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UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES
INTERNATIONAL UNION OF PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES
(Session VII)
VOL. 5
Underwater Archaeology,
Coastal and Lakeside
Edited by
Alexandra Figueiredo
Flavio Calippo
Gilson Rambelli
BAR
PUBLISHING
Table of Contents
EVIDENCES AND HYPOTHESIS ABOUT THE ORIGIN AND USE OF NAUTICAL ARTIFACTS
BETWEEN THE PEOPLE OF THE SAMBAQUIS (BRAZIL) ...................................................... 13
Flávio Rizzi Calippo
COASTLINE AND LITHIC TECHNOLOGY DURING THE TARDIGLACIAL IN THE ALGARVE ......... 21
Carolina Mendonça; Leandro Infantini
i
List of Figures and Tables
ii
Figure 7 – Probable representation of a pirogue (classified as the Nordeste Tradition)
in a rock shelter in Seridó region, in Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil................................. 18
Figure 8 – Representation of dogout canoes found in the Pedra do Alexandre
archaeological site, in Carnauba dos Dantas, Rio Grande do Norte, Brazil
(c – representation of a canoe that carries seven people led by a chief who
sports long feather headdress; g: probable representation of a sail) ............................... 18
iii
Figure 2 – Process of desalination ........................................................................................ 50
Figure 3 – a and b – Blazon of Lion and Castile with Portuguese symbol indicating
the period of Iberian Union (1580-1640). We can easily observe two lions, one in
the inferior right side and another in superior side and two towers on opposite
corners of lions. They are crowned at the top. We can observe five
Portuguese chines ........................................................................................................... 50
Figure 4 – Stone in triangular shape with bas-relief in Latin where we can read
“PHILIPPVS MAXIMVS CATHOLICVS II HISPANIARVM INDIARVM ET
REX ANNO 158.2” It is an allusion to King Phillip II .................................................... 51
Figure 5 – Example of one of the spheres, possibly to compound an adornments
architectonic work. There is a pyramidal engaging hole that is long-drawn
until 1/3 of the piece ....................................................................................................... 51
Figure 6 – The X-Ray allowed identify a fragment of a small iron rod of
rectangular hollow section that possibly could be twisted by a rope,
visible by traces of empty spaces left on the concretions ............................................... 52
iv
Preface
This book presents a collection of peer-reviewed papers from the sixteenth UISPP / SAB,
session VII, titled Underwater Archaeology, Coastal and Lakeside, held in the Federal
University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), Campus Trindade, Florianópolis / SC – Brazil, in
September 2011.
The UISPP conference, founded on May 28, 1931, had for the first time a session
related to underwater archaeology, applied by Comission IV, and we had the pleasure
to coordinate it. In the session were presented several papers and related posters some
of which are now brought together in this book.
Our main objective for the session was to organize it such a manner that it
encouraged interaction between the different projects and between senior leading
scientists and young researchers.
Underwater Archaeology has made great strides in the study of pre and proto-historic
societies. Its importance is beginning to be reflected in the scientific community which is
looking for new forms and data about the human past.
We intended to:
– promote the study, preservation and discussion of wet or submerged archaeological
sites
– provide co-existence, dialogue and relationships between researchers, students
and personalities linked to various areas under discussion
– provide the ideal opportunity for exchanging ideas, experiences and new findings on the
application of underwater archeology to the study of the human past
Whereas this technical and methodological discipline is still young, we chose to open
the session to all historical periods. It was also worth considering the importance of the
relationship that archaeologists engaged in with the auxiliary sciences during the study of
wet or waterlogged archaeological sites. We divided the session into three different
themes: Archaeology Pre and Proto-Historic, Historical Archaeology and
Legislation, Methodologies and Applied Sciences. We had received about 15 paper
submissions. Of the papers and posters presented associated with the theme and sent to be
part of the proceedings, we have used eight, that follow in this book.
Finally, we would like to acknowledge and thank everyone who made the production of the
congress, session and this book possible.
The Editors
Alexandra Figueiredo
Gilson Rambelli
Flavio Calippo
v
ARCHAEOLOGY PRE AND
PROTO-HISTORIC
UNDERWATER PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPE:
PRELIMINARY RESULTS OF ARMAÇÃO DE PÊRA BAY
Delminda MOURA
CIMA (Centro de Investigação Marinha e Ambiental) – Universidade do Algarve
Abstract: During the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) wide portions of the continental shelves were emerged due to a wide marine
regression. Accordingly, the landscape and therefore prehistoric heritage and palaeoenvironmental indicators are currently
submerged and potentially preserved, being necessary investigations in order to study and restore this heritage. Aiming to contribute
for the understanding of underwater landscape, this work presents preliminary data on research in the submerged area of the
Armação de Pêra bay (Southern Portugal). However, due to difficulties of working in underwater areas, from the morphological
characterization to sampling for textural analysis, new approaches were needed to investigate this area. Characterization and
morphological analysis of the study area were performed in GIS environment using a Digital Elevation Model (DEM). Based on this
analysis, the submerged area of the Bay of Armação de Pêra shows morphology compatible with the development of a coastal lagoon
system during the Pleistocene, sheltered by a spitbar. As observed in preliminary petrographic and sedimentological analysis carried
out on sample taken from diving, the sands of the sedimentary body have suffered a rapid cementation by calcium carbonate that
gave them strength to erosion by waves and currents.
Keywords: GIS, Digital Elevation Model, Morphology, Coastline, Prehistory
Résumé: Pendant le Dernier Maximum Glaciaire (DMG) de grandes portions de plateau continental ont été émergé en raison de la
régression marine de grande amplitude. Ainsi, une grande partie du paysage et, par conséquent le patrimoine préhistorique et
paléoenvironnementales est actuellement submergé et potentiellement préservés, étant enquêtes nécessaires en vue d’étudier et de
récupérer ce patrimoine. Dans ce contexte, et de contribuer à la connaissance des paysages submergés, dans le objectiv de cet
article est de présenter et de discuter des données préliminaires des recherches effectuées dans la zone submergée de la baie de
Armação de Pêra (sud du Portugal). Toutefois, en raison de difficultés inhérentes à travailler dans les zones submergées, de la
caractérisation morphologique des échantillons pour analyse de texture, de nouvelles approches méthodologiques ont été
nécessaires pour caractériser la zone d’étude. Caractérisation et l’analyse morphologique de la zone d’étude a été réalisée dans un
environnement SIG en utilisant un Modèle Numérique d’Elévation (MNE) de la région. Sur la base de cette analyse, la zone
submergée de la baie de Armação de Pera présente une morphologie compatible avec le développement d’un système lagunaire au
cours du Pléistocène, à l’abri d'un banc de sable. Comme l’a observé dans les analyses préliminaires pétrographiques et
sédimentologiques, effectuée sur des échantillons prélevés à partir de la plongée, les sables de la barre a subi une rapide
cimentation de carbonate de calcium qui leur a donné la force de l’érosion par les vagues et les courants.
Mots-clés: SIG, Modèle Numérique d’Elévation, Morphologique, ligne de côte, Préhistorique
3
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY
Y, COASTAL AND
D LAKESIDE
Figure 1 – Location
L of stuudy area, usingg a Digital Ellevation Modeel (DEM) to suubmerged area and panchro omatic image
(band 8) froom Landsat7 satellite to continental areaa. Submerged area (DTM) was w classifiedd into ten grou
ups of depth.
Location of samples:
s A – Alcantarilha
A e
estuary; B – Espiche
E estuarry; C – Dune field;
f D – Cappe Carvoeiro;; 1 – Samples
AL-01 e AL L-02; 2 – Sammples PT-1F e PT-1S; 3 – Samples
S PT-2BB; 4 – Samplees PC-SP e PCC-SL; 5 – Samp
mples AP-01
A spitbar caan be definedd as a type of o barrier, forrmed wheere a beach off 6 km lengthh is interruptedd only by thee
along the doown-drift longgshore by thee accumulatioon of Alcaantarilha andd Espiche eestuaries. Th he beach iss
sediments annd mainly shhaped by waaves and currrents land
dward limited by a dune ffield that reacches 200-3000
(Davis Jr. & Fitzgerald, 20004; Bird, 20008). The genessis of meteers wide thaat overlies a paleodune system. Thiss
a spitbar occurs when flux energyy and conseqquent paleodune field together w with the occcurrence off
transport effficacy decreaases due to factors suchh as beacchrock, point to the mean ssea level stabiilization circaa
morphology or changess in the cooastline direcction, 50000 years (Mourra et al., 2007; Teixeira, 199
99).
allowing thee deposition of o sediment. Some spitbar are
curved due too deposition of
o sediment att the end of thhe bar A NW-SE
N calcareenite ridge 1 km wide occu urs between -
adjacently too a river mouuth, and may indicate eitheer the 14 and
a -25 m deeep at the Arm mação de Pêraa Bay. Its agee
position of the coastlinne and the evolution off the not yet well constrained may be addressed d to the Latee
sandbank itsself (Ciavola, 1997; Daviss Jr. & Fitzgeerald, Pleisstocene (Teixeeira 1999; Teiixeira & Pinto
o, 2002).
2004; Jewelll, 2007; Lindhhorst et al., 20008).These baarrier
systems cann protect thee bays, coastal lagoons and The Algarve coast has a m mesotidal regime, rangingg
marshes, thaat are habitatts of great im mportance forr the betw
ween 1.3 annd 3.5 m att neap and spring tidess
breeding of marine orgaanisms and a major sourcce of respectively. The waves approach the shoree mainly from m
nutrients (DDavis & Fitzzgerald, Jr., 2004). Thus,, the WSW W (72% of occurrences) bbeing the sign nificant heightt
identificationn of these palleoenvironmennts, in additioon of less than 1 m rarely
r exceedding 3 m (2% % of annuall
providing ann indicator off the evolutionn of the coastline, occuurrence) durinng storms (Cossta et al., 2001
1).
currents andd wave direction, may contribute
c too the
understandinng of the explooitation of aquuatic resourcees for
the diet of prrehistoric hum
man communitties. 3. MATERIALS
M AND METH
HODS
4
L. INFANTINI ET AL.: UNDERWATER PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPE: PRELIMINARY RESULTS OF ARMAÇÃO DE PÊRA BAY
Geographic Information System (GIS) for the areas was represented through a hydrologic model of
characterization, morphological analysis and for the flow based on the DEM, integrating altimetry and
planning a sampling campaigns. bathymetry.
The study area was identified and selected due to the Several dives took place for the collection of samples in
potential preservation of the paleocoastline by a the area aiming lithologycal identification and
Geographic Information System (GIS), using a Digital characterization. In these dives, in addition to surface
Elevation Model (DEM) and among others geo- samples, some samples were collected using an
referenced information (Infantini, 2012). underwater drilling system. This system is autonomous,
since it uses the air pressure from a secondary air cylinder
GIS can be defined as the geo-processing and and was developed to take samples with less biogenic
computational tools that allow complex analysis, by activity than surface samples. The principle is the same of
integration of multiple data sources and the creation of SCUBA diving system, using a pressure regulator (first
geo-referenced databases (Câmara et al., 2001). In this stage) for reducing the air pressure from cylinder to an
context, the GIS use data from multiple sources, such as intermediate pressure to the use in a drilling system. In
DEM developed by Luis (2010) using altimetric and this sampling system we used a pneumatic drill and a
bathymetric data with 50 meters of spatial resolution, core drill with 30 mm of diameter.
DEM data from Shuttle Radar Topography Mission
(Jarvis et al., 2008) with 90 meters of spatial resolution, Sampling locations were selected previously from GIS
and Landsat7 satellite imagery with 30 meters of spatial and bathymetric DEM. A total of eight samples were
resolution. This work used several free access selected for textural analysis and radiocarbon dating
computational tools (Open Source), as the GNU/Linux (Tables 1 and 2).
Ubuntu 11.04 operating system and the softwares
Quantum GIS 1.7.3 (Quantum GIS Development Team, 3.3 Textural Analysis
2011), SPRING 5.1.8 (Câmara et al., 1996), and Mirone
2.1.1 (Luis, 2007). The seven samples (Table 1) were treated with H2O2 (110
v.) to cleaning marine organisms. Subsequently, they
Based on GIS, several operations were carried out from were immersed in a solution of HCl (20%) to determine
the Digital Elevation Model (DEM), including the the total of calcium carbonate (by difference in weight
calculation of slopes, builduing of the drainage network before and after dissolution by acid). The resulting
system and planning a location of underwater samplings. detrital fractions were sieved mechanically by a set of
The slopes were reclassified into four classes (0 to 2%, sieves of mesh range ½ Φ. The statistical analysis was
2 to 4%, 4 to 6% and more than 6%) in order to identify performed by Gradistat (Blott, 2010). Another sample
the main groups of breaks of slope and coastal platforms. (Table 2) was dated by University of Waikato
The drainage network of emerged and submerged radiocarbon lab, New Zealand.
