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BAR S1962 2009
Measured on Stone:
Stone Artefact Reduction,
Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal
Land Use in Arid Central Australia

Wallace Boone Law

LAW
MEASURED ON STONE

BAR International Series 1962

2009
B
A
R
 Measured on Stone:
Stone Artefact Reduction,
Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal
Land Use in Arid Central Australia

Wallace Boone Law

BAR International Series 1962

2009
Published in 2016 by
BAR Publishing, Oxford

BAR International Series 1962

Measured on Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land
Use in Arid Central Australia
© W B Law and the Publisher 2009

The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright,

Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored,
sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted
in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407304458 paperback

ISBN 9781407334790 e-format
DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407304458
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd.
British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR
Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR
group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with
British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal
publisher, in 2009. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR
PUBLISHING
BAR titles are available from:
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WARNING: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers are cautioned that the following monograph
contain images and names of deceased persons.
Originally prepared in 2003 as Chipping Away in the Past: Stone Artefact Reduction and Holocene Systems of Land Use in
Arid Central Australia, a Master of Philosophy (Research) thesis for the School of Archaeology and Anthropology, Australian
National University, Canberra, ACT. Some citations and sections been updated for this version. There have not been any
changes to the conclusions, data, figures, or tables presented in this monograph.

ii
 ABSTRACT

This monograph explores the many ways in which stone artefact reduction can be measured and used to discern prehistoric
changes in artefact technology and land use from two sites in arid Australia. Several empirical techniques are used to
investigate the nature of stone artefact reduction on spatial and chronological scales at Puli Tjulkura quarry and Puritjarra
rockshelter; two important Central Australian archaeological sites that both geochemical and ethnographic studies reveal are
interrelated. Spatial patterns of stone artefact reduction are differentiated within and between the stone artefact assemblages
of Puli Tjulkura and Puritjarra. These patterns illustrate the gradual reduction of stone artefact as they are transported away
from their parent raw material source and characterise the kinds of reduction activities that took place at each of these
locations. Chronological patterns of stone artefact reduction are distinguished within the Holocene record of Puritjarra
rockshelter. These patterns are used to gain insight upon the changing the settlement and subsistence strategies employed by
early populations.

Puli Tjulkura (in Pintubi/Luritja “white stone”) is a white chert stone artefact quarry and primary reduction site located near
Mt. Peculiar, approximately 280km west of Alice Springs, Northern Territory. The location of Puli Tjulkura was established
by a senior member of the Mt. Liebig Aboriginal community. His recollections of the reduction activities he observed while
visiting “the old people’s mining place” as a child are described. The interconnection of Puli Tjulkura with Puritjarra
rockshelter is established through his ethnographic account and a PIXE-PIGME geochemical analysis conducted on the Puli
Tjulkura white chert and Puritjarra white chert artefacts. Stone artefact reduction is measured on a large sample of the white
chert artefacts at Puli Tjulkura and the white chert artefacts a Puritjarra. The stone artefact reduction patterns measured at
Puli Tjulkura characterise the site’s role as a primary reduction locality. This information is also compared to the reduction
patterns of the Puritjarra white chert artefact assemblage. The results of this study illustrate the continued reduction of stone
artefacts after they are transported away from their raw material source.

Puritjarra rockshelter is located in the Cleland Hills of the Northern Territory approximately 50km southwest of Puli
Tjulkura. Statistically significant increases in retouched flake reduction begin during the mid-Holocene and continue
throughout the late Holocene. This pattern is most pronounced for retouched flakes manufactured from non-local raw
materials. The intensity of stone artefact reduction has been suggested by some archaeologists that to be a key indicator of
early settlement-subsistence systems and thus residential mobility. In Central Australia, there is still much debate centring on
the level of mobility exhibited by middle and late Holocene resident populations. Past and present settlement-subsistence
models for the Holocene archaeological sequence of the arid zone are reviewed and the implications of the Puritjarra
reduction patterns are discussed. The inferences of this study run contrary to an earlier model which proposed that the
Puritjarra archaeological record was formed by an increasingly sedentary late Holocene population. It is concluded that the
middle and late Holocene reduction trends recorded at Puritjarra are associated with a provisioning strategy and land use
system characteristic of an increasingly mobile population.

iii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Funding for this research was granted by the School of Archaeology and Anthropology at the Australian National University
(ANU). Professor Peter Hiscock (ANU) provided primary supervision and guidance during my research, and I am grateful
for his friendship and input on this study. Dr. Mike A. Smith (National Museum of Australia) and Dr. Anne Clark (ANU)
also provided counsel and supervision on this project. Dr. Smith additionally granted access to unpublished lithic databases
and manuscripts on the Puritjarra stone artefact assemblage. Figures and table data based on Dr. Smith’s research are
acknowledged in this text, and I sincerely thank him for his assistance with the project.

The fieldwork component of this research project would not have been possible without the support of the Central Land
Council and the Mt. Liebig and Yuendumu Aboriginal communities.

iv
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................................................................................. iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................................................................................... iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................................................................... v
LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................................................................. vii
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................................................................. ix
LIST OF PLATES ..................................................................................................................................................................... x
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................ 1
Research Aims ..................................................................................................................................................................... 1
Examining Stone Artefact Reduction at a Spatial Scale ...................................................................................................... 1
Examining Stone Artefact Reduction at a Chronological Scale........................................................................................... 1
The Organisation of this Monograph ................................................................................................................................... 2

CHAPTER 2: METHOD AND THEORY .............................................................................................................................. 4

Introduction ......................................................................................................................................................................... 4
Stone Artefact Reduction: Defining the Process .................................................................................................................. 4
The Reduction Process: An Overview ................................................................................................................................. 5
Categorising Chipped Stone Artefacts................................................................................................................................. 5
Describing Stone Artefact Technology................................................................................................................................ 6
Introduction to Residential Mobility and Technological Organisation ................................................................................ 8
Residential Mobility and Technological Organisation Correlated ....................................................................................... 8
Residential Mobility and Stone Artefact Provisioning ...................................................................................................... 10
Measuring Stone Artefact Reduction with Nominal and Metrical Data ............................................................................ 11
Retouch Scars and Flake Breakage ............................................................................................................................ 11
Exterior Cortex ........................................................................................................................................................... 11
Calculating Artefact Size ............................................................................................................................................ 12
A Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) .................................................................................................... 12
A Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI) ............................................................................................................................ 13
Summary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 14

CHAPTER 3: THE AUSTRALIAN ARID ZONE AND ITS HUMAN PAST .................................................................. 15
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................................... 15
A Description of the Australian Arid Zone and Central Australia ..................................................................................... 15
The Palaeoclimatic Record of the Arid Zone ..................................................................................................................... 17
The Changing Nature of Arid Zone Stone Artefact Research............................................................................................ 17
Early Typological Analyses ........................................................................................................................................ 17
Ethnoarchaeological Analyses ................................................................................................................................... 18
Inter-Site Analyses ...................................................................................................................................................... 21
Holocene Models of Arid Zone Settlement and Subsistence ............................................................................................. 23
Summary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 24

CHAPTER 4: PULI TJULKURA QUARRY, THE OLD PEOPLE’S MINING PLACE................................................ 25

Introduction........................................................................................................................................................................ 25
Fieldwork Objectives ......................................................................................................................................................... 25
The Puli Tjulkura White Chert in its Geologic and Environmental Setting....................................................................... 25
A PIXE-PIGME Geochemical Analysis of the Puli Tjulkura Chert .................................................................................. 28
A Recent History and Ethnography of Puli Tjulkura......................................................................................................... 30
Puli Tjulkura Site Recording ............................................................................................................................................. 34
Artefact Recording and Analysis ....................................................................................................................................... 34
Summary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 44

v
 CHAPTER 5: THE PURITJARRA ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD: A SUMMARY OF BROAD-SCALE
PATTERNS........................................................................................................................................................................... 45
Introduction........................................................................................................................................................................ 45
The Geological and Environmental Setting ....................................................................................................................... 45
The Puritjarra Excavations................................................................................................................................................. 53
The Rockshelter Chronology ............................................................................................................................................. 53
Analytical Unit Chronology ........................................................................................................................................ 53
Radiometric Chronology ............................................................................................................................................. 54
The Depth/Age Plot ........................................................................................................................................................... 56
Artefact Density ................................................................................................................................................................ 60
Artefact Density at the Spit Level ................................................................................................................................ 60
Artefact Density at the Analytical Unit Level.............................................................................................................. 63
Artefact Discard Rates ....................................................................................................................................................... 63
The Origin and Distribution of Stone Artefact Raw Materials .......................................................................................... 64
Raw Materials of Local Origin ................................................................................................................................... 64
Raw Materials of Intermediate (Non-local) Origin .................................................................................................... 66
Raw Materials of Distant (Non-local) Origin ............................................................................................................. 66
The Chronological Distribution of Raw Materials ..................................................................................................... 66
Summary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 70

CHAPTER 6: THE PURITJARRA RETOUCHED FLAKE ASSEMBLAGE ................................................................. 71

Introduction........................................................................................................................................................................ 71
Cross-Referencing Retouched Flake Categories ................................................................................................................ 71
The Physical Condition of Retouched Flakes .................................................................................................................... 71
Retouched Flake Sample Size and Analytical Unit Assignment ....................................................................................... 74
Measuring Retouched Flake Reduction with Nominal Data .............................................................................................. 76
Measuring Retouched Flake Reduction with Metrical Data .............................................................................................. 81
Quantifying Reduction with the Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR)..................................................... 81
Quantifying Reduction with the Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI) ............................................................................. 83
Synthesising the PRI and GIUR Results...................................................................................................................... 85
Summary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 85

CHAPTER 7: THE DYNAMICS OF STONE ARTEFACT REDUCTION AT PULI TJULKURA QUARRY

AND PURITJARRA ROCKSHELTER................................................................................................................................ 86
Introduction........................................................................................................................................................................ 86
Spatial Reduction Patterns at Puli Tjulkura Quarry ........................................................................................................... 86
Retouched Flake Reduction and Provisioning Strategies at Puritjarra Rockshelter........................................................... 88
The Differential Treatment of Local and Non-Local Retouched Flakes ..................................................................... 88
Characterising Provisioning Strategies and Residential Mobility.............................................................................. 88
Holocene Mobility, Provisioning Individuals, and Arid Zone Settlement Patterns ........................................................... 93
Summary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 94

CHAPTER 8: SUMMARY, RESEARCH CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS ..................................................... 95

Answering Research Question 1 ........................................................................................................................................ 95
Answering Research Question 2 ........................................................................................................................................ 95
Future Directions of Research ........................................................................................................................................... 97

GLOSSARY OF TERMS ....................................................................................................................................................... 98

APPENDIX A: PIXE-PIGME DATA ................................................................................................................................. 100

APPENDIX B: PULI TJULKURA STONE ARTEFACT MEASUREMENTS.............................................................. 103

APPENDIX C: PURITJARRA RETOUCHED FLAKE MEASUREMENTS ................................................................ 116

REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................................................................... 149

vi
 LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 4.1: List of Artefact Measurements and Attributes Recorded at Puli Tjulkura .................................................... 40
TABLE 4.2: White Chert Flake Breakage at Puli Tjulkura and Puritjarra......................................................................... 40
TABLE 4.3: Number of Measured Artefacts by Sample, Location, and Category, Puli Tjulkura..................................... 41
TABLE 4.4: White Chert Core Measurements (mm), Puli Tjulkura ................................................................................. 41
TABLE 4.5: White Chert Core Measurements (mm) by Platform Type, Puli Tjulkura and Puritjarra.............................. 41
TABLE 4.6: White Chert Flakes Measurements (mm), Puli Tjulkura............................................................................... 43
TABLE 4.7: White Chert Flake Measurements (mm), Puritjarra Rockshelter .................................................................. 43
TABLE 4.8: Retouched Flake Measurements (mm), Puli Tjulkura................................................................................... 43
TABLE 4.9: White Chert Retouched Flake Measurements (mm), Puritjarra Rockshelter. ............................................... 44
TABLE 4.10: Puli Tjulkura Grid Square vs. Random Sample Artefact Dimension t-Test Results. .................................... 44
TABLE 4.11: Puritjarra vs. Puli Tjulkura Artefact Dimension t-Test Results. .................................................................... 44
TABLE 5.1: Number of Chipped Stone Artefacts from Puritjarra Excavation Areas. ..................................................... 53
TABLE 5.2: Radiocarbon (14C) Age Estimates, Puritjarra Main Trench (after Smith et al. 1997, Smith et al. 2001) ..... 55
TABLE 5.3: Thermoluminescence (TL) Age Estimates, Puritjarra Main Trench (after Smith et al. 1997) ...................... 56
TABLE 5.4: Spit Depth (cm) by Analytical Unit, Puritjarra Main Trench (Smith n.d.).................................................... 57
TABLE 5.5: Excavation Squares M10, M11, N10, and N11 Artefact Densities. .............................................................. 61
TABLE 5.6: Analytical Unit Statistics, Puritjarra Main Trench. ....................................................................................... 63
TABLE 5.7: Chipped Stone Artefact Discard Rates-Puritjarra Main Trench. ................................................................... 65
TABLE 5.8: Analytical Unit Statistics and Chipped Stone Artefact Density Listed by Raw Material Class,
Puritjarra Main Trench ................................................................................................................................. 66
TABLE 5.9: Chipped Stone Artefact Discard Rates (#/kya), Local Raw Materials Puritjarra Main Trench..................... 67
TABLE 5.10: Chipped Stone Artefact Discard Rates (#/kya), Intermediate Raw Materials Puritjarra Main Trench.......... 68
TABLE 5.11: Chipped Stone Artefact Discard Rates (#/kya), Distant Raw Materials Puritjarra Main Trench .................. 69
TABLE 6.1: Summary Statistics – All Puritjarra Retouched Flakes ................................................................................. 71
TABLE 6.2: Radiocarbon (14C) Age-Estimates from Non-Main Trench Grid Squares, Puritjarra Rockshelter................ 74
TABLE 6.3: Analytical Assignment of Non-Main Trench Retouched Flakes................................................................... 75
TABLE 6.4: Proportion of Retouched Flakes to Unmodified Flakes by Raw Material Class, All Retouched
Flakes, Puritjarra Rockshelter ....................................................................................................................... 77
TABLE 6.5: Frequency of Retouched Flakes to Unmodified Flakes by Excavation Area and Analytical Unit,
Puritjarra Rockshelter ................................................................................................................................... 77
TABLE 6.6: Frequency of Retouched Flakes to Unmodified Flakes by Excavation Area, Analytical Unit, and Raw
Material Class, Puritjarra Rockshelter........................................................................................................... 77
TABLE 6.7: Chi-Square Results Proportion of Retouched Flakes to Unmodified Flakes by Raw Material Class,
All Excavations, Puritjarra Rockshelter ........................................................................................................ 78
TABLE 6.8: Chi-Square Test Results Proportion of Retouched Flakes to Unmodified Flakes by Analytical Unit,
All Excavations, Puritjarra Rockshelter ........................................................................................................ 78
TABLE 6.9: Chi-Square Test Results Proportion of Ret. Flakes to Unmodified Flakes by Raw Material Class
within Analytical Units, All Excavations, Puritjarra Rockshelter................................................................. 78
TABLE 6.10: Frequency of Retouched Flake Breakage by Raw Material Class, All Retouched Flakes,
Puritjarra Rockshelter.................................................................................................................................... 79

vii
TABLE 6.11: Frequency of Retouched Flake Breakage by Excavation Area and Analytical Unit, Puritjarra
Rockshelter.................................................................................................................................................... 79
TABLE 6.12: Frequency of Retouched Flake Breakage by Excavation Area, Raw Material Class and Analytical
Unit, Puritjarra Rockshelter........................................................................................................................... 79
TABLE 6.13: Chi-Square and Fisher’s Exact Test Results Frequency Broken to Unbroken Retouched Flakes by
Raw Material Class All Retouched Flakes, Puritjarra Rockshelter............................................................... 80
TABLE 6.14: Chi-Square and Fisher’s Exact Test Results, Frequency Broken to Unbroken Retouched Flakes
by Analytical Unit, All Excavations, Puritjarra Rockshelter......................................................................... 80
TABLE 6.15: Chi-Square and Fisher’s Exact Test Results of Frequency of Broken to Unbroken Ret. Flakes by Raw
Material Class within Analytical Units All Excavations, Puritjarra Rockshelter .......................................... 80
TABLE 6.16: Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) Summary Statistics by Raw Material Class,
Puritjarra Rockshelter.................................................................................................................................... 81
TABLE 6.17: Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) Summary Statistics by Analytical Unit,
Puritjarra Rockshelter ................................................................................................................................... 82
TABLE 6.18: Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) Summary Statistics by Analytical Unit and Raw
Material Class, Puritjarra Rockshelter........................................................................................................... 82
TABLE 6.19: Student’s t-Test Results Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) by Raw Material Class ............. 82
TABLE 6.20: Student’s t-Test Results Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) by Analytical Unit.................... 82
TABLE 6.21: Student’s t-Test Results Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) by Raw Material Class
within Analytical Units ................................................................................................................................. 82
TABLE 6.22: Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI) Summary Statistics by Raw Material Class, Puritjarra Rockshelter ........ 83
TABLE 6.23: Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI) Summary Statistics by Analytical Unit, Puritjarra Rockshelter............... 83
TABLE 6.24: Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI) Summary Statistics by Analytical Unit .. and Raw Material Class,
Puritjarra Rockshelter.................................................................................................................................... 83
TABLE 6.25: Student’s t-Test Results Perimeter Reduction Index Summary Statistics by Raw Material Origin .............. 84
TABLE 6.26: Student’s t-Test Results Perimeter Reduction Index Summary Statistics by Analytical Unit....................... 84
TABLE 6.27: Student’s t-Test Results Perimeter Reduction Index Summary Statistics by Analytical Unit and
Raw Material ................................................................................................................................................. 84
TABLE 7.1: The Frequency of Retouched Flakes, Puritjarra Rockshelter (All Excavations) Grouped by Analytical
Unit and Raw Material Class. ....................................................................................................................... 92

viii
 LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 2.1: Illustration of flake and retouched flake attributes with associated terminology ............................................ 7
FIGURE 2.2: Illustration of core attributes with associated terminology ............................................................................. 7
FIGURE 2.3: An erroneous (a.) and more accurate (b.) representation of Binford’s (1980) forager-collector model and
the expected corollary relationship between residential mobility and technological organisation .................. 9
FIGURE 2.4: An illustration of the retouched flake attributes measured for Kuhn’s (1990) Geometric Index of
Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) ......................................................................................................................... 13
FIGURE 2.5: Two examples of the retouched flake attributes measured for the perimeter reduction index (PRI) ............ 14
FIGURE 3.1: Map of the Australian Arid Zone and related geographic regions ................................................................ 16
FIGURE 3.2: The formal implements of Gould’s (1969) ‘small tool tradition.’ ................................................................ 19
FIGURE 4.1: Map of research area including Puli Tjulkura quarry and Puritjarra rockshelter .......................................... 26
FIGURE 4.2: Stepwise discriminant analysis of PIXE-PIGME data from Puli Tjulkura quarry, a Warlpiri quarry near
Mt. Doreen, and Puritjarra rockshelter .......................................................................................................... 29
FIGURE 4.3: Stepwise discriminant analysis of PIXE-PIGME data from Puli Tjulkura quarry, a Warlpiri quarry near
Mt. Doreen, Puritjarra rockshelter, and six other chert quarry sites .............................................................. 29
FIGURE 4.4: Puli Tjulkura site map with artefact densities and grid square numbers. ...................................................... 35
FIGURE 5.1: Map of Puritjarra rockshelter excavations..................................................................................................... 46
FIGURE 5.2: Puritjarra analytical unit classification .......................................................................................................... 54
FIGURE 5.3: Depth/age curve for the Puritjarra Main Trench ........................................................................................... 59
FIGURE 5.4: Artefact densities by excavation spit, grid squares M10, M11, N10 and N11, the Puritjarra Main Trench .. 62
FIGURE 5.5: Artefact density, discard rates, and raw material percentages of the Puritjarra Main Trench ...................... 64
FIGURE 6.1: Error bar plots (95% confidence interval) of the Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR) and
the Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI) by analytical unit................................................................................ 85
FIGURE 7.1: Chipped stone artefact density (#/m³) by raw material class, Puritjarra Main Trench .................................. 90
FIGURE 7.2: Estimated chipped stone artefact discard rate (#/m²/kya) Puritjarra Main Trench ........................................ 91
FIGURE 7.3: Mean weight (g) of flakes over time within the Puritjarra Main Trench....................................................... 93

ix
 LIST OF PLATES

PLATE 4.1: Facing northeast towards the location of Puli Tjulkura quarry ..................................................................... 27
PLATE 4.2: White chert and artefacts scatter the ground surface at Puli Tjulkura ........................................................... 27
PLATE 4.3: Close up of artefact density at Puli Tjulkura quarry...................................................................................... 31
PLATE 4.4: Benny Pinabuka demonstrating artefact transport via a ‘hair bun.’ .............................................................. 31
PLATE 4.5: An uncooked, store bought kangaroo tail being skinned with a core............................................................ 33
PLATE 4.6: Benny Pinabuka demonstrating the sharpness of the Puli Tjulkura kanti ..................................................... 33
PLATE 4.7: Two different views of Feature 1 and grid squares E123N246 and E123N247, Puli Tjulkura ..................... 36
PLATE 4.8: Two different views of Area 1 and grid square E199N200, Puli Tjulkura.................................................... 37
PLATE 4.9: Two different views of Area 1 and grid square E230N165, Puli Tjulkura.................................................... 38
PLATE 4.10: Two different views of Area 2 and grid square E460N434, Puli Tjulkura.................................................... 39
PLATE 5.1: Puritjarra rockshelter..................................................................................................................................... 47
PLATE 5.2: Large boulder located within the central rockfall of Puritjarra rockshelter................................................... 47
PLATE 5.3: Iron stained silicious sandstone from atop the escarpment of Puritjarra ....................................................... 48
PLATE 5.4: A small ephemeral water hole at the base of the Cleland Hills escarpment, approx. 200m south of
Puritjarra........................................................................................................................................................ 48
PLATE 5.5: Benny Pinabuka pointing to gnamma in an open area approximately 5-10km north of Mt. Udor................ 49
PLATE 5.6: Murantji rockhole, the largest and most reliable water source in the Cleland Hills ...................................... 50
PLATE 5.7: An overhang shades much of Murantji rockhole .......................................................................................... 50
PLATE 5.8: Rockshelter located inbetween Puritjarra and Murantji rockhole ................................................................. 51
PLATE 5.9: Rockshelter located 100m to the north of the rockshelter depicted in PLATE 5.8 ....................................... 51
PLATE 5.10: Surface scatter eroding from sand dune along the Cleland Hills escarpment ............................................... 52
PLATE 6.1: Retouched flakes (A-K) categorised as retouched artefacts by Smith (1988) ............................................... 72
PLATE 6.2: Retouched flakes (A-L) categorised as retouched artefacts by Smith (1988) ............................................... 73

