Coleman Must I Be A Womanist
Coleman Must I Be A Womanist
[with Response]
Author(s): Monica A. Coleman, Katie G. Cannon, Arisika Razak, Irene Monroe, Debra
Mubashshir Majeed, Lee Miena Skye, Stephanie Y. Mitchem and Traci C. West
Source: Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion , Spring, 2006, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring,
2006), pp. 85-134
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Roundtable Discussion
MUST I BE WOMANIST?
MUST I BE WOMANIST?
Monica A. Coleman
1 Alice Walker, "Saving the Life That Is Your Own: The Importance of Models in the Artist's
Life," in In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens: Womanist Prose (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jova
novich, 1983), 13. See also Zora Neale Hurston, Their Eyes Were Watching God (Philadelphia:
Lippincott, 1937).
2 Katie G. Cannon, Black Womanist Ethics (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988).
3 All references to Walker's definition are found in Walker, In Search of Our Mothers' Gar
dens, xi-xii.
spiritual, and religious experiences of black lesbians (and gays). More than ten
years ago, womanist theologian Renee Hill critiqued her colleagues for their
failure to address the issue of lesbianism: "Christian women have failed to rec
ognize heterosexism and homophobia as points of oppression that need to be
resisted if all Black women (straight, lesbian and bisexual) are to have liberation
and a sense of their own power."4 On the one hand, womanist theologians have
long been willing to add heterosexism to the matrix of oppressive forces that
affect the lives of black women (in addition to racism, sexism, and classism).5 In
fact, Kelly Brown Douglas does this as early as The Black Christ (1994) and gives
it greater attention in her later book Sexuality and the Black Church (1999),6 To
her credit, Douglas writes about the entire purview of black sexuality and the
black church, and other womanists actively teach about heterosexism and ho
mophobia.7 I'm not sure which is more disappointing though -that no woman
ist wrote more than a few paragraphs about homosexuality until the twenty-first
century, or that Douglas connects the church's need to address homosexuality
with the HIV/AIDS crisis in the black community.8
Generally, however, womanist religious scholarship is typified by a silence
about homosexuality. At times the silence is obvious and deafening. Womanists
reference Audre Lorde's discussion of the erotic as power without discussing
Lorde's personal expression of the erotic. Womanists discuss Baby Suggs's ser
mon in Toni Morrison's Beloved's Clearing without including the perhaps-sexual
relationship in Morrison's Sula.9 Womanists frequently cite Celie and Shug's
conversation about God in Walker's The Color Purple, while omitting the pas
4 Ren?e Leslie Hill, "Who Are We for Each Other? Sexism, Sexuality and Womanist Theol
ogy," in Black Theology: A Documentary History, 2nd ed., vol. 2,1980-1992, ed. James H. Cone
and Gayraud S. Wilmore (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1993), 346.
5 Delores S. Williams, "A Womanist Perspective on Sin," in A Troubling in My Soul: Wom
anist Perspectives on Evil and Suffering, Bishop Henry NcNeal Studies in North American Black
Religion 8 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1993), 146-47; Toinette M. Eugene, '"Swing Low, Sweet Char
iot!': A Womanist Response to Sexual Violence and Abuse," in Violence against Women and Chil
dren: A Christian Theological Sourcebook, ed. Carol J. Adams and Marie M. Fortune (New York:
Continuum, 1995), 189.
6 Kelly Brown Douglas, The Black Christ, Bishop Henry McNeal Studies in North Ameri
can Black Religion 9 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1994), 101; Kelly Brown Douglas, Sexuality and the
Black Church: A Womanist Perspective (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1999).
7 See interviews with Jacquelyn Grant, Emilie M. Townes, Kelly Brown Douglas, and M.
Shawn Copeland in Gary David Comstock, A Whosoever Church: Welcoming Lesbians and Gay
Men into African American Congregations (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001).
8 Douglas, Sexuality and the Black Church, 1-3. Douglas acknowledges that there is no
direct correlation between homosexuality and HIV/AIDS; nevertheless, she uses the HIV/
AIDS crisis as a personal and institutional entr?e into the discussion of homophobia in the black
community (3).
9 Toni Morrison, Beloved: A Novel (New York: Knopf, 1987); Toni Morrison, Sula (New
York: Knopf, 1973).
sionate love Celie finds in Shug's arms.'0 Without giving detailed attention to
the issue of sexual orientation, womanists paint a picture of black women as
sisters, other-mothers, girlfriends, and loving church mothers, when there is
much more to the picture. Douglas asserts that this silence is part of the over
all taboo of discussing sexuality within the black community." Karen Baker
Fletcher is more direct: "I suspect that for many [womanists, our silence about
homosexuality] is for the same reason that many gays and lesbians hesitate to
come out of the closet: fear of losing a job, of being thrown out of church,
ostracized in the community."'12 The silence is understandable, but it quickly
becomes complicity.
This silence is particularly disturbing given the fact that black lesbians were
so active and vocal in the development of black feminism. In the Combahee
River Collective's black feminist statement of 1977, the authors repeatedly refer
to the collaboration among "black feminists and lesbians."''3 In "The Failure
to Transform: Homophobia in the Black Community" (1983), Cheryl Clarke
harshly criticizes black female scholars for their homophobic silence: "Like her
black male counterpart, the black woman intellectual is afraid to relinquish het
erosexual privilege." Clarke insists that the black community address homopho
bia, not because of HIV/AIDS or to fight oppression, but because "ain't lesbians
women too?"'4 Self-identified black feminists spoke out about the issue of het
erosexism more than twenty years before womanist religious scholars did.
Black female ethicist Cheryl Sanders readily, and appropriately, I believe,
divorces herself from the label "womanist," because she refuses to "affirm and/
or advocate homosexual practices.'5 For this reason, she argues, no Christian
should embrace the label "womanist." In many ways, I agree. If one is not willing
to openly, forthrightly, and consistently critique heterosexism and homophobia
with the same fervor as the critique of sexism, racism, and classism, then per
haps one should not be a "womanist."
As noted earlier, I also feel that womanist religious scholarship has not done
10 Alice Walker, The Color Purple (New York: Washington Square, 1982); Cheryl Clarke
makes a similar critique in "The Failure to Transform: Homophobia in the Black Community,"
in Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, ed. Barbara Smith (New York: Kitchen Table, 1983),
203-5.
11 Kelly Brown Douglas, "Daring to Speak: Womanist Theology and Black Sexuality," in Em
bracing the Spirit: Womanist Perspectives on Hope, Salvation, and Transformation, ed. Emilie M.
Townes (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1998), 236-37.
12 Karen Baker-Fletcher in Karen Baker-Fletcher and Garth Kasimu Baker-Fletcher, My
Sister, My Brother: Womanist and Xodus God-Talk (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1997), 259.
13 Combahee River Collective, "Black Feminist Statement," in All the Women Are White, All
the Blacks Are Men, but Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women's Studies, ed. Gloria T. Hull, Patricia
Bell-Scott, and Barbara Smith (New York: Feminist Press, 1982), 13-22.
14 Clarke, "Failure to Transform," 205.
15 Cheryl J. Sanders, "Christian Ethics and Theology in Womanist Perspective," Journal of
Feminist Studies in Religion 5, no. 2 (Fall 1989): 90.
16 Marcia Y. Riggs, Plenty Good Room: Women versus Male Power in the Black Church
(Cleveland: Pilgrim, 2003); Cheryl Townsend Gilkes, "If It Wasn't for the Women . . .": Black
Women's Experience and Culture in Church and Community (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 2001); De
lores C. Carpenter, Time for Honor: A Portrait of African American Clergywomen (St. Louis:
Chalice, 2001).
17 Karen Baker-Fletcher in Baker-Fletcher and Baker-Fletcher, My Sister, My Brother, 31.
18 Alice Walker, "The River: Honoring the Difficult," in The Same River Twice: Honoring
the Difficult; A Meditation on Life, Spirit, Art, and the Making of the Film "The Color Purple" Ten
Years Later (New York: Scribner, 1996), 25.
a womanist is one who "loves nature" or "loves the universe."'9 I find this aspect
of womanist religious scholarship particularly painful, because the Christian as
sumption does not speak to the multifaith nature of my own spirituality and
scholarship.
Black feminists have been more willing to consider non-Christian reli
gions. As a Lucumi priestess20 and voodoo researcher, Luisah Teish describes
"woman-oriented magical practices" in the early black feminist anthology Home
Girls (1983).21 Teish connects New Orleans voodoo and the leadership of Marie
LaVeau and her female descendants to African women and black feminism,
asserting that the religious practices "can be used to harness power and direct
it toward social change."22 In 1981, black feminist Sabrina Sojourner described
black men and women's departure from the church into goddess religions. Ac
knowledging that some white feminists are well known for their rejection of
Christianity (Mary Daly, Starhawk, and Carol Christ come to mind), Sojourner
highlighted the goddess heritage of black women.23 In fact, the anthology with
the most diverse representation of black women's spirituality was compiled
by a self-identified black feminist: Gloria Wade-Gayles's My Soul Is a Witness
(1995).24
Womanist religious scholarship has taken few strong political stances. This
is not to say that womanist religious scholarship is apolitical. Womanist scholars
have excavated and analyzed the politics of African American women in history.
Riggs includes political leaders such as Fannie Lou Hamer, Mary Church Ter
rell, and Shirley Chisholm as "prophetic voices" in her 1997 anthology Can I
Get a Witness?25 Townes examines the moral fervor and influence of Ida Wells
Barnett's antilynching campaign in Womanist Justice, Womanist Hope (1993).26
In Witnessing and Testifying (2003), Rosetta E. Ross discusses the moral and re
ligious fiber of the work of several African American female activists.27 Williams,
19 Only two womanists have ventured close: Karen Baker-Fletcher, in Sisters of Dust, Sisters
of Spirit: Womanist Wordings on God and Creation (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998), and Barbara A.
Holmes, in Race and the Cosmos: An Invitation to View the World Differently (Harrisburg, PA:
Trinity Press International, 2002).