Table 1 – Depth of samples, percentage of carbonates and statistical analysis (Folk e Ward method) using Gradistat
(Blott, 2010)
Depth CaCO3
Samples Mean Φ unit Sorting σ Skewness Sk Kurtosis K
m %
AL-01 -7 80,70 2,78 Fine sand 0,75 Moderately sorted -0,36 Very coarse skewed 1,59 Very leptokurtic
AL-02 -7 76,11 2,55 Fine sand 0,92 Moderately sorted -0,36 Very coarse skewed 1,14 Leptokurtic
PT-2B -15 61,35 2,45 Fine sand 0,52 Moderately well sorted -0,26 Coarse skewed 1,38 Leptokurtic
PC-SP -18 63,03 1,84 Medium sand 0,81 Moderately sorted -0,26 Coarse skewed 0,70 Platykurtic
PC-SL -18 47,09 1,15 Medium sand 0,69 Moderately well sorted 0,71 Very fine skewed 2,75 Very leptokurtic
PT-1F -25 60,16 1,19 Medium sand 0,64 Moderately well sorted 0,60 Very fine skewed 0,82 Platykurtic
PT-1S -25 63,18 2,08 Fine sand 0,89 Moderately sorted -0,35 Very coarse skewed 0,83 Platykurtic
Table 2 – Result of radiocarbon dating in a fragment of beach rock. Calibrated data was obtained using OxCal v4.1.7
(Bronk Ramsey, 2001) with reservoir effect of 380 ± 30 (Soares, 1993)
Sample Code Depth. (m) Material Method Result (BP) cal BP (1σ)
5
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
Figure 2 – Left: Slope map with four classes (0-2%, 2-4%, 4-6% and >6%)
and depth contours of -15, -18, -21, -24 e -26 meters
6
L. INFA
ANTINI ET AL.: UNDERWATER PREHISTORIC
R LAN
NDSCAPE: PRELIMINARY RESUL
LTS OF ARMAÇÃO DE PÊRA BAY
Y
F
Figure 4 – Unnderwater picttures, showingg karsification
n evidences annd sampling w
with drill system
m
7
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
between the depths (3 m) corresponds approximately to period, which point a genesis of sandbar in climatic event
the tidal regime of Algarve. The slopes in the inner before LGM. The age of 17,581 BP obtained for
barrier are associated with the depth of -18 m were carbonate cement is probably subestimated, which can be
probably formed during direct exposure to the sea, explained by contamination of the sample by biogenic
because at -19 m this inner zone were closed forming a activity. Accordingly, it is necessary to invest in new
coastal lagoon (Fig. 3). campaigns to collect a large number of samples for
dating, characterization and textural analysis.
5.2 Sedimentological characteristics
5.4 Archaeological Context
Skewness less than 0.1, such as samples PT-1S; PT-2B;
PC-SP, are typical beach sediments (Tanner, 1995), and The above hypothesis could explain the exploration of
skewness greater than 0.1 (samples PT-1F and PC-SL) marine resources in archaeological sites, especially in
are characteristic of marine restricted basins or aeolian Vale Boi, site located in Southern Portugal, as previously
sediments (Tanner, 1995). However, the impact and argued by Bicho (2004). Vale Boi is located little more 2
dissolution marks identified in morphoscopy, are km away from the present coastline, on a slope of open
characteristic of high energy aquatic environments river valley area, and is characterized by different exploit-
(Azevedo, 1983). The standard deviation between 0.3 to tation of marine resources during Prehistory. The site
0.5 is characteristic of mature beaches, worked by length consists of a long chronological sequence, including the
waves, but none of the samples are under these entire Upper Palaeolithic since early Gravettian to late Mag-
conditions. In fact, the quartz grains mainly sub-angular dalenian (Bicho & Haws, 2007; Bicho & Haws 2008).
to very angular are more compatible with the rapid
deposition from a decelerating flow than a successive In the Gravettian levels of Vale Boi, dated to ca. 33-24
transport by waves. According to Allen (1965) and kyr cal BP (Bicho et al, in press), there is an intensive use
Fleming (1977) mean grain size between 2.3 and 3.2 Φ of different marine resources. This use decreased during
are associated with sediment deposition of a flow velocity the Solutrean, near the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM –
slows down to less than 24 cm/s¯¹. ca. 18 kyr BP), increasing only in Mesolithic, ca. 9 kyr
(Bicho & Haws, 2007, Bicho & Haws 2008).
According to the previously expressed, samples PT-2B,
PC-SP, PT-1S, PT-1F and PC-SL (Table 1) collected In this sense, a sea high level can indicate that the use of
between -25 to -15 depth, are compatible with deposition marine resources, among other issues, could be related to
in sandbar. The carbonate cement grain small and non the distance between the archaeological site and the
equigranular is compatible with rapid cementation in sub- coastline. During the Gravettian chronology, sea level
air environment. could be higher and coastline should still be close enough
to the intensive exploitation of these resources, declining
However, samples AL-01 and AL-02, collected in -7 m in the later stages because the lowering of the ocean and
depth, were deposited in an complete different increasing the distance of archaeological site to coastline
environment. It is a gray fine sand with preserved due to Last Glacial Maximum (LGM).
abundant polychaetes tubes constructed with agglutinated
sediment. They are common in intertidal coastal plains Using GIS and the DEM to simulate a mean sea level
where they live in colonies (Fournier et al., 2010). during Gravettian on -15 m depth (highest sample
collected), the shoreline would be around 1 km from the
5.3 Paleoenvironment evolution actually shoreline due to submarine morphology of the
area near Vale Boi site (Fig. 5). Thus, applying the
One hypothesis is that the formation of this barrier hypothesis discussed about high sea level during 25-30
system occurred during OIS3 (Oxygen Isotope Stage), kyr, the shoreline could be 3,5 km away from the site of
probably between 25 ky and 30 ky. Gracia indicates that Vale Boi during Gravettian. In other hand, during the
between 20-30 ky sea level would be no less than -30 m Solutrean (LGM), and according of sea level curve of
depth today in the Cadiz Gulf (Gracia et al., 2008). Portugal (Dias et al., 2000), the mean sea level was
Dabrio also indicates a high sea level between 25-30 ky around -120 m below present and the shoreline was
to the Spanish southwest in the area of Cadiz to Huelva around 21 Km from Vale Boi site.
(Dabrio et al., 2000). In addition, the sedimentary fill of
the Guadiana river estuary indicates that first estuarine Thus, we could have had important changes in the
sediments, prior to ca. 17 ky BP, are probably OIS3 or coastlines and the paleoenvironment during the Upper
OIS5 (Boski et al., 2002). Moreover, in the U.S. Atlantic Paleolithic. In fact, during the LGM, a large portion of
coast, there are formations associated with middle continental shelf was emerged and probably occupied by
Wisconsin (OIS3), showing also a highstand (-15 m) of hunter-garters communities. In this way,
sea level (Rodriguez et al., 2000).
8
L. INFANTINI ET AL.: UNDERWATER PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPE: PRELIMINARY RESULTS OF ARMAÇÃO DE PÊRA BAY
Figure 5 – Map of Western Algarve showing depth contours of -15 and -120 m below MSL and archaeological site
of Vale Boi. The low level (-120 m) correspond to the shoreline during the LGM, and the highest (-15 m) could
be a shoreline during OIS3. In light grey, the continental shelf emerged during low sea levels,
and in dark grey, the continent part
research, allowing detection of morphologies of interest the emergence of Modern Humans in Southwestern
for investigation, as slope breaks and platforms, as well Iberia” (PTDC/HIS-ARQ/117540/2010), funded by the
as to identify paleochannels of the drainage system. for Science and Technology Foundation (FCT), Portugal.
This research was carried out mainly on a Digital Thanks to Miguel Rodrigues (Divespot Ltd) and Pedro
Elevation Model (DEM). In this sense, is very important, Neves (Diving Center, University of Algarve) by some
to reveal more details of the area, build a elevation model samples and underwater images, to Joaquim Luis (UAlg)
with higher spatial resolution, especially bathymetry, by DEM, and the projects PTDC/CTE-GIX/111230/2009
through the using of remote sensing systems. Also, more (EROS) and SPLASHCOS (Submerged Prehistoric
dives and collecting samples are needed, both for the Archaeology and Landscapes of the Continental Shelf) –
characterization of the rocks and for radiocarbon dating. COST Action TD0902.
9
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
Paper in Honor of Anthony Marks, Actas IV DIAS, J.M.A.; BOSKI, T.; RODRIGUES, A.;
congresso de arqueologia peninsular. Promontoria MAGALHÃES, F. (2000) – Coast line Evolution in
monográfica 07, Universidade do Algarve. pp. 37- Portugal since the Last Glacial Maximum until
56. Present – A Synthesis. Marine Geology, 170:177-
BICHO, N.F.; HAWS, J. (2008) – At the land’s end: 186.
Marine resources and the importance of fluctuations FOURNIER, J.; ETIENNE, S.; LE CAM, J.B. (2010) –
in the coastline in the prehistoric hunter–gatherer Inter- and intraspecific variability in the chemical
economy of Portugal. Quaternary Science Reviews, composition of the mineral phase of cements from
Volume 27, issues 23-24, pp. 2166-2175. several tube-building polychaetes. Geobios 43, p.
BICHO, N.F.; HAWS, J.; MARREIROS, J., (no prelo) – 191-200.
Desde el Mondego al Guadiana: la ocupación GRACIA, F.J.; RODRÍGUEZ-VIDAL, J.; CÁCERES,
Gravetiense de la fachada atlántica portuguesa. Actas L.M.; BELLUOMINI, G.; BENAVENTE, J.;
do congreso El Gravetiense Cantábrico. Museo de ALONSO, C. (2008) – Diapiric uplift of an MIS 3
Altamira. marine deposit in SW Spain: Implications for Late
BIRD, E. (2008) – Coastal Geomorphology: an Pleistocene sea level reconstruction and
introduction. Second Edition, Wiley ed., Chichester. palaeogeography of the Strait of Gibraltar. Quaternary
Science Reviews, Volume 27, issues 23-24.
BRONK RAMSEY, C. (2001) – Development of the
radiocarbon calibration program OxCal. Radiocarbon, INFANTINI, L.R. (2012) – Paisagem Pré-histórica
43(2A), p. 355-363. submersa da Baía de Armação de Pêra. MA thesis,
BLOTT, S. (2010) – GRADISTAT: A Grain Size University of Algarve.
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Unconsolidated Sediments by Sieving or Laser E. (2008) – Hole-filled SRTM for the globe Version
Granulometer (v. 4.0). 4, available from the CGIAR-CSI SRTM 90 m.
BOSKI, T.; MOURA, D.; VEIGA-PIRES, C.; JEWELL, P.W. (2007) – Morphology and paleoclimatic
CAMACHO, S.; DUARTE, D.; SCOTT, D.; significance of Pleistocene Lake Bonneville spits.
FERNANDES, S.G. (2002) – Postglacial sea-level Quaternary Research, 68, 421-430.
rise and sedimentary response in the Guadiana
Estuary, Portugal/Spain border. Sedimentary LINDHORST, S.; BETZLER, C.; HASS, H.C. (2008) –
Geology, 150, pp. 103-122. The sedimentary architecture of a Holocene barrier
spit (Sylt, Germany Bight): Swash-bar accretion and
CÂMARA, G.; DAVIS, C.; MONTEIRO, A.M.V. (2001) storm erosion. Sedimentary Geology, 206, 1-16.
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sensing and GIS by object-oriented data modelling. LUIS, J.F. (2010) – GMT grid with the topo and
Computers & Graphics, 20: (3), pp. 395-403. bathymetry of the Algarve at ~50 m.
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coastal protection works on the Spurn Head spit (UK). BOSKI, T.; RODRIGUES, A.L.; TARECO, H.
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Portuguesas de Engenharia Costeira e Portuária. Neto, J.A.B., Ponzi, V.R.A. & Sichel, S.E.,
Associação Nacional de Navegação. Sines, 20p. Introdução à Geologia Marinha. Rio de Janeiro:
Editora interciência.
COSTAS, S.; FITZGERALD, D. (2011) – Sedimentary
architecture os a spit-end (Salisbury Beach, QUANTUM GIS DEVELOPMENT TEAM, (2011) –
Massachusetts): The imprints of sea-level rise and Quantum GIS Geographic Information System. Open
inlet dynamics. Marine Geology, 284, 203-216. Source Geospatial Foundation.
DABRIO, C.J.; ZAZO, C.; GOY, J.L.; SIERRO, F.J.; RODRIGUEZ, A.B.; ANDERSON, J.B.; BANFIELD,
BORJA, F.; LARIO, J.; GONZALES, J.A.; FLORES, L.A.; TAVIANI, M.; ABDULAH, K.; and SNOW,
J.A. (2000) – Depositional history of estuary infill J.N. (2000) – Identification of a -15 m Middle
during the last postglacial transgression (Gulf of Wisconsin shoreline on the Texas inner continental
Cadiz, Southern Spain). Marine Geology 162, 381– shelf: Palaeogeography Palaeoclimatology
404. Palaeoecology, v. 159, p. 25-43.
DAVIS, JR, R. & FITZGERALD, D., (2008) – Beachs SIMMS, A.R.; ANDERSON, J.B.; BLUM, M. (2006) –
and coasts. Blackwell publishing, Oxford. Barrier-island aggradation via inlet migration:
DIAS, J.M.A. (1988) – Aspectos geológicos do Litoral Mustang Island, Texas. Sedimentary geology, 187 (1-
Algarvio. Geonovas, Vol. 10, Lisboa, p. 113-128. 2), 105-125.
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L. INFANTINI ET AL.: UNDERWATER PREHISTORIC LANDSCAPE: PRELIMINARY RESULTS OF ARMAÇÃO DE PÊRA BAY
SOARES, A.M. (1993) – The 14C content of marine TEIXEIRA, S.B. (1999) – Geomorfologia da zona
shells: evidence for variability of the coastal submarina ao largo de Armação de Pêra (Algarve-
upwelling of Portugal during the Holocene. In: Portugal). Actas da V Jornadas de Silves. Silves.
Isotope Techniques in the Study of Past and Current TEIXEIRA, S.B.; PINTO, C.A. (2002) – Idades
Environmental Changes in the Hydrosphere and radiocarbono de calcarenitos emersos e submersos na
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Agency, p. 471-485 do XI Seminário Ibérico de Química Marinha,
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publication Nº 40. continentale du Portugal et les provinces adjacentes:
Analyse geomorphologique. Memória dos Serviços
Geológicos de Portugal, 28, 145p.
