,
except for Hangwani, who is the owner of the in-house coffee shop, Dukathole. This is
evidence that the ceiling is too strong to break, even though there have been some
noticeable strides, which are discussed below.

As this study was about to be wrapped up, a new shift happened in Muvhango: Mpho
moved from being a homemaker to being the MMC board chairperson. This is indeed
an exceptional stride; however, besides the complicated and underhanded way in which
she got the position, she finds herself caught in a crossfire between the bulls in the MMC
kraal, made up of the Mukwevho versus Motsamai fractions. Mpho finds herself in a
“pawn” position, where each of these male-driven factions wants to use her to win the
corporate battle. This scenario raises several thoughts: Could the purpose of Mpho’s
character development be to embrace women’s empowerment and bring hope to
women’s leadership, or to carry on with the narrative that women need a man’s hand to
lead or make sound decisions?

Sidani et al. (2015, cited in Ndayi and du Plooy 2019, 113) identify three categories of
institutional forces to be considered in the portrayal of gender relations: cultural-
cognitive, normative, and regulative forces. They argue that the cultural-cognitive
forces are concerned with the interpretation of culture, customs, and societal traditions
and how these disadvantage women by perpetuating stereotypes that they are not suited
to leadership roles. Cultural-cognitive forces are of interest to the reading of Muvhango
since the soap calls for attention to and interpretation of women’s role in traditional
leadership structures as well as the corporate ambit.

Breaking the Ceiling by Challenging Patriarchy and Femininity

There is a new character in the show, Khumo, who is James’s stepsister. Khumo arrives
with the objective of taking over and dominating MMC while everyone else marvels at
her beauty. Khumo is distinguished from other ladies on set by a few characteristics,
including the fact that she is alone, there is no man behind her, and she is not ready to
bow to anyone; instead, she gives orders and threatens others with blackmail. She does
not, like most women, talk about raising children or cooking in the kitchen; instead, she
only discusses business and growing her corporate domain. As a result, she has stepped
on some people’s toes, which has led to resentment between her, Gugu, and Imani, as
she has unconventional way of doing things at MMC.

Khumo represents a shift in thought regarding how women are portrayed because she
lacks all the feminine features that are frequently used to stereotype women. When it
comes to carrying out commercial and personal decisions for her benefit, she is
merciless and brutal rather than soft and caring. The other problem with Khumo is that,
unlike other women her age, she is not married and does not have a lover or children.
Khumo’s character challenges the dominant role that men have in most television shows
and even films based on these principles. According to Hobson, this type of woman is
the “feisty young woman” who is independent-minded, frequently combative, and
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strong-willed (Hobson 1982, cited in Neophytou 2012). The character of Khumo adds
an unusual perspective to how women are portrayed on television because, contrary to
what Khumo is doing, most of the time it is males who bully and victimise women.

This is an important change to examine since, according to Levine (2020), soap operas
are also about cultural influences, gender articulations, and the creation of media texts
as both commercial and cultural objects. Women are typically expected to be submissive
to men in their culture, but this is not the case with Khumo’s character since she
challenges male authority.

According to Levitt (2020), this may be a sign that the soap opera narrative is changing,
and that television and soap operas should tell tales of development and change in both
the field and broader culture. As Iqbal and Abdar (2016, 11) assert:

The meanings derived from the knowledge of soaps challenge the dominant discourses
about the role of women in the family, on the silencing of women’s voice, on the social
expectations of women’s behaviour and about the power of women’s relationship with
other members of society.

The narrative structure of soap operas is complex and constantly evolving, making it
difficult to study because characters might go from being strong women to being victims
in the span of one day. Gugu, for instance, was once a strong representation of women’s
empowerment on the set when she attained the influential position of COO in MMC,
but after meeting someone and having a child, the storyline and Gugu’s character were
altered to reflect the stereotype of a typical woman who prioritises her romantic
relationships over her career. On the other hand, Khumo’s character casts off all
stereotypical qualities associated with women, such as kindness, humility, and love; as
a result, she can be perceived as a threat to traditional femininity. We may not be sure
of Khumo’s motivations when she entered MMC and began to shake the earth as she
ascended; writers have suggested that she may have a personal grudge against some of
the individuals she had challenged, including James, the CEO. However, her character
currently embodies “women in power,” to some people’s pleasure but to the disdain of
others at MMC.