20 Lucumi is a West African Yoruba-based religion closely related to Santeria.
21 Luisah Teish, "Women's Spirituality: A Household Act," in Smith, Home Girls, 333.
22 Ibid.
23 Sabrina Sojourner, "From the House of Yemanja: The Goddess Heritage of Black Women,"
in The Politics of Women's Spirituality: Essays on the Rise of Spiritual Power within the Feminist
Movement, ed. Charlene Spretnak (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1982), 57-63.
24 Gloria Wade-Gayles, ed., My Soul Is a Witness: African-American Women's Spirituality
(Boston: Beacon, 1995).
25 Marcia Y. Riggs, ed., Can I Get a Witness? Prophetic Religious Voices of African Ameri
can Women (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1997).
26 Emilie M. Townes, Womanist Justice, Womanist Hope (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993).
27 Rosetta E. Ross, Witnessing and Testifying: Black Women, Religion, and Civil Rights
(Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003).
Grant, and Douglas have given sustained attention to the ways that slavery and
white racism shaped the particular religious experiences of black women. Most
womanists have not, however, connected black women's historic beliefs with
the rationale for why one should continue to believe the same things in today's
postmodem pluralistic context. Thus, they have been more descriptive than
proscriptive and have tackled few issues of contemporary politics.
Some womanists have, nevertheless, engaged current affairs. Kirk-Duggan's
work on violence discusses black women's experiences with sexual, domestic,
and gang violence and the complicity of religion.28 Baker-Fletcher's Sisters of
Dust, Sisters of Spirit (1998) draws the church's attention to issues of environ
mental racism.29 Townes's Breaking the Fine Rain of Death (1998) eloquently
describes the health-care crises in the African American community.30 These
works connect black women's (Christian) spirituality to important crises and
their correlative public-policy issues. They raise the consciousness of both ec
clesial and academic communities, and offer suggestions for next steps. I am,
however, still disappointed that few womanist religious scholars, nonethicists in
particular, will boldly state, "One ought to believe X" or "One should interpret
the text in Y way" because this (womanist) perspective has uncovered an impor
tant and crucial insight.
This critique brings up the larger issue of the scope of womanist religious
scholarship. The descriptive nature of womanist religious scholarship suggests
that it is of black women, by black women, for black women. If so, is the aca
demic contribution any greater than telling white folk what we already know
about our own spirituality? Is a book a piece of womanist religious scholarship
if the author identifies herself as a womanist but makes no reference to the par
ticular experiences of black women? Or is a work womanist because it draws on
the work of womanist religious scholars? Does drawing from the experiences of
black women make something womanist? Can womanists make religious asser
tions for all people? Or have womanists shied so far away from the universalism
of white men's experiences that they are reluctant to expand the insights from
black women's experiences to a more universal audience?
Perhaps it is the political edge that draws me toward the label "black femi
nist." The wordfeminist still conjures images of the commitments I express on
a daily basis-issues around music, love, and teaching. Johnnetta Cole and Bev
erly Guy-Sheftall boldly critique the misogyny of hip-hop culture.3' In her work,
bell hooks writes candidly of men, women, love, and sex.32 I turn to Patricia Hill
Collins every semester to check my feminist pedagogy.33 To put it in anecdotal
terms, when I tell my black male friends that I'm a womanist, they think of me
as a black churchwoman, which I sometimes am. When I tell them that I am
a black feminist, they get a little uneasy, because they start to wonder if I'm
aligned with lesbians, if I'm going to question their power, and if I'm going to
call God "She"-all of which I also do. I find the wordfeminist, whether modi
fied by black or not, to have the disruptive effect that I want.
In her 1996 essay "What's in a Name? Womanism, Black Feminism, and
Beyond," Patricia Hill Collins writes about the schisms between "womanists"
and "black feminists." She notes that Walker's definition highlights the existing
heterogeneity within black social and political thought-the same heteroge
neity that exists among black women. Collins chastises the scholars who self
identify as womanist and "carefully select the parts that agree with their world
view and reject the rest," and calls womanists to distinguish between using the
word womanist to "describe black women's historical responses" and using it to
"delineate an ethical or ideal vision."34
Collins also talks about the connotation of being a black feminist. Black
feminists are associated with an advocacy of the economic, political, marital,
and health rights of women around the globe. One more readily thinks of black
feminists as entering into conversation with white feminists, lesbians, and poli
tics in general. Still, Collins wonders how black feminists will contend with the
issues of difference, deconstruction, and individualism that typify feminism. Do
they, she asks, limit their ability to communicate with black religious traditions
that may have theological or biblical contestations with an embrace of homosex
uality? I agree with Collins on all points. Womanist religious scholarship makes
me feel that I am grounded in my own history. But black feminism makes me
feel global and political. They both have shortcomings.
31 Johnnetta Betsch Cole and Beverly Guy-Sheftall, Gender Talk: The Struggle for Women's
Equality in African American Communities (New York: One World / Ballantine, 2003), 182-215.
32 bell hooks, All About Love: New Visions (New York: Perennial Currents, 2001).
33 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics
of Empowerment (New York: Routledge, 1991).
34 Patricia Hill Collins, "What's in a Name? Womanism, Black Feminism, and Beyond,"
Black Scholar 26, no. 1 (Winter-Spring 1996): 16.
that I was committed to writing womanist theology. The assumption is that all
black women in the academic study of religion are womanists. Sadly enough, it
is almost a marketable necessity. Whatever my academic proficiencies, inter
viewing committees always ask, "Can you teach black and womanist theology?"
This fact became clear: if I wanted to get a job, I had better identify as a woman
ist, and do it quickly. The theme continues as I prepare to publish revisions of
my dissertation. The word womanist should appear in the title, I am told. That
way, editors say, people can find the book when they do a word search and the
publishers know how to identify the book.
I give these personal sketches as examples of the commodification and
commercialization of the term womanist within the academic study of religion.
I cannot imagine that the first womanists ever dreamed that this would happen.
After all, as Cannon says, so many of them had to fight just to prove that black
women were a legitimate subject/object of study in the field of religion.35 As
womanist religious scholars grew from the initial triumvirate (Cannon, Grant,
and Weems) to a second and third generation of black female religious scholars,
the term womanist was inserted and generally accepted as a significant field of
study. One dare not study liberation theologies or feminist theologies without
mention of womanist theology. For this, there is cause celebre. But has this prog
ress forced all black female religious scholars into the rubric of "womanist"?
The academy's religion market does not bear sole responsibility for the
branding of "womanist." Black female religious scholars use the word womanist
to identify a support network, Listserv, and programmatic section at local and
national meetings of the American Academy of Religion. The term womanist
was originally created to engender freedom: Walker chose the word because it
was "more reflective of black women's culture, especially Southern culture."36
She liked "the feel, the fit, the sound" of the word.37 I don't always feel or fit into
"womanist." As I choose a name for myself, I commit treason against someone
either the womanists who mentored me into religion or the black feminists who
raised my consciousness, employed me, and encouraged my writing.38
Just as the field of womanist religious scholarship has grown in convergence
with and departure from Walker's life and definition, so the term womanist may
now be larger than the women who initially claimed it. Can womanists reclaim
35 Katie G. Cannon, "Katie's Canon: Womanism and the Soul of the Black Community"
(Women in Ministry and Justice Lecture Series, Bennett College for Women, Greensboro, NC,
March 2005).
36 Alice Walker, "Audre's Voice," in Anything We Love Can Be Saved: A Writer's Activism
(New York: Random House, 1997), 80.
37 David Bradley, "Alice Walker: Telling the Black Women's Story," New York Times Maga
zine, January 8,1984,25-37.
38 Here I am referring to my employment at Bennett College for Women, where self
identified black feminist Johnnetta B. Cole is the president; and to my meeting with Gloria Wade
Gayles at the Southern Writers' Festival (July 1998).
the term? Do they even want to? Is this commercialization a sign of advance
ment? Or have hierarchical (often white and male) entities co-opted it, as yet
another way to brand and classify black women and our thoughts? If this is the
case, womanism has not had the revolutionary effect of its black feminist roots.
Perhaps the realistic need for job security tempers the fire of the revolution.
they do not want to be associated with what they see as the shortcomings of
womanist religious scholarship. I also have a cadre of friends who still want to
own the label "womanist" and bring it back to its roots in Walker's definition and
writings. Some black female religious scholars still want to be called "womanist"
as they broaden the field. Three examples come to mind: Dianne Stewart, who
works with Caribbean religions; Tracey Hucks, who works on African traditional
religions; and Debra Mubashshir Majeed, who works in Islam. Still others want
to qualify their womanist associations. Baker-Fletcher has claimed the label
"Walker-womanist" as she articulates her convergences with and departures
from Alice Walker's expressed spirituality.43
The idea of a third wave of black religious scholarship could lead to a re
definition of womanist religious scholarship. Such naming has room for Randall
Bailey, who is currently calling himself a "womanist sympathizer."44 This kind
of womanism could include Darnise C. Martin's work with African American
new-thought religions, Irene Monroe's black lesbian commitments, and my de
cidedly Whiteheadian process theology. This terminology may give my wave of
black female religious scholars a reason to call ourselves "womanist." We would
be grateful for the work of the earlier generations, and, given the relative youth
of this theological movement, we can be rather excited that there is a third
wave already. We can identify ourselves as male and female, Christian, Mus
lim, pagan, new-thought, Buddhist, and Ifa. We can call ourselves academics
and activists and ministers, priests, nuns, and iyalorishas.45 We will be straight,
lesbian, and bisexual, faithful and humanist. We knit, make jewelry, sing, write
poetry, and dance. We run two miles a day, lift weights, and climb rocks. Some
of us may be southerners, Christians, and members of the NAACP. Others of us
may be northerners, Dutch, South Africans, Black Nationalists, or Greens. This
wave can reserve the right to, in fact relish in the opportunity to, challenge the
assumptions of those who have come before.