x
 Chapter 1: Introduction

CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION
Research Aims with metrical reduction data. This information will be used
the compare and contrast the reduction patterns of artefact
Typological analyses of chipped stone artefacts have assemblages formed at a site near and a site distant to a raw
traditionally dominated the stone artefact studies reported in material source. Puli Tjulkura quarry and Puritjarra
the greater Australian archaeological literature. These rockshelter are good candidates for this analysis since the
studies, following in the tradition of McCarthy, Brammel, white chert artefacts recovered at both sites share a common
and Noone (1946), and then later McCarthy (1976), Tindale geochemical signature and the two sites are known to have
(1957, 1968), Mulvaney (1969), and White and O’Connell been visited by the same populations ethnographically.
(1982), continue to influence current models of early
Aboriginal stone artefact technology (e.g., Bird and Frankel The opportunity to conduct research at Puli Tjulkura quarry
2001, Holdaway 1995, Lourandos 1997, Mulvaney and was made possible with support from the Mt. Liebig
Kamminga 1999). There is little doubt that typological community and the Central Land Council. Fieldwork
studies initiated Australian stone artefact research, but over commenced in August of 1999 with no guarantee that the
the past 20 years materialist research has grown in popularity source of the white chert artefacts deposited within Puritjarra
as an empirical alternative to traditional typological research. would be located. The success of this project is due primarily
Materialist studies have demonstrated several major flaws to the help of the Mt. Liebig community members. In
within the structure of traditional typological research. particular, community elder Benny Pinabuka guided me to
Materialist research has long pointed out the inherent the precise location of Puli Tjulkura and offered an
problems of typological analysis which include poorly invaluable ethnography of the quarrying activities he had
defined or ambiguous artefact types, inconsistent radiometric observed there during his childhood. With the permission of
data regarding the timing of “perceived” cultural traditions or the Mt. Liebig community, reduction attributes were
artefact types, and the lack of sufficient artefact sample sizes measured on 626 stone artefacts from Puli Tjulkura. These
within many of the principal typological categories (Bisson reduction measurements, composed of both nominal and
2000, Hiscock and Clarkson 2000). calculated datasets, are used to characterise the quarry
assemblage and explore the nature of stone artefact reduction
It is the aim of this research to use materialist analytical on a spatial scale with Puritjarra rockshelter.
techniques to reveal significant archaeological patterns
within the Central Australian stone artefact assemblages of The goal of this spatial analysis was to reveal statistically
Puritjarra rockshelter and Puli Tjulkura stone artefact quarry. verified reduction differences between the Puli Tjulkura and
In particular, my research focuses upon measuring chipped Puritjarra assemblages. Since this research is concerned with
stone artefact reduction and massaging the reduction data to distinguishing spatial differences in the reduction of raw
reveal otherwise hidden archaeological patterns. The materials derived from Puli Tjulkura, only the white chert
reduction data will be used to investigate two principal specimens excavated from Puritjarra are used in the analysis.
questions, each operating at different scales. The first Therefore, specific reduction data pertaining to the Puritjarra
question looks at measurable changes in stone artefact white chert artefact specimens is presented alongside the Puli
reduction as artefacts are transported across the landscape Tjulkura reduction analysis.
from their raw material origin to their final place of
deposition. This is a question which is addressed at a spatial Examining Stone Artefact Reduction at a Chronological
scale, examining the relationship between sites at a regional Scale
level. The second question explores changes in stone artefact
reduction on a chronological scale, by way of artefact
The second question of this volume asks, “Can statistically
populations encased in excavated strata or analytical units.
significant temporal changes in stone artefact reduction be
This is a site specific analysis which will focus on the
distinguished within the Holocene record of Puritjarra
Holocene record of Puritjarra rockshelter.
rockshelter?” Measuring chronological changes in stone
artefact reduction is relatively new to Australian archaeology
Examining Stone Artefact Reduction at a Spatial Scale with only a few recent examples available (Clarkson 2002;
Hiscock 2006; Hiscock and Attenbrow 2002, 2003; Hiscock
The first question investigated in monograph asks, “In and Veth 1991). Much of this is due to the established use of
reference to stone artefacts deriving from the same raw conventional typologies as markers for chronological change,
material source, what are the measurable differences but more often than not, it is due to analytical conservatism
between the stone artefact reduction patterns found at the within the greater archaeological community. To my
source assemblage and the transported assemblage?” This knowledge, this study is the first its kind to measure
question is explored at a spatial scale by investigating the chronological changes in stone artefact reduction for an
reduction patterns found at Puli Tjulkura, a stone artefact exclusively Central Australian context. This sort of research
quarry and reduction site, and Puritjarra rockshelter, a is still in its infancy for the region, and there are currently no
habitation site. The aim of this exercise is to explore the regional models offering equivalent reduction data for
process of stone artefact reduction from source to discard comparison. Therefore, I felt it was appropriate to select a

1
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

site that was already well established in the regional The content of Chapter 3: The Australian Arid Zone and its
archaeological literature to conduct this seminal research. Human Past further addresses the research questions posed
in this report by familiarising the reader with previous
Puritjarra rockshelter contains a well-documented stone archaeological research conducted in Central Australia and
artefact assemblage spanning a continuous archaeological the greater arid zone. This chapter is not intended to be an
sequence of c.32,000B.P. (Smith et al. 1997, 2001) exhaustive description of all the archaeological research
Excavated by Smith (1988) in the late 1980’s, Puritjarra has carried out solely in Central Australia, but rather a synthesis
possibly been incorporated into more arid zone models than of significant stone artefact studies conducted in the
any other site in Central Australia (Hiscock 1988; Smith Australia’s arid regions that are pertinent to this research. A
1988, 1989, 1996; Thorley 1998, 2001; Veth 1989, 1993). geographical description of the arid zone is presented in this
The integration of Puritjarra archaeological record with chapter, followed by a brief history of regionally significant
multiple arid zone archaeological models makes the archaeological projects. Important Holocene settlement and
rockshelter very appealing for this reduction analysis. Also, subsistence models of the region are also presented.
its large sample of excavated artefacts, particularly retouched
flakes, proved appealing to this reduction study. The stone artefact reduction process begins with the selection
of a raw material. Chapter 4: Puli Tjulkura, the Old Peoples
Chronological changes of reduction are measured at Mining Place presents the archaeological analysis and
Puritjarra using a series of analytical units assigned by Smith ethnography of an important stone artefact quarry that served
(1988; Smith et al. 1997, 2001) that correlate to his the early inhabitants of Puritjarra with high quality raw
lithostratigraphy and radiocarbon age-estimates of the materials for millennia. This chapter specifically addresses
rockshelter strata. Reduction attributes, both nominal and issues related to answering the first research question by
calculated, are compared among artefact populations exploring the geochemical and ethnographic relationship of
specifically assigned Smith’s analytical units. Any changes Puli Tjulkura with Puritjarra and comparing the reduction
in reduction are statistically verified and presented in the measurements of these two stone artefact assemblages.
reduction analysis results.
Presently, a full report on the stone artefacts of Puritjarra
Measuring reduction on populations of retouched flakes is rockshelter is still unpublished. This however, does not mean
the principal focus of this portion of the analysis. At that no analysis has taken place. Smith (2006, n.d.) has
Puritjarra, retouched flakes do not form a significant portion compiled two large lithic databases and published a paper
of the assemblage until just prior the Pleistocene/Holocene which specifically addresses the stone artefact assemblage.
transition, therefore this analysis will be concerned primarily Some of this information is presented in Chapter 5: The
with reconstructing Holocene reduction patterns. Retouched Archaeology of Puritjarra Rockshelter. Chapter 5
flake reduction is measured using reduction indices, summarises the research Smith and others have conducted to
retouched flake proportions, and retouched flake breakage. date. This chapter is included because it contains
All three of these methods prove successful in revealing chronological information vital to answering the second
significant changes in Holocene stone artefact reduction. research question. Major site trends and radiometric dates are
presented in this chapter. With the use of Smith’s (n.d.)
The Organisation of this Monograph databases, I offer a brief overview of broad-scale patterns
identified within the stone artefact assemblage.
This monograph is presented in a format that logically
introduces and leads the reader through the many issues the The Puritjarra Retouched Flake Assemblage is the title of
research addresses. The process begins after this Chapter in Chapter 6. This chapter presents the results of the reduction
Chapter 2: Theory and Methodology which introduces analysis of the Puritjarra retouched flake assemblage. The
terminology and subject matter related to the questions analysis differentiates between the reduction incurred on
addressed with this research. Chapter 2 briefly differentiates local and non-local raw material classes of retouched flakes.
materialist and typological stone artefact analysis and then The reduction analysis also exposes many significant
leads into a definition and description of stone artefact chronological changes in reduction for the Holocene
reduction. I describe the many processes that may be used to archaeological record at Puritjarra.
reduce stone artefacts and identify stone artefact attributes
that are created during the reduction process. A description Chapter 7: The Dynamics of Stone Artefact Reduction at Puli
of the reduction process is necessary since the taxonomy Tjulkura Quarry and Puritjarra Rockshelter is the discussion
used in this research is based on reduction attributes of chapter of this report. This chapter expands upon and
chipped stone artefacts. The categories within this taxonomy answers the two research questions presented in this chapter.
prove extremely useful in organising the stone artefact Answering these research questions depends upon the scale
assemblage reduction measurements. The techniques used to in which the data is viewed and what the reduction data is
measure stone artefact reduction are described and examples interpreted as measuring. The first section of this chapter
of their usage elsewhere in the archaeological literature are examines stone artefact reduction on a spatial scale. It tracks
presented. the reduction of raw materials as they are transported across
a landscape by evaluating the reduction data from Puli
Tjulkura and Puritjarra. The second section attempts to

2
 Chapter 1: Introduction

interpret significant changes in reduction on a chronological

scale. Significant chronological changes in reduction of
retouched flakes at Puritjarra are discussed here. A model
explaining the relationship between the reduction trends,
residential mobility, and land use systems is also presented.

The final chapter of this monograph is Chapter 8: Summary,

Research Conclusions, and Implications. Here, the success of
this research is evaluated and summarised. The final
conclusions of the research are stated, and the implications
this study on the current modelling of the Central Australian
archaeological record are discussed.

3
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

CHAPTER 2 – METHOD AND THEORY

Introduction Skill describes the ability of a person to complete a task
effectively and efficiently (Hiscock and Mitchell 1993). Like
In Australia, stone artefacts easily represent the majority of any craftsperson, knapping skill is acquired through training
artefactual materials in the archaeological record. Since stone and experience and varies considerably between individuals
artefacts physically represent the cultural byproducts of past and groups. Evidence of a knapper’s skill is present
human activities, they are intricately related to the problem throughout all the artefact specimens in an assemblage. It is
solving strategies employed by prehistoric populations. As likely that the physically dissimilar appearances of
archaeologists, it is important that we understand the process specimens within an assemblage are directly associated with
of stone artefact manufacture so we can more accurately the range of prehistoric knapping skill. This does not mean
describe stone artefact technology. The methods we use to that skill can be assessed by simply counting the number of
arrange and measure this important information ultimately formal implements or ‘well crafted’ artefacts found in an
influence our models of prehistoric human behaviour. assemblage. Skill can only be measured by knowing the
desired product the knapper wished to produce, which in
This chapter explains the basic concepts behind stone artefact many cases may have been a simple flake.
reduction and how stone artefacts may be categorised based
on their reduction attributes. It also introduces the reader to An efficient way to become skilful at knapping is to employ
the human behaviours that contributed to the formation of a a reduction strategy for working the stone. Reduction
stone artefact assemblage. This information has been used to strategies are guidelines or culturally defined frameworks
develop an array of theoretical models for interpreting stone that help knappers apply their skill to reducing stone
artefact patterns. A synthesis of these models is offered. The (Hiscock 1989; Hiscock and Mitchell 1993:9). These
final sections of this chapter describe a series of guidelines help the knapper adjust to unforeseen problems
archaeological techniques that researchers have used to that may occur during the reduction process. The attributes
measure stone artefact reduction. These methodologies are created from reduction strategies are measurable and provide
precedents for the measurement of stone artefact reduction invaluable information for modelling past human behaviours.
within the Puritjarra and Puli Tjulkura stone artefact
assemblages. The reduction strategies employed by knappers determine the
ultimate formation of a stone artefact assemblage and are
Stone Artefact Reduction: Defining the Process influenced by an array of different prehistoric behaviours. It
is the goal of the archaeologist to try to best characterise
In order to understand the nature of stone artefact reduction, these behaviours through stone artefact analysis.
it is important to define some key related terminology. This Traditionally in Australia (see Chapter 3), archaeologists
will be done by including the definitions of these terms in the have adopted a type fossil approach to characterising these
context of this discussion, but please refer to the glossary at behaviours. This analytical method requires the archaeologist
the end of this report for any further definitions. to identify morphologically similar artefact types to model
past human behaviours. The problem with this method is that
many of the conventional typological categories used by
The term reduction describes the process of breaking rock by archaeologists are infused with the perceived intentions of
abrading, crumbling, or fracturing (Hiscock and Mitchell the prehistoric knapper or the supposed function of a
1993). Stone artefacts are rocks that have been discarded stone tool which most often cannot be ascertained
systematically modified by humans. Hence, stone artefact solely by a stone artefact’s shape. Also, typological methods
reduction would imply that this is the process of breaking have a tendency to focus upon only small sample groups
rock where the human hand is the catalyst for the reduction. within the greater stone artefact assemblage, thus ignoring
If a stone artefact is utilised by an individual to perform a the bulk sample of prospective archaeological data. My
task, it may be referred to as a stone tool. Not all stone research offers a contrary argument to this approach by
artefacts are stone tools, however all stone tools are stone suggesting that the variability of an entire stone artefact
artefacts. assemblage must be observed before the underlying
technological and behavioural patterns can be exposed.
Knapping is a general expression that refers to the active Materialist stone artefact research emphasizes the importance
reduction of rock by fracturing strategies. A person who of observing assemblage variability so that that the
creates stone artefacts using the fracturing reduction process appropriate methodologies are employed to best reveal the
is known as a knapper. Hypothetically, the knapper is in principal behaviours that formed the assemblage.
control of the processes that are used to reduce the rock, but
the outcome of the stoneworking activity will vary due to the The morphological shape of a stone artefact is representative
knapper’s individual skill, the strategy they use to reduce the only of the artefact’s shape when it was last discarded.
stone, and unforeseen problems that may occur during the Therefore the morphology of the artefacts from the Puritjarra
reduction process (Hiscock and Mitchell 1993). and Puli Tjulkura collections reflect only the different
reduction events that the artefact was subjected to during its’

4
 Chapter 2 Method and Theory

use history or use-life. It is conceivable that many of the fractured. In most cases the striking/pressing tool is a hand
stone artefacts were transported and reduced at different time held rock (i.e., river cobble) or another hard, dense material
periods in the archaeological past. Therefore no stone such as bone, wood, or antler. The object that is to be
artefact should be looked upon as a final end product but fractured using the striking/pressing tool is either an
rather as an object that may potentially be transformed by unmodified raw material or a pre-existing stone artefact.
another reduction event. For this reason, the classification of Depending upon the method of fracture used, the
the stone artefact assemblages investigated in this report will striking/pressing tool is referred to as a hammer, percussor,
be arranged according to the artefact specimen’s physical fabricator, or pressure flaker.
attributes, that is, those attributes created through reduction.
This materialist classification method will arrange the stone The terms hammer, percussor, and fabricator describe the
artefact assemblage in a manner that stone artefact reduction striking tool used in hard hammer and soft hammer
can most appropriately be measured. In turn, the reduction percussion flaking. The hard hammer reduction method uses
data will be used to explore the three research questions a hard piece of rock as the hammer to fracture a raw material
posed in the first chapter of this monograph. or stone artefact. The soft hammer reduction method uses a
piece of bone, a billet, or a soft rock as the hammer to
The Reduction Process: An Overview fracture a raw material or stone artefact. Each of these
methods may be used throughout all phases of stone artefact
The reduction process begins with the knapper selecting a reduction, but they are often interchanged during the
raw material to be reduced. Raw materials are the geological reduction process. Hard and soft hammer flaking offer a
rock of which a stone artefact is made. Occasionally, raw quick and easy way to produce artefacts with usable sharp
materials are naturally sharp and may be utilised without any edges, recycle and maintain the working edge on existing
necessary reduction. Archaeologists may determine by use artefacts, and shape artefacts in a desired manner. These
wear analyses that such rocks were utilised, but these types flaking methods create visually distinct reduction attributes
of artefacts are not considered to be part of the reduction on the chipped stone artefacts and account for most of the
process. The majority of stone artefacts exhibit attributes fracture reduction found within Australian artefact
created by one of the three reduction processes. Recognising assemblages.
these attributes allow archaeologists to reconstruct the
reduction history of a stone artefact. Another method of fracturing oftentimes used in Australia is
called pressure flaking. The pressure flaking method is
The three reduction processes that create stone artefacts are normally used in latter stages of stone artefact reduction. In
abrading, crumbling, and fracturing. It is not uncommon that pressure flaking, a fragment is detached from a flake or
for more than one or even all three of these techniques to be retouched flake margin by using a pressing tool known as a
used in manufacturing some stone artefacts. The first pressure flaker. Pressure flakers have a pointed, hard tip used
process, abrading, is the method of reducing a stone artefact to detach a fragment the stone artefact, so they are often
by rubbing the artefact against another object by grinding, made from articles such as bone, wood, antler, or wire. The
sawing, engraving, drilling, scouring, or polishing (Hiscock force applied by pushing the pressure flaker tip against the
and Mitchell 1993:5-6; Holmes 1919:344). Australian edge causes the artefact to fracture as a fragment is detached.
examples of abraded stone artefacts include ground stone The pressure flaking method is most often used to shape or
axes, axe grinding grooves, bedrock mortars, grindstones, maintain a sharp edge on a flake or retouched flake and
and pestles (for examples see Hiscock and Mitchell 1993; produces flakes with the same artefact reduction attributes as
McCourt 1975; Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999; Smith 1986; the hard and soft hammer fracturing methods.
White and O’Connell 1982).
These reduction methods generate stone artefacts of various
The second process of crumbling is used to create stone forms and create an array of reduction attributes upon
artefacts by pounding one piece of stone against another individual specimens. Reduction attributes are used to
(Hiscock and Mitchell 1993:7). Pounding causes portions of organise artefact specimens into categories that cater to the
the stone material to dislodge or shatter and create a pitted proposed reduction analysis. A description of these
surface on the rock (Hiscock and Mitchell 1993). Stone axes, assemblage categories is offered in the section below.
hammer stones, and millstones often display pitted scars
formed from the crumbling technique. Categorising Chipped Stone Artefacts

The final and most commonly encountered reduction process A flake is the detached fragment created by fracturing. A
is known as fracturing. Fracturing is a reduction process that flake displays both a dorsal surface and a ventral surface
delivers a forceful blow of one stone object against another, (Figure 2.1). The dorsal surface is the exterior surface of the
subsequently causing the second object to fracture (Hiscock flake that may feature cortex, the weathered outer surface of
and Mitchell 1993). Stone artefacts created by fracturing are the raw material, or dorsal scars, the remnant scars of flaking
commonly referred to as chipped stone artefacts. events on the reduced piece prior to the flake removal. The
ventral surface is the interior surface of the flake that is
There are two components always required in fracture created when the flake is removed from the core. A
reduction – a striking/pressing tool and an object to be significant feature of a ventral surface is a ringcrack, a cone

5
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

shaped crack created from where the hammer initiated three conventional formal implement classes believed to
contact on the flake platform. The presence of a ringcrack have functioned as stone tools (see Figure 3.2). These formal
and ventral surface are the primary attributes that identify a implements are found widely across Central Australia, but
flake. Other physical attributes that may be featured on the their numbers are generally few in comparison to the greater
ventral surface are an eraillure scar, a bulb of force, waves of retouched flake assemblages found at most sites. Retouched
force, and termination (Cotterell and Kamminga 1987; flakes are a category of chipped stone artefact particularly
Hiscock 1988a; Speth 1972). These attributes are used to important to my research. The reduction data collected from
determine the percussion axis of a flake by aligning the Puritjarra Rockshelter retouched flake assemblage are critical
ringcrack with the central tendency of the waves of force and to the reconstructing the human behaviours which influenced
termination. the assemblage’s formation.

At the junction of the dorsal and ventral surfaces flake A final category of chipped stone artefact is called a flaked
margins are formed. Flake margins provide the sharp, piece. A flaked piece is a chipped stone artefact produced by
functional edges for cutting, scraping, and slicing. They are fracturing, but due to either extreme reduction or taphonomic
described as the proximal, lateral, and distal margins. The processes, lacks the necessary attributes to clearly categorise
proximal flake margin is formed along the intersection of the it as a core, flake, or retouched flake (Hiscock 1989). This
platform and ventral surface near the ring crack (Figure 2.1). category is reserved for special cases of ambiguity amongst
The lateral flake margins are the margins formed along the chipped stone artefact specimens. Such ambiguity may be
percussion axis of the flake where the dorsal and ventral caused by heat shattering, trampling, or weathering.
surfaces intersect. Oftentimes the lateral margins converge to
create a “V”-like shape at the flake termination and no distal The terminology defined within this section is frequently
margin is formed (see also Figure 2.4). However, in many applied throughout this monograph. The attributes identified
cases, the lateral margins turn sharply inwards toward the for cores, flakes, and retouched flakes are also regularly
percussion axis at the flake termination to create another referenced to describe stone artefact technologies within this
margin called the distal margin. The distal margin runs text. The next section goes one step beyond the basic artefact
roughly parallel with the proximal flake margin and gives the descriptions and enters a theoretical discussion concerned
flake margins a square-like morphology (see also Figure 2.4). with the characterising the stone artefact technologies
preserved within an assemblage.
When a flake is the removed, the reduced piece from which it
derived is categorised as one of two categories of chipped Describing Stone Artefact Technology
stone artefact – a core or a retouched flake. A core is a
chipped stone artefact that features evidence of only the
Kuhn (1995:19) describes stone artefact technology as a
concave, negative flake scars produced by flake removal.
system of problem solving strategies. He points out that the
Cores are highly variable in their morphology and even more
entire organisation of stone artefact technologies cannot be
so in their physical attributes (Figure 2.2). The number of
represented by mere objects alone (i.e., stone tools and
negative scars on a core can be as few as one or the entire
formal implements). Instead, Kuhn (1995:19) proposes that
core surface may display evidence of multiple flake
stone artefact technologies are governed by the transference
removals. A core will have one or more striking platforms,
of information, systems of knowledge, sets of interrelated
that is, the surface which receives the fracturing blow to
procedures, and ways of doing things. This research
detach a flake (Andrefsky 1998). The definition of a core is
resonates strongly in the spirit of Kuhn’s description of
explicit—only negative scars are present on a core (Hiscock
technology as it seeks to reconstruct past human behaviours,
1989; Hiscock and Mitchell 1993). This means that a core
not merely describe the stone tools they utilised. However, in
will never have a ventral surface or ringcrack, i.e., the
order to achieve this goal, one must develop a sophisticated
features exclusive to flakes and retouched flakes.
theoretical basis for which to interpret the diverse patterning
of stone artefact assemblages.
A retouched flake (Figure 2.1) is a flake that has been re-
flaked along one of its margins (Hiscock 1989). Retouched
Over the past 30 years, archaeologists have proposed several
flakes are created by 1.) flake usage, 2.) the rejuvenation or
models which have emphasised the technological
re-sharpening strategies, 3.) the intentional re-shaping of a
organisation of stone artefact assemblages to explain patterns
flake, and 4.) post-depositional taphonomic processes.
of human settlement and subsistence (Bamforth 1986, 1991;
Unfortunately, it is possible that taphonomic process (i.e.,
Bamforth and Bleed 1997; Binford 1973, 1977, 1979, 1980
weathering and erosion) can create retouch scars that appear
Bleed 1986; Kelly 1992; Kuhn 1995; Shott 1986; Torrence
to be of anthropogenic nature and are occasionally
1983, 1989). The result has created a complex set of
misidentified. This most often can be avoided, however, by
theoretical models that are often over-simplified and thus
establishing the original provenance of the artefact and
misinterpreted when applied to “real-world” archaeological
regularity of the retouch scars.
datasets. In an effort to clarify these theoretical concepts and
ultimately apply their principles to the assemblages
Groups of specifically reduced, morphologically similar investigated in this report, a synthesis of these models is
retouched flakes are often referred to by archaeologists as offered below.
formal implements. Tulas, backed artefacts, and points are

6
 Chapter 2 Method and Theory

Percussion Axis
Ringcrack Platform Dorsal Scars Proximal
Margin
Eraillure Scar Lateral
Bulb of Force Margins

Dorsal Ridge
Waves of Force
Retouch Scars*

Cortex
Termination Distal Margin

Ventral Surface Dorsal Surface

Figure 2.1: Illustration of flake and retouched flake attributes with associated terminology. An asterisk (*) indicates an
attribute exclusive to retouched flakes.

Striking Platform
Negative
Flake Scars

Cortex

Figure 2.2: Illustration of core attributes with associated terminology.

