Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc.

(TESOL)

Social Identity, Investment, and Language Learning

Author(s): Bonny Norton Peirce
Source: TESOL Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 1 (Spring, 1995), pp. 9-31
Published by: Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc. (TESOL)
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 TESOL QUARTERLY Vol. 29, No. 1, Spring 1995

Social Identity, Investment, and

Language Learning*
BONNY NORTON PEIRCE
Ontario Institutefor Studies in Education

The author argues that second language acquisition (SLA) theorists

have struggled to conceptualize the relationship between the lan-
guage learner and the social world because they have not developed a
comprehensive theory of social identity which integrates the language
learner and the language learning context. She also maintains that
SLA theorists have not adequately addressed how relations of power
affect interaction between language learners and target language
speakers. Using data collected in Canada from January to December
1991 from diaries, questionnaires, individual and group interviews,
and home visits, the author illustrates how and under what conditions
the immigrant women in her study created, responded to, and some-
times resisted opportunities to speak English. Drawing on her data
analysis as well as her reading in social theory, the author argues
that current conceptions of the individual in SLA theory need to be
reconceptualized, and she draws on the poststructuralist conception
of social identity as multiple, a site of struggle, and subject to change
to explain the findings from her study. Further, she argues for a
conception of investment rather than motivation to capture the complex
relationship of language learners to the target language and their
sometimes ambivalent desire to speak it. The notion of investment
conceives of the language learner, not as ahistorical and unidimen-
sional, but as having a complex social history and multiple desires.
The article includes a discussion of the implications of the study for
classroom teaching and current theories of communicative compe-
tence.

Everybody working with me is Canadian. When I started to work

there, they couldn't understand that it might be difficult for me
to understand everything and know about everything what it's
normal for them. To explain it more clearly I can write an

Earlier drafts of this paper were presented at the Social Issues/Social Change Conference
in Toronto, Canada, in July 1993, and the 28th Annual TESOL convention in Baltimore,
United States, in March 1994.

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 example, which happened few days ago. The girl [Gail] which
is working with me pointed at the man and said:
"Do you see him?"-I said
"Yes, Why?"
"Don't you know him?"
"No. I don't know him."
"How come you don't know him. Don't you watch TV. That's
Bart Simpson."
It made me feel so bad and I didn't answer her nothing. Until
now I don't know why this person was important.
Eva, February 8, 19911
No researcher today would dispute that language learning results
from participation in communicative events. Despite any claims
to the contrary, however, the nature of this learning remains
undefined.
Savignon, 1991, p. 271

vH ow would second language acquisition (SLA) theorists conceptu-

alize the relationship between Eva, an immigrant language
learner, and Gail, an anglophone Canadian, both of whom are located
in the same North American workplace in the 1990s? Because they
have struggled to conceptualize the relationship between the individual
language learner and larger social processes, a question such as this
poses a problem for SLA theorists. In general, many SLA theorists
have drawn artificial distinctions between the language learner and
the language learning context. On the one hand, the individual is de-
scribed with respect to a host of affective variables such as his/her
motivation to learn a second language. Krashen (1981, 1982), for
example, has hypothesized that comprehensible input in the presence of
a low affective filter is the major causal variable in SLA. In Krashen's
view, this affective filter comprises the learner's motivation, self-confi-
dence, and anxiety state-all of which are variables that pertain to the
individual rather than the social context. Furthermore, the personality
of the individual has been described unidimensionally as introverted
or extroverted, inhibited or uninhibited, field dependent or field inde-
pendent.2 With reference to these theories, Eva might be described as
someone who is unmotivated with a high affective filter; perhaps an
introverted personality who is unable to interact appropriately with
her interlocutors. Or she might be portrayed as a poor language learner
who has not developed sociolinguistic competence.

'Quoted in Peirce, 1993, p. 197. Eva explained that the man her co-worker pointed to had
a "Bart Simpson" t-shirt on. Spelling mistakes in the original have been corrected.
2See Brown (1987) for an overview of the literature on personality variables and language
learning.

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 Other theories of SLA focus on social rather than individual variables
in language learning. The social frequently refers to group differences
between the language learner group and the target language group
(Schumann, 1976). In this view, where there is congruence between
the second language group and the target language group, what Schu-
mann (1976) terms social distance between them is considered to be
minimal, in turn facilitating the acculturation of the second language
group into the target language group and enhanced language learning.
Where there is great social distance between two groups, little accultur-
ation is considered to take place, and the theory predicts that members
of the second language group will not become proficient speakers of
the target language. Supporters of the Acculturation Model of SLA
(Schumann, 1978) might argue that despite the fact that Eva and Gail
are in contact, there is great social distance between them because
there is little congruence between Eva's culture and that of Gail. For
this reason, Eva might struggle to interact successfully with members
of the target language community.
Because of the dichotomous distinctions between the language
learner and the social world, there are disagreements in the literature
on the way affective variables interact with the larger social context.
For example, although Krashen regards motivation as a variable inde-
pendent of social context, Spolsky (1989) regards the two as inextrica-
bly intertwined. Although Krashen draws distinctions between self-
confidence, motivation, and anxiety, Clement, Gardner, and Smythe
(quoted in Spolsky, 1989) consider motivation and anxiety as a subset
of self-confidence. Although Krashen considers self-confidence as an
intrinsic characteristic of the language learner, Gardner (1985) argues
that self-confidence arises from positive experiences in the context of
the second language: "Self-confidence . . . develops as a result of posi-
tive experiences in the context of the second language and serves to
motivate individuals to learn the second language" (p. 54).
Such disagreements in the SLA literature should not be dismissed,
as Gardner (1989) dismisses them, as "more superficial than real"
(p. 137). I suggest that this confusion arises because artificial distinc-
tions are drawn between the individual and the social, which lead to
arbitrary mapping of particular factors on either the individual or the
social, with little rigorous justification. In the field of SLA, theorists
have not adequately addressed why it is that a learner may sometimes
be motivated, extroverted, and confident and sometimes unmotivated,
introverted, and anxious; why in one place there may be social distance
between a specific group of language learners and the target language
community, whereas in another place the social distance may be mini-
mal; why a learner can sometimes speak and other times remains silent.
Although muted, there is an uneasy recognition by some theorists that