This wave may tackle some of the issues that the second wave missed: bi
sexuality, colorism and standards of beauty,46 eating disorders and obesity, class
realities (after all, if we're writing books, we can't be too far down on the class
scale), mental health, progressive Christianity, paganism, indigenous spiritual
43 Karen Baker-Fletcher, "Womanist Passion," in The Passion of the Lord: African American
Reflections, ed. James A. Noel and Matthew V. Johnson (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 2005),
125-36.
44 Randall C. Bailey, lecture at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of Black Reli
gion (Louisville Theological Seminary, Louisville, KY, March 11,2005).
45 Ifa is a system of divination among the Yoruba of West Africa. Many African Americans
refer to the practice of traditional Yoruba religion with the term Ifa. Iyalorishas are priestesses in
this tradition.
46 "Colorism" is another aspect of black experiences that Alice Walker references in the defi
nition of womanist: "Well, you know the colored race is just like a flower garden, with every color
flower represented." See footnote 3.
ity, and participation in other world religions-like Baha'i and Buddhism. These
are the issues I want to read about. Then again, there could be other options.
We might need to keep the distinction between "black feminist" and "woman
ist" to connote our commitments, putting on the mask of "womanist" when it's
time to get that job. It could be time for new words, or a modifier for "woman
ist." Or maybe we'll find that the term womanist has had its run, and it is time
for a new term altogether.
RESPONSE
Katie G. Cannon
1 Alice Walker, In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens: Womanist Prose (San Diego: Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich, 1983), xi-xii.
Generation and the Pleasures of Freedom," Murray and Murray state, "Terms
like 'post-black,' 'post-soul aesthetic' . . . are being coined to try and capture
what appears to be a distinctive shift in a generation that has grown up after
the civil rights era."2 However, I see that the real challenge before us is not to
become "post-womanist" but to investigate feasible ways to actualize the defi
nition of womanism so that we address the disturbing realities that Coleman
describes with prophetic accuracy-without dismantling the womanist house
of wisdom.
According to Coleman, "[T]he trajectory of womanist religious scholarship
has left me in a house without enough furniture." As a first-generation woman
ist, I accept Coleman's critique of "a house without enough furniture" as a fair
and honest assessment. The analogy that comes to mind takes me back to the
summer of 1971, when I was a member of an Operation Crossroads Africa work
camp of twelve young adults in the town of Pleebo, near Cape Palmas, Liberia.
Our assignment was to build a library. None of us had ever done construction
work before. Nevertheless, for approximately six hours every day for sixty days,
we adorned our pith helmets, brogans, and work gloves; shouldered pickaxes,
shovels, and spades; and rode on the back of rickety, wobbly dump trucks haul
ing sand from the oceanside to our work site in our effort to dig and pour a
foundation. This common undertaking in any construction project is of utmost
importance, because the foundation is the portion of any structure that trans
fers the weight of the building to the ground. The foundation is the first part of
the building, in some ways the hardest part, though the least accommodating
and least elegant. It establishes the basic footing for future construction.
Those of us who have been busy doing womanist work from the moment
that we enrolled in seminary believe that we have built a solid womanist founda
tion. We officially began constructing this womanist house of wisdom in 1985,
and as intellectual laborers we continue to work day in and day out so that our
scholarly infrastructure is built on solid rock instead of shifting sand. Let us
celebrate this analogous reality by acknowledging that the second generation
of womanist scholars has completed the structure of the womanist house of
wisdom,3 and now it is time for Coleman's contemporaries, whom she identifies
as the "third wave," to furnish the interior, to provide supportive objects that
indicate a readiness for occupancy.
2 See Soraya Murray and Derek Conrad Murray, "A Rising Generation and the Pleasures
of Freedom," in "Post-Black, Post-Soul, or Hip-Hop Iconography?Defining a New Aesthetics,"
special issue, International Review of African American Art 20, no. 2 (2005): 3. Growing numbers
of African American women and men between the ages of twenty and thirty-five find the strident
understandings of "blackness" and "soul" that were codified in the 1970s by civil rights activists
and black power strategists foreign to their twenty-first-century self-understanding.
3 For a detailed discussion of the womanist house of wisdom, see Katie G. Cannon, Alison P.
Gise Johnson, and Angela D. Sims, "Womanist Works in Word," Journal of Feminist Studies in
Religion 21, no. 2 (Fall 2005): 135-46.
There are additional truths in Coleman's essay, for example, her critique
of womanism and sexuality: "Womanist religious scholars have done very little
to address the theological, spiritual, and religious experiences of black lesbians
(and gays)." In both substance and tone, Coleman prompts an examination of
our starting point-the sexual realities of American women of African descent
as a result of the transatlantic slave trade-regarding human sexuality. She in
vites us to break the silence regarding the extremely touchy subject of hetero
normativity. We womanists, for our part, must lay bare the persistent and col
lective struggle of African Americans to counter more than four hundred years
of dehumanizing, racist stereotypes of the "black body as ugly" while simultane
ously being an "object of sexual desire."
Although it is fairly uncontroversial to say that the vast majority of Afri
can American women are caught in the midst of competing sexual realities,
the extent that gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender persons experience
death-dealing dynamics (for example, rape, battering, medical butchering, sex
motivated murder, forced prostitution, and physical mutilation) in the dailiness
of life is often a forbidden topic in ecclesiastical conversations. Until recently,
black women's bodies have been degraded, demeaned, and demonized-locked
into an oppressive gaze of so-called normative beauty created in opposition to
us, and in turn we, as first-generation womanists, have been taught (and far
too many womanists continue to teach black females) that we must suppress,
repress, compress, and depress the sexual aspect of our humanity by reinforc
ing norms and practices that proclaim procreative sex as a gift from God and
relational or recreational sex as the devil's handiwork. In essence, the moralizing
hegemonic construct of irreconcilable opposites insists either that sex is a posi
tive blessing for procreative purposes only or that sex is a negative curse that
lays claim to bodily pleasure. Interestingly enough, when perceived through the
lens of heteropatriarchal imagination (that is, the assumption that normal sexual
activity should occur only between female and male in a reproductive context),
the pleasures of genital-sexual eroticism lock African Americans between rig
idly disembodied hetero-homo binaries.4
Coleman's essay is both lucid and candid, incorporating equal measures of
personal and academic integrity as she outlines the narrative history of the wom
anist movement in juxtaposition with feminism. As readers, we easily grasp some
of the jarring circumstances and religious complexities that cause the post-civil
rights-movement generation of African Americans to question this intellectual
inheritance. The primary dilemma here, and one that Coleman employs as her
overarching inquiry, is whether our twenty-year struggle to build this womanist
house of wisdom can ever result in a third-wave womanist's home.
4 Katie G. Cannon, "Sexing Black Women: Liberation from the Prisonhouse of Anatomical
Authority," in Loving the Body: Black Religious Studies and the Erotic, ed. Anthony B. Pinn and
Dwight N. Hopkins (New York: Palgrave / Macmillan, 2004), 11-30.
RESPONSE
Arisika Razak
1 This and subsequent references to Walker's definition of womanist are found in Alice
Walker, In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens: Womanist Prose (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jova
novich, 1983), xi-xii.
2 In this article, I am using African American to refer to people of African descent with
roots in the United States. For reactions to Walker's definition of womanist, see Clenora Hudson
Weems, "African Womanism" and "Self-Naming and Self-Definition: An Agenda for Survival,"
both in Sisterhood, Feminisms, and Power: From Africa to the Diaspora, ed. Obioma Nnaemeka
(Trenton, NJ: Africa World, 1998), 149-62 and 449-52, respectively.
My History
Unlike Coleman, who views feminism and womanism as separate ideolo
gies, feminism-at least Black feminism-and womanism are not conflicting
ideologies for me. I grew up in Harlem with a mother who was a single parent,
a political activist, and an elementary school teacher. In 1957, when I was nine,
we picketed Harlem's Woolworth store weekly, protesting its segregated lunch
counters in the South and its hiring practices in the North. The Black women
around my mother were not soft, pampered stay-at-home women; they were
courageous, intelligent, middle- and working-class women who struggled loudly
and vociferously against the racism of the systems around them and tried to
fashion a better world for themselves and their children. My notion of what
it meant to be a feminist was always modeled on the powerful Black women
around me who struggled for the rights of all Black people and who were sec
ond class to no one-male or female.
My consciousness was also shaped by the fact that I lived in Harlem during
the 1960s and 1970s, a period of profound Afrocentric cultural revival. I grew
3 See Barbara A. Mann, Iroquoian Women: The Gantowisas (New York: Peter Lang, 2000);
Queen Afua, Sacred Woman: A Guide to Healing the Feminine Body, Mind, and Spirit (New
York: One World / Ballantine, 2000), 65; Anne Baring and Jules Cashford, The Myth of the God
dess: Evolution of an Image (London: Viking Arkana, 1991), 145-48; and Christiane Northrup,
Women's Bodies, Women's Wisdom: Creating Physical and Emotional Health and Healing (New
York: Bantam, 2002), 105-6.
4 The term Afrocentric is sometimes used to support homophobic and hetero/sexist think
ing. I use it to describe African American efforts to create a perspective that serves the needs
of diverse African diasporic peoples and their individual and collective experiences. Catharine
Goboldte writes, "For African-Americans, the reclamation of African-centered perspective and
ethos is liberatory praxis." See "Laying on Hands: Women in Imani Faith Temple," in My Soul
Is a Witness: African-American Women's Spirituality, ed. Gloria Wade-Gayles (Boston: Beacon,
1995), 242.
5 Elijah Muhammad was a prominent developer of the Nation of Islam (a.k.a. the Black
Muslims), a popular Black nationalist group emphasizing self-determination, economic self-reli
ance, Black people's right to self-defense, and a strong heterosexist agenda. The group offered a
strong counter to Martin Luther King Jr.'s nonviolent philosophy, and, until his break with the
organization, Malcolm X was one of its chief spokespersons.
6 The Egyptian hieroglyphics KMT, transliterated as "Kemit" or "Khemit," mean "the Black
place" or "place of the Blacks." See Asa Hilliard, "Bringing Maat, Destroying Isfet: The African
and African-American Presence in the Study of Ancient KMT," in Egypt: Child of Africa, ed. Ivan
Van Sertima (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1994), 127-47.