Khumo is not a typical “yes, boss” woman who submits to patriarchal expectations,
neither does she feature on the domestic front as do most of the women in the soap, but
she introduces the idea of the “girl boss” which is seen as a means of empowering
women but was also seen as toxic in the workplace along with male supremacy. Khumo
exhibits strength, a daring attitude, competitiveness, risk-taking, boldness, and
decisiveness, to mention a few traits associated with masculinity. She has none of the
traditional feminine attributes raised by Goodwin (2018), such as softness, feelings,
gentleness, and humility. Another feminine trait suggested by Goodwin (2018) is
passively waiting for things to happen. Khumo does not wait for things to happen; she
has made one decisive decision after another from the moment she joined MMC.

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The tragic aspect of Khumo’s portrayal, however, is that she is vilified by what she has
done to obtain her goals and what she is willing to do to obtain even more. Does this
imply that a woman must be a “devil” to be strong, gain status, and go up the corporate
ladder? Right there, we see negative portrayals of women that may go beyond the screen
given the influence of media socialisation. Is this something that society ought to
examine closely? It is, considering that gender stereotypes and media
underrepresentation of women can contribute to negative disregard and violence against
women. They can influence children from an early age by perpetuating preferences for
gender-appropriate material and activities, traditional notions about gender roles, jobs,
and personalities, and attitudes towards life expectations and goals (Rodriguez 2021).

Conclusion
The media, as society’s watchdog, is responsible for monitoring changes in major social
institutions and the systems that support them. The media must play a key role in
responding to these processes so that women can fully realise their potential in creating
a more just and equitable society for all. Participation and support from the media are
considered critical for social change, and various campaigns are aimed at improving
women’s equality of existence (Ahmed and Khalid 2012).

According to the aforementioned arguments, the media, like any other social institution,
plays a role in positively transforming society. As has been stated many times, the media
is widely used and consumed by most of the socially active populace; as a result, both
positive and negative lessons can be learned from it. According to Iqbal and Abdar
(2016), soap operas have a significant potential to impart ideals and notions that have a
good impact on society and participate in its reformation. Furthermore, they argue that
soap operas can be a powerful medium for boosting women’s education and intolerance
for society’s prevalent patriarchy. According to the literature, most soap operas do not
adequately portray the role of a strong, independent, and educated woman. Although
women outnumber men on television in most soap operas, men dominate when it comes
to power and position.

Muvhango presents conflicting ideas about bursting through the glass ceiling. This is
because it entails representation on two different ceilings: the corporate ceiling and the
cultural ceiling. Going beyond that poses issues, as we saw in the instance of Thathe
village, where women are compelled to preserve a specific cultural rank and position.
Susan and most women in the royal family are examples of the cultural ceiling effect,
in which patriarchy reigns and reduces women to a lower position than men, even to
being treated as subjects. Even professional women in Muvhango are frequently
preoccupied with domestic obligations rather than professional ones. This obstacle is
related to the cultural glass ceiling, which limits women’s participation to traditionally
feminine roles. As a result, witnessing women dominate the workplace is not depicted
positively, as evidenced by Khumo’s character, who is chastised in most of her
appearances. When a woman holds a prominent position, the plot sometimes tends to

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focus more on her challenges, flaws, and faults rather than on her accomplishments,
casting some doubt on women’s ability to lead. This type of analysis is required since
writers and producers can only act to reduce stereotypical portrayals of television
characters when they are aware of them (Baker and Raney 2007, cited in Mahlatsi 2018).

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