SOCIAL IDENTITY, INVESTMENT, AND LEARNING 11

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current theory about the relationship between the language learner
and the social world is problematic. Scovel (1978) for example, has
found that research on foreign language anxiety suffers from several
ambiguities, and Gardner and Maclntyre (1993) remain unconvinced
of the relationship between "personality variables" (p. 9) and language
achievement.
The central argument of this paper is that SLA theorists have not
developed a comprehensive theory of social identity that integrates
the language learner and the language learning context. Furthermor
they have not questioned how relations of power in the social world
affect social interaction between second language learners and targe
language speakers. Although many SLA theorists (Ellis, 1985; Kras-
hen, 1981; Schumann, 1978; Spolsky, 1989; Stern, 1983) recognize
that language learners do not live in idealized, homogeneous communi-
ties but in complex, heterogeneous ones, such heterogeneity has been
framed uncritically. Theories of the good language learner have been
developed on the premise that language learners can choose under
what conditions they will interact with members of the target language
community and that the language learner's access to the target lan-
guage community is a function of the learner's motivation. Thus Gard-
ner and Maclntyre (1992), for example, argue that "the major charac-
teristic of the informal context is that it is voluntary. Individuals can
either participate or not in informal acquisition contexts" (p. 213).
SLA theorists have not adequately explored how inequitable relations
of power limit the opportunities L2 learners have to practice the target
language outside the classroom. In addition, many have assumed that
learners can be defined unproblematically as motivated or unmoti-
vated, introverted or extroverted, inhibited or uninhibited, without
considering that such affective factors are frequently socially con-
structed in inequitable relations of power, changing over time and
space, and possibly coexisting in contradictory ways in a single indi-
vidual.
Drawing on a recent study (Peirce, 1993) as well as my reading in
social theory, I will propose a theory of social identity that I hope will
contribute to debates on second language learning. This theory of
social identity, informed by my data, assumes that power relations play
a crucial role in social interactions between language learners and
target language speakers. In March 1991, for example, when I asked
Eva why the communication breakdown between her and Gail had
taken place, Eva indicated she had felt humiliated at the time. She
said that she could not respond to Gail because she had been positioned
as a "strange woman." What had made Eva feel strange? When I
analyzed Eva's data more closely, I realized that Gail's questions to Ev
were in fact rhetorical. Gail did not expect, or possibly even desire a

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response from Eva: "How come you don't know him. Don't you watch
TV. That's Bart Simpson." It was Gail and not Eva who could deter-
mine the grounds on which interaction could proceed; it was Gail and
not Eva who had the power to bring closure to the conversation. If,
as Savignon (1991) argues, language learning results from participa-
tion in communicative events, it is important to investigate how power
relations are implicated in the nature of this learning.
I therefore take the position that notions of the individual and the
language learner's personality in SLA theory need to be reconceptual-
ized in ways that will problematize dichotomous distinctions between
the language learner and the language learning context. I argue that
SLA theory needs to develop a conception of the language learner as
having a complex social identity that must be understood with refer-
ence to larger, and frequently inequitable social structures which are
reproduced in day-to-day social interaction. In taking this position, I
foreground the role of language as constitutive of and constituted by
a language learner's social identity. It is through language that a person
negotiates a sense of self within and across different sites at different
points in time, and it is through language that a person gains access
to-or is denied access to-powerful social networks that give learners
the opportunity to speak (Heller, 1987). Thus language is not con-
ceived of as a neutral medium of communication but is understood
with reference to its social meaning. I support these arguments wit
findings from a longitudinal case study of the language learning ex
riences of a group of immigrant women in Canada (Peirce, 1993)

THE STUDY: IMMIGRANT WOMEN AS

LANGUAGE LEARNERS

From January to June 1990 I helped teach a 6-month ES

a group of recent immigrants at Ontario College in Newto
After the course was complete, I invited the learners to p
a longitudinal case study of their language learning exp
Canada. Five women agreed to participate in the study: Mai from
Vietnam, Eva and Katarina from Poland, Martina from Czechoslova-
kia, and Felicia from Peru. My research questions were divided into
two parts:

Part I

How are the opportunities for immigrant women in Canada to practice

ESL socially structured outside the classroom? How do immigrant women

3The names of places and participants have been changed to protect the identities of partici-
pants.