11
EVIDENCES AND HYPOTHESIS ABOUT THE ORIGIN
AND USE OF NAUTICAL ARTIFACTS BETWEEN
THE PEOPLE OF THE SAMBAQUIS
(BRAZIL)
Abstract: Archaeological evidences found along the Brazilian coast attest that this area was occupied since at least 8000 years BP
by fishermen and gatherer groups who exploited the coastal aquatic environments. The shell mounds left by these groups are known
as middens. Although it is believed that they were skilled navigators, evidences about this fact are still rare. From an approach
focused on Maritime Archaeology, this study presents and discusses some evidences and hypotheses that seek to support the view
that, in addition to the strong relationship with the aquatic environment, the people of middens appropriated or developed
navigation techniques and nautical artifacts.
Keywords: Maritime Archaeology; Cluster Shelly; Prehistoric Navigation
Résumé: Le long de la côte brésilienne, des preuves archéologiques retrouvées attestent que cette région a été occupée depuis au
moins 8000 ans BP, par les groupes de pêcheurs cueilleurs. Les amas coquilliers laissés par ces groupes sont connus comme les
sambaquis. On estime que ces groupes étaient navigateurs, malgré les preuves à ce sujet sont encore rares. Dès une approche
centrée sur l’archéologie maritime, sont présentés et discutés les évidences et les hypothèses qui suggèrent une relation forte avec le
milieu aquatique et que les peuples des sambaquis ont utilisé des techniques de navigation et des artefacts nautiques.
Mots-clés: Archéologie Maritime; Amas Coquillier; Navigation Préhistorique
13
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
shipwrecks and the inclusion of earthly elements practices (economic and symbolic) developed by
associated, in one way or another, to the sea universe. sambaquis. For Malinowski (1984, p. 87), for example,
The sites covered by maritime archeology would be the boat was not just an artifact or a vehicle through
found both on land and at sea, and more than the which the native wander between the islands. “It is
environment in which they occur (or the way we use to involved in an atmosphere of romance, made up of
access them), what matters most is the understanding of traditions and personal experiences” (Malinowski, 1984,
the processes and correlations with the marine universe p. 87).
that are preserved inside (Fontenoy, 1998).
According to this author, however there was a social
From this point of view, the consequences of a maritime organization underlying the construction of vessels, it
culture would not end exactly on the last remnant salt was not built only by individuals (leading specialists and
water bathing beach or shoreline from different islands workers) whose task was to build canoes, browse them
and continents. It would extend their influence inland, and support the kula. The specialist (which can be more
also encompassing equipment, production and religious than one), the same way that has the knowledge to build a
structures, and even entire cities (Duran, op. cit., p. 92). canoe and make the slots, is also responsible for
performing magic. For the Trobriand islanders, besides
[...] those ‘related objects on the shore’ and ‘coastal the construction of canoes, is the magic that provides
communities’ explicitly ruled out by Keith Muckelroy navigation, rescue, kula, trade, fishing and gathering of
would just as explicitly be ruled in today. Indeed, it is the most important means (Malinowski, ibid, p. 94). In
through them that coastal and sea-born maritime this sense the canoe is not only an artifact used for
concerns articulate with society at large. Today, then, navigation, it “Is the powerful tool which allows them to
maritime archaeology is the study of material become masters of nature, able to thrive in demand
(Adams, 2002, p. 328). dangerous seas to distant lands” (Malinowski, ibid, p.
88).
Thus, they should compose the sea universe of
shellmounds people not only the ocean and marine It is an object of worship and admiration, a living
environments, but also all those aquatic environments thing that has its own personality. To the native, the
associated with the coastal region, being concerned as canoe is a powerful tool that allows you to become
intrinsic to the universe all marine environments master of nature, able to thrive in demand dangerous
perceived and culturally appropriate for shellmounds seas to distant lands. It’s associated with travel [...]
people, regardless of how close they were to the sea that he expressed in songs and stories (Malinowski,
(Calippo, 2011). op. cit., p. 87).
14
F.R. CALIPPO: EVIDENCES AND HYPOTHESIS ABOUT THE ORIGIN AND USE OF NAUTICAL ARTIFACTS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE...
(2004) suggests an association of these anomalies to swimming movements), the throwing of objects, among
practical activities related to swimming, the use of others” (Carvalho, ibid, p. 156).
paddles (standing and sitting) and, indirectly, the
manufacture of canoes. Another request was fairly muscle biceps, which is also
related to the use of oars. Capasso (1999) and Hawkey
Based on the analysis of the joints of shell middens of and Merbs (1995) indicate that the development “[...] that
Santa Catarina and Rio de Janeiro, Carvalho (2004, p. bilateral muscle is often related to the loading of weights
152) points out that the most affected joint sets are, with the arm flexed and the use of oars double”
respectively, wrist and elbow. Among the prehistoric (Carvalho, 2004, p. 162). Activity – rowing – is also
populations, according to the author, “the great indicated as a result of the indexes obtained in strength of
involvement of the wrist should be linked primarily to the people from sambaquis over the pronator quadratus
movements involving the same time, firmness, and muscle. The author relates also to use these muscles in
mobility in the region, [...], as occurs, for example in activities related to “[...] food processing by grinding or
manufactured goods (polishing, scraping), in activities scraping, polishing the different artifacts [as the blades of
involving reduction of raw material or [in preparation] the ax] and other movements that can be performed with
food (scraping, grinding)” (Carvalho, op. cit, p. 152). the elbow flexed and the forearm in pronation”
Activities also held throughout the manufacturing process (Carvalho, op. cit., p. 162).
of canoes and boats.
In the case of the triceps, “[...] once again handling oars
In the case of the elbow joint stress, it is likely that would may be an explanation, along with the use of [...] axes,
be associated with “[...] the carriage weight or flexion / [...] long spears or harpoons, accompanied by a pitch fast
extension of the forearm against any resistance, as may and within walking distance of the target, which could be
occur in stroke and drag chains, for example” (Carvalho, associated with fishing in calm waters and good
ibid, p. 152). visibility” (Carvalho, ibid, p. 163). The author draws
attention also to:
Next to the wrist and elbow, according to the author, the
[...] the use of vessels that requires long rods as
link that has the highest wear is the shoulder. While in the
background, means, based on the result of this analysis, propellants [for rafts and canoes] and oars, common
that such joint changes also indicate some relationship to kind of transport in calm waters with little current,
where the driver usually stands upright and the effort
the practice of nautical activities (throwing harpoons and
spears), the manufacture of canoes (axes and adzes) and is shared between both arms. Should not be
those related to aquatic environments (swimming), disregarded, however, the use of axes (Carvalho,
because: ibidem, p. 163).
The shoulder is particularly sensitive to activities that In the conclusion of his analysis, the author also indicates
involve movements of large extension above the head that the effort devoted to the use of harpoons, thrusters,
as throwing objects, modern swimming and bows, spears and so on, did not surpass the effort devoted
application of different strokes accompanied by to activities such as the use of boats and fishing nets”
various tools (such as axes, hammers, clubs, etc..) and (Carvalho, ibid, p. 170). Suggesting that although all
associated with large movements (Carvalho, 2004, p. sambaquis communities have maintained contact with
155 apud Whiting and Zernicke, 2001). aquatic environments, this relationship has not only given
from their shores. It is likely that, effectively, the
The ankle “was one of the least affected joints in the sambaquis have broken the land-sea boundary, venturing
series studied and, as has [...] an indispensable role in the amid lagoons and coastal waters.
march and support the body weight” (Carvalho, 2004, p.
156), the author suggests that there may have been less
effort due to activities such as walking on the use of THE EARLIEST EVIDENCE OF NAVIGATION IN
boats. SOUTH AMERICA
Regarding to muscular stress markers, Carvalho aims to Although Carvalho (2004) has suggested the use of
maintain the same standard which, in general, is related to different types of boats (canoes and rafts) and thrusters
greater use of the upper limbs compared to the lower (oars, paddles double sticks and rods), other types of
ones. In the upper limbs, “[...] movements involving the nautical artifacts, some technologically simpler, which
whole arm / shoulder must have been frequent in all may indicate not only the adoption of a nautical
series, emphasized the development of the insertion of the technology, but also its development by people
deltoid and pectoralis major” (Carvalho, op. cit, p. 162). sambaquis.
According to the author, the development of
corresponding areas of muscle attachment is associated Such a perspective is difficult to be considered when
with various activities such as “[...] the use of double dealing with more complex vessels, which are formed
oars, the removal of animal skins, handling tools such as from the linkage of several technological innovations that
axes [to manufacture canoes], hoes, pickaxes, the use of transform them into artefacts, whose construction and use
large pylons in swimming (especially in modern require the work of specialists. However, when we refer
15
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
Although there is no precise division between them, Once established, among sambaquis, the technologies
Hornell (1970) suggests a subdivision of the floats into needed for the preparation of the floats, the next step in
two categories: swimming floats (swimming floats) and the technological development of the vessels should be
propelled floats (riding floats). associated with the transformation in these rafts and
dugouts (pirogues, monoxylon or logboat). Hornell
The swimming floats accessories are simpler, like small (1970, p. 1) that points, to the emergence of barges or
pieces of wood, logs, bags of skin, etc., used to assist the rafts, it would be enough that the logs or bundles of reeds
fluctuation of the body while the individual remains were tied together, side by side.
stationary, or follow the whim of the current or moves
with a propulsion and direction generated by their Regarding the more complex nautical artifacts, developed
feathers and arms (figure 1). A tree following from techniques that supersede the excavation, modeling
downstream, according to Hornell (op. cit, p. 1.), was the and aggregation of floats (as occurs, for example, in the
first stimulus to the inventiveness of man in this construction of boats, where different types of structures
direction. are joined to form a hull), it is more likely that such
technological development has not been reached by
In propelled floats, on the other hand, instead of one sambaquis. Besides not being met a tooling that would
individual (and only one) being immersed, a group allow the construction of these types of vessels, such
remained on a log or beam and reed, and, besides the boats are not found even among the societies that
members of the group, they also used propellants sticks, subsequently came to inhabit the areas previously
rods, paddles, etc… occupied by sambaquis.
There are several examples of the use of floats by fisher Returning to the question of simpler nautical artifacts,
populations by traditional Indian natives and throughout Carabias (2000) highlights a number of pre-Hispanic
the world. In Australia, for example, according to Stokes evidence of navigation along the northern coast of Chile.
(1846, p. 11, 15-16), there are numerous examples of The oldest material trace browsing this relates to a
Aboriginal use of logs as swimming floats. They are miniature raft totora (reed) found in a “[...] cementerio de
often found along the north coast of Australia, where the túmulos, ubicado 6 km al sur de La desembocadura del
aborigines use a small log or piece of wood strapped to rio Loa, fechada em 215 d.C.” (figure 2) (Carabias, 2000,
his chest, to make long journeys between the islands and p. 34 apud Llagostera, 1990).
the mainland. In America, Mason (1895, p. 334) indicates
the use of a float of wood as a practice of tribes of the However, the countryside of Brazil is where may be the
Gulf of California to rest your arms when they swim. oldest evidence of manufacture and construction of
16
F.R. CALIPPO: EVIDENCES AND HYPOTHESIS ABOUT THE ORIGIN AND USE OF NAUTICAL ARTIFACTS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE...
17
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
Despite the attribution of meaning to this type of graphic A similar situation was presented by Carabias (2000, p.
be a rather controversial issue, it would at least require a 40), when addressing the question of the origin of the
special study of this question, there are some ferries used for ocean navigation prehistoric along the
characteristics that allow us to hypothesize about the use Pacific coast:
18
F.R. CALIPPO: EVIDENCES AND HYPOTHESIS ABOUT THE ORIGIN AND USE OF NAUTICAL ARTIFACTS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE...
Evidencias arqueológicas apuntam a contactos lãs práticas náuicas em lãs áreas Andes Centro-Sur y
marítimos periódicos entre el litoral ecuatoriano y Meridional. Revista Werkén, n° 1, octobre. Santiago,
Mesoamérica desde el Período Formativo Temprano, p. 31-53.
em tempos tan antiguos como La fase Valdivia Tardia CARVALHO, Claudia Rodrigues (2004) – Marcadores
(ca. 2.000-1.500 a.C.), pero se cree que los pré- de estresse ocupacional em populações sambaquieiras
cerámisco Valdivia que arribaron al lugar, yaposeían no litoral fluminense. 2004. Tese (Doutorado em
embarcaciones de alta mar (ca. 3.400 a.C.) (Zeidler, Saúde Pública) – Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública,
1986). Buse (1973), há postulado que las balsas de Rio de Janeiro.
madera se genaron em los rios interiores Del Perú,
sufriendo uma posterior adaptacion marítima CHAPLIN J.M.; STEWART, I.A. (1998) – The
(Carabias, ibidem, p. 40). prevalence of exostoses in the external auditory
meatus of surfers. Clin Otolaryngol, 23-24, p. 326-
330.
CONCLUSION DIEGUES, Antônio Carlos Sant’Ana (1998) – Ilhas e
mares: simbolismo e imaginário. São Paulo: Editora
Based on the assumptions and the data discussed here Hucitec.
about the relationship of the first inhabitants of the DIEGUES, Antonio Carlos Sant’Ana (2000) – Os ex-
Brazilian coast with the aquatic environments, we cannot votos marítimos da sala de milagres da Basílica do
fail to consider the existence of archaeological evidence Senhor Bom Jesus de Iguape, São Paulo. In: Antonio
in this regard. Although some of this evidence and Carlos Sant’AnaDiegues (Org.). A imagem das águas.
hypotheses still have points that should be further São Paulo: Hucitec, p. 157-207.
explored, we know that there is a theoretical approach
that is able to identify and understand such evidence. This DURAN, Leandro D. (2008) – Arqueologia Marítima de
article represents a first look at targeting these issues. Um Bom Abrigo. Tese (Doutorado em Arqueologia)
– Museu de Etnologia e Arqueologia, Universidade de
To continue to this discussion we need to go forward São Paulo, São Paulo, 2008, p. 338.
looking at the shellmounds people also seeking to FONTENOY, Paul (1998) – A Discussion of Maritime
understand them from a dialectical relationship with the Archaeology. In: Babits, Lawrence; Tilburg, Hans
aquatic environments where individuals, to interact with Van (Eds.). Maritime Archaeology – A Reader of
this medium, both altered coastal environments and Substantive and Theoretical Contributions. New
passed through experiences that changed them York: Plenum Press (The Plenum Series in
individually and collectively. A process that probably left Underwater Archaeology).
traces and may indicate the perceptions and strategies that
HAWKEY, D.E. & MERBS, C.F. (1995) – Activity-
sambaquis developed to dominate the coastal and aquatic
induced musculoskeletal stress markers (MSM) and
environments.
subsistence strategy among ancient Hudson Bay
Eskimos. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology,
5: 324-338.