7 See Oyeronke Oyewumi, ed., African Women and Feminism: Reflecting on the Politics of
Sisterhood (Trenton, NJ: Africa World, 2003). Several essays critique African American "essential
izing" of Africa, that is, the blending of culturally distinct African cultures into one universalized,
fictitious whole, based on poor scholarship and psychological projections. An example of the latter
is the search for evidence of lesbian relations in woman-to-woman marriage, which in Igbo society
is not a union between two people but a social institution concerned with lineage rights and family
continuity.
Other Influences
However, my resonance with the term womanism includes other factors as
well. A personal quest for "time-out" from the sexism and hierarchy of cultural
nationalism in New York led me to California in 1969. There I became involved
in a passionate and embodied relationship to the land. A former city dweller
who had lived in the concrete landscapes of New York and Philadelphia, I spent
part of the next two years camping out, and part of those years living in a com
mune in the Santa Cruz mountains. Living without electricity, I rose and slept
according to the rhythms of the sun. I camped out during the summer and dis
covered that I could safely drink the water that flowed (apparently) inexhaust
ibly from the earth. (In 1970, it was safe to drink waters that flowed in streams
and creeks in the mountains of California.) Sleeping under the stars, I opened
my senses to the physical realities of the land and our human dependence upon
it. My relationship to the world fundamentally changed. I became attached to
8 The Combahee River Collective links the emergence of Black feminist thought to the
"second wave" of American feminism and to Black liberation movements: "It was our experience
and disillusionment within these liberation movements, as well as experience on the periphery
of the white male left, that led to the need to develop a politics that was antiracist, unlike those
of white women, and anti-sexist, unlike those of black and white men." Combahee River Collec
tive, "A Black Feminist Statement," in Words of Fire: An Anthology of African American Feminist
Thought, ed. Beverly Guy-Sheftall (New York: New Press, 1995), 233.
9 See Cheryl Clarke, "Lesbianism: An Act of Resistance," and Barbara Smith, "Some Home
Truths of the Contemporary Black Feminist Movement," both in Guy-Sheftall, Words of Fire,
241-51 and 254-67, respectively; and bell hooks, "Black Women: Shaping Feminist Theory," in
Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center (Boston: South End, 1984), 1-15.
the landscape of northern California in deep, intuitive ways.10 More than femi
nism or cultural nationalism, Walker's concept of womanism as she writes of a
womanist's love for the moon speaks to a love for the land and the night that
emerged for me also. This love for land is one of my anchors in women's spiri
tuality, my spiritual lineage of choice.
However, it is Walker's support for the body that I most cherish. As a prac
titioner of women's spirituality, I have a sense of the sacred inextricably tied to
the physical experience and embodied awareness of the female body-which
I love and appreciate, sexually and nonsexually. I commend Coleman for her
frank discussion of the heteronormativity and homophobia that are endorsed by
some who name themselves womanists.
As a midwife of more than twenty years, I am intimately aware of the path
of active surrender, personal sacrifice, emotional empowerment, and spiritual
transcendence that women traverse as they move through the birthing pro
cess. Standing as a witness, companion, and helper to women in labor was a
life-changing event for me, as was my own experience of giving birth at home.
Nothing I had ever experienced prepared me for the holiness of the moment in
which a laboring woman turns away from preoccupation with the world to focus
on the world-making within her body-a moment that, for me, reveals the face
of God/dess as sustainer, nurturer, and creator of worlds.
I am a practitioner of women's spirituality in part because it explicitly cele
brates the power and sacredness of women's bodies. The sacredness of woman
centered experience-experience apprehended by the senses, grounded in
the world, or mediated via the embodied mysteries of childbirth, menarche,
sexuality, and menopause-lies at the heart of women's spirituality. In Walker's
description of a woman who "Loves love and food and roundness.... Loves
herself. Regardless," I find recognition for the embodiment that women's spiri
tuality celebrates, as well as explicit validation for African American women
struggling to love themselves and their bodies in spite of negative messages
from the dominant society or the African American community."
As a women's health-care practitioner for more than twenty years, I believe
10 I recognize that there is a certain amount of romanticizing in this statement. For the most
part, my commune mates and I were middle-class people with enough privilege to "drop out" and
live communally, and none of us farmed the land as a means of survival.
11 Contemporary society has decreased stereotypical portrayals of Black women as self
effacing mammies, lascivious Jezebels, and tragic mulattoes. See Patricia Hill Collins, Black Femi
nist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, 2nd ed. (New York:
Routledge, 2000), 69-92; and Donald Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, and Bucks: An
Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films, 3rd ed. (New York: Continuum, 1994), 3-18.
However, the absence of large, dark, full-featured, natural-haired Black women in mainstream
media, coupled with the disproportionate use of Black people's bodies to illustrate biological and
cultural deviance in science and academia, and the lack of our likeness in mainstream religious
iconography, continues to make us uncomfortable with our bodies.
that rejection and hatred of the female body is endemic in the United States,
leading to low self-esteem, self-destructive behaviors, and women's exploitation
via the cosmetic, health, and entertainment industries.'2 Many women inter
nalize this cultural rejection of the female body, which is linked with hatred of
female physiology and dissociation from embodied physical experience. This
cultural stance has led to a wide variety of personal, social, and cultural ills, par
ticularly in the West.'3 Some authors believe it to be especially marked among
African American women.'4
Black feminists such as Audre Lorde and bell hooks have documented
Black women's negative beliefs about the body in personal or scholarly works
without using the term womanist."5 Others, such as Cheryl Townsend Gilkes
and Valerie Lee, do use the term in their critique and analysis of the social
regard accorded to the Black woman's body in the dominant society.'6 I don't
advocate that we all use one term, and I recognize that Black feminism has not
resolved this issue. Still, womanist integrates my own spiritual, political, and
health perspectives best.
As a concept that is not linked to any particular faith tradition or denomi
nation, womanism serves African American women of diverse spiritual be
liefs. Walker's concept is historically grounded in the faith traditions of African
Americans enslaved in the United States, who re-visioned their masters' Chris
tianity and formed a religion of liberation. However, Walker did not conflate
womanism and Christianity.'7 Although I respect Christian womanists who use
12 See Naomi Wolf, The Beauty Mijth: How Images of Beauty Are Used against Women (New
York: Perennial, 2002).
13 See Susan Griffin, Woman and Nature: The Roaring inside Her (New York: Harper &
Row, 1978); Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology, and the Scientific Revolu
tion (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1983); and Northrup, Women's Bodies, Women's Wisdom.
14 "Self hatred may be one of the deepest sources of conflict and turmoil within the Af
rican American community. This may be especially true concerning women and their bodies."
Cheryl Townsend Gilkes, "The 'Loves' and 'Troubles' of African-American Women's Bodies: The
Womanist Challenge to Cultural Humiliation and Community Ambivalence," in "If It Wasn't for
the Women . . .": Black Women's Experience and Womanist Culture in Church and Community
(Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 2001), 181. On a personal note, in practicing as a midwife for twenty-three
years, I found that women of many cultures experienced shame about the body. A small number of
African American women apologized for how they looked, for how they smelled, and for having the
bodies and genitalia of women. A fellow Black nurse-practitioner asked me once how I could be a
midwife when it was so "nasty."
15 Audre Lorde, Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches (Trumansburg, NY: Crossing Press,
1984); bell hooks, Bone Black: Memories of Girlhood (New York: Holt, 1996).
16 Gilkes, " 'Loves' and 'Troubles' "; Valerie Lee, "Literary Recovery of the Granny: The
Body, the Mind, the Material" and "God and the Grannies: Testifying Theory," in Granny Mid
wives and Black Women Writers: Double-Dutched Readings (New York: Routledge, 1996), 51-78
and 79-99, respectively.
17 In an e-mail message to the author, sent June 9, 2004, Alice Walker notes, "It has felt odd
to see Womanism so embedded' in Christianity. Time to liberate Her."
and sister is the culturally normative expression "my mother's child(ren)."23 She
states that what she calls "mothernity" is "an African communitarian ideology
and ideal," and she suggests that the Spanish term comadre (used by Chicanos)
and the Caribbean term macoffere (used in Trinidad, St. Lucia, and Haiti) are
cross-cultural examples that illustrate the importance of motherhood as a social
institution linking women together in a system of mutual support.4
Hudson-Weems rejects Walker's definition of womanist, pointing out that it
emphasizes an individual woman's sexuality and culture. She has proposed the
name "Africana womanism," writing, "Africana womanism is a family-centered
rather than a female-centered perspective. By necessity, we are concerned first
and foremost with ridding society of racism, a problem which invariably affects
our entire family, our total existence. "25
I respect the views of both of these writers, yet my standpoint is shaped
by my personal experience. I am an African American raised in America and
marked by its mores and culture. I do not have an "African" experience of family
or embodiment,26 but I share American and African American definitions of the
personal and the somatic. The personal is politicalfor me; as a survivor of date
rape, I claim the ownership of my body and my sexuality as fundamental human
rights. My quest for liberation is personal, spiritual, cultural, sexual, and politi
cal, and my health work with Black women leads me to believe that our loving
ourselves is a political issue.
My appreciation for the biological abilities of women's bodies may raise the
specter of essentialism, which would limit women's spheres of influence and
activity solely to those endeavors supported by biology. This is not my intent. I
understand that valorizing childbirth is problematic for women who cannot, or
choose not to, biologically mother.27 Moreover, as a former single mother, I agree
with feminists who have challenged cultural notions that romanticize children
and child rearing.28 I understand that "celebrating our beauty" can lead to capi
talist and commercial exploitation and co-optation. In spite of these limitations,
however, female embodiment is a crucial issue for me, and I identify as a wom
23 Ibid., 11. Oyewumi offers several terms for this expression: in Manding, Badenya; in
Yoruba, Omoya; in Igbo, Nwanne; in Wolof, Doo mi ndey; and in Efik, Eyen-eka.