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 respond to and act upon these social structures to create, use, or resist
opportunities to practice English? To what extent should their actions be
understood with reference to their investment in English and their changing
social identities across time and space?

Part II

How can an enhanced understanding of natural language learning an

social identity inform SLA theory, in general, as well as ESL pedagogy
immigrant women in Canada? (Peirce, 1993, p. 18)

The study lasted 12 months-from January to December 1991. A

major source of data collection was a diary study: From January to
June 1991, the participants kept records of their interactions with
anglophone Canadians and used diaries to reflect on their language
learning experiences in the home, workplace, and community. During
the course of the study, we met on a regular basis to share some of
the entries the women had made in their diaries and to discuss their
insights and concerns. I also drew a substantial amount of data from
two detailed questionnaires I administered before and after the study,
as well as personal and group interviews, and home visits.
One of the assumptions on which I based my research questions
was that practice in the target language is a necessary condition of
second language learning. As Spolsky (1989) argues, extensive expo-
sure to the target language, in relevant kinds and amounts, and the
opportunity to practice the target language are essential for second
language learning: Learning cannot proceed without exposure and
practice. These conditions, furthermore, are graded: The more expo-
sure and practice, the more proficient the learner will become. Spolsky
(1989) argues that the language learner can have exposure to and
practice in the target language in two qualitatively different settings:
the natural or informal environment of the target language community
or the formal environment of the classroom. The focus of my research
was on the natural language learning experiences of the women in
their homes, workplaces, and communities.

THE THEORY: SOCIAL IDENTITY, INVESTMENT,

AND THE RIGHT TO SPEAK

Social Identity as Multiple, a Site of Struggle, an

Changing Over Time

In examining the relationship between the language learners in my

study and the social worlds in which they lived, I drew in particular on

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Weedon's (1987) conception of social identity or subjectivity. Feminist
poststructuralism, like much postmodern educational theory (Cher-
ryholmes, 1988; Giroux, 1988; Simon, 1992), explores how prevailing
power relations between individuals, groups, and communities affect
the life chances of individuls at a given time and place. Weedon's work,
however, is distinguished from that of other postmodern theorists in
the rigorous and comprehensive way in which her work links individual
experience and social power in a theory of subjectivity. Weedon (1987)
defines subjectivity as "the conscious and unconscious thoughts and
emotions of the individual, her sense of herself and her ways of
understanding her relation to the world" (p. 32). Furthermore, like
other poststructuralist theorists who inform her work (Derrida, Lacan,
Kristeva, Althusser, and Foucault), Weedon does not neglect the cen-
tral role of language in her analysis of the relationship between the
individual and the social: "Language is the place where actual and
possible forms of social organization and their likely social and political
consequences are defined and contested. Yet it is also the place where
our sense of ourselves, our subjectivity, is constructed" (p. 21).
Three defining characteristics of subjectivity, as outlined by Weedon,
are particularly important for understanding my data: the multiple
nature of the subject; subjectivity as a site of struggle; and subjectivity
as changing over time. First, Weedon (1987) argues, the terms subject
and subjectivity signify a different conception of the individual from
that associated with humanist conceptions of the individual dominant
in Western philosophy. Whereas humanist conceptions of the individ-
ual-and most definitions of the individual in SLA research-presup-
pose that every person has an essential, unique, fixed, and coherent
core (introvert/extrovert; motivated/unmotivated; field dependent/
field independent), poststructuralism depicts the individual as diverse,
contradictory, and dynamic; multiple rather than unitary, decentered
rather than centered. By way of example (and at the risk of oversimpli-
fication) a humanist might be attracted by a book with the title How
to Discover Your True Self. A poststructuralist, on the other hand, might
prefer a book titled It's OK to Live with Contradictions.
Second, the conception of social identity as a site of struggle is an
extension of the position that social identity is multiple and contradic-
tory. Subjectivity is produced in a variety of social sites, all of which
are structured by relations of power in which the person takes up
different subject positions-teacher, mother, manager, critic-some
positions of which may be in conflict with others. In addition, the
subject is not conceived of as passive; he/she is conceived of as both
subject of and subject to relations of power within a particular site,
community, and society: The subject has human agency. Thus the
subject positions that a person takes up within a particular discourse