7
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

An Introduction to Residential Mobility and anticipation of use. They are characterised by multifunctional
Technological Organisation properties, have prolonged use-lives due to extensive
maintenance and recycling, and are transported from site to
A concept often discussed in Australian archaeology is the site to aid in the logistical organisation of moving goods back
residential mobility exercised by earlier resident populations. to a base camp. The archaeological assemblage created by a
Binford (1980) introduced the term residential mobility to collector group is predicted to have high numbers of stone
differentiate between the frequency with which hunter- artefact discard, high artefact density, and a large number of
gatherers relocated their resident base camps. Residential specialised ‘stone tool types.’
mobility can range from low to high, and it significantly
affects the formation of a stone artefact assemblage. Residential Mobility and Technological Organisation
Correlated
Binford (1980) models residential mobility using a hunter-
gatherer subsistence-settlement system placed within a The degree of residential mobility practiced by resident
forager-collector continuum. He defines the outer limits of populations and the degree of technological organisation
his continuum where, “Foragers move consumers to goods observed in archaeological assemblages can be easily
with frequent residential moves,” and “collectors move confused as direct archaeological correlates thus leading to
goods to consumers with generally fewer residential moves oversimplified usage in practical applications. Figure 2.3 (a.)
(Binford 1980:15).” In other words, ‘genuine’ foragers illustrates this misinterpreted view as a straight linear
implement a subsistence-settlement strategy that emphasises relationship between residential mobility and technological
high residential mobility while ‘genuine’ collectors practise a organisation. Binford (1980) himself staunchly warns against
subsistence-settlement strategy characterised by low such an interpretation. He states, “logistical and residential
residential mobility. Foragers frequently move their variability are not to be viewed as opposing principles
residential base camp and rely upon the immediate resources (although trends may be recognised) but as organisational
at or near their resident location. Collectors, on the other alternatives which may be employed in varying mixes in
hand, focus on a subsistence-settlement strategy that different settings (Binford 1980:19).”
transports resources from the field back to their resident
location. It is important to point out that Binford’s forager The relationship between residential mobility and
and collector categories are intended to model a theoretical technological organisation more accurately depicted as the
concept for characterising the technological organisation of curvilinear correlation illustrated in Figure 2.3 (b.). This
stone artefact assemblages, not serve as individual model is based on the scenarios discussed by Binford (1980)
settlement-subsistence types. and later expounded by Kelly (1992) where an
archaeological site might have a deposit representative of
The technological organisation of forager-collector groups high residential mobility coupled with high logistical
are deeply interconnected with Binford’s subsistence- organisation. These situations are the basis for determining
settlement model. It is the technological organisation the direction of the curvilinear trend in Figure 2.3 (b.).
manifested in an archaeological assemblage that is Below, these circumstances have been dubbed as the
suggestive of the planning and preparation that went into the ‘resource restricted forager’ and the ‘seasonal
manufacture of a stone artefact. Binford (1980) discusses the forager/collector’ models. Like Binford’s forager and
technological organisation of forager-collectors as an array collector categories, these models are meant to serve a
of expedient and curated technologies. Expediently produced concepts and not settlement-subsistence types.
stone artefacts are manufactured on site from local raw
materials, used, and discarded to meet the need of the The ‘resource restricted forager’ model refers to an outside
moment. Binford (1980) identifies expedient technology as a stress (i.e., environmental or social) that provokes
strategy used by foraging groups as they “map on” to technological change in the subsistence-settlement system.
immediate, at-hand resources and briefly exploit these Binford (1980:17) states, “with any condition that restricts
resources before moving onto another location. The residential mobility of either foragers or collectors, we can
archaeological signature of an expedient technological expect (among other things) a responsive increase in the
system is expected to exhibit a slow rate of stone artefact degree of logistically organised production.” In Central
discard, low overall artefact density, and little diversity in the Australia, there is mounting evidence for ‘resource
number of stone artefact ‘tool types.’ restriction’ caused by a reduction in mid-Holocene water
availability (Cupper 2002; Cupper et al. 2000; Dimitriadis
Collectors, on the other hand, have all the technological and Cranston 2001; Hiscock and Kershaw 1992; McCarthy
ability of foragers but are distinctly different because they and Head 2002). It is argued by some that ‘resource
are logistically organised. The ability to seek out, acquire, restriction’ sparked an increase in the logistical organisation
and return non-local resources to the residential base involve of stone artefact technologies (Hiscock 1994; Veth 1989,
the use of specialised tools. Binford (1980) refers to 1993).
logistically organised stone artefacts as curated technologies.
Curated stone artefacts are specifically produced in

8
 Chapter 2 Method and Theory

“Genuine”collector “Genuine”collector
Curated Curated
Technological Organisation

Technological Organisation
“Resource Restricted Forager” or
“Seasonal Forager/Collector”

Expedient Expedient
Low High Low High
Residential Mobility Residential Mobility

Figure 2.3: An erroneous (a.) and more accurate (b.) representation of Binford’s (1980) forager-collector model and the
expected corollary relationship between residential mobility and technological organisation. The straight line in a.) is a
misinterpretation of the technological organisation and residential mobility relationship. The curvilinear line in b.) provides a
more accurate depiction of the relationship between hunter-gatherer technological organisation and residential mobility
because it acknowledges that there are situations in which curated artefact technologies may be produced by frequently mobile
populations.

Binford presents the ‘seasonal forager/collector’ concept as a curated technologies always occur together. In particular, he
second model to describe the formation of archaeological points to the aspects of advanced production before use,
deposits indicative of high residential mobility and curated multifunctional design, transport, maintenance, and
stone artefact assemblages. As he explains, “In some recycling. It is possible that these aspects may occur
environments we might see high residential mobility in the together, but it is much more likely that uncontrollable
summer or during the growing season and reduced mobility factors such as local landscape and environmental conditions
during the winter, with accompanying increases in logistical as well as raw material availability will affect the
mobility (Binford 1980:18).” An assemblage formed under technological organisation of stone artefact assemblages.
these conditions is vulnerable to the intermixing of expedient This issue leads to Bamforth’s second criticism of Binford
and curated technologies and “warrants a categorical and Torrence’s models.
distinction” between seasonal mobility practices (Binford
1980:18). Bamforth (1986:40) asserts that these models “ignore local
patterns of lithic resource availability which inevitably place
Binford’s forager-collector model and his description of fundamental constraints on technology.” He states,
technological organisation are worth discussing because they
have conceptual analytical value for understanding the the search for a “forager technology,” or for any
settlement and subsistence behaviours that formed the other technology defined only by a society’s food-
Puritjarra and Puli Tjulkura stone artefact assemblage— getting habits, is unlikely to be fruitful, because
albeit only at a robust level. There are significant problems material for tool manufacture is a resource in the same
with Binford’s model that have been pointed out by sense as are plants and animals: its nature and
archaeologists over the years (e.g., Bamforth 1986; Kelly distribution fundamentally condition the ways in
1992; Torrence 1983, 1989). Torrence (1983), for one, has which it can be exploited (Bamforth 1986:40).
demonstrated that artefact curation may be the consequence
of a ‘time-stress’ scenario. As explained by her, a situation of
Bamforth’s comment stems from the realisation that very few
stress is created by the need to schedule multiple tasks
prehistoric groups lived in areas where good quality raw
around one another with only a limited amount of time
materials for stone tool making were widespread across the
available to complete the activities. Torrence (1983) points
landscape. Consequently, variables such as the distance to
out that during increased periods of ‘time-stress,’ populations
raw material, the time involved in procuring stone, and the
will not have time to produce curated stone tools.
transport costs of materials will also affect the overall
Alternatively, curated artefact assemblages will be created
organisation and planning of stone artefact technologies. All
during low ‘time-stress’ periods, when people have time to
of these factors add complexities to the archaeological
prepare for future tasks.
equation and are unique, contextual problems resolved by
prehistoric mobile groups.
Bamforth (1986:39) has criticised both Binford and
Torrence’s models because “neither addresses the full
complex of behaviours subsumed under the term curation.”
He believes their models assume that the planned qualities of

9
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

Echoing Bamforth’s criticisms, it is acknowledged that also tend to make use of higher quality raw materials that
Torrence (1983, 1989) and Binford’s (1980) models will increase the performance and reliability of their toolkits
emphasise the differences between planned and unplanned (Goodyear 1989; Bleed 1986). Also, since mobility sets
stone artefact technology far too severely and do not explore limits on what people can carry, individuals likely employed
the much more complex relationship shared by curated and strategies to conserve their mobile toolkit by utilizing the
expedient technologies. Although the categorical concepts of immediate resources encountered on their journeys (Kelly
Binford and Torrence’s theoretical models were not meant to 1988; Kuhn 1989, 1994, 1995). These resources may include
function as rigid subsistence-settlement types, their current local raw materials suitable for manufacture of expedient
framework is misleading. These problems can only be tools or the scavenging and rejuvenation of previously
overcome by working within a theoretical construct that discarded artefacts made from higher quality raw materials.
addresses the full complexities of human behaviours that
form stone artefact assemblages. A model which improves The provisioning of places is a strategy that copes with the
upon the shortcomings of Binford’s forager-collector model anticipated requirements of stone tools by stocking those
is presented below. It builds upon the propositions of Binford places where stone tools are likely to be needed with the
(1973, 1979, 1980) and others (e.g., Bamforth 1986, 1991; appropriate raw materials, artefacts, or implements (Kuhn
Bleed 1986; Kelly 1992; Shott 1986; Torrence 1983, 1989) 1995:22). Assemblages formed by this planning strategy are
by postulating a theoretical provisioning model which characterised by their toolmaking potential (Kuhn 1995).
overcomes many of the issues hindering earlier variants of Large cores, large flakes, and unmodified non-local raw
the forager-collector model. materials are examples of goods that may be stock-piled with
excellent toolmaking potential. Smaller, previously shaped
Residential Mobility and Stone Artefact Provisioning artefacts and artefacts made of lower quality raw materials
are potentially less versatile and lack the reduction potential
Kuhn (1995), like Bamforth, recognised the problems of of large cores and flakes of high quality raw material. Also,
modelling behaviour based solely upon the identification of smaller artefacts or heavily reduced raw materials are less
curated and expedient technologies. To avoid these able to accommodate or satisfy technological needs. Kuhn
problems, he invokes the concept of provisioning to crosscut (1995:24) states:
the concepts of curation and expediency (Kuhn 1995:22).
According to Kuhn (1995:22) provisioning is the “depth of Tactics for extending the utility of tools—
planning in artefact production, transport, maintenance, and resharpening and situational reworking—would be
the strategies by which potential needs are met.” Kuhn less important in a situation where many functionally
contends it is most unlikely that any prehistoric group relied redundant implements or large quantities of raw
solely upon unplanned artefact technologies because material can be kept at hand. Comparatively frequent
resources are rarely ubiquitous across a landscape and all discard and replacement of worn or broken tools, and
human technologies incorporate a planned component to relatively little reuse or resharpening, can thus be
insure that stone tools or raw materials are available for expected to characterize the strategy of provisioning
future needs. Even on-the-spot expedient stone tool places.
manufacture is intertwined with some level of future
planning. For instance, the choice to conserve a limited, non- Since stone artefact assemblages are formed from the discard
local raw material or a specialised stone tool may in some of planned stone artefact technologies, assemblages will
instances underlie the seemingly “expedient” use of a locally manifest different characteristics of provisioning strategies.
derived material of low-quality. Thus, the use of expedient Determining which provisioning strategy had greater
tools may be part of a larger plan to conserve limited influence on the formation of a stone artefact assemblage can
resources or items for future needs. help archaeologists reconstruct patterns of residential
mobility. Kuhn (1995:25) argues that the more frequently
Kuhn (1995) describes two strategies that may be employed people move their residential locus, the more they must
in the design of stone artefact technologies; they are the depend on strategies of provisioning individuals. Conversely,
provisioning of individuals and the provisioning of places. more sedentary populations will need to employ a strategy of
Kuhn terms the strategy of transporting materials in provisioning places where suitable quantities of raw
anticipation of potential future need as the provisioning of materials can be stock-piled to meet their potential
individuals (Kuhn 1995:22). In this strategy it is assumed technological needs. The daunting task of the archaeologist is
that there are limits on the number and size of tools, spare to determine which of these strategies best characterises a
artefacts, and raw materials mobile individuals can stone artefact assemblage and how they can best be recorded
effectively carry. Consequently, mobile individuals will carry and measured.
a portable tool kit that includes stone tools that can be
maintained and reworked to increase their multifunctionality
(Bleed 1986; Shott 1986). The components of a portable tool
kit are expected to have extensive use-lives and should
exhibit evidence of successive reduction (Dibble 1995;
Hiscock and Attenbrow 2003). Greater mobility is also often
correlated with greater uncertainty over opportunities to
reprovision with raw materials. Hence mobile foragers may

10
 Chapter 2 Method and Theory

Measuring Stone Artefact Reduction with Nominal and 80km. away, whereas the local raw materials are found
Metrical Data within the caliche-rich soils of the site. This information
provides Bamforth with a scale to compare the reduction of
Over the past twenty years, methodologies aimed at local and non-local raw materials. By counting the incidence
recording and measuring stone artefact reduction attributes of retouched flakes and unretouched flakes, Bamforth is able
have been increasingly applied to Australian contexts (e.g., to compare retouched flake to unretouched flake proportions
Bird 1985; Byrne 1980; Clarkson 2002a, 2002b; Hiscock and by local and non-local raw material origins. His analysis
Attenbrow 2002, 2003). Many of these studies have indicates that non-local raw materials are retouched more
benefited from reduction measurement techniques published often than local materials. Following the same methodology
by North American stone artefact researchers (e.g., Bamforth counts the number of broken and unbroken flakes
Andrefsky 1998; Bamforth 1986; Barton 1988; Newman and compares their proportions by local or non-local raw
1994; Kuhn 1990, 1995). A literature review of material origin. This exercise demonstrates that non-local
aforementioned Australian and North American reduction stone is more likely to be broken than the local materials.
analyses reveals that most researchers measure stone artefact With this information Bamforth (1986:48) develops an
reduction using a combination of nominal and metrical data. argument to suggest that stone tools made from non-local
The following subsections give examples of the nominal and materials are more extensively maintained and recycled than
metrical reduction data collecting techniques that these locally derived artefacts, and as a class, non-local stone tools
researchers have used to document stone artefact reduction. tend to be used for a wider range of tasks.
These examples will serve as an outline for how reduction
will be measured. Although Bamforth’s research is conducted in an American
archaeological context, it is equally applicable to Australian
Retouch Scars and Flake Breakage archaeology. For example, Bird (1985) and Hiscock (1988)
have both used retouched flake proportions and flake
Retouch scars, flake breakage marks, and exterior cortex are breakage patterns to make deductions about prehistoric
macroscopic physical attributes easily observed on flakes. settlement systems. These researchers also use another
Counting and recording the incidence of these attributes for physical reduction attribute found on artefacts to infer
an artefact assemblage generates nominal dataset that can be reduction—cortex. The recording and usage of this reduction
used to infer stone artefact reduction on chronological and attribute is discussed below.
spatial scales. An example of this sort of reduction analysis is
presented by Bamforth (1986:46) who examines the Exterior Cortex
chronological proportions of broken flakes from the San
Antonio Terrace site (located at Vandenberg Air Force Base, Cortex is the thin, most often discoloured, outer layer of rock
California) to show a decrease in tool maintenance and formed on the exterior of raw materials by chemical and
recycling through time. His data reveals that the earlier mechanical weathering processes (Andrefsky 1998). The
period at the Terrace contains “a disproportionately large primary stages of stone artefact reduction normally produce a
numbers of broken and retouched implements” in large number of decortification flakes with various amounts
comparison to the site’s most recent period (Bamforth of cortex adhering to the dorsal surface. Cores discarded
1986:46). He interprets this change as evidence for “a during primary reduction activities also frequently have
decrease in tool maintenance and recycling (Bamforth cortex remaining on their outer surface. Thus, the presence or
1986:46).” Bamforth believes this information represents a absence of cortex on cores, flakes, and retouched flakes can
significant shift in the organisation of activities between the help distinguish if an assemblage was formed from the
early and late periods of the Terrace site. He develops an knapping activities of earlier or later stages of reduction.
argument accordingly to suggest that the change in the
activity organisation is related to raw material shortages Like retouch scars and flake breakage marks, cortex is a
faced by early resident populations. The technological physical reduction attribute that is easily observed and
response to this problem, Bamforth (1986) argues, was to recorded as nominal data (Figures 2.1 and 2.2). A number of
extend the use-life of these artefacts by maintaining and Australian researchers have used cortex information to
recycling these tools which in turn, increased the likelihood spatially differentiate and characterise the stage of reduction
of their breaking. Contrary to this response, in the recent activities between archaeological sites (e.g., Bird 1985;
period of San Antonio Terrace, the reduction pattern Hiscock 1988a; Mackay 2000). For example, in far north
indicates that raw materials were more abundant and there Queensland, Mackay (2000) uses cortex to spatially
was less need for tools to be extensively maintained and differentiate between reduction activities at number of open
recycled. scatter sites along two 9km transects from Ngarrabulgan
cave. His results indicate that at sites where stone artefacts
In the same paper, Bamforth (1986) cites another example are closer to their respective raw material source, there will
where nominal recording of physical attributes are used to be a higher incidence of artefacts with exterior cortex. This
differentiate stone artefact reduction on a spatial scale. At the information implies that primary artefact reduction tends to
Lubbock Lake Site (Lubbock County, Texas) stone artefacts occur at sites closer to the artefact’s parent raw material
are made from visually distinct local or non-local raw source. Mackay (2000) uses this information to develop an
materials. The source for the non-local stone is located argument which suggests that as artefacts are manufactured

11
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

away from the location of their parent rock source, there will Although Byrne’s spatial reduction analysis is successful in
be a corollary increase in the controlled reduction of stone demonstrating a decremental reduction trend, his argument
artefacts. could be strengthened with reduction data indicative of the
reduction incurred on artefact specimens. Two techniques
As seen here and the preceding sub-section, recording the that measure this kind of reduction information on retouched
incidence of artefact cortex, retouch scars, and flake flakes are described in sub-sections below.
breakage creates nominal data useful in measuring robust
reduction patterns. It should be noted, however, that nominal A Geometric Index of Unifacial Reduction (GIUR)
data are a statistically weaker form of information in
comparison to metrical data because they do not provide the A metrical technique useful in calculating the severity of
researcher with an expression of the distance between reduction incurred on retouched flakes has been developed
characteristics. For this reason, the reduction analysis by Kuhn (1990). Kuhn’s reduction measurement is referred
employed in this study will use a combination of nominal to throughout this volume as the Geometric Index of
and metrical datasets to measure artefact reduction. The next Unifacial Reduction (GIUR). As the name suggests, the
sub-sections will introduce a number of techniques used to measure is exclusive to unifacial, dorsally retouched flakes.
generate metrical reduction data. The GIUR calculates the amount of reduction incurred on the
dorsal surface of a retouched flake from its lateral margins.
Calculating Artefact Size The measure assumes that flakes, in general, are triangular
shaped in cross-section (Figure 2.4). The thickness of the
Stone artefact dimensions (i.e., length, width, thickness, etc.) flake (T) is measured perpendicular from the ventral surface
and weight are physical attributes that can be measured to to the dorsal ridge. An additional measure of retouch scar
estimate artefact size. For example, Newman (1994) uses thickness (t) is measured perpendicular from the ventral
flake dimensions to differentiate between average flake sizes surface to the termination of retouch scar. The formula t/T
at a number of archaeological sites in the American calculates a result between 0 and 1. This scale is
southwest. His investigation examines reduction on a spatial representative of the amount of reduction that the retouched
scale and reveals a reduction pattern indicative of flake incurred from its lateral margin to its dorsal midline.
progressively decreased flake size at sites located further and For example, a GIUR result such as 0.12 indicates very little
further away from the flake’s raw material source. Newman reduction while a GIUR result of 0.86 suggests severe
(1994:491) accredits his distance decay trend to a retouch.
combination of factors. One, he argues, is attributed to the
increased reduction of flake producing materials (i.e., cores Dibble (1995) and Kuhn (1990, 1995) have pointed out that
and retouched flakes) as they are transported away from the the GIUR is not suitable for all retouched flakes. To
raw material source. He suggests the other factor is caused circumvent erroneous results, Dibble and Kuhn’s evaluations
by a shift in tool using behaviours. As raw materials become have been used to create a set of guidelines for measurement.
increasingly scarce, Newman (1994) implies that a knapper The following criteria, based on Dibble (1995) and Kuhn’s
will implement reduction strategies that encourage the (1990, 1995) assessments, are suggested for selecting and
potential utility of a stone tool. In this case, he points out that measuring retouched flake specimens with the GIUR:
smaller flakes are generally produced from the retouching of
stone tools. Thus a behavioural shift towards material 1. The specimen must be unifacially retouched onto
conservation will ultimately contribute to the mean flake size the dorsal surface from a lateral margin.
of the assemblage.
2. The dorsal ridge must be located near the retouched
Similar to Newman (1994), Byrne (1980) demonstrates a flake midline.
spatial distance decay trend in the lower Murchison of
Western Australia. Byrne (1980) uses metrical data collected
3. The dorsal surface lacks features that may interfere
from stone artefact dimensions and weights to outline a
with measurement (i.e., multiple dorsal ridges, cortex, or
declining sequence of average core, flake, and retouched
overhang removal scars).
flake sizes as these artefacts are transported away from a
silcrete quarry. Like Newman (1994), Byrne (1980) agrees
that the decremental reduction trend is caused by an increase 4. The ventral surface lacks unusually large bulb of
in the maintenance and rejuvenation of stone tools as they are force.
transported away from the quarry. Byrne asserts that as
populations became increasingly particular about the toolkit 5. For best results, an average index should be
they discarded, they began selecting artefacts and stone tools calculated from three locations along the retouched
for transport based upon their ease of portability, margin.
multifunctionality, and potentially extensive use-lives.

12
 Chapter 2 Method and Theory

Index 1
T
t

Flake Cross Section Index 2

Retouch Scar Thickness Tt

Index = =
Flake Thickness T Index 3

Key
T = Flake Thickness
t = Retouch Scar Thickness Side View Dorsal View

Figure 2.4: An illustration of the retouched flake attributes measured for Kuhn’s (1990) Geometric Index of Unifacial
Reduction (GIUR). The geometrical index is based on a triangular flake cross section. The index is calculated by the dividing
the retouch scar thickness (t) by the flake thickness (T) resulting in a score between 0.00 and 1.00.