References
HORNELL, James (1970) – Water Transportation:
ADAMS, Jonathan (2002) – Maritime Archaeology. In: origins & early evolution. David & Charles: Newton
Charles E. Orser, Jr (Ed.). Encyclopedia of Historical Abbot.
Archaeology. London: Routledge, 2002, p. 328-330. KENNEDY, G.E. (1986) – The relationship between
BLOT, Jean-Yves (1999) – O mar de Keith Muckelroy: o exostoses and cold water: a latitudinal analysis. Am J.
papel da teoria na arqueologia do mundo náutico. Al- Phys Anthrop, 71-74, p. 401-415. Lisiansky, U.
Madan, Almada, Centro de Arqueologia, série 2, n. 8, (1806) – A Voyage round the World. 1803-1806.
p. 41-55, out. 1999. LLAGOSTERA, A. (1990) – La navegación prehispánica
BORGES, Cláudia Cristina do Lago (2008) – Uma en el Norte de Chile: bioindicadores e inferencias
narrativa pré-histórica. O cotidiano de antigos grupos teóricas. Chungará, 24-25, p. 37-51. Malinowski,
humanos no sertão do Seridó/RN. Tese de Doutorado Bronislaw (1984) – Argonautas do Pacífico Ocidental.
em História. Universidade Estadual Paulista. Assis. Um relato do empreendimento e da aventura dos
182 p. nativos nos arquipélagos da Nova Guiné Melanésia.
Ed. Abril Cultural. São Paulo. 428 p.
CALIPPO, Flávio Rizzi (2011) – Sociedade
Sambaquieira, Comunidades Marítimas. Revista de MARTIN, Gabriela (2005) – Pré-História do Nordeste do
Arqueologia (Sociedade de Arqueologia Brasileira), Brasil. 4ª. ed. Recife: Universitária da UFPE, v. 1.
v.34, p. 1-20. 395 p.
CAPASSO, L.; KENNEDY, K.A.R.; WILCZAK, C.A. MUCKELROY, Keith (1978) – Maritime Archaeology.
(1999) – Atlas of Occupational Markers on Human Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (New
Remains. Teramo: Edigrafital S.P.A. Studies in Archaeology).
CARABIAS, Diego (2000) – Navegación prehispánica MURDOCK, G.P. (1968) – The current status of the
em el Norte de Chile: uma contribución al estúdio de wourld’s hunting and gathering people. In: Lee,
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Richard & Devore, Irven (Eds.). Man the hunter. (Doutorado em arqueologia) – Museu de Arqueologia
Chicago: Aldine. p. 13-22, e Etnologia, Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências
OKUMURA, M.M.M. (2005/2006) – Análise de exostose Humanas – Universidade de São Paulo. São Paulo.
do meato auditivo externo como um marcador de READ, J. (1996) – The Indian Ocean in Antiquity,
atividade aquática em restos esqueletais humanos da London: New York, 1996.
costa e do interior do Brasil. Revista do Museu de SCHELL-YBERT, R.; EGGERS, S.; WESOLOWSKI,
Arqueologia, n° 15/16. Universidade de São Paulo. V.; PETRONILHO, C.C.; BOYADJIAN, C.H.; DE
São Paulo, p. 181-189. BLASIS, P.A.D.; BARBOSA-GUIMARÃES, M.;
PEIXOTO, M.V. (1989) – Avaliação radiológica do torus GASPAR, M.D. (2003) – Novas perspectives na
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do Baixo Vale do Ribeira, SP, 259 p. Tese Janeiro: Guanabara Koogan.
20
COASTLINE AND LITHIC TECHNOLOGY DURING
THE TARDIGLACIAL IN THE ALGARVE
Abstract: During the Tardiglacial, vast portions of the continental shelf of the Algarve were emerged due to variations in the sea
level. In this sense, the relationship between human occupations and the territory should be interpreted taking into account the
occurrence of this phenomenon. In order to better understand the size and spatial distribution of archaeological sites and
interactions with the coastline, it becomes necessary to create a Geographic Information System (GIS) in order to create a picture of
the paleoenvironment of this region. This study aims to examine, in a preliminary way, through the lithic technology and GIS, the
relationships between changes of the shoreline of the current territory of the Algarve and the human communities that occupied the
same territory, during the Tardiglacial in the Algarve.
Keywords: Coastline; Lithic technology; Tardiglacial; GIS
Résumé: Au cours du Tardiglaciaire des vastes portions du plateau continental de l’Algarve ont été émergé en raison des variations
dans le niveau de la mer. Dans ce sens, la relation entre les occupations humaines et le territoire doivent être interprétés en tenant
compte l’occurrence de ce phénomène. Afin de mieux comprendre la taille et la répartition spatiale des sites archéologiques et les
interactions avec la ligne de côte, il devient nécessaire de créer un Système d’Information Géographique (SIG) afin de créer une
image du paléoenvironnement de cette région. Cette étude vise à examiner, de façon préliminaire, les relations entre les
changements de la ligne de côte de l’actuel territoire de l’Algarve et les communautés humaines qui occupaient le même territoire,
par la technologie lithique au cours du Tardiglaciaire dans l’Algarve.
Mots-clés: Ligne de côte, technologie lithique; Tardiglaciaire; SIG
21
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY
Y, COASTAL AND
D LAKESIDE
Figure 1 – Digital Terrrain Model (MMDT), with altiimetric and ba athymetric daata of the Algaarve, and arch
haeological
sites in
i the area. 1)) Ponta Garciaa; 2) Vale Sannto 4; 3) Lagoa do Bordoal;; 4) Vale Boi; 5) Monte Jan nuário;
6) Cruz da
d Pedra; 7) Praia
P de Alban
ndeira; 8) Praiia da Galé
This databasse is under thhe responsibiility of IGES SPAR usedd the bathymeetry of the Allgarve region (Luis, 2010),,
(Managemennt Institutee of Arrchitectural and withh a spatial reesolution of 50 meters. Although
A thiss
Archaeologiccal Heritage)). However, the Endovvélico DTM M reaches abyyssal depths off the coast off the Algarve,,
manages arcchaeological information
i b
both of the entire
e this specific inforrmation was eeliminated sincce the area off
country and of all periods. For betteer managemennt of interrest is situatedd above -200 m
meters depth.
information on prehistoricc sites of the Algarve regioon, it
became necessary to crreate a spatiaal database. This Takiing into accouunt the data m mentioned, it was possiblee
Geographic Information System is caalled SIGPAL L, or to build
b a digitall model of thhe continentall shelf of thee
Geographic Information
I S
System of thee Paleolithic of
o the regioon in whichh can be seeen the ruggeed submarinee
Algarve (Infaantini, in press). topoography and thhe different sslopes that ressult in greaterr
or leesser variabilitty of the shoreeline accordin
ng to sea levell
For this research was alsoo used digital terrain modells for chan nges since the t Last Gllacial Maxim mum (LGM),,
characterizinng the altimetrry and bathymmetry of the region, resu
ulting in largge or small ddifferences in n relation too
among otherrs. Thus, six Tardiglacial
T siites of the Alggarve distaance from thee coast archaeeological sitess, and makingg
were selectedd for this studdy. They are: Lagoa
L do Borrdoal, it possible to siimulate the ((probable) paaleocoastliness
Ponta Garciaa, Praia de Albandeira,
A Prraia da Galé, Vale throu ugh the curvees of sea level changes.
Boi and Valee Santo 4, andd all located inn the westernn area
of the Algarvve (Fig. 1). 2.3. Sea Level Ch
hanges
22
C. MENDONÇA & L. INFANTINI: COASTLINE AND LITHIC TECHNOLOGY DURING THE TARDIGLACIAL IN THE ALGARVE
3. ARCHAEOLOGICAL CARACTERIZATION
Figure 2 – Evolution of mean sea level, in the northern 3.1.1. Chaîne opératoire
Portuguese continental shelf, over the past 18.000 years
(Dias, 1987) Quartz and Quartzite: The preparation and maintenance
occurs according to a simple and expedient reduction
process, creating cores with a simple plan of percussion,
Terminal / Epipaleolithic, between 14.000 and 9.000 BP bipolar and some pebble cores, with platforms
we would have different situations in relation to sea level. predominantly cortical, from which were extracted
In the first case, the ocean level would be close to -100 mostly flakes. The retouched tools result in products
meters deep, according the sea level curve (Dias et al., belonging to the group of common utensils and scrapers.
2000), while in the second case there are significants
paleo-environmental changes, such as the Younger Flint: The cores point to a long sequence of reduction in
Dryas, which result in large fluctuation of the ocean. In order to take full advantage. The cores are thoroughly
the latter case, we would have a variation of the Mean explored, both for the production of flakes and for the
Sea Level between the current depths of -100 to -30 production of bladelets.
meters (Fig. 2).
Figure 3 – Location sites of Praia da Galé and Lagoa do Bordoal and an indication of (likely) coastline
to the Middle Magdalenian (-100 meters deep), demonstrating the vast territory emerged in the period
23
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
Figure 4 – Location of sites Vale Boi, Vale Santo 4, Ponta Garcia and Praia de Albandeira, with their distances
from the (probably) coastline between -100 m to -30 meters depth, showing the variation of the area
emerged and submerged during the period
3.2. Final Magdalenian to Terminal / Epipaleolithic – The subsistence of hunter-gatherers was based on a
14.000 to 9.000 BP varied range of foods where herbivorous species
prevailed (Bicho, 2003; Bicho et al., 2003). After a great
One area more to the southwest, dominated by the site of use of malacological resources during the Gravettian at
Vale Boi as base camp, with episodic camps of the Vale Boi, it almost completely disappears in the
logistic type related to hunting (Cruz da Pedra and Monte Magdalenian, both in terms of food production and for
Januário), the acquisition of raw materials (Vale Santo 4 personal adornment (Stiner, 2003; Bicho et al., 2004B).
and Ponta Garcia) and possibly linked to the exploitation These transformations reflect the changes occurring
of aquatic resources (Praia de Albandeira) (Fig. 4). during this period at the geomorphological level: on the
one hand, changes in sea level with the regression of the
3.2.1. Chaîne Opératoire shoreline pushing the away the coastline maybe 20 kms
south; on the other, the paleoenvironmental changes led
Flint: Maintenance and preparation of cores on site. Re- to the transformation of vegetation making it more sparse
duction strategies resulting in simple cores with one per- in the surrounding area of Vale Boi.
cussion plan or orthogonal cores, with flat platform, from
which were extracted mostly flakes. The retouched tools The transformation in the habits of subsistence does not
translate mainly in products belonging to the group of advocate the idea that aquatic resources were not used
common utensils, scrapers, burins and backed bladelets. frequently, although in smaller quantities. Rather, this
change in frequency of use of aquatic resources coupled
Quartz, Quartzite and Greywacke: The preparation and with the location of sites along the coast, like the sites
maintenance occurs according to a simple and expedient Praia da Galé and Praia de Albandeira, and along the
reduction process, creating cores with a simple plan of season lakes such as Lagoa do Bordoal, seems to reflect
percussion from which were extracted mostly flakes. The the idea of a less residential usage of the space and more
retouched tools essentially result in products belonging to of the logistic type, thus verifying a kind of subsistence
the group of common utensils. characterized by specialization.
24
C. MENDONÇA & L. INFANTINI: COASTLINE AND LITHIC TECHNOLOGY DURING THE TARDIGLACIAL IN THE ALGARVE
the coastline and its respective period, as well as in dating AURA, J.E. (1995) – El Magdaleniense Mediterráneo: la
the archaeological sites. In this sense, it is necessary to Cova del Parpalló (Gandia, Valencia). Serie de
establish with more accuracy the Final Magdalenian to Trabajos Varios N° 91. Valência: Servicio de
Terminal/Epipaleolithic sites, taking into account the high Investigación Prehistórica.
and fast changes in the sea level and environment, to AURA, J.E.; VILLAVERDE, V.; MORALES, M.G.;
identify the respective coastline and distance to the SAINZ, C.G.; ZILHÃO, J.; STRAUS, L.G. (1998) –
archaeological sites. The pleistocene-holocene transition in the Iberian
Peninsula: continuity and change in human
On the one hand, there is a discontinuity in the adaptations. Quaternary International. Volumes 49-
knowledge of the occupation of the territory in the 50. p. 87-103.