24 "Mothernity: An African Communitarian Ideology and Ideal" is the title of a section of
Oyewumi's African Women and Feminism. See also 11,5-6.
25 Hudson-Weems, "Self-Naming and Self-Definition," 450.
26 For one critique of African Americans' essentializing of Africa, see Oyewumi, "Alice in
Motherland."
27 See Laurie Lisle, Without Child: Challenging the Stigma of Childlessness (New York:
Routledge, 1999).
28 See Adrienne Rich, Of Woman Born: Motherhood as Experience and Institution (New
York: Norton, 1995); and Alice Walker, "One Child of One's Own: A Meaningful Digression within
the Work(s)," in In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens, 361-83.
anist in part because this term offers the best integration of my beliefs about
female agency, embodiment, and spirituality.
In response to Coleman's question, I don't think we all have to be wom
anists. There are alternative terms, and there are new terms that have yet to
emerge. If we choose this term, I believe that we have to think clearly about its
origins and its meaning. Whereas Coleman suggests that womanist may have
outgrown its roots, I respectfully disagree. Womanism was defined by Walker
in the 1980s. Thus, it is an African American concept, and it speaks to African
American concepts of embodiment. It supports diverse spiritual traditions and
is not based in Christianity-and it includes the natural world in its description
of what must be loved and cherished. Although it supports African American
cultural traditions, it also suggests that we must be prepared to question the
authority of our elders. It rejects the homophobic and heterosexist agendas that
still exist within the Black community and the dominant culture. It promulgates
a holistic framework that incorporates cultural, historic, personal, sexual, and
spiritual perspectives, and recognizes individual and collective needs for self
care and healing. I don't know that it was ever intended to be an international
definition. Although I respect the urge that others may have to modify it, I have
problems with those who reject its inclusivity while using it to situate and name
themselves.
RESPONSE
Irene Monroe
1 Queer is an all-embracing, self-referential term that includes sexual and gender minorities
such as lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgender, queer, and intersexual people. The letters LGBTQ
are synonymous with queer in my writings, and I often use the two designations interchangeably.
Similarly, in my writings I use the words African American and black interchangeably.
plication of this opus of work, thus truncating its growth and compromising its
academic respectability.
As an African American Christian lesbian ordained minister, theologian,
and activist who speaks, writes, and loves unapologetically from this standpoint,
I stand in the womanist religious scholarship camp similarly to the way I do in
the Black Church-as a sister outsider.2 As a sister outsider, I am tangentially
aligned to these communities with the nagging experience of marginalization, if
not complete dispossession.
For me and others like me, being both of African descent and queer cre
ates a distinctive epistemology that shapes not only our identity but also the
distinctive interpretative lens we use to zoom in on the world with regard to
politics, race, class, gender, and sexual orientation, issues that contribute to
both the church and the academy. Our method of identifying, or "languaging,"
ourselves as both of African descent and queer is evident in the terms we use,
such as "in the life"-an identifier, a code, that derives from the Harlem Re
naissance. Another is the term "same-gender loving," which became popular
in the African American queer lexicon in the 1990s. Both terms are indeed a
radical pronouncement for LGBTQ people of African descent, because they
are statements about openly engaging in gender expressions and sexual orienta
tions counter to the accepted norm, and about naming this engagement in the
face of virulent homophobia in the Black Church and in African American male
religious scholarship in the academy that could very well cost us our careers, if
not our lives.
Unlike white feminist and African American male religious scholarship
that excludes me because I am black, female, and lesbian, womanist religious
scholarship appeared to offer hope at first. With Alice Walker's second defi
nition of the term explicitly stating that a womanist is "A woman who loves
other women, sexually and/or nonsexually," I felt the excitement of finally par
ticipating in an African American sisterhood organizing across sexualities.3 Also
2 In general usage, "the Black Church" refers to the variety of black Christian churches
in the United States. These congregations, which are often called "storefront churches," are not
officially affiliated with the historical black denominations but are made up of African Ameri
can Christians who worship in traditional black-church style. In formal usage, "the Black Church"
refers to those historical and independent black Protestant denominations that were founded after
the Free African Society in 1787, including the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church; the
African Methodist Episcopal Zion (AMEZ) Church; the Christian Methodist Episcopal (CME)
Church; the National Baptist Convention, USA, (NBC); the National Baptist Convention of Amer
ica (NBCA); the Progressive National Baptist Convention (PNBC); and the Church of God in
Christ (COGIC). Today the distinction between the general usage and formal usage is not discrete
but porous and fluid. Audre Lorde's phrase "sister outsider" depicts the marginalization of African
American lesbians in the black community. Audre Lorde, Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches
(Trumansburg, NY: Crossing, 1984).
3 All references to Walker's definition o? womanist are found in Alice Walker, In Search of
Our Mothers' Gardens: Womanist Prose (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1983), xi-xii.
4 Ren?e L. Hill, "Who Are We for Each Other? Sexism, Sexuality, and Womanist Theology,"
in Black Theology: A Documentary History, 2nd ed., vol. 2,1980-1992, ed. James H. Cone and
Gayraud S. Wilmore (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1993), 346.
5 Cheryl J. Sanders, "Christian Ethics and Theology in Womanist Perspective," Journal of
Feminist Studies in Religion 5, no. 2 (Fall 1989): 85.
starting point for inquiry, these clergywomen and scholars examine the simulta
neous forces of race, class, and gender oppression in African American women's
lives. A womanist approach also celebrates African American women's religious
history and validates their theological beliefs.
However, many African American women who practice various forms of
womanist spirituality argue that Christian womanists not only have desecrated
Walker's meaning, practice, and intent of the word but also have reinscribed
the institutional fetters that come with any organized religion and its many con
comitant "isms," including heterosexism. Walker emphasizes African American
women's love for the Spirit in the term womanist. The guiding principles of a
womanist spirituality are the interconnections and intersections of all oppres
sions. Therefore, justice making within the context of womanist spirituality is
birthing spiritual communities of women of color on the margins, at home, and
abroad who oppose the suppression of women's spirituality and sexualities that
institutionalized religions foster in both creed and doctrine. A womanist spiri
tuality knows that spirituality and sexuality are inextricably connected and that
"[loving] other women, sexually and/or nonsexually" is one of the paths a woman
might take to become liberated and enlightened to self-knowledge.
In an interview with her biographer Evelyn White,6 Walker shared her
views about her own liberation from patriarchal repression of female sexuality
and bonding between women:
Walker's best seller The Color Purple is the first of her novels embodying
the guiding principles of a womanist spirituality. The novel centers primarily on
the life of Celie, the protagonist, who is a young African American incest survi
vor plagued by the multiple oppressions of race, class, gender, sexual orienta
tion, and organized religion. With the help of strong African American women
in her community, including a character named Shug Avery, Celie becomes
one who "Appreciates and prefers women's culture, women's emotional flexibil
ity ... and women's strength," to return to Walker's definition of a womanist. In
so doing, Celie becomes empowered as a woman who "Loves herself. Regard
less" (again quoting Walker), resulting from her newfound spirituality and lib
erated sexuality. The deconstruction of black male heteropatriarchal religions,
and by extension all organized religions, in The Color Purple was brought to the
academy's attention by womanist theologian Delores Williams. Williams points
out that Celie's understanding of God and her interpretation of the Bible are
the factors that have allowed Celie to participate in her own oppression:
Given the body of work by Walker, Williams, Kelly Brown Douglas,9 and
others, why have many Christian womanist scholars fallen prey to the beliefs
and practices of black heteropatriarchal religions, the very things they have dog
gedly tried to expunge from their lives in order to attain both personal and
ecclesiastical liberation?
I posit that the problem with some Christian womanists derives not so
much from the fact that they are in the church and/or the academy as from the
fact that their own deep-seated internalized heterosexist beliefs and practices
make them black churchmen and theologians "in drag."'0 As "drag kings," they
disassociate themselves from their female center-Eros and Spirit-to don, in
token moments, their usually highly respected, visible, and vital positions within
these heteropatriarchal institutions. And it starts with these patriarchal women
in both the church and the academy maintaining the status quo by policing
queer behaviors.
It must be noted that not all Christian womanists are homophobic and het
8 Delores S. Williams, "The Color Purple," Christianity and Crisis, July 14,1986, 230.
9 Kelly Brown Douglas, Sexuality and the Black Church: A Womanist Perspective (Mary
knoll, NY: Orbis, 1999).
10 "In drag" is an idiom in the queer lexicon referring to cross-dressing, wearing clothes nor
mally worn by the opposite sex. Female-bodied or female-identified persons who temporarily at
tempt to pass as men are referred to as "drag kings."
erosexist, and some do welcome a black sisterhood across different sexual orien
tations, theological beliefs, and practices, as well as disciplines. Nevertheless, it
is the policing of womanist religious scholarship "to set forth an authentic repre
sentation of Walker's concept in that work," as Sanders put it, that first created a
divided sisterhood and a heteronormative representation of it. The warring ten
sions concerning various sexualities of African American Christian women who
first shaped and informed the scholarship made Sanders query what constitutes
an authentic representation of Walker's term womanist:
RESPONSE
Debra Mubashshir Majeed
wonder, does she alone harbor perceptions about the utility of the womanist
legacy for non-Christian women attempting to name themselves from within
the boundaries of womanist thought, or has the Christology of the Western
womanist agenda rendered other religious traditions so invisible that non
Christian women may live more authentically outside of-and perhaps far away
from-the womanist camp?
In 1994, I faced a similar intellectual dilemma; I wanted someone else to
reduce my options for me, too. Thankfully, Jacquelyn Grant refused to do so.
In that year, she traveled to Pasadena, California, from Atlanta, Georgia, to
present a public lecture on her groundbreaking work White Women's Christ
and Black Women's Jesus.' I was a second-career master of divinity student at
Fuller-Evangelical Theological Seminary, contemplating my field of study for
a doctoral degree. With the aid of event coordinator and good friend Aleese
Moore, I was able to spend a few private moments with Grant prior to her de
parture. She agreed to meet me in a nearby hotel lobby.