Unfortunately, the GIUR cannot calculate unifacial reduction sum of the retouched margin lengths (RL) by the total sum of
directed from the distal margin of a retouched flake. margin lengths (ML) of the flake (Figure 2.5). The formula
Retouched flake geometry prevents an accurate measure of (∑RL)/(∑ML) calculates an approximation of the flake
distal reduction. It is possible, however, to consider reduction perimeter removed.
along the distal margin when measuring the perimeter
reduction index (see next sub-section). The PRI assumes two forms of retouched flakes—a four-
margin retouched flake and a three-margin retouched flake.
Kuhn (1995) uses the GIUR to compare unifacial scraper A retouched flake with four margins has one proximal
reduction spatially and chronologically at Mousterian sites in margin, two lateral margins, and one prominent distal
Italy. Kuhn’s (1995) spatial analysis is successful in margin. The three-margin retouched flake has one proximal
differentiating the degree of scraper reduction between sites, margin and two lateral margins. The main difference
but his chronological analysis of changing scraper reduction between the two forms concerns the measurement of the
is not as successful. I suggest that one reason his distal margin. If the distal margin is pronounced, or near
chronological analysis fails to distinguish changing reduction perpendicular to the lateral margins, it is suggested that four
patterns is because Kuhn’s investigation does not marginal measurements are used to calculate the PRI.
differentiate between scrapers based upon their raw material However, if the lateral margins converge at the flake
composition. Many stone artefact researchers have pointed termination, only three measurements of the flake margins
out that raw material quality is related to the amount of are required in the calculation. Figure 2.5 illustrates the
reduction incurred upon an artefact specimen (e.g., Bamforth morphological difference between these two retouched flake
1986; Bleed 1986; Byrne 1980; Clarkson 2002b; Goodyear forms.
1989; Gould 1980; Gould and Saggers 1985; O’Connell
1977). My research aims to elaborate on the application of Like the GIUR, the results represent an approximate score of
the GIUR by investigating the reduction incurred on perimeter reduction and range between 0.00 and 1.00. A PRI
retouched flakes grouped within raw material classes. This index of 0.15 suggests little perimeter reduction while a PRI
analysis will use the GIUR to look for measurable index of 0.91 indicates considerable perimeter reduction. The
differences, if any, between retouched flake raw material PRI can be used on all complete retouched flakes since
classes on both a spatial and a chronological scale. marginal breakage is the only criterion that affects the
accuracy of the index.
A Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI)
Clarkson (2002b) uses the PRI data to demonstrate a
The Perimeter Reduction Index (PRI) calculates the chronological increase in scraper reduction through time at
proportion of retouch that has occurred along the edge of the Ingalladi rockshelter, Northern Territory. The reduction
retouched flake. The measure is similar to that used by increase, he argues, is related to a problem solving strategy
Barton (1988). The PRI is measured by dividing the total used by an increasingly mobile population faced with a

13
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

ML
ML

RL
ML ML
RL

ML RL
RL
ML
ML
Ret. Flake With Distal Margin

Index = Sum of Retouch Lengths = Σ RL

Sum of Marginal Lengths Σ ML

Key
ML = Flake Margin Length
Ret. Flake Without Distal Margin
RL = Retouched Margin Length

Figure 2.5: Two examples of the retouched flake attributes measured for the perimeter reduction index (PRI). The PRI is
calculated by dividing the sum of the perimeter retouch lengths (RL) by the sum of the flake margin lengths (ML) resulting in
a score between 0.00 and 1.00.

situation of raw material unpredictability (Clarkson retouch scars, breakage, and cortex will measure stone
2002b:84). In this case, Clarkson contends that frequently artefact reduction at both these sites. Additionally, the GIUR
mobile individuals adopted a technological strategy of and PRI will calculate reduction within the Puritjarra
resharpening and rejuvenating scrapers to lengthen their retouched flake assemblage.
potential utility as stone tools.
The methodological and theoretical issues discussed
Similar to Clarkson’s (2002b) analysis, the PRI will be used throughout this chapter will be used to answer the two
to examine chronological in retouched flake reduction at research questions posited in Chapter 1 of this monograph. A
Puritjarra. Chronological changes will be examined for the familiarity with the issues introduced in this chapter is
entire retouched flake population and for retouched flakes important to answering these questions. Similarly, a
grouped into respective raw material classes. The PRI will be familiarity with stone artefact research in the Australian arid
used with the GIUR to make inferences about the overall zone will also be helpful in finding answers. The next
reduction of retouched flakes at Puritjarra chapter does so by offering a background to issues related to
arid zone archaeology and provides synthesis of stone
Summary artefact research related to Holocene models of settlement
and subsistence.
This chapter presented a basic outline as to how stone
artefact assemblages will be analysed in this report. It has
described the process of stone artefact reduction and
provided a materialist methodology for categorising stone
artefacts. Also discussed, were a number of important
theoretical models that have been used to interpret the human
behaviours that influence the formation of a stone artefact
assemblage. Components of these models will serve as
theoretical constructs for interpreting the stone artefact
patterns of Puli Tjulkura and Puritjarra.

The final portions of this chapter focused on describing

nominal and metrical data collection techniques that will be
used to explore the changing nature of artefact reduction at
Puli Tjulkura and Puritjarra. Artefact attributes such as

14
CHAPTER 3 – THE AUSTRALIAN ARID ZONE AND ITS HUMAN PAST
Introduction (Bureau of Meteorology 1989). The surface water drainage
system of the western half of the arid zone is mostly
Archaeological investigations of Australia's arid region have uncoordinated while the eastern half maintains a series of
been crucial to building an understanding of Australian coordinated dry rivers and creeks which channel limited
prehistory. The arid zone encompasses around 50 percent of rainfall events internally towards the Lake Eyre Basin
Australia’s inner continental landmass and is considered by (Mabbutt 1971; Croke et al. 1999; Magee et al. 1998).
many to be one of the most inhospitable environments on
earth (Figure 3.1). Despite these unfavourable conditions, In describing the arid region, geographers divide the arid
humans entered the arid region some 32,000 years ago and zone into five desert areas (Figure 3.1). These include the
over a long period have been able to reorganise their Gibson Desert (west), the Great Sandy Desert (northwest),
settlement patterns to adapt to fluctuations in climatic the Great Victoria Desert (south), the Tanami Desert (north),
conditions (Smith et al. 1997, 2001; Thorley 1998a, 1998b). the Simpson Desert (east) and the Strzelecki Desert
Stone artefacts remain our primary data source for (southeast). Oftentimes, for research purposes, the arid zone
investigating how, when, and where earlier populations is divided into two arbitrary halves referred to as the Central
subsisted within this vast region and time period. Therefore Desert and Western Desert (Strehlow 1965; Gould 1978,
stone artefact research plays such a vital role in our Gould and Saggers 1985). The exact demarcation of these
understanding of Australian archaeology. two areas is indistinct since their division is based upon a
vague combination of cultural and environmental criteria
This chapter offers a background for understanding the (Saggers 1984:64). Gould (1978) defines the Central Desert
nature of stone artefact research of the Australian arid zone. as the region that includes the Central Australian Ranges and
To my knowledge, there are presently no arid zone studies Arandic speaking groups. The Western Desert is seen as a
(other than my own) that have exclusively attempted to much larger region, lacking of reliable seasonal rainfall
measure stone artefact reduction using the methods outlined patterns and food resources but unified by a common
in the preceding chapter. In this regard, my research linguistic connection (Strehlow 1965; Gould and Saggers
contributes to a new era of stone artefact analysis for the 1985).
region. However, because there are no comparable regional
studies, a problem is presented when writing this background An area of the arid zone repeatedly referred to in this report
chapter. In attempt to overcome this issue, this chapter is is Central Australia. As pointed out by Thorley (1998b:20-
outlined in a manner to present background information 23), the intended meaning of this geographic description is
pertinent to all stone artefact research that addresses issues oftentimes misleading since there are number of ways
related to arid zone subsistence and settlement. The first ‘Central Australia’ may be defined. Past definitions of
sections of this chapter will address subjects of arid zone ‘Central Australia’ have been based on a variety of criteria
geography and palaeoclimate. A working knowledge of these including linguistic groupings (Strehlow 1965), cultural areas
topics is important to all researchers examining spatial and (Gould 1978; Gould and Saggers 1985), environmental
chronological artefact patterns within the arid zone. These regions (Latz 1995), and biogeography (Smith 1988; Veth
subject areas will also prove beneficial in discussing the 1989, 1993; Thorley 1998b). In order to avoid any potential
latter sections of this chapter which trace the changing nature confusion with the intended meaning of this geographical
of stone artefact research in the arid region. Over the past description, it is important to define ‘Central Australia.’
three decades, regional archaeological projects have
distinguished many chronological and spatial artefact trends. A growing number of archaeological studies recognise
These studies have relied upon an array of typological, ‘Central Australia’ as a specific geographic area composed of
ethnographical, and statistical information to reveal stone diverse desert bioregions; however, these studies fail to
artefact patterns. The many ways in which researchers have specifically define the boundaries of ‘Central Australia’
used this information to model Holocene systems of desert (Smith 1988; Veth 1989, 1993; Thorley 1998b). The sole
settlement and subsistence will be discussed. bioregion that is unequivocally recognised in all of these
studies as ‘Central Australia’ is the MacDonnell Range
A Description of the Australian Arid Zone and Central bioregion (Thackway and Cresswell 1995). This bioregion
Australia consists of high relief ranges and foothills. It is named for
mountainous MacDonnell Ranges that encompass most of
The Australian arid zone, depicted in Figure 3.1, is a large, the bioregion but includes other low lying ranges to south
desertic region that experiences a higher rate of annual water such as the James Range and George Gill Range. Four
evaporation than precipitation. This vast arid region receives additional bioregions surround the MacDonnell Range. They
less than 300mm of rainfall annually and comprises an array are listed below as (Thackway and Cresswell 1995):
of rocky, sandy, mountainous, and riverine desert habitats

15
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

Great Sandy Lawn Hill

Tanami
Desert Desert

Gibson Puritjarra Simpson

Desert Kulpi Mara Desert
James Range East
WESTERN DESERT CENTRAL DESERT
Serpent's Glen Puntutjarpa

Lake Strzelecki
Great Victoria Desert Eyre Desert
Basin

Alice Springs
Archaeological Site
MacDonnell Range Biogeographic Region
Central Australia
Arid Zone Limit
Semi-Arid Zone Limit

0 500 1000
kilometers

Figure 3.1: Map of the Australian Arid Zone and related geographic regions.

1. The Burt Plain bioregion – Located north of Smith (1993) and Veth’s (1993) research imply that a
MacDonnell Range bioregion. Consists of plains and low dynamic relationship exists between the MacDonnell Range
rocky ranges of Pre-Cambrian granites. and adjoining bioregions. However, because these regions
often extend over immense geographical areas, it would not
2. The Finke bioregion – Situated south of MacDonnell be appropriate to define ‘Central Australia’ as comprising the
Range bioregion. Consists of sand plains with dissected entirety of these adjacent bioregions. Smith (1993) and Veth
upland and valleys. (1993) resolve this dilemma suggesting that there is an area
of transition between the MacDonnell Range and
3. The Simpson-Strzelecki Desert bioregion – Large area neighbouring bioregions, but again they do not specifically
east of the MacDonnell Range bioregion. Consists of define the boundaries of the transitional zone.
dune fields and sand plains
In the context of this monograph, this transitional zone is
4. The Great Sandy Desert bioregion – Vast region arbitrarily defined as the area that extends 100km from the
found west of MacDonnell Range bioregion. Consists of outermost margins of the MacDonnell Range bioregion into
sand plains, dune fields, salt lakes, and remnant rocky the surrounding bioregions. With the transitional zone
outcrops. delineated, ‘Central Australia’ can thus be defined as the
geographical area that encompasses the entire MacDonnell
Range bioregion and a 100km transitional zone that extends

16
 Chapter 3 The Australian Arid Zone and Its Human Past

into four adjacent bioregions. This definition is useful for (Kershaw 1995; McCarthy and Head 2002; Wyrwoll and
comparing broad-scale archaeological patterns between Miller 2001).
Central Australia and other general geographical areas of the
continent (e.g., Lake Eyre Basin, Arnhem Land, The The mid-Holocene (6,000-3,000 B.P.) is characterised by
Kimberley, and Willandra Lakes) because it designed to another extensive dry period, however, not of the magnitude
acknowledge Central Australia as a geographical area of the LGM. Beginning sometime between 6,000-4,000 years
comprised of several interrelated desert bioregions that are ago, rainfall patterns decreased and became more
united by a central area of high relief ranges. Although unpredictable than before (Cupper 2002; Cupper et al. 2000;
Central Australia may be a unique archaeological area on a Dimitriadis and Cranston 2001; Hiscock and Kershaw 1992;
continental scale, it is important to note that spatial and McCarthy and Head 2002). A reinitiation of sand dune
chronological variations within the Central Australian building is also suspected at this time (Dodson et al. 1992,
archaeological record should be expected between Hiscock and Kershaw 1992). Many palaeoclimatic models
bioregions. Thorley (1998b) has demonstrated that indicate that this dry period persisted in parts of the arid zone
differential patterning in the archaeological record occurs (Cupper 2002; Cupper et al. 2000; McCarthy and Head
between the bioregions of Central Australia, thus suggesting 2002) until 2,000-1,000 years ago when climatic conditions
that some archaeological models may only be applicable to eventually ameliorate.
specific bioregions.
The final 1,500 years of the late Holocene is considerably
The Palaeoclimatic Record of the Arid Zone wetter than the mid-Holocene but drier and more climatically
variable than the early Holocene (Cupper 2002; McCarthy
Populations living within the Australian arid zone have had and Head 2002). Rainfall patterns are more frequent than
to adapt and coordinate their settlement systems to a variable during the mid-Holocene but not as regularly cycled as the
arid climate many times over the past 32,000 years. From 35- early Holocene. Several large flood events have been
26kya, prior to the last glacial maximum (LGM), conditions recorded in the region since 1,500B.P. (Patton et al. 1991). In
in arid zone are thought to have been were warm, wet, and short, palaeoclimate researchers liken the arid zone climate
more seasonally predictable than present (Harrison 1993). of this most recent period of the late Holocene to that of
Phytolith research from Puritjarra rockshelter indicates that present day (Cupper 2002; Kershaw 1995; McCarthy and
the region hosted a wide range of grasses, trees, and shrubs at Head 2002).
this time (Bowdery 1998). It is believed these were the
environmental conditions that the original colonists The Changing Nature of Arid Zone Stone Artefact
encountered upon their initial settlement of the region. Research
Around 26,000B.P., environmental conditions severely
changed with the onset of the LGM. There is still some
There have been a variety of stone artefact analyses
debate on the exact timing of the LGM, but the general
conducted in the arid zone over the past three decades that
consensus suggests that the LGM begins between 21-26kya
have addressed issues regarding the technological
(Chen and Barton 1991; Chen et al. 1991; Barrows et al.
organisation and settlement-subsistence behaviours of early
2001; Nanson and Price 1998) peaks at 18±1kya (Adams and
desert populations. Typological, ethnoarchaeological, and
Faure 1997; Field et al. 2002) and diminishes 12-14kya with
inter-regional artefact analyses have attempted to distinguish
the reinitiation of the summer monsoon cycle in the north
these patterns in efforts better reveal these behaviours. The
(Harrison 1993; Wyrwoll and Miller 2001). However, recent
purpose of this section is to highlight the important aspects of
climatic research by Lambeck and Chappell (2001) suggests
arid zone stone artefact studies that have preceded my
that the hyperarid conditions that peaked during the LGM
research. This review is offered semi-historically, in order to
may have initially begun to impact the arid region by 30,000
better illustrate the evolution of arid zone archaeological
B.P. Nonetheless, from about 24-12kya, hyperarid conditions
models. The influence of these studies on the contemporary
consumed Central Australia. Food and water resources were
modelling of arid zone settlement and subsistence will be
more limited and unpredictable, and the region experienced
explored in a later section of this chapter.
much colder winters than today (Bowdery 1998; Harrison
1993; Hesse and McTainsh 1999). It has been recognised that
desert dunefields were active during this time, though it is Early Typological Analyses
debateable whether their activity was induced by an increase
in wind strength (Wasson 1984) or a decrease in dune The first structured investigations of arid zone archaeological
stabilising vegetation (Hesse and MacTainsh 1999). assemblages were conducted in the late 1960s by R.A. Gould
(1977, 1978) and E.D. Stockton (1971). Both Gould (1977,
Starting around 13,000-14,000 years ago, the climatic record 1978) and Stockton’s (1971) artefact analyses were greatly
suggests conditions warmed and became moister than present influenced by the early typological and cultural frameworks
day (Kershaw 1995; Wyrwoll and Miller 2001). Evidence promoted by Tindale (1968; Hale and Tindale 1930; Tindale
from an alluvial deposit along the Ross River plain indicates and Maegraith 1931) and McCarthy (1967; McCarthy et al.
that a large flood event happened in Central Australia around 1946). Stockton’s (1971) excavation of Keringke rockshelter
9,200B.P. (Patton et al. 1993). This more climatically near the Central Australian mission of Santa Teresa
predictable and wetter period is believed to have continued attempted to emphasise the continental wide stone artefact
throughout the early Holocene until around 6,500B.P. industries promoted Tindale (1968) and McCarthy (1967).

17
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

The aim of Stockton’s work was to confirm the continental- Puntutjarpa and James Range East until c.4,000B.P. when a
wide cultural sequences of Tindale (1968) and McCarthy variety of new artefact ‘types’ appear. These new artefact
(1967). Other than from a historical standpoint, Stockton’s ‘types’ include the backed artefact, the unifacial point, and
(1971) typological artefact analysis made little impact on our the tula (Figure 3.2). Gould (1969:235) proposes that the
current archaeological understanding of Central Australia ‘appearance’ of these artefact forms marked the beginning of
and remains his only published work on the arid zone. an ‘Australian small tool tradition,’ a cultural tradition which
survived into the recent contact period of Australian history.
The research of Gould (1977, 1978, 1980), however, is quite Gould (1969) also suggests that the ‘appearance’ of the
extensive and has made a lasting impression on arid zone ‘small tool tradition’ as a cultural sequence has continental-
artefact analysis. Two important rockshelters Gould (1977, wide applicability, however, this statement has been
1978) investigated are James Range East (Aboriginal name: questioned by Hiscock and Attenbrow (1998) who
Intirtekwerle) in Central Australia and Puntutjarpa in the demonstrate that the ‘small tool tradition’ is not as
Warburton Ranges, located some 600 kilometres west temporally defined as Gould suggests.
(Figure 3.1). Excavations at these two sites yielded immense
artefact assemblages and revealed chronological sequences Gould (1977, 1978) uses the ‘core tool and scraper tradition’
dating back to 10,000B.P. at Puntutjarpa and more than and the ‘small tool tradition’ to depict the technological
5,000B.P. at James Range East. At Puntutjarpa, Gould organisation of his ‘Australian desert culture’ model. This
(1977:79) recorded 76,018 ‘waste flakes,’ and identified model, explored later in chapter, proposes that the land use
1,466 stone ‘tools’ and cores. The James Range East practices of early desert populations have remained
assemblage contained 2,532 flaked stone ‘tools’, cores, and ‘unchanged’ for the past 10,000 years.
“intentionally” retouched fragments (Gould 1978:107). Also
at James Range East, Gould (1978:107) recovered 140 Gould’s (1977) model of the ‘Australian desert culture’ is
ground and pecked stone ‘tools’ and 31,921 unmodified dually based upon his interpretation of the archaeological
stone flakes. record and his ethnoarchaeological observations. Around the
same time that Gould (1968, 1969, 1979, 1980; Gould et al.
Gould (1977, 1978) measured a number of artefact variables 1971) was conducting ethnoarchaeological fieldwork in the
from these assemblages as part of a concerted effort to arid zone, a number of other archaeologists were similarly
statistically reveal changes in stone artefact technology. investigating the technological organisation of traditional
Unfortunately, his metrical analysis was largely unsuccessful Aboriginal groups (e.g., Binford 1984, 1986; Binford and
in establishing differential chronological patterns. A possible O’Connell 1984; Hayden 1977, 1979; O’Connell 1984,
reason for the ineffectiveness of Gould’s statistical analysis 1987). Several important features of these studies are
could be due to the typological bias of his stone artefact described below.
taxonomy. Following in the footsteps of early Australian
artefact researchers like Tindale and McCarthy, Gould Ethnoarchaeological Analyses
organised the artefact assemblages into categorical types
based on an array of imbalanced typological criteria. The
Our archaeological understanding of Australia’s arid zone
unevenness of his taxonomy derives from Gould’s intuitive
has greatly benefited from the first-hand knowledge of
perception of the prehistoric knapper’s intention, the
traditional stone artefact manufacture and use. The
artefact’s morphology, and the artefact’s specific function,
preservation of this knowledge within contemporary
e.g., ‘spokeshave,’ ‘horsehoof core,’ or ‘backed blade’
indigenous populations is primarily due to the relatively late
(Gould 1977, 1978). The typological nature of Gould’s
European colonisation of remote arid regions (Kimber 1988,
artefact analysis may have allowed him to more easily
1996). For instance, during his 1969 field season, Gould
‘perceive’ changes in stone artefact technology, but not
(1970) had the opportunity to visit and observe indigenous
necessarily ‘measure’ technological change.
groups that had never been in contact with non-Aboriginal
populations.
The only chronological change Gould identifies within
Puntutjarpa and James Range East assemblages is a shift
Gould is not the lone anthropologist/archaeologist to be privy
between two distinctive ‘cultural traditions’ during the mid-
to such situations. Thompson (1975) was also fortunate to
Holocene. The earlier of these two traditions contains a
make ‘first contact’ with Bindibu (Pintupi) populations in the
variety of ‘horsehoof’ shaped cores and large ‘scrapers’ that
Western Desert in 1957. Gould and Thompson’s experiences
Gould (1977:90, 1978:120-121) likens to the ‘Australian core
illustrate that traditional knowledge of stone artefact
tool and scraper tradition,’ a late Pleistocene cultural
manufacture is not forgotten in many areas of the arid zone.
sequence originally expounded by Bowler et al. (1970) at
In fact, a familiarity with stone artefact procurement and
Lake Mungo, Victoria (see Hiscock and Allen (2000) for a
production still exists among some Aboriginal community
recent retraction of the ‘Australian core tool and scraper
elders today (see Chapter 4).
tradition’ by one of its original proponents). Gould (1978)
contends that the ‘core tool and scraper tradition’ survives at

18
 Chapter 3 The Australian Arid Zone and Its Human Past

Unifacial Points

Symmetrical Form Asymmetrical Form

Backed Artefacts

Functional Resharpened Slug Form

Tulas
0 5
cm scale
Figure 3.2: The formal implements of Gould’s (1969) ‘small tool tradition.’ Unifacial points (after White and O’Connell
1982:Fig.5.6), backed artefacts (after Gould 1977:Figs.59-60), and tulas (after Mulvaney 1969:Fig.23).

19
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

Across the arid zone, there have been a number of unusually high percentages of artefacts of these locally
ethnoarchaeological investigations that specifically address available stones will be made, used, and discarded at such
issues of stone artefact manufacture and use. Publications on campsites.
this subject have included:
Rule No. 7 – When stones of distinctive appearance are
1. Highly descriptive observations of stone artefact found in nonlocalised sources, they are retained and used
manufacturing and the complex social behaviours that for tasks or activities that involve relatively extensive
determine their discard (Binford 1984, 1986; Binford and use-lives.
O’Connell 1984; O’Connell 1987).
Many aspects of Gould’s ‘rules’ are relevant to areas of my
2. Direct observations of stone tool functions (O’Connell research. His recognition of a technological system that
1974; Hayden 1977, 1979; Gould et al. 1971). emphasises artefact reduction as a means for extending the
potential utility of stone artefacts is particularly important
3. Generalised observations about Aboriginal and is a subject that will be revisited throughout this report.
technological organisation, often described as ‘rules’ or Also, Gould’s observations of the differential treatment of
‘surprises’ (Gould 1968, 1969, 1979, 1980; Hayden 1977, local (‘non-localised’) and non-local (‘quarried’) stone
1979). artefacts is another important component to my research. His
acknowledgement that non-local, quarried stone is discarded
Out of all these contributions, the generalised observations of in high frequency at habitation sites suggests that populations
Gould (1968, 1969, 1979, 1980) and Hayden (1977, 1979) frequently reprovisioned with non-local raw materials.
provide the best insight into the behaviours that govern Consequently, populations must have been frequently mobile
artefact reduction. In Gould’s (1980) case, he generalises in order to have transported such a large proportion of non-
upon these behaviours as a set of ‘rules.’ Gould’s ‘rules’ local raw materials and stone artefacts to distant habitation
remark upon the reduction and discard of expedient and sites. This inference touches on an important topic of recent
curated artefact technologies and notices a pattern of settlement and subsistence behaviours that will be further
differential reduction between stone artefacts manufactured addressed at Puritjarra rockshelter.
from local or non-local raw materials. His ‘rules’ are
summarised below (Gould 1980:126-134): Another researcher who has generalised some important
behavioural aspects about the process of stone artefact
Rule No. 1 – Non-quarried stones serve as instant tools reduction is Hayden (1977, 1979). Hayden’s
and are discarded at or near the locus where they are ethnoarchaeological observations come specifically from
used. That locus occurs at or near the place where the Central Australia, near the Aboriginal community of Mt.
material was collected. Liebig where my fieldwork was conducted. Like Gould’s
(1980) generalised ‘rules,’ Hayden (1977:179-185) discusses
his observations as a series of ‘surprises’ and are summarised
Rule No. 2 – Quarried stones are transported from the below:
locus of the collection to a habitation base camp where
they can be further shaped and used.
A Surprise About Values – Stone artefacts were used in a
profane manner with a lack of interest in form. The ‘tool
Rule No. 3 – Although quarried stone represents only a types’ valued by archaeologists are rarely manufactured
minute fraction of the isotropic stone available in the total or used in normal day to day activities.
cultural system, much more quarried stone than stone
from nonlocalised (i.e., widely available and commonly
distributed) sources is discarded within the context of A Surprising Rarity of Formal ‘Tools’ – The manufacture
habitation campsites. and use of what archaeologists often refer to as formal
tools or implements is actually very rare.
Rule No. 4 – Lithic raw materials that are labour-
expensive to procure and/or to work with will tend to A Surprise About Function – A sharp edge on virtually
have extensive use-lives. any stone artefact or natural stone may potentially be
functional.
Rule No. 5 – The widest variety of artefact types (i.e.,
formal implements) within the total lithic assemblage will A Surprise About Artefact Morphology – Retouched flake
or ‘scraper’ morphology is more a result of flake margin
be used and discarded in the context of habitation base-
resharpening rather than intentional design.
camps.