Tardiglacial, since a large part of the landscape that could
contain archaeological remains is presently submerged. BICHO, N. (1998) – Pleistocene transition in Portuguese
On the other hand, it stands out in relation to the spatial Prehistory: a technological perspective. The
distribution of the sites, and all of them being situated in Organization of Lithic Technology in Late and early
the western part of the Algarve, that demonstrates the Postglacial Europe. Oxford: BAR. p. 39-62.
need of research and prospecting projects for the location BICHO, N. (2002a) – Lithic Raw Material Economy and
and study of (possible) sites of the same chronology in Hunter-Gather Mobility in the Glacial and Early
the east as well as offshore. Postglacial in Portuguese Prehistory: a technological
perspective. Lithic Raw Material Economies in Late
Although the relative distance to the coast from the sites Glacial and Early Postglacial Europe. Oxford: BAR.
referenced as Middle Magdalenian, the introduction of p. 161-179.
those as logistic contexts connected to the exploration of BICHO, N. (2003) – A importância dos recursos
the aquatic resources is essentially due to the aquáticos na economia dos caçadores-recolectores do
paleotechnological characteristics of the lithic collections Paleolítico e Epipaleolítico do Algarve. Xelb 3 (Actas
analyzed. It was also taken into consideration the do I Encontro de Arqueologia do Algarve). Silves. p.
establishment of the sites at the regional scale, reflecting 11-26.
the idea of the usage of the space more in logistic terms,
characterized by specialization (Binford, 1980). BICHO, N. (2004a) – As comunidades humanas de
Therefore, in relation to the sites considered as Lithic caçadores-recolectores do Algarve Ocidental –
Workshops (Ponta Garcia and Vale Santo 4) we can still perspective ecológica. Evolução Geohistórica do
consider its short distance to the coast, therefore its usage Litoral Português e Fenómenos Correlativos (Actas –
for exploring the aquatic resources is not discarded. Geologia, História Arqueologia e Climatologia).
Lisboa: Universidade Aberta. p. 359-396.
In this sense, there is the possibility that major BICHO, N. (2004b) – A Ocupação Paleolítica e
connections between the most important sites of this Mesolítica do Algarve. Promontoria Monográfica 1.
chronology and the exploitation of marine resources are Faro: Centro de Estudos de Património –
found with the development of new research. It is Departamento de História, Arqueologia e Património,
believed that the results obtained in conjunction with Universidade do Algarve. p. 19-24.
other works of the same nature, will contribute for
BICHO, N. (2006a) – A Pré-História do Algarve.
portraying a more reliable picture of these Paleolithic
Território da Pré-História em Portugal 9. Tomar:
societies from the Algarve in what relates to their
ARKEOS.
adaptive responses and their adapted subsistence patterns
and to their interaction with the natural environment. BICHO, N. (2006b) – Manual de Arqueologia Pré-
Histórica. Lisboa: Edições 70.
25
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
BICHO, N.; CASCALHEIRA, J.; CORTÉS, M; MANNE, T.; STINER, M.; BICHO, N. (2005) –
GIBAJA, J.; ÉVORA, M.; MANNE, T.; Evidence for Resource Intensification in Algarve
MARREIROS, J.; MENDONÇA, C.; PEREIRA, T.; (Portugal) During the Upper Paleolithic. Animais na
REGALA, F. (2009) – Identidade e adaptação: A Pré-História e Arqueologia da Península Ibérica
ocupação humana durante o plistocénico final no (Actas do IV Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular).
Algarve. Actas da VII Reunião do Quaternário Ibérico Faro: Centro de Estudos de Património –
– “O futuro do ambiente da Península Ibérica – As Departamento de História, Arqueologia e Património,
lições do passado geológico recente. Faro: Universidade do Algarve. pp. 145-158.
CIMA/Universidade do Algarve. p. 171-174. MENDONÇA, C. (2008) – O Magdalenense no Algarve:
BICHO, N.; MANNE, T.; CASCALHEIRA, J.; Ponta Garcia (Vila do Bispo). XELB 8 (Actas do 5º
MENDONÇA, C.; ÉVORA, M.; GIBAJA, J.; encontro de arqueologia do Algarve). Câmara
PEREIRA, T. (2010) – O Paleolítico Superior do Municipal de Silves: Silves. p. 9-26.
Sudoeste da Península Ibérica: o caso do Algarve. MENDONÇA, C. (2009a) – A Tecnologia Lítica no
Actas das Jornadas Internacionales sobre el Tardiglaciar do Algarve: Resultados preliminares.
Paleolítico Superior Peninsular. Novedades del Actas de las Jornadas de Investigación arqueológica –
S.XXI. Barcelona: Seminari d’Estudis i Recerques Dialogando com la cultura. Tomo I. Universidad
Prehistòriques (S.E.R.P.) Universitat de Barcelona. p. Complutense de Madrid. pp. 65-70.
219-238.
MENDONÇA, C. (2009b) – A Tecnologia lítica no
BINFORD, L. (1980) – Willow smoke and dog´s tails: Tardiglaciar do Algarve. Tese de Mestrado em
hunter-gatherer settlement systems and archaeological Arqueologia, Teoria e Métodos pela Universidade do
site formation. American Antiquity, 31 (2). p. 2-15. Algarve, Faro.
DIAS, J.A. (2004) – “A história da evolução do litoral MENDONÇA, C. (2010) – A Tecnologia Lítica no
português nos últimos vinte milénios”, Evolução Tardiglaciar do Algarve: o sítio da Praia de
Geohistórica do litoral português e fenómenos Albandeira (Lagoa). XELB 10 (Actas do 7º encontro
correlativos: Geologia, História, Arqueologia e de arqueologia do Algarve). Câmara Municipal de
Climatologia, (Cardoso, L.C., Tavares, A.A.; Tavares, Silves: Silves. p. 681-693.
M.J.F., eds), Lisboa, pp. 157-170.
PONZI, V.R.A. (2004) – “Sedimentação Marinha”,
DIAS, J.M.A.; BOSKI, T.; RODRIGUES, A.; Introdução à Geologia Marinha (Neto, J.; Ponzi, V.;
MAGALHÃES, F. (2000) – Coast line Evolution in Sichel, S., eds), Rio de Janeiro, pp. 219-242.
Portugal since the Last Glacial Maximum until
Present – A Synthesis. Marine Geology, pp. 170:177- QUELHAS, A.; ZAMBUJO, G. (1998) – Jazidas
186. paleolíticas no concelho de Lagos (Algarve):
abordagem preliminar. Revista Portuguesa de
DIVISÃO DE INVENTÁRIO DO INSTITUTO Arqueologia. Volume 1. Número 2. Lisboa: IPA. pp.
PORTUGUÊS DE ARQUEOLOGIA, (2002). – 5-18.
Endovélico: Sistema de Gestão e Informação
Arqueológica, Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, STINER, M. (2003) – Zooarchaeological evidence for
Vol. 5, Nº 1, (pp. 277-283). Lisboa: IPA. resource intensification in Algarve, Southern
Portugal. Promontoria 1. Faro: Centro de Estudos de
FORREST, B.; RINK, W.J.; BICHO, N.; FERRING, F. Património – Departamento de História, Arqueologia
(2003) – OSL Ages and possible bioturbation signals e Património, Universidade do Algarve. pp. 27-61.
at the Upper Paleolithic site of Lagoa do Bordoal,
Algarve, Portugal. Quaternary Sicence Review 22. p. VERÍSSIMO, H. (2004) – Jazidas siliciosas da região de
1279-1285. Vila do Bispo (Algarve). Promontoria 2. Faro: Centro
de Estudos de Património – Departamento de
JARVIS, A.; REUTER, H.I.; NELSON, A.; GUEVARA, História, Arqueologia e Património, Universidade do
E. (2008) – Hole-filled SRTM for the globe Version Algarve. p. 35-48.
4, available from the CGIAR-CSI SRTM 90 m.
VERÍSSIMO, H. (2005) – Aprovisionamento de
INFANTINI, L. – (in press) – Sistema de Informação matérias-primas líticas na Pré-história do Concelho de
Geográfica para a Pré-história do Algarve. Actas da Vila do Bispo. O Paleolítico (Actas do IV Congresso
IV Jornadas de Jovens em Investigação Arqueológica, de Arqueologia Peninsular). Faro: Centro de Estudos
Faro. de Património – Departamento de História,
LUIS, J.F. (2010) – GMT grid with the topo and Arqueologia e Património, Universidade do Algarve.
bathymetry of the Algarve at ~50 m. pp. 509-523.
MAGALHÃES, Fernando M.Q. (2001) – Os Sedimentos ZAMBUJO, G.; PIRES, A. (1999) – O sítio arqueológico
da Plataforma Continental Portugal: Contrastes da Vala, Silves: Paleolítico Superior e Neolítico
espaciais, perspectiva temporal, potencialidades Antigo. Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia. Volume
económicas, Lisboa. 2. Número 1. Lisboa: IPA. p. 5-24.
26
LEGISLATION, METHODOLOGIES
AND APPLIED SCIENCES
THE IMPORTANCE OF GIS IN UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY
Alexandra FIGUEIREDO
Instituto Politécnico de Tomar
[email protected]
Isabel BERNARDES
Verein für Unterwasserarchäologie Berlin-Brandenburg
[email protected]
Abstract: GIS has developed to become a useful tool in the recording and management of data from archaeological projects. It is
important for archaeology to have at its disposal an instrument that, in a very simple way, permits the display of information about
the location, orientation, and position of artifacts in archaeological sites and the relation of these sites to each other.
This work describes the importance of this tool in the relatively young science that is underwater archaeology, especially given that
the use of GIS has extended to the various sub-disciplines within archaeology as a whole.
Key-words: GIS, Underwater Archaeology, Methodology
Résumé: SIG développé pour un outil utile pour enregistrer et gérer des données provenant de projets archéologiques. Il est
important pour l’archéologie de posséder un instrument qui permet l’affichage de information surf emplacement, orientation et des
artifacts position du context des sites archéologiques en rapport à l’autre, d’une manière tout simplement, pour faciliter l’étude.
Ce travail décrit comment important est l’utilisation de cet outil dans la science relativement nouvelle que l’archéologie
subaquatique est, depuis l’emploi du SIG s’est étendu à des sous-disciplines de l’archéologie à tous les niveaux. Il est également
prévu pour motiver d'autres archéologues pour en savoir plus à ce sujet, et l’utiliser dans de futurs projets.
Mots-clés: SIG, Archéologie Sous-marine, Méthodologie
It is easily seen that, because of the environment The first attempts in spatial analyses may have had their
constraints, data is perceived on the surface as a whole. origin in the overlay of maps of a same area and with the
This is unlike what happens in land-based archaeology same scale. These combined several thematic and spatial
where interpretation begins in and is oriented towards information features (Heywood et al., 2002: p. 176). With
fieldwork. Therefore this system is the best strategy technological progress this manual process was
available for the spatial analysis of an archaeological site transformed into a computerized format which consists of
29
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
four components: hardware, software, geographic data underwater archaeology. The wreck of Mary Rose, an
and the human operator (ESRI, 1995). English ship that sank off the coast of Portsmouth in
1545, was discovered in the 1960s and it was many years
The importance of spatial analysis in archaeology, before an archaeological project took place. The
especially at the inter-site level, is part of the postulates excavation was documented within the Site Recorder
defended by the proponents of New Archaeology in the software and the data and information about the findings
1960s. There was a convergence of these ideas, at least at and the structure of the wreck were added to a GIS in real
a theoretical level, in the development and use of time by means of an Acoustic Positioning System, as well
Geographic Information Systems (Fontes, 2002). This as the details and descriptions provided by divers
resulted in what has come to be designated as ‘the first themselves (Holt, 2007). GIS gave the researchers a
phase of GIS’ (Matos, 2001: p. 9). wider perspective on the data in this case and helped in
the planning process (http://www.3hconsulting.com). The
The term was first applied by Roger Tomlinson in 1963 Cattewater site provides an instructive example of data
in his work on the CGIS Canada Geographic Information processing in an underwater survey and excavation in
System. The following years were marked by the which GIS allowed an accurate record. Due to these
emergence of GIS software models (SyMAP, records, there could be a correlative analysis of the data
CALFORM, GRID, ODYSSEY). This was primarily obtained right from the beginning. The system was itself
focused on archaeological information work done using developed in Site Recorder 4 (SR4), which shares the
SyMap to analyze and calculate trend surfaces of basic functionalities of other GIS applications. This
archaeological sites (Wheatley et al., 2002). In 1973, the program also allowed recording of past events, giving an
University of Birmingham organized the first CAA evolving perspective over time, integrating information
international congress, which was dedicated to the theme from various campaigns of work done on site (Holt,
of Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in 2007).
Archaeology. It came to set the foundations for the
various national CAA congresses, including CAA Also noteworthy is the work in GIS using ArcInfo and
Portugal (Figueiredo et al., 2007). This congress ArcView (ESRI) in Tel Shikmona, Haifa, Israel, on the
contributed to the growing implementation of information Eastern Mediterranean coast, where remains from the
systems in Archaeology, including the Geographic Bronze Age (1500 BC) were first identified (Breman,
Information System. Also the book Spatial Analysis in 2003). These studies focused mainly on reconstructing
Archaeology by Ian Hodder and Clive Orton, written in the shoreline, on the demarcation of the commercial areas
the 1970s, came up with a methodology to be used in the zones, on working out maritime and commercial routes,
application of such systems in the interpretation of on the study of outside influences and contacts with other
archaeological contexts. regions. These were evident from the examples of
material culture from the Persian period (538 BC-332
In 1978, spatial analysis using GIS technology allowed BC) which they had discovered. In order to perform a
researchers in southern Greece to carry out several survey more a detailed analysis of the data, geomorphologic,
studies which at once integrated the different levels of sedimentary and bathymetric characteristics were
geomorphology and hydrology (Wheatley et al., 2002: integrated into a GIS, along with the behaviours of
18). currents and the coastal dynamics in Tel Shikmona. All
of this contributed to providing unambiguous results,
However, it was only in the 1980s that GIS began to be providing suitable explanations for the type of shipping
more widely used in archaeology in North America, with and trade which was done at that time.
the application of predictive models in resource
management (Burrought, 1986). Since then, the In parts of Scotland, Spain, and Italy GIS has come to be
application of predictive models has frequently been used associated with the management and protection of
in numerous other countries (Djindjian, 1998), not only in underwater heritage. In Scotland a GIS-based platform
the intra-sites analyses of site contexts (D’Andrea, 2003), aims to gather in one place all of the information
but also in the inter-site relations between contexts. In the available about known wrecks. This platform includes
1990s the use of GIS became more widespread, information about the type of work that has been carried
highlighting the increased use of predictive models. The out, as well the strategic plans that were at the beginning
first congress dedicated solely to the application of GIS to of this work, which is particularly useful for inter-site
archaeology was held in Santa Barbara, California, in interpretation (Oxley, 2001).