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are open to argument: Although a person may be positioned in a
particular way within a given discourse, the person might resist the
subject position or even set up a counterdiscourse which positions the
person in a powerful rather than marginalized subject position. Third,
in arguing that subjectivity is multiple, contradictory, and a site of
struggle, feminist poststructuralism highlights the changing quality of
a person's social identity. As Weedon (1987) argues, "the political
significance of decentering the subject and abandoning the belief in
essential subjectivity is that it opens up subjectivity to change" (p. 33).
This is a crucial point for second language educators in that it opens
up possibilities for educational intervention.
I will demonstrate below that although it might be tempting to argue
that Eva was essentially an introverted language learner, the data which
follows provides convincing evidence that Eva's social identity was not
fixed; it was a site of struggle and changed dramatically over time-
as did her interactions with anglophone Canadians. At the time of
the Bart Simpson exchange, however, Gail was in a powerful subject
position and Eva did not actively resist being positioned as "strange."
Because of the construction of Eva's social identity in Canada as immi-
grant, the social meaning of Gail's words to her were understood by
Eva in this context. Had Eva been, for example, an anglophone Cana-
dian who endorsed public rather than commercial television, she could
have set up a counterdiscourse to Gail's utterance, challenging Gail's
interest in popular culture. However, because of the unequal relations
of power between Gail and Eva at that point in time, it was Gail who
was subject of the discourse on Bart Simpson; Eva remained subject
to this discourse. Thus while Eva had been offered the opportunity to
engage in social interaction, to "practice" her English, her subject
position within the larger discourse of which she and Gail were a part
undermined this opportunity: "It made me feel so bad and I didn't
answer her nothing." This discourse must be understood not only in
relation to the words that were said, but in relationship to larger
structures within the workplace, and Canadian society at large, in
which immigrant language learners often struggle for acceptance in
Canadian society.

From Motivation to Investment

A logical extension of reconceptualizing notions of the indiv

in SLA theory is the need to problematize the concept of motiva
In the field of second language learning, the concept of motiva
is drawn primarily from the field of social psychology, where attem
have been made to quantify a learner's commitment to learning
target language. The work of Gardner and Lambert (1972) and G

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ner (1985) has been particularly influential in introducing the notions
of instrumental and integrative motivation into the field of SLA. In their
work, instrumental motivation references the desire that language
learners have to learn a second language for utilitarian purposes, such
as employment, whereas integrative motivation references the desire
to learn a language to integrate successfully with the target language
community.
Such conceptions of motivation, which are dominant in the field of
SLA, do not capture the complex relationship between relations of
power, identity, and language learning that I have been investigating
in my study of immigrant women. In my view, the conception of
investment rather than motivation more accurately signals the socially
and historically constructed relationship of the women to the target
language and their sometimes ambivalent desire to learn and practice
it. My conception of investment has been informed by my reading
in social theory, although I have not as yet found a comprehensive
discussion of the term in these contexts. It is best understood with
reference to the economic metaphors that Bourdieu (1977) uses in
his work-in particular the notion of cultural capital. Bourdieu an
Passeron (1977) use the term cultural capital to reference the kno
edge and modes of thought that characterize different classes and
groups in relation to specific sets of social forms. They argue that
some forms of cultural capital have a higher exchange value than
others in a given social context. I take the position that if learners
invest in a second language, they do so with the understanding that
they will acquire a wider range of symbolic and material resources,4
which will in turn increase the value of their cultural capital. Learners
will expect or hope to have a good return on that investment-a return
that will give them access to hitherto unattainable resources. Further-
more, drawing on Ogbu (1978), I take the position that this return on
investment must be seen as commensurate with the effort expended
on learning the second language.
It is important to note that the notion of investment I am advocating
is not equivalent to instrumental motivation. The conception of instru-
mental motivation generally presupposes a unitary, fixed, and ahistor-
ical language learner who desires access to material resources that are
the privilege of target language speakers. In this view, motivation is
a property of the language learner-a fixed personality trait. The
notion of investment, on the other hand, attempts to capture the
relationship of the language learner to the changing social world. It
conceives of the language learner as having a complex social identity

4By symbolic resources I refer to such resources as language, education, and friendship, whereas
I use the term material resources to include capital goods, real estate, and money.

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and multiple desires. The notion presupposes that when language
learners speak, they are not only exchanging information with target
language speakers but they are constantly organizing and reorganizing
a sense of who they are and how they relate to the social world. Thus
an investment in the target language is also an investment in a learner's
own social identity, an identity which is constantly changing across
time and space.

Communicative Competence and the Right to Speak

Given the position that communication and social interaction are

implicated in the construction of a language learner's social identity,
my research on immigrant women in Canada develops questions I
have raised in earlier research (Peirce, 1989) about the way Hymes'
(1971) views on communicative competence have been taken up by
many theorists in the field of second language learning over the past
15 years. I have argued (Peirce, 1989) that although it is important
for language learners to understand the rules of use of the target
language, it is equally important for them to explore whose interests
these rules serve. What is considered appropriate usage is not self-
evident but must be understood with reference to relations of power
between interlocutors. I take the position that theories of communica-
tive competence in the field of second language learning should extend
beyond an understanding of the appropriate rules of use in a particular
society, to include an understanding of the way rules of use are socially
and historically constructed to support the interests of a dominant
group within a given society. Drawing on Bourdieu (1977), I argue in
this paper that the definition of competence should include an aware-
ness of the right to speak-what Bourdieu calls "the power to impose
reception" (p. 75). His position is that the linguist takes for granted
the conditions for the establishment of communication: that those who
speak regard those who listen as worthy to listen and that those who
listen regard those who speak as worthy to speak. However, as Bour-
dieu argues, it is precisely such assumptions that must be called into
question.

THE ANALYSIS: IDENTIY, INVESTMENT, AND

LANGUAGE LEARNING

Although the findings from my study are extensive (P

I wish to highlight data that address the question, How can
understanding of natural language learning and social ident
SLA theory? First, I will address how the notion of inve

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explain the contradictions between the women's motivation to learn
English and their sometimes ambivalent desire to speak it. Second, I
highlight data from two of the participants-Martina and Eva-to
analyze the relationship between investment, social identity, and lan-
guage learning.