Like Gould (1980), Hayden’s (1977) ‘surprises’ reveal much

Rule No. 6 – Whenever random factors of geography
about the contemporary technological organisation of
place sources of usable stone, (whether in the form of
Aboriginal groups. To him (and many other archaeologists),
quarries or nonlocalised in nature) in close proximity to a
it was somewhat of a revelation to observe that expedient
water source where a habitation base camp will occur,
tools are utilised more often than a formally manufactured
ease of procurement will outweigh other factors and

20
 Chapter 3 The Australian Arid Zone and Its Human Past

implement. If the items that are often labelled by At the present gross level of comparison, the relationship
archaeologists as ‘chips’ or ‘waste flakes’ are in fact utilised between the lithic assemblage of the Central Desert [James
more frequently than formal ‘tools,’ then what are the Range East] and that of the Western Desert [Puntutjarpa]
implications for traditional typological theory? Hayden’s appears to be an additive one. That is, the James Range East
‘surprises’ give archaeologists pause to think about the site contains all of the stone tool types and subtypes known
importance that is placed on an artefact assemblage’s formal in the Western Desert and more besides (Gould
implements. His work implies that archaeologists may be 1978:109&118).
ignoring the bulk sample of our stone artefact data and thus
be developing models based upon formal ‘tools’ which The ‘additional’ stone tool types Gould (1978:118) speaks of
actually reflect very little of the technological system. are “true blades and points made on blades as well as ground
edge axes.” These artefacts ‘appear’ between 5,000 and
Also like Gould (1980), Hayden has observed the importance 2,000B.P. in conjunction with other artefacts of his ‘small
of extending the use-life of a stone tool. Hayden tool tradition.’ Also at James Range east, he notes the
acknowledges that stone tool morphology is most often the appearance of grindstones at this time. This observation is
consequence of gradual reduction events during use rather important because grindstones are not present prior to
than intentional shaping. In this case, Hayden emphasises 5,000B.P. at James Range East but are found distributed
that retouched flakes were always reduced “with the aim of throughout the entire 10,000 year Puntutjarpa sequence.
resharpening or rejuvenating as dulled working edge into a Although Gould acknowledges that these assemblages are
more suitable one (Hayden 1977:179).” Thus, the primary only slightly different, the technological difference may
purpose of retouch was for extending the potential use of the suggest a slightly different regional emphasis on settlement
stone tool. and subsistence activities.

As discussed above, ethnoarchaeological research has Another early inter-site analysis was conducted by
uncovered many aspects Aboriginal technological O’Connell (1977) who compares the stone implements from
organisation. Often these observations are incorrectly used as seven artefact scatters within the Sandover River Basin,
direct analogues to the archaeological record. Although, it is 200km. northeast of Alice Springs. These artefact scatters
very likely that these behaviours influenced the formation of were selected based upon the ethnographic subsistence-
the archaeological assemblage, it should be noted that settlement patterns of local Alyawara groups. Although his
ethnoarchaeological observations have limited applicability artefact sample consisted of only formal implements,
to the archaeological record. This is because the O’Connell’s analysis successfully identified a major
ethnoarchaeologist observes the present behaviours of interassemblage difference between sites located near to or
contemporary cultures. The archaeologist reconstructs past distant from raw material sources. He states,
cultural behaviours. The archaeological past, especially in
regards to stone artefact assemblages, can only be modelled The data presented here indicate that a substantial
using empirically distinguished patterns. amount of interassemblage variation may be the result
Ethnoarchaeological observations offer useful theoretical of differences in access to material used in the
constructs to researchers wishing to develop methodologies manufacture of tools and of the particular
that may measure similar behaviours in earlier contexts, but characteristics of these materials as they affect the
ethnoarchaeological observations should not dictate the form of implements (O’Connell 1977:280).
archaeological record.
Based on his research, O’Connell offers a predictive model
Inter-Site Analyses for identifying stone implement rich sites. O’Connell (1977)
suggests that the kinds of formal implements found at an
Many stone artefact researchers have conducted inter-site archaeological site are dictated by the site’s proximity to a
analyses over the past 25 years. The goals of these studies raw material source. His research in the Sandover River
have been aimed primarily at spatially distinguishing aspects Basin indicates that formal implements such as tulas and
of early stone artefact technologies within various unifacial points are more likely to be found at sites near their
geographical regions of the arid zone. The first to attempt an parent raw material source. Tulas, O’Connell (1977)
inter-site analysis was Gould (1978). Building upon his explains, are made from isotropic chert sources and unifacial
research at Puntutjarpa rockshelter and James Range East points are made from quartzite, thus tulas are more common
rockshelter, Gould (1978) attempted to discern spatial at sites near chert sources and unifacial points are more
differences between the two stone artefact assemblages. commonly found near natural quartzite outcrops.
Puntuntjarpa, as described by Gould (1978), represents a O’Connell’s analysis infers that the kinds of subsistence
Western Desert assemblage, and James Range East activities carried out at a site are influenced by locally
represents a Central Desert assemblage. His analysis available raw materials. Therefore the subsistence strategies
indicates that the two assemblages are basically the same will vary as populations resettle into different areas and
except for the addition of several ‘stone tool types’ at James adjust their artefact technologies according to the local raw
Range East rockshelter (Gould 1978). As he states below, materials.

21
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

Gould and Saggers (1985) explore this matter further at at permanent water sites with exception of decortification
Puntuntjarpa and James Range East. Within a twenty four flakes.
mile radius around the rockshelters, Gould and Saggers
(1985) identify all of the potential sources of raw materials. Prediction 4 – Building on the above predictions, sites
They assess the quality of these raw materials and record close to permanent water will have the greatest number of
their locations within proximity to the rockshelters. backed artefacts, tula adzes, and retouched artefacts
Puntutjarpa is situated very near to a high quality raw followed by sites situated near semi-permanent and
material source but James Range East is not. In fact, good ephemeral water sources.
quality isotropic stone can only found at locations distant
from James Range East. Despite the limitation on raw
Veth’s model suggests that desert populations organised
material access, Gould and Saggers discover that at both
most of their subsistence and settlement activities around
rockshelters the raw materials selected for formal implement
permanent water. Consequently, raw material quality or
manufacture were chosen for their superior isotropic
proximity to raw material sources may not factor into the
knapping quality rather than their ease of procurement.
formation of assemblages as thought by O’Connell (1977),
Unlike O’Connell’s (1977) Sandover Basin study, Gould and
Gould and Saggers (1985). Water permanency, according to
Saggers research suggests that it was economically important
Veth’s (1989, 1993) research plays a more vital role in
for early populations of James Range East to regularly
settlement and subsistence practices than raw material
schedule raw material procurement activities into their
quality.
subsistence-settlement strategy and thus provision
themselves with suitable raw materials and stone artefacts of
tool-making potential. In an analysis comparable to Veth’s (1993), Thorley (2001)
investigates the spatial distribution of artefact assemblages in
relation to water sources within the greater Palmer River
Veth (1993) has presented archaeological data that further
catchment of Central Australia, an area due south of the
investigates the spatial trends established by O’Connell’s
James Range. Thorley’s (2001) research takes a slightly
(1977) and Gould and Saggers’ (1985) research. Veth’s
different analytical approach to Veth’s (1993). Rather than
(1993) work specifically focuses on the Great Sandy Desert
evaluating stone artefact reduction attributes to demonstrate
region of Western Australia. Like O’Connell (1977), Veth
interassemblage variation, Thorley (2001) relies upon
(1993:3) integrates ethnographic data on the function of
calculations of stone artefact density to reveal assemblage
specific sites with economic and ecological data “to examine
variation. Thorley’s (2001) results reveal an almost
the degree to which the function of specific sites contributes
paradoxical pattern in desert subsistence and settlement.
to variations in cultural assemblages.” However, unlike
O’Connell (1977), Veth (1993) sampled and collected the
entire artefact assemblages from 14 surface scatters that were Thorley’s (2001) research demonstrates that, at least within
systematically chosen to represent the full range of possible the Palmer River catchment, stone artefact assemblages
open sites in the region. located at sites near ephemeral water sources have
significantly larger densities than those found near
permanent waters. Thorley believes that the different artefact
Veth’s analysis generalises upon the state of reduction
densities are indicative of activity concentrations. In this
exhibited by each of these assemblages and assigns each
case, the larger artefact densities at sites near ephemeral
assemblage to a category indicative of an early (i.e., large
waters suggest high concentrations of human activity and
quantities of cortex), middle (i.e., artefacts lacking cortex and
thus frequent site utilisation. Thorley’s (1998b, 2001)
maintaining reduction potential), or late (i.e., cortex free,
research implies that foraging range of early populations
heavily reduced artefacts lacking further reduction potential)
living within the Palmer River catchment were not dictated
reduction stage. In addition to these generalised reduction
by the availability of permanent waters but rather ephemeral
categories, he records the assemblage’s proximity to water sources. In other words, permanent water sources were
permanent, semi-permanent, or ephemeral water sources. not always ‘the central hub’ of activities for desert land use
Based on these criteria, Veth (1993:93-95) posits a predictive systems.
model that generalises the state of artefact reduction
observed at sites near permanent, semi-permanent, and
ephemeral water sources: As demonstrated above, the patterns revealed by inter-
regional artefact analyses are wide-ranging and demonstrate
the variability of the arid zone archaeological record. The
Prediction 1 – Chipped stone artefacts in early reduction greatest contribution of these studies has been their
stages will be dominant at ephemeral water sites. demonstration of distinctive regional stone artefact patterns
which are possibly related to different systems of settlement
Prediction 2 – Middle stage reduction attributes will be and subsistence. The arid zone, although similar on
common to artefacts discarded at semi-permanent water superficial level, is a dynamic system containing many
sources. diverse ecosystems in which prehistoric populations uniquely
adapted. Similarly, this diversity may explain the various
Prediction 3 – Artefacts with attributes representing settlement and subsistence models that have been proposed
middle and late reduction stages will be well represented for the arid zone. These models are discussed below.

22
 Chapter 3 The Australian Arid Zone and Its Human Past

Holocene Models of Arid Zone Settlement and minimisation’ settlement system. Instead of relying on the
Subsistence resources surrounding permanent waters, desert groups took
full advantage of the temporary sites and resources located
Over the last few decades, researchers have proposed several near ephemeral waters. In doing so, populations conserved
settlement-subsistence models to explain the Holocene arid- the more permanent water related resources for the more
zone archaeological record. Mobility—or the range, stressful, drier climatic periods. This settlement system
frequency, and nature of residential moves—has featured effectively reduced the risk of exhausting resources near
prominently in all of these models. Gould (1978:93), for permanent waters and enhanced the probability of group
example, argued that desert Aborigines demonstrate “perhaps survival. Since improved rainfall patterns widened the
the greatest amount of nomadism reported for any known available foraging area, group mobility potentially increased.
hunting-and-gathering society in the world (Gould If Thorley’s model is correct, we can expect there to be a
1977:170).” Coupled with his archaeological investigations, large number of late Holocene archaeological sites located
Gould’s (1977) extensive ethnographic work in Central around both ephemeral and permanent waters.
Australia influenced his modelling of ‘the Australian desert
culture.’ This model concludes that the ethnographic Hiscock (1994) offers another interpretation of arid zone
behaviours Australia’s contemporary desert foragers prehistoric subsistence activities in terms of a ‘risk reduction’
illustrate an unchanging desert settlement and subsistence model that places special emphasis on the role of stone
system that has existed for the past 10,000 years. The only technologies. Hiscock (1994) argues that mid-Holocene
technological change he acknowledges during this 10,000 populations experienced climatic stresses that would have
sequence is the emergence of unifacial points, backed caused many resource restrictions. Consequently, new
artefacts, and tulas (Figure 3.2). Gould (1969, 1977, 1978) problem solving strategies would be required to overcome
concedes that the ‘appearance’ of these stone tool types in these stresses. Hiscock (1994) proposes that the specialised,
the mid-Holocene marks the introduction of a new ‘small curated technologies that emerge during the mid-Holocene
tool tradition’ beginning around 4000B.P. Although Gould (e.g., backed artefacts, points, and tulas) were part of a
(1969, 1977, 1978) demonstrates that this technological portable, multifunctional, and maintainable mobile tool kit.
change occurs within many arid zone sites, he has argued He adds that greatest advantage of these artefact forms came
that this change was associated only with the use of new from their performance as reliable composite tools that
maintenance tools “which cannot be linked directly to the effectively reduced the risk of foraging failure during a
food quest or other aspects of prehistoric procurement” climatically stressful period.
(Gould 1977:170). Presently, Gould’s (1977, 1978) model of
an unchanging ‘Australian desert culture’ is hard to Smith (1988, 1996) acknowledges a mid-Holocene
assimilate with our current understanding of the long, archaeological sequence similar to Gould (1977, 1978), Veth
dynamic arid zone palaeoclimatic record. (1993), and Hiscock (1994), but argues that the most striking
change that occurs in the arid zone archaeological record
Veth (1989, 1993, 2000) is one researcher who has happens in the late Holocene around the time climatic
recognised this problem and argues contrarily to Gould conditions begin to improve. Across the arid zone, Smith
(1977) that there are changes in the settlement-subsistence (1988, 1996) reports that after 1,500B.P there is an increased
system of Holocene desert populations and that these intensity of site use as reflected in the “greatly increased
changes are largely timed with climatic sequences. For artefact densities of chipped stone artefacts, grindstones,
instance, Veth (1993) contends that a mid-Holocene charcoal, bone, and other types of occupation debris after this
territorial expansion into the arid zone takes place shortly date”. Smith (1996) argues that these patterns mark a ‘late
after c.5,000 B.P. He proposes that the advent of developed Holocene intensification’ of human occupation in the arid
social networks and some key arid zone adapted artefact region. Smith (1988, 1996) uses a number of temporal trends
technologies (i.e., seed grinding implements, backed in stone artefact production to support his late-Holocene
artefacts, and tulas) allowed mid-Holocene populations to intensification model. For instance, Smith (1988:131)
expand into previously unoccupied arid regions. Veth documents a steady increase in artefact densities, discard
(1993:95) also suggests that the residential mobility and land rates, and core reduction throughout the Holocene sequence.
use practices of these mid-Holocene populations was All of these trends are argued to have changed and peaked
governed by the availability of permanent water sources, so during the last 1,000 years, which Smith (1996:68) believes
that archaeological sites exhibiting the most heavily reduced to demonstrate “the residue of a substantial and probably
assemblages should be located near permanent waters. more sedentary population.”

Thorley (1998b, 2001) presents a model of late Holocene Presently, there are several settlement and subsistence
desert resource use for the Palmer River catchment of models proposed for the Holocene archaeological record of
Central Australia. Thorley’s (2001) research demonstrates the arid zone. For the most part, however, the composition of
that late Holocene stone artefact assemblages located at sites stone artefact assemblages has tended to be under-utilised in
near ephemeral water sources have much greater artefact testing these models. My research hopes to better our
densities than those closer to permanent waters. Instead of understanding of the early settlement-subsistence models by
resident populations concentrating their food gathering investigating the composition of an assemblage through
activities around permanent waterholes, Thorley (2001) quantitative measures of stone artefact reduction.
suggests that late Holocene populations exercised a ‘risk

23
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

Summary

This chapter has concentrated on presenting a background to

arid zone stone artefact research and reviewing the ways that
earlier researchers have presented their understanding of the
archaeological record. As has been discussed, the arid zone is
geographically and archaeologically more complex than
early research acknowledged. In order to cohesively
investigate and interpret stone artefact patterns, the
archaeologist must synthesize and integrate multiple research
variables into their model. Evaluating and weighing the
research and the models of previous researchers is part of this
process and will assist my own interpretation of the
archaeological patterns at Puritjarra rockshelter and Puli
Tjulkura quarry.

24
CHAPTER 4 – PULI TJULKURA QUARRY, THE OLD PEOPLES’ MINING PLACE
Viewed as a potential archaeological find, the researcher of the future, if he discovered this mining area, after it
had been used for the first time would see the remains of about 20 large boulders up to a foot in diameter which
had been broken into several pieces and abandoned…Unfortunately for the future archaeologist, the [quarry]
site we visited had been worked over many times in the past. Some parts of it had been subject to flooding and
other earlier workings had been disturbed or washed away. Where earlier men had chosen higher parts of the
bank as a workshop area their successive efforts had led to the stewing about of an entirely confusing mass of
debris of all kinds. (Tindale 1965:141)

Introduction 1. How far is Puli Tjulkura quarry from Puritjarra

rockshelter?
There are a number of studies in Central Australia that have
investigated the archaeological or ethnographic behaviours 2. What connection, if any, can be made between the
surrounding raw material procurement and/or extraction Puli Tjulkura white chert and the white chert artefacts
(e.g., Binford and O’Connell 1984, Doelman 2002, Gould deposited at Puritjarra rockshelter?
1980, Gould and Saggers 1985, Graham and Thorley 1996,
Hayden 1979, Hiscock and Mitchell 1994, Paton 1988, 3. What physical evidence is there of raw material
Tindale 1965). However, few have investigated the procurement and stone artefact reduction at Puli
relationship between the stone artefact assemblages of Tjulkura?
procurement/quarry sites with habitation sites (Clarkson
2002b, Mackay 2000, Thorley 1998b). This chapter attempts
4. Are there quantifiable differences between the
to bridge this gap by exploring the connection of Puli
reduction patterns found on the Puli Tjulkura stone
Tjulkura stone artefact quarry with Puritjarra rockshelter
artefact assemblage and the Puritjarra white chert stone
through the ethnographic, geochemical, and stone artefact
artefact assemblages?
reduction data.
The following sections of this chapter will explore these
Fieldwork Objectives
questions in much greater detail. In the process of answering
these questions much will be revealed about the archaeology
Fieldwork was conducted in August of 1999 to locate the of Puli Tjulkura.
non-local source of the white chert artefacts deposited at
Puritjarra rockshelter. After silicious sandstone (53%), which
The Puli Tjulkura White Chert in its Geologic and
is immediately available within the rockshelter, white chert is
Environmental Setting
the second most frequently used raw material for chipped
stone artefact manufacture and comprises nearly 23% of the
total Puritjarra stone artefact assemblage (Smith n.d.). White chert, like that found at Puli Tjulkura, is often referred
However, within the total retouched flake assemblage to in Central Australia as chalcedony and is a slightly
(n=431), white chert (n=116) and silicious sandstone (n=164) different from most cherts. Like all cherts, chalcedony is
represent 38.1% and 27.0% respectively. A two-sample t-test composed of 99.9% cryptocrystalline silica. Its colour ranges
between white chert and silicious sandstone retouched flake from white to translucent. The main difference between
proportions reveals that the samples are statistically chalcedony and other cherts is that the cryptocrystalline silica
equivalent populations (t= 1.94, df=278, p= .06). This means of chalcedony is fibrous as opposed to granular (Luedtke
that the Puritjarra white chert and silicious sandstone 1992:6). Whenever the term white chert is used in this report
retouched flake populations are similar enough to make it should be interpreted as being synchronous with the
meaningful comparisons and contrasts of their retouched geochemical structure of chalcedony. White chert is found
flake attributes and that white chert and silicified sandstone widely throughout Central Australia, although it should not
artefacts are good representative examples of artefacts necessarily be considered ubiquitous to all Central Australian
manufactured from a non-local and local raw material landforms. It is not a common rock material in the sense that
source. quartz, silcretes, or quartzites are, and much mystery
surrounds its correct placement within the greater geologic
formations of the region.
My fieldwork was successful in locating a primary source for
the white chert artefacts deposited at Puritjarra. This location
is known to local Aboriginal people as Puli Tjulkura (in Puli Tjulkura is located near Mt. Peculiar, along the western
Pintupi/Luritja literally meaning “white stone”) and is margin of the MacDonnell ranges and approximately 50km
referred to as so throughout this volume. Several questions east of Puritjarra rockshelter (Figure 4.1, Plate 4.1).
that were answered through my investigation at Puli Tjulkura According to the Mt. Liebig 1:250000 geological map sheet,
are:

25
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

To Papunya
North Mt. Liebig
Darwin Community

Katherine
Mt. Liebig
1524m
To Kintore

Tennant Creek 650m

Map Puli Tjulkura

Area Quarry
Alice Springs

Mt. Peculiar
1043m
Putardi Spring
Northern Territory

Tropic of Capricorn

Mt. Udor
987m

To Haast's Bluff
630m

Browns Bore

Thomas Reservoir Numerous Sandridges 700m

Muranji Rockhole
750m
Cleland Puritjarra
Hills Rockshelter
Mt. Winter 0 5 10km
800m

Figure 4.1: Map of research area including Puli Tjulkura Quarry and Puritjarra Rockshelter.

The Puli Tjulkura white chert derives beneath a formation of Pertaoorta and Larapinta Groups within the Lower
recent quaternary alluvium (Qa) in close proximity to a Palaeozoic (Pzl) as Thorley (1998) has suggested. Until
weathered Tertiary conglomerate (Tc) formation. (Bureau of better, more specific, smaller scaled geologic mapping of this
Mineral Resources, Geology, and Geophysics 1967). The vast region occurs, the exact context in which this white
nearest upland landform is Mt. Peculiar (elev. 1043m), a chert formed will remain unresolved. The white chert is
Precambrian quartzite (pCq) formation. The nearest clearly sedimentary in appearance, suggesting that it formed
mountains to the east are also composed primarily of in a supersaturated silica solution at low temperatures deep
Precambrian granites (pCg). Where exactly the Puli Tjulkura on the ocean floor (Leudtke 1992). This region has been
white chert fits into the geologic history of these formations inundated by oceans many times during its geological history
is somewhat unclear. The white chert does not appear to have (Thompson 1995), but pinpointing the marine transgression
formed within Upper Proterozoic (Pu) or the undifferentiated that produced the white chert has not yet been determined.

26
 Chapter 4 Puli Tjulkura Quarry, The Old Peoples’ Mining Place

Plate 4.1: Facing northeast towards the location of Puli Tjulkura quarry (indicated by arrow). Puli Tjulkura is located
approximately 150m north of a westward sloping extension of Mt. Peculiar. Photo taken from ridgeline 3km away.

Plate 4.2: White chert raw materials and artefacts scatter the ground surface at Puli Tjulkura. Relatively few grasses and shrubs
grow on quarry surface compared to the dense growth surrounding the site.