I was intimidated by Grant (and, for that matter, by Katie Cannon, Emi
lie Townes, and Renita Weems too). So I arrived early-or so I had intended.
However, I found that Grant was already seated, in a rich, oversized bamboo
chair that resembled more a throne than seating for the dispensation of career
advice. I knew our time was short, so I was direct. I shared the short version of
my life's journey and interests and then asked, "So what can I study?" Without a
blink, and in her usual authoritative voice, Grant replied, "What do you want to
study?" After losing a couple of rounds of this form of conversational volleying,
I declared, "You mean there's no list from which I am to pick?"
I walked away feeling naive, dejected, and enormously wasteful of Grant's
time. The idea that one could (or should at least attempt to) connect her semi
nary training to her passion had never occurred to me. I expected Grant to help
me choose the shape of my doctoral work, based upon her wisdom concerning
the academy and her knowledge of what was acceptable for an African American
clergywoman to study. Instead, she refused to overlook my intellectual interests
or to support any attempt of mine to remain within the ideological boundaries
others tried to draw around African American female scholars. On that won
derfully sunny California afternoon, Grant challenged me to recognize that I
had options even she could not circumscribe. She knew full well that I might
endure nights of intellectual and spiritual jihad on the path to realizing that I
should craft a dissertation project bearing some resemblance to my personal
aspirations rather than limit my advanced studies solely to someone else's pre
determined categories. (In this context I use the Arabic term jihad to connote
internal struggle for personal improvement and community betterment, not the
popular-and misleading-understanding of "holy war.") I am convinced, as
1 Jacquelyn Grant, White Women's Christ and Black Women's Jesus: Feminist Christology
and Womanist Response, A AR Academy Series 64 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).
well, that Grant and her trailblazing peers never intended the "womanist" con
cept to remain a fixed identity to whose bones only they could give flesh. I be
lieve Grant knew that the young scholar meeting with her might one day choose
to assert her own identity and agency by reframing the guidelines established by
these pioneering womanist scholars and/or by creating an ideological lens that
would more clearly celebrate multiple and diverse positions of belonging.2
In fact, in 1999, Katie Cannon helped concretize my belief that early wom
anists didn't intend the concept to remain fixed, during a break in a Woman
ist Approaches to the Study of Religion session at the annual meeting of the
American Academy of Religion (AAR), in Boston, Massachusetts. By then I
was a Muslim-having made my transition to Islam the year before-and a
regular session attendee. By then I had also grown weary of a womanist agenda
that routinely made normative the Christian experience of African American
women.3
On some level, trailblazing womanist scholars contributed to their own
denial of self-as understood in relation to the whole-as much as they rein
scribed the marginalization that African American Muslim women also confront
by consciously or unconsciously engaging in external colonialism, a system that
creates a hierarchy of black religious expression; negates non-Christian tradi
tions, especially Islam; and questions the moral agency of Muslim women as
spiritual and social witnesses. Such a system also can relegate African Ameri
can Muslim women to the perceived role of "subject without agency."4 More
over, perhaps the historic absence of articulated Muslim perspectives within
womanist conversations in the academy has provided an excuse or rationale for
disassociation on the part of some Muslims scholars who feel more comfort
able within traditional disciplines such as Islamic studies, where their religious
knowledge, experience, and expression may be more overtly validated. When
Emilie Townes writes, for example, "The spirituality that issues from Black
women's lives is found in the moral wisdom of African women," her theorizing
is guided by a Christian orientation of the Creator and the Creator's relation
ship to humanity, an orientation that rarely differentiates the faith experiences
of black Christian women and other African American women.5
2 miriam cooke considers the issue of "multiple belongings" as part of her rationale for the
utility of Islamic feminism. See miriam cooke, "Multiple Critique: Islamic Feminist Rhetorical
Strategies," in Postcolonialism, Feminism, and Religious Discourse, ed. Laura E. Donaldson and
Kwok Pui-Lan (New York: Routledge, 2001), 142-60.
3 Womanist scholar Cynthia S'thembile West provided one of the few exceptions to the prac
tice. See "Revisiting Female Activism in the 1960s: The Newark Branch Nation of Islam," Black
Scholar 26, nos. 3-4 (1996).
4 Amina Wadud, Quran and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspec
tive (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), xi.
5 Emilie M. Townes, In a Blaze of Glory: Womanist Spirituality as Social Witness (Nash
ville: Abingdon, 1995), 11.
6 Wadud's Quran and Woman deftly articulates the intellectual and social benefits of a
woman-centered reading of the single most sacred scripture to Muslims. Aminah McCloud, author
of African American Islam (New York: Routledge, 1995) and Islamic studies scholar at DePaul
University, served as the pr?sider for the Afro-American Religious History Group panel, whose
theme was "The Legacy of C. Eric Lincoln and the Study of Islam in North America," at the 2004
annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion, in San Antonio, Texas. Among the panelists
was Muslim scholar Jamillah Karim, then a doctoral student at Duke University, who presented her
research on Muslim women in Atlanta. Their presence marked the rare occasion up to that time
when Islam had been the focal point of a session of the Afro-American Religious History Group.
7 Protestantism has been the type of Christianity most often privileged. Exceptions can
be found in the contributions of my former dissertation advisor, Toinette Eugene; M. Shawn
Copeland; and Jamie Phelps, among others. See, for example, Toinette Eugene, "Dealing with
Diversity: Confessions, Convictions, and Commitments," Open Hands 11, no. 3 (Winter 1996);
M. Shawn Copeland and Elisabeth Sch?ssler Fiorenza, eds., Feminist Theology in Different Con
texts (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1996); and Jamie Phelps, Black and Catholic: The Challenge and Gift
of Black Folk: Contributions of African American Experience and Thought to Catholic Theology
(Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1997).
8 This rationale for the inclusion of African American women's experience is quoted from a
description of the pioneering womanist scholarship of Emilie Townes, "Scholar of Womanist The
ology and Expert on Preaching to Join Divinity Faculty," Yale Bulletin and Calendar, May 6,2005,
1, http://www.yale.edu/opa/v33.n28/story7.html.
9 See Paul Ricoeur, Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences, trans, and ed. John B. Thomp
son (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
womanist philosophy situates itself under the banner of global womanism rather
than the narrower one of Western womanism. Inherent in the development of
Muslim womanist philosophy is the awareness that those who choose it as a tool
are not necessarily bound by other determined territorialities. That is, for this
scholar, global womanism provides the "symbolic capital" for the construction
of what others might characterize as "contradictory rhetorical space."'0
To me, the broader womanist agenda is a natural root for the emergence
of a distinct trunk dedicated to the study of African American Muslim women.
For, since its emergence in North America in the 1980s, womanist thought
has produced an interdisciplinary array of literature focused on multiple forms
and dimensions of the lived realities of African American women. Those who
have identified themselves as womanists as well as those upon whose work the
label has been imposed have often thought transnationally while living locally,
fully aware that the agency to name and position themselves was their own to
exercise.
This response began with the question, Is Coleman alone in wondering
whether the Christology of the Western womanist agenda has rendered other
religious traditions so invisible that non-Christian women may live more au
thentically outside of-and perhaps far away from-the womanist camp? Sur
prisingly, her twenty-first-century concerns make an interesting contrast to the
arguments of Cheryl Sanders, who in 1989 doubted the utility of the term wom
anist for her Christian sisters, given its "secular" roots." Obviously, theorizing
about the territory of the womanist agenda continues, as does the drawing of
new borders and fundamental categories. In this regard, Coleman is not alone;
she has much esteemed company, as long as that company views womanism in
its broadest terms. Moreover, when Toinette Eugene boldly cautioned white
feminists against "description and prescription" in 1992, it is likely that her fel
low womanists took note as well.12 Rather than feeling dismayed, I celebrate
with Coleman the fact that we have much room to maneuver in determining
our own position and naming whether we choose to remain within or without
the womanist agenda. In that, I believe, our Westeru womanist ancestors have
bequeathed us a legacy whose full power and reach have yet to be experienced
and yet to be witnessed.
RESPONSE
Lee Miena Skye
1 Lee Miena Skye, "Kerygmatics of the New Millennium: A Study of Australian Aboriginal
Women's Christology" (master's thesis, University of South Australia, Adelaide, 1999; also forth
coming from ISPCK [Delhi]); Lee Miena Skye, "Yiminga (Spirit) Calling: A Study of Australian
Aboriginal Christian Women's Creation Theology" (PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 2004). Spe
cific chapters from these theses are cited in subsequent notes.
ship, which one could call their own type of feminism.2 Men and women both
have their sacred, secret women's and men's businesses. Each is vital to keeping
the universe in balance. The women do not feel oppression to the degree that
white Western feminists do, because they have their own sacred space.
There are those of our urban women who are afraid of the name "feminist"
because, to them, it seems to imply being in competition with and critical of
their men. They find this too difficult when their men suffer racism. To be in
competition with them would perpetuate white Western male behavior. They
are second-rate men in a hegemonic white male society, and the women are
sympathetic, preferring to uplift and encourage their men.3 Hence, the women
gravitate more to the name "womanist," because it focuses on the oppressions
of racism and imperialism.
Racism can be seen as Australian Indigenous women's greatest suffering,
because they share this pain with their men, children, and community. Sexism,
by contrast, is a more private pain, gender-oriented and not directly shared by
all the community. Australian Indigenous women are the least in otur society;
therefore, classism is both personal and social suffering.4 Moreover, the closer
the women are connected to traditional culture, to nature, the more they are
devastated by naturism; it is indeed a community suffering.
The name "black feminist" does not convey the depth of our pain as
a people. The name "womanist" allows us to engage more deeply the multi
dimensional suffering of Indigenous women and peoples around the world who
stand against the oppressions that are the product of colonialism and neocolo
nialism. This is why, as an Australian Aboriginal womanist, I would define as
womanist any Indigenous, black, or colored woman who fights the oppressions
of colonialism and neocolonialism.5 From my extended reading of scholastic
womanist theological and nontheological writings, I can say that all womanists
are engaged directly or indirectly in standing against the effects of colonialism
and neocolonialism.