Investment and Social Identity

All the participants in the study were highly motivated to learn

English. They all took extra courses to learn English; they all partici-
pated in the diary study; they all wished to have more social contact
with anglophone Canadians; and all of them, except Martina, indicated
that they felt comfortable speaking English to friends or people they
knew well. It is significant, however, that all the women felt uncomfort-
able talking to people in whom they had a particular symbolic or
material investment. Eva, who came to Canada for "economical advan-
tage",5 and was eager to work with anglophones, practice her English
and get better jobs, was silenced when the customers in her workplace
made comments about her accent. Mai, who came to Canada for her
life in the future and depended on the wishes of management fo
her job security and financial independence, was most uncomforta
speaking to her boss. Katarina, who came to Canada to escape a com
munist and atheistic system, and had a great affective investment
her status as a professional, felt most uncomfortable talking to h
teacher, the doctor, and other anglophone professionals. Martina, who
had given up a surveyor's job to come to Canada "for the children
was frustrated and uncomfortable when she could not defend her
family's rights in the public world. Felicia, who had come to Canada
escape "terrorism," and had great affective investment in her Peruv
identity, felt most uncomfortable speaking English in front of Peru
vians who speak English fluently.
The concept of motivation as currently taken up in the SLA litera
conceives of the language learner as having a unified, coherent ident
which organizes the type and intensity of a language learner's motiv
tion. The data indicate that motivation is a much more complex mat
than hitherto conceived. Despite being highly motivated, there w
particular social conditions under which the women in my study we
most uncomfortable and unlikely to speak (See also Auerbach &
McGrail, 1991; Cumming & Gill, 1992; Goldstein, 1991; Peirce,
Harper, & Burnaby, 1993; Rockhill, 1987). The data suggest that a
language learner's motivation to speak is mediated by investments

5The only alterations that have been made to the written contributions of the participants
are spelling corrections.

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that may conflict with the desire to speak. Paradoxically, perhaps, the
decision to remain silent or the decision to speak may both constititute
forms of resistance to inequitable social forces. For example, although
Felicia resisted speaking English in front of strangers because she did
not want to be identified as an immigrant in Canada, other immigrant
language learners are anxious to speak English for the express purpose
of resisting unscrupulous social practices. For example, in his Toronto-
based study of Spanish-speaking immigrants, Klassen (1987) found
that some language learners wanted to learn English as a means of
defence in their daily lives. An understanding of motivation should
therefore be mediated by an understanding of learners' investments
in the target language-investments that are closely connected to the
ongoing production of a language learner's social identity. This posi-
tion will be defended more comprehensively in the following discussion
of Martina and Eva's experiences of learning English in Canada. In
the following discussion, I demonstrate how the conception of social
identity as multiple, a site of struggle, and subject to change helps to
explain the conditions under which Martina and Eva spoke or re-
mained silent.

Martina: Social identity as Multiple and a Site of Struggle

Martina was born in Czechoslovakia in 1952. She came to Canada

in March 1989 when she was 37 years old, with her husband Petr
their three children (Jana 17, Elsbet 14, Milos 11 at the time). S
came to Canada for a "better life for children." Neither she nor her
husband knew any English before they came to Canada, but her ch
dren had received some English language training in Austria wher
the family had spent 19 months waiting for Canadian visas. Althou
Martina had a professional degree as a surveyor, she worked as a "cook
help" at a restaurant, Fast Foods, before she started the ESL cour
in January 1990.
Initially, Martina was dependent on her children to perform th
public and domestic tasks of settling into a new country. When Martin
went looking for a job, she took her eldest daughter with her, eve
though her daughter would become distressed because nobody want
to employ her mother. When Martina wanted to help serve customers
at Fast Foods, she asked her daughters to tell her what words to us
As Martina's English improved, she took on more of the parental. task
in the home. Many of Martina's diary entries describe the way th
she used English to perform a wide variety of tasks in the home a
community. It was Martina rather than her husband Petr who di
most of the organization in the family, like finding accommodations,
organizing telephones, buying appliances, finding schools for the chil-

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dren. Martina also helped her husband to perform public tasks in
English. When Petr was laid off work, he relied on Martina to help
him get unemployment insurance and he asked Martina to help him
prepare for his plumber's certificate by translating the preparation
book from English to Czech.
I wish to argue that Martina's investment in English was largely
structured by an identity as primary caregiver in the family. It was
important that she learn English so that she could take over the parental
tasks of the home from her children. The very reason why Martina
and Petr came to Canada was to find a "better life for children."
Martina was anxious not to jeopardize the children's future by ha
them take on more public and domestic tasks than were absolu
necessary. Furthermore, because Martina had the responsibility
dealing with the public world, she was also anxious to understa
Canadian way of life-how things get done in Canadian society.
The poststructuralist view that social identity is nonunitary and
tradictory helps to explain how Martina responded to and crea
opportunities to practice English. To illustrate this point, I will ad
some of the multiple sites of Martina's identity formation: She w
immigrant, a mother, a language learner, a worker, a wife. As a s
constructed immigrant woman (Ng, 1987; Boyd, 1992), Martina
felt comfortable speaking. Despite the fact that Martina showe
markable resourcefulness and progress in her language learnin
frequently referred to herself as "stupid" and "inferior" becau
could not speak English fluently. As she wrote in December 1991:

1. I feel uncomfortable using English in the group of people whose English

language is their mother tongue because they speak fluently without any
problems and I feel inferior.

Significantly, however, despite feelings of inferiority and shame,

despite what could be described as a high affective filter, Martina
refused to be silenced. I suggest that the reasons why Martina refused
to be silenced were because her social identity as a mother and primary
caregiver in the home led her to challenge what she understood to be
appropriate rules of use governing interactions between anglophone
Canadians and immigrant language learners. The multiple sites of
identity formation explain the surprises in Martina's data-occasions
when Martina would speak despite the fact that she was not a "legiti-
mate speaker" (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 650) in the particular discourse.
To mention only two occasions: First, Martina surprised her children
(and no doubt her landlord and herself) by entering into a long conver-
sation with her landlord on the phone in which she insisted that her
family had not broken their lease agreement. In her diary of March
8, 1991, she wrote:

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 2. The first time I was very nervous and afraid to talk on the phone. When
the phone rang, everybody in my family was busy, and my daughter had
to answer it. After ESL course when we moved and our landlords tried
to persuade me that we have to pay for whole year, I got upset and I
talked with him on the phone over one hour and I didn't think about
the tenses rules. I had known that I couldn't give up. My children were
very surprised when they heard me.

Second, Martina surprised customers at Fast Foods (who looked at

her strangely) and co-workers (who were surprised, but said nothing)
by taking the initiative to serve the customers while the other workers
were playing a video game in the manager's office. Consider the follow-
ing entry from her diary on March 7, 1991.

3. My experiences with young Canadians were very bad, maybe I didn't

have fortune. Usually I worked only with my manager, but when was
P.A. day or some holidays for students, the manager stayed in his office
and I worked with some students. Very often I worked with two sisters
Jennifer (12 years) and Vicky (15 years) and the assistant manager who
was at a cash [register]. These two girls loved talking but not with me.
Even though I was very busy, they talked with young customers and
laughed and sometime looked at me. I didn't know, if they laughed at
me or not. When we didn't have any customers, they went to the manager
office and tried to help the manager with "wheel of fortune" on the
computer. Later when some customers came in and I called these girls,
they went but they made faces. I felt bad and I wanted to avoid this
situation. In the evening I asked my daughter what I have to tell the
customer. She answered me "May I help you" then "pardon" and "some-
thing else." When I tried first time to talk to two customers alone, they
looked at me strangely, but I didn't give up. I gave them everything they
wanted and then I went looking for the girls and I told them as usually
only "cash." They were surprised but they didn't say anything.

I suggest that Martina's perseverance with speaking ("I couldn't give

up," "I didn't give up") and her courage to resist marginalization
intersect with her social identity as a mother in two ways. First, as a
primary caregiver, she could not rely on her husband to deal with the
public world and defend the family's rights against unscrupulous social
practices. Martina had to do this herself, regardless of her command
of the English tense system, the strange looks she received from her
interlocutors, and her feelings of inferiority. Second, Martina drew
on her symbolic resources as a mother to reframe the power relations
between herself and her co-workers. Thus, instead of conceding to
their power as legitimate speakers of English, she reframed their rela-
tionship as a domestic one in which, as children they had no authority
over her, as a parent. Consider the following extract taken from an
interview with Martina on March 17, 1991:

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 4. In restaurant was working a lot of children, but the children always
thought that I am-I don't know-maybe some broom or something.
They always said "Go and clean the living room." And I was washing
the dishes and they didn't do nothing. They talked to each other and
they thought that I had to do everything. And I said "No." The girl is
only 12 years old. She is younger than my son. I said "No, you are doing
nothing. You can go and clean the tables or something."

Martina's social identity was a site of struggle. By setting up a coun-

terdiscourse in her workplace and resisting the subject position immi-
grant woman in favor of the subject position mother, Martina claimed
the right to speak. It is precisely this ability to claim the right to speak
that I suggest should be an integral part of an expanded notion of
communicative competence.

Eva: Social Identity as Changing Over Time

Eva was born in Poland in 1967 and came to Canada as a refugee

in 1989 when she was 22 years old. She immigrated because she wanted
"economical advantage." Eva had finished high school and worked as
a bartender before she left Poland. She chose to come to Canada
because it is one of the few industrialized countries that enc
immigration. She came alone, with no family or friends, but di
one person in Newtown before she arrived. Before Eva came to Can-
ada, she spent 2 years in Italy where she became fluent in Italian. She
knew no English before she arrived in Canada.
When Eva arrived in Newtown, she found employment at what she
calls "The Italian store" which is situated in the heart of an established
Italian neighborhood in Newtown. Eva herself lived in this neighbor
hood, as do many recent immigrants to Newtown. Eva was given th
job at the Italian store because she was a fluent speaker of Italian. Ev
was happy at the Italian store but was concerned because she wanted
to learn English and had little opportunity to practice English while
working in this store. After she finished the ESL course in June 1990,
she began looking for another job in earnest, at a place where she
could become a more proficient speaker of English. She found employ-
ment at a restaurant in Newtown called Munchies, where she was the
only employee who could not speak English fluently. Eva was a full-
time employee whose main job was to clean the store and prepare the
food for cooking.
The conception of social identity as subject to change helps explain
the way Eva over time responded to and created opportunities to
practice English in her workplace. The central point I wish to make
here is that it was only over time that Eva's conception of herself as
an immigrant-an "illegitimate" speaker of English-changed to a

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conception of herself as a multicultural citizen with the power to
impose reception. When Eva first started working at Munchies, she
did not think it was appropriate for her to approach her co-workers
and attempt to engage them in conversation. As she said in an interview
on March 7, 1991,

5. When I see that I have to do everything and nobody cares about me

because-then how can I talk to them? I hear they doesn't care about
me and I don't feel to go and smile and talk to them.

Note that Eva does not complete a crucial part of her sentence.
"Nobody cares about me because-." The data suggest that nobody
acknowledged Eva because she had the subject position immigrant in
the workplace: As Eva put it, she was someone who was not fluent in
English; she was "not Canadian," she was "stupid," she had "the worst
type of work" in the store. To speak under such conditions would
have constituted what Bourdieu (1977) calls heretical usage (p. 672).
Eva accepted the subject position immigrant; she accepted that she was
not a legitimate speaker of English and that she could not command
reception of her interlocutors. As she herself said, when she first
arrived in Canada, she assumed that if people treated her with disre-
spect, it was because of her own limitations. She conceded to these
rules of use in her workplace, rules that Eva herself accepted described
as normal. As she said in an interview on January 23, 1991,

6. I think because when I didn't talk to them, and they didn't ask me, maybe
they think I'm just like-because I had to do the worst type of work
there. It's normal.

As Eva's sense of who she was, and how she related to the social
world began to change, she started to challenge her subject position
in the workplace as an ilFegitimate speaker of English. An extract from
an interview on January 23, 1991, indicates how Eva claimed spaces
in conversations with co-workers. Her purpose was to introduce her
own history and experiences into the workplace in the hope that her
symbolic resources would be validated. This surprised her co-workers.

7. (B refers to Bonny and E refers to Eva.)

B: You were saying Eva that you are starting to speak to other people?
The other people who work [at Munchies]?
E: Ya. Because before-
B: Is everybody there Canadian?
E: Ya. Because there everybody is Canadian and they would
each other, not to me-because-I always was like-they sent m
do something else. I felt bad. Now it's still the same but I h
something. I try to speak.
B: How are you doing that?

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 E: For example, we have a half-hour break. Sometimes-I try to speak.
For example, they talk about Canada, what they like here, the places
which they like-
B: Like to visit? Vacations?
E: Ya. Then I started to talk to them about how life is in Europe. Then
they started to ask me some questions. But it's still hard because I cannot
explain to them how things, like-
B: How do you actually find an opportunity in the conversation to say
something. Like, if they're talking to each other, do you stop them?
E: No.
B: You wait for a quiet--Then what do you say?
E: No. I don't wait for when they are completely quiet, but when it's the
moment I can say something about what they are talking about.
B: When you started doing that, were they surprised?
E: A little bit.

As Eva continued to develop what I have called an identity as a

multicultural citizen, she developed with it an awareness of her right
to speak. If people treated her with disrespect, it was their problem
and not her problem. Thus when, after a year's experience in the
workplace, a male customer said to her in February 1992,6 "Are you
putting on this accent so that you can get more tips?" Eva had been
angry, rather than ashamed; she had spoken out, rather than been
silenced. When she said to him, "I wish I did not have this accent
because then I would not have to listen to such comments," she was
claiming the right to speak as a multicultural citizen of Canada. Over
time, then, Eva's communicative competence developed to include
an awareness of how to challenge and transform social practices of
marginalization.

THE IMPLICATIONS: CLASSROOM-BASED

SOCIAL RESEARCH

Although it is beyond the scope of this article to offer a

analysis of ways in which my research might inform seco
teaching, I take in good faith Savignon's ( 1991) comment t
cative language teaching looks to further language acquisit
to inform its development. I have argued thus far that SL
have struggled to define the nature of language learning
have drawn artificial distinctions between the individu
learner and larger, frequently inequitable social structure
on Martina and Eva's data to argue that the individual lang
is not ahistorical and unidimensional but has a complex an

6Although the diary study was officially over by February 1992, I cont
contact with the participants.

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contradictory social identity, changing across time and space. I have
drawn on my data to argue that motivation is not a fixed personality trait
but must be understood with reference to social relations of power that
create the possibilities for language learners to speak. I have suggested
that even when learners have a high affective filter, it is their investment
in the target language that will lead them to speak. This investment,
in turn, must be understood in relation to the multiple, changing, and
contradictory identities of language learners.
An important implication of my study is that the second language
teacher needs to help language learners claim the right to speak outside
the classroom. To this end, the lived experiences and social identities
of language learners need to be incorporated into the formal second
language curriculum. The data indicates, however, that students' social
identities are complex, multiple, and subject to change. What kind of
pedagogy, then, might help learners claim the right to speak? Drawing
on insights from my research project in general and the diary study
in particular (see Peirce, 1994), as well as a wide range of classroom
research (e.g., Auerbach, 1989; Cummins, 1994; Heath, 1983, 1993;
Heller & Barker, 1988; Morgan, 1992; Stein & Janks, 1992; Stein &
Pierce, in press), I suggest that what I call classroom-based social research
might engage the social identities of students in ways that will improve
their language learning outside the classroom and help them claim
the right to speak. It may help students understand how opportunities
to speak are socially structured and how they might create possibilities
for social interaction with target language speakers. Furthermore, it
may help language teachers gain insight into the way their students'
progress in language learning intersects with their investments in the
target language.
I define classroom-based social research (CBSR) as collaborative re-
search that is carried out by language learners in their local communi-
ties with the active guidance and support of the language teacher. In
many ways, language learners become ethnographers in their local
communities. Like the students in Heath's (1983) study, learners will
develop their oral and literacy skills by collapsing the boundaries be-
tween their classrooms and their communities. Adult immigrants, how-
ever, differ from native-born students in that they do not have easy
access to the linguistic codes or cultural practices of their local commu-
nities. The emphasis on CBSR, therefore, is to focus precisely on these
aspects of social life, with a view to enhancing language learning and
social interaction. As will be discussed below, a crucial component of
CBSR is the use of the written word for reflection and analysis. As
Ngo (1994) has convincingly argued from her personal experience of
immigration, writing can build bridges not only across geographic
space but across historical time:

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 Through my writing I found myself again after a long time of being lost.
I learned who I was in the past, who I was then, and who I wanted to be
in the future. There I finally found freedom in writing. I flew in the sky
with my pencil and notebook.

CBSR might include the following objectives and methodologies.

Objective 1: Investigative Opportunities to Interact with

Target Language Speakers

Learners can be encouraged to investigate systematically what oppor-

tunities they have to interact with target language speakers, whether
in the home, the workplace, or the community. To this end, they might
make use of observation charts or logbooks.

Objective 2: Reflect Critically on Engagement with Target

Language Speakers

Learners can be encouraged to reflect critically on their engagement

with target language speakers. That is, learners might investigate the
conditions under which they interact with target language speakers;
how and why such interactions take place; and what results follow
from such interaction. This might help learners develop insight into
the way in which opportunities to speak are socially structured and
how social relations of power are implicated in the process of social
interaction. As a result, they may learn to transform social practices
of marginalization.

Objective 3: Reflect on Observations in Diaries

or Journals

Learners can be encouraged to reflect on their observations in diaries

or journals. This will create opportunities for learners to write about
issues in which they have a particular investment, and in so doing,
develop their talents as writers. Specifically, learners could use their
diaries to examine critically any communication breakdowns that may
have occurred with target language speakers. These diaries could be
written in the target language and collected regularly by the teacher.
The diaries might give the language teacher access to information
about the students' opportunities to practice the target language out-
side the classroom, their investments in the target language, and their
changing social identities. The teacher could help students critically
reflect on findings from their research and make suggestions for fur-
ther research, reflection, and action where necessary.

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 Objective 4: Pay Attention to and Record Unusual Events
Learners could be encouraged to pay particular attention to those
moments when an occurrence, action, or event, surprises them or
strikes them as unusual. By recording their surprises in the data collec-
tion process, the learners may become conscious of differences between
social practices in their native countries and those in the target language
community. Given the subject position student researcher rather than
language learner or immigrant, learners may be able to critically en-
gage their histories and their experiences from a position of strength
rather than a position of weakness. With this enhanced awareness,
learners may also be able to use the language teacher as an important
resource for further learning.

Objective 5: Compare Data with Fellow Students

and Researchers

Students could use the data they have collected as material for
language classrooms, to be compared with the findings of their
students and researchers. In comparing their data with other lea
the students will have an investment in the presentations tha
fellow students make and a meaningful exchange of informat
ensue. Students may begin to see one another as part of a social n
in which their symbolic resources can be produced, validated,
exchanged. The teacher may also be able to use this informati
structure classroom activities and develop classroom materials th
help learners claim the right to speak outside the classroom.
on Heath (1993), the teacher could make use of drama to help stu
develop confidence in interacting with target language speake
thermore, the teacher may be able to guide classroom discussion
a description of the findings of the research, to a considerat
what the research might indicate about broader social processes i
society. In this way, the teacher could help students interrogate
relationship to these larger social processes, understand how
of inadequacy are frequently socially constructed, and find sp
the enhancement of human possibility.
In sum, second language theorists, teachers, and students canno
for granted that those who speak regard those who listen as worthy to
and that those who listen regard those who speak as worthy to sp

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge and thank the participants in my study

allowed me to bring their personal insights into public debate. I

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to thank Roger Simon, Monica Heller, Jim Cummins, Barbara Burnaby, Sandra
Silberstein, Kathleen Troy, and two TESOL Quarterly reviewers for their diverse
contributions to my research and analysis. The research on which this article is
based was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada. This support is gratefully acknowledged.

THE AUTHOR

Bonny Norton Peirce is a postdoctoral fellow in the Modern L

Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, Canada. She is intereste
ship between social theory and language learning, teaching, an
tionally. Recent research has been accepted for publication in A
and the Harvard Educational Review.

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