27
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

The white chert at Puli Tjulkura has a reddish, rusty looking surroundings. Only minute traces of these elements may be
duricrust with occasional porous, air pockets within the chert. measured by the PIXE-PIGME technique, but it is the
The quality and colour of the material is quite variable. Many combination of these minute traces (in ppm) that give the
white chert pieces with a gross amount of incipient fracture specimen its geochemical ‘signature.’ The technique is
lines and impurities were noted, but an equal amount of high beneficial in archaeological contexts because it produces
quality homogenous specimens were also observed. The rapid, cost effective results with no damage to the artefact.
colour of the chert graded from the dominant white to an Summerhayes and colleagues have used this technique to
almost translucent deep grey. In some rare instances the more successfully identify obsidian sources in Papua New Guinea,
weathered pieces of white chert exhibited a slight yellowish the Solomon Islands, and the Western Pacific (Bird
tint, which is presumably a stain induced by minerals leached et al.1997; Summerhayes et al. 1998). Their results have
out of the red desert sand. traced movements of obsidian sources across these islands
for the past 20,000 years.
The current vegetation community surrounding Puli Tjulkura
is classified as spinifex sandplain with patchy mulga When Dr. Summerhayes received a grant to further test
communities (after Latz 1995). Interestingly, spinifex grasses obsidian sources by PIXE-PIGME, he generously invited
were not dense across the site. As artefact densities several other postgraduate students in the School of
diminished along the site margins, grasses slowly became Archaeology to submit samples from known chert sources in
denser (Plate 4.2). I searched for evidence of the area being the Northern Territory. I submitted 22 samples for PIXE-
purposefully cleared by human induced grassfires but could PIGME analysis—8 from Puli Tjulkura, 8 from Puritjarra
find little. There are many burned or charred mulga trees rockshelter, and 6 from a Warlpiri white chert quarry located
around the quarry that stand as a testament to previous fire near Mt. Doreen (150km north of Puritjarra). The raw data
events. However, this is not to say that all the trees were from this analysis is listed in Appendix A. Figure 4.2
burned as there is an equal amount of tree vegetation that illustrates the PIXE-PIGME data through a stepwise
looks quite healthy and untouched by fire. discriminant analysis.

A question that constantly came to mind while working at As Luedtke (1978) has pointed out, geochemical variation is
Puli Tjulkura was “Is it scientifically possible to link the Puli to be expected within each individual chert source. Figure
Tjulkura white chert to the artefacts at Puritjarra 4.2 demonstrates there is much variation within the Puli
rockshelter?” In an effort to establish geochemical link Tjulkura and Warlpiri sources, but the sources are still
between the sites, I collected a small sample of unmodified, geochemically similar enough to cluster into unique
non-artefactual white chert specimens from Puli Tjulkura. centroids. Interestingly, the Puritjarra cluster does not favour
The opportunity to investigate this question using PIXE- either quarry source, but stays within its own unique cluster.
PIGME technology presented itself through a generous grant This may have something to do with a post-depositional
awarded to Dr. Glenn Summerhayes of the School of leaching or absorption of certain trace elements between the
Archaeology and Anthropology by the Australian Institute of artefacts and the soil sediments (Luedtke 1978:419).
Nuclear Science and Engineering (AINSE). The results of
the PIXE-PIGME analysis are described below One way to overcome the problem of element mobility may
be to remove the suspect elements from the calculation of the
A PIXE-PIGME Geochemical Analysis of the Puli stepwise discriminate analysis. However, Leudtke (1979)
Tjulkura Chert suggests that it better to not do so. Her research suggests that
“it is probably best to obtain as many elements as possible
PIXE-PIGME is the acronym for Proton Induced X-ray with whatever trace-element analysis is chosen (Leudtke
Emission (PIXE) and Proton Induced GaMma-ray Emission 1979:755).” This leads her to the conclude that, “Perhaps
(PIGME). The PIXE-PIGME technique has been widely used greater accuracy of identification could have been achieved
in the examination of obsidian geochemistry for well over a here by adding more elements, more source samples for these
decade now (Bird et al. 1997; Summerhayes et al. 1998). five sources, more representative source samples, ore more
Though obsidian has long been the raw material most widely sources altogether (Leudtke 1979:419).
researched with this method, chert responds similarly. Like
obsidian, chert is composed of 70-99% Silicon Dioxide SiO2 Following Leudkte’s suggestion, the Puli Tjulkura PIXE-
(Luedke 1992). The PIXE-PIGME technique involves the PIGME data were combined with other PIXE-PIGME data
focused bombardment of an intense proton laser beam into from known raw material sources in the Northern Territory.
the chert specimen. The beam irradiates the specimen, thus My colleague and departmental Ph.D. candidate Mr.
exciting individual atoms at different frequencies. Each atom Christopher Clarkson submitted 30 chert samples from 6
emits a unique measurable frequency that identifies the quarry sites near the Northern Territory town of Katherine.
specific elements that compose geochemical makeup of the Figure 4.3 illustrates the stepwise discriminant analysis of
specimen. The elemental breakdown of the chert sample is our combined PIXE-PIGME data. Though only group
measured in parts per million (ppm). As chert forms in a centroids are illustrated in this example, it is much easier to
stratigraphic setting, it takes on elements from its

28
 Chapter 4 Puli Tjulkura Quarry, The Old Peoples’ Mining Place

Stepwise Discriminant Analysis

PIXE-PIGME White Chert Geochemistry
4

-1

Chert Sample
-2
Group Centroids
Function 2

-3 Puritjarra
Warlpiri Quarry
-4 Puli Tjulkura Quarry
-6 -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6

Function 1

Figure 4.2 – Stepwise discriminant analysis of PIXE-PIGME data from Puli Tjulkura quarry, a Warlpiri quarry near Mt.
Doreen, and Puritjarra rockshelter.

Stepwise Discriminant Analysis

PIXE-PIGME Northern Territory Chert Geochemistry
20

Warlpiri
10

Puritjarra
Puli Tjulkura PBS

ELA
0
CMT
COLJ
CMM
PBB
-10
Function 2

-20
-20 -10 0 10 20 30 40

Function 1
Figure 4.3 – Stepwise discriminant analysis of PIXE-PIGME data from Puli Tjulkura quarry, a Warlpiri quarry near Mt.
Doreen, Puritjarra rockshelter, and six other chert quarry sites (CMM, CMT, ELA, COLJ, PBB, and PBS) as identified by
Clarkson (n.d) near Katherine, Northern Territory.

29
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

differentiate between Puli Tjulkura, the Warlpiri quarry, and southwest point of Mt. Peculiar, but just before we arrived at
Puritjarra rockshelter. Figure 4.3 indicates the white chert its base, Benny gestured to travel northward towards a
artefacts from Puritjarra are much more like Puli Tjulkura moderately dense treeline of Mulga scrub. We followed this
than the white chert of the Warlpiri quarry. line for maybe 0.5 kilometres or so, and then drove back in
an eastern direction towards Mt. Peculiar. Benny was
Figure 4.3 does not lead me to conclude that all the white navigating the vehicle as though he was walking, and his
chert artefacts deposited at Puritjarra are exclusively from song seemed to serve him as a mental road map to the
Puli Tjulkura. It is possible that the white chert specimens locality we were searching for. He was looking for features
could have originated from one or more regional sources. to navigate by. I knew it was not my place to pry into the
What the data in Figure 4.3 suggests is that when given a specific content of the song since this information is often
number of possible quarry localities, the geochemistry of the secret and reserved to only initiated male members of the
white chert artefacts tested by PIXE-PIGME is most similar Aboriginal community. All Benny revealed to me about the
to the geochemistry of Puli Tjulkura. It could be that another content of the song was that it mentioned important places in
nearby white chert source shares an even more similar the area such as ceremonial or sacred sites, water and food
geochemical signature with the Puritjarra artefacts that Puli resources, and in this case, a raw material source.
Tjulkura or that the Puritjarra sample is contaminated from
various sources. Right now I am satisfied that the As we meandered for a couple of kilometres through the
geochemistry of Puritjarra artefacts are consistent enough to scrub, a sparsely vegetated, sandy area appeared in front of
have originated somewhere within source zone around 50km the land cruiser. It was here that I first observed the striking
from Puritjarra rockshelter. Therefore, I consider any scene. Covering an area of several hundred square meters,
comparisons between the Puli Tjulkura and Puritjarra artefact the ground surface was speckled with thousands upon
assemblages to be geochemically well-founded. thousands of white chert fragments lying upon rust red sand
(Plate 4.1). In some cases the artefact density was greater
A Recent History and Ethnography of Puli Tjulkura than 300 artefacts per 1m² (Plate 4.3). “This,” Benny
explained to me, “is the old peoples mining place. When I
An unexpected ethnographic component was encountered was children, we always come here for the white stone, puli
during my fieldwork at Puli Tjulkura. Upon my first meeting tjulkura. We take the stone to Alala (Thomas Reservoir),
with Aboriginal community members in Mt. Liebig, I was Muranji (rockhole), Puritjarra. We always come here for
invigorated to discover that one senior community member, kanti.”
Benny Tjapandgardi Pinabuka, remembered procuring the
Puli Tjulkura white chert for stone artefact as a child during Benny’s ethnography of Puli Tjulkura contributes much to
excursions with his family. It was explained to community our knowledge of the activities that took place at the quarry.
members at this first meeting that I wished to find the He first recalls visiting the site as a child with his family on
location of the white stone the old people made their kanti their return from the Hermannsburg mission. A severe
(stone knife) from. As an example, I brought to this meeting drought ensued Central Australia in the 1930’s and forced
a white chert core that I had recently been given by some many western desert groups to seek refuge into the
Warlpiri men in Yuendumu, a community 150km north. This Hermannsburg mission settlement some 150km southeast of
particular piece of white chert came from a traditional quarry Mt. Liebig. This visitation may have been upon return to his
south of Mt. Doreen on the Vaughan Springs cattle station. family’s ‘country.’ I did not ask Benny his age, but a reliable
Although the core was not from Puritjarra, the colour and source in Mt. Liebig estimates that he is in his very late
texture of the white chert was consistent with the sixties which means he would have been around five years
rockshelter’s assemblage. When I passed it around to old at the time of this first visit. I am not sure exactly where
members of the Mt. Liebig community, Benny said, “I know Benny was born, but I know he spent a great deal of his
what you look for, you’re looking for the old peoples’ childhood around Haast’s Bluff. For much of his adult life,
mining place.” His interest and knowledge of this place far Benny worked as a master stockman in the Haast’s Bluff/Mt.
outweighed all other community members at the meeting. In Liebig area. The boundaries of what Benny considers his
fact, it was apparent that some members doubted his traditional country somewhat vague, but the Putardi
knowledge of the location. Little did I know that Benny’s spring/Mt. Udor area and the region westward toward Alala
vast knowledge and familiarity with the quarry location (Thomas Reservoir) he often referred to as part of his
would become an integral component of my fieldwork. ‘country.’ Clearly, as alluded to earlier, Benny is also very
knowledgeable of the Cleland Hills.
On the morning of August 11th, Benny and I drove to an area
20km south of Mt. Liebig along the Brown’s Bore track During his childhood, Benny describes his family making
(Figure 4.1). At this point, Benny navigated the vehicle off many trips to Puli Tjulkura for stone to make kanti. The
the track eastward, towards Mt. Peculiar (Plate 4.1). As we impression he gives suggests that visits to the site were short
picked our way through a thick area of spinifex grasses and and purposeful. When he describes visiting Puli Tjulkura it is
mulga scrub, Benny began chanting a song in Luritja and always in reference as to being on the way to somewhere else
hand gesturing which the direction I should drive the whether it is to Muranji, Putarti, Alala, or elsewhere. He also
landcruiser. At first, we navigated towards a sloping stated that they did not camp here.

30
 Chapter 4 Puli Tjulkura Quarry, The Old Peoples’ Mining Place

Plate 4.3: Close up of artefact density at Puli Tjulkura quarry. Film canister added for scale.

Plate 4.4: Benny Pinabuka demonstrating artefact transport via a ‘hair bun.’

31
Measured On Stone: Stone Artefact Reduction, Residential Mobility, and Aboriginal Land Use in Arid Central Australia

In reference to the current condition of the natural and/or distances. Large blocks of white chert or large cores would
human induced fragmentation of the white chert surface not be practical to carry for long distances as they would be a
scatter, Benny said, “These rocks are rubbish rocks. The weight burden and tie up the hands. It had not occurred to me
good stone for kanti is in the ground. Get a shovel. We dig that hair is a natural human attribute that, when long, can
and you see.” Although Benny might not have seen the function in the transport of spare raw materials such as chert,
humour in it, he was presenting a young archaeologist with a ochre, or processed spinifex resin, or bone. The use of the
very tempting proposition, but I did not have an official hair bun in the transportation of stone artefacts across Central
permit nor did I want to disturb the site. Perhaps, if we had Australia is something that cannot be observed
dug, we would have found a layer of white chert somewhere archaeologically, however, its usage may not have been
underneath the sandy red colluvium upon which the white uncommon in the past.
chert fragments were lying. Currently there is no evidence of
digging and the topography is flat across the site. Any holes The only consideration Benny seemed to have when
that were once present have long been filled with sand. The selecting artefact and chert fragments to demonstrate a ‘hair
general distribution of artefacts and chert debris is most bun’ was that the specimens be sharp and smallish in size
concentrated at the site centre and diffuses at the site margin. (<5cm). Whether the sharpness of chert was the result of
If the primary reduction of white chert took place near natural fragmentation or flintknapping was irrelevant in the
freshly dug holes, then perhaps past digging activities selection. This observation is reminiscent of Hayden’s (1977)
occurred within this concentrated area. “surprises” where he noted that nearly any sharp edge could
potentially be functional. For me, it was not the first time in
Digging into sandy deposits to obtain white chert for raw the field that I had noticed this sort of behaviour. On a trip
material has been mentioned by Aboriginal informants with Benny’s family to Muranji rockhole, an elderly
before (Hayden 1979:122), but to my knowledge Gould Aboriginal woman wanted to demonstrate the sharpness of
(1980) is the only archaeologist to observe this behaviour the white stone. She took a white chert core (the one that I
ethnographically in Central Australia. As Gould (1980:125) had passed around my initial community meeting) from the
describes, landcruiser and used the platform edge to skin an uncooked,
store bought kangaroo tail. This demonstration was clearly
Sometimes men visiting the quarry would dig one to for my benefit because steel knives were present and would
two feet below the surface of the ground to obtain have normally been used (Plate 4.5). However, all the
lumps of unweathered stone. This was especially community members shook their heads in approval of her
evident in the case of white chert, a popular material using the core in this task as if there was nothing unusual in
for stone toolmaking but one that was susceptible to using a core to do so. I naively had assumed that while any
weathering. sharp edge is potentially function, in my mind this rule
applied exclusively to flakes or flake-like artefact forms—
Benny’s account is similar to Gould’s (1980) observations, not a robust artefact like a core. Watching her effectively
and I believe his story to be accurate for a number of reasons. peel the skin from the kangaroo tail with a hand-sized core, I
To begin, there is a large amount of cortex still present on the realised that artefact form is irrelevant. The crucial feature is
most of the white chert fragments. This suggests that a great that the artefact has a suitable sharp edge to complete the
deal of primary reduction activities took place at the sites. task.
Furthermore, the size of many blocks is so large (>10kg) that
it would have been impractical to carry the chert blocks to On a later trip to Puli Tjulkura, Benny broke a fresh branch
the site unless there was long term habitation at the locality. off of a tree and sat down. After looking around briefly, he
The overwhelming lack of habitational archaeological debris grabbed a random flake and began to demonstrate the
such as non-white chert artefacts, fire cracked rock, or sharpness of the quarry stone. “Good kanti here,” Benny said
hearths, suggests that the site was not used as a base camp. as shaved the outer bark layer off of the small mulga branch
Consequently, I cannot imagine that this site could have been he was holding (Plate 4.6). A few times, while shaving the
formed by any other method than which Benny described. branch, he stopped to resharpen the flake by using another
Hence, this is also why he refers to it as, “the old peoples nearby fragment of white chert. This behaviour seemed odd
mining place.” to me since small, well-rounded hammerstones of quartzite
could be found from a formation of weathered tertiary
As we walked across Puli Tjulkura, Benny said to me, conglomerate only 250m north of the quarry. However, I
“Before we have pockets (meaning before wearing clothes), noted after a close inspection and survey of Puli Tjulkura that
before blankets, we come here to get white stone. We take only a few quartzite cobbles (n=3) from this conglomerate
stones like this (grabbing a few small flakes and white chert formation were deposited at the site. I suppose it is possible
fragments) and tie it in our hair. We carry them with us. We that hardwoods may have been used to reduce the stone at
take them to Muranji, to Putarti, to Alala.” Watching Benny the quarry, but it still would be more effective to use the
demonstrate the tying of small flakes and white chert white chert itself. Hayden (1979) and Gould (1980) have also
fragments into a hair bun (Plate 4.4) made me think about observed western desert groups retouching stone tools with
the size of the artefacts people would transport long the same raw materials from which they were made using
block on block reduction strategies.

32
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 – De hát mit igyunk mi ebből a csészéből?
– A mit parancsoltok.
Azzal ismét koppantott az asztalra, s egyszerre ott termett annak
közepén egy öblös ezüstkancsó.
Azt fölvette Ajna s legelőször Dániel bégnek a csészéjébe töltött
belőle. Pompás illatú mokka volt.
Azután Vukoszava csészéjébe töltött.
– Én tejjel szeretem a kávét! nehézkedett Vukoszava.
– Tessék! Tessék! mondá Ajna s ugyanabból a kancsóból töltött
neki a kávéjába pompás sűrű bivalytejet.
– Én nem szeretem a kávét: nekem csokoládé kell! finnyáskodék
Sefika.
– Parancsolj, édesem! nyájaskodék Ajna s töltött neki csokoládét
ugyanabból a kancsóból. Aztán sorba járta vele a gyermekeket, a kik
keresztbevetett lábaikon ültek a kerevet mellett, s azokat is
megtraktálta. Végre visszajött az asztalhoz, a hol a saját csészéje
állt. «Én pedig a theát szeretem.» S akkor illatos pecco csordult ki a
bűvös kancsó csövéből.
– De hát ehhez valami mártogatni való is kellene! sürgetőzék
Sefika asszony.
– Hüh! arról bizony megfeledkeztem! Szereted-e a bécsi
kuglófot?
– Szeretném, csak volna.
– No majd mindjárt készítek.
– Miből? Miben? Mivel?
Hát bíz erre mind nehéz volt megfelelni.
 Ajna asszony az asztal alatt kotorászott s talált egy pár tojást.
– No ez szépen kezdi! Rántottát akar csinálni.
De hol a serpenyő hozzá?
Ajna asszony zavart szinlelve tekingetett szélylyel. Meglátott
valamit. Az volt Dániel bég czilinderkalapja.
Hohó! Czilinderkalap egy muzulmán bégnél!
«Hübnere» van a dolognak.
Bécsben meghívást kapott Dániel bég a közös miniszter
estélyére: erre az alkalomra vett teljes divatszerű öltözéket. Most
abban mutatta be magát az asszonyainak, a frakk gomblyukában a
piros szalagos érdemrend.
Így került Ajna kezébe a köcsögkalap.
A többit aztán tudjuk könyv nélkül. A két tojást feltörték, a
czilinderbe belecsorgatták; akkor a czilindert nehány perczig
meghordozták a petroleumlámpa fölött, akkor lefelé fordították s
kihibbant belőle a legtökéletesebb formájú bécsi kuglóf, azon
melegen.
No ez jó volt kóstolónak. De nem csak kuglóffal él az ember!
– Lássuk, hogy tudsz főzni?
– Mindjárt meglátjátok, édeseim. Nálam az gyorsan megy.
Azzal Ajna asszony ismét az asztal alá nyult s előhúzott a fülénél
fogva egy hófehér házi nyulat.
– Hát ezzel mi lesz?
– Ebből lesz a vacsora.
– Mash-Allah! «Egy» házi nyul tizenhat gyomornak!
 – Nem egy nyul ez; hanem kettő! mondá Ajna, s azzal megfogta
a házi nyul két fülét, hirtelen kétfelé repeszté azt, s azzal mind a két
kezében ficzkándozott egy házi nyul.
– De ha kettő, sem kell nekem! tiltakozék Vukoszava; mert én a
nyulat meg nem eszem.
– Majd meglátod, ha elkészül!
Azzal Ajna odavitte a réz főzőkatlanhoz a két házi nyulat,
fölemelte a katlan födelét: a nyulakat beledobta, azután három
kártyából tüzet rakott a katlan alatti üstbe; mire a papirtűz
ellobogott, egy kissé körülkopogtatta a rézkatlant.
– Készen van már.
Azzal levette a katlan födelét s kiemelt belőle egy bográcsot,
telides-tele szinültig berbécshusos piláffal, a minőről csak muzulmán
gyomor álmodhatik.
Mindenkinek el kellett ismernie, hogy annál tökéletesebb piláf
még konyhaművész kezéből ki nem került.
Sefika nagyon is sokat talált belőle enni. A mider is szorította.
Nyafogott, hogy ő megbetegszik, ha most fagylaltot nem kaphat.
– Fagylaltot! kiáltott fel Dániel bég. Télen lehet azt csinálni, a
mikor jég van. Ki ácsingózna nyáron fagylaltra?
– Mindjárt lesz! mondá készséggel Ajna. Szereted a
czitromfagylaltot?
Azzal kettévágott egy czitromot: odafutott vele a katlanhoz,
belefacsarta, tüzet rakott alá és két percz mulva előjött egy nagy
tálban a dinnye-alakú fagylalt, a melynek a hány gerezdje, annyiféle
gyümölcsből volt készitve.
A két asszony oda volt a bámulattól. Ehhez hasonlót ők nem
tudnak.
 Maga Dániel bég is azt mondá: hogy ez nem megy tündérek
segítsége nélkül.
Hja! A ki jó nevelést kapott!
Még molnárostya is kerűlt elő. A katlan mindent kiád.
Utóljára gyümölcs, czukorsütemény; csak úgy szórta, hogy a
gyerekek kapkodhassák.
És végre egy csinosan font kosár: abból meg egyre-másra hullott
a virágbokréta.
S a meglepetések netovábbjául egyszer csak ott termett Dániel
bég frakkjának a baloldalán egy tenyérnyi nagy érdemrendcsillag;
olyan, a milyent Bécsben az exczellencziás urak viselnek. Dániel baba
tudta, hogy ez is csak szemfényvesztő varázslat; de azért hagyta ott
ragyogni a csillagot. Hisz előbb-utóbb meg lesz az érdemelve. Lehet
még egy tizedik bársonyszék is a magyar képviselőházban!
Dániel bég nagyon meg volt elégedve a lakomával, s a jóllakás
után azt mondá:
– Hátha innánk?
Tudva van, hogy a törökök evés közben nem isznak, hanem csak
jóllakás után. Ezt nem Schweningertől tanulták; hanem Mohamed
prófétától. Akkor is pedig nem bort isznak; hanem csak vizet. A
szeszes italoktól eltiltja őket az alkorán.
A vizet azonban szabad keverni nádmézzel, gyümölcsízzel,
narancslével, mandulafejettel, rózsavízzel, ámbrával, a mit aztán úgy
hínak, hogy «sorbet».
Ismét előkerült a csodakancsó. Ajna sorba töltögette
mindenkinek a talpatlan poharába, a mit kiki megkivánt, s a mit
mindjárt ki kell inni, mert ha leteszik, felfordul.
«Pompás sorbet! Nagyon jó sorbet!» dicsérték a
vendégasszonyságok.
 – Hejh! Csak én olyan sorbetet ihatnám, a milyent Bécsben a
miniszter úrnál töltögettek! mondá Dániel bég. Az úgy habzott, maga
is igyekezett ki a pohár szélén, mintha siettetné az embert, hogy
«igyál már!»
– Ha az én uram úgy kivánja… mondá Ajna, s aztán töltött neki a
kancsóból olyan sorbetet, a mely pezseg.
– Ez az! Ilyen volt az! mondá a nyelvével csettentve Dániel bég.
Ebből ti is ihattok, asszonyok. Ezt nem tiltja az alkorán. Ez nem bor:
ez csak sorbet.
Azok is kaptak belőle.
Általános volt az elismerés, hogy ez tökéletesített faja a
sorbetnek.
Nem sokára olyan jó kedve lett a két hajdani asszonyságnak,
hogy el kezdtek dalolni.
A gyermekeket hazaküldték aludni. A ki akaratoskodott annál
rögtön megjelent az ördög a falon s ráijesztett.
A Vukoszava bosnyák balladákat énekelt, a Sefika pedig arab
stanczákat.
Ajna tapsolt mind a kettőnek. Dániel bég pedig sorba ölelgette
mind a hármat s ivott az egészségükre.
– Hejh! De csak az volt ám az igazi sorbet, a mit én a magyarok
fővárosában ittam, a Dzsigerdilenben: herczeg Prugmájernál, az
orfeumi helytartó basánál. Az forró volt, csak úgy lobogott: mikor itta
az ember, az orrán jött ki a lángja, mint a sárkánynak. Hát még az a
húri, a ki töltögette!
– Ha az én uram úgy kivánja, mondá Ajna, kezeit keresztbetéve a
keblén s alázatosan meghajolva: s azzal eltünt a mellékszobába.
A mint eltávozott, rögtön odatelepedék Vukoszava és Sefika
Dániel bég mellé két felől, s elkezdték őt a legyezőikkel hüselni, a
mit ő azzal a gyöngédséggel viszonzott, hogy a csibukjából a füstöt
az arczaikba fujta. Majdan előhozták a szolgálók a nargiléket, s akkor
aztán a két asszonyság versenyt pipázott az urával.
Egyszer aztán előttük termett a harmadik.
A hogy a tündérek szoktak megjelenni: pókhálóból szőtt
öltözetben, hosszan leeresztett hajjal, mely térdhajlásáig takarta;
fején világító csillaggal; karja körül egy eleven kígyó tekergőzött,
fején taréjjal, két szemén pápaszemmel. A másik karját fölemelve
tartá, egy vállára emelt kancsót a fogantyújánál markolva.
A két asszonyságnak szeme-szája tátva maradt a nagy
bámulattól.
– Ez egy «péri!»
– Nem. Ez egy «abelére!»
– Vagy maga az «iblisz!»
A tündéralak leemelte a válláról a karcsúnyakú rézkancsót, s
sorba töltögetett a poharakba az illatos párolgó punchból. Ez sem
bor: ezt sem tiltja a próféta.
A pákosztos kígyó mindegyik pohárba belekóstolt a kiöltött kettős
nyelvével.
– Ez aztán az ital! Ilyet isznak a paradicsomban, a Túbafa alatt,
magasztalá a punchot Dániel bég, s összekoczczintá a poharát mind
a három hölgygyel. Csak a fertelmes kígyó ne kóstolgatna bele!
– Kígyó? szólt csodálkozva Ajna. Hiszen nem kígyó az, hanem
pálcza.
S azzal megfogva a cobra fejét, az egyszerre megmerevült,
egyenes lett, mint a Mózes botja.
– Fogd a kezedbe! mondá Dániel bégnek.
 A bég azonban, a mint a pálczának a fejét a kezébe vette,
egyszerre sajgató ütést érzett a tenyerében, s a mellett a marka úgy
összeszorult, hogy nem tudta a boszorkányos jószágot eldobni.
– Jekdür Allah! Jobb szeretném, ha kígyó volna. Vedd el a
kezemből ezt a verekedő pálczát.
Ajna aztán elvette a varázsbotot a bég kezéből s ledobta a földre;
a mire az ismét megelevenült, kígyóvá lett, összetekergőzött.
Ekkor azután az Ajna felkapta a rézkancsót s elkezdett annak az
oldalán az öt ujjával dobolni, valami bajadértánczot járva hozzá s
egy varázsdalt énekelve; közbe-közbe teletölté a bég és a két úrnő
poharát a tündéri itallal.
A cobra a dobolásra, meg az énekhangra felemelte a fejét
rétesalakjából, egyre jobban felegyenesedett, s elkezdett maga körül
forogni, míg az utolsó gyürűjén állt meg, a mit a farka alakított.
A rézkancsó egyre jobban kiűrült, a dobolás annál hangosabb lett
rajta. A bajadértáncznak a sebese járta. A tánczdüh nem csak a
kígyóra ragadt el, hanem a két asszonyra is. Egymás után felugráltak
a bőrpárnáikról, s igyekeztek, tőlük telhetőleg utána csinálni Ajnának
a tánczot. A Vukoszava felkapta a piláffőző rézkondért, azon
produkálta a tamburint; a Sefika pedig a palacsintasütőt püfölte a
nagy keringelésben, míg a többféle jótékony italok hatása miatt mind
a két úrnő, ki erre, ki amarra, eldőlt s nem tudott e világon létéről
többet. Azokat a szolgálók szépen a vállaikra emelték s hazavitték a
saját háremeikbe.
Az egyedül maradt tündér még folytatta lassudó tempóban a
csábtánczot: a kígyó azonban azt is abba hagyatta vele, a lábai körül
tekergőzve s azokat egymáshoz szoritva: egyre mindig feljebb
csavargózott, míg utóljára átszorítá a derekát, s ott a fejét átöltve,
maga magán csomót kötött. A bajadér epedő mosolylyal tekinte a
gyönyör-ittas Dániel bégre.
 – Alláh ekber! Nagyon szép vagy. Mohamed ugyse! Gyönyörű
vagy. Csak az a fertelmes kígyó ne volna a derekadon.
– Kígyó? szólt Ajna, gyönyörű igazgyöngy fogsorát megmutatva
nevető ajkai között. Hiszen nem kígyó az; hanem selyemöv. Próbáld
meg leoldani.
*
Így írta le ezt a jelenetet Achmed effendi, Leó úrhoz küldött
negyedik levelében. Ő maga az egészet a két mamájától hallá, a
kiknek mindezt a legközelebbi látogatás alkalmával Vukoszava és
Sefika asszonyságok elbeszélték; az utólját a saját képzeletéből adta
hozzá.
Mind a két nő el volt varázsolva a harmadik asszony estélyén
élvezett gyönyörűségektől.
S ez a varázs a másik két asszonyságot is bűvkörébe ragadta.
Jelacsa mama, meg Habiba mama rajta estek Ibrahim papán.
– Nekünk is hozz ilyen harmadik asszonyt! Te is szerezz ilyen
tündérnőt a házhoz, a milyent Dániel bég hozott a Vukoszavának,
meg a Sefikának.
– Mit? Mit? varázslónőt? mondá Ibrahim baba. Az kell nektek? Ha
csak az a bajotok: én bizony hozok. Kell guvernánt az Achmed
gyereknek? Dehogy nem hozok.
Aztán felment a «csarziába»: ott kikeresett egy fekete pofáju
ötvenéves czigányasszonyt; azt hazavitte.
«Itt van a varázslónő».
«Jaj! Nem ilyen kell nekünk. Ezt add vissza, a hol vetted. Szép,
fiatal varázslónő kell nekünk, a milyent a Dániel bég hozott.
Megengedi azt a próféta.
Ibrahim baba pedig igen praktikus eszü kalmár volt.
 «Jajh, kedveseim, arra, hogy egy olyan bűbájos tündérnőt
szerezzen az ember a házhoz, a minő «állítólag» a Dániel bégé, nem
elég egy próféta: ahhoz Mohameden kivül még Krisztus is kell:
nagyon sok Krisztus».
Tudniillik, hogy a gyaurok így hívják egymás között a «pénzt».
Persze: ők azt is imádják.