1992; a subsequent one took place in Ravello, Italy, in
1993 (Lock et al., 1995). The application of GIS to A similar system was implemented in Andalusia. The
underwater archaeology however is more recent. It was Department of Documentación, Formación y Diffusion-
first used in this century, notably in the UK, on important IAPH of CAS (Centre for Archaeology Subacuática del
projects such as the Mary Rose shipwreck (from 1545), Instituto Andaluz de Patrimonio Histórico) developed a
the Cattewater shipwreck (from 1550), in Plymouth spatial system to aid in the protection of underwater
Sound and in Breakwater Fort. It has also been used in heritage on account of the large number of known
the USA in projects under the auspices of the Institute of shipwrecks in the coastal area; in the Bay of Cadiz alone
Nautical Archaeology in Texas. The first of those there are over 870 documented cases of shipwrecks from
mentioned is one of the most famous projects in the 15th through the 19th centuries (Alonso et al., 2007).
30
A. FIGUEIREDO & I. BERNARDES: THE IMPORTANCE OF GIS IN UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY
The information system used, called ARQUEOS, hidden on the map, permitting a user to see all kinds of
possesses a geo-referenced database of known sites. It information (Breman, 2003). The software is not limited
was linked to DOCUSUB, an information database of to recording spatial data, it can also record temporal
areas with potential findings, which performed searches events by describing when things happened and their
based on documentary references in the historical relationship to a site.
archives. Later it came to incorporate findings that
resulted from remote sensors and other detection
instruments. This data was arranged in GIS in CONCLUSION
conjunction with information about environmental
constraints and human exploitation such as the fishing GIS is an important tool in the integration of multiple
industry, tourism and both public and private construction datasets and can modify the interpretation of traditional
work. It contributed significantly to the protection and results of archaeological research. It can add information
safeguarding of the remaining wrecks. Apart from this, to existing approaches and supply additional opportune-
the system is particularly useful in that it establishes a ties to study and analyze data.
relationship between objects and factors such as tidal
shifts, the dynamics of coastal winds, geomorphology, GIS in underwater archaeology provides researchers with
biological activity and others. It is used to develop a useful tool to document information and to manage
predictive maps of the risk of these factors, which will different data obtained during an investigation.
then to be analyzed in order to create strategic plans to
protect these areas. Data from different projects in underwater archaeological
sites need GIS to help define possible areas of research.
Archeomar (http://www.archeomar.it/) designed by the There are still many potential projects (many of which we
Italian Dipartimento per I Beni Culturali and know from oral sources) that need to embark on this tool
Paesaggistici, Sezione per l’Archeologia Subacquea in order to be studied and documented properly.
Technique (Maritime Archaeology Section), a department
in the Ministry of Cultural Heritage, is another example The versatility of GIS in the discipline of archaeology is
of the management and study of underwater heritage with better perceived by the combination with other sciences,
a GIS application. It was created to allow recording, for example with remote sensors. This multidisciplinary
positioning and documenting works of value which lie dimension and the reliance on other scientific disciplines
underwater, off the coast of Campania, Basilicata, Puglia will facilitate and result in an improvement in the quality
and Calabria. of these projects. The main purposes of using GIS in
underwater archaeology are the recognition of past
All of this indicates that today GIS answers the needs of a landscapes, such as past coast line and settlements; identi-
fully integrated digital data management system in fication of possible risk areas for wrecks; production of
underwater archaeology (Matter and Wats, 2002). If it is digital models of depth and contextualization of wrecks
to function as a new tool, GIS should meet certain in their past landscapes.
requirements. It should be easier to learn; data should be
displayed and read more simply; it should be easier to GIS is a tool that permits the adjustment of historical
extract the information from this data; it should be elements with geographical components. In underwater
sufficiently complex for a big project and sufficiently archaeological projects, it can provide a single database
simple for a small project; it should allow the possibility that will integrate all of the gathered data, contribute to
of archiving and publishing information (Holt, on-line). research activities and diffuse knowledge to the archaeo-
logical community.
Thus GIS in underwater archaeology could allow the
storage of information about an underwater site. As a tool
it has the possibility of examining those morphological References
features that were introduced in the system, such as tides,
winds, currents and sediment transport. It is also helpful ALONSO VILLALOBOS, Carlos; BENÍTEZ LÓPEZ,
in the assessment of coastal features, potential trade and David; MÁRQUEZ CARMONA, Lourdes;
shipwrecks of a site. All of this contributes to help the VALIENTE ROMERO, Antonio; RAMOS
preservation of a site. Geophysical survey in an MIGUÉLEZ, Silvia (SD) SIGNauta: un sistema para
underwater project is a fine example of the usefulness of la información y gestión del património arqueológico
GIS. The results of geophysical surveying integrated with subacuático de Andalucía.pdf [Consult. 20 de
other data will permit the location and management of Fevereiro, 2012]. Also published in PH Boletín del
underwater findings. Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, nº 63,
agosto 2007, pp. 26-41. Available em:
GIS can also be used to study underwater landscapes in WWW:_URL:http://www.iaph.es/export/sites/default/
prehistoric periods. Because sea levels were lower in the galerías/arqueologiasubacuatica/documentos/xPDF-
glacial period, the analysis of those landscapes, now 7x_SIGNauta.pdf_.
submerged, permit the reconstruction and definition of BENÍTEZ LÓPEZ, David; ALONSO VILLALOBOS,
their outlines. The data collected can be placed into Carlos (SD) Aplicabilidad de los SIG para la gestión
different layers in GIS, which can then either be shown or del património arqueológico subacuático andaluz:
31
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
32
MUSEALIZATION OF THE UNDERWATER HERITAGE
OF THE WATERS OF SERGIPE
Gilson RAMBELLI
Coordinator of the MD in Archeology Program (PROARQ-UFSermanent MD of the Anthropology Graduation Program
of the Federal University of Sergipe. Coordinator of the Archeology Laboratory on the Underwater Environment
Department of the Federal University of Sergipe (LAAA / NAR / UFS)
[email protected]
Abstract: This article has the intention to discuss the limits and possibilities of the underwater heritage musealization in the waters
of Sergipe, as well as to analyze the potential of its possible communication process. This will work as an object of reflection of the
feasibility of in situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage vessels Llyod Brasileiro Baependy, Araquara and Aníbal Benévolo,
sunk during World War II, the German submarine Harro Schacht, also called U-507. Although the property in question has value
and importance as a social, symbolic, emotional and political, the sinking of these ships were a gap to be filled regarding the history
of Sergipe in Brazil and consequently. The theme relate the interface between Archaeology and Museology, so throughout this transit
about theories related to both areas.
Keywords: Underwater Archaeology, Musealization, Underwater Cultural Heritage
33
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
Marília Xavier Cury, among many theorists cited by her, selection made by the “museological view” on material
we will follow the musealization concepts determined by things, i.e. “(...) a critical and questioning attitude,
Waldisa Guarnieri, Cristina Bruno, Mario Chagas, and capable of a reflective distance from the set of cultural
Marilia Cury herself. We chose to name them in and natural materials (...)”. (Chagas, 1996, 99). It is
chronological order to outline the changes over time and noteworthy that on the premise that there is no science
the “views” of each theorist on musealization. That does and therefore neutral scientist, their conceptions as
not necessarily means that one theory surpasses another, individuals also conducted interference and inference on
but that they are only different viewpoints. their professional attitude toward the objects.
In her definition, Waldisa Guarnieri says that “(...) Marilia Cury understands musealization as “(...), the
musealization is much more than transfering object to the valuation of objects. (...). The musealization, then, starts
museum, because the act of musealization considers the on the selective valuation, but remains in the set of
information brought by the objects (sensu lato) in terms actions aimed at transforming the object into a document
of documentation, testimonial, and fidelity” (...) and its communication.” (Cury, 2005:24). Understanding
(Guarnieri, 1990:8). It touches a point on the trajectory of the valuation as a starting point, the musealization does
the object inserted into the process of musealization now not end at this stage, highlighting the importance of other
it is not considered a “utensil” to become a document. As steps that are of great importance in the transition from
an information carrier, the object does not explain “object utensil” to “document object”, the product of
himself, from the moment in which it “demonstrates” research conducted in the musealization process, which
qualities as historicity, documentation, testimonial, will provide its communication to the scientific public or
authenticity, etc. that lead or justify its musealization. not.
Ferrez based on Mensch says, “The object is the bearer of
intrinsic information (deducted from the object itself) and In this perspective, it is necessary that the musealized
extrinsic (obtained from sources other than the object) object do not be treated isolated towards building the
(Maciel, 2002:3), and this information coming from relationship with its social context. It is of paramount
diverse sources, explained by qualities and with the importance to relate it, as it belongs to the social contexts
contribution of the related fields of museology, will of the past, present and future. In order to perform the
enable the construction of its history. What it is, how it is, contextualization it is important to communicate the
how it is called, who made it, and having important meaning of this heritage within the context in which it
relevance the context to which the object was previously appears, giving priority to the community in which it was
inserted. and/or is inserted. Considering that the process of
musealization is not a streamlined process for
The definition presented by Cristina Bruno understands preservation and subsequent communication although it
musealization as, “(...) the set of procedures that enables is cyclic, it has steps that are crucial to its initiation and
the communication of interpreted objects (research success. The first step is the acquisition, which is “the
results) to interpreting views (public) within the museum beginning” or “starting point”, because in “possession” of
institutions (...)” (Bruno, 1991:17). It gives importance, the given object the remaining steps will begin. The
to a certain extent, to the technical part (practical second step is the research, which will fetch the intrinsic
procedures) of musealization stating that, “(...) It is a set and extrinsic information to the object held in parallel to
of procedures”, treating musealization as a process, which the procedures of conservation and documentation. The
its integral parts – research, conservation, and third and final step is the communication process, which
documentation, serve as pillars to achieve its final will be responsible for the dissemination of the object
objective. That objective is the communication, to the through the means available for its provision and
public, of objects that have already been submitted to the extroversion, as well as knowledge produced in the
process and that bring information from the research academic and extra academic environment.
conducted for the occurrence of an institutionalization to
the public – the great motivator of completing the process
musealization to a given object. It is noteworthy that the UNDERWATER HERITAGE COMMUNICATION:
process does not end at the time the public has contact THE PRODUCT OF MUSEALIZATION
with the object. From the events and/or reactions from the
public in contact with the object, there is a restart of In Brazil, a major problem, which turns out to be the
actions toward the object, since the musealization process precursor of other Maritime and Underwater Archaeology
consists on cyclical actions linked to the dynamics, which problems, is the lack of knowledge of the existence of
the object is submitted or entered. underwater heritage by the community. CEANS/SEN
evaluates that the disrespect and depredation of
Mario Chagas defines the power exerted by the underwater cultural heritage, especially on shipwrecks,
museologist about the destination and value of each are due largely to lack of knowledge and misinformation.
object through said “museological view”. This view is (Livro Amarelo, 2004, p. 2). This problem, which may be
not neutral. It is filled with ideologies, among other solved as soon as the product of research, being
issues, which will serve as guidelines of the options and archaeological or from other areas that have the same
decisions taken by the museologist. According to Chagas: focus, is released to the scope of the community. The
“The musealization is a process that begins with the underwater cultural heritage brought a new dilemma for
34
Â. ANDRADE FERREIRA ET AL.: MUSEALIZATION OF THE UNDERWATER HERITAGE OF THE WATERS OF SERGIPE
heritage discussions, since the preservation and things are lost and belong to those who find them. Given
conservation of this extra situ is quite costly and exposes this situation, it was determined that 80% of the artifacts
the object to a considerable degradation. Taking into “rescued” would belong to the explorer and 20% would
account that in the first moment the object is removed be ownership of the Brazilian government, according to
from the underwater environment and maintains contact the text of the Federal Law 7.542/86.
with the air the degradation process starts, the in situ
preservation and the heritage sustainability have been the Transposing to the international legal foundations of
two subjects of discussions. However, it should be noted underwater cultural heritage, we quote the text of the 31st
that an exacerbated preservation will further separate an General Conference of the United Nations Organization
audience that do not even have knowledge of what it is or for Education, Science and Culture (UNESCO) by
what is the significance of that heritage, what would lead ICUCH – International Committee on Underwater Cultu-
to the degradation of its structure. In submitting the ral Heritage. That is an example of how international law
object to a sustainability system, it would become are manifested about preservation in situ, as well as the
accessible to the community, which would lead it to an inclusion of the community in the process of preservation
exhibition of large proportion. It is important to and conservation of cultural heritage, specifically
emphasize that the sustainability issue is not about underwater heritage. According to the official text, titled
remnant unregulated commercial exploitation of the Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural
remains of shipwrecks held in the past that led to physical Heritage, Paris, 2001, article II, 5th, 6th and 7th
and documental deterioration. Based on studies, it seeks paragraphs, providing the input for interaction with the
to integrate the heritage object with the community and, community, as it is preserved in situ, the object must
as far as possible, to make it self-sustaining, which will inform the community in which is inserted with priority.
provide funds for its autonomy with regard to the
preservation and conservation. The underwater 5. The preservation in situ of underwater cultural heritage
archaeological vestige cannot be reduced to a mere shall be considered as the first option before allowing or
informative function and knowledge in face of its initiating any activity directed at this cultural heritage.