As womanist theologians, tiddas theologians, we accuse the state and the
church of quadridimensional oppression, racism, sexism (heterosexism is im
plicit), classism, and naturism. From my readings, I perceive that this activity
is in harmony with the universal womanist theological academic tradition, in its
critique of both church and state of the tridimensional oppression of racism,
sexism, and classism. For many of us so closely connected to the land, natur
ism is an additional, immediate suffering.6 To contain and express this suffering
only within the academic area of ecowomanist theology would be to compart
mentalize and to put us in a place that limits the full expression of our everyday
reality.
One could say that, within the universal context of womanist theology,
Australian Indigenous women are between first- and second-wave womanism.
We have had the nurturing of international womanist and womanist theological
writers to encourage us to articulate our pain, but we are really only just begin
ning to do this. There are some Australian Indigenous women, however, espe
cially in the younger generation, who can accept Aboriginal spirituality/theology
but not Christianity. Therefore, womanist theology, as an academic area, does
not allow them to pursue their search for religious freedom and identity. These
women have to be catered to, and their human rights of religious freedom and
the pursuit of wholeness must be respected. Thus, third-wave womanism must
bring about healingfor all our women. We have begun our first stage, but, as it
seems the healing of all our women is in two stages, our second stage must be
through third-wave womanism to be complete.
6 "We Need to Be Whole: Is There Room for New Christologies?" chap. 4 in "Kerygmat
ics," 58-66; "Visiting Kumarangk: The Legacy of Christian and Secular Colonialist Imperialism
Epitomized; A Case Study," chap. 5 in "Yiminga," 268-99. The latter is a case study of the ef
fects of racism, classism, sexism, and, in particular, naturism on the Ngarrindjeri women in South
Australia.
7 "Pursuing Paradox," 16-17; "Set the Spirit Free: The Need for an Australian Aboriginal
Christian Womanist Research Methodology," chap. 2 in "Yiminga," 79-82.
8 "Invaluable Contribution," 314.
9 "Pursuing Paradox," 16, 42; "Witnessing the Inculturation: Data Report and Analysis,"
chap. 3 in "Yiminga," 161.
10 "We Need to Be Whole," 58-59; "Recognition," 217-18; "Visiting Kumarangk"; "Invalu
able Contribution," 332.
lighting the necessity for the healing of all black and colored women. I hope my
suggestions for the formation of a new academic tradition will help third-wave
womanists find the freedom and wholeness they so desire. It is essential that
this be so, with non-Christian womanist theology established as a legitimate
body of thought. Although they will still have the same struggles we have had
as second-wave womanists, they can be assured that, just as we were supported,
encouraged, and nurtured by our forebears-our feminist and womanist moth
ers and sisters in spirit-so it will be for them.
Conclusion
Coleman's thoughts have challenged me to consider in more depth the
healing needs of all Australian Aboriginal women, something I have been mean
ing to do for some time. Third-wave womanism can be the next stage in their
healing process, and such womanists and womanist theologians are called to
create healing space within academic and nonacademic society to meet their
needs and human rights. Supporting second-wave womanists-uplifting our sis
ters into wholeness-is inherent in their endeavors. The search for wholeness
is intrinsic to womanism, and this next wave of womanists must continue the
search for themselves and the generations that are to come.
RESPONSE
Stephanie Y Mitchem
I am grateful to Monica Coleman for her article, because she raises the
lingering questions of black women's academic and intellectual identities. Her
questions bring me to moments of reflection and analysis, including a closer
look at myself, my professional path, and the "state" of academe. What follows is
a theological reflection inspired by Coleman's question, "Must I be womanist?"
I did not come to academe by way of my initial undergraduate experiences.
In fact, in the 1970s I dropped out of a public college in Michigan that had
improved racism to a fine art. I moved away from the academic and was com
mitted to leading an activist life, sometimes in church settings, sometimes not.
At different times, I was involved in providing counseling and community edu
cation. Slowly, I moved to the administrative side, such as managing grants and
performing political advocacy.
The time came, however, when I went back to academe. It was, now that
I think about it, a natural progression. How could I integrate different areas
of my life while continuing to grow? What had I learned from my activist life?
How could I lend a greater weight of authority to my words?
Yet, I did not return to the academy expecting a perfect world, one without
conflict. Further, with my activist mind-set, my eyes were open to see areas of
contention and weakness and to act as an agent of change when possible. So
I am baffled when I read Coleman's words, as a representative of third-wave
feminists, with questions about the status quo and the efficiency of their prede
cessors. What did she and third wavers expect to find in the academic world?
But I get ahead of myself here.
There were points throughout my returning undergraduate and later
master's-level studies, in the 1980s, when I encountered professors who did not
know of any black women who wrote in any religious field. But they knew of
many white American women writing about everything. I read many of these
white women's books with dismay when the words did not wrap around my
black, working-class woman's experiences, often resonating with the question
attributed to Sojourner Truth: "Ain't I a woman?" The professors' ignorance
shaped my future studies, lending a new passion to my desire to end, specifi
cally, the silencing of black women on too many levels of academe and, gener
ally, the rejection of black scholarship's legitimacy.
During my doctoral work, I was able to blend religious studies with anthro
pology, ethnography, American history, and ethics in order to explore the reli
giosity of black women. Womanist thought was the arena to which I gravitated
with my disciplinary base in theology. Womanist thought was also the arena in
which my activist mind could identify continuing ways to engage other black
women. Yet when I work with black women in other disciplines-particularly
history, sociology, or anthropology-I use the term "black feminist" to describe
my approach. This is strategic, as the black women scholars in these disciplines
understand their work under the name black feminism. These black feminists
are the ones from whom I learn.
I do not find such usage of different terms a form of doublethink; I do not
experience any kind of cognitive dissonance. Instead, I understand womanist
and black feminist thought to fall along a continuum following the ideas of cul
tural theorist and black feminist Joy James: "To some degree then, we can distin
guish between a conventional feminism embraceable by all progressive women,
including those who happen to be black, and a black feminism or womanism,
one particular to women of African descent."' James's view defines feminism,
black feminism, and womanism in nonconflictual terms. It is not necessary, with
such an understanding, to anguish over whether one is black feminist or wom
anist or generic feminist. Frankly, ranges of intellectual stances are found within
each grouping. This diversity of women's voices is welcome to me; I am afraid
of any group of people parroting the same phrases with the same inflections.
(The idea that such a firm unanimity can exist reminds me of my African Ameri
1 Joy James, Shadowboxing: Representations of Black Feminist Politics (New York: St. Mar
tin's, 1999), 11-12.
can undergraduate students' futile search for mythical black community "unity"
across ages, regions, education, status, or political views.) Every scholar drags
past and future baggage into the academy; why should black women be exempt
from this aspect of humanity?
I view each of these groups-womanist, feminist, black feminist-as re
lated, cousins rather than strangers. The possibilities that derive from recog
nizing the relationships between the types demand that we start to act like a
functional, responsible family instead of a dysfunctional group that immolates
itself in the name of politics. We are interrelated in organic ways, growing from
each other's struggles, being birthed again and again as we encounter new ideas
and respond to actions from others in the family.
But is not this fictive kinship really larger than those few of us in the acad
emy? Aren't we involved in our work for objectives larger than inflating our own
egos? The African American women with whom I speak outside the academic
world generally have no interest in black feminism. It is not that they have
no interest in justice. These women often hold highly sophisticated analyses
of injustice from the grassroots level. Their intellectual acuity is celebrated in
the works of a range of noted authors, including Zora Neale Hurston and Alice
Walker. The type of womanist work with black women's religious wisdom that
honors and addresses their realities is exemplified by ethicist Toinette Eugene's
exploration of the value-laden, homegrown "mama saids"; biblical scholar Re
nita Weems's exploration of biblical themes from a womanist view; and Emilie
Townes's exploration of the richness of black women's spirituality.2
Further, black women religious scholars are not constrained to publish
only about womanist thought and ideas, even when they have previously writ
ten about or been involved in womanist work. Some recently published texts
provide examples of the broad scope of such scholars: Damise C. Martin's Be
yond Christianity: African Americans in a New Thought Church (2005), Kelly
Brown Douglas's What's Faith Got to Do with It? Black Bodies/Christian Souls
(2005), and Barbara Holmes's Joy Unspeakable: Contemplative Practices of the
Black Church (2004).3 The possibilities may be wider than Coleman can see at
this time.
Nonetheless, black feminism generally continues to represent an elitist
world speaking a foreign language for many black women outside the acad
2 Toinette M. Eugene, "Regardless: An Attitude of Being for Women under Fire," Update:
Newsletter of the Evangelical and Ecumenical Women's Caucus 14, no. 3 (Winter 1990/91): 24;
Renita J. Weems, Just a Sister Away: A Womanist Vision of Women's Relationships in the Bible
(San Diego: LuraMedia, 1988); Emilie M. Townes, In a Blaze of Glory: Womanist Spirituality as
SocialWitness (Nashville: Abingdon, 1995).
3 Darnise C. Martin, Beyond Christianity: African Americans in a New Thought Church
(New York: New York University Press, 2005); Kelly Brown Douglas, What's Faith Got to Do with
It? Black Bodies /Christian Souls (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 2005); and Barbara Holmes, Joy Un
speakable: Contemplative Practices of the Black Church (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2004).
informal mentor for black students. The black scholar's research suffers (this is
itself a form of silencing), and achieving tenure is at risk. This kind of situation
is not an exclusively black problem. Those people who use feminist frames as
the base of their analyses often find themselves bypassed, unsupported, and
ignored in favor of other scholars who are doing "important" research. These
political realities are spelled out in Mary Hunt's edited volume A Guide for
Women in Religion: Making Your Way from A to Z (2004).4
One reason that Coleman and others in her scholarly generation may not
"feel the pain" is that the elites that held power in the past have learned bet
ter and slicker ways to effectively silence dissent. Those methods of control
include, but are not limited to, semantics infiltration that takes over justice lan
guage and applies it to everybody (thereby making the original idea impotent);
defining away problems (while doing nothing about them); and using legislation
(for church or government, via sacred text or constitution) to keep people in
their places.