VII.
AZ ÉDES ERETNEKSÉG.

Hogy Mohamed próféta az asszonyoknak nem adott lelket; hogy

nem nyitotta meg számukra a paradicsom ajtaját: az még csak
elviselhető sérelem; de sokkal nagyobb figyelmetlenség volt a
prófétától az az intézkedés, hogy az asszonyok kezébe nem adott
pénzt, s ezzel bezárt előttük minden boltajtót. A kasszakulcs a férjnél
áll: az vásárol be mindent. A mit az asszony megkiván, azt a férj
megveszi a számára: elhalmozza ékszerekkel, selyemruhákkal; de
pénzt nem ád a kezébe: az nem való asszonynak.
Kassári Dániel bég házánál ennek az előitéletnek is meg kellett
szünni. Ajna asszonyság ezermesternő volt. Mikor neki tetszett,
tallérokat, aranyakat szedett ki a Vukoszava asszony turbánja alól, a
Sefika haja közül s rakta a markába jobbra-balra mindenkinek. (Igaz,
hogy mikor kinyitották a markukat, akkor látták, hogy semmi sincs
benne; de ott volt!)
Dániel bég nagyon szeretett volna játszani. Sakkozni szabad a
muzulmánnak is; de kártyát nem vehet a kezébe: mert az az ördög
bibliája, azon emberi alakok vannak festve, az alkorán tilalma
ellenére. Mikor a tuzlai kávéházba beült, elnézte, hogy játszanak
whisztet, kalábert, faramuczit a rácz notabilitások, a kik a carreaut
«buntevicz»-nek, a coeurt «paprikicz»-nek mondják. Tetszett neki az
a játék nagyon. De csak mint «kibicz» vett részt benne.
Egyszer aztán rá hagyta magát beszéltetni Ajnától, hogy
odahaza, zárt ajtók mögött, mikor nem látják a hodzsák, leüljön a
három asszonyával whisztezni. Oh be hamar megtanulták! Mire nem
jó még a három feleség! Kész whisztpartie kitelik belőle.
Eleinte csak babra játszottak. Később aztán krajczárokban. Ajna
egy zacskó ujdonatuj veretü rézkrajczárt osztott ki az asszonyok
között; később pedig fényes uj piczulákat. Ezeket ő még Bécsből
hozta; signore Spirifanti ajándékából: kellettek azok a bűvészi
előadásokhoz. Hetenként egyszer, pénteken, tallérok kerültek a
játékasztalra, szintén Ajna requisitumaiból.
Dániel béget rendkívül mulattatá a kártya. Rájött, hogy ő nagyon
jól tud whisztezni s meseszerencsével játszik. A hétnek hat napján
minden aprópénzüket elnyeri az asszonyainak, csak a hetediken
fordul ellene a szerencse. Hanem az az egy volt a különös, hogy
azok a napok, a melyeken diadalmas nyereségeket sepert be az
erszényébe: rendesen a krajczáros és piczulás napok voltak, a
melyeken pedig vereséggel vonult vissza, azok a talléros napok
valának: úgy, hogy a mely mértékben duzzadtak a réz- és nikkel-
tartalmú zacskói, ugyanabban fogyatkozott a talléros táskája.
No de hát «prætor non curat minima!» Dániel bég más
asztaloknál kincseket tudott nyerni: engedte magát gavallérosan
kifosztatni az asszonyai által.
S ez az eretnekség gyorsan terjedt. A bégek és agák a
környékben és fővárosban egyszer csak azt vették észre, hogy
megtanultak whisztezni. A kinek pedig csak egy felesége volt: az
pikétbe keveredett.
Volt tehát már költőpénz az asszonyok kezében. Egy paradicsom
ajtaja megnyilt előttük: a boltajtó.
 Mit vásárolhatna egy paradicsomba jutott hölgy egyebet, mint
piperét: szép ruhákat.
Achmed effendi tudósítá barátját, Leó urat: «jöhetsz már a
kimustrált czifraságaiddal.»
Leó úr egyelőre csak mint «repülő kalmár» csinálta meg az első
felfedezési kirándulást az ismeretlen világrészbe. Ideiglenes boltot
nyitott a szerajevói bazárban. Mind, a legutolsó fichuig elkelt, a mit
magával hozott.
A szép ruha azonban azt kivánja, hogy lássák; a pipere
dicsekedni szeret.
Hogy lehessen ennek a követelménynek eleget tenni, a
mohamedán törvények mellett? Utczán a török hölgy tetőtől talpig
fátyolba és bő köpenyegbe burkolva jelenhet csak meg s annak
mindegy, hogy csipke és selyem van-e alatta?
A tuzlai tündér ennek a hitvallásnak is ki tudta találni a
schismáját.
A hölgyek, ha természetben nem is, de képmásban
mutogathatják magukat.
Ennek ismét egy másik «canon» állja útját. Mohamed-hitü
emberalakot nem szabad embernek lefesteni vagy kifaragni.
De a napnak szabad! S a fényképet nem ember rajzolja, hanem a
napsugár. Tiltott-e meg valamit Mohamed próféta a napnak? Nem is
tilthatott meg. Tehát fényképezni szabad.
Ajna asszony fényképező készletet is hozott magával Bécsből:
pillanatnyi fölvételre alkalmazottat.
Dániel bég dörgött-morgott, a mikor a legelső fényképét
megmutatták. Boszorkányság ez! Hisz ő nem ült senkinek. Észre sem
vette, a mikor lekapták, épen csibukozó poseban. Hanem aztán
kiengesztelődött, mikor a Vukoszava meg a Sefika képmásait is
megmutatta neki Ajna, aztán meg a kisebb-nagyobb porontyokét.
Némelyik épen abban az állapotban volt levéve, a mikor ordít s a két
kezével a megbünhödött testrészét tapogatja. Dániel bég engedte
magát kapaczitáltatni: a mit a nap készít, az nem lehet Allah
ellenére.
És így be lett fogadva a fényképészet. A trójai fa ló.
A hölgyek legujabb ruháikban, legszebb piperéikkel
fényképeztették le magukat, fátyol nélkül, a fényképező is nő volt: s
küldözték egymásnak ajándékba az arczképeiket.
Leó úr táviratozott a budapesti chefnek, hogy küldjön le egy
nőnemen levő photographot, több rendbeli retoucheurökkel
Szerajevóba. Igen jó vállalatnak igérkezik.
Meglett. Az európai czivilizáczió ujból egy étappe-ot foglalt.
Ez azonban ismét annyi, mint vért szagoltatni az oroszlánnal.
Mi haszna az európai divat, ha nincs nyilvános hely, a hol azt
mutogatni lehessen?
Leó úr nagy diplomata volt. Igazán konzulnak született. Egy
napon azt irta a budapesti chefjének:
«Szerezzen ön a számunkra valami vándor operette-társaságot:
kitünő vállalatnak kinálkozik.»
Semmi sem könnyebb. Az impreszárió meg lett találva. A többi
magától jön.
Az impreszárió megkapta az engedélyt a főpolgármestertől a
szinház építésére. Az olyan gyorsan föl lett állítva, mint egy
kártyavár. Csak játszó társaság kellett még bele.
Ámde görbe szemmel nézett erre Mohamed. Nem Mohamed a
próféta, hanem Mohamed Czikalovics, a Bend-basi kávéház
tulajdonosa. Mivelhogy az ő kertje is szini előadásokra van
berendezve, s annálfogva nagy látogatottságnak örvend. A
szerajevói előkelő világ ott szokott mulatni éjfél után egy óráig: a
mikor ágyuszó jelenti, hogy a korcsmák bezáratnak. Ott is van
szinpad, s azon mindenféle tánczot produkálnak: csakhogy azok a
bajadérek nem leányok, hanem leányruhába öltözött fiúk. Ha már
most a Bend-basi-kerttel átellenben egy másik komédiás üti fel a
bódéját, a kinek a szinpadján igazi leányok tánczolnak és dalolnak:
akkor a közönség mind otthagyja a Bend-basi kávéskertet s az új
komédiás bódéjába tódul, melynek még páholyai is lesznek, a
mikben török asszonyságok is megjelenhetnek. Erkölcsiség
szempontjából is veszedelmes lesz ez új vállalat: mert abban
németül fognak dalolni. Ha elgondolja az ember, hogy a Bend-basi
énekesei, a kik bosnyák nyelven dalolnak, a melyet mindenki
megért, mindamellett is mennyi szemtelenséget összegajdolnak: hát
még azok a németek, a kiket senki sem ért, ebbeli biztokban
micsoda fertelmes dolgokat fognak kalatyolni? Még ennél is nagyobb
dolog a nemzetiségi veszedelem. A bosnyák asszonyok kiváncsiak. A
német nótáknak a dallama fülökbe mászik: akkor meg fogják tanulni
a szövegét is és így rövid idő alatt egész Szerajevó germanizálva lesz
s maga után fogja rántani egész Bosnyákországot.
Nem lehetett kifogásolni az ellenvetések alaposságát.
Aztán a mohamedán népességnek érzületét is figyelembe kellett
venni. A kávésnak sikerült egy tekintélyes csőcseléket megnyerni az
igaz ügy számára: lehetett tartani a zendüléstől. A polgármester
féltette a bezesztán lámpásait. Gondolkozott rajta, hogy betiltsa a
gyaur szini előadásokat.
Ekkor nem várt oldalról jött segítség Thalia számára.
Muszkaországból!
Ugyan ki hitte volna, hogy a német szinigazgatót az orosz czár
rántja ki a bajából?
Pedig valóban úgy történt.
Az orthodox keresztyének, mindjárt a párisi kongresszus után
nagyszerü kathedrálét építettek Szerajevóban. Volt pénzük hozzá. A
mohamedánok zúgolódva nézték, hogy a keresztes torony
túlemelkedik a legmagasabb török minarén is: az aranyos kupoláju
czarevna dzsámián; de csak türtőztették a haragjukat, mert muszáj
volt. Azért az ő muezzinjeik mégis csak szépen énekelték meg a nap
időszakait, míg a gyauroknak csak egy fatáblát volt szabad ütni két
kalapácscsal, mikor egymást a templomba hivogatták.
Ekkor az orosz czár kebléből túlömlött a nagylelküség s az idegen
alattvalók boldogítása iránti hajlam: kapta magát, három nagy
harangot ajándékozott a szerajevói rácz templomnak. Azokat a hivek
fel is huzatták nagy ünnepélyességgel a maguk tornyába. De már ezt
nem türhette el a mohamedán lakósság. Hogy abból a magas
toronyból még a bimbám-zúgás is háborgassa az ő «Lá illah, il
Allah!» kiáltásukat. Nagy lett a zendülés. Az utczák megteltek
bucsujáró néppel: a főmufti, az imámokkal és a hodzsák seregével,
teljes ornátusban vonult fel a főpolgármesteri palota elé. A
kaszárnyákban a katonaság consignáltatott.
– No már most mit csináljak? mondá a polgármester. A főmufti
azt mondja, hogy a nép fellázadt, mert nem akarja engedni, hogy a
kathedrále tornyában meghuzzák a harangokat; a Mohamed
Czikalovics meg azt állítja, hogy a nép azért lázadt fel, mert nem
akarja megengedni, hogy az uj komédiaházban meghuzzák a
hegedüket. Vagy az egyik igaz, vagy a másik. Ha megtiltom a
harangozást, akkor meg kell engednem a hegedülést; ha megtiltom
a hegedülést, akkor meg kell engednem a harangozást. Végezzétek
el a dolgot elébb egymás között: úgy jőjjetek vissza.
Az lett belőle, hogy «sok lúd disznót győz.» Az imámok s a
hodzsák lekiabálták a kávést s a főpolgármester betiltotta a
harangozást és megengedte a hegedülést.
Így segítette ki egyik európai nagyhatalom a másik nagyhatalmat
a hinárból. (Mert hogy az «operette» nagyhatalom, azt úgy hiszem,
senki sem vonja kétségbe.)
 S így lett a harmadik étappeja a czivilizácziónak meghódítva az új
hazában.