“survival” needs and testimony to contemporary and
future societies. 6. The recovered underwater cultural heritage shall be
deposited, conserved and managed in a way that ensures
In Brazil, as occurred elsewhere in the world, the its long-term preservation.
shipwreck Archaeology, which represents the integration
of archaeological specialties such as navigation (the 7. The underwater cultural heritage shall not be subject to
vessel), the underwater (the site environment), and commercial exploitation.
maritime (the society) in a specific category of an
archaeological site (Rambelli, 2006:98), suffered The new position of archaeological research based on
marginalization within the academic world. This resulted paragraph 5 is related to a problem that today’s
in the difficulty encountered by researchers in this field to Archaeology Museums face, which is the over-collection
initiate or progress on their research. Because there is this due to excessive drilling without taking in consideration
internal segregation in Archaeology, archaeological sites whether the museums have the infrastructure to hold all
of shipwrecks became more susceptible to violation and of the artifacts collected with premised on the
disrespect, either by local collectors of floating remnants preservation, conservation and consequently their
of the sunken vessels or by treasure hunters inspired by communication. In the case of artifacts submerged when
the legend of submerged fortunes. These, for some time, collected, since it remained immersed in the environment
has been easy targets for diving treasure hunters, who are for a prolonged period, when brought to the surface will
not linked to the principles or laws relating to archeology suffer various “degradations” related to the change of
or underwater archeology. environment, becoming burdensome its preservation and
maintenance in general. Exceptionally, they can be
According to Funari & Pellegrini (2006, p. 28): removed, by expert assessment, from the submerged
“The looting of shipwrecks – with their loads with environmental in equilibrium with it. If “warehoused” in
commercial value, already alerted to the seriousness technical reserve and isolated from the public, it will not
of the problem of ownership of commercial heritage, fulfill its social role, because the vast collection prevents
since it loses, in this case, the whole context that can the execution of all steps relevant to the process of
give meaning to underwater objects taken by musealization.
underwater piracy.”
Faced with the unviability of existing museums of
These explorers became present in the Brazilian coast receiving new artifacts, either in technical reserves or in
after being banned from international waters. Since they exhibition areas, due to the limited physical and financial
could not loot the submerged heritage located in other infrastructure, increasingly becomes pertinent the
parts of the world, they focused in Brazil. Here, they musealization in situ. That will provide targeted
found a free territory for exploration and without interventions on the site without degrading the same and
interference to the achievement of looting – the artifacts its constituent parts, and the creation of virtual exhibition
collected here were transferred to collectors and spaces that allow the dialogue between the individual and
museums, based on the prerogative that once submerged, the underwater cultural heritage, as well as enable future
35
UNDERWATER ARCHAEOLOGY, COASTAL AND LAKESIDE
generations to carry the same interpretations based on the An important point in the preservation of underwater
context of their time. heritage refers to the fact that local legislation goes in
opposite direction to international laws that treat the
“Hence the importance of giving prestige or legal
specifics of submerged archaeological heritage. The
apparatus that enables the conservation of the
international laws were created in order to preserve and
archaeological site and its context (or its recovery and
safeguard the underwater cultural heritage. The national
research) for later production of knowledge, with
law 10,166/00 had a preponderant role in the depredation
more advanced technologies, and probably with more
of this heritage, as it defines it as “things and possessions
profound and mature academic discussions. At the
of artistic, historic or archaeological interest”, offering
same time, the maintenance of archaeological basis
support to undue exploitation and trade of goods
for in situ conservation means enabling the
originating from archaeological sites formed from sunken
interregnum time required for deliberation, which
vessels (shipwrecks sites). For treating underwater
connects the principle to one of the foundations of the
cultural heritage artifacts as valuables properties, it
environmental principle of precaution (...).” (Soares,
conceives intrusive intervention on this heritage as a
2007:98).
simple operation to recover objects from the bottom of
The Federal Law 7.542/86, determines the Union as the the sea, especially the remains of sunken ships.
owner of submerged archaeological sites, being (Rambelli, 2009).
responsible for the protection and exploitation of the
submerged cultural heritage the Navy of Brazil, not being It is important nowadays to search for improvements
mentioned the Institute of Historical and Artistic Heritage regarding the laws and knowledge on the subject, as well
(IPHAN), the federal agency that has the task of as the training of new professionals to work in
safeguarding the historical, artistic and cultural heritage. underwater archeology in Brazil. In specific, in Sergipe,
This measure confirmed this stance in maintaining this because it’s known that there is a submerged unexplored
vision of the underwater cultural heritage, relegating it to heritage on the coast of Sergipe that needs to go through
exoticism and being treated as something that neither an inventory process in order to be diffused, as well as
falls within what is understood as property, nor is valued, avoiding the subtraction of their constituent parts.
so not getting due recognition.
36
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have I been wounded. But I have been knocked over frequently
through carelessness in approaching boar at bay down-wind, or in
stalking at night. The latter sport, especially when stalking a solitaire,
is very exciting: it requires skill, patience, and great caution.
I wear, when stalking, shoes with rope-soles, enabling me to tread
noiselessly over rough ground. I have stalked boar on a dark night
up-wind, when feeding in corn, until I have approached the animal
hidden by the crop, and have put the barrel of my gun within a foot of
his body before firing. When I heard the boar occupied in tearing off
a pod of Indian corn or munching grain, I advanced. When he
stopped feeding to listen, as they will cunningly do for several
minutes, I stood motionless also, until the munching recommenced.
One very dark night I managed to approach so noiselessly along
a narrow path through a copse which led to an orchard—where I had
heard from the windows of my villa at ‘Ravensrock’ a boar eating
apples—that I actually pushed my knee against the boar, who had
his snout in an opposite direction, before either of us became aware
that we were at close quarters. My gun was not cocked, for I did not
expect to have to use it until I entered the orchard, where I supposed
the boar to be still feeding. The leap I made in the air was not more
frantic than that of the boar, who jumped into the thicket. We were
both terribly startled. The boar had no doubt in the still night heard
me close the door of the balcony, two hundred yards off from the
orchard, and had hidden in the dark path to listen and await events.
On another occasion, having observed during my rides on the hill
that boar came down at night to a rough field of barley, I took my gun
a little before sunset and rode to the ground. I left my nag in charge
of a Moor, about a quarter of a mile from the field, and directed him
to keep quiet, and not to come near the field until I fired a shot. The
crop of barley I had observed was poor and short, so I felt sure I
should see the body of any boar worth firing at.
I seated myself on a rock about three feet from the ground. In my
belt was a long Spanish knife, with a handle made to insert in the
muzzle of a gun, like a bayonet. The moon had set, the sky was
cloudy, and starlight very faint. I wrapped a piece of white paper as a
sight around the gun, a few inches from the lock, so that I could see
it, even though the night was very dark. Just as the nine p.m.
Gibraltar gun boomed across the Straits, I heard a rustling in the
bush and a grunt, warning me the enemy was nigh.
The wind was favourable; the boar had entered the field on a
different side from what I expected. I strained my eyes to view the
beast, whom I could hear chewing the ears of barley, but could not at
first distinguish him.
At length he approached within fifteen yards from the rock where I
was seated, and I could just see his head above the barley, therefore
I concluded, supposing the stalk was short, it was a sow or only a
two-year-old. I waited until the object advanced within a few yards,
and I could see a good patch of black body. I fired, and heard the
noise of the fall; then the boar rose, went a few yards, and tumbled
over, and I could distinctly hear what appeared to be its death-
struggles. Then all was still; I got down from the rock, but did not
reload, thinking there was no risk, and walked to the spot where I
heard the struggles.
In the short barley were several low palmetto bushes. Seeing a
dark object move, as I fancied, I aimed and fired. It was a palmetto
bush—the leaves shaken by the wind had rustled. Within a few yards
of this bush a large form suddenly rose and came slowly towards
me. Both barrels were empty. I had barely time to insert the Spanish
knife in the muzzle of the gun when I could see a grim head and
tusks glistening in the starlight. It was not, as I had supposed, a sow
or a pig; it was a tusker.
The ground was favourable, for I stood uphill above the boar. I
held the gun so that the knife should enter at the shoulder and not
strike the head. As the boar pressed on to reach me, I joyfully felt the
blade penetrate into its body up to the hilt, and expected he would
fall dead; but no, limping on one sound leg he continued to advance;
so I backed, nearly falling over a palmetto bush; then the boar
moved to one side to get round upon me, and I followed his
movements, dreading every moment that the knife, if the boar
retreated, would be withdrawn.
Again he came on with a rush, and I moved rapidly backwards
until my back came against a rock in the field about four feet from
the ground. I scrambled up it, pressing the knife and gun against the
boar’s body to assist me. He tried to follow, but, with his disabled leg,
failed and then moved away, carrying the knife in his body, whilst I
retained the gun. I reloaded safely on the rock, thanking God for my
narrow escape.
As the Moor came up with my horse I shouted to him to keep at a
distance, saying the boar was alive and close by. I then got off the
rock and advanced carefully, with both barrels loaded, to the spot to
which I fancied the animal had retreated. Up he got, and came at me
with a rush, receiving the contents of both barrels in his head and
body. I found the long Spanish knife had entered the neck above the
shoulder, and passed along the skin without penetrating the body.
The steel was not good, and had been bent during the struggle. The
boar proved to be a fine three-year-old, with tusks which could have
cut me into shreds. During my tussle with this beast I had a vivid
recollection of having heard that a Moorish hunter, a short time
before my adventure, had fired at a boar at night in a field of Indian
corn, and had followed up the tracks of blood at dawn for some
distance, when he came suddenly upon the wounded animal, who
charged before he could fire, knocked him down and ripped his body
severely. His family, finding next morning he did not return, sent out
in quest of him to the field of corn, and there he was found in a dying
state, wounded in the stomach, just able to relate what had
happened. Within a few yards of the wounded man lay the tusker
quite dead.
Some years ago an English official at Tangier, R———, a very
absent man, sallied out one night to sit for a large boar, which was
reported to pass every evening after dusk a path not far from my
stable at Ravensrock. Near this path in the bush was a rock, on
which my friend squatted with a double-barrelled gun to await the
boar.
It was a very dark night, but the path of white sand in front,
contrasting with the green bush around, could be clearly seen, as
also any object moving along it. He heard the tread of a large animal,
and as it approached within a few feet he fired, but his horror and
dismay can be imagined when down fell a donkey with panniers and
a man on the top! Explanations ensued, with warm expressions of
regret on the part of R———, which were accepted good-naturedly
by the Moor, especially when the former put in his hands double the
value of the donkey and the panniers. The ball had passed through
the top of the skull of the donkey. Strange to say the animal
recovered, and was made use of in R———’s garden.
Boar during the fruit-harvest come down to the orchards near
Tangier and commit great ravages. When sufficient fruit is not
scattered on the ground, they will rub against apple or pear trees
until the fruit falls, or they will spring on the top of a trellis of vines,
tearing it down to the ground to get at the grapes. The Moors put
nooses of rope at the gaps in the hedge where boar enter, and
fasten the noose to a tree or to a bundle of branches. The animal is
often found strangled in the morning; but when the rope is fastened
to loose branches it is less likely to snap, and the boar will carry off
the bundle, until stopped by an entanglement of the rope with some
other object.
Being out one day with a party of hunters, I saw at a distance a
thick bush moving slowly, as by magic, along the top of a dense
copse of gum cistus. No horse or man could be seen. One of the
hunters exclaimed, ‘a boar has been caught in a noose! See the
bush to which it is fastened moving along the top of the copse.’ We
decided to take the animal alive, so approaching the bush and long
rope to which the noose was attached, we laid hold of the rope and
pulled it tight, until the boar was half-strangled. We then gagged the
beast with a thick stick and string. He was dragged out of the thicket,
put on a pack animal and carried to a room in my stable, where the
gag was removed and food and water given.
Next day I invited a party of riders to see the boar turned loose in
the open, two or three miles away from the bush. The horsemen took
no weapons, and our motley pack of boar-dogs were held in leash by
hunters, who were directed to let go when I should give the signal
after the pig had a fair start of one hundred and fifty yards.
Some ladies joined us on horseback, but my wife, being nervous,
rode a donkey, and had a Moor to lead it and to take care of my
young son, who was in front. I placed them on a hillock about two
hundred yards off, where I thought they would be safe and be able to
view the boar. Telling the horsemen and Moors who held the dogs in
leash not to start until I gave the signal, I had the boar conveyed to a
high bank on a dry watercourse, and then removing the gag and
untying the rope, we dropped him gently down, thus giving time for
the men on foot to hide and me to mount before the boar could
charge us. He was only a two-year-old, so his tusks were not very
formidable. The boar bolted up the gulley, and on reaching the top of
the bank looked around, North, South, East and West, but saw no
cover. Viewing my horse about forty yards off he charged, and I
galloped away. The boar halted, looked around, and saw on the
mound an object with brilliant ribbons dangling in the wind, and then
to my great consternation made straight for my wife’s donkey. In vain
I rode full tilt, cracking my hunting-whip, trying to turn the beast, and
shouting to the hunters to let the dogs slip; but before they came up,
the boar got under the donkey, trying to rip it, whilst the Moor,
holding my son aloft on his shoulders, was kicking at the boar.
Up came the dogs, who drew off the boar’s attention, and away
he went; but being better inclined to fight than to gallop, the chase
was short, and he was pulled down by the dogs.
‘Take this knife,’ I said to a long Yankee official; ‘as this is your first
boar-hunt, you shall have the honour of giving the death-blow.’ Knife
in hand, the New Yorker fearlessly advanced, and was inserting
expertly the blade near the region of the heart, when up jumped the
dying pig, knocked over his lank antagonist, and then fell never to
rise again.
Boar when caught young become very attached to man, and will
follow like a dog. They can be taught cleanly habits when kept in a
house, but have no respect for flowers, and cannot resist rooting up
any object which is not firmly fixed in the ground or pavement. I had
a large sow as a pet, which followed me out riding for long distances.