For African Americans, race-specific politics also shapes our views of life
and the world. In black religious communities, there are culturally specific ways
that political gaming is played. Some of these ways have severely negative im
pacts on black women members. For instance, some black churches are at the
forefront of efforts to reinscribe sexism and, indirectly, racism by naming an au
thentic "black" position. They may have "virtuous woman" programs (biblically
based, they claim) that show women how to get and keep men at the expense
of themselves. This is part of the real world in which womanists and black femi
nists and any other feminists lend the weight of their minds in black religious
studies. Therefore, to be a womanist involved in theological and ethical analyses
is to be involved in political processes.
Political situations also continue to arise in several ways within colleges
and churches as womanist scholars work to bring black women out of invis
ibility. In this, womanist scholars have made significant inroads, as evidenced
by Coleman's complaint that she felt pushed into a womanist category both in
her studies and on the job market. It has taken no small effort to bring woman
ist perspectives to some legitimacy within academic and religious circles. The
real problem is not that one scholar is pushed into a narrow frame but that the
diversity of all liberationist scholars is seldom recognized or celebrated. Just as
there are feminisms, so there are important comparative differences among
black religion scholars, be they womanist, black theologian, black ethicist, or
something else.
My answer for Monica Coleman's question, "Must I be womanist?" is cov
ered by three other questions, which were the base of my own reflections: Why
4 Mary Hunt, A Guide for Women in Religion: Making Your Way from Ato Z (New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).
RESPONSE
Traci C. West
5 Thanks to M. Shawn Copeland for this question, which she asked of me when I was trying
to locate myself within the academy.
chial logic that all black women scholars of religion must be classified as "wom
anists," it may also seem fitting to presume that only womanists can mentor
black women students. Does that mean that faculty who are not black women
need not read black women's studies in religion and/or mentor black women
entering fields of religious studies? The intellectual talents of black women
scholars are harmfully restricted by such scholarly boundaries. Furthermore, if
these boundaries are accepted, white scholars (who make up the majority of the
religion academy in the United States) and other scholars of color (for example,
Asian Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, and Pacific Islanders) would be
excused both from engaging with the ideas in black women's studies in religion
and from cultivating emerging black women scholars. Scholars of religion do
not, of course, require permission from womanists to focus on theoretical ideas
and studies authored by whites and Europeans, to teach their students to do the
same, or to excuse themselves from an obligation to mentor scholars in their
field who are not white.
The conversation about the distinction between womanism and feminism
also has political implications beyond the academy. Daphne Wiggins demon
strates one approach to this question in her empirical study Righteous Content:
Black Women's Perspectives of Church and Faith (2005), an ethnographic study
focusing on the religiosity of the black female membership of one Pentecostal
and two Baptist black church congregations in Georgia.8 Wiggins examines these
women's self-described beliefs and behaviors. She notes a few of the women's
brief or distasteful references to "feminism" and includes a careful discussion of
whether the term womanism applies to the devout group of Christian women
that she studied. Wiggins summarizes ideas from Christian womanist scholars
and weighs their relevance to these churchwomen, at some points finding help
ful connections and at other points rejecting the term's applicability:
If one has to embrace all aspects of the definition to be womanist, then
one particular part of the definition is problematic. The inclusion of pos
itive regard for women who may love women sexually or nonsexually as
a defining trait of a womanist also disqualifies these women as woman
ists. Admittedly, whether to label these women as "womanists" may be a
misplaced preoccupation on my part.9
Wiggins's cautiousness about imposing a womanist label on the women she stud
ied shows respect for their right to self-definition, but I wished for more details
on this issue of sexuality. Wiggins does not elaborate on what she means by her
assertion of a lack of "positive regard for women who may love women sexually
or nonsexually" among her interviewees. Does this mean that her subjects do
8 Daphne C. Wiggins, Righteous Content: Black Women's Perspectives of Church and Faith
(New York: New York University Press, 2005).
9 Ibid., 176.
not have a positive regard for themselves if they are lesbians or for their daugh
ters, nieces, and cousins who may be lesbians? Is a heterosexual identity as
sumed here for all church members and their families? What concerns or fears
prevent investigation of nonsexual love between women? As Wiggins creatively
explores the definition of womanism within the scope of this research project,
the constraints of heteronormativity and homophobia seem to show up.
Coleman's article reasons that it is because they tend to be empirical (of
a "descriptive nature") that womanist studies of black women, unlike feminist
ones, lack a "political edge." I do not agree with Coleman if she means by this
that political issues are not present in empirical studies. It is not the nature of
a study but the choices the author makes about which questions to explore that
create "edginess" with regard to political issues that are present in the material.
For instance, issues related to how expressions of lesbian sexuality are mani
fested in the power dynamics of black church life are present within contexts
that womanist empirical studies cover, though such issues may be insufficiently
examined. Political concerns (or power dynamics) merit "edgy" reflection be
cause of their moral importance-their revelations about hierarchies of worth
and status, even among women. In black women's studies in religion, the mat
ters of moral import that most compellingly beg for attention reside not in dis
cernment of who fits under which label-"feminist," "womanist," "black femi
nist," or "third-wave womanist-feminist"-but in questions about the subject
matter, such as why and how scholarship about black communities and religious
life attends to issues of sexuality and sexual orientation.
This topic of sexuality and sexual orientation should be compelling because
of instances of gay teenagers who, as a result of their parents' religious beliefs,
are put out of their homes to fend for themselves on the streets. The stories of
the black and Latino homeless youth served by the Green Chimneys programs
for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender children, youth, and families in New York
City illustrate this problem.'0 For me, black women's studies in religion should
interrogate heteronormativity, heterosexism, and homophobia because of vio
lent assaults that occur on the streets of poor black neighborhoods, such as the
2003 murder of black lesbian teenager Sakia Gunn in Newark, New Jersey.
Such an interrogation is also needed because of the morally repugnant church
rejection-based upon sex/gender prejudices and bigotry-of smart and skilled
women for clerical leadership that I continue to learn about from black lesbian
seminarians who describe their treatment when I teach and speak on seminary
campuses.
I know that these reasons for including a focus on heterosexism, hetero
normativity, and homophobia in black women's studies in religion are not as
convincing to many heterosexual religious scholars who contribute to black
women's studies as they are for me. But perhaps the influence of political oppo
10 See http://www.greenchimneys.org/.
sition to "gay marriage" by black Christian clergy will persuade more of them to
see the urgency of addressing the politics of sex/gender issues in black churches
and communities. Clergy in Atlanta, Boston, Washington, DC, and many other
places have spoken out against marriage equality, especially prior to the 2004
elections. Arguing that they represent the moral values of blacks, clergy such as
black evangelist T. D. Jakes and pastor Herbert Lusk urged blacks to support
anti-gay-rights white politicians whose political strategies included targeting
black communities to deny them their right to vote in Florida in 2000 (and again
in Ohio in 2004), and whose political goals included the reduction of federal
programs that support education, health care, clean air, housing, employment
opportunities (except military service), and affirmative action-programs that
provide services upon which members of black communities disproportionately
rely." If blacks can be persuaded by their church leaders to vote in record num
bers against every economic and social self-interest that they have because bar
ring gays and lesbians from marriage is the only social value of importance for
their lives and communities, how can Christian womanists, black feminists, or
anyone else who could offer thoughtful leadership continue to ignore the need
for black churches and communities to confront their homophobia?
Unexamined and unchallenged, heterosexism and homophobia also contrib
ute to black community leaders and clergy parroting the rhetoric of right-wing
political think tanks. They assert, as the editorial page of the black Washing
ton, DC, newspaper the Afro-American declared at the end of 2005, a socio
economic claim that heterosexual marriage is not only what African Americans
need but also "a blessing to the entire country."'12 This new rhetoric and the $1.5
billion marriage initiative that is part of President George W Bush's contribu
tion to welfare reform are yet another assault on poor, single black mothers (of
all sexual orientations). Such developments also create a new frontier of com
munal complicity in the battering, marital rape, emotional and spiritual anguish,
and isolation that black women victim-survivors of intimate violence within het
erosexual marriages and partnerships already experience. Is it a naive hope on
my part that the demeaning and maybe even life-endangering consequences for
so many black women of this worship of the superiority of heterosexuality will
compel any contributor to black women's studies in religion to include black
heterosexism as a fundamental concern that must be interrogated?
The serious dangers posed by simplistic moral rhetoric about blacks repre
sent a familiar and perpetual struggle under the conditions of white supremacy.
11 See Hanna Rosin, "Redeem the Vote Spreads the Election-Year Gospel," Washington
Post, October 29, 2004; David D. Kirkpatrick, "Black Pastors Backing Bush Are Rarities, But Not
Alone," New York Times, October 5,2004; Laurie Goodstein, "Minister, a Bush Ally, Gives Church
as Site for Alito Rally," New York Times, January 5, 2006; and Thomas Edsall, "Christian Right
Mobilizes for Judge; Conservative Tilt Sought on Bench," Washington Post, January 9,2006.
12 Editorial, Washington Afro-American, December 3-9, 2005.
How does one resist the imposition of all types of narrow and constraining cat
egories for blacks? How does one even resist the conversations about sorting
out categories and labels? Racist manipulations and patronizing reductions of
black life are implicated in the impulse to do this kind of sorting. I want to
resist a conversation about the term womanist if the purpose is merely to have
an all-about-me-and-my-self-interests-as-a-black-woman session that endlessly
celebrates black womanlyood by choosing certain aspects of black women's his
tory, practices, and struggles that can be construed as virtuous and neglecting
others that cannot be. I also want to resist this conversation if it will be used as
a means for pitting me against my black sisters in the religious academy with
whom I have any intellectual differences. I do want to have this conversation in
order to develop womanist and black feminist religious studies that dare to offer
liberative thought in the repressive climate of our society.