VIII.
A NAGY CATASTROPHA.

Szinházat tehát már kapott a bosnyák főváros. Azt ugyan eleinte

csak a beköltözött idegenek látogatták: hivatalnokok, katonatisztek,
kereskedők. Aztán rákaptak a keresztyén uraságok, később a
hölgyeket is el merték vinni. Látták, hogy semmi botrányos
látványokat nem mutogatnak ezen a színpadon. Igaz, hogy
valóságos nők játszanak; de azok sokkal illedelmesebben mozognak,
mint a török szinpadok nőruhás sihederei. Mikor végre megtörtént az
a nagy eset, hogy egy estén maga a hirneves Kassári Alibegovich
Dániel bég is megjelent egy páholyban, még pedig mind a három
hitvesével (igaz, hogy mélyen le volt fátyolozva mind a három),
akkor egyszerre bon tonná vált a szinházba járás az effendikre nézve
is. Az operettek dallamai hódítottak. S a ki azokat utána dalolta: a
szöveget is szerette volna érteni.
Vukoszava és Sefika asszonyságok egyszer csak azt vették észre,
hogy németül beszélnek. Influenza van abban! Cseléd, gyerek,
asszony mind beszélte a «wasz ist den das»-t. Ha ez soká így tartott
volna: meggermanizálták volna egész Boszniát.
Jó szerencse, hogy van gondoskodva róla, hogy a fák ne nőjenek
az égbe.
Achmed effendi nagy kópé volt: nem hiába járt a külföldi
egyetemek körül.
Ő buzdította az asszonyságokat, a két mamája közvetítésével, a
folyvást harapózó ujításokra.
 Eleinte az lett behozva, hogy az izlamita hölgyek is használhatnak
szinházi látcsöveket az előadások alkalmával. Ezzel pedig, jól tudjuk,
hogy milyen közelségbe hozhatók az idegen férfialakok. Ajna
asszony megkezdte; a többi utána csinálta. A férjek mit tehettek?
Azt mondták rá: «Allah akarta így».
Azután meg a feredzsét levetették a páholyban; csak a fátyolt
tartották meg az arczukon s fenhangu fecsegéssel vonták magukra a
figyelmet. Fagylaltot ettek és sorbethet ittak felvonásközben. A férjek
fizettek és felsóhajtottak: «Allah akarta így».
S ha ő akarta, akkor nagyon jóakarója volt Leó úrnak, mert a
toilettek közszemlére hozatala által nőtt a kereslet a divatczikkek
után: s Leó úr konfekcziós boltja pompás üzleteket csinált.
S ha Leó úr maradt volna az üzletcsinálásnál, a hogy a hajdani
chefje tanácsolá: igen jó utat követett volna; de ő rátévedt a
regénycsinálás utjára, a mit a chefje határozottan elitélt.
Pedig már annyira volt a dolog, hogy egy álarczos bál
megtartására is meg volt adva az engedély, a mihez a szinház
nézőtere alakíttatott által. Ez épen aratásszámba ment lészen.
Ekkor azonban a két ugrifüles azt a ravaszságot gondolta ki, hogy
még egy társadalmi ujítást hozzanak be a mohamedán szokások
ellenére. Azt, hogy férfiak tehessenek látogatást hölgyeknél.
Hát hiszen ebben, a mi keresztyén fogalmaink szerint, semmi
erkölcstelenség sincsen. E nélkül mi egy szindarabot sem tudnánk
irni. Mért ne szokhatnának hozzá a törökök is?
Találtak rá alkalmat, hogy ezt a tervüket közöljék Dániel bég
asszonyságaival. Azoknál ez nagy tetszésre talált.
Kinálkozott a jó alkalom e terv végrehajtására. A boszniai
miniszter körutazása volt közhirré téve az országban. A népszerü
minisztert elfogadni, városról-városra kisérni volt a bosnyák
notabilitások feladata. Ezek közül ki nem maradhatott Kassári
Alibegovich bég.
 A míg e magas körutazás tart, addig Dániel bég nem mehet haza
a Jála-parti kastélyba. Azalatt megtörténhetik a látogatás.
Ajna asszony háreme lesz az elfogadás szinhelye: ő adja a
theaestélyt. Ő nála lesz Vukoszava és Sefika asszonyság. Három
asszony és két férfi. No ez nem veszedelmes dolog.
A megállapított nap estéjén a gyermekeket korán lefektették; a
kutyákat becsukták a fáskamrába; a hodsáknak ópiumot tettek a
méhserébe; a kapustól elcsenték a kertajtó kulcsait: a két lovag előtt
nyitva volt az ut.
Hogy erre a cselszövényre Vukoszava és Sefika asszony olyan
könnyen rá állt, annak valami erősebb oka is lehetett, mint az
asszonyi kiváncsiság. Bizonyosan irigykedtek Ajna asszonyra s azt
akarták megejteni. Ez a fiatal gyaur, a ki Budapestről került ide,
bizonyosan szerelmes Ajnába, s ha megérthetik egymást: akkor
ennek megszöktetés lesz a vége. Akkor aztán megint a két
«hajdani» lesz a kegyben. Titkos kárörömmel segítették előmozdítani
a veszedelmes vállalatot.
A két ifju hős pontosan megjelent a határozott órában s be lett
vezetve a háremépületbe Ajna asszony bizalmas szolgálója által, kit
Bécsből hozott magával. Ez volt segédkezője bűvészeti
mutatványainál.
Ez alkalommal is volt valami szemfényvesztés. Ajna
ködfátyolképeket mutatott.
A teremben gazdagon rakott asztal volt terítve a dagadó
kerevetek szomszédságában, melyeken a két lovag kényelembe
helyezé magát, egyelőre illatos mokkával, zamatos nargilével
édelegve, s Vukoszava és Sefika asszonyságoknak legujabb bécsi
anekdotákat mesélgetve, a melyekből azok annyit megértettek, a
mennyit nem kellett volna megérteni s azt mondták rá: «Tasz iszt
szehr kút!»
 Maga a hárem gyöngye háziasszonyi kötelességével volt
elfoglalva. Ő rendezte a ködfátyolképek tüneményes játékát.
A terem mélyében volt egy emelvény, a melyet egy sima fekete
függöny takart el.
A teremben minden lámpást letakartak, egészen sötét lett.
Valami magától zenélő gép elkezedett tündéri dallamokat
hangicsálni. Akkor aztán egyszerre egy nagy fénykarika támadt a
kárpit közepén s abban megjelent életnagyságban egy-egy sokat
emlegetett világhirü alak. Egymás után jöttek: Bismarck herczeg,
Patti Adelina, Ozman Gházi, a plevnai hős, Hadzsi Lója.
– Mit nekünk ezek a hires uraságok, asszonyságok, a kiket mi
nem ismerünk? kiáltott fel Vukoszava. Lássunk valami ismerőst.
Lássuk Achmed effendit!
S pár percz mulva ott termett a fénykörben Achmed, veres fezzel
a fején, csibukkal a szájában.
– Nagyon jó! Tökéletes! sikongatott a két asszonyság. Lássuk hát
Leó urat!
– Abban a pillanatban eltünt a fénykörből Achmed s ott ált a
helyén Leó úr, félrecsapott figaróval a fején, két keze a dzsekje
oldalzsebébe dugva.
– Szakasztott olyan! Tökéletes Leó úr; volt a hálás közönség
véleménye.
– De lássuk hát Vukoszavát! – Lássuk Sefika asszonyságot!
S azonnal elég lett téve a kivánságuknak.
Egymás után megjelent a két hölgy, pompás európai
öltözeteikben.
– Együtt lássuk mind a kettőt! követelték az ifjú leventék.
 Ahhoz már egy kis idő kellett, a míg összejött. De az is meg lett.
A fénykörbe odapattant mind a két hölgy, abban a poziturában, a
mely őket egymással pörölve mutatja be; az egyik két csipőre tett
kézzel, a másik karmolásra görbített ujjakkal.
Lett erre nagy sikongatás a hölgyek részéről; taps és kaczaj az
ifjakéról.
Ez «moment-felvétel» volt!
– Már most lássuk az Ajnát! praetendálta mind a két asszony
revancheból.
«Minő jelmezben?» hangzott a függöny mögötti titkos tündérszó.
– A «mouche d’or» jelmezében! kiálta Leó úr, felhörpintve a tele
pohár mandarint.
Erre a panharmónium rákezdte a bűbájos Koldusdiák-keringőt, s
az andalító zene mellett odalebbent a fénykör közepébe az a csábító
tünemény, melyet Leó úr látott maga előtt élő mivoltában ama
végzetes ruhafelpróbálás alkalmával; de most már fátyolozatlan
arczczal.
– Isteni! Fölséges! rebegték az ifjú úrak elragadtatással.
A két asszonyság azonban azt mondá:
– No már ebből elég volt. Sok a mi sok!
Az aranydongó tovarepült.
«Kit lássunk még? Kit idézzünk ide?» kérdezgeté a néző
közönség.
– Ejh! Lássuk Dániel babát! kiáltá vakmerően Leó úr, a kinek már
akkor a fejébe ment az erős khinai pálinka.
– Igen! Lássuk Dániel babát! ismétlé kaczagva az egész vidám
társaság: s arra egyszerre ott termett előttük Dániel bég; de nem a
fénykör közepén ködképben, hanem a függönyt félrehárítva, saját
élő alakjában; s azzal egyszerre világos lett az egész terem.
Dániel bég ősi diszruhájában állt ott; övébe dugva a handzsárja
és ezüstfogantyus pisztolyai.
Asszony, férfi, mind kővé meredt e rémalak láttára.
A bég pedig legkisebb haragot, felindulást sem mutatott az
arczán. A kezét sem tette a fegyverei markolatára. Szép csendesen
odajött a lakomaasztalhoz.
– Szelim alejkum, uraim! mondá az agyonrémült ifjaknak. Úgy
látom, hogy még jókor jöttem. Tessék folytatni a lakomát. Itt most
minden a tietek. Igazhitü muzulmán nem eszik olyan ételből, melybe
egy gyaur belekóstolt s nem iszik többet abból a pohárból, a miből
az egyszer ivott. Azt mind elvihetitek magatokkal, a mikor innen
elmentek.
(Elmenni? Hiszen az volna jó! De egydarabban! Leó úrnak eszébe
jutott az a scéna, mikor Dániel bég nyaklevágással biztatta arra az
esetre, ha leplezetlenül találta meglátni a neje arczát. És most pláne
mind a háromét!)
A bég szeliden folytatá:
– Hát ti fiacskáim azt tettétek, hogy leveleket irtatok az én
feleségeimhez, arra szólítva fel őket, hogy nyissák meg előttetek a
háremajtót, olyan időben, a mikor engem a hivatalos kötelességem
távol tart. A három asszony közül «egy» elküldte utánam a hozzá irt
leveleteket.
Vukoszava és Sefika dühös tekintetet vetettek egymásra.
Melyikök volt az áruló?
– Most ime a saját szemeim győznek meg a valóságról. Hát ugy-e
bár, édes fiaim, ha egy keresztyén főúr, úgy véletlenül hazatérve, ott
találna a felesége boudoirjában vigan lakomázó fiatal effendiket, hát
véres bosszúval szerezne rögtön elégtételt megsértett férji
becsületének? Jó szerencse, hogy én muzulmán vagyok. Mi nem
gyilkolunk ilyen esetben; hanem egyszerüen elbocsátjuk a tetten
kapott asszonyt. Én kiadom a válólevelet a hűtelen asszonynak s
megengedem neki, hogy minden czókmókjával és egész
pereputyjával együtt a saját szekereimre rakodva, elköltözhessék, a
hová neki tetszik; még a szekereket is magának tarthatja, ökröstől,
lovastól.
(Hisz ez igen derék, emberséges muzulmán!)
– Nem csak az, hogy elbocsátom, sőt az élelmezésére évi dijat is
ajándékozok neki, holtáig fizetendő hatezer piaszterben.
(Mintául szolgálandó példánya a muzulmán férjeknek.)
Most aztán szigorubb hangon kezdett el beszélni Dániel bég.
– A tetten kapott csábítókat azonban kényszeríteni fogom, hogy
az elcsábított asszonyokat, a kiket én magamtól elbocsátok, azonnal,
ebben az órában feleségül vegyék.
A két fiatal ember egymás szeme közé nézett. Leó úr igen
kellemesen volt megijedve, Achmed effendi ellenben igen
kellemetlenül volt megörvendeztetve. Leó úr azt vette bizonyosra,
hogy a kit ő elcsábított, az a bájos Ajna; ellenben Achmed effendi
sehogy sem volt tisztában az iránt, hogy a két hajdani közül melyik
az ő választottja? mert neki egyik sem nyugtalanította a szivét.
A helyzet nagyon kritikus volt.
Ez a kimagyarázhatatlan quakkeri nyugodtság Dániel bég egész
magaviseletében fölöttébb gyanus volt. Az atyáskodó biztatás mellé
az a két pisztoly, meg a handzsár az övében! Ennek a háta mögött
van valami!
Az ifjak háta mögött is volt valami: egy rejtek-ajtó, a mi arra
szolgált, hogy a camera obscurát betolják rajta, a mely a
ködfátyolképeket a vászonfalra vetette.
 Azt a csodagépet most visszahúzták, s azzal a fénykör, mely a
kárpiton világított, egyszerre eltünt, s arra teljes sötétség támadt a
szobában.
Leó úr, Achmed effendivel egyben, arra használta fel a kedvező
sötétséget, hogy hirtelen a rejtek-ajtóhoz osonjon: a mint azonban
azt felnyitá az egyik, onnan nagy világosság tört elő; a mellékszoba
tele volt emberekkel, a kik mind ide igyekeztek. Először jött egy
szolga két karos gyertyatartóval a két kezében; azután egy másik
szolga egy nagy ezüst medenczével és kancsóval, törülköző is volt
hozzá. (Kit mosdatnak itt meg?) Azután egy harmadik szolga egy
porczellántállal: abban viz volt és szivacs. (Itt csakugyan univerzális
mosdatás lesz!) Majd meg egy negyedik szolga, a ki nyalábbal hozott
kis asztalt, nagy könyvet. Ezek mind sorba álltak egymás mellé.
De még ezzel nem volt vége a Macbethi szellemfelvonulásnak.
Következett a szolgák után egy pópa, kruczifixussal a kezében,
azután meg egy török pap, nagy bolond turbánnal a fején. A pópa
meg az imám eleinte véghetetlen nagy nyájassággal kinálgatá
egymásnak az előre belépést, míg utóljára a török pap dühbe jött, s
olyat ütött ököllel a kollegája hátára, hogy az egyszerre benn találta
magát a szobában, eláldva a jelenlevőket a kirie eleizonnal, mire
aztán az imám is eldörmögte a Mohamed razul Allaht.
Dániel bég pedig ez alatt ott állt és a pisztolya agyával
játszadozott.
– No látjátok, fiacskáim. Mindenről gondoskodtam szépen.
Kettőtök közül az egyik keresztyén. Te vagy az, te frakkos. Hogy egy
muzulmán nőt feleségül vehess: arra kétféle mód van. Vagy
keresztyén ritus szerint, vagy mohamedi szertartás szerint. Az első
esetben a nő fog megkereszteltetni: a másodikban a vőlegény lesz
muzulmánná. Az elsőnél a czeremonia könnyebb, azonban a
házasság nehezebben felbontható; a másodiknál a házasság
könnyen felbontható, ellenben a megelőző czeremónia körülményes.
Elhoztam a szent atyát is a kolostorból, aztán meg az imámot is.
Bizonyára mind a ketten jól értik a mesterségüket. Egészen a saját
bölcs belátásodra bizom, fiacskám, hogy melyiket válaszd a kettő
közül? Ne mondd, hogy én erőszakoskodtam fölötted. Fontold meg
jól a dolgot.
Leó úrnak bizony nem kellett semmi hosszas magábaszállás az
elhatározásra.
– Maradjunk a keresztyén szertartásnál.
 – Jól van fiacskám. Dicsérem benned, hogy hű maradsz atyáid
hitéhez. Ugy is illik. Férfinak meg kell tartani a hitét, mert a szerint
idvezül a más világon. Ellenben az asszonyféle cserélheti-berélheti a
vallását; annak az se nem árt, se nem használ.
– De igenis használ! kiáltott bele a pogány beszédbe a pópa; a
derék lelkipásztor nem hagyhatta azt ellenmondás nélkül.
– Használ-e? kérdé félbámulattal Dániel bég. Hát ti nálatok az
asszonyok is bemennek a paradicsomba?
– Be hát!
– S mit csinálnak ottan örök időkig?
– Énekelnek.
– Tánczolnak is?
– Azt már nem teszik.
– Hát akkor csak hadd menjenek be. No hát terítsd fel az
asztalodat, a hogy szokás: itt a medencze, ott a kancsó, kezedben a
kapcsos könyved, olvasd fel, a mi erre az alkalomra való. Hanem
megállj! Előbb jön a muzulmán házasságkötés. Mohamed az első. No
hát Achmed fiacskám. Huzd le szépen a czipődet s fogd kézen a
Vukoszavát és járulj az imám elé.
Achmed effendi tiltakozott ez összeköttetés ellen kézzel-lábbal.
– Az lehetetlen! Hisz a Vukoszava az anyámnak a nénje; a
Jelacsáé.
– Hát a nénje az anyádnak? Nekem mindig azt mondta, hogy a
huga. Melyik igaz?
– Ikrek vagyunk! kiáltá közbe Vukoszava, ki e mellett baziliskus
szemeket vetett Sefikára. Azt hitte, hogy ez volt az áruló.
 – Hát nekem így is jó, mondá Dániel bég. Akkor cseréltek a
barátoddal. Te veszed el a Sefikát, a gyaur meg a Vukoszavát.
– Sefikát? – Vukoszavát? hebegé egyszerre a két ifjú elképedve.
– Hát bizony a Sefikát, meg a Vukoszavát. Mivelhogy a harmadik,
az Ajna, az volt az egyedül hűséges asszony, a ki a hozzá küldött
levelet azonnal kezemhez juttatá. Ezt magamnak tartom.
Most azután nem volt már egymástól mit irigyelniök az ifjaknak.
Sőt az iránt is tisztában lehettek, miért hogy a hatalmas török
főúr, a ki a háremében két ifjú leventét talál éjnek idején, ezekhez
olyan átkozottul nyájas, s még a hajuk szálát sem görbíti meg?
Nem csakhogy nem ontja vérüket, sőt mindegyiknek ád egy kész
feleséget, s egy pénztárczát, tele bankóval: összeadja őket a hites
társaikkal, rájuk adja az áldását s megigéri igaz hitére, hogy azt a
tárczát minden évben ujra meg fogja tölteni; s azzal engedi őket
békén menni a a maguk utjára.
Maga pedig otthon marad a harmadikkal: a tündérszép Ajnával.
Ha az ember jól megfontolja, nem is olyan nagyon együgyü
ember ez a Dániel bég!
Rövid időn az osztrák-magyar monarchia minden nyelven irott
lapjaiban megtette a körutat az az érdekes hir Boszniából: miszerint
egy fiatal budapesti kereskedő, ki csak nem rég nyitott üzletet
Szerajevóban, a fővárosi calicobálokból dicséretesen ismeretes X.
Leó, személyes előnyei által meghóditá a sheik-ul-Izlám leányának a
szivét, ki a kedvéért kitért a keresztyén hitre s hozományul hatezer
forintnyi évi jövedelmet hajtó fekvő birtokot hozott a férjéhez.
Csábító példa vállalkozó szellemü fiatalainknak!
S Leó úrnak meg volt az a gyönyörüsége, hogy Európa minden
országából kapta egyre-másra üzletbarátaitól a gratuláló leveleket, s
ha egyebet nem, valamennyi üzleti tudósitás végén találta a p. f.-et
(pour féliciter).
 A TALMI ASSZONY.

– Százötvenezer rubel évi jövedelem. Kilátás egy öröklendő

nagybátya millióira, a ki az urali aranymosókat bérli. Egy palota a
Newski-prospekten. Egy bérház a gosztinnoi dwor közelében, a
miben csupa aranyművesek laknak. Pompás nyaraló a Néwa-
szigeten. Negyvenezer desjatin búzatermő föld a Volga mellett.
Kétezer jobbágy. Mit mondtam? Százötvenezer? Ha férfi venné
kezébe a dolgot: kétszázötvenezer rubelre mehetne az évi
jövedelem. Magam átvenném annyiban carte blanche.
– A bizony szép pénz.
– Aztán minő összeköttetések! Micsoda rokonság! Egy nagybátyja
az összes transuráli vasutak vezérigazgatója. Az anyjának a bátyja a
volhyniai hadsereg főszállítója. A nagynénje udvarhölgy a czárné
oldalánál, s a czarewnák énektanítónője.
A bizony elég szép társaság.
– Aztán micsoda szemek! Kékek, mint egy jégbarlang, a mely
belülről magnéziummal van kivilágítva, s fölöttük sürű fekete
szemöldök, mint egy dauriai őserdő. Arcza olyan ragyogó, mint az
északfény; ijesztőn szép. Hogy az ajkairól ne is beszéljünk: mert
azoknak egy csókjáért még egy szibériai deportáltatás sem volna
elég nagy ár. Hogy a fogai igaziak, azt az angol fogorvostól tudom, a
ki egyszer egy fogát plombálta. De annak is nagyon kis hibája volt. A
többi igazi. S hogy az a hosszu tömött haja, a mi a fejét, mint egy
tündérnői tiara veszi körül, egészen jogos sajátja: arra tárgyilagos
bizonyítványom van. A fodrásznéját megvesztegettem, hogy húzza ki
a számomra egy szál haját. Becsületemre: rajta van a hajtöv.
 – Hát a bizony elég szép hölgy.
– No de még csak az arczáról beszéltem. A termetéről nem is
beszélek. Arról szóljon a fényképe. Akarja ön látni, a mint a douche
alatt áll?
– A douche alatt?
– No igen: a zuhany alatt a gőzfürdőben.
– De hát hogy jöhet létre egy ilyen fénykép?
– Óh be ártatlan ember ön! Látszik, hogy most jön a
provincziáról. Hát hiszen tudnivaló, hogy van nekünk itt egy pompás
gőzfürdőnk, kizárólag az elegáns világ számára. Odajár az
arisztokráczia és a művészi celebritások. Hát a női bassinban van
egy nagy fali óra à la regence: antik remekmű. Ennek a közepén van
egy nagy lyuk, a melyben a percz-inga ketyeg erre-arra. Ennek az
órának a háta mögött van egy camera obscura egy fotografgéppel.
Az óra épen vis-à-vis áll a zuhannyal. A kellő pillanatban, a mikor egy
védtelen szépség megjelenik a modell-állványon: az óraketyegő
hirtelen fennakad; s azzal «egy, kettő, három», a moment-felvétel
készen van. Másnap kapható a levonat belőle. Igaz, hogy drága.
Száz rubelért vesztegetnek egy lapot, de azért rohamos kelete van.
– Ez ördögi praktika, hallja az ur!
– Legalább az ember nem vesz zsákban macskát. Akarja ön látni?
– Nem akarom látni. Félek, hogy elveszteném az eszemet.
– Hát ha az ember elveszti az eszét, s nyer a mellett egy
kétszázezer rubeles feleséget: a bilance mégis az ő javára billen.
Még egyet mondok. Ez a hölgy igen jó szemmel néz önre.
– Azt már tapasztaltam.
– A mióta önnel az udvari bálban tánczolt, más férfiról hallani
sem akar. Ha ön megjelen előtte, elmondhatja, a mit Diebitsch
Zabalkanszky tábornagy mondott: «veni, vidi, vici».
 – Azt ugyan Julius Caesar mondta.
– Először! De azért ön is elmondhatja, s az sem lesz utólszor. No
hát min gondolkozik még?
– Azon gondolkozom, hogy ennek az ön tervének egy igen
lényeges akadálya is lehet.
– Mi lehetne az a lényeges akadály?
– Az, hogy nekem van már feleségem.
– Teringettét! Erről ön engem nem értesített.
– Mást sem. Rangomon alól házasodtam. Szerelemből. Egy
pskowi kalmárnak a leányát vettem feleségül.
– Ez már öreg hiba. Mikor történt ez a szerencsétlenség?
– Már két éve.
– Két éve! Hisz az tenger idő! Akkor bizonyosan van már valami
ok, a miért a válópert meg lehet indítani.
– Nincs semmi. A feleségem valóságos bibliai szent.
– De ön nem az. S fogadni mernék, hogy ha ön lett volna
Ábrahám, nem Hágárt kergette volna ki a pusztába; hanem Sárát.
Ezen aztán nevettek mind a ketten.
Az egyik volt Alexievics Prokop, pskowi bojár, a hajdani streliczek
ivadéka: megrongált vagyoni állapotban levő földes úr; a másik
pedig volt az ügyvivője Szamielics Zidor, a legravaszabb
igazságfelhigító az orosz fővárosban.
– Sebaj. Láttam én már a kidőlt olajat kanál nélkül felszedni a
földről.
– Meg hagyták fagyni?
 – Igen is, meg hagyták előbb fagyni. Lássuk, hogyan lehetne az
ön kidőlt olaját megfagyasztani. Akarja ön azt a fényképet látni?
– Akarom.
Zidor megmutatta, Prokop megnézte.
– No hát már most ahoz tartsa ön magát, a mit én fogok
utasításba adni.
*
Alexievics Prokopnak a zsebében volt a meghivó a fényes thée
dansantra, melyett Jelenowna Anna rendezett pompás palotájában,
mely hires volt a téli kertjéről.
A meghivóra ezt a választ küldte vissza:
«Madame. Én önt a legmélyebb hódolattal imádom. De a
becsület előttem a minden uraknak ura. Nekem nőm van, a ki derék
asszony és engemet szeret. Becsületem azt parancsolja, hogy
kerüljem azt a bűvkört, mely magával ragad; bárha a szivem utána
szakad is. Stb.»
Erre a levélre a következő viszonzás érkezett:
«Monsieur. Eddig is magas véleményem volt az ön jelleme felől;
ezentúl még nagyobbra becsülöm önt. Sajnálnám barátságát
elveszíteni. Ismertesse ön meg velem a nejét; én hű barátnéja fogok
neki lenni, s boldog leszek, ha legalább azt szerethetem, a ki önt
szereti.»
A mire aztán Prokop ezt a befejező izenetet küldé a delnőnek:
«Madame. Önnek lelki nemessége lesujt. Kivánságát parancsnak
veszem. De méltán aggódom a fölött, hogy egy olyan egyszerű,
világban járatlan teremtés, mint az én Katinkám, nem fog-e úgy járni
az önnel való találkozásnál, mint a hogy az üveg jár a gyémánttal,
hogy darabokra törik? Elhozom őt kegyedhez. Az ön nemes szive ki
fogja menteni az ő hibáit; s nekem boldogságul fog szolgálni az a
tudat, hogy az ön szeretetét legalább translatio útján birhatom.
Stb.»
Mind a két levelet Szamielics Zidor diktálta Alexievics Prokopnak a
tollába. Azért voltak olyan szépen kiczirkalmazva. Magától bizony
nem telt volna ez ki.
*
Alexievics Prokop három nap mulva, épen a tánczestély előtti
délután bemutatta a feleségét Jelenowna Anna úrhölgynek.
Darinkowna Katinka szőke hajú szépség volt, gömbölyü piros
arczczal, melyen szerelemgödröcskék támadnak, fitos orral, s hosszú
szempillák alá rejtőző dióbarna szemekkel, finom állacskája kétfelé
volt osztva, még az is segitett az arcznak mosolyogni. Örök
mosolygás volt az; kivált ha fecsegni kezdett. S arra nem kellett neki
nagy biztatás. Az első bemutatásnál elmondta Jelenowna Annának
az egész élettörténetét: ki volt az apja, anyja, a nevelő-anyja; hogy
ismerkedett meg Alexievics Prokoppal; mennyire szeretik egymást;
milyen fogadalmi gyertyákat ajándékozott már a csodatevő
védszentnek, hogy bárcsak már egy gyermekük lenne! De hát egy
rossz szemű asszony megbabonázta. Most aztán a kártyavetőnő azt
tanácsolta neki, hogy jőjjön fel Szentpétervárra, járjon el délelőtt a
Szent-András-templomba, délután a gőzfürdőbe, vegyen egy viasz-
babát a gosztinoi dworban, azt tegye a vánkosa alá s akkor a hőn
óhajtott esemény be fog következni.
Jelenowna Anna alig birta a nevetését visszafojtani, mig
Alexiovics Prokop egyre a bajuszát rágta, s alattomban egyet-egyet
taszitott a lábával a felesége lábán, hogy ne beszéljen már ilyen
ügyetlenségeket.
Miért ne? Egy másik nő és a saját férje előtt!
Bucsuvételkor azt sugá Anna Prokop fülébe: «Önnek a felesége
valóságos gyémánt; csak a köszörülés hiányzik nála.»
No ilyen gyémántköszörű van Szentpéterváron elég.
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