When attacked by dogs on passing villages, the sow would turn
on them and fight gallantly, until I came to the rescue with my
hunting-whip. She became at length very troublesome, and would be
off on the loose into the town whenever the stable-door happened to
be left open. I had frequent complaints from bakers and
greengrocers, and had heavy damages to pay for robberies of bread,
so I gave orders that the sow was to be shut up in a yard.
One day, when the door had been left open, as the sow rushed
rapidly up the street towards a greengrocer’s shop in the little
market-place, where she was accustomed to rob, it happened that a
young mulatto woman, whose legs had been paralysed for some
years, and who gained her livelihood by begging, was crawling on
her elbows and knees along the streets, coming down towards the
Legation. She had never seen a pig in her life, so when she beheld a
large black animal rushing frantically, as she supposed, to devour
her, thought it was a ‘Jin[68].’
The shock was so great, that up she scrambled and ran off; the
paralysis of her legs had ceased. This miracle performed by the sow
was a source of wonder to all, especially to the Mohammedans, loth
to believe that ‘Allah’ should make use of the unclean animal to heal
the maimed. The next day the mulatto appeared at my gate, walking
upright, to petition that I should give her compensation for the fright
she had experienced, pleading also that the pig had deprived her of
the means of gaining her livelihood, for she was now whole, and no
one took pity and bestowed alms on her as before. I gave her only
my blessing, for she was strong and young, and could work. The
sow was presented by me to a gentleman in England, who wished to
introduce a cross of the wild animal.
The sagacity of the boar is greater than that of most animals. A
Moorish Sheikh dwelling in the mountains about forty miles from
Tangier, brought as a gift to the Basha a full-grown boar, that had
been caught when only two months old. The animal had become
very tame; it was brought tied on the back of a pack mule.
A few days after presentation the Basha’s sons carried the boar
out into the country and let it loose, slipping greyhounds to give
chase. The boar knocked over the hounds, charged and ripped two
horses, and got away. Next morning it was found feeding quietly in
the yard of its master’s house, forty miles off! I was glad to learn that
the owner, on hearing how his pet had been treated by the Basha’s
sons, kept the animal until it died.
In the present century lions have rarely been seen in the Northern
province of Morocco.
During a residence of many years I have only heard of two having
been seen in the woods between Tangier and Cape Spartel. I cannot
account for these lions having wandered so far from the Atlas
Mountains—where they are still to be found—except, as the Moors
of those regions relate, that when the winter has been unusually cold
and snow has fallen heavily, the wild animals which dwell in the
higher parts of the Atlas descend to the valleys and plains. Should a
thaw suddenly set in, and rivers and brooks become swollen, the
lions and other wild animals which seek to return to the mountains
are prevented repassing the rapid streams, and stray away from the
district, seeking for forest or for an uninhabited country, and, moving
along the chain of hills to the northward, reach the district of Spartel
—which is about seven miles square—bounded on the western side
by the Atlantic and on the northern by the Straits of Gibraltar.
Early one morning I had a visit from several inhabitants of the
village of ‘Jamah Makra,’ not far from the site of my present villa
‘Ravensrock,’ which stands on a hill, three miles out of Tangier,
surrounded by woods. The men came to request that I should
assemble my hunters and sally out in pursuit of a wild animal which,
they related, had lacerated with its claws the flank of a mare and
bitten it in the neck. They informed me that they had been roused in
the middle of the night by the tramp of horses galloping through the
lanes—snorting and neighing—and supposed that cavalry had been
sent to surround the village. But to their surprise they found their own
ponies (which are allowed to run loose on the hills when not required
for agricultural purposes, and live in a half-wild state, never allowing
man to approach them, especially at night-time) had by instinct
sought safety in the village, trying to penetrate even into the huts.
Amongst the herd was the wounded mare, in a dying state.
I assembled a party of hunters with their boar-dogs, and
proceeding to the spot we found round the village tracks of a large
animal; evidently of the feline race, as the footprints were round, with
no mark of nails, but had pads, as in the print of a cat’s foot. The
beast appeared to have avoided as much as possible the open path,
and to have walked near or amongst the ilex bushes, on which we
found long tawny hairs, showing it was a male lion. We also came
across the half-eaten carcasses of a boar and of a porcupine. There
were marks too as of a herd of boar making a stampede in a
southerly direction, fleeing from the dread monarch of the woods.
We turned our dogs into the thicket—where, by the tracks, we
knew the lion had entered—and placed two guns at each run. But
the dogs returned from the thicket and shrank behind their masters.
They had evidently come upon or winded the lion, and we could not
induce them to hunt. The beaters, after entering the thicket, firing
guns, and beating drums, refused to advance further; so we had to
abandon the hunt.
A woman whom we met informed us that, on going to a fountain in
her orchard to draw water, she had met a ‘jin’ (evil spirit), evidently,
from her description, a lion; that she became paralysed from fright
and could not move; that the ‘jin’ had eyes like lamps, and after
gazing at her had turned aside into the bush.
The Moors believe that lions will never attack a nude woman,
such is the magnanimous beast’s delicate sense of shame.
Lionesses, it is to be concluded, are less particular. The dame did
not mention that she had a knowledge of this, so we know not
whether she dropped her vestments to save her life.
There was a good moon; so I determined to sit for the lion, safely
perched on a rock, where, though it would be possible for a lion to
climb, yet I should have had a great advantage in an encounter with
gun and pistols. I passed the night in a state of excitement—starting
at every rustle made by rabbit, ichneumon, or even rats—without
seeing anything of the king of beasts. But about midnight I heard
what sounded from a distance like the deep bellow of a bull.
A few days later, hearing that the track of the lion had been seen
at ‘Ain Diab,’ a wood near Cape Spartel, I collected the hunters and
rode to the ground, about eight miles from Tangier. There we tracked
the lion into a dense thicket. The dogs again refused to hunt, as on
the previous occasion, winding no doubt the lion. This was good
proof that he was at home; so posting the guns, I directed the
beaters to drive the wood from the foot of the hill and that guns
should occasionally be fired and drums beaten.
A few minutes after I had taken up my post a Moor hurried up to
where I was standing, in a great state of excitement, pale as death,
saying, ‘I have seen the man[69]!’ ‘What man?’ I asked. He repeated,
‘I have seen the man! I had entered the thicket to look at an olive-
tree from which I thought I could cut a good ramrod; there is a rock
rising about twenty feet above the olive-tree, and as I stooped to look
whence I could best cut a branch, I saw a great shaggy head, with
fierce eyes glaring at me from between two huge paws. I had laid
down my gun to cut the olive stick; I dared not turn to take it up
again, so left it there and crawled back through the bush to tell you
what I have seen.’
The rock, which he then pointed out, was about two hundred
yards from where we stood. I collected the sportsmen and selected
three of them (my brother and two Moors upon whose courage I
could depend), and we determined to beard the lion in his den. My
left arm was in a sling, having been injured while playing cricket a
few days previously. As we advanced into the dense thicket I was
prevented, by the pain caused by the branches knocking against my
arm, from following quickly my companions. Carried away by their
desire to slay the lion, they rushed on headlong, regardless of wait-
a-bit thorns and other impediments; so I was left in the lurch. Feeling
uncertain about the exact direction they had taken, but hearing, as I
thought, the sound of some one passing in front of me, I shouted,
‘Where are you? why are you returning?’ No reply. Yet it was evident
the moving object had approached me within a very few yards. Again
I called, ‘Why don’t you speak?’ Then I heard a rush, as I suddenly
came to an open spot of sandy soil, upon which I could trace the
footmarks of the lion who had just passed. The animal had evidently
moved away from the rock when he heard or saw the three men
approaching, and having no desire to attack man unprovoked, had
doubled back, passing close to me. All this flashed through my brain;
I halted, kept perfectly still, holding my breath, for I had not the
courage, alone and with an injured arm, to follow the dread beast.
Moreover, I could never have caught it up, at least I tried so to
convince myself, and thus to hush any feeling of shame at my
cowardice.
My companions returned a few minutes afterwards, reporting that
they had reached the rock where the lion had been; but he had
evidently left on their approach, and they had tracked him through
the bush to the spot where I had stood when he passed. We
followed the direction the lion took for some time without success,
and we supposed he must have made off at a swinging trot.
The following day we heard that an ox had been killed on the hills
of Anjera between Tangier and Tetuan, and that the lion had gone in
the direction of the snow-topped mountains of Beni Hassén.
On each visit of a lion to the Tangier district the track of a hyena
had been seen to follow that of the sultan of the forest.
On one occasion, when there were rumours of a lion having been
heard of in the Tangier district, and we were out hunting boar in the
woods near Spartel, I heard several shots fired from the side of a hill
where I had posted the guns, and a beater shouting to me, as I stood
hidden behind a small rock in some low bush, ‘“Ya el Awar!”—Oh ye
blind! The lion to you!’ An instant after I viewed, bounding over the
bushes, a large shaggy animal. With its huge mouth open and
bristling mane, it looked very terrible; but I knew at once it was not a
lion; so I waited till the beast was within a few yards and sent a bullet
through its heart. It turned out to be a very large Hyena rufus—
striped, not spotted—larger than any specimen of that animal I have
seen in the Zoological Gardens or any menagerie.
The stench of the animal was overpowering; the skin was in
beautiful condition, and proved very handsome when preserved.
A grand lion was seen many years ago, standing in the early
morning on the sand-hills which line the beach close to the town of
Tangier, and causing great alarm. But it turned out to be a tame lion
which a ‘Shloh’ woman—who, as a Sherífa, was endowed with a
slight halo of sanctity—had brought captive from the Atlas
Mountains. She led it about with only a loose rope round its neck, as
she begged from village to village, and had arrived outside the gates
of Tangier the previous evening, after they were closed, and she had
laid down to sleep near the lion, which, during the night, had strayed
away. This lion was quite tame and harmless, and came back to her
from the sand-hills when she called it.
A Spanish gentleman told me that returning home late one dark
night from a party in Tangier, carrying a small lantern to light his way,
he saw what he fancied was a donkey coming towards him in one of
the very narrow streets of the town where two stout persons on
meeting can hardly pass each other. He turned his lantern on the
object, and, to his dismay, saw the glistening eyes and shaggy head
of a lion which he had already seen led in daytime by the woman
through the streets. The beast was alone, without its keeper. The
Don said he had never made himself so small as when he stood
against a closed door to allow his Majesty to pass; which he did quite
pacifically.
‘Oh ye blind! The lion to you!’
This accusation of blindness is perhaps the mildest form of abuse
employed by the beaters, in the excitement of the hunt, to the guns
posted to await the boar. Sir John, as Master of the Hunt, shared in
the very liberal abuse indulged in by the men who had laboriously
driven the boar from the thick coverts towards him and his friends,
native and foreign, who waited to shoot the pigs as they broke. Every
possible term of abuse—and Arabic is rich in such—together with
imprecations such as only Oriental imagination could devise, would
be yelled at them as a warning not to miss. Strangers too would
always be indicated by any peculiarity in their appearance or dress.
Neither did the excited beaters, at such moments, put any check on
their rough wit. But the railing of Moorish sportsmen at each other,
however violent in the ardour of the chase, is never resented.
As a case in point, Sir John related the following story.
A former Governor of Tangier, a thorough sportsman, was out
hunting on one occasion, when a man of low degree who was acting
as beater, and, as is usually the case, had his own dogs with him,
started a boar in the direction of the Basha, who was sitting near the
animal’s expected path ready to receive him. The beater called out,
swearing lustily at the Basha, and using every opprobrious term he
could think of; adding that if he missed his shot he should never be
allowed to fire again!
The Basha fired and killed the boar.
Some little time after, when the beat was finished, the huntsmen
assembled as usual, and the Basha asked who it was that had
started the boar he had shot. The poor beater, feeling he had
exercised the licence of the chase rather too boldly, kept somewhat
in the background, but, on this challenge, came forward and
acknowledged that it was he who had done so.
‘And what did you shout out to me when the boar took in my
direction?’ asked the Basha. The beater, dismayed, was silent. But
on the question being repeated, acknowledged having called out,
‘The boar to you—oh blind one!’
‘Only that!’ exclaimed the Basha. ‘Surely I heard you abuse me.
Tell me what you said.’
In reply to this the beater, in desperation, burst out with all the
abuse he had uttered. Whereupon the Basha, taking from his wallet
four ‘metskal’ (then worth some three Spanish dollars), presented
them to the beater, saying, ‘Take this. I know you were anxious on
account of your dogs, and for the success of the sport. I pardon your
abuse of me.’
After his retirement from his official position, Sir John lived little
more than seven years, dividing his time between Morocco and
Europe, returning, as has been said, for the winter to his beloved
‘Ravensrock,’ enjoying his sport to the end, and at intervals jotting
down his ‘Scraps from my Note-book’ as a slight record of his life. ‘I
feel,’ he says, referring to the appearance of some of his stories in
Murray’s Magazine, ‘like a dwarf amongst tall men. Never mind. If
my relatives and friends are pleased and amused, I shall continue to
unwind the skein of my life till I reach my infancy.’ Among the last of
the notes made by Sir John in his ‘Note-book’ was the following,
which may be appropriately introduced at the close of this sketch of
his career.
Cadiz, 225.
Campbell, Colonel, 28.
Canning, Lady, 47, 66.
Canning, Sir Stratford, 47, 58, 66; appointed Ambassador at Constantinople,
49; his method of conducting business, 49; letter from Sir J. D. Hay on the
state of affairs in Tangier, 68-71.
Carstensen, Mr., 142, 223.
Cartwright, Mr., 66.
Castelar, Señor, 207.
Cattle-lifting in Morocco, 193.
Ceuta, its advantages over Gibraltar, 234.
Chapman, Mrs., anecdote of Sir J. D. Hay, 